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Title: The American Union Speaker
Author: Philbrick, John D. (John Dudley)
Language: English
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Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

*** Start of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "The American Union Speaker" ***

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        ENTERED ACCORDING TO ACT OF CONGRESS, IN THE YEAR 1865, BY

                            JOHN D. PHILBRICK,

                           IN THE CLERK'S OFFICE

          OF THE DISTRICT COURT OF THE DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS.

                           RIVERSIDE, CAMBRIDGE:

                        STEREOTYPED AND PRINTED BY

                        H. O. HOUGHTON AND COMPANY.


                                 PREFACE.

The design of this book is twofold,--to meet the present demand for new
selections suited to the spirit of the hour, and also to furnish a choice
collection of standard pieces for elocutionary exercises on which time has
set its lasting seal. In the execution of this design no pains have been
spared in selecting and preparing the best pieces, both new and old.

The extracts from recent productions, numbering about one hundred, by more
than fifty different authors, are now for the first time presented in a
Speaker. They are for the most part the eloquent utterances of our best
orators and poets, inspired by the present national crisis, and  are
therefore "all compact of the passing hour," breathing "the fine sweet
spirit of nationality,--the nationality of America." They give expression
to the emotions excited, the hopes inspired, and the duties imposed by this
stormy and perilous period. They afford brilliant illustrations of the
statesmanship of the crisis. Sumner exposes the origin and mainspring of
the rebellion, Douglass strips off its pretext, Everett paints its crime,
Boutwell boldly proclaims its remedy in emancipation, and Banks pronounces
a benediction on the first act of reconstruction on the solid basis of
freedom to all. They furnish also an epitome of the convict of arms. Bryant
utters the rallying cry to the people, Whittier responds in the united
voice of the North, Holmes sounds the grand charge, Pierpont gives the
command "Forward!" Longfellow and Boker immortalize the unconquerable
heroism of our braves on sea and land, and Andrew and Beecher speak in
tender accents the gratitude of loyal hearts to our fallen heroes.

These new pieces will for a time receive the preference over old ones, and
some of them will survive the period which called them forth. But to insure
for the work, if possible, a permanent value as a Standard Speaker for
students of common schools, higher seminaries and colleges, the greater
part of the selections, nearly three hundred in number, have been chosen
from those of acknowledged excellence, and of unquestionable merit as
exercises for recitation and declamation. This department comprises every
variety of style necessary in elocutionary culture.

Another important feature of the collection is the introduction of those
masterpieces of oratory--long excluded from books of this class, though now
rendered appropriate by the new phase of public opinion,which advocate the
inalienable rights of man, and denounce the crime of human bondage. Aware
of the deep and lasting power which pieces used for declamation exert in
moulding the ideas and opinions of the young, it has been my aim to admit
only such productions as inculcate the noblest and purest sentiments,
teaching patriotism, loyalty, and justice, and bring the youthful heart
with ambition to be useful, and with heroic devotion to duty.

The text of the extracts has been made to conform to that of the most
authentic editions of the works of their authors. Some pieces which have
heretofore been presented in a mutilated form, are here restored to their
original completeness. Where compression or abridgment has been necessary,
it has been executed with caution, and with strict regard to the sentiments
and ideas of the authors. Fully convinced that elaborate treatises on
elocution more appropriately form separate publications, nothing of the
kind has been included in this volume. A summary of practical suggestions
to teachers and students was thought to form a more useful introduction.
For the sake of artistic beauty in the page, as well as for the convenience
of the student, the notes and explanatory remarks necessary for the proper
understanding of the pieces, have been thrown together at the end of the
volume, and so arranged that reference to them can be easily made.

This work, the preparation of which has been a recreation rather than a
labor--an agreeable diversion from the daily routine of a laborious
office,--is the embodiment of the experience and observation of twenty-five
years, with reference to this description of literature. It originated in a
desire to contribute something to the furtherance of the right education of
the young men of my country, and the extent to which it promotes this
object, will in my estimation, be the measure of its success.

                                                      Boston, July 4, 1864.



                     INTRODUCTORY REMARKS ON DECLAMATION.

It is not my purpose to present here a theory of elocution, or a systematic
treatise on the art of speaking. My object will be accomplished if I
succeed in furnishing a summary of practical suggestions and hints on the
subject of declamation which shall prove useful both to student and to such
teachers as have not made the study of elocution a specialty.

That a correct and impressive elocution is a desirable attainment, few will
venture to deny. In my judgment it is the crowning grace of a liberal
education. To the highest success in those professions which involve public
speaking, it is, of course, indispensable. No person, whatever is to be his
destination in life, who aspires to a respectable education and to mingle
in good society, can afford to dispense with this accomplishment. If a
young man means to succeed in life and attain distinction and influence, he
should spare no pains in the cultivation of the faculty of speech. The
culture of his vocal organs should keep pace with the culture of his mental
powers. While acquiring a knowledge of literature and science, he should
also form the habit of speaking his vernacular with propriety, grace, ease,
and elegance, sparing no effort to acquire what has been aptly called "the
music of the phrase; that clear, flowing, and decided sound of the whole
sentence, which embraces both tone and accent, and which is only to be
learned from the precept and example of an accomplished teacher."

As a means of acquiring an appropriate, effective, and graceful elocution
for the purposes of conversation, reading, and public speaking, the
exercise of declamation, when properly conducted, cannot be too highly
valued. It must be confessed, however that the practice of declaiming as
managed in some institutions, is comparatively useless, if not positively
injurious. Hence arises the prejudice against it which exists in some
quarters. And it is not surprising that the results of declamation should
be unsatisfactory, considering the defective methods of conducting it,
which are still prevalent in not a few places. What can be expected of
declamation which consists in repeating on the stage a few
pieces,--injudiciously selected and imperfectly committed,--without
previous or accompanying vocal training? The remarks of Dr. Rush, on this
topic, though made more than a quarter of a century ago, are still to some
extent applicable. "Go to some, may I say all, of our colleges and
universities, and observe how the art of speaking is not taught. See a boy
of but fifteen treats sent upon the stage, pale and choking with
apprehension, in an attempt to do that, without instruction, which he came
purposely to learn; and furnishing amusement to his classmates, by a
pardonable awkwardness, which should be punished in the person of his
pretending but neglectful preceptor with little less than scourging. Then
visit a conservatory of music; observe there the orderly tasks, the
masterly discipline, the unwearied superintendence and the incessant toil
to produce accomplishment of voice; and afterward do not be surprised that
the pulpit, the senate, the bar, and the chair of the medical professorship
are filled with such abominable drawlers, mouthers, mumblers, clutterers,
squeakers, chanters, and mongers in monotony; nor that the schools of
singing are constantly sending abroad those great instances of vocal
wonder, who draw forth the  intelligent curiosity and produce the crowning
delight and approbation of the prince and the sage."

This eminent writer's great work on the Philosophy of the Human Voice has
done much to correct the evil which he so graphically described. There are
now some schools and colleges to be found in which elocution is taught with
much skill and success. Among the disciples of Dr. Rush who have most
successfully cultivated the art of elocution in America, the foremost place
belongs to Professor William Russell, whose valuable and protracted labors
in this department of education, both as an author and a practical
instructor, merit the highest commendation.

As the first of my recommendations, I would, at the outset, strenuously
insist on the importance of systematic vocal culture, which implies the
training of the ear to perceive the various qualities and modifications of
vocal expression, and the training of the voice to produce them. All the
different functions of the voice employed in speech should be analytically
exemplified by the teacher, and practised by the pupil, in the reading or
recitation of short passages in which they are well illustrated, such as
may be found in any good manual of elocution. This kind of teaching is to
elocution what practice upon the scale is to music, and what the practice
of the eye upon the harmony and contrast of colors is to painting.

This course of training naturally divides itself into two
departments:--first that which is mechanical; and, secondly, that which
relates to the expression of thought and emotion.


                       I. THAT WHICH IS MECHANICAL.

BREATHING. The human voice is a musical instrument, an organ of exquisite
contrivance  and adaptation of parts. Breath being the material of its
sound, vocal training should begin with the function of breathing. Vigorous
respiration is as essential to good elocution as it is to good health. To
secure this it is necessary, in the first place, to attend to the posture,
taking care to give the utmost freedom, expansion, and capacity to the
chest, and then to exercise and develop all the muscles employed in
respiration, so that they may be habitually used with energy and power,
both in the inhalation and expulsion of the breath. Whenever the voice is
to be used in speaking, reading, singing, or animated conversation, the
pupil should be required to assume the proper position, and to bring into
exercise the whole muscular apparatus of the vocal organs, including the
muscles of the abdomen, of the back, of the ribs, and of the chest.
Elocutionary exercises, especially that of declamation, thus practised with
a due regard to the function of breathing, become highly beneficial in a
hygienic point of view, imparting health and vigor to the whole physical
system. The want of this kind of training is the cause of much of the
bronchial disease with which clergymen and other public speakers are
afflicted. In the excellent work on Elocution, by Russell and Murdock, the
following exercises in breathing are prescribed and explained:--"Attitude
of the body and position of the organs; deep breathing; diffusive or
tranquil breathing; expulsive or forcible breathing; explosive or abrupt
breathing; sighing; sobbing; gasping; and panting."

Experience has proved that the respiratory organs are susceptible of a high
degree of development, and it is well known that the strength of the voice
depends on the capacity, health, and action of those organs. It is
therefore of paramount importance that elocutionary culture should be based
on the mechanical function of respiration. And while the elocutionist
trains his pupils in such breathing exercises as are above named, he is at
the same time giving the very best part of physical education; for the
amount of vital power, as well as the amount of vocal power, depends upon
the health and vigor of the respiratory process. Few are aware how much may
be effected by these exercises, judiciously practiced, in those
constitutions where the chest is narrow, indicating a tendency to pulmonary
disease. In all such cases, regularly repeated deep inspirations are of the
highest value. It should be observed that these exercises are best
performed in the open air, or, at least, in a well-ventilated room, the
windows being open for the time. But no directions however wise or minute,
can supersede the necessity of a competent teacher in this branch of
physical and vocal training, and I cannot dismiss this topic without
expressing my high appreciation of the value of the labors of that great
master of the science of vocal culture, Prof. Lewis B. Monroe, of Boston,
who is probably unsurpassed in this, or any other country, as a practical
teacher of the mechanism and physiology of speech. Already the benefit of
his instruction in this department of education is widely felt, and I omit
no opportunity to advise teachers to avail themselves of a longer or
shorter course of his admirable training. For if there is any
accomplishment which a teacher should be unwilling to forego, it is that,
of skill in elocution.

ARTICULATION. A good articulation consists in giving to each letter its
appropriate sound, and to each syllable and word an accurate, forcible, and
distinct utterance, according to an approved standard of pronunciation.

This is what constitutes the basis of all good delivery. It has been well
said that good articulation is to the ear what a fair hand or a clear type
is to the eye. Austin's often-quoted description of a good articulation
must not be omitted here. "In just articulation, the words are not to be
hurried over, nor precipitated syllable over syllable; nor as it were
melted together into a mass of confusion. They should be neither abridged
nor prolonged, nor swallowed, nor forced; they should not be trailed, nor
drawled, nor let to slip out carelessly, so as to drop unfinished. They are
to be delivered out from the lips as beautiful coins newly issued from the
mint, deeply and accurately impressed, perfectly finished, neatly struck by
the proper organs, distinct, in due succession, and of due weight." Good
articulation is not only necessary to the speaker, as a condition of being
heard and understood, but it is a positive beauty of delivery, for the
elementary sounds of speech, when properly uttered, are in themselves both
agreeable and impressive. For the attainment of this desirable
accomplishment, three classes of exercises are necessary. 1. Upon the
separate elementary sounds of the language, both vowels and consonants; 2.
Upon their various combinations, both such as constitute syllables and such
as do not, and especially the more difficult combinations of consonants;
and, 3. Upon words; spelling them by sounds, that is, uttering the
elementary sounds separately, and then the whole word.

Respecting these exercises, Dr. Rush observes:--"When the elements are
pronounced singly, they may receive a concentration of organic effort,
which gives them a clearness of sound, and a definiteness of outline, if I
may so speak, at their extremes, that make a fine preparation for a
distinct and forcible pronunciation of the compounds of speech." By
elementary sounds is here meant the forty-two sounds of the language which
are represented by the twenty-six letters of the alphabet. They are
represented in the following

                        TABLE OF ELEMENTARY SOUNDS.

                                  VOWELS.

                  1. e, eve.   7. a, arm.    13. o, move.
                  2. i, in.    8. a, all.    14. u, full.
                  3. a, ale.   9, o, on.     15. u, tune.
                  4. e, end.   10. e, err.   16. i, isle.
                  5. a, air.   11. o, own.   17. oi, oil.
                  6. a, and.   12. u, un.    18. ou, our.

                                CONSONANTS.

                 1. p, rope.    9. th, bath.     17. ch, etch.
                 2. b, robe.    10. th, bath.    18. dg,(j) edge.
                 3. f, safe.    11. s, buss.     19. sh, rash.
                 4. v, save.    12. z, buzz.     20. g,(zh) rouge.
                 5. m, seem.    13. l, feel.     21. k, rack.
                 6. w, way.     14. r, fear.     22. g, rag.
                 7. t, feet.    15. n, seen.     23. ng, sing.
                 8. d, feed.    16. y, yea.      24. h, hay.

Pronounce the word eve, for example, slowly and distinctly, observing the
sounds which compose the word, and the movements of the organs in producing
them. Then enunciate singly the sound which the letter standing on the left
has in the word. When a distinct idea of each sound has been acquired, the
practice on the separate elements may be continued without pronouncing the
words. I have heard these sounds given with distinctness by children five
or six years of age. Indeed they should always be taught with the alphabet.

The next step in articulation proceeds with the combinations of the
elementary sounds. The most common combinations of consonantal sounds in
pairs are those represented in the following

                       TABLE OF COMBINED CONSONANTS.

               pl     lf     zm     zn     kr     vd     rth
               bl     lv     mp     ln     pr     zd     nth
               fl     lt     mf     rn     rp     gd     thz
               vl     ld     mt     nt     rb     bz     thr
               tl     ls     md     nd     rf     vz     thn
               dl     lz     mz     ns     rv     dz     lch
               sl     lk     pn     nz     rt     gz     rch
               zl     lg     fn     pr     rd     nk     nch
               kl     lm     vn     br     rz     ks     ndg(j)
               gl     ln     tn     fr     rk     kt     shr
               lp     rm     dn     tr     rg     st     ndg
               lb     sm     sn     dr     bd     sp     ndz

When the simpler combinations have become familiar, the more difficult,
consisting of three or four consonants, should be practised upon. Finally,
words should be pronounced simply as words, giving attention solely to the
articulation. Not that the first steps are expected to be perfect before
the succeeding ones are attempted, but that attention should be given to
only one thing at a time, a grand maxim in education, when rightly
understood. These exercises should be commenced with the first steps in
reading, and continued until the articulation is perfected, and the student
has acquired facility as well as precision, grace as well as force, and
distinctness and ease have been united and permanently secured.

I would not be understood to affirm that the mode here pointed out is the
only one by which a good articulation can be acquired. If a child is
brought up among persons whose articulation is good, and if, from the
earliest years, he is trained to speak with deliberation and distinctness,
he will in most cases have a good articulation for conversational purposes,
without special drilling on the elements.

    II. THAT WHICH RELATES TO THE EXPRESSION OF THOUGHTS AND FEELINGS,
           INCLUDING THE QUALITIES AND MANAGEMENT OF THE VOICE.

This branch of vocal gymnastics comprises, first the appropriate discipline
of the voice for its formation and development, by strengthening it, by
extending its compass, and by improving its quality so as to render it
full, sonorous, and agreeable; and, secondly, the training of the voice in
those modifications which are used in the expressions of thought and
feeling, including all that variety of management which appears in the
delivery of a good speaker.

STRENGTH. To secure the requisite strength of voice should be our first aim
in a course of vocal culture. So important was this element of elocutionary
training considered by the Athenians, that they had a class of teachers who
were wholly devoted to it as a specialty. The zeal and perseverance of
Demosthenes in correcting the natural deficiencies of his voice, have
passed into a proverb. How he was accustomed to run up the steepest hills,
and to declaim on the sea-shore, when the waves were violently agitated, in
order to acquire strength of voice and force of utterance is known to every
school-boy.

If strength of voice is of paramount importance to the speaker, it is also
an element which is very susceptible of cultivation. Professor Russell
says,--"The fact is familiar to instructors in elocution, that persons
commencing practice [in vocal gymnastics] with a very weak and inadequate
voice, attain, in a few weeks, a perfect command of the utmost degrees of
force." As has already been intimated, the strength of the voice depends
directly upon the condition and use of the respiratory organs, including
the larynx, and indirectly upon the general health and vigor of the whole
physical system. The volume of breath which can be inhaled, and the force
with which it can be expelled determine the degree of energy with which
vocal sounds are uttered. This fact affords a clear indication of the
proper mode of developing the strength of the voice. It is evident that the
exercises which have for their object the strengthening of the voice,
should also be adapted to develop and perfect the process of breathing. The
student should be frequently trained in set exercises in loud exclamations,
pronouncing with great force the separate vowel sounds, single words, and
whole sentences, and at the same time taking care to bring into vigorous
action, all the muscular apparatus of respiration. Shouting, calling, and
loud vociferation, in the open air, both while standing, and while walking
or running, are, with due caution, effective means of acquiring vigor of
utterance. Children when at play are instinctively given to vociferation,
which should be permitted, whenever practicable. One of the most remarkable
examples of the extent to which the power of voice may be developed, is
that of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, the celebrated itinerant preacher. Having
listened to his preaching in the open air, in Philadelphia, on a certain
occasion, Dr. Franklin found by computation, that he might well be heard by
more than thirty thousand auditors. It is said that the habit of speaking
gave to the utterance of Garrick so wonderful an energy, that even his
under-key was distinctly audible to ten thousand people. Dr. Porter sums up
this matter thus :--"The public speaker needs a powerful voice; the
quantity of voice which he can employ, at least can employ with safety,
depends on his strength of lungs; and this again depends on a sound state
of general health. If he neglects this, all other precautions will be
useless."

COMPASS. When a person is engaged in earnest conversation, his voice
spontaneously adopts a certain key or pitch. This is called the natural or
middle key, and it varies in different persons. Pitt's voice, it is said,
was a full tenor, and Fox's a treble. When a speaker is incapable of loud
and forcible utterance on both high and low notes, his voice is said to be
wanting in compass. Webster's voice was remarkable for the extent of its
compass, ranging with the utmost ease, from the highest to the lowest
notes, required by a spirited and diversified delivery; and such was said
to be the versatility of Whitefield's vocal power, that he could imitate
the tones of a female, or the infant voice, at one time, and at another,
strike his hearers with awe, by the thunder of his under-key.

The want of compass is more frequently the result of bad habits of speaking
and imperfect training than of incapacity of the vocal organs. Mr. Murdock,
the well-known actor and elocutionist, tells us that, by appropriate vocal
training, he gained, within the space of some months, to such an extent, in
power and depth of voice, as to add to its previous range a full octave;
and this improvement was made at a period after he supposed himself nearly
broken down in health and voice, by over-exertion on the stage.

A command of the low notes is essential to the fullest effect of impressive
eloquence. The strongest and deepest emotions can be expressed only by a
full, deep-toned utterance. Speaking on one key, with only slight
variations, either above or below it, is perhaps the most common, and, at
the same time, the most injurious fault both of declaimers and of public
speakers.

As a means of acquiring compass of voice, the student should pronounce with
great force the vowel sounds on both the highest and lowest notes he can
reach. This elementary drill should be followed by practice in reading and
declaiming selections requiring the extreme notes of the compass. For
practice on the low notes, passages should be selected expressing deep
solemnity, awe, horror, melancholy, or deep grief. The following fine
simile affords an excellent example for practice on the low notes:--

             "So when an angel, by divine command,
             With rising tempests shakes a guilty land,
             Such as of late o'er pale Brittania passed,
             Calm and serene he drives the furious blast;
             And, pleased th' Almighty's orders to perform,
             Rides in the whirlwind and directs the storm."

The development of the top of the voice requires practice upon passages
expressing brisk, gay, and joyous emotions, and the extremes of pain, fear,
and grief. The following examples may serve as illustrations:

             Last came Joy's ecstatic trial:
             He, with viny crown advancing,
             First to the lively pipe his hand addressed:
             But soon he saw the brisk, awakening viol,
             Whose sweet entrancing voice he loved the best.
             They would have thought, who heard the strain,
             They saw, in Tempé's vale, her native maids,
             Amidst the festal-sounding shades,
             To some unlearned minstrel dancing;
             While, as his flying fingers kissed the strings,
             Love framed with Mirth a gay fantastic round.
             Strike--till the last armed foe expires;
             Strike--for your altars and your fires;
             Strike--for the green graves of your sires,--
             God.--and your native land!

QUALITY. A voice may possess the properties we have considered, strength
and compass, and yet be very far from perfection. It may be neither loud,
nor round, nor clear, nor full, nor sweet. While on the other hand, it may
be hollow, or aspirated, or guttural, or nasal, or possibly it may be
afflicted with a combination of these faults. As one of the most important
conditions of success in the cultivation of the voice, it is necessary that
the student should acquire a distinct conception of the qualities and
characteristics of a good voice, as a standard, a beau-ideal, which he may
strive to reach. This must be derived mainly from the illustrations of the
teacher, or from listening to the speaking of an accomplished orator. No
mere description is adequate to convey it to the learner without the aid of
the living voice. And yet, such a quaint and charming description of both
the negative and positive qualities of a good voice, as the following, from
a colloquy between Professor Wilson and the Ettrick Shepherd, is worth
studying:--

NORTH. (Professor Wilson)

     "James, I love to hear your voice. An Esquimaux would feel
     himself getting civilized under it for there's sense in the very
     sound. A man's character speaks in his voice, even more than in
     his words. These he may utter by rote, but his 'voice is the man
     for a' that,' and betrays or divulges his peculiar nature. Do you
     like my voice, James? I hope you do."


Shepherd. (James Hogg.)

     "I wad ha'e kent it, Mr. North, on the tower o' Babel, on the day
     o' the great hubbub. I think Socrates maun ha'e had just sic a
     voice--ye canna weel ca 't sweet, for it is ower intellectual for
     that--ye canna ca 't saft, for even in its aigh notes there's a
     sort o' birr, a sort o' dirl that betokens power--ye canna ca 't
     hairsh, for angry as ye may be at times, it's aye in tune frae
     the fineness o' your ear for music--ye canna ca 't sherp, for
     it's aye sae nat'ral--and flett it cud never be, gin you were
     even gi'en ower by the doctors. It's maist the only voice I ever
     heard, that I can say is at ance persuawsive and commanding--you
     micht fear 't, but you maun love 't; and there's no a voice in
     all his Majesty's dominions, better framed by nature to hold
     communion with friend or foe."

The quality of voice to which I would here call special attention is called
pure tone, which in its perfection, accompanied with strength and compass,
comprises nearly all the requisites of a good voice. "True utterance and
pure tone," says Professor Russell, "employ the whole apparatus of voice,
in one consentaneous act, combining in one perfect sphere of sound, if it
may be so expressed, the depth of effect produced by the resonance of the
chest, the force and firmness imparted by the due compression of the
throat, the clear, ringing property, caused by the due proportion of nasal
effect, and the softening and sweetening influence of the head and mouth."


The orotund quality which is so effective in impassioned utterance, and in
the expression of deep, forcible, and sublime emotions, is nothing more
than pure tone increased in extent of volume, and in intensity of force.
This modification of pure tone is very full, very rounds very smooth, and
very highly resonant or ringing. It is what Dr. Rush regarded as the
highest perfection of speech-voice, and as the natural language of the
highest species of emotion. Volume and energy are its distinguishing
characteristics. The piece from Webster on page 160, is a good illustration
of its use.

In cultivating purity of tone, it is necessary, in the first place, to
ascertain the elements of impurity, and their causes and remedies. To this
negative process must be added the positive, namely--attention to the due
and proportionate development of all the vocal organs. Depth is increased
by the expansion of the pharynx; roundness and volume are promoted by the
enlargement of the oral cavity, especially its back part; and smoothness is
the result of the free vibration of the vocal chords, while resonance is
produced by the proper expansion of the chest.

MODULATION. This has reference, not to the qualities of the voice itself,
but to its management in delivery. It includes those modifications and
variations which are requisite for the expression of thoughts and feelings,
and are therefore denominated by some elocutionists, the elements of
expression, in distinction from the elements of utterance, which we have
already considered under the preceding heads. The principal expressive
modifications of the voice, are pitch, force, rate, pause, and infection.
The voice should be exercised on these elements separately, till each can
be produced in all its varieties and degrees. The middle pitch, or
key-note, is that of common discourse, but by practice it may be rendered
effective in public speaking. Neglect to cultivate and develop the power of
speaking on this key, often leads speakers to adopt the high, shouting
note, which is heard so commonly, and with so much disapprobation, at
exhibitions of declamation. Every one can speak on a high key, although
without training few can do it pleasingly; but command over the low notes
of the voice is a rare accomplishment, and an unequivocal characteristic of
the finished speaker. It is well to pay some attention to the very high and
very low notes, not so much for their own utility in public speaking as for
the purpose of giving strength and firmness to the notes which are
intermediate between the natural pitch and either extreme, and which are
designated as simply high and low, without any qualifying term. After
accustoming the ear and voice to the different notes, the student should
learn to make sudden transitions from one key to another.

FORCE. The principal degrees of force requiring attention, are three: the
moderate, the declamatory, and the impassioned. The degrees lower than
moderate are, the suppressed and the subdued; and those higher than
impassioned are, shouting and calling. But these are not very important in
practical delivery.

RATE has reference to the kinds of movement in delivery, including the
rapid, the moderate, and the slow. Mrs. Siddon's primary rule for good
reading was, "Take Time." Excessive rapidity of utterance is, undoubtedly,
a very prevalent fault, both in speaking and in conversation. Deliberate
speech is usually a characteristic of culture and good-breeding. This
excellence is greatly promoted by giving due quantity, or prolongation of
sound, to the vowels.

PAUSES. Besides the pauses required by the syntactical structure of the
sentence, and denoted by grammatical punctuation, there are the pauses of
passion, and the pauses at the termination of the clusters into which words
are grouped in good speaking.

The pauses of emotion occur in impassioned delivery. They usually consist
in lengthening the stops indicated by the punctuation marks, especially
those of the points of exclamation and interrogation, and the dash. Pauses
of this description constitute one of the most importent of the elements of
emphatic expression, and yet they are, by many speakers, altogether
neglected, or so abridged as to destroy their effect. The young student is
particularly apt to disregard them.

The pauses which mark the grouping of words according to the sense, and
afford rests for taking breath, should generally be introduced before the
nominative, if it consists of several words, or if it is one important
word; before and after an intermediate clause; before the relative; before
and after clauses introduced by prepositions; before conjunctions; and
before the infinitive mood, if any words intervene betwixt it and the word
governing it.

INFLECTIONS. The two chief inflections or slides are the raising and the
falling. The voice, when properly managed, usually rises or falls on each
emphatic syllable. These upward and downward movements of the voice are
what we mean by inflections. The student should practice on them till he
can inflect with ease and in a full sonorous voice. Persons who are
deficient in tune do not readily perceive the difference between the rising
slide and loudness of voice, or the falling and softness. It is a very
useful exercise to pronounce the long vowel sounds giving to each first the
rising then the falling slide. The prolongation of these sounds is most
profitably connected with the slides, the voice being thus strengthened in
its whole range of compass, and, at the same time, accustomed to utter the
musical sounds of speech with due quantity. In inflecting the vowels, the
voice, in order to rise, begins low; and, in order to fall, it begins high.

The rising and falling slides combined form the circumflex, or wave, which
is a very impressive and significant modification of the voice. It is
chiefly used in sarcasm, raillery, irony, wit, and humor. It well deserves
careful study and practice.

THE MONOTONE, is the repetition of nearly the same tone on successive
syllables, resembling the repeated strokes of the bell. This element
belongs to very grave delivery, especially where emotions of awe,
sublimity, grandeur, and vastness are expressed, and is peculiarly adapted
to devotional exercises. The following example well illustrates its use:

     "He bowed the heavens also, and came down; and darkness was under
     his feet,--And he rode upon a cherub and did fly; yea, he did
     fly upon the wings of the wind. He made darkness his secret
     place; his pavilion round about him were dark waters and thick
     clouds of the skies."

In practical delivery, the elements of expression are never used
independently of each other, two or three being always combined, even in
the utterance of the shortest passage. The perfection of vocal training,
therefore, requires a command, not merely of each individual modification
of the voice, but of all their numerous combinations. The following example
requires the union of declamatory force, low pitch, slow rate, monotone,
and orotund quality:--

               "High on a throne of royal state, which far
               Outshone the wealth of Ormus. and of Ind,
               Or where the gorgeous East with richest hand,
               Showers on her kings barbaric pearl and gold,
               Satan exalted sat."

What has been said thus far, relates wholly to preparatory training  in the
elements of elocution. I have dwelt upon this theoretical department of my
subject, because of its transcendent importance. But I do not mean to
imply, in anything that has been presented, that the pupil should be
confined exclusively to this disciplinary drill, for a long period, without
attempting practical exercises in reading and declamation. On the contrary,
I would recommend that this practice on the vocal and expressive elements
be carried forward together with practice in speaking pieces. Exercises in
vocal gymnastics, such as I have now indicated, should be commenced with
the first stages of education, and continued, with gradations adapted to
the age and progress of the pupil, through the whole course of instruction,
whether longer or shorter. The value of thorough elementary training is
well illustrated by the following anecdote respecting the education of the
ear and the singing voice:--

     "Porpora, one of the most illustrious masters of Italy, having
     conceived a friendship for a young pupil, exacted from him the
     promise that he would persevere with constancy in the course
     which he should mark out for him. The master then noted upon a
     single page of ruled paper, the diatonic and chromatic scales,
     ascending and descending; the intervals of third, fourth, fifth,
     &c. This eternal page occupied master and pupil until the sixth
     year, when the master added some lessons in articulation and
     declamation. At the end of this year, the pupil, who still
     supposed himself in the elements, was much surprised when Porpora
     said to him, 'Go, my son, you have nothing more to learn; you are
     the first singer of Italy, and of the world.' The master had
     spoken the truth, for this singer was Caffarelli, the greatest
     singer of the eighteenth century."


                                EXPRESSION

This term is used here, not in its limited and technical meaning, but in
its largest sense, as a convenient one to denote the practical application
of the principles of vocal culture which I have recommended. We will
suppose the student to be thoroughly trained in enunciation, that his
utterance is distinct and his pronunciation is correct, and that his voice
is fully developed and well modulated. The question now arises, How is he
to be guided in the right use of his powers of speech in the delivery of a
given piece? On this point there is a wide difference of opinion among
writers on elocution. On the one hand there are those who contend that, in
the delivery of every sentence, the application of emphasis, pause, pitch,
inflection, &c., should be governed by definite rules. In accordance with
this theory, they have formed complex systems of elocutionary rules, for
the guidance of pupils in reading aloud and in declamation. On the other
hand, there are authorities of eminence, who regard all specific rules for
the management of the voice in speaking as not merely useless, but
positively injurious. Most prominent among the latter class is Archbishop
Whately who, in speaking of the method of teaching expressive delivery by
rules, says:--"Such a plan not only directs us into a circuitous and
difficult path, towards an object which may be reached by a shorter and
straighter, but also in most instances completely fails of that very
object, and even produces oftener than not, effects the very reverse of
what was designed." Reprobating very emphatically all systematic attention
to elocution as an art, this eminent author advocates what he calls the
natural manner of speaking, for the attainment of which he prescribes the
rule, "not only to pay no studied attention to the voice, but studiously to
withdraw the thoughts from it, and to dwell as intently as possible on the
sense, trusting to nature to suggest spontaneously the proper emphasis and
tones."

The true course seems to me to lie midway between these two opposite
extremes. While it is useless to attempt to reduce to exact system all the
modifications of voice to be employed in the delivery of both plain and
allegorical language, still there are many important elocutionary rules and
principles which are eminently useful for the guidance of the student.
Because Walker fell into the error of attempting to carry his principles
too far, and perplexed the student with an endless list of rules, it does
not follow that all rules should be disregarded. His rules for inflections
are, no doubt, too complex and artificial for ordinary instruction in
elocution, but those found in the works of Dr. Porter and Professor Russell
are calculated to afford important aid; and Professor Mark Bailey, in his
Introduction to "Hillard's Sixth Reader," has still further simplified the
subject. The following principles which he lays down for regulating the
inflections are at once comprehensive and practical.

"The 'rising' and 'falling' slides separate the great mass of ideas into
two distinct classes; the first comprising all the subordinate, or
incomplete, or, as we prefer to name them, the negative ideas; the second
comprising all the principal, or complete, or, as we call them, the
positive ideas.

"The most important parts of what is spoken or written, are those which
affirm something positively, such as the facts and truths asserted, the
principles, sentiments, and actions enjoined, with the illustrations, and
reasons, and appeals, which enforce them. All these may properly be grouped
into one class, because they all should have the same kind of slide in
reading. This class we call 'positive ideas.'

"So all the other ideas which do not affirm or enjoin anything positively,
which are circumstantial and incomplete, or in open contrast with the
positive, all these ideas may be properly grouped into another single
class because they all should have the same kind of slide. This class we
call 'negative ideas.'

"Positive ideas should have the falling slide; Negative ideas should have
the rising slide.

"All sincere and earnest, or, in other words, all upright and downright
ideas demand the straight, or upright and downright slides.

"All ideas which are not sincere or earnest, but are used in jest, or
irony, in ridicule, sarcasm, or mockery, in insinuation or double-meaning,
demand the crooked or circumflex slides."

These rules taken in connection with the accompanying brief but clear and
precise explanation of the meaning attached to the words positive and
negative, constitute the most admirable generalization that I have met with
in elocutionary works of more recent date than that of Dr. Rush. And,
indeed, Professor Bailey's whole treatment of that part of elocution now
under consideration, is the best illustration I can name of the middle
course which I recommend. Avoiding alike the ultra "artificial" system of
Walker and the ultra "natural" system of Whately, he combines in his
instruction the excellencies of both, without their faults. He is both
philosophical in his theory, and practical in its application. He attempts
only what is practicable. He insists on analysis, but his analysis is at
once simple and comprehensive. He classes the different kinds of
composition with respect to the emotions, as follows,--1. Unemotional; 2.
Bold; 3. Animated or joyous; 4. Subdued or pathetic; 5. Noble; 6. Grave; 7.
Ludicrous or sarcastic, 8. Impassioned,--and then indicates the
modifications of voice appropriate for each.

Now such a course of training based on such principles, especially if
pursued under a competent instructor, cannot fail to be highly beneficial.
Experience has proved it. Whately is evidently in error in wholly
proscribing attention to the voice in speaking. In learning to dance, the
pupil must pay attention to the motions of his limbs, but when practice has
made the movements familiar, his mind is withdrawn from them. They then
become natural. Just so will the student of elocution. In his disciplinary
exercises he must attend to his voice. He must become accustomed to the
correct application of tones and inflections in the delivery of passages
which illustrate them. But when he comes to practical delivery, then the
mind should be withdrawn from the manner of utterance, and concentrated
intensely upon the matter,--the thoughts and feelings to be expressed. In
private rehearsals, the management of the voice will be a very prominent
object of attention. Declamation is a sort of transition stage, or
intermediate exercise between private rehearsal and practical delivery at
the bar, in the pulpit, or on the platform, and will require more or less
attention to the voice, in proportion to the progress already made by the
pupil. Judicious practice will gradually carry him to that point where he
will wholly cease to think of his manner, and become entirely absorbed in
his subject. He then becomes natural. But even the most accomplished orator
must occasionally give some thought to his voice. When he rises to address
an audience in a new place he must consider the circumstances,--the
capacity of the apartment, the nature and temper of his auditors, &c., and
pitch his voice accordingly. In other words, the speaker must on all
occasions give a general attention to his voice,--sufficient, at least, to
adapt it to the requirements of the position in which he is placed,
modifying it in the progress of the discourse, as the necessity of the case
demands. If the matter of his discourse is very familiar, the skilful
speaker may greatly augment the effectiveness of his delivery by more
particular attention to the manner, while he will seem wholly absorbed in
the spirit and sense of what he utters.


                                 GESTURE.

The limited space allotted to this introduction will not permit a full
discussion of this topic, and I must content myself with presenting a few
general observations concerning it.

The little child, in the unconscious freedom of childhood, before his
actions and manners have been modified by the restraints of artificial
life, affords the best model of gesture. His instinct prompts him to that
visible expression of his thoughts and feelings

               "Which we are toiling all our lives to find."

And it may be assumed as a general fact that external expression, unless
repressed by habit or design, usually corresponds with internal emotion.
The great desideratum in gesture is to make the visible expression in
delivery harmonize with the audible, or, as Shakspeare has it, to "suit the
action to the word, and the word to the action."

Professor Russell, in his excellent analysis of this subject says, "The
true speaker must have a true manner; and of the five great attributes of
genuine expression in attitude and action, TRUTH stands first, followed by
FIRMNESS, FORCE, FREEDOM, and PROPRIETY. GRACE, which is sometimes added as
a sixth, is, in all true manly eloquence, but another name for the symmetry
which flows from appropriateness; and, in masculine expression, should
never be a distinct object of attention."

In order to speak well, the orator must be able to stand well, that is, he
should assume a firm but easy and graceful attitude, the weight of the body
resting principally on one foot. The distance between the feet should be
such as to give both firmness and freedom to the position One foot should
be in advance of the other, the toes being turned outward. The attitude
should vary with the thoughts and emotions expressed. Unemotional thoughts
require an attitude of repose, the body resting on the retired foot. Bold
and impassioned language requires the reverse of this. The body is thrown
forward, resting on the foot advanced. In turning from side to side, the
toes should be kept apart and the heels together.

The principal feature of bodily action consists in the proper use of the
hands. "Have not," says Quintilion, "our hand's the power of exciting, of
restraining, of beseeching, of testifying approbation, admiration, and
shame? Do they not, in pointing out places and persons, discharge the duty
of adverbs and pronouns? So amidst the great diversity of tongues-pervading
all nations and peoples, the language of the hands appears to be a language
common to all men." We stretch forth and clasp the hands when we
importunately entreat, sue, beseech, supplicate, or ask mercy. To put forth
the right hand spread open is the gesture of bounty, liberality, and a free
heart; and thus we reward, and bestow gifts. Placing with vehemence the
right fist in the left palm is a gesture commonly used to mock, chide,
insult, reproach, and rebuke. To beckon with the raised hand is a universal
sign of craving audience and entreating a favorable silence. To wave the
hand from us, the palm outward, is the gesture of repulsion, aversion,
dismissal. To shake the fist at one signifies anger and defiance and
threatening. The hands are clasped or wrung in deep sorrow, and
outstretched with the palms inward to indicate welcoming, approving, and
receiving. In shame, the hand is placed before the eyes; in earnestness and
ardor, the hands reach forward; in joy, they are thrown up, widely apart;
in exultation and triumph, the right hand is waved above the head.

"In the rhetorical actions of the hand, the happy medium ought to be
observed; for the action of the hand should be full of dignity and
magnanimous resolution, making it a liberal index of the mind." A French
writer admirably remarks that we should move the arms because we are
animated, but not try to appear animated by moving the arms.

The countenance, especially the eye, should be made to speak as well as the
tongue. It is said of Chatham, that such was the power of his eye, that he
very often cowed down an antagonist in the midst of his speech, and threw
him into confusion. It is through the eye, scarcely less than through the
tones of voice, that intercourse of soul is carried on between the speaker
and hearers. To secure this intercourse the speaker should let his soul
beam from his eye. Nor should he fail to look at his hearers, if he would
have his hearers look at him. Among the faults to be avoided in the
management of the eye, Dr. Porter notices particularly that unmeaning look
which the eye "bent on vacuity" has, resembling the inexpressive glare of
the glass eye of a wax figure; that indefinite sweep of the eye which
ranges from one side to the other of an assembly, resting nowhere; and
that tremulous, roving cast of the eye, and winking of the eyelid, which
is in direct contrast to an open, collected, manly expression of the face.

Among the faults of action to be noticed are:--1. Want of action; 2. Want
of expression of countenance; 3. A stiff, or a careless, attitude; 4. Want
of appropriateness; 5. Excess of motions of the hands and arms; 6. Too
great violence of action; 7. Too great complexity; 8. A mechanical
uniformity; 9. Tardiness, the action following the utterances when it
should accompany it, or slightly precede it.

It must not be supposed that it is necessary for the pupil to receive
training in a technical system of gesticulation before he commences his
exercises in declamation. If the student designs to qualify himself to be a
professor of elocution, he will need to study the laws of gesture in
"Austin's Chironomia," and be instructed in their application by a skillful
teacher. But this course is neither practicable nor necessary for the mass
of students. Instruction in this department should generally be of a
negative nature, and occupy itself mainly in the correction of faults. When
the pupil commences his exercises in declamation, the less said about
action the better. Freedom is the first thing to be secured, and, to attain
this end, few directions should be given and few criticisms be made, at the
outset. When the speaker has acquired some confidence, and freedom of
action, his faults may be gradually pointed out, and his attention called
to some general principles of gesture, such as have been presented
respecting the language of the hands. Pupils should be taught to observe
accurately the action of accomplished orators, not with the view to
imitating their peculiarities, but to learn their method of producing
effect by means of attitude and gesture.


                               DECLAMATION.

Declamation should be attended to in all grades of educational
institutions, from the primary school to the college, and every pupil
should be required to take his turn in the performance of the exercise. It
would be highly beneficial, if well taught. The reason why so many teachers
have no taste for it, is because they have not taken pains to qualify
themselves to teach it. Want of time is sometimes offered as an excuse for
neglecting it. But if a part of the time which is devoted to teaching
reading, were appropriately to declamation, the progress in reading itself
would be more rapid, to say nothing of other advantages which would result
from this course. I cannot too earnestly urge upon every teacher the
importance of qualifying himself for teaching well both reading and
declamation, There is no accomplishment which more effectively promotes the
success of the teacher than that of elocutionary culture,--a good voice
skillfully managed in conversation and in teaching. Without special
attention to the subject, teachers are apt to acquire certain
characteristic faults of voice, such as nasality, sharpness, harshness, and
thinness of tone, of which they are quite unconscious. Whereas, by constant
attention to the manner of using the voice, since they are in constant
practice, it might be perfected in its modulation. For want of culture in
the elocutionary art, many teachers are greatly deceived, thinking their
pupils read and declaim well when they do not.

In the management of declamation much care should be taken in the selection
of the pieces. It is best for the pupil, in the first place, after proper
advice, to exercise his own taste in the selection of his piece, which
should then be submitted to the teacher for approval. If the selection is
very appropriate, the pupil should be commended and told why the piece is
considered suitable. If the selection presented is not suitable, the pupil
should be informed on what ground it is objected to, so as to aid his
judgment in another attempt. If the pupil has made proper effort without
success, he should be assisted by the teacher. It is very important that
the selection should be suited to the capacity and progress of the pupil.
Beginners should take simple pieces, and not be allowed, as is sometimes
the case, to murder a passage from Paradise Lost, or Macbeth. Sometimes a
fault is committed on the part of the teacher, by permitting a pupil to
confine his selections to one favorite class. I have observed in certain
schools, that one particular boy would always appear in a comic piece,
another in a tragic, and so on. It would be better for the teacher to
require each pupil to speak a variety of pieces, so as to secure a more
general and comprehensive culture than would result from practice on a
single class of selections.

The choice of the piece should be determined upon a considerable period
previous to the day appointed for the public performance of the stage, so
as to afford ample time for preparation. The piece should be accurately
committed to memory, without the variation of a syllable. It should be made
familiar, so that in the delivery no effort will be required in recalling
it. The young pupil should be instructed in the best method of learning his
piece. It will generally be found best to take one sentence at a time. The
teacher's chief work consists in attending to individual private
rehearsals. The rehearsal should be a drill. The piece should be analyzed
more or less minutely, the allusions and difficult points being explained.
It should be the first aim to make the pupil understand it, not only in
its general spirit and scope, but in its particular ideas. His attention
should then be turned to the emotions which it expresses. Let it be
remembered that the paramount object should be to make the pupil
understand the meaning and feel the spirit of the piece. If he is timid
and diffident he should be encouraged. Tell him that even Daniel Webster
could not make a declamation at the first attempt; but that he did not
despair; he did not cease his efforts; he persevered and succeeded.

After the rehearsal, the pupil should have time to practice by himself and
apply and confirm the instruction received from his teacher. It must be
impressed upon his mind that if he would attain excellence he must
practice, practice, practice. He must be made to understand that the
repetition of a piece three or four times is no adequate preparation, and
that it is necessary to go over with it twenty, thirty, or fifty times, if
he would excel, and take a high rank.

When the declamation takes place, excepting on public occasions, the
criticisms ought to be made immediately after the performance of each
speaker. The faults of the diffident should be mildly criticized. It is
very important to call attention to points of special excellence in any
performance. It should be remembered that judicious commendation is a most
powerful stimulant to exertion.

The most difficult task in teaching declamation is to develop that
indescribable fervor, that unaffected earnestness of manner which always
captivates the hearers, and wins the highest marks at an exhibition for
prizes. There will always be one speaker in a school who excels all the
rest in this quality. The teacher should point out the peculiar excellence
of this speaker, and show wherein it differs from loudness of voice, and
violence of actions and affected passion. Let it be remembered that the
perfection of declamation consists in delivering the piece as though it
were real speaking. The speaker must "put himself in imagination, so
completely into the situation of him whom he personages, and adopt for the
moment, so perfectly, all the sentiments and views of that character, as to
express himself exactly as such a person would have done, in the supposed
situation." Give the speaker every other quality--let his enunciation, his
modulation of voice, and his action be faultless, and yet without
earnestness, real earnestness,--not the semblance of it, not boisterous
vociferation, not convulsive gesticulation, but genuine emotion felt in the
heart, carrying the conviction to the hearers that the sentiments uttered
are real, the spontaneous, irrepressible outpouring of the thought and
feeling of the speaker,--without this sovereign, crowning quality, he
cannot be said to speak with eloquence. To bring out and develop this
highest quality of delivery, requires the highest skill in the teacher.
Unless the teacher possesses some degree of this quality himself he cannot
develop it in his pupils.

The best immediate preparation for speaking is rest. I have often noticed
that speakers at exhibitions have in many cases failed to do themselves
justice from sheer exhaustion. A day or two of repose previous to speaking,
enables the speaker to bring to the performance that vigor of the faculties
which is indispensable to the highest success, Webster told the Senate, and
truly, no doubt, that he slept soundly on the night previous to the
delivery of his second speech on Foote's resolution, which is considered
his greatest parliamentary effort. It is well for the speaker to remember
what Mr. Everett said in allusion to this fact: "So the great Condé slept
on the eve of the battle of Rocroi, so Alexander slept on the eve of the
battle of Arbela, and so they awoke to deeds of immortal fame."

The best training cannot make good readers and good speakers of all pupils,
but it can do much. And it is a fact worthy of observation that those who
are most sceptical as to the possibilities of elocutionary culture, are
invariably those who are themselves unskillful teachers in this branch.



                                BOOK FIRST.

                            STANDARD SELECTIONS

                                    FOR

                        RECITATION AND DECLAMATION

                           IN PROSE AND POETRY.



                                BOOK FIRST.

                           STANDARD SELECTIONS.

                                   PROSE.


                    I. THE NOBLE PURPOSES OF ELOQUENCE.

If we consider the noble purposes to which Eloquence may be made
subservient, we at once perceive its prodigious import ance to the best
interests of mankind. The greatest masters of the art have concurred, upon
the greatest occasions of its display, in pronouncing that its estimation
depends on the virtuous and rational use made of it.

It is but reciting the common praises of the Art of Persuasion, to remind
you how sacred truths may be most ardently promulgated at the altar--the
cause of oppressed innocence be most woefully defended--the march of
wicked rulers be most triumphantly resisted--defiance the most terrible be
hurled at the oppressor's head. In great convulsions of public affairs, or
in bringing about salutary changes, every one confesses how important an
ally eloquence must be. But in peaceful times, when the progress of events
is slow and even as the silent and unheeded pace of time, and the jars of a
mighty tumult in foreign and domestic concerns can no longer be heard,
then, too, she flourishes--protectress of liberty--patroness of
improvement--guardian of all the blessings that can be showered upon the
mass of human kind;--nor is her form ever seen but on ground consecrated to
free institutions.

To me, calmly revolving these things, such pursuits seem far more noble
objects of ambition than any upon which the vulgar herd of busy men lavish
prodigal their restless exertions. To diffuse useful information, to
further intellectual refinement, sure forerunner of moral improvement,--to
hasten the coming of the bright day when the dawn of general knowledge
shall chase away the lazy, lingering class, even from the base of the great
social pyramid;--this indeed is a high calling, in which the most splendid
talents and consummate virtue may well press onward, eager to bear a part.
                                                             Lord Brougham.


                                    II.

                          ROLLA TO THE PERUVIANS.

My brave associates--partners of my toil, my feelings, and my fame! Can
Rolla's words add vigor to the virtuous energies which inspire your
hearts?--No! You have judged, as I have, the foulness of the crafty plea,
by which these bold invaders would delude you. Your generous spirit has
compared, as mine has, the motives which, in a war like this, can animate
their minds and ours.

They, by a strange frenzy driven, fight for power, for plunder, and
extended rule;--we, for our country, our altars, and our homes. They follow
an adventurer whom they fear, and obey a power which they hate;--we serve a
monarch whom we love,--a God whom we adore. Wherever they move in anger,
desolation tracks their progress. Wherever they pause in amity, affliction
mourns their friendship.

They boast they come but to improve our state, enlarge our thoughts, and
free us from the yoke of error! Yes;--they will give enlightened freedom to
our minds, who are themselves the slaves of passion, avarice, and pride.
They offer us their protection! Yes, such protections as vultures give to
lambs,--covering and devouring them! They call on us to barter all the good
we have inherited and proved, for the desperate chance of something better,
which they promise!

Be our plain answer this: The throne we honor is the People's choice,--the
laws we reverence are our brave fathers' legacy,--the faith we follow
teaches us to live in bonds of charity with all mankind, and die with hope
of bliss beyond the grave. Tell your invaders this; and tell them too, we
seek no change; and, least of all, such change as they would bring us!
                                                            R. B. Sheridan.


                                   III.

                    INVECTIVE AGAINST WARREN HASTINGS.

If, my Lords, a stranger had at this time gone into the province of Oude,
ignorant of what had happened since the death of Sujah Dowlah--that prince
who with a savage heart had still great lines of character, and who, with
all his ferocity in war, had, with a cultivating hand, preserved to his
country the wealth which it derived from benignant skies and a prolific
soil--if, ignorant of all that had happened in the short interval, and
observing the wide and general devastation of fields unclothed and brown;
of vegetation burned up and extinguished; of villages depopulated and in
ruins; of temples unroofed and perishing; of reservoirs broken down and
dry, this stranger should ask, "what has thus laid waste this beautiful and
opulent land; what monstrous madness has ravaged with wide-spread war; what
desolating foreign foe; what civil discords; what disputed succession;
what religious zeal; what fabled monster has stalked abroad, and, with
malice and mortal enmity to man, withered by the grasp of death every
growth of nature and humanity, all means of delight, and each original,
simple principle of bare existence?" the answer would have been, not one of
these causes! No wars have ravaged these lands and depopulated these
villages! No desolating foreign foe! No domestic broils! No disputed
succession! No religious super-serviceable zeal! No poisonous monster! No
affliction of Providence, which, while it scourged us, cut off the sources
of resuscitation! No! This damp of death is the mere effusion of British
amity! We sink under the pressure of their support! We writhe under their
perfidious gripe! They have embraced us with their protecting arms, and lo!
these are the fruits of their alliance!

What then, my Lords, shall we bear to be told that, under such
circumstances, the exasperated feelings of a whole people, thus spurred on
to clamor and resistance, were excited by the poor and feeble influence of
the Begums? After hearing the description given by an eye-witness of the
paroxysm of fever and delirium into which despair threw the natives when on
the banks of the polluted Ganges, panting for breath, they tore more widely
open the lips of their gaping wounds, to accelerate their dissolution; and
while their blood was issuing, presented their ghastly eyes to heaven,
breathing their last and fervent prayer that the dry earth might not be
suffered to drink their blood, but that it might rise up to the throne of
God, and rouse the eternal Providence to avenge the wrongs of their
country,--will it be said that all this was brought about by the
incantations of these Begums in their secluded Zenana; or that they could
inspire this enthusiasm and this despair into the breasts of a people who
felt no grievance, and had suffered no torture?

What motive, then, could have such influence in their bosom? What motive!
That which nature, the common parent, plants in the bosom of man; and
which, though it may be less active in the Indian than in the Englishman,
is still congenial with, and makes a part of his being. That feeling which
tells him that man was never made to be the property of man; but that, when
in the pride and insolence of power, one human creature dares to tyrannize
over another, it is a power usurped, and resistance is a duty. That
principle which tells him that resistance to power usurped is not merely a
duty which he owes to himself and to his neighbor, but a duty which he owes
to his God, in asserting and maintaining the rank which he gave him in his
creation--that God, who, where he gives the form of man, whatever may be
the complexion, gives also the feelings and the rights of man. That
principle which neither the rudeness of ignorance can stifle, nor the
enervation of refinement extinguish! That principle which makes it base for
a man to suffer when he ought to act; which, tending to preserve to the
species the original designations of Providence, spurns at the arrogant
distinctions of man, and indicates the independent quality of his race.
                                                            R. B. Sheridan.


                                    IV.

                        THE BIBLE THE BEST CLASSIC

The Bible is the only book which God has ever sent, and the only one he
ever will send into the world. All other books are frail and transient as
time, since they are only the registers of time; but the Bible is as
durable as eternity, for its pages contain the records of eternity. All
other books are weak and imperfect, like their author, man; but the Bible
is a transcript of infinite power and perfection. Every other volume is
limited in its usefulness and influence; but the Bible came forth
conquering and to conquer,--rejoicing as a giant to run his course,--and
like the sun, "there is nothing hid from the heat thereof." The Bible only,
of all the myriads of books the world has seen, is equally important and
interesting to all mankind. Its tidings, whether of peace or of woe, are
the same to the poor, the ignorant, and the weak as to the rich, the wise,
and the powerful.

Among the most remarkable of its attributes, is justice; for it looks with
impartial eyes on kings and on slaves, on the hero and the soldier, on
philosophers and peasants, on the eloquent and the dumb. From all, it
exacts the same obedience to its commandments: to the good, it promises the
fruits of his labors; to the evil, the reward of his hands. Nor are the
purity and holiness, the wisdom, benevolence, and truth of the Scriptures
less conspicuous than their justice. In sublimity and beauty, in the
descriptive and pathetic, in dignity and simplicity of narrative, in power
and comprehensiveness, in depth and variety of thought, in purity and
elevation of sentiment, the most enthusiastic admirers of the heathen
classics have conceded their inferiority to the Scriptures.

The Bible, indeed, is the only universal classic, the classic of all
mankind, of every age and country of time and eternity; more humble and
simple than the primer of a child, more grand and magnificent than the epic
and the oration, the ode and the dramas when genius, with his chariot of
fire, and his horses of ire, ascends in whirlwind into the heaven of his
own invention. It is the best classic the world has ever seen, the noblest
that has ever honored and dignified the language of mortals!

If you boast that the Aristotles and the Platos, and the Tullies of the
classic age, "dipped their pens in intellect," the sacred authors dipped
theirs in inspiration. If those were the "secretaries of nature," these
were the secretaries of the very Author of nature. If Greece and Rome have
gathered into their cabinet of curiosities the pearls of heathen poetry and
eloquence, the diamonds of pagan history and philosophy, God himself has
treasured up in the Scriptures, the poetry and eloquence, the philosophy
and history of sacred law-givers, of prophets and apostles, of saints,
evangelists, and martyrs. In vain you may seek for the pure and simple
light of universal truth in the Augustan ages of antiquity. In the Bible
only, is the poet's wish fulfilled,--
               "And like the sun be all one boundless eye."
                                                              T. S. Grimké.


                                    V.

                         WHAT WE OWE TO THE SWORD.

To the question, "What have the People ever gained but by Revolution?" I
answer, boldly, If by revolution be understood the law of the sword,
Liberty has lost far more than she ever gained by it. The sword was the
destroyer of the Lycian Confederacy and the Achæan League. The sword
alternately enslaved and disenthralled Thebes and Athens, Sparta, Syracuse,
and Corinth. The sword of Rome conquered every other free State, and
finished the murder of Liberty in the ancient world, by destroying herself.
What but the sword, in modern times, annihilated the Republics of Italy,
the Hanseatic Towns, and the primitive independence of Ireland, Wales, and
Scotland? What but the sword partitioned Poland, assassinated the rising
liberty of Spain, banished the Huguenots from France, and made Cromwell the
master, not the servant, of the People? And what but the sword of
Republican France destroyed the independence of half of Europe, deluged the
continent with tears, devoured its millions upon millions, and closed the
long catalogue of guilt, by founding and defending to the last, the most
powerful, selfish, and insatiable of military despotisms?

The sword, indeed, delivered Greece from the Persian invader, expelled the
Tarquins from Rome, emancipated Switzerland and Holland, restored the
Prince to his throne, and brought Charles to the scaffold. And the sword
redeemed the pledge of the Congress of '76 when they plighted to each other
"their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor." And yet, what would
the redemption of that pledge have availed towards the establishment of our
present government, if the spirit of American institutions had not been
both the birthright and the birth-blessing of the Colonies? The Indians,
the French, the Spaniards, and even England herself, warred in vain against
a people, born and bred in the household, at the domestic altar of Liberty
herself They had never been slaves, for they were born free. The sword was
a herald to proclaim their freedom, but it neither created nor preserved
it. A century and a half had already beheld them free in infancy, free in
youth, free in early manhood. Theirs was already the spirit of American
institutions; the spirit of Christian freedom of a temperate, regulated
freedom, of a rational civil obedience. For such a people the sword, the
law of violence, did and could do nothing but sever the bonds which bound
her colonial wards to their unnatural guardian. They redeemed their pledge,
sword in hand; but the sword left them as it found them, unchanged in
character, freemen in thought and in deed, instinct with the immortal
spirit of American institutions.
                                                               T. S Grimké.


                                    VI.

                  DUTY OF LITERARY MEN TO THEIR COUNTRY.

We cannot honor our country with too deep a reverence; we cannot love her
with an affection too pure and fervent; we cannot serve her with an energy
of purpose or a faithfulness of zeal too steadfast and ardent. And what is
our country? It is not the East, with her hills and her valleys, with her
countless sails and the rocky ramparts of her shores. It is not the North,
with her thousand villages, and her harvest-home, with her frontiers of the
lake and the ocean. It is not the West, with her forrest-sea and her
inland-isles, with her luxuriant expanses, clothed in the verdant corn,
with her beautiful Ohio and her majestic Missouri. Nor is it yet the South,
opulent in the mimic snow of the cotton, in the rich plantations of the
rustling cane, and in the golden robes of the rice-field. What are these
but the sister families of one greater, better, holier family,--our
country?

I come not here to speak the dialect, or to give the counsels of the
patriot-statesman. But I come, a patriot scholar, to vindicate the rights
and to plead for the interests of American Literature. And be assured, that
we cannot, as patriot-scholars, think too highly of that country, or
sacrifice too much for her. And let us never forget, let us rather remember
with a religious awe,--that the union of these States is indispensable to
our literature, as it is to our national independence and civil
liberties,--to our prosperity, happiness, and improvement.

If, indeed, we desire to behold a literature like that which has sculptured
with so much energy of expression, which has painted so faithfully and
vividly, the crimes, the vices, the follies of ancient and modern
Europe;--if we desire that our land should furnish for the orator and the
novelist, for the painter and the poet, age after age, the wild and
romantic scenery of war; the glittering march of armies, and the revelry of
the camp; the shrieks and blasphemies, and all the horrors of the
battle-field; the desolation of the harvest, and the burning cottage; the
storm, the sack, and the ruin of cities;--if we desire to unchain the
furious passions of jealousy and selfishness, of hatred, revenge, and
ambition, those lions that now sleep harmless in their den;--if we desire
that the lake, the river, the ocean, should blush with the blood of
brothers; that the winds should waft from the land to the sea, from the sea
to the land, the roar and the smoke of battle, that the very mountain-tops
should become altars for the sacrifice of brothers;--if we desire that
these, and such as these,--the elements, to an incredible extent, of the
literature of the Old World,--should be the elements of our literature;
then, but then only, let us hurl from its pedestal the majestic statue of
our Union, and scatter its fragments over all our land.

But, if we covet for our country the noblest, purest, loveliest literature
the world has ever seen,--such a literature as shall honor God, and bless
mankind,--a literature, whose smiles might play upon an angel's face, whose
tears "would not stain an angel's cheek,"--then let us cling to the Union
of these State's with a patriot's love, with a scholar's enthusiasm, with a
Christian's hope.

In her heavenly character, as a holocaust self-sacrificed to God; at the
height of her glory, as the ornament of a free, educated, peaceful
Christian people, American Literature will find that THE INTELLECTUAL
SPIRIT IS HER VERY TREE OF LIFE, AND THE UNION HER GARDEN OF PARADISE.
                                                              T. S. Grimké.


                                   VII.

                     AMERICA'S OBLIGATIONS TO ENGLAND.

The honorable member has asked--"And now will these Americans, children
planted by our care, nourished up by our indulgence and protected by our
arms,--will they grudge to attribute their mite?" They planted by your
care! No; your oppressions planted them in America! They fled from your
tyranny to a then uncultivated and inhospitable country, where they exposed
themselves to almost all the hardships to which human nature is liable;
and, among others, to the cruelties of a savage foe the most subtle, and I
will take upon me to say the most formidable, of any people upon the face
of the earth; and yet, actuated by principles of true English liberty our
American brethren met all the hardships with pleasure, compared with those
they steered in their own country from the hands of those that should have
been their friends.

They nourished by your indulgence! They grew by your neglect of them! As
soon as you began to care about them, that care was exercised in sending
persons to rule them, in one department and another, who were, perhaps, the
deputies of deputies to some members of this House, sent to spy out their
liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon them;--men whose
behavior, on many occasions, has caused the blood of those sons of liberty
to recoil within them; men promoted to the highest seats of justice,--some
who, to my knowledge, were glad by going to a foreign country, to escape
being brought to the bar of a court of justice in their own.

They protected by your arms! They have nobly taken up arms in your
defence;--have exerted a valor, amid their constant and laborious industry,
for the defence of a country whose frontier was drenched in blood, while
its interior parts yielded all its little savings to your emolument. And,
believe me,--remember I this day told you so,--that same spirit of freedom
which actuated that people at first will accompany them still; but prudence
forbids me to explain myself further.

Heaven knows I do not at this time speak from motives of party heat. What I
deliver are the genuine sentiments of my heart. However superior to me, in
general knowledge and experience, the respectable body of this House may
be, yet I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen that
country and been conversant with its affairs. The people, I believe, are as
truly loyal as any subjects the king has; but they are a people jealous of
their liberties, and who, if those liberties should ever be violated, will
vindicate them to the last drop of their blood.
                                                               Isaac Barré.


                                   VIII.

                   WEBSTER'S PLEA FOR DARTMOUTH COLLEGE.

The Supreme Court of the United States held its session that winter in a
mean apartment of moderate size--the Capitol not having been built after
its destruction in 1814. The audience, when the case came on, was therefore
small, consisting chiefly of legal men, the élite of the profession
throughout the country. Mr. Webster entered upon his argument in the calm
tone of easy and dignified conversation. His matter was so completely at
his command that he scarcely looked at his brief, but went on for more than
four hours with a statement so luminous, and a chain of reasoning so easy
to be understood, and yet approaching so nearly to absolute demonstration,
that he seemed to carry with him every man of his audience without the
slightest effort or weariness on either side. It was hardly eloquence, in
the strict sense of the term; it was pure reason. Now and then, for a
sentence or two, his eye flashed and his voice swelled into a bolder note,
as he uttered some emphatic thought; but he instantly fell back into the
tone of earnest conversation, which ran throughout the great body of his
speech.

The argument ended. Mr. Webster stood for some moments silent before the
court, while every eye was fixed intently upon him. At length, addressing
the chief justice, Marshall, he proceeded thus:--

"This, Sir, is my case! It is the case, not merely of that humble
institution, it is the case of every college in our land. It is more. It is
the case of every eleemosynary institution throughout the country,--of all
those great charities founded by the piety of our ancestors to alleviate
human misery; and scatter blessings along the pathway of life. It is more!
It is, in some sense, the case of every man among us who has property of
which he may be stripped; for the question is simply this: Shall our State
legislatures be allowed to take that which is not their own, to turn it
from its original use, and apply it to such ends or purposes as they, in
their discretion, shall see fit?

"Sir, you may destroy this little institution; it is weak; it is in your
hands! I know it is one of the lesser lights in the literary horizon of our
country. You may put it out. But if you do so, you must carry through your
work! You must extinguish one after another, all those great lights of
science which, for more than a century, have thrown their radiance over our
land!

"It is, Sir, as I have said, a small college. And yet, there are those who
love it----."

Here the feelings which he had thus far succeeded in keeping down, broke
forth. His lips quivered; his firm cheeks trembled with emotion; his eyes
were filled with tears, his voice choked, and he seemed struggling to the
utmost simply to gain that mastery over himself which might save him from
an unmanly burst of feeling. I will not attempt to give you the few broken
words of tenderness in which he went on to speak of his attachment to the
college. The whole seemed to be mingled throughout with the recollections
of father, mother, brother, and all the trials and privations through which
he had made his way into life. Every one saw that it was wholly
unpremeditated, a pressure on his heart, which sought relief in words and
tears.

The court-room during these two or three minutes presented an extraordinary
spectacle. Chief Justice Marshall, with his tall and gaunt figure, bent
over as if to catch the slightest whisper, the deep furrows of his cheek
expanded with emotion, and eyes suffused with tears. Mr. Justice Washington
at his side,--with his small and emaciated frame, and countenance more like
marble than I ever saw on any other human being,--leaning forward with an
eager, troubled look; and the remainder of the court, at the two
extremities, pressing, as it were, toward a single point, while the
audience below were wrapping themselves round in closer folds beneath the
bench to catch each look and every movement of the speaker's face. If a
painter could give us the scene on canvas,--those forms and countenances,
and Daniel Webster as he then stood in the midst,--it would be one of the
most touching pictures in the history of eloquence. One thing it taught me,
that the pathetic depends not merely on the words uttered, but still more
on the estimate we put upon him who utters them. There was not one among
the strong-minded men of that assembly who could think it unmanly to weep,
when he saw standing before him the man who had made such an argument,
melted into the tenderness of a child.

Mr. Webster had now recovered his composure, and fixing his keen eye on the
Chief Justice, said in that deep tone with which he sometimes thrilled the
heart of an audience,--

"Sir, I know not how others feel, (glancing at the opponents of the college
before him,) but, for myself when I see my Alma Mater surrounded, like
Caesar in the senate-house, by those who are reiterating stab upon stab, I
would not, for my right hand, have her turn to me, and say Et tu quoque, mi
fili! And thou, too, my son!"

He sat down. There was a deathlike stillness throughout the room for some
moments; every one seemed to be slowly recovering himself and coming
gradually back to his ordinary range of thought and feeling.
                                                            C. A. Goodrich.


                                    IX.

                          THE FOUNDERS OF BOSTON.

On this occasion, it is proper to speak of the founders of Our city, and of
their glory. Now in its true acceptation, the term glory expresses the
splendor which emanates from virtue, in the act of producing general and
permanent good. Right conceptions, then, of the glory of our ancestors, are
to be obtained only by analyzing their virtues. These virtues, indeed, are
not seen charactered in breathing bronze, or in living marble. Our
ancestors have left no Corinthian temples on our hills, no Gothic
cathedrals on our plains, no proud pyramid, no storied obelisk, in our
cities. But mind is there. Sagacious enterprise is there. An active,
vigorous, intelligent, moral population throng our cities, and predominate
in our fields;--men, patient of labor, submissive to law, respectful to
authority, regardful of right, faithful to liberty. These are the monuments
of our ancestors. They stand immutable and immortal, in the social, moral,
and intellectual condition of their descendants. They exist in the spirit
which their precepts instilled, and their example implanted.

It was to this spot, during twelve successive years, that the real body of
those just settlers emigrated. In this place, they either fixed permanently
their abode, or took their departure from it, for the coast or the
interior. Whatever honor devolves on this metropolis, from the events
connected with its first settlement, is not solitary or exclusive; it is
shared with Massachusetts; with New England; in some sense, with the whole
United States. For what part of this wide empire, be it sea or shore, lake
or river, mountain or valley, have the descendants of the first settlers of
New England not traversed; what depth of forest not penetrated? what danger
of nature or man not defied? Where is the cultivated field, in redeeming
which from the wilderness, their vigor has not been displayed? Where, amid
unsubdued nature, by the side of the first log-hut of the settler, does the
school-house stand, and the church-spire rise, unless the sons of New
England are there? Where does improvement advance, under the active energy
of willing hearts and ready hands, prostrating the moss-covered monarch of
the wood, and from their ashes, amid their charred roots, bidding the green
sward and the waving harvest to unspring, and the spirit of the fathers of
New England is not seen, hovering and shedding around the benign influences
of sound, social, moral, and religious institutions, stronger and more
enduring than knotted oak or tempered steel? The swelling tide of their
descendants has spread upon our coasts, ascended our rivers, taken
possession of our plains. Already it encircles our lakes. At this hour, the
rushing noise of the advancing wave startles the wild beast in his lair
among the prairies of the West. Soon it shall be seen climbing the Rocky
Mountains, and, as it dashes over their cliffs, shall be hailed by the
dwellers on the Pacific, as the harbinger of the coming blessings of
safety, liberty, and truth.
                                                              Pres. Quincy.


                                    X.

                           THE AMERICAN SAILOR.

Look to your history--that part of it which the world knows by heart,--and
you will find on its brightest page the glorious achievements of the
American sailor. Whatever his country has done to disgrace him, and break
his spirit, he has never disgraced her;--he has always been ready to serve
her; he always has served her faithfully and effectually. He has often
been weighed in the balance, and never found wanting. The only fault ever
found with him is, that he sometimes fights ahead of his orders. The world
has no match for him, man for man; and he asks no odds, and he cares for no
odds, when the cause of humanity or the glory of his country calls him to
fight.

Who, in the darkest days of our Revolution, carried your flag into the very
chops of the British Channel, bearded the lion in his den, and woke the
echoes of old Albion's hills by the thunders of his cannon, and the shouts
of his triumph? It was the American sailor. And the names of John Paul
Jones, and the Bon Homme Richard, will go down the annals of time forever.
Who struck the first blow that humbled the Barbary flag--which, for a
hundred years, had been the terror of Christendom,--drove it from the
Mediterranean, and put an end to the infamous tribute it had been
accustomed to extort? It was the American sailor, and the name of Decatur
and his gallant companions will be as lasting as monumental brass.

In the year 1812, when your arms on shore were covered by disaster,--when
Winchester had been defeated, when the army of the Northwest had
surrendered, and when the feeling of despondency hung like a cloud over the
land,--who first relit the fires of national glory, and made the welkin
ring with the shouts of victory? It was the American sailor. And the names
of Hull and the Constitution will be remembered as long as we have left
anything worth remembering.

The wand of British invincibility was broken when the flag of the Guerrière
came down. That one event was worth more to the Republic than all the money
which has ever been expended for the navy. Since that day the navy has had
no stain upon its escutcheon, but has been cherished as your pride and
glory. And the American sailor has established a reputation throughout the
world,--in peace and in war, in storm and in battle,--for heroism and
prowess unsurpassed. He shrinks from no danger, he dreads no foe, he yields
to no superior. No shoals are too dangerous, no seas too boisterous, no
climate too rigorous for him. The burning sun of the tropic cannot make him
effeminate, nor can the eternal winter of the polar seas paralyze his
energies.
                                                            R. F. Stockton.


                                    XI.

              MORALITY, THE FOUNDATION OF NATIONAL GREATNESS.

When we look forward to the probable growth of this country; when we think
of the millions of human beings who are to spread over our present
territory; of the career of improvement and glory open to this new people;
of the impulse which free institutions, if prosperous, may be expected to
give to philosophy, religion, science, literature, and arts; of the vast
field in which the experiment is to be made, of what the unfettered powers
of man may achieve; of the bright page of history which our fathers have
filled, and of the advantages under which their toils and virtues have
placed us for carrying on their work;--when we think of all this, can we
help, for a moment, surrendering ourselves to bright visions of our
country's glory before which all the glories of the past are to fade away?

Is it presumption to say that, if just to ourselves and all nations, we
shall be felt through this whole continent, that we shall spread our
language, institutions, and civilization, through a wider space than any
nation has yet filled with a like beneficent influence? And are we prepared
to barter these hopes, this sublime moral empire, for conquests by force?
Are we prepared to sink to the level of unprincipled nations, to content
ourselves with a vulgar, guilty greatness, to adopt in our youth maxims and
ends which must brand our future with sordidness, aggression, and shame?
This country cannot, without peculiar infamy, run the common race of
national rapacity. Our origin, institutions, and position are peculiar, and
all favor an upright honorable course.

Why cannot we rise to noble conceptions of our destiny? Why do we not feel,
that our work as a nation is to carry freedom, religion, science, and a
noble form of human nature over this continent? And why do we not remember,
that to diffuse these blessings we must first cherish them in our own
borders; and that whatever deeply and permanently corrupts us, will make
our spreading influence a curse, not a blessing, to this new world? I am
not prophet enough to read our fate. I believe, indeed, that we are to make
our futurity for ourselves. I believe, that a nation's destiny lies in its
character, in the principles which govern its policy, and bear rule in the
hearts of its citizens. I take my stand on God's moral and eternal law. A
nation, renouncing and defying this, cannot be free, cannot be great.
                                                            W. E. Channing.


                                   XII.

                               INTEMPERANCE.

Among the evils of intemperance, much importance is given to the poverty of
which it is the cause. But this evil, great as it is, is yet light, in
comparison with the essential evil of intemperance. What matters it, that a
man be poor, if he carry into his poverty the spirit, energy, reason, and
virtues of a man? What matters it, that a man must, for a few years, live
on bread and water? How many of the richest are reduced, by disease, to a
worse condition than this? Honest, virtuous, noble-minded poverty, is
comparatively a light evil. The ancient philosopher chose it, as a
condition of virtue. It has been the lot of many a Christian.

The poverty of the intemperate man owes its great misery to its cause. He
who makes himself a beggar, by having made himself a brute, is miserable
indeed. He who has no solace, who has only agonizing recollections and
harrowing remorse, as he looks on his cold hearth, his scanty table, his
ragged children, has indeed to bear a crushing weight of woe. That he
suffers, is a light thing. That he has brought on himself this suffering by
the voluntary extinction of his reason, that is the terrible thought, the
intolerable curse.

Intemperance is to be pitied and abhorred for its own sake, much more than
for its outward consequences. These owe their chief bitterness to their
criminal source. We speak of the miseries which the drunkard carries to his
family. But take away his own brutality, and how lightened would be these
miseries! We talk of his wife and children in rags. Let the rags continue;
but suppose them to be the effects of an innocent cause. Suppose his wife
and children bound to him by a strong love, which a life of labor for their
support, and of unlearned kindness has awakened; suppose them to know that
his toils for their welfare had broken down his frame; suppose him able to
say, "We are poor in this world's goods, but rich in affection and
religious trust. I am going from you; but I leave you to the Father of the
fatherless, and to the widow's God." Suppose this; and how changed these
rags!--how changed the cold, naked room! The heart's warmth can do much to
withstand the winter's cold;--and there is hope, there is honor, in this
virtuous indigence.

What breaks the heart of the drunkard's wife? It is not that he is poor,
but that he is a drunkard. Instead of that bloated face, now distorted with
passion, now robbed of every gleam of intelligence, if the wife could look
on an affectionate countenance, which had, for years, been the interpreter
of a well-principled mind and faithful heart, what an overwhelming load
would be lifted from her! It is a husband, whose touch is polluting, whose
infirmities are the witness of his guilt, who has blighted all her hopes,
who has proved false to the vow which made her his; it is such a husband
who makes home a hell,--not one whom toil and disease and Providence have
cast on the care of wife and children.

We look too much at the consequences of vice,--too little at the vice
itself. It is vice which is the chief weight of what we call its
consequences,--vice, which is the bitterness in the cup of human woe.
                                                            W. E. Channing.


                                   XIII.

                        INCONSISTENT EXPECTATIONS.

This world may be considered as a great mart of commerce, where fortune
exposes to our view various commodities,--riches, ease, tranquillity, fame,
integrity, knowledge. Everything is marked at a settled price,--our time,
our labor, our ingenuity, is so much ready money, which we are to lay out
to the best advantage. Examine, compare, choose, reject; but stand to your
own judgment, and do not, like children, when you have purchased one thing,
repine that you do not possess another which you did not purchase.

Such is the force of well-regulated industry that a steady and vigorous
exertion of our faculties, directed to one end, will generally insure
success. Would you, for instance, be rich? Do you think that single point
worth the sacrifice of everything else? You may then be rich. Thousands
have become so, from the lowest beginnings, by toil, and patient diligence,
and attention to the minutest articles of expense and profit. But you must
give up the pleasures of leisure, of mental ease, of a free, unsuspicious
temper. If you preserve your integrity, it must be a coarse-spun and vulgar
honesty. Those high and lofty notions of morals which you brought with you
from the schools, must be considerably lowered, and mixed with the baser
alloy of a jealous and worldly-minded prudence. You must learn to do hard,
lf not unjust things; and as for the nice embarrassments of a delicate and
ingenuous spirit, it is necessary to get rid of them as fast as possible.
You must shut your heart against the Muses, and be content to feed your
understanding with plain household truths. In short, you must not attempt
to enlarge your ideas, or polish your taste, or refine your sentiments, but
must keep on in one beaten track, without turning aside either to the right
or to the left. "But you say, I cannot submit to drudgery like this; I feel
a spirit above it." 'Tis well, be above it then; only do not repine that
you are not rich.

Is knowledge the pearl of price in your estimation? That, toy may be
purchased by steady application, and long solitary study and reflection.
Bestow these, and you shall be learned. "But," says the man of letters,
"what a hardship is it, that many an illiterate fellow, who cannot construe
the motto of the arms on his coach, shall raise a fortune and make a
figure, while I have little more than the common conveniences of life!" Was
it, then, to raise a fortune, that you consumed the sprightly hours of
youth in study and retirement? Was it to be rich that you grew pale over
the midnight lamp, and distilled the sweetness from the Greek and Roman
springs? You have then mistaken your path, and ill employed your industry.
"What reward have I then, for all my labor?" What reward! A large,
comprehensive soul, well purged from vulgar fears, and perturbations, and
prejudices; able to comprehend and interpret the works of man,--of God; a
rich, flourishing, cultivated mind, furnished with inexhaustible stores of
entertainment and reflection; a perpetual spring of fresh ideas, and the
conscious dignity of superior intelligence. Good Heaven! What other reward
can you ask besides!

"But is it not some reproach upon the economy of Providence, that such a
one, who is a mean, dirty fellow, should have amassed wealth enough to buy
half a nation?" Not in the least. He made himself a mean, dirty fellow for
that very end. He has paid his health, his conscience, his liberty for it;
and will you envy him his bargain? Will you hang your head and blush in his
presence, because he outshines you in equipage and show? Lift up your brow
with a noble confidence, and say to yourself "I have not these things, it
is true; but it is because I have not sought, because I have not desired
them; it is because I possess something better. I have chosen my lot; I am
content and satisfied." The characteristic mark of a great and noble mind
is to choose some high and worthy object, and pursue that object through
life.
                                                             Mrs. Barbauld.


                                   XIV.

                      THE PATRIOT'S SWORD VINDICATED.

But my Lord, I dissented from the resolutions before us, for other reasons.
I dissented from them, because I felt that my giving them my assent, I
should have pledged myself to the unqualified repudiation of physical force
in all countries, at all times, and under every circumstance. This I could
not do. For, my Lord, I do not abhor the use of arms in the vindication of
national rights. There are times, when arms will alone suffice, and when
political ameliorations call for a drop of blood, and many thousand drops
of blood. Opinion, I admit, will operate against opinion. But, as the
honorable member for Kilkenny has observed, force must be used against
force. The soldier is proof against an argument, but he is not proof
against a bullet The man that will listen to reason, let him be reasoned
with. But it is the weaponed arm of the patriot that can alone prevail
against battalioned despotism.

Then, my Lord, I do not condemn the use of arms as immoral, nor do I
conceive it profane to say that the King of Heaven--the Lord of Hosts! the
God of Battles!--bestows his benediction upon those who unsheathe the sword
in the hour of a nation's peril. From that evening, on which, in the valley
of Bethulia, he nerved the arm of the Jewish girl to smite the drunken
tyrant in his tent, down to our day in which he has blessed the insurgent
chivalry of the Belgian priest, his almighty hand hath ever been stretched
forth from his Throne of Light, to consecrate the flag of freedom--to bless
the patriot's sword! Be it in the defense, or be it in the assertion of a
people's liberty, I hail the sword as a sacred weapon; and if, my Lord, it
has sometimes taken the shape of the serpent and reddened the shroud of
the oppressor with too deep a dye, like the anointed rod of the High
Priest, it has at other times, and as often, blossomed into celestial
flowers to deck the freeman's brow.

Abhor the sword--stigmatize the sword? No, my Lord, for, in the passes of
the Tyrol, it cut to pieces the banner of the Bavarian, and, through those
cragged passes, struck a path to fame for the present insurrectionist of
Inspruck!

Abhor the sword--stigmatize the sword? No, my Lord; for at its blow, a
giant nation started from the waters of the Atlantic, and by its redeeming
magic, and in the quivering of its crimson light, the crippled Colony
sprang into the attitude of a proud Republic--prosperous, limitless, and
invincible!

Abhor the sword--stigmatize the sword? No, my Lord; for it swept the Dutch
marauders out of the fine old towns of Belgium--scourged them back to their
own phlegmatic swamps--and knocked their flag and scepter, their laws and
bayonets into the sluggish waters of the Scheldt.

My Lord, I learned that it was the right of a nation to govern herself--not
in this hall, but upon the ramparts of Antwerp. This, the first article of
a nation's creed, I learned upon those ramparts, where freedom was justly
estimated, and the possession of the precious gift was purchased by the
effusion of generous blood.

My Lord, I honor the Belgians, I admire the Belgians, I love the Belgians
for their enthusiasm, their courage, their success; and I, for one, will
not stigmatize, for I do not abhor the means by which they obtained a
citizen king, a chamber of deputies.
                                                             T. F. Meagher.


                                    XV.

                     ON BEING FOUND GUILTY OF TREASON.

A jury of my countrymen have found me guilty of the crime for which I stood
indicted. For this I entertain not the slightest feeling of resentment
towards them. Influenced, as they must have been, by the charge of the lord
chief justice, they could have found no other verdict. What of that charge?
Any strong observations on it I feel sincerely would ill befit the
solemnity of this scene; but I would earnestly beseech of you, my
Lord,--you who preside on that bench,--when the passions and prejudices of
this hour have passed away, to appeal to your own conscience, and to ask of
it, was your charge as it ought to have been, impartial and indifferent
between the subject and the crown?

My Lords, you may deem this language unbecoming in me, and perhaps it will
seal my fate. But I am here to speak the truth, whatever it may cost; I am
here to regret nothing I have ever done--to retract nothing I have ever
said. I am here to crave, with no lying lip the life I consecrate to the
liberty of my country. Far from it, even here--here, where the thief the
libertine, the murderer, have left their footprints in the dust; here on
this spot, where the shadows of death surround me, and from which I see my
early grave in an appointed soil opened to receive me--even here, encircled
by these terrors, the hope which has beckoned me to the perilous sea upon
which I have been wrecked still consoles, animates, enraptures me.

No; I do not despair of my poor old country--her peace, her liberty, her
glory. For that country I can do no more than bid her hope. To lift this
island up,--to make her a benefactor to humanity, instead of being the
meanest beggar in the world; to restore her to her native powers and her
ancient constitution,--this has been my ambition, and this ambition has
been my crime. Judged by the law of England, I know this crime entails the
penalty of death; but the history of Ireland explains this crime, and
justifies it. Judged by that history, I am no criminal, I deserve no
punishment. Judged by that history the treason of which I stand convicted
loses all its guilt, is sanctioned as a duty, will be ennobled as a
sacrifice. With these sentiments, my Lord, I await the sentence of the
court.

Having done what I felt to be my duty,--having spoken what I felt to be the
truth, as I have done on every other occasion of my short career,--I now
bid farewell to the country of my birth, my passion, and my death; the
country whose misfortunes have invoked my sympathies; whose factions I have
sought to still; whose intellect I have prompted to a lofty aim; whose
freedom has been my fatal dream. I offer to that country, as a proof of the
love I bear her, and the sincerity with which I thought and spoke and
struggled for her freedom, the life of a young heart, and with that life
all the hopes, the honors the endearments, of a happy and an honored home.
Pronounce, then, my Lords, the sentence which the laws direct, and I will
be prepared to hear it. I trust I shall be prepared to meet its execution.
I hope to be able, with a pure heart and perfect composure, to appear
before a higher tribunal--a tribunal where a judge of infinite goodness as
well as of justice will preside, and where, my Lords, many, many of the
judgments of this world will be reversed.
                                                             T. F. Meagher.


                                   XVI.

     ADDRESS TO THE AMERICAN TROOPS BEFORE THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND.

The time is now near at hand, which must probably determine whether
Americans are to be freemen or slaves; whether they are to have any
property they can call their own; whether their houses and farms are to be
pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness
from which no human efforts will deliver them. The fate of unborn millions
will now depend, under God, on the courage and conduct of this army. Our
cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resistance
or the most abject submission. We have, therefore, to resolve to conquer or
to die. Our own, our country's honor, calls upon us for a vigorous and
manly exertion; and, if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to
the whole world. Let us, then, rely on the goodness of our cause and the
aid of the Supreme Being, in whose hands victory is, to animate and
encourage us to great and noble actions. The eyes of all our countrymen are
now upon us; and we shall have their blessings and praises, if happily we
are the instrument of saving them from the tyranny meditated against them.
Let us, therefore, animate and encourage each other, and allow the whole
world that a freeman contending for liberty on his own ground, is superior
to any slavish mercenary on earth.

Liberty, property, life, and honor, are all at stake. Upon your courage and
conduct rest the hopes of our bleeding and insulted country. Our wives,
children, and parents expect safety from us only; and they have every
reason to believe that Heaven will crown with success so just a cause. The
enemy will endeavor to intimidate by show and appearance; but remember they
have been repulsed on various occasions by a few brave Americans. Their
cause is bad,--their men are conscious of it; and, if opposed with firmness
and coolness on their first onset, with our advantage of works, and
knowledge of the ground, the victory is most assuredly ours. Every good
soldier will be silent and attentive, wait for orders, and reserve his fire
until he is sure of doing execution.
                                                                Washington.


                                   XVII.

                           CHARACTER OF CHATHAM.

The secretary stood alone; modern degeneracy had not reached him. Original
and unaccommodating, the features of his character had the hardihood of
antiquity. His august mind overawed majesty; and one of his sovereigns
thought royalty so impaired in his presence, that he conspired to remove
him, in order to be relieved from his superiority. No state chicanery, no
narrow system of vicious polities, no idle contest for ministerial
victories, sunk him to the vulgar level of the great; but, overbearing,
persuasive, and impracticable, his object was England, his ambition was
fame.

Without dividing, he destroyed party; without corrupting, he made a venal
age unanimous. France sunk beneath him. With one hand he smote the house of
Bourbon, and wielded in the other the democracy of England. The sight of
his mind was infinite; and his schemes were to affect, not England, not the
present age only, but Europe and posterity. Wonderful were the means by
which these schemes were accomplished,--always seasonable, always
adequate, the suggestions of an understanding animated by ardor, and
enlightened by prophecy.

The ordinary feelings which make life amiable and indolent, were unknown
to him. No domestic difficulties, no domestic weakness, reached him; but,
aloof from the sordid occurrences of life, and unsullied by its
intercourse, he came occasionally into our system, to counsel, and to
decide. A character so exalted, so strenuous, so various, so
authoritative, astonished a corrupt age; and the treasury trembled at the
name of Chatham, through all her classes of venality. Corruption imagined,
indeed, that she had found defects in this statesman, and talked much of
the inconsistency of his glory and much of the ruin of his victories; but
the history of his country, and the calamities of the enemy, answered and
refuted her.

Nor were his political abilities his only talents; his eloquence was an era
in the senate, peculiar and spontaneous, familiarly expressing gigantic
sentiments and instinctive wisdom; not like the torrent of Demosthenes, or
the splendid conflagration of Tully; it resembled sometimes the thunder,
and sometimes the music of the spheres. He did not, like Murray, conduct
the understanding through the painful subtlety of argumentation; nor was
he, like Townshend, forever on the rack of exertion; but rather lightened
upon the subject, and reached the point by the flashings of the mind,
which, like those of his eye, were felt, but could not be followed. Upon
the whole, there was in this man something that would create, subvert, or
reform; an understanding, a spirit, and an eloquence, to summon mankind to
society, or to break the bonds of slavery asunder; something to rule the
wilderness of free minds with unbounded authority; something that could
establish, or overwhelm empire, and strike a blow in the world, that should
resound through the universe.
                                                                H. Grattan.


                                  XVIII.

                         THE PRESS AND THE UNION.

It were good for us to remember that nothing which tends, however
distantly, however imperceptibly, to hold these States together, is beneath
the notice of a considerate patriotism. It were good to remember that some
of the institutions and devices by which former confederacies have been
preserved, our circumstances wholly forbid us to employ. The tribes of
Israel and Judah came up three times a year to the holy and beautiful city,
and united in prayer and praise and sacrifice, in listening to that
thrilling poetry, in swelling that matchless song, which celebrated the
triumphs of their fathers by the Red Sea, at the fords of Jordan, and on
the high places of the field of Barak's victory. But we have no feast of
the Passover, or of the Tabernacles, or of the Commemoration. The States of
Greece erected temples of the gods by a common contribution, and worshiped
in them. They consulted the same oracle; they celebrated the same national
festival: mingled their deliberations in the same amphictyonic and
subordinate assemblies, and sat together upon the free benches to hear
their glorious history read aloud, in the prose of Heroditus, the poetry of
Homer and of Pindar. We have built no national temples but the Capitol; we
consult no common oracle but the Constitution. We can meet together to
celebrate no national festival. But the thousand tongues of the
press--clearer far than the silver trumpet of the jubilee,--louder than the
voice of the herald at the games,--may speak and do speak to the whole
people, without calling them from their homes or interrupting them in their
employments. Happy if they should speak, and the people should hear, those
things which pertain at least to their temporal and national salvation!
                                                                 R. Choate.


                                   XIX.

                    AMERICAN LITERATURE AND THE UNION.

In leaving this subject, I cannot help suggesting, at the hazard of being
thought whimsical, that a literature of such writings as these, embodying
the romance of the whole revolutionary and ante-revolutionary history of
the United States, might do something to perpetuate the Union itself. The
influence of a rich literature of passion and fancy upon society must not
be denied merely because you cannot measure it by the yard or detect it by
the barometer. Poems and romances which shall be read in every parlor, by
every fireside, in every school-house, behind every counter, in every
printing-office, in every lawyer's office, at every weekly evening club, in
all the States of this confederacy, must do something, along with more
palpable if not more powerful agents, towards moulding and fixing that
final, grand, complex result,--the national character. A keen, well
instructed judge of such things said, if he might write the ballads of a
people, he cared little who made its laws. Let me say, if a hundred men of
genius would extract such a body of romantic literature from our early
history as Scott has extracted from the history of England and Scotland,
and as Homer extracted from that of Greece, it perhaps would not be so
alarming if demagogues should preach, or governors practice, or executives
tolerate nullification. Such a literature would be a common property of all
the States,--a treasure of common ancestral recollections,--more noble and
richer than our thousand million acres of public land; and, unlike that
land, it would be indivisible. It would be as the opening of a great
fountain for the healing of the nations. It would turn back our thoughts
from these recent and overrated diversities of interest,--these
controversies about negro-cloth, coarse-wooled sheep, and cotton
bagging,--to the day when our fathers walked hand in hand together through
the valley of the Shadow of Death in the War of Independence. Reminded of
our fathers, we should remember that we are brethren. The exclusiveness of
State pride,--the narrow selfishness of a mere local policy and the small
jealousies of vulgar minds, would be merged in an expanded comprehensive,
constitutional sentiment of old, family, fraternal regard. It would
reässemble, as it were, the people of America in one vast congregation. It
would rehearse in their hearing all things which God had done for them in
the old time; it would proclaim the law once more; and then it would bid
them join in that grandest and most affecting solemnity,--a national anthem
of thanksgiving for the deliverance, of honor for the dead, of proud
prediction for the future!
                                                                 R. Choate.


                                    XX.

                           THE LOVE OF READING.

 Let the case of a busy lawyer testify to the priceless value of the love
of reading. He comes home, his temples throbbing, his nerves shattered,
from a trial of a week; surprised and alarmed by the charge of the judge,
and pale with anxiety about the verdict of the next morning, not at all
satisfied with what he has done himself, though he does not yet see how he
could have improved it; recalling with dread and self-disparagement, if not
with envy, the brilliant effort of his antagonist, and tormenting himself
with the vain wish that he could have replied to it,--and altogether a very
miserable subject, and in as unfavorable a condition to accept comfort from
a wife and children as poor Christian in the first three pages of the
"Pilgrim's Progress." With a superhuman effort he opens his book, and in
the twinkling of an eye he is looking into the full "orb of Homeric or
Miltonic song;" or he stands in the crowd--breathless, yet swayed as
forests or the sea by winds--hearing and to judge the pleadings for the
crown; or the philosophy which soothed Cicero or Boethius in their
afflictions, in exile, prison, and the contemplation of death, breathes
over his petty cares like the sweet south; or Pope or Horace laughs him
into good humor; or he walks with Æneas and the Sibyl in the mild light of
the world of the laurelled dead; and the court-house is as completely
forgotten as the dreams of a pre-adamite life. Well may he prize that
endeared charm, so effectual and safe, without which the brain had long ago
been chilled by paralysis, or set on fire of insanity!
                                                                 R. Choate.


                                   XXI.

                   ELOQUENCE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

Men heard that eloquence in 1776, in that manifold and mighty appeal by the
genius and wisdom of that new America, to persuade the people to take on
the name of nation, and begin its life. By how many pens and tongues that
great pleading was conducted; through how many months before the date of
the actual Declaration, it went on, day after day; in how many forms,
before how many assemblies, from the village newspaper, the more careful
pamphlet, the private conversation, the town-meeting, the legislative
bodies of particular colonies, up to the hall of the immortal old Congress,
and the master intelligences of lion heart and eagle eye, that ennobled
it,--all this you know. But the leader in that great argument was John
Adams, of Massachusetts. He, by concession of all men, was the orator of
that Revolution,--the Revolution in which a nation was born. Other and
renowned names, by written or spoken eloquence, coöperated effectively,
splendidly, to the grand result,--Samuel Adams, Samuel Chase, Jefferson,
Henry James Otis in an earlier stage. Each of these, and a hundred more,
within circles of influence wider or narrower, sent forth, scattering
broadcast, the seed of life in the ready virgin soil. Each brought some
specialty of gift to the work: Jefferson, the magic of style, and the
habit and the power of delicious dalliance with those large, fair ideas of
freedom and equality, so dear to man, so irresistible in that day; Henry,
the indescribable and lost spell of the speech of the emotions, which fills
the eye, chills the blood, turns the cheek pale,--the lyric phase of
eloquence, the "fire-water," as Lamartine has said, of the Revolution,
instilling into the sense and the soul the sweet madness of battle; Samuel
Chase, the tones of anger, confidence, and pride, and the art to inspire
them. John Adams's eloquence alone seemed to have met every demand of the
time; as a question of right, as a question of prudence, as a question of
immediate opportunity, as a question of feeling, as a question of
conscience, as a question of historical and durable and innocent glory, he
knew it all through and through; and in that mighty debate, which,
beginning in Congress as far back as March or February; 1776, had its close
on the second and on the fourth of July, he presented it in all its
aspects, to every passion and affection,--to the burning sense of wrong,
exasperated at length beyond control by the shedding of blood; to grief,
anger, self-respect; to the desire of happiness and of safety; to the sense
of moral obligation, commanding that the duties of life are more than life;
to courage, which fears God, and knows no other fear; to the craving of the
colonial heart, of all hearts, for the reality and the ideal of country,
and which cannot be filled unless the dear native land comes to be breathed
on by the grace, clad in the robes, armed with the thunders, admitted an
equal to the assembly of the nations; to that large and heroical ambition
which would build States: that imperial philanthropy which would open to
liberty an asylum here, and give to the sick heart, hard fare, fettered
conscience of the children of the Old World, healing, plenty, and freedom
to worship God,--to these passions, and these ideas, he presented the
appeal for months, day after day, until, on the third of July, 1776, he
could record the result, writing thus to his wife: "Yesterday the greatest
question was decided which ever was debated in America; and a greater,
perhaps, never was, nor will be, among men."

Of that series of spoken eloquence all is perished; not one reported
sentence has come down to us. The voice through which the rising spirit of
a young nation sounded out its dream of life is hushed. The great
spokesman, of an age unto an age, is dead.

And yet, of those lost words is not our whole America one immortal record
and reporter? Do ye not read them, deep cut, defying the tooth of time, on
all the marble of our greatness? How they blaze on the pillars of our
Union! How is their deep sense unfolded and interpreted by every passing
hour! How do they come to life, and grow audible, as it were, in the
brightening rays of the light he foresaw, as the fabled invisible heart
gave out its music to the morning!

Yes, in one sense, they are perished. No parchment manuscript, no embalming
printed page, no certain traditions of living or dead, have kept them. Yet,
from out and from off all things around us,--our laughing harvests, our
songs of labor, our commerce on all the seas, our secure homes, our
school-houses and churches, our happy people, our radiant and stainless
flag,--how they come pealing, pealing, Independence now, and Independence
forever!
                                                                 R. Choate.

                                   XXII.

                            TRIBUTE TO WEBSTER.

They say he was ambitious! Yes, as Ames said of Hamilton, "there is no
doubt that he desired glory; and that, feeling his own force, he longed to
deck his brow with the wreath of immortality." But I believe he would have
yielded his arm, his frame to be burned, before he would have sought to
grasp the highest prize of earth by any means, by any organization, by any
tactics, by any speech, which in the least degree endangered the harmony of
the system.

They say, too, he loved New England! He did love New Hampshire--that old
granite world--the crystal hills, gray and cloud-topped; the river, whose
murmur lulled his cradle; the old hearthstone; the grave of father and
mother. He loved Massachusetts, which adopted and honored him--that
sounding sea-shore, that charmed elm-tree seat, that reclaimed farm, that
choice herd, that smell of earth, that dear library, those dearer friends;
but the "sphere of his duties was his true country." Dearly he loved you,
for he was grateful for the open arms with which you welcomed the stranger
and sent him onwards and upwards.

But when the crisis came, and the winds were let lose, and that sea of
March "wrought and was tempestuous," then you saw that he knew even you
only as you were, American citizens; then you saw him rise to the true
nature and stature of American citizenship; then you read on his brow only
what he thought of the whole Republic; then you saw him fold the robes of
his habitual patriotism around him, and counsel for all--for all. So,
then, he served you--"to be pleased with his service was your affair, not
his."

And now what would he do, what would he be if he were here to-day? I do not
presume to know. But what a loss we have in him! I have read that in some
hard battle, when the tide was running against him, and his ranks were
breaking, some one in the agony of a, need of generalship exclaimed, "Oh
for an hour of Dundee!" So say I, Oh for an hour of Webster now! Oh for one
more roll of that thunder inimitable! One more peal of that clarion! One
more grave and bold counsel of moderation! One more throb of American
feeling! One more Farewell Address! And then might he ascend unhindered to
the bosom of his Father and his God.
                                                                 R. Choate.


                                  XXIII.

           THE FRUITS OF SKILFUL LABOR AND CULTIVATED INTELLECT.

Perhaps as striking an illustration on a large scale as could be desired,
of the connection between the best directed and most skilful labor and the
most cultivated and most powerful intellect, is afforded by the case of
England. British industry as a whole, is among the most splendid and
extraordinary things in the history of man. When you consider how small a
work-bench it has to occupy altogether, a little stormy island bathed in
almost perpetual fogs, without silk, or cotton, or vineyards, or sunshine,
and then look at that agriculture, so scientific and so rewarded, that vast
net-work of internal intercommunication, the docks, merchant-ships,
men-of-war, the trade encompassing the globe, the flag on which the sun
never sets,--when you look, above all, at that vast body of useful and
manly art, not directed, like the industry of France,--the industry of
vanity,--to making pier-glasses and air-balloons and gobelin tapestry and
mirrors, to arranging processions and chiselling silver and twisting gold
into filigrees, but to clothing the people, to the manufacture of woolen,
cotton, and linen cloth, of railroads and chain-cables and canals and
anchors and achromatic telescopes, and chronometers to keep the time at
sea,--when you think of the vast aggregate mass of their manufacturing and
mechanical production, which no statistics can ex-press, and to find a
market for which she is planting colonies under every constellation, and by
intimidation, by diplomacy, is knocking at the door of every market-house
upon the earth,--it is really difficult to restrain our admiration of such
a display of energy, labor, and genius, winning bloodless and innocent
triumphs everywhere, giving to the age we live in the name of the age of
the industry of the people. Now, the striking and the instructive fact is,
that exactly in that island workshop, by this very race of artisans, of
coal-heavers and woollen manufacturers of machinists and blacksmiths and
ship-carpenters, there has been produced and embodied forever, in words
that will outlast the mountains as well as the pyramids, a literature
which, take it for all in all, is the richest, most profound, most
instructive, combining more spirituality with more common sense, springing
from more capacious souls, conveying in better wisdom, more conformable to
the truth in man, in nature, and in human life, than the literature of any
nation that ever existed. That same race, side by side with the
unparalleled growth of its industry produces Shakspeare, Milton, Bacon, and
Newton, all four at the summit of human thought,--and then, just below
these unapproachable fixed lights, a whole firmament of glories, lesser
than they, as all created intelligence must be, yet in whose superior rays
the age of Augustus, of Leo X., of Louis XIV., all but the age of Pericles,
the culture of Greece, pale and fade. And yet the literature of England is
not the only, scarcely the most splendid, fruit or form of the mental power
and the energetic character of England. That same race, along with their
indus try, along with their literature, has built up a jurisprudence which
is for substance our law to-day,--has constructed the largest mercantile
and war navy, and the largest commercial empire with its pillars encircling
the globe, that men ever saw,--has gained greater victories on sea and land
than any power in the world,--has erected the smallest spot to the most
imperial ascendency recorded in history. The administrative triumphs of her
intellect are as conspicuous as her imaginative and her speculative
triumphs.

Such is mental power. Mark its union with labor and with all greatness;
deduce the law; learn the lesson; see how you, too, may grow great. Such an
industry as that of England demanded such an intellect as that of England.
Sic vobis etian itur ad astra! That way to you, also, glory lies!
                                                                 R. Choate.


                                   XXIV.

                            THE EMPIRE OF MIND.

Knowledge is power as well as fame. Think of that subtle, all-embracing,
plastic, mysterious, irresistible thing called public opinion, the god of
this lower world, and consider what a State, or a cluster of States, of
marked and acknowledged literary and intellectual lead might do to color
and shape that opinion to their will. Consider how winged are words; how
electrical, light-like the speed of thought; how awful human sympathy.
Consider how soon a wise, a beautiful thought uttered here,--a sentiment of
liberty perhaps, or word of succor to the oppressed, of exhortations to
duty, to patriotism, to glory, the refutation of a sophism, the unfolding
of a truth for which the nation may be better,--how soon a word fitly or
wisely spoken here is read on the Upper Mississippi and beneath the
orange-groves of Florida, all through the unequalled valley; how vast an
audience it gains, into how many bosoms it has access, on how much good
soil the seed may rest and spring to life, how easily and fast the fine
spirit of truth and beauty goes all abroad upon the face of the world.

There is an influence which I would rather see Massachusetts exert on her
sisters of this Union, than see her furnish a President every twelve years
or command a majority on any division in Congress; and that is such an
influence as Athens exerted on the taste and opinion first of Greece, then
of Rome, then of the universal modern world; such as she will exert while
the race of man exists. This, of all the kinds of empire, was most grateful
and innocent and glorious and immortal. This was won by no bargain, by no
fraud, by no war of the Peloponnesus, by the shedding of no human blood. It
would rest on admiration of the beautiful, the good, the true, in art, in
poetry, in thought; and it would last while the emotions, its object, were
left in a human soul. It would turn the eye of America hitherwards with
love, gratitude and tears, such as those with which we turn to the walk of
Socrates beneath the plane-tree, now sere, the summer hour of Cicero, the
prison into which philosophy descended to console the spirit of Boethius,--
that room through whose opened window came into the ear of Scott, as he
died, the murmur of the gentle Tweed,--love, gratitude, and tears, such as
we all yield to those whose immortal wisdom, whose divine verse, whose
eloquence of heaven, whose scenes of many-colored life, have held up the
show of things to the insatiate desires of the mind, have taught us how to
live and how to die! Herein were power, herein were influence, herein were
security. Even in the madness of civil war it might survive for refuge and
defence!
                                                                 R. Choate.


                                   XXV.

                         THE CITY OF OUR LIBERTY.

But now that our service of commemoration is ended, let us go hence and
meditate on all that it has taught us. You see how long the holy and
beautiful city of our liberty and our power has been in building, and by
how many hands, and at what cost. You see the towering and steadfast height
to which it has gone up, and how its turrets and spires gleam in the rising
and setting sun. You stand among the graces of some--your townsmen, your
fathers by blood, whose names you bear, whose portraits hang up in your
homes, of whose memory you are justly proud--who helped in their day to
sink those walls deep in their beds, where neither frost nor earthquake
might heave them,--to raise aloft those great arches of stone,--to send up
those turrets and spires into the sky. It was theirs to build; remember it
is yours, under Providence, to keep the city,--to keep it from the sword
of the invader,--to keep it from licentiousness and crime and irreligion,
and all that would make it unsafe or unfit to live in,--to keep it from the
fires of faction, of civil strife, of party spirit, that might burn up in a
day the slow work of a thousand years of glory. Happy, if we shall so
perform our duty that they who centuries hence shall dwell among our graces
may be able to remember, on some such day as this, in one common service of
grateful commemoration, their fathers of the first and the second age of
America,--those who through martyrdom and tempest and battle sought
liberty, and made her their own,--and those whom neither ease nor luxury,
nor the fear of man, nor the worship of man, could prevail on to barter her
away!
                                                                 R. Choate.


                                   XXVI.

                 SPECIMEN OF THE ELOQUENCE OF JAMES OTIS.

England may as well dam up the wafers of the Nile with bulrushes as to
fetter the step of Freedom, more proud and firm in this youthful land than
where she treads the sequestered glens of Scotland, or couches herself
among the magnificent mountains of Switzerland. Arbitrary principles, like
those against which we now contend, have cost one king of England his life,
another his crown; and they may yet cost a third his most flourishing
colonies.

We are two millions--one fifth fighting men. We are bold and vigorous, and
we call no man master. To the nation, from whom we are proud to derive our
origin, we ever were, and we ever will be, ready to yield unforced
assistance; but it must not, and it never can be extorted.

Some have sneeringly asked, "Are the Americans too poor to pay a few pounds
on stamped paper?" No! America, thanks to God and herself is rich. But the
right to take ten pounds, implies the right to take a thousand; and what
must be the wealth that avarice, aided by power, cannot exhaust? True, the
spectre is now small; but the shadow he casts before him is huge enough to
darken all this fair land. Others, in sentimental style, talk of the
immense debt of gratitude which we owe to England. And what is the amount
of this debt? Why, truly, it is the same that the young lion owes to the
dam, which has brought it forth on the solitude of the mountain, or left it
amid the winds and storms of the desert.

We plunged into the wave with the great charter of freedom in our teeth,
because the fagot and the torch were behind us. We have waked this New
World from its savage lethargy; forests have been prostrated in our path;
towns and cities have grown up suddenly as the flowers of the tropics, and
the fires in our autumnal woods are scarcely more rapid than the increase
of our wealth and population. And do we owe all this to the kind succor of
the mother-country? No! We owe it to the tyranny that drove us from her, to
the pelting storms which invigorated our helpless infancy.

But perhaps others will say, "We ask no money from your gratitude--we only
demand that you should pay your own expenses." And who, I pray, is to judge
of their necessity? Why, the king--(and with all due reverence to his
sacred majesty, he understands the real wants of his distant subjects as
little as he does the language of the Choctaws.) Who is to judge concerning
the frequency of these demands? The ministry. Who is to judge whether the
money is properly expended? The cabinet behind the throne. In every
instance, those who take are to judge for those who pay. If this system is
suffered to go into operation, we shall have reason to esteem it a great
privilege, that rain and dew do not depend upon parliament; otherwise they
would soon be taxed and dried.

But, thanks to God, there is freedom enough left upon earth to resist such
monstrous injustice. The flame of liberty is extinguished in Greece and
Rome, but the light of its glowing embers is still bright and strong on the
shores of America. Actuated by its sacred influence, we will resist unto
death. But we will not countenance anarchy and misrule. The wrongs that a
desperate community have heaped upon their enemies, shall be amply and
speedily repaired. Still, it may be well for some proud men to remember
that a fire is lighted in these colonies which one breath of their king may
kindle into such fury that the blood of all England cannot extinguish it.
                                                          Mrs. M. L. Child.


                                  XXVII.

                  WEBSTER IN THE DARTMOUTH COLLEGE CASE.

The Dartmouth College case forms an important era in Mr, Webster's life His
argument in that case stands out among his other arguments, as his speech
in reply to Mr. Hayne, among his other speeches. No better argument has
been spoken in the English tongue in the memory of any living man, nor is
the child that is born to-day likely to live to hear a better. Its learning
is ample but not ostentatious; its logic irresistible; its eloquence
vigorous and lofty. Judge Story often spoke with great animation of the
effect he then produced upon the court "For the first hour," said he, "we
listened to him with perfect astonishment; for the second hour, with
perfect delight; and for the third hour with perfect conviction." It is not
too much to say that he entered the court on that day a comparatively
unknown name, and left it with no rival but Pinkney. All the words he spoke
on that occasion have not been recorded. When he had exhausted the
resources of learning and logic, his mind passed naturally and simply into
a strain of feeling not common to the place. Old recollections and early
associations came over him, and the vision of his youth rose up.

The genius of the institution where he was nurtured seemed standing by his
side in weeds of mourning, with a countenance of sorrow. With suffused
eyes, and faltering voice, he broke into an unpremeditated strain of
emotion, so strong and so deep, that all who heard him were borne along
with it. Heart answered to heart as he spoke, and, when he ceased, the
silence and tears of the impassive bench, as well as of the excited
audience were a tribute to the truth and power of the feeling by which he
had been inspired.
                                                             G. S. Hillard.


                                  XXVIII.

                         THE AMBITION OF WEBSTER.

Mr. Webster was an ambitious man. He desired the highest office in the gift
of the people. But on this subject, as on all others, there was no
concealment in his nature. And ambition is not a weakness unless it be
disproportional to the capacity. To have more ambition than ability is to
be at once weak and unhappy. With him it was a noble passion, because it
rested upon noble powers. He was a man cast in a heroic mould. His
thoughts, his wishes, his passions, his aspirations, were all on a grander
scale than those of other men. Unexercised capacity is always a source of
rusting discontent. The height to which men may rise is in proportion to
the upward force of their genius, and they will never be calm till they
have attained their predestined elevation. Lord Bacon says, "as in nature
things move violently to their place and calmly in their place, so virtue
in ambition is violent, in authority, settled and calm." Mr. Webster had a
giant's brain and a giant's heart, and he wanted a giant's work. He found
repose in those strong conflicts and great duties which crush the weak and
madden the sensitive. He thought that, if he were elevated to the highest
place, he should so administer the government as to make the country
honored abroad, and great and happy at home. He thought, too, that he could
do something to make us more truly one people. This, above everything else,
was his ambition. And we, who knew him better than others, felt that it was
a prophetic ambition, and we honored and trusted him accordingly.
                                                             G. S. Hillard.


                                   XXIX.

               THE DANGER OF EXCLUSIVE DEVOTION TO BUSINESS.

This is a world of inflexible compensations. Nothing is ever given away,
but everything is bought and paid for. If, by exclusive and absolute
surrender of ourselves to material pursuits, we materialize the mind, we
lose that class of satisfactions of which the mind is the region and the
source. A young man in business, for instance, begins to feel the
exhilarating glow of success, and deliberately determines to abandon
himself to its delirious whirl. He says to himself, I will think of nothing
but business till I shall have made so much money, and then I will begin a
new life. I will gather round me books and pictures and friends. I will
have knowledge, taste, and cultivation,--the perfume of scholarship, and
winning speech, and graceful manners. I will see foreign countries, and
converse with accomplished men. I will drink deep of the fountains of
classic lore. Philosophy shall guide me, history shall instruct, and poetry
shall charm me. Science shall open to me her world of wonders. I shall
remember my present life of drudgery as one recalls a troubled dream when
the morning has dawned.

He keeps his self-registered vow. He bends his thoughts downward and nails
them to the dust. Every power, every affection, every taste, except those
which his particular occupa tion calls into play, is left to starve. Over
the gates of his mind he writes in letters which he who runs may read, "No
admittance except on business." In time he reaches the goal of his hopes;
but now insulted Nature begins to claim her revenge. That which was once
unnatural is now natural to him. The enforced constraint has become a rigid
deformity. The spring of his mind is broken. He can no longer lift his mind
from the ground. Books and knowledge and wise discourse, and the amenities
of it, and the cordial of friendship, are like words in a strange tongue.
To the hard, smooth surface of his soul, nothing genial, graceful, or
winning will cling; he cannot even purge his voice of its fawning tone, or
pluck from his face the mean, money-getting mask which the child does not
look at without ceasing to smile. Amid the graces and ornaments of wealths,
he is like a blind man in a picture-gallery. That which he has done he must
continue to do. He must accumulate riches which he cannot enjoy and
contemplate the dreary prospect of growing old without anything to make age
venerable or attractive; for age without wisdom and without knowledge is
the winter's cold without the winter's fire
                                                             G. S. Hillard.


                                   XXX.

SPEECH OF PATRICK HENRY, IN THE CONVENTION OF DELEGATES OF VIRGINIA, MARCH,
                                   1775.

Mr. President, It is natural for man to indulge in the illusions of hope.
We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song
of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise
men, engaged in the great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed
to be of the number of those, who having eyes, see not, and having ears,
hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For
my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the
whole truth, to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of
experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And
judging by the past, I wish to know, what there has been in the conduct of
the British ministry, for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with
which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it
that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received?
Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not
yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss! Ask yourselves how this gracious
reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations, which
cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a
work of love and reconciliation! Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be
reconciled, that force must be called in to win back our love! Let us not
deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and
subjugation,--the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen,
sir, what means this martial array if its purpose be not to force us to
submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has
Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this
accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant
for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and
rivet upon us those chains which the British ministers have been so long
forging.

And what have we to oppose to them?--Shall we try argument? Sir, we have
been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer on
the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light, of which
if is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and
humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already
exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir,
we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now
coming on. We have petitioned,--we have remonstrated,--we have
supplicated,--we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have
implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical bands of the ministry
and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have
produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been
disregarded; and we have been spurned from the foot of the throne.

In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and
reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be
free,--if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for
which we have been so long contending,--if we mean not basely to abandon
the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have
pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of or contest
shall be obtained,--we must fight; I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An
appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!


                                   XXXI.

                            THE SAME CONCLUDED.

They tell us, sir, that we are weak,--unable to cope with so formidable an
adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the
next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed; and when a British
guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by
irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual
resistance by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom
of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?

Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God
of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people armed in the
holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are
invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir,
we shall not fight alone. There is a just God who presides over the
destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles
for us.

The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone,--it is to the active, the
vigilant, the brave. Besides sir we have no election! If we were base
enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There
is no retreat,--but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged.
Their clanking may be heard in the plains of Boston. The war is
inevitable,--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry peace!
peace!--but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale
that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding
arms! Our brethren are already in the field. Why stand we here idle? What
is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace
so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it,
Heaven!--I know not what course others may take, but as for me,--give me
liberty, or give me death!


                                  XXXII.

                       REPLY TO THE DUKE OF GRAFTON.

My Lords, I am amazed; yes, my Lords, I am amazed at his Grace's speech.
The noble Duke cannot look before him, behind him, or on either side of
him, without seeing some noble peer who owes his seat in this House to his
successful exertion in the profession to which I belong. Does he not feel
that it is as honorable to owe it to these, as to being the accident of an
accident? To all these noble Lords, the language of the noble Duke is as
applicable and insulting as it is to myself But I do not fear to meet it
single and alone. No one venerates the peerage more than I do; but, my
Lords, I must say, that the peerage solicited me, not I the peerage.

Nay, more; I can say and will say that as a Peer of Parliament, as a
Speaker of this right honorable House, as Keeper of the Great Seal, as
Guardian of his Majesty's conscience, as Lord High Chancellor of
England,-nay, even in that character alone, in which the noble Duke would
think it an affront to be considered but which character none can deny
me,--as a MAN,--I am, at this moment, as respectable,--I beg to leave add,
I am as much respected,--as the proudest peer I now look down upon.
                                                              Lord Thurlow.


                                  XXXIII.

                       THE PROSPECTS OF CALIFORNIA.

Judging from the past, what have we not a right to expect in the future.
The world has never witnessed anything equal or similar to our career
hitherto. Scarcely two years ago California was almost an unoccupied wild.
With the exception of a præsidium, a mission a pueblo, or a lonely ranch,
scattered here and there, at tiresome distances, there was nothing to show
that the uniform stillness had ever been broken by the footsteps of
civilized man. The agricultural richness of her valley remained unimproved;
and the wealth of a world lay entombed in the bosom of her solitary
mountains, and on the banks of her unexplored streams. Behold the contrast!
The hand of agriculture is now busy in every fertile valley and its toils
are remunerated with rewards which in no other portion of the world can be
credited. Enterprise has pierced every hill, for hidden treasure, and has
heaped up enormous gains. Cities and villages dot the surface of the whole
State. Steamers dart along our rivers, and innumerable vessels spread their
white wings over our bays. Not Constantinople, upon which the wealth of
imperial Rome was lavished,--not St. Petersburg, to found which the
arbitrary Czar sacrificed thousands of his subjects, would rival, in
rapidity of growth, the fair city which lies before me. Our state is a
marvel to ourselves, and a miracle to the rest of the world. Nor is the
influence of California confined within her own borders. Mexico, and the
islands nestled in the embrace of the Pacific, have felt the quickening
breath of her enterprise. With her golden wand, she has touched the
prostrate corpse of South American industry, and it has sprung up in the
freshness of life. She has caused the hum of busy life to be heard in the
wilderness "where rolls the Oregon," and but recently heard no sound,
"save its own dashings." Even the wall of Chinese exclusiveness has been
broken down, and the children of the sun have come forth to view the
splendor of her achievements.

But, flattering as has been the past, satisfactory as is the present, it is
but a foretaste of the future. It is a trite saying, that we live in an age
of great events. Nothing can be more true. But the greatest of all events
of the present age is at hand. It needs not the gift of prophecy to
predict, that the course of the world's trade is destined soon to be
changed. But a few years can elapse before the commerce of Asia and the
islands of the Pacific, instead of pursuing the ocean track, by way of Cape
Horn or the Cape of Good Hope, or even taking the shorter route of the
Isthmus of Darien, or the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, will enter the Golden
Gate of California, and deposit its riches in our own city. Hence, on bars
of iron, and propelled by steam, it will ascend the mountains and traverse
the desert; and having again reached the confines of civilization, will be
distributed, through a thousand channels, to every portion of the Union and
of Europe. New York will then become what London now is,-the great central
point of exchange, the heart of trade, the force of whose contraction and
expansion will be felt throughout every artery of the commercial world; and
San Francisco will then stand the second city of America. Is this
visionary? Twenty years will determine.

The world is interested in our success; for a fresh field is opened to its
commerce, and a new avenue to the civilization and progress of the human
race. Let us, then, endeavor to realize the hopes of Americans, and the
expectations of the world. Let us not only be united amongst ourselves, for
our own local welfare, but let us strive to cement the common bonds of
brother-hood of the whole Union. In our relations to the Federal
Government, let us know no South, no North, no East, no West. Wherever
American liberty flourishes, let that be our common country! Wherever the
American banner waves, let that be our home!
                                                         Nathaniel Bennett.


                                  XXXIV.

                            IN PROSPECT OF WAR

Go forth, defenders of your country, accompanied with every auspicious
omen; advance with alacrity into the field, when God himself musters the
hosts to war. Religion is too much interested in your success not to lend
you her aid. She will shed over your enterprise her selectest influence.
While you are engaged in the field, many will repair to the closet, many to
the sanctuary; the faithful of every name will employ that prayer which has
power with God; the feeble hands which are unequal to any other weapon,
will grasp the sword of the Spirit; and from myriad of humble, contrite
hearts, the voice of intercession, supplication, and weeping, will mingle,
in its ascent to heaven, with the shouts of battle and the shock of arms.

While you have everything to fear from the success of the enemy, you have
every means of preventing that success; so that it is next to impossible
for victory not to crown your exertions The extent of your resources, under
God, is equal to the justice of your cause. But, should Providence
determine otherwise,--should you fall in this struggle, should the nation
fall,--you will have the satisfaction (the purest allotted to man), of
having performed your part; your names will be enrolled with the most
illustrious dead, while posterity, to the end of time, as often as they
revolve the events of this period (and they will incessantly revolve them),
will turn to you a reverential eye, while they mourn over the freedom which
is entombed in your sepulchre.

I cannot but imagine the virtuous heroes, legislators, and patriots of
every age and country, are bending from their elevated seats to witness
this contest, as if they were incapable, till it be brought to a favorable
issue, of enjoying their eternal repose. Enjoy that repose, illustrious
immortals! Your mantle fell when you ascended; and thousands, inflamed with
your spirit, and impatient to tread in your steps, are ready to swear by
Him that sitteth on the throne, and liveth forever and ever, that they will
protect freedom in her last asylum, and never desert her cause, which you
sustained by your labors, and cemented with your blood!
                                                               Robert Hall.


                                   XXXV.

                           THE AMERICAN INDIANS.

If the Indians had the vices of savage life, they had the virtues also. They
were true to their country, their friends, and their homes. If they forgave
not injury, neither did they forget kindness. If their vengeance was
terrible, their fidelity and generosity were unconquerable also. Their
love, like their hate, stopped not on this side of the grave. But where are
they? Where are the villages, and warriors, and youth? The sachems and the
tribes? The hunters and their families? They have perished. They are
consumed. The wasting pestilence has not alone done the mighty work.
No,--nor famine, nor war. There has been a mightier power, a moral canker,
which hath eaten into their heart-cores,--a plague which the touch of the
white man communicated,--a poison, which betrayed them into a lingering
ruin. The winds of the Atlantic fan not a single region which they may now
call their own. Already the last feeble remnants of the race are preparing
for their journey beyond the Mississippi. I see them leave their miserable
homes,--the aged, the helpless, the women, and the warriors, "few and
faint, yet fearless still." The ashes are cold on their native hearths. The
smoke no longed curls round their lowly cabins. They move on with a slow,
unsteady step. The white man is upon their heels, for terror or dispatch;
but they heed him not. They turn to take a last look of their deserted
villages. They cast a last glance upon the graves of their fathers They
shed no tears; they utter no cries; they heave no groans. There is
something in their hearts which passes speech. There is something in their
looks, not of vengeance or submission, but of hard necessity, which stifles
both; which chokes all utterance; which has no aim or method. It is courage
absorbed in despair. They linger but for a moment. Their look is onward.
They have passed the fatal stream. It shall never be repassed by them,--no,
never. Yet there lies not between us and them an impassible gulf. They know
and feel, that for them there is still one remove farther, not distant, nor
unseen. It is the general burying-ground of their race.
                                                                  J. Story.


                                  XXXVI.

                            CLASSICAL LEARNING.

The importance of classical learning to professional education is so
obvious, that the surprise is, that it could ever have become matter of
disputation. I speak not of its power in reining the taste, in disciplining
the judgment, in invigorating the understanding, or in warming the heart
with elevated sentiments; but of its power of direct, positive, necessary
instruction. There is not a single nation from the north to the south of
Europe, from the bleak shores of the Baltic to the bright plains of
immortal Italy, whose literature is not embedded in the very elements of
classical learning. The literature of England is, in an emphatic sense, the
production of her scholars; of men who have cultivated letters in her
universities, and colleges, and grammar-schools; of men who thought any
life too short, chiefly because it left some relic of antiquity unmastered,
and any other fame too humble, because it faded in the presence of Roman
and Grecian genius.

He who studies English literature without the lights of classical
learning, loses half the charms of its sentiments and style, of its force
and feelings, of its delicate touches, of its delightful allusions, of its
illustrative associations. Who that reads the poetry of Gray, does not feel
that it is the refinement of classical taste which gives such inexpressible
vividness and transparency to his diction? Who that reads the concentrated
sense and melodious versification of Dryden and Pope, does not perceive in
them the disciples of the old school, whose genius was inflamed by the
heroic verse, the terse satire, and the playful wit of antiquity? Who that
meditates over the strains of Milton does not feel that he drank deep at

                       "Siloa's brook, that flowed
                       Fast by the oracle of God,--"

that the fires of his magnificent mind were lighted by coals from ancient
altars?

It is no exaggeration to declare, that he who proposes to abolish classical
studies, proposes to render, in a great measure, inert and unedifying, the
mass of English literature for three centuries; to rob us of the glory of
the past, and much of the instruction of future ages; to blind us to
excellencies which few may hope to equal, and none to surpass; to
annihilate associations which are interwoven with our best sentiments, and
give to distant times and countries a presence and reality, as if they were
in fact his own.
                                                                  J. Story.


                                  XXXVII.

              AN APPEAL IN BEHALF OF PATRIOTISM AND LOYALTY.

I call upon you, fathers, by the shades of your ancestors, by the dear
ashes which repose in this precious soil, by all you are, and all you hope
to be; resist every object of disunion, resist every encroachment upon your
liberties, resist every attempt to fetter your consciences, or smother your
public schools, or extinguish your system of public instruction.

I call upon you, mothers, by that which never fails in woman,--the love of
your offspring,--teach them as they climb your knees, or lean on your
bosoms, the blessings of liberty. Swear them at the altar, as with their
baptismal vows, to be true to their country, and never to forget or forsake
her.

I call upon you young men, to remember whose sons you are; whose
inheritance you possess. Life can never be too short which brings nothing
but disgrace and oppression. Death never comes too soon, if necessary in
defence of the liberties of your country. I call upon you, old men, for
your counsels, and your prayers, and your benedictions. May not your gray
hairs go down in sorrow to the grave, with the recollection that you have
lived in vain. May not your last sun sink in the west upon a nation of
slaves.

No;--I read in the destiny of my country far better hopes, far brighter
visions. We, who are now assembled here, must soon be gathered to the
congregation of other days. The time of our departure is at hand to make
way for our children upon the theatre of life. May God speed them and
theirs. May he, who at the distance of another century shall stand here to
celebrate this day, still look round upon a free, happy, and virtuous
people. May he have reason to exult as we do. May he, with all the
enthusiasm of truth as well as poetry exclaim that here is still his
country.
                                                                  J. Story.


                                 XXXVIII.

                        OUR DUTIES TO THE REPUBLIC.

 The Old World has already revealed to us, in its unsealed books, the
beginning and end of all its own marvelous struggles in the cause of
liberty. Greece, lovely Greece,

               "The land of scholars and the nurse of arms,"

where sister republics, in fair procession, chanted the praises of liberty
and the gods,--where and what is she? For two thousand years the oppressor
has ground her to the earth. Her arts are no more. The last sad relics of
her temples are but the barracks of a ruthless soldiery. The fragments of
her columns and her palaces are in the dust, yet beautiful in ruins. She
fell not when the mighty were upon her. Her sons were united at Thermopylæ
and Marathon; and the tide of her triumph rolled back upon the Hellespont.
She was conquered by her own factions. She fell by the hands of her own
people. The Man of Macedonia did not the work of destruction. It was
already done by her own corruptions, banishments, and dissensions. Rome,
republican Rome, whose eagles glanced in the rising and setting sun,--where
and what is she? The eternal city yet remains, proud even in her
desolation, noble in her decline, venerable in the majesty of religion, and
calm as in the composure of death. The malaria has travelled in the paths
worn by her destroyers. More than eighteen centuries have mourned over the
loss of her empire. A mortal disease was upon her vitals before Cæsar had
crossed the Rubicon; and Brutus did not restore her health by the deep
probings of the senate-chamber. The Goths, and Vandals, and Huns,--the
swarms of the North,--completed only what was already begun at home. Romans
betrayed Rome. The legions were bought and sold; but the people offered the
tribute-money.

We stand the latest, and, if we fail, probably the last experiment of
self-government by the people. We have begun it under circumstances of the
most auspicious nature. We are in the vigor of youth. Our growth has never
been checked by the oppressions of tyranny. Our constitutions have never
been enfeebled by the vices or luxuries of the Old World. Such as we are,
we have been from the beginning,--simple, hardy, intelligent, accustomed to
self-government, and to self-respect. The Atlantic rolls between us and any
formidable foe. Within our own territory, stretching through many degrees
of latitude and longitude, we have the choice of many products, and many
means of independence. The government is mild. The press is free. Religion
is free. Knowledge reaches, or may reach every home. What fairer prospect
of success could be presented? What means more adequate to accomplish the
sublime end? What more is necessary than for the people to preserve what
they have themselves created? Already has the age caught the spirit of our
institutions. It has already ascended the Andes, and snuffed the breezes of
both oceans. It has infused itself into the life-blood of Europe, and
warmed the sunny plains of France and the lowlands of Holland. It has
touched the philosophy of Germany and the North; and, moving onward to the
South, has opened to Greece the lessons of her better days. Can it be that
America, under such circumstances, can betray herself? Can it be that she
is to be added to the catalogue of republics, the inscription upon whose
ruins is: THEY WERE, BUT THEY ARE NOT? Forbid it, my countrymen! Forbid it,
Heaven!
                                                                  J. Story.


                                  XXXIX.

                       SPARTACUS TO THE GLADIATORS.

It had been a day of triumph at Capua. Lentulus, returning with victorious
eagles, had amused the populace with the sports of the amphitheatre, to an
extent hitherto unknown even in that luxurious city. The shouts of revelry
had died away; the roar of the lion had ceased; the last loiterer had
retired from the banquet, and the lights in the palace of the victor were
extinguished. The moon, piercing the tissue of fleecy clouds, silvered the
dew-drop on the corselet of the Roman sentinel, and tipped the dark waters
of Volturnus with wavy, tremulous light. It was a night of holy calm, when
the zephyr sways the young spring leaves, and whispers among the hollow
reeds its dreamy music. No sound was heard but the last sob of some weary
wave, telling its story to the smooth pebbles of the beach, and then all
was still as the breast when the spirit has departed.

In the deep recesses of the amphitheatre, a band of gladiators were crowded
together, their muscles still knotted with the agony of conflict, the foam
upon their lips, and the scowl of battle yet lingering upon their brows,
when Spartacus, rising in the midst of that grim assemblage, thus addressed
them:--

"Ye call me chief, and ye do well to call him chief, who, for twelve long
years, has met upon the arena every shape of man or beast that the broad
empire of Rome could furnish, and yet never has lowered his arm. And if
there be one among you who can say that, ever, in public fight or private
brawl, my actions did belie my tongue, let him step forth and say it. If
there, be three in all your throng dare face me on the bloody sand, let
them come on!

"Yet I was not always thus, a hired butcher, a savage chief of savage men.
My father was a reverent man, who feared great Jupiter, and brought the
rural deities his offerings of fruits ad flowers. He dwelt among the
vine-clad rocks and olive groves at the foot of Helicon. My early life ran
quiet as the brook by which I sported. I was taught to prune the vine, to
tend the flock; and then, at noon, I gathered my sheep beneath the shade,
and played upon the shepherd's flute. I had a friend, the son of our
neighbor; we led our flocks to the same pasture, and shared together our
rustic meal.

"One evening, after the sheep were folded, and we were all seated beneath
the myrtle that shaded our cottage, my grandsire, an old man, was telling
of Marathon and Leuctra, and how, in ancient times, a little band of
Spartans, in a defile of the mountains, withstood a whole army. I did not
then know what war meant; but my cheeks burned, I knew not why; and I
clasped the hand of that venerable man, till my mother, parting the hair
from off my brow, kissed my throbbing temples, and bade me go to rest, and
think no more of those old tales and savage wars.

"That very night the Romans landed on our shore, and the dash of steel was
heard within our quiet vale. I saw the breast that had nourished me
trampled by the iron hoof of the warhorse; the bleeding body of my father
flung amid the blazing rafters of our dwelling. To-day I killed a man in
the arena, and when I broke his helmet clasps, behold!--it was my friend!
He knew me,--smiled faintly,--gasped,--and died. The same sweet smile that
I had marked upon his face, when, in adventurous boyhood, we scaled some
lofty cliff to pluck the first ripe grapes, and bear them home in childish
triumph. I told the Prætor he was my friend, noble and brave, and I begged
his body, that I might burn it upon the funeral-pile, and mourn over him.
Ay, upon my knees, amid the dust and blood of the arena, I begged that
boon, while all the Roman maids and matrons, and those holy virgins they
call vestal, and the rabble, shouted in mockery, deeming it rare sport,
forsooth, to see Rome's fiercest gladiator turn pale, and tremble like a
very child, before that piece of bleeding clay; but the Prætor drew back as
if I were pollution, and sternly said, 'Let the carrion rot! There are no
noble men but Romans!' And he, deprived of funeral rites,--must wander, a
hapless ghost, beside the waters of that sluggish river, and look--and
look--and look in vain to the bright Elysian fields where dwell his
ancestors and noble kindred. And so must you, and so must I, die like dogs!

"O Rome! Rome! thou hast been a tender nurse to me! Ay, thou hast given to
that poor, gentle, timid shepherd-lad, who never knew a harsher sound than
a flute-note, muscles of iron, and a heart of flint; taught him to drive
the sword through rugged brass and plaited mail, and warm it in the marrow
of his foe!--to gaze into the glaring eyeballs of the fierce Numidian lion,
even as a smooth-cheeked boy upon a laughing girl. And he shall pay thee
back till thy yellow Tiber is red as frothing wine, and in its deepest ooze
thy life-blood lies curdled!

"Ye stand here now like giants, as ye are! the strength of brass in your
toughened sinews; but to-morrow some Roman Adonis, breathing sweet odors
from his curly locks, shall come, and with his lily fingers pat your brawny
shoulders, and bet his sesterces upon your blood! Hark! Hear ye yon lion
roaring in his den? 'Tis three days since he tasted meat; but tomorrow he
shall break his fast upon your flesh; and ye shall be a dainty meal for
him.

"If ye are brutes, then stand here like fat oxen waiting for the butcher's
knife; if ye are men, follow me! strike down yon sentinel, and gain the
mountain passes, and there do bloody work as did your sires at old
Thermopylæ! Is Sparta dead? Is the old Grecian spirit frozen in your veins,
that ye do crouch and cower like base-born slaves, beneath your master's
lash? O! comrades! warriors! Thracians! if we must fight, let us fight for
ourselves; if we must slaughter, let us slaughter our oppressors; if we
must die, let us die under the open sky, by the bright waters, in noble,
honorable battle."
                                                                E. Kellogg.


                                    XL.

                     NO EXTENSION OF SLAVE TERRITORY.

Mr. Chairman, I have no time to discuss the subject of slavery on this
occasion, nor should I desire to discuss it in this connection, if I had
more time. But I just not omit a few plain words on the momentous issue
which has now been raised. I speak for Massachusetts--I believe I speak the
sentiments of all New England, and of many other States out of New
England--when I say that, upon this question, our minds are made up. So far
as we have power--constitutional or moral power--to control political
events, we are resolved that there shall be no further extension of the
territory of this Union, subject to the institution of slavery. This is not
a matter to argue about with us. My honorable friend from Georgia (Mr
Toombs) must pardon me if I do not enter into any question with him whether
such a policy be equal or just. It may be that the North does not consider
the institution of slavery a fit thing to be the subject of equal
distribution or nice weighing in the balances. I cannot agree with him that
the South gains nothing by the Constitution but the right to reclaim
fugitives. Surely he has forgotten that slavery is the basis of
representation in this House.

But I do not intend to argue the case. I wish to deal with it calmly, but
explicitly. I believe the North is ready to stand by the Constitution with
all its compromises, as it now is. I do not intend, moreover, to throw out
any threats of disunion, whatever may be the result. I do not intend, now
or ever, to contemplate disunion as a cure for any imaginable evil. At the
same time I do not intend to be driven from a firm expression of purpose,
and a steadfast adherence to principle, by any threats of disunion from any
other quarter. The people of New England, whom I have any privilege to
speak for, do not desire, as I understand their views, I know my own heart
and my own principles and can at least speak for them, to gain one foot of
territory by conquest, and as the result of the prosecution of the war with
Mexico. I do not believe that even the abolitionists of the North,--though
I am one of the last persons who would be entitled to speak their
sentiments, would be unwilling to be found in combination with Southern
gentlemen, who may see fit to espouse this doctrine. We desire peace. We
believe that this war ought never to have been commenced, and we do not
wish to have it made the pretext for plundering Mexico of one foot of her
lands. But if the war is to be prosecuted, and if territories are to be
conquered and annexed, we shall stand fast and forever to the principle
that, so far as we are concerned, these territories shall be the exclusive
abode of freemen.
                                                            R. C. Winthrop.


                                   XLI.

                     NATIONAL MONUMENT TO WASHINGTON.

Fellow-citizens! Let us seize this occasion to renew to each other our vows
of allegiance and devotion to the American Union, and let us recognize In
our common title to the name and fame of Washington, and, in our common
veneration for his example and his advice, the all-sufficient centripetal
power, which shall hold the thick clustering stars of our confederacy in
one glorious constellation forever! Let the column which we are about to
construct, be at once a pledge and an emblem of perpetual union! Let the
foundations be laid, let the superstructure be built up and cemented, let
each stone be raised and reverted, In a spirit of national brotherhood! And
may the earliest ray of the rising sun--till that sun shall set to rise no
more--draw forth from it dally, as from the fabled statue of antiquity, a
strain of national harmony, which shall strike a responsive chord in every
heart throughout the Republic!

Proceed, then, fellow-citizens, with the work for which you have assembled.
Lay the corner-stone of a monument which shall adequately bespeak the
gratitude of the whole American people to the Illustrious Father of his
country! Build it to the skies, you cannot outreach the loftiness of his
principles! Found it upon the massive and eternal rock, you cannot make it
more enduring than his fame! Construct it of the peerless Parian marble,
you cannot make it purer than his life! Exhaust upon it the rules and
principles of ancient and modern art, you cannot make it more
proportionate than his character!

But let not your homage to his memory end here. Think not to transfer to a
tablet or a column the tribute which is due from yourselves. Just honor to
Washington can only be rendered by observing his precepts and imitating his
example. He has built his own monument. We and those who come after us, in
successive generations, are its appointed, its privileged guardians.

The wide-spread Republic is the true monument to Washington. Maintain its
Independence. Uphold its Constitution. Preserve its Union. Defend its
Liberty. Let it stand before the world in all its original strength and
beauty, securing peace, order, equality, and freedom to all within its
boundaries, and shedding light, and hope, and joy, upon the pathway of
human liberty throughout the world; and Washington needs no other monument.
Other structures may fitly testify our veneration for him; this, this
alone, can adequately illustrate his services to mankind. Nor does he need
even this. The Republic may perish; the wide arch of our ranged Union may
fall; star by star its glories may expire; stone by stone its columns and
its capitol may moulder and crumble; all other names which adorn its annals
may be forgotten; but as long as human hearts shall anywhere pant, or human
tongues shall anywhere plead, for a true, rational, constitutional liberty,
those hearts shall enshrine the memory, and those tongues prolong the fame,
of George Washington!
                                                            R. C. Winthrop.


                                   XLII.

                            THE PERFECT ORATOR.

Imagine to yourselves a Demosthenes, addressing the most illustrious
assembly in the world, upon a point whereon the fate of the most
illustrious of nations depended. How awful such a meeting! How vast the
subject! Is man possessed of talents adequate to the great occasion?
Adequate! Yes, superior. By the power of his eloquence, the augustness of
the assembly is lost in the dignity of the orator; and the importance of
the subject, for awhile, superseded by the admiration of his talents. With
what strength of argument, with what powers of the fancy, with what
emotions of the heart, does he assault and subjugate the whole man; and, at
once, captivate his reason, his imagination, and his passions! To effect
this must be the utmost effort of the most improved state of human
nature,--not a faculty that he possesses is here unemployed; not a faculty
that he possesses but is here exerted to its highest pitch. All his
internal powers are at work; all his external testify their energies.
Within the memory, the fancy, the judgment, the passions, are all busy;
without, every muscle, every nerve, is exerted; not a feature, not a limb
but speaks. The organs of the body attuned to the exertions of the mind
through the kindred organs of the hearers, instantaneously vibrate those
energies from soul to soul. Notwithstanding the diversity of minds in such
a multitude, by the lightning of eloquence, they are melted into one
mass,--the whole assembly, actuated in one and the same way, become, as it
were, but one man and have but one voice. The universal cry is,--LET US
MARCH AGAINST PHILIP; LET US FIGHT FOR OUR LIBERTIES;--LET US CONQUER OR
DIE!


                                  XLIII.

                  NECESSITY OF A PURE NATIONAL MORALITY.

The crisis has come. By the people of this generation, by ourselves,
probably the amazing question is to be decided, whether the inheritance of
our fathers shall be preserved or thrown away; whether our Sabbaths shall
be a delight or a loathing; whether the taverns, on that holy day shall be
crowded with drunkards, or the sanctuary of God with humble worshippers;
whether riot and profaneness shall fill our streets, and poverty our
dwellings: and convicts our jails, and violence our land; or whether
industry, and temperance, and righteousness, shall be the stability of our
times; whether mild laws shall receive the cheerful submission of free men,
or the iron rod of a tyrant compel the trembling homage of slaves. Be not
deceived. The rocks and hills of New England will remain till the last
conflagration. But let the Sabbath be profaned with impunity, to worship of
God be abandoned, the government and religions instruction of children
neglected, and the streams of intemperance be permitted to flow, and her
glory will depart. The wall of fire will no longer surround her, and the
munition of rocks will no longer be her defence. The hand that overturns
our doors and temples, is the hand of Death unbarring the gate of
pandemonium, and letting loose upon our land the crimes and miseries of
hell. If the Most High should stand aloof and cast not a single ingredient
into our cup of trembling, it would seem to be full of superlative woe. But
He will not stand aloof. As we shall have begun an open controversy with
Him, he will contend openly with us. And, never, since the earth stood, has
it been so fearful a thing for nations to fall into the hands of the living
God. The day of vengeance is at hand; the day of judgment has come; the
great earthquakes which sinks Babylon is making the nations, and the waves
of the mighty commotions are dashing upon every shore. Is this, then, a
time to remove the foundations, when the earth itself is shaken? Is this a
time to forfeit the protection of God, when the hearts of men are failing
them for fear, and for looking after those things which are to come upon
the earth? Is this a time to run upon His neck and the thick bosses of His
buckler, when the nations are drinking blood, and fainting, and passing
away in His wrath? Is this the time to throw away the shield of faith, when
His arrows are drunk with the blood of the slain?--to cut from the anchor
of hope, when the clouds are collecting, and the sea and the waves are
roaring and thunders are uttering their voices, and lightnings blazing in
the heavens, and the great hail is falling from heaven upon men, and every
mountain, sea, and island is fleeing in dismay from the face of an incensed
God!
                                                                L. Beecher.


                                   XLIV.

                      ON THE IRISH DISTURBANCE BILL.

I do not rise to fawn or cringe to this House; I do not rise to supplicate
you to be merciful towards the nation to which I belong,--toward a nation
which though subject to England, is yet distinct from it. It is a distinct
nation; it has been treated as such by this country, as may be proved by
history, and by seven hundred years of tyranny. I call upon this House, as
you value the liberty of England, not to allow this nefarious bill to pass.
In it are involved the liberties of England, the liberty of the press, and.
of every other institution dear to Englishmen. Against the bill I protest,
in the name of the Irish people, and in the face of Heaven. I treat with
scorn the puny and pitiful assertions, that grievances are not to be
complained of,--that our redress is not to be agitated; for, in such
cases, remonstrances cannot be too strong, agitation cannot be too violent,
to show to the world with what injustice our fair claims are met, and under
what tyranny the people suffer.

The clause which does away with trial by jury,--what, in the name of Heaven
is it, if it is not the establishment of a revolutionary tribunal? It
drives the judge from his bench; it does away with that which is more
sacred than the throne itself--that for which your king reigns, your lords
deliberate, your commons assemble. If ever I doubted before of the success
of our agitation for repeal, this bill,--this infamous bill,--the way in
which it has been received by the House; the manner in which its opponents
have been treated; the personalities to which they have been subjected; the
yells with which one of them has this night been greeted,--all these things
dissipate my doubts, and tell me of its complete and early triumph. Do you
think those yells will be forgotten? Do you suppose their echo will not
reach the plains of my injured and insulted country; that they will not be
whispered in her green valleys, and heard from her lofty hills? O, they
will be heard there!--yes; and they will not be forgotten. The youth of
Ireland will bound with indignation,--they will say "We are eight millions;
and you treat us thus, as through we were no more to your country than the
isle of Guernsey or of Jersey!"

I have done my duty. I stand acquitted to my conscience and my country. I
have opposed this measure throughout; and I now protest against it as
harsh, oppressive, uncalled for, unjust;--as establishing an infamous
precedent, by retaliating crime against crime;--as tyrannous,--cruelly
and vindictively tyrannous!
                                                               D. O'Connel.


                                   XLV.

                      CÆSAR'S PAUSE UPON THE RUBICON.

An advocate of Cæsar's character, speaking of his benevolent disposition,
and of the reluctance with which he entered into the civil war, observes,
"How long did he pause upon the brink of the Rubicon!" How came he to the
brink of that river? How dared he cross it? Shall private men respect the
boundaries of private property, and shall a man pay no respect to the
boundaries of his country's rights? How dared he cross that river?--Oh! but
he paused upon the brink! He should leave perished on the brink, ere he had
crossed it! Why did he pause? Why does a man's heart palpitate when he is
on the point of committing an unlawful deed? Why does the very
murderer,--his victim sleeping before him, and his glaring eye taking
measure of the blow,--strike wide of the mortal part?--Because of
conscience! 'T was that made Cæsar pause upon the brink of the Rubicon.
Compassion!--What compassion? The compassion of an assassin, that feels a
momentary shudder as his weapon begins to cut!

Cæsar paused upon the brink of the Rubicon!--What was the Rubicon?--The
boundary of Cæsar's province. From what did it separate his province? From
his country. Was that country a desert? No: it was cultivated and fertile;
rich and populous! Its sons were men of genius, spirit, and generosity! Its
daughters were lovely, susceptible, and chaste! Friendship was its
inhabitant!--Love was its inhabitant!--Domestic affection was its
inhabitant!--Liberty was its inhabitant!--All bounded by the stream of the
Rubicon! What was Cæsar, that stood upon the brink of that stream?--A
traitor, bringing war and pestilence into the heart of that country! No
wonder that he paused! No wonder if, in his imagination, wrought upon by
his conscience, he had beheld blood instead of water; and heard groans
instead of murmurs. No wonder if some Gorgon horror had turned him into
stone upon the spot.--But, no!--he cried, "The die is cast!" He
plunged!--He crossed!--and Rome was free no more.
                                                             J. S. Knowles.


                                   XLVI.

                    GUSTAVUS VASA TO THE DALECARLIANS.

Swedes! countrymen! behold at last, after a thousand dangers past, your
chief, Gustavus, here! Long have I sighed 'mid foreign lands; long have I
roamed in foreign lands; at length, 'mid Swedish hearts and hands, I grasp
a Swedish spear! Yet, looking forth, although I see none but the fearless
and the free, sad thoughts the sight inspires; for where, I think, on
Swedish ground, save where these mountains frown around, can that best
heritage be found--the freedom of our sires? Yes, Sweden pines beneath the
yoke; the galling chain our fathers broke is round our country now! On
perjured craft and ruthless guilt his power a tyrant Dane has built, and
Sweden's crown, all blood-bespilt, rests on a foreign brow. On you your
country turns her eyes--on you, on you, for aid relies, scions of noblest
stem! The foremost place in rolls of fame, by right your fearless fathers
claim; yours is the glory of their name,--'t is yours to equal them. As
rushing down, when winter reigns, resistless to the shaking plains, the
torrent tears its way, and all that bars its onward course sweeps to the
sea with headlong force, so swept your sires the Dane and Norse;--can ye do
less than they? Rise! Reässert your ancient pride, and down the hills a
living tide of fiery valor pour. Let but the storm of battle lower, back to
his den the foe will cower;--then, then shall Freedom's glorious hour
strike for our land once more! What! silent motionless, ye stand? Gleams
not an eye? Moves not a hand? Think ye to fly your fate? Or till some
better cause be given, wait ye?--Then wait! till, banished, driven, ye fear
to meet the face of Heaven;--till ye are slaughtered, wait. But no! your
kindling hearts gainsay the thought. Hark! hear that bloodhound's bay! Yon
blazing village see! Rise, countrymen! Awake! Defy the haughty Dane! Your
battlecry be Freedom! We will do or die! On! Death or victory!


                                  XLVII.

                            NOBILITY OF LABOR.

I call upon those whom I address to stand up for the nobility of labor. It
is Heaven's great ordinance for human improvement. Let not that great
ordinance be broken down. What do I say? It is broken down; and it has been
broken down for ages. Let it then be built up again; here, if anywhere, on
these shores of a new world, of a new civilization But how, I may be asked,
is it broken down? Do not men toil? it may be said. They do indeed toil;
but they too generally do it because they must. Many submit to it as in
some sort a degrading necessity; and they desire nothing so much on earth
as escape from it. They fulfil the great law of labor in the letter, but
break it in the spirit; fulfill it with the muscle, but break it with the
mind. To some field of labor, mental or manual, every idler should fasten,
as a chosen and coveted theatre of improvement. But so he is not impelled
to do, under the teachings of our imperfect civilization. On the contrary,
he sits down, folds his hands, and blesses himself in his idleness. This
way of thinking is the heritage of the absurd and unjust feudal system
under which serfs labored, and gentlemen spent their lives in fighting and
feasting. It is time that this opprobrium of toil were done away. Ashamed
to toil, art thou? Ashamed of thy dingy work-shop and dusty labor-field; of
thy hard hand scarred with service more honorable than that of war; of thy
soiled and weather-stained garments, on which mother Nature has
embroidered, midst sun and rain, midst fire and steam, her own heraldic
honors? Ashamed of these tokens and titles, and envious of the flaunting
robes of imbecile idleness and vanity? It is treason to Nature; it is
impiety to Heaven; it is breaking Heaven's great ordinance. Toil, I repeat
toil--either of the brain, of the heart, or of the hand, is the only true
manhood, the only true nobility.
                                                                  O. Dewey.


                                  XLVIII.

                            SALATHIEL TO TITUS.

Son of Vespasian, I am at this hour a poor man, as I may in the next be an
exile or a slave: I have ties to life as strong as ever were bound round
the heart of man. I stand here a suppliant for the life of one whose loss
would embitter mine! Yet, not for wealth unlimited, for the safety of my
family, for the life of the noble victim that is now standing at the place
of torture, dare I abandon, dare I think the impious thought of abandoning
the cause of the City of Holiness.

Titus! in the name of that Being, to whom the wisdom of the earth is folly,
I adjure you to beware. Jerusalem is sacred. Her crimes have often wrought
her misery; often has she been trampled by the armies of the stranger. But
she is still the City of the Omnipotent; and never was blow inflicted on
her by man, that was not terribly repaid.

The Assyrian came, the mightiest power of the world; he plundered her
temple, and led her people into captivity. How long was it before his
empire was a dream, his dynasty extinguished in blood, and an enemy on his
throne? The Persian came; from her protector he turned into her oppressor;
and his empire was swept away like the dust of the desert! The Syrian smote
her; the smiter died in agonies of remorse; and where is his kingdom now?
The Egyptian smote her; and who now sits on the throne of the Ptolemies?

Pompey came: the invincible, the conqueror of a thousand cities, the light
of Rome; the lord of Asia, riding on the very wings of victory. But he
profaned her temple; and from that hour he went down,--down, like a
millstone plunged into the ocean! Blind counsel, rash ambition, womanish
fears were upon the great statesman and warrior of Rome. Where does he
sleep? What sands were colored with his blood? The universal conqueror died
a slave, by the hand of a slave! Crassus came at the head of the legions;
he plundered the sacred vessels of the sanctuary. Vengeance followed him,
and he was cursed by the curse of God. Where are the bones of the robber
and his host? Go, tear them from the jaws of the lion and the wolf of
Parthia,--their fitting tomb!

You, too: son of Vespasian, may be commissioned for the punishment of a
stiff-necked and rebellious people. You may scourge our naked vice by force
of arms; and then you may return to your own land exulting in the conquest
of the fiercest enemy of Rome. But shall you escape the common fate of the
instrument of evil? Shall you see a peaceful old age? Shall a son of yours
ever sit upon the throne? Shall not rather some monster of your blood
efface the memory of your virtues, and make Rome, in bitterness of soul,
curse the Flavian name?
                                                                  G. Croly.


                                   XLIX.

                AN APPEAL TO THE LOYALTY OF SOUTH CAROLINA.

Fellow-citizens of my native State! Let me not only admonish you as the
first magistrate of our common country not to incur the penalty of its
laws, but use the influence that a father would over his children whom he
saw rushing to certain ruin. In that paternal language, with that, paternal
feeling, let me tell you, my countrymen, that you are deluded by men who
are either deceived themselves, or wish to deceive you. Contemplate the
condition of that country of which you still form an important part!
Consider its government, uniting in one bond of common interest and general
protection so many different States--giving to all their inhabitants the
proud title of American citizen--protecting their commerce--securing their
literature and arts--facilitating their intercommunication--defending their
frontiers and making their name respected in the remotest parts of the
earth! Consider the extent of its territory, its increasing and happy
population, its advance in arts which render life agreeable, and the
sciences which elevate the mind! See education spreading the lights of
religion, morality, and general information into every cottage in this wide
extent of our Territories and States! Behold it, as the asylum where the
wretched and the oppressed find a refuge and support! Look on this picture
of happiness and honor, and say "We, too, are citizens of America! Carolina
is one of these proud States; her arms have defended, her best blood has
cemented this happy Union!" And then add, if you can, with out horror and
remorse, "This happy Union we will dissolve this picture of peace and
prosperity we will deface--this free intercourse we will interrupt--these
fertile fields we will deluge with blood--the protection of that glorious
flag we renounce--the very name of Americans we discard!" And for what,
mistaken men! for what do you throw away these inestimable blessings--for
what would you exchange your share in the advantages and honor of the
Union? For the dream of a separate independence--a dream interrupted by
bloody conflicts with your neighbors, and a vile dependence on a foreign
power.
                                                                A. Jackson.


                                    L.

                            THE SAME CONCLUDED.

There is yet time to show, that the descendants of the Pinckneys, the
Sumters the Rutledges, and of the thousand other names which adorn the
pages of your Revolutionary history, will not abandon that Union to support
which so many of them fought, and bled, and died. I adjure you, as you
honor their memory, as you love the cause of freedom to which they
dedicated their lives, as you prize the peace of your country, the lives of
its best citizens, and your own fair fame, to retrace your steps. Snatch
from the archives of your State the disorganizing edict of its
convention,--bid its members to reassemble and promulgate the decided
expression of your will, to remain in the path which alone can conduct you
to safety, prosperity, and honor;--tell them that compared to disunion, all
other evils are light, because that brings with it an accumulation of
all;--declare that you will never take the field, unless the star-spangled
banner of your country shall float over you; that you will not be
stigmatized when dead, and dishonored and scorned while you live, as the
authors of the first attack on the Constitution of your country,--its
destroyers you cannot be.

Fellow-citizens, the momentous case is before you. On your undivided
support of the Government depends the decision of the great question it
involves: whether our sacred Union will be preserved, and the blessings it
secures to us as one people shall be perpetuated. No one can doubt that the
unanimity with which that decision will be expressed, will be such as to
inspire new confidence in republican institutions; and that the prudence,
the wisdom, and the courage, which it will bring to their defense, will
transmit them unimpaired and invigorated to our children. May the Great
Ruler of nations grant that the signal blessings with which He has favored
ours, may not, by the madness of party or personal ambition, be disregarded
and lost; and may His wise Providence bring those who have produced this
crisis, to see their folly, before they feel the misery of civil strife;
and inspire a returning veneration for that Union, which, if we may dare to
penetrate His designs, He has chosen as the only means of obtaining the
high destinies to which we may reasonably aspire.
                                                                A. Jackson.


                                    LI.

                         BURR AND BLENNERHASSETT.

A plain man, who knew nothing of the curious transmutation which the wit of
man can work, would be very apt to wonder by what kind of legerdemain Aaron
Burr had contrived to shuffle himself down to the bottom of the pack, as an
accessory, and turn up poor Blennerhassett as principal, in this treason.
Who, then, is Aaron Burr, and what the part which he has borne in this
transaction? He is its author, its projector, its active executor. Bold,
ardent, restless, and aspiring, his brain conceived it, his hand brought it
into action.

Who is Blennerhassett? A native of Ireland a man of letters, who fled from
the storms of his own country to find quiet in ours. On his arrival in
America, he retired, even from the population of the Atlantic States, and
sought quiet and solitude in the bosom of our western forests. But he
brought with him taste, and science, and wealth; and "lo the desert
smiled!" Possessing himself of a beautiful island in the Ohio, he rears
upon it a palace, and decorates it with every romantic embellishment of
fancy. A shrubbery, that Shenstone might have envied, blooms around him.
Music, that might have charmed Calypso and her nymphs is his. An extensive
library spreads its treasures before him. A philosophical apparatus offers
to him all the secrets and mysteries of Nature. Peace, tranquillity, and
innocence, shed their mingled delights around him. And, to crown the
enchantment of the scene, a wife, who is said to be lovely even beyond her
sex, and graced with every accomplishment that can render it irresistible,
had blessed him with her love, and made him the father of several children.
The evidence would convince you, sir, that this is but a faint picture of
the real life. In the midst of all this peace, this innocence, and this
tranquillity, this feast of the mind, this pure banquet of the heart,--the
destroyer comes. He comes to turn this paradise into a hell. Yet the
flowers do not wither at his approach, and no monitory shuddering through
the bosom of their unfortunate possessor warns him of the ruin that is
coming upon him. A stranger presents himself. It is Aaron Burr. Introduced
to their civilities by the high rank which he had lately held in his
country, he soon finds his way to their hearts, by the dignity and
elegance of his demeanor, the light and beauty of his conversation, and the
seductive and fascinating power of his address. The conquest was not
difficult. Innocence is ever simple and credulous. Conscious of no designs
itself, it suspects none in others. It wears no guards before its breast.
Every door and portal and avenue of the heart is thrown open, and all who
choose it enter. Such was the state of Eden, when the serpent entered its
bowers!

The prisoner, in a more engaging form, winding himself into the open and
unpracticed heart of the unfortunate Blennerhassett, found but little
difficulty in changing the native character of that heart, and the object
of its affection. By degrees, he infuses into it the poison of his own
ambition. He breathes into it the fire of his own courage; a daring,
desperate thirst for glory; an ardor, panting for all the storm, and
bustle, and hurricane of life. In a short time, the whole man is changed,
and every object of his former delight relinquished. No more he enjoys the
tranquil scene; it has become flat and insipid to his taste. His books are
abandoned. His retort and crucible are thrown aside. His shrubbery bloom's
and breathes its fragrance upon the air in vain he likes it not. His ear no
longer drinks the rich melody of music; it longs for the trumpet's clangor,
and the cannon's roar. Even the prattle of his babes, once so sweet, no
longer affects him; and the angel smile of his wife, which hitherto touched
his bosom with ecstasy so unspeakable, is now unfelt and unseen. Greater
objects have taken possession of his soul. His imagination has been dazzled
by visions of diadems, and stars, and garters, and titles of nobility. He
has been taught to burn with restless emulation at the names of great
heroes and conquerors,--of Cromwell, and Cæsar, and Bonaparte. His
enchanted island is destined soon to relapse into a wilderness; and, in a
few months, we find the tender and beautiful partner of his bosom, whom he
lately "permitted not the winds" of summer "to visit too roughly,"--we
find her shivering, at midnight, on the wintry banks of the Ohio, and
mingling her tears with the torrents that froze as they fell.

Yet this unfortunate man, thus deluded from his interest and his
happiness,--thus seduced from the paths of innocents and peace,--thus
confounded in the toils which were deliberately spread for him, and
overwhelmed by the mastering spirit and genius of another,--this man, thus
ruined and undone, and made to play a subordinate part in this grand drama
of guilt and treason,--this man is to be called the principal offender;
while he, by whom he was thus plunged in misery, is comparatively innocent,
a mere accessory! Is this reason? Is it law? Is it humanity? Sir, neither
the human heart nor the human understanding will bear a perversion so
monstrous and absurd; so shocking to the soul; so revolting to reason!
                                                                  Wm. Wirt.


                                   LII.

                       CAUSE F0R INDIAN RESENTMENT.

You say you have bought the country. Bought it? Yes; of whom? Of the poor,
trembling natives, who knew that refusal would be vain; and who strove to
make a merit of necessity, by seeming to yield with a grace what they knew
they had not the power to retain.

Alas, the poor Indians! No wonder that they continue so implacably
vindictive against the white people. No wonder that the rage of resentment
is handed down from generation to generation. No wonder that they refuse to
associate and mix permanently with their unjust and cruel invaders and
exterminators. No wonder that, in the unabating spite and frenzy of
conscious impotence, they wage an eternal war, as well as they are able;
that they triumph in the rare opportunity of revenge; that they dance,
sing, and rejoice, as the victim shrinks and faints amid the flames, when
they imagine all the crimes of their oppressors collected on his head, and
fancy the spirits of their injured forefathers hovering over the scene,
smiling with ferocious delight at the grateful spectacle: and feasting on
the precious odor as it arises from the burning blood of the white man. Yet
the people here affect to wonder that the Indians are so very unsusceptible
of civilization; or, in other words, that they so obstinately refuse to
adopt the manners of the white man.

Go, Virginians, erase from the Indian nation the tradition of their wrongs.
Make them forget, if you can, that once this charming country was theirs;
that over these fields and through these forests their beloved forefathers
once, in careless gayety, pursued their sports and hunted their game; that
every returning day found them the sole, the peaceful, and happy
proprietors of this extensive and beautiful domain. Go, administer the cup
of oblivion to recollections like these, and then you will cease to
complain that the Indian refuses to be civilized. But, until then, surely
it is nothing wonderful that a nation, even yet bleeding afresh from the
memory of ancient wrongs, perpetually agonized by new outrages, and goaded
into desperation and madness at the prospect of the certain ruin which
awaits their descendants, should hate the authors of their miseries, of
their desolation, their destruction; should hate their manners, hate their
color, hate their language, hate their name, hate everything that belongs
to them. No, never, until time shall wear out the history of their sorrows
and their sufferings, will the Indian be brought to love the white man, and
to imitate his manners.
                                                                  Wm. Wirt.


                                   LIII.

                       SPEECH ON THE BRITISH TREATY.

The refusal of the posts (inevitable if we reject the treaty) is a measure
too decisive in its nature to be neutral in its consequences. If any should
still maintain, that the peace with the Indians will be stable without the
posts, to them I will urge another reply. I will appeal directly to the
hearts of those who hear me, and ask whether conviction is not already
planted there. I resort especially to the convictions of the Western
gentlemen, whether, supposing no posts and no treaty! the settlers will
remain in security? Can they take it upon them to say, that an Indian
peace, under these circumstances, will prove firm? No, sir, it will not be
peace, but a sword; it will be no better than a lure to draw victims within
reach of the tomahawk. On this theme my emotions are unutterable. If I
could find words for them, if my powers bore any proportion to my zeal, I
would swell my voice to such a note of remonstrance, it should reach every
log house beyond the mountains. I would say to the inhabitants, Wake from
your false security! Your cruel dangers, your more cruel apprehensions, are
soon to be renewed. The wounds yet unhealed are to be torn open again. In
the daytime, your path through the woods will be ambushed. The darkness of
midnight will glitter with the blaze of your dwellings. You are a
father--the blood of your sons shall fatten your corn-field. You are a
mother,--the war-whoop shall wake the sleep of the cradle.

On this subject you need not suspect any deception on your feelings. It is
a spectacle of horror which cannot be overdrawn. If you have nature in your
hearts, they will speak a language compared with which all I have said or
can say will be poor and frigid.

Who will accuse me of wandering out of the subject? Who will say that I
exaggerate the tendencies of our measures? Will any one answer by a sneer,
that all this is idle preaching? Would any one deny that we are bound, and
I would hope to good purpose, by the most solemn sanctions of duty for the
vote we give? Are despots alone to be reproached for unfeeling indifference
to the tears and blood of their subjects? Are republicans irresponsible?
Have the principles on which you ground the reproach upon cabinets and
kings no practical influence, no binding force? Are they merely themes of
idle declamation, introduced to decorate the morality of a newspaper essay,
or to furnish pretty topics of harangue from the windows of that State
House? I trust it is neither too presumptuous nor too late to ask, Can you
put the dearest interest of society at risk, without guilt and without
remorse?

It is in vain to offer as an excuse, that public men are not to be
reproached for the evils that may happen to ensue from their measures. This
is very true where they are unforeseen or inevitable. Those I have depicted
are not unforeseen. They are so far from inevitable, we are going to bring
them into being by our vote; we choose the consequences, and become as
justly answerable for them, as for the measure that we know will produce
them.

By rejecting the posts, we light the savage fires, we bind the victims.
This day we undertake to render account to the widows and orphans whom our
decision will make,--to the wretches that will be roasted at the stake,--to
our country,--and I do not deem it too serious to say, to conscience and to
God. We are answerable; and if duty be anything more than a word of
imposture, if conscience be not a bugbear, we are preparing to make
ourselves as wretched as our country. There is no mistake in this case;
there can be none. Experience has already been the prophet of events, and
the cries of our future victims has already reached us. The Western
inhabitants are not a silent and uncomplaining sacrifice. The voice of
humanity issues from the shade of the wilderness. It exclaims, that while
one hand is held up to reject this treaty, the other grasps the tomahawk.
It summons our imagination to the scenes that will open. It is no great
effort of the imagination to conceive that events so near are already
begun. I can fancy that I listen to the yells of savage vengeance and the
shrieks of torture! Already they seem to sigh in the western wind! Already
they mingle with every echo from the mountains!
                                                                   F. Ames.


                                   LIV.

                        SPEECH AGAINST A LIBELLER.

I am one of those who believe that the heart of the wilful and deliberate
libeller is blacker than that of the highway robber, or of one who commits
the crime of midnight arson. The man who plunders on the highway may have
the semblance of an apology for what he does. An affectionate wife may
demand subsistence; a circle of helpless children raise to him the
supplicating hand for food. He may be driven to the desperate act by the
high mandate of imperative necessity. The mild features of the husband and
father may intermingle with those of the robber and soften the roughness of
the shade. But the robber of character plunders that which "not enricheth
him," though it makes his neighbor "poor indeed." The man who at the
midnight hour consumes his neighbor's dwelling does him an injury which
perhaps is not irreparable. Industry may rear another habitation. The storm
may indeed descend upon him until charity opens a neighboring door; the
rude winds of heaven may whistle around his uncovered family. But he looks
forward to better days; he has yet a hook left to hang a hope on. No such
consolation cheers the heart of him whose character has been torn from him.
If innocent he may look, like Anaxagoras, to the heavens; but he must be
constrained to feel this world is to him a wilderness. For whither shall he
go? Shall he dedicate himself to the service of his country? But will his
country receive him? Will she employ in her councils, or in her armies, the
man at whom the "slow unmoving finger of scorn" is pointed? Shall he betake
himself to the fireside? The story of his disgrace will enter his own doors
before him. And can he bear, think you, can he bear the sympathizing
agonies of a distressed wife? Can he endure the formidable presence of
scrutinizing, sneering domestics? Will his children receive instructions
from the lips of a disgraced father?

Gentlemen, I am not ranging on fairy ground. I am telling the plain story
of my client's wrongs. By the guiltless hand of malice his character has
been wantonly massacred,--and he now appears before a jury of his country
for redress. Will you deny him this redress? Is character valuable? On this
point I will not insult you with argument. There are certain things to
argue which is treason against nature. The Author of our being did not
intend to leave this point afloat at the mercy of opinion, but with His own
hand has He kindly planted in the soul of man an instinctive love of
character. This high sentiment has no affinity to pride. It is the
ennobling quality of the soul; and if we have hitherto been elevated above
the ranks of surrounding creation, human nature owes its elevation to the
love of character. It is the love of character for which the poet has sung,
the philosopher toiled, the hero bled. It is the love of character which
wrought miracles at ancient Greece; the love of character is the eagle on
which Rome rose to empire. And it is the love of character, animating the
bosoms of her sons, on which America must depend in those approaching
crises that may "try men's soul's." Will a jury weaken this our nation's
hope? Will they by their verdict pronounce to the youth of our country,
that character is scarce worth possessing?

We read of that philosophy which can smile at the destruction of
property--of that religion which enables its possessor to extend the benign
look of forgiveness and complacency to his murderers. But it is not in the
soul of man to bear the laceration of slander. The philosophy which could
bear it we should despise. The religion which could bear it we should not
despise,--but we should be constrained to say, that its kingdom was not of
this world.
                                                                   Griffin.


                                    LV.

                        NEW ENGLAND AND THE UNION.

Glorious New England! thou art still time to thy ancient fame, and worthy
of thy ancestral honors. We, thy children, have assembled in this
far-distant land to celebrate thy birthday. A thousand fond associations
throng upon us, roused by the spirit of the hour. On thy pleasant valleys
rest, like sweet dews of morning, the gentle recollections of our early
life; around thy hills and mountains cling, like gathering mists, the
mighty memories of the Revolution; and, far away in the horizon of thy
past, gleam, like thy own bright northern lights, the awful virtues of our
Pilgrim Sires!

But while we devote this day to the remembrance of our native land, we
forget not that in which our happy lot is cast. We exult in the reflection,
that though we count by thousands the miles which separate us from our
birthplace, still our country is the same. We are no exiles, meeting upon
the banks of a foreign river to swell its waters with our homesick tears.
Here floats the same banner which rustled above our boyish heads, except
that its mighty folds are wider, and its glittering stars increased in
number.

The sons of New England are found in every State of the broad Republic. In
the East, the South, and the unbounded West, their blood mingles freely
with every kindred current. We have but changed our chamber in the paternal
mansion; in all its rooms we are at home, and all who inhabit it are our
brothers. To us the Union has but one domestic hearth; its household gods
are all the same. Upon us then peculiarly devolves the duty of feeding the
fires upon that kindly hearth, of guarding with pious care those sacred
household gods.

We cannot do with less than the whole Union; to us it admits of no
division. In the veins of our children flows Northern and Southern blood.
How shall it be separated? Who shall put asunder the best affections of the
heart, the noblest instincts of our nature? We love the land of our
adoption; so do we that of our birth. Let us ever be true to both, and
always exert ourselves in maintaining the unity of our country, the
integrity of the Republic. Accursed, then, be the hand put forth to loosen
the golden cord of the Union!--thrice accursed the traitorous lips which
shall propose its severance! But no; the Union cannot be dissolved. Its
fortunes are too brilliant to be marred; its destinies too powerful to be
resisted. Here will be their greatest triumphs, their most mighty
development. And when, a century hence, this Crescent City shall have
filled her golden horns,--when within her broad-armed port shall be
gathered the products of the industry of a hundred millions of
freemen,--when galleries of art and halls of learning shall have made
classic this mart of trade,--then may the sons of the Pilgrims, still
wandering from the bleak hills of the North, stand upon the banks of the
great river and exclaim with mingled pride and wonder,--"Lo, this is our
country: when did the world ever behold so rich and magnificent a city,--so
great and glorious a Republic!"
                                                            S. S. Prentiss.


                                   LVI.

                       ON SENDING RELIEF TO IRELAND.

We have assembled, not to respond to shouts of triumph from the West, but
to answer to the cry of want and suffering which comes from the East. The
Old World stretches out her arms to the New. The starving parent
supplicates the young and vigorous child for bread. There lies, upon the
other side of the wide Atlantic, a beautiful island famous in history and
in song. Its area is not so great as that of the State of Louisiana, while
its population is almost half that of the Union. It has given to the world
more than its share of genius and of greatness. It has been prolific in
statesmen, warriors, and poets. Its brave and generous sons have fought
successfully all battles but their own. In wit and humor it has no equal,
while its harp, like its history, moves to tears, by its sweet but
melancholy pathos. Into this fair region God has seen fit to send the most
terrible of all those fearful ministers who fulfil his inscrutable decrees.
The earth has failed to give her increase; the common mother has forgotten
her offspring, and her breast no longer affords them their accustomed
nourishment. Famine, gaunt and ghastly famine, has seized a nation in its
strangling grasp; and unhappy Ireland, in the sad woes of the present,
forgets, for a moment, the gloomy history of the past.

Oh, it is terrible, in this beautiful world: which the good God has given
us, and in which there is plenty for us all, that men should die of
starvation! You who see, each day, poured into the lap of your city, food
sufficient to assuage the hunger of a nation, can form but an imperfect
idea of the horrors of famine. In battle, in the fulness of his pride and
strength, little recks the soldier whether the hissing bullet sings his
sudden requiem, or the cords of life are severed by the sharp steel. But he
who dies of hunger, wrestles alone, day after day with his grim and
unrelenting enemy. The blood recedes, the flesh deserts, the muscles relax,
and the sinews grow powerless. At last, the mind, which, at first, had
bravely nerved itself for the contest, gives way, under the mysterious
influences which govern its union with the body. Then he begins to doubt
the existence of an overruling Providence; he hates his fellow-men, and
glares upon them with the longings of a cannibal, and it may be, dies
blaspheming!

Who will hesitate to give his mite to avert such awful results? Surely not
the citizens of New Orleans, ever famed for deeds of charity and
benevolence. Freely leave your hearts and purses opened, heretofore, to the
call of suffering humanity. Nobly did you respond to oppressed Greece and
to struggling Poland. Within Erin's borders is an enemy more cruel than the
Turk, more tyrannical than the Russian. Bread is the only weapon that can
conquer him. Let us, then load ships with this glorious munition, and, in
the name of our common humanity wage war against this despot Famine. Let
us, in God's name, "cast our bread upon the waters," and if we are selfish
enough to desire it back again, we may recollect the promise, that it shall
return to us after many days.
                                                            S. S. Prentiss.


                                   LVII.

                      THE NEW ENGLAND COMMON SCHOOL.

Behold yon simple building near the crossing of the village road! It is
small, and of rude construction, but stands in a pleasant and quiet spot. A
magnificent old elm spreads its broad arms above, and seems to lean towards
it, as a strong man bends to shelter and protect a child. A brook runs
through the meadow near, and hard by there is an orchard; but the trees
have suffered much, and bear no fruit, except upon the most remote and
inaccessible branches. From within its walls comes a busy hum, such as you
may hear in a disturbed beehive. Now peep through yonder window, and you
will see a hundred children with rosy cheeks, mischievous eyes, and demure
faces, all engaged, or pretending to be so, in their little lessons. It is
the public school,--the free, the common school,--provided by law; open to
all; claimed from the community as a right, not accepted as a bounty.

Here the children of the rich and poor, high and low, meet upon perfect
equality, and commence, under the same auspices, the race of life. Here the
sustenance of the mind is served up to all alike, as the Spartans served
their food upon the public table. Here, young Ambition climbs his little
ladder, and boyish Genius plumes his half-fledged wing. From among these
laughing children will go forth the men who are to control the destinies of
their age and country; the statesman, whose wisdom is to guide the Senate;
the poet, who will take captive the hearts of the people, and bind them
together with immortal song; the philosopher, who, boldly seizing upon the
elements themselves, will compel them to his wishes, and, through new
combinations of their primal laws, by some great discovery, revolutionize
both art and science.

The common village-school is New England's fairest boast,--the brightest
jewel that, adorns her brow. The principle that society is bound to provide
for its members' education as well as protection, so that none need be
ignorant except from choice, is the most important that belongs to modern
philosophy. It is essential to a republican government. Universal education
is not only the best and surest, but the only sure, foundation for free
institutions. True liberty is the child of knowledge; she pines away and
dies in the arms of ignorance. Honor, then, to the early fathers of New
England, from whom came the spirit which has built a school-house by every
sparkling fountain, and bids all come as freely to the one as to the other.
                                                            S. S. Prentiss.


                                  LVIII.

                    CHRISTIANITY THE SOURCE OF REFORM.

The great element of reform is not born of human wisdom: it does not draw
its life from human organizations. I find it only in Christianity. "Thy
kingdom come!" There is a sublime and pregnant burden in this prayer. It is
the aspiration of every soul that goes forth in the spirit of Reform. For
what is the significance of this prayer? It is a petition that all holy
influences would penetrate, and subdue, and dwell in the heart of man,
until he shall think, and speak, and do good, from the very necessity of
his being. So would the institutions of error and wrong crumble and pass
away. So would sin die out from the earth; and the human soul living in
harmony with the Divine Will, this earth would become like Heaven. It is
too late for the reformers to sneer at Christianity,--it is foolishness
for them to reject it. In it are enshrined our faith in human
progress,--our confidence in reform. It is indissolubly connected with all
that is hopeful, spiritual, capable in man. That men have misunderstood
it, and perverted it, is true. But it is also true, that the noblest
efforts for human melioration have come out of it,--have been based upon
it. Is it not so? Come, ye remembered ones, who sleep the sleep of the
just,--who took your conduct from the line of Christian philosophy--come
from your tombs, and answer!

Come, Howard, from the gloom of the prison and the taint of the
lazar-house, and show us what philanthropy can do when imbued with the
spirit of Jesus. Come, Eliot, from the thick forest where the red man
listens to the Word of Life;--come, Penn, from thy sweet counsel and
weaponless victory,--and show us what Christian zeal and Christian love
can accomplish with the rudest barbarians or the fiercest hearts. Come,
Raikes, from thy labors with the ignorant and the poor, and show us with
what an eye this Faith regards the lowest and the least of our race; and
how diligently it labors, not for the body, not for the rank, but for the
plastic soul that is to course the ages of immortality. And ye, who are a
great number,--ye nameless ones,--who have done good in your narrow
spheres, content to forego renown on earth, and seeking your reward in the
Record on High,--come and tell us how kindly a spirit, how lofty a purpose,
or how strong a courage, the Religion ye professed can breathe into the
poor, the humble, and the weak. Go forth, then, Spirit of Christianity, to
thy great work of Reform! The Past bears witness to thee in the blood of
thy martyrs, and the ashes of thy saints and heroes: the Present is hopeful
because of thee; the Future shall acknowledge thy omnipotence.
                                                              E. H. Chapin.


                                   LIX.

                            NORTHERN LABORERS.

The gentleman, sir, has misconceived the spirit and tendency of Northern
institutions. He is ignorant of Northern character. He has forgotten the
history of his country. Preach insurrection to the Northern laborers! Who
are the Northern laborers? The history of your country is their history.
The renown of your country is their renown. The brightness of their doings
is emblazoned on its every page. Blot from your annals the words and the
doings of Northern laborers, and the history of your country presents but a
universal blank.

Sir, who was he that disarmed the Thunderer; wrested from his grasp the
bolts of Jove; calmed the troubled ocean; became the central sun of the
philosophical system of his age, shedding his brightness and effulgence on
the whole civilized world; whom the great and mighty of the earth delighted
to honor; who participated in the achievement of your Independence,
prominently assisted in moulding your free institutions, and the beneficial
effects of whose wisdom will be felt to the last moment of "recorded
time?" Who sir, I ask, was he? A Northern laborer, a Yankee
tallow-chandler's son,--a printer's runaway boy!

And who, let me ask the honorable gentleman, who was he that, in the days
of our Revolution, led forth a northern army,--yes, an army of Northern
laborers,--and aided the chivalry of South Carolina in their defence
against British aggression, drove the spoilers from their firesides, and
redeemed her fair fields from foreign invaders? Who was he? A Northern
laborer, a Rhode Island blacksmith,--the gallant General Greene, who left
his hammer and his forge, and went forth conquering and to conquer in the
battle for our Independence! And will you preach insurrection to men like
these?

Sir, our country is full of the achievements of Northern laborers. Where is
Concord, and Lexington, and Princeton, and Trenton, and Saratoga, and
Bunker Hill, but in the North? And what, sir, has shed an imperishable
renown on the never-dying names of those hallowed spots, but the blood and
the struggles, the high daring, and patriotism, and sublime courage of
Northern laborers? The whole North is an everlasting monument of the
freedom, virtue, intelligence, and indomitable independence of Northern
laborers! Go, sir, go preach insurrection to men like these!

The fortitude of the men of the North, under intense suffering for
liberty's sake, has been almost godlike! History has so recorded it. Who
comprised that gallant army, without food, without pay shelterless,
shoeless, penniless, and almost naked, in that dreadful winter,--the
midnight of our Revolution,--whose wanderings could be traced by their
blood-tracks in the snow; whom no arts could seduce, no appeal lead astray,
no sufferings disaffect; but who, true to their country and its holy cause,
continued to fight the good fight of liberty until it finally triumphed?
Who, sir, were these men? Why, Northern laborers! Yes, sir, Northern
laborers! Who, sir, were Roger Sherman, and--but it is idle to enumerate.
To name the Northern laborers who have distinguished themselves, and
illustrated the history of their country, would require days of the time of
this House; nor is it necessary. Posterity will do them Justice. Their
deeds have been recorded in characters of fire!
                                                                 C. Naylor.


                                    LX.

                  BROUGHAM'S ATTACK ON CANNING DESCRIBED.

Upon that occasion, the oration of Brougham was, at the outset, disjointed
and ragged, and apparently without aim or application. He careered over the
whole annals of the world, and collected every instance in which genius had
degraded itself at the footstool of power, or principle had been sacrificed
for the vanity or the lucre of place; but still there was no allusion to
Canning, and no connection that ordinary men could discover with the
business before the House. When however, he had collected every material
which suited his purpose,--when the mass had become big and black, he bound
it about and about with the cords of illustration and of argument; when its
union was secure, he swung it round and round with the strength of a giant
and the rapidity of a whirlwind, in order that its impetus and effect might
be more tremendous; and, while doing this, he ever and anon glared his eye,
and pointed his finger to make the aim and direction sure.

Canning was the first who seemed to be aware where and how terrible was to
be the collision; and he kept writhing his body in agony, and rolling his
eyes in fear, as if anxious to find some shelter from the impending bolt.
The House soon caught the impression, and every man in it was glancing his
eye fearfully, just towards the orator, and then towards the Secretary.
There was, save the voice of Brougham, which growled in that undertone of
muttered thunder, which is so fearfully audible, and of which no speaker of
the day was fully master but himself, a silence as if the angel of
retribution had been flaring in the face of all parties the scroll of their
personal and political sins. A pen, which one of the Secretaries dropped
upon the matting, was heard in the remotest part of the house; and the
voting members, who often slept in the side-galleries during the debate,
started up as though the final trump had been sounding them to give an
account of their deeds.

The stiffness of Brougham's figure had vanished; his features seemed
concentrated almost to a point; he glanced toward every part of the House
in succession; and, sounding the death-knell of the Secretary's forbearance
and prudence, with both his clinched hands upon the table, he hurled at him
an accusation more dreadful in its gall, and more torturing in its effects
than ever had been hurled at mortal man within the same walls. The result
was instantaneous--was electric; it was as when the thunder-cloud descends
upon some giant peak--one flash, one peal--the sublimity vanished, and all
that remained was the small and cold pattering of rain. Canning started to
his feet, and was able only to utter the unguarded words, "It is false!"
to which followed a dull chapter of apologies. From that moment, the House
became more a scene of real business than of airy display and angry
vituperation.
                                                                 Anonymous.

                                   LXI.

                   SOUTH CAROLINA DURING THE REVOLUTION.

It is with unfeigned reluctance, Mr. President, that I enter upon the
performance of this part of my duty. I shrink almost instinctively from a
course, however necessary, which may have a tendency to excite sectional
feelings and sectional jealousies. But, sir, the task has been forced upon
me, and I proceed right onward to the performance of my duty. Be the
consequences what they may, the responsibility is with those who have
imposed upon me this necessity. The Senator from Massachusetts has thought
proper to cast the first stone, and if he shall find, according to the
homely adage, that "he lives in a glass house,"--on his head be the
consequences. The gentleman has made a great flourish about his fidelity to
Massachusetts. I shall make no professions of zeal for the interests and
honor of South Carolina--of that my constituents shall Judge.

If there be one State in the Union, Mr. President, (and I say it not in a
boastful spirit,) that may challenge comparison with any other for a
uniform, zealous, ardent, and uncalculating devotion to the Union, that
State is South Carolina. Sir, from the very commencement of the Revolution
up to this hour, there is no sacrifice, however great, she has not
cheerfully made; no service she has hesitated to perform. She has adhered
to you in your prosperity, but in your adversity she has clung to you with
more than filial affection. No matter what was the condition of her
domestic affair's--though deprived of her resources, divided by parties, or
surrounded by difficulties,--the call of the country has been to her as the
voice of God. Domestic discord ceased as the sound--every man became at
once reconciled to his brethren, and the sons of Carolina were all seen
crowding together to the temple, bringing their gifts to the altar of their
common country.

What, sir, was the conduct of the South during the Revolution? Sir, I honor
New England for her conduct in that glorious struggle; but great as is the
praise which belongs to her, I think at least equal honor is due to the
South. They espoused the cause of their brethren with generous zeal which
did not suffer them to stop to calculate their interest in the dispute.
Favorites of the mother country, possessed of neither ships nor seamen to
create commercial rivalship, they might have found in their situation a
guaranty that their trade would be forever fostered and protected by Great
Britain. But trampling on all considerations, either of interest or of
safety; they rushed into the conflict, and fighting for principle, perilled
all in the sacred cause for freedom. Never was there exhibited in the
history of the world, higher examples of noble daring, dreadful suffering,
and heroic endurance, than by the Whigs of Carolina during that Revolution.
The whole State, from the mountain to the sea, was overrun by an
overwhelming force of the enemy. The fruits of industry perished on the
spot where they were produced, or were consumed by the foe. The "plains of
Carolina" drank up the most precious blood of her citizens,--black and
smoking ruins marked the places which had been the habitations of her
children! Driven from their homes into the gloomy and almost impenetrable
swamps, even there the spirit of liberty survived, and South Carolina,
sustained by the example of her Sumters and her Marions, proved by her
conduct, that though her soil might be overrun, the spirit of her people
was invincible.
                                                               R. Y. Hayne.


                                   LXII.

            INCOMPETENCY OF PARLIAMENT TO PASS THE UNION BILL.

Sir,--I, in the most express terms, deny the competency of Parliament to
abolish the Legislature of Ireland. I warn you, do not dare to lay your
hand on the Constitution.--I tell you that if, circumstanced as you are,
you pass an act which surrenders the government of Ireland to the English
Parliament, it will be a nullity and that no man in Ireland will be bound
to obey it. I make the assertion deliberately,--I repeat it and I call on
any man who hears me, to take down my words;--you have not been elected for
this purpose,--you are appointed to act under the Constitution, not to
alter it,--you are appointed to exercise the functions of legislators, and
not to transfer them,--and if you do so, your act is a dissolution of the
government,--you resolve society into its original elements, and no man in
the land is bound to obey you.

Yourselves you may extinguish, but Parliament you cannot extinguish,--it is
enthroned in the hearts of the people,--it is enshrined in the sanctuary of
the Constitution,--it is immortal as the island which it protects. As well
might the frantic suicide hope that the act which destroys his miserable
body should extinguish his eternal soul. Again I therefore warn you, do not
dare to lay your hands on the Constitution; it is above your power. Sir, I
do not say that the Parliament and the people, by mutual consent and
cooperation, may not change the form of the Constitution.

But, thank God, the people have manifested no such wish,--so far as they
have spoken, their voice is decidedly against this daring innovation. You
know that no voice has been uttered in its favor, and you cannot be
infatuated enough to take confidence from the silence which prevails in
some parts of the kingdom; if you know how to appreciate that silence, it
is more formidable than the most clamorous opposition,--you may be rived
and shivered by the lightning before you hear the peal of the thunder! But,
sir, we are told we should discuss this question with calmness and
composure. I am called on to surrender my birthright and my honor, and I am
told I should be calm and composed.

National pride! Independence of our country! These, we are told by the
Minister, are only vulgar topics fitted for the meridian of the mob, but
unworthy to be mentioned in such an enlightened assembly as this; they are
trinkets and gew-gaws fit to catch the fancy of childish and unthinking
people like you, sir, or like your predecessor in that chair, but utterly
unworthy of the consideration of this House, or of the matured
understanding of the noble lord who condescends to instruct it! Gracious
God! We see a Perry re-ascending from the tomb and raising his awful voice
to warn us against the surrender of our freedom, and we see that the proud
and virtuous feelings which warmed the breast of that aged and venerable
man, are only calculated to excite the contempt of this young philosopher,
who has been transplanted from the nursery to the cabinet, to outrage the
feelings and understanding of the country.
                                                            W. C. Plunkett.


                                  LXIII.

                                WASHINGTON.

Sir, it matters very little, what immediate spot may have been the
birthplace of such a man as Washington. No people can claim, no country
appropriate him. The boon of Providence to the human race,--his fame is
eternity, and his residence, creation. Though it was the defeat of our
arms, and the disgrace of our policy, I almost bless the convulsion in
which he had his origin. If the heavens thundered, and the earth rocked,
yet, when the storm had passed, how pure was the climate that it cleared!
How bright in the brow of the firmament was the planet which it revealed to
us! In the production of Washington, it does really appear as if Nature was
endeavoring to improve upon herself, and that all the virtues of the
ancient world were but so many studies preparatory to the patriot of the
new.

Individual instances, no doubt there were,--splendid exemplifications of
some single qualification. Cæsar was merciful, Scipio was continent,
Hannibal was patient; but it was reserved for Washington to blend them all
in one, and, like the lovely masterpiece of the Grecian artist, to exhibit,
in one glow of associated beauty, the pride of every model and the
perfection of every master.

As a general, he marshalled the peasant into a veteran, and supplied by
discipline the absence of experience; as a statesman, he enlarged the
policy of the cabinet into the most comprehensive system of general
advantage; and such was the wisdom of his views, and the philosophy of his
counsels, that, to the soldier and the statesman, he almost added the
character of the sage! A conqueror, he was untainted with the crime of
blood; a revolutionist, he was free from any stain of treason; for
aggression commenced the contest, and his country called him to the
command. Liberty unsheathed his sword, necessity stained, victory returned
it.

If he had paused here, history might have doubted what station to assign
him; whether at the head of her citizens or her soldiers, her heroes or her
patriots. But the last glorious act crowns his career, and banishes all
hesitation. Who like Washington, after having emancipated a hemisphere,
resigned its crown, and preferred the retirement of domestic life to the
adoration of a land he might be almost said to have created! Happy, proud
America! The lightnings of heaven yielded to your philosophy! The
temptations of earth could not seduce your patriotism.
                                                               C. Phillips.


                                   LXIV.

                                EDUCATION.

Of all the blessings which it has pleased Providence to allow us to
cultivate, there is not one which breathes a purer fragrance, or bears a
heavenlier aspect than education. It is a, companion which no misfortune
can depress, no clime destroy no enemy alienate, no despotism enslave; at
home a friend, abroad an introduction, in solitude a solace, in
society an ornament; it chastens vice, it guides virtue, it gives at once a
grace and government to genius. Without it, what is man? A splendid slave!
A reasoning savage, vascillating between the dignity of an intelligence
derived from God, and the degradation of passion participated with brutes;
and in the accident of their alternate ascendency, shuddering at the
terrors of a hereafter, or embracing the horrid hope of annihilation. What
is this wondrous world of his residence?

                 "A mighty maze, and all without a plan:"

a dark, and desolate, and dreary cavern, without wealth, or ornament, or
order. But light up within it the torch of knowledge, and how wondrous the
transition! The seasons change, the atmosphere breathes, the landscape
lives, earth unfolds its fruits, ocean rolls in its magnificence, the
heavens display their constellated canopy, and the grand animated spectacle
of nature rises revealed before him, its varieties regulated, and its
mysteries resolved! The phenomena which bewilder, the prejudices which
debase, the superstitions which enslave, vanish before education.

Like the holy symbol which blazed upon the cloud before the hesitating
constantly, if man follow but its precepts, purely it will not only lead
him to the victories of this world, but open the very portals of
Omnipotence for his admission. Cast your eye over the monumental map of
ancient grandeur, once studded with the stars of empire and the splendors
of philosophy. What erected the little State of Athens into a powerful
Commonwealth, placing in her hand the sceptre of legislation, and wreathing
round her brow the imperishable chaplet of literary fame? What extended
Rome, the heart of banditti, into universal empire? What animated Sparta
with that high, unbending, adamantine courage, which conquered Nature
herself, and has fixed her in the sight of future ages, a model of public
virtue, and a proverb of national independence? What but those wise public
institutions which strengthened their minds with early application,
informed their infancy with the principles of actions, and sent them into
the world too vigilant to be deceived by its calms, and too vigorous to be
shaken by its whirlwinds?
                                                               C. Phillips.


                                   LXV.

                     CHARACTER OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

He is fallen! We may now pause before that splendid prodigy, which towered
amongst us like some ancient ruin, whose frown terrified the glance its
magnificence attracted. Grand, gloomy, and peculiar, he sat upon the throne
a sceptered hermit, wrapped in the solitude of his own originality. A mind,
bold, independent, and decisive,--a will, despotic in its dictates,--an
energy that distanced expedition, and a conscience pliable to every touch
of interest, marked the outline of this extraordinary character,--the most
extraordinary, perhaps, that in the annals of this world ever rose, or
reigned, or fell. Flung into life in the midst of a revolution that
quickened every energy of a people who acknowledge no superior, he
commenced his course, a stranger by birth, and a scholar by charity! With
no friend but his sword, and no fortune but his talents, he rushed into the
list where rank, and wealth, and genius had arrayed themselves, and
competition fell from him as from the glance of destiny. He knew no motive
but interest,--he acknowledged no criterion but success,--he worshiped no
God but ambition, and with an eastern devotion he knelt at the shrine of
his idolatry. Subsidiary to this, there was no creed that he did not
profess, there was no opinion that he dill not promulgate; in the hope of a
dynasty, he upheld the crescent; for the sake of a divorce, he bowed before
the cross; the orphan of St. Louis, he became the adopted child of the
republic; and with a parricidal ingratitude, on the ruins both of the
throne and the tribune, he reared the throne of his despotism. A professed
Catholic, he imprisoned the pope; a pretended patriot, he impoverished the
country; and in the name of Brutus, he grasped without remorse, and wore
without shame, the diadem of the Cæsars.
                                                               C. Phillips.


                                   LXVI.

                           A COLLISION OF VICES.

My honorable and learned friend began by telling us that, after all, hatred
is no bad thing in itself "I hate a Tory," says my honorable friend; "and
another man hates a cat; but it does not follow that he would hunt down the
cat, or I the Tory." Nay, so far from it, hatred, if it be properly
managed, is, according to my honorable friend's theory, no bad preface to a
rational esteem and affection. It prepares its votaries for a
reconciliation of differences; for lying down with their most inveterate
enemies, like the leopard and the kid in the vision of the prophet. This
dogma is a little startling, but it is not altogether without precedent. It
is borrowed from a character in a play, which is, I dare say, as great a
favorite with my learned friend as it is with me,--I mean the comedy of the
Rivals; in which Mrs. Malaprop, giving a lecture on the subject of marriage
to her niece (who is unreasonable enough to talk of liking, as a necessary
preliminary to such a union), says, "What have you to do with your likings
and your preferences, child? Depend upon it, it is safest to begin with a
little aversion. I am sure I hated your poor dear uncle like a blackamoor
before we were married; and yet, you know, my dear, what a good wife I made
him." Such is my learned friend's argument, to a hair. But finding that
this doctrine did not appear to go down with the House so glibly as he had
expected my honorable and learned friend presently changed his tack and put
forward a theory which, whether for novelty or for beauty, I pronounce to
be incomparable; and, in short, as wanting nothing to recommend it but a
slight foundation in truth. "True philosophy," says my honorable friend,
"will always continue to lead men to virtue by the instrumentality of their
conflicting vices. The virtues where more than one exists, may live
harmoniously together; but the vices bear mortal antipathy to one another,
and, therefor, furnish to the moral engineer the power by which he can make
each keep the other under controls." Admirable! but upon this doctrine, the
poor man who has but one single vice must be in a very bad way. No fulcrum
no moral power, for effecting his cure! Whereas his more fortunate
neighbor, who has two or more vices in his composition, is in a fair way of
becoming a very virtuous member of society. I wonder how my learned friend
would like to have this doctrine introduced into his domestic
establishment. For instance, suppose that I discharge a servant because he
is addicted to liquor, I could not venture to recommend him to my honorable
and learned friend. It might be the poor man's only fault and therefor
clearly incorrigible; but, if I had the good fortune to find out that he
was also addicted to stealing, might I not with a safe conscience send him
to my learned friend with a strong recommendation, saying "I send you a
man whom I know to be a drunkard; but I am happy to assure you he is also a
thief: you cannot do better than employ him; you will make his drunkenness
counteract his thievery, and no doubt you will bring him out of the
conflict a very moral personage!"
                                                                G. Canning.


                                  LXVII.

                            "MEASURES, NOT MEN"

If I am pushed to the wall, and forced to speak my opinion, I have no
disguise nor reservation:--I do think that this is a time when the
administration of the Government ought to be in the ablest and fittest
hands; I do not think the hands in which it is now placed answer to that
description. I do not pretend to conceal in what quarter I think that
fitness most eminently resides; I do not subscribe to the doctrines which
have been advanced, that, in times like the present, the fitness of
individuals for their political situation is no part of the consideration
to which a member of Parliament may fairly turn his attention. I know not a
more solemn or important duty that a member of Parliament can have to
discharge, than by giving, at fit seasons, a free opinion upon the
character and qualities of public men. Away with the cant of "measures, not
men!" the idle supposition that it is the harness, and not the horses, that
draws the chariot along! No, sir, if the comparison must be made, if the
distinction must be taken, men are everything, measures computatively
nothing. I speak, sir, of times of difficulty and danger; of times when
systems are shaken, when precedents and general rules of conduct fail. Then
it is, that not to this or that measure,--however prudently devised,
however blameless in execution,--but to the energy and character of
individuals, a state must be indebted for its salvation. Then it is that
kingdoms rise or fall in proportion as they are upheld, not by well meant
endeavors (laudable though they may be), but by commanding, overawing
talents,--by able men.

And what is the nature of the times in which we live? Look at France, and
see what we have to cope with, and consider what has made her what she is.
A man! You will tell me that she was great, and powerful, and formidable,
before the days of Bonaparte's government; that he found in her great
physical and moral resources; that he had but to turn them to account,
True, and he did so. Compare the situation in which he found France with
that to which he has raised her. I am no panegyrist of Bonaparte; but I
cannot shut my eyes to the superiority of his talents, to the amazing
ascendency of his genius, Tell me not of his measures and his policy. It is
his genius, his character, that keeps the world in awe. Sir, to meet, to
check, to curb, to stand up against him, we want arms of the same kind. I
am far from objecting to the large military establishments which are
proposed to you. I vote for them, with all my heart. But, for the purpose
of coping with Bonaparte, one great, commanding spirit is worth them all.
                                                                G. Canning.


                                  LXVIII.

                           PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

My Lords, I do not disguise the intense solicitude which I feel for the
event of this debate, because I know full well that the peace of the
country is involved in the issue. I cannot look without dismay at the
rejection of this measure of parliamentary reform. But, grievous as may be
the consequences of a temporary defeat, temporary it can only be; for its
ultimate, and even speedy success, is certain. Nothing can now stop it. Do
not suffer yourselves to be persuaded that, even if the present ministers
were driven from the helm, any one could steer you through the troubles
which surround you, without reform. But our successors would take up the
task in circumstances far less auspicious. Under them, you would be fain to
grant a bill, compared with which, the one we now proffer you is moderate
indeed.

Hear the parable of the Sibyl; for it conveys a wise and wholesome moral.
"She now appears at your gate, and offers you mildly the volumes--the
precious volumes--of wisdom and peace. The price she asks is reasonable; to
restore the franchise, which, without any bargain, you ought voluntarily to
give. You refuse her terms--her moderate terms;--she darkens the porch no
longer. But soon--for you cannot do without her wares--you call her back.
Again she comes, but with diminished treasures; the leaves of the book are
in part torn away by lawless hands, in part defaced with characters of
blood. But the prophetic maid has risen in her demands;--it is Parliaments
by the year--it is vote by the ballot--it is suffrage by the million! From
this you turn away indignant; and, for the second time, she departs. Beware
of her third coming! for the treasure you must have; and what price she may
next demand, who shall tell? It may even be the mace which rests upon that
woolsack! What may follow your course of obstinacy, if persisted in, I
cannot take upon me to predict, nor do I wish to conjecture. But this I
know full well; that as sure as man is mortal, and to err is human, justice
deferred enhances the price at which you must purchase safety and
peace;--nor can you expect to gather in another crop than they did who went
be fore you, if you persevere in their utterly abominable husbandry of sowing
injustice and reaping rebellion.

But, among the awful considerations that now bow down my mind, there is one
that stands preeminent above the rest. You are the highest judicature in
the realm; you sit here as judges, and decide all causes, civil and
criminal, without appeal. It is a Judge's just duty never to pronounce a
sentence, in the most trifling case, without hearing. Will you make this
the exception? Are you really prepared to determine, but not to hear, the
mighty cause, upon which a Nation's hopes and fears hang? You are? Then
beware of your decision! Rouse not, I beseech you, a peace-loving but a
resolute people! Alienate not from your body the affections of a whole
Empire! As your friend, as the friend of my order, as the friend of my
country, as the faithful servant of my sovereign, I counsel you to assist,
with your uttermost efforts, in preserving the peace, and upholding and
perpetuating the Constitution. Therefore, I pray and exhort you not to
reject this measure. By all you hold most dear--by all the ties that bind
every one of us to our common order and our common country, I solemnly
adjure you--I warn you--I implore you--yea, on my bended knees, I
supplicate you,--reject not this bill!
                                                             Lord Brougham.


                                   LXIX.

                         DENUNCIATION OF SLAVERY.

I trust at length the time has come, when Parliament will no longer bear to
be told, that slave-owners are the best lawgivers on slavery; no longer
suffer our voice to roll across the Atlantic in empty warnings and
fruitless orders. Tell me not of rights,--talk not of the property of the
planter in his slave. I deny his rights,--I acknowledge not the property.
The principles, the feelings of our common nature, rise in rebellion
against it. Be the appeal made to the understanding or to the heart, the
sentence is the same, that rejects it.

In vain you tell me of laws that sanction such a claim! There is a law
above all the enactments of human codes,--the same throughout the
world,--the same in all times; such as it was before the daring genius of
Columbus pierced the night of ages, and opened to one world the source of
power, wealth, and knowledge,--to the others all unutterable woes, such is
it at this day; it is the law written by the finger of God on the heart of
man; and be that law, unchangeable and eternal, while men despise fraud,
and loathe rapine, and hate blood, they shall reject with indignation the
wild and guilty fantasy, that man can hold property in man!

In vain ye appeal to treaties,--to covenants between nations. The covenants
of the Almighty, whether the old covenant or the new, denounce such unholy
pretensions. To these laws did they of old refer, who maintained the
African trade. Such treaties did they cite, and not untruly; for, by one
shameful compact, you bartered the glories of Blenheim for the traffic in
blood. Yet, in despite of law and of treaty, that infernal traffic is now
destroyed, and its votaries put to death like other pirates. How came this
change to pass? Not, assuredly, by Parliament leading the way; but the
country at length awoke; the indignation of the people was kindled; it
descended in thunder, and smote the traffic, and scattered its guilty
profit to the winds. Now, then, let the planters beware,--let their
assemblies beware,--let the government at home beware,--let the Parliament
beware! The same country is once more awake,--awake to the condition of
negro slavery; the same indignation kindles in the bosom of the same
people; the same cloud is gathering that annihilated the slave-trade; and
if it shall descend again, they, on whom its crash may fall, will not be
destroyed before I have warned them; but I pray that their destruction may
turn away from us the more terrible judgments of God!
                                                             Lord Brougham.


                                   LXX.

                         THE TEACHERS OF MANKIND.

There is nothing which the adversaries of improvement are more wont to make
themselves merry with than what is termed the "march of intellect;" and
here I will confess, that I think, as far as the phrase goes, they are in
the right. It is a very absurd, because a very incorrect expression. It is
little calculated to describe the operation in question. It does not
picture an image at all resembling the proceedings of the true friends of
mankind. It much more resembles the progress of the enemy to all
improvement. The conqueror moves in a march. He stalks onward with the
"pride, pomp, and circumstance of warp,"--banners flying--shouts rending
the air--guns thundering--and martial music pealing, to drown the shrieks
of the wounded, and the lamentations for the slain.

Not thus the schoolmaster, in his peaceful vocation. He meditates and
prepares in secret the plans which are to bless mankind; he slowly gathers
round him those who are to further their execution, he quietly, though
firmly, advances in his humble path, laboring steadily, but calmly, till he
has opened to the light all the recesses of ignorance, and torn up by the
roots the weeds of vice. His is a progress not to be compared with anything
like a march; but it leads to a far more brilliant triumph, and to laurels
more imperishable than the destroyer of his species, the scourge of the
world, ever won.

Such men--men deserving the glorious title of Teachers of Mankind--I have
found, laboring conscientiously, though, perhaps obscurely, in their
blessed vocation, wherever I have gone. I have found them, and shared their
fellowship, among the daring, the ambitious, the ardent, the indomitably
active French; I have found them among the persevering, resolute,
industrious Swiss; I have found them among the laborious, the warmhearted,
the enthusiastic Germans; I have found them among the high-minded, but
enslaved Italians; and in our own country, God be thanked, their numbers
everywhere abound, and are every day increasing.

Their calling is high and holy; their fame is the property of nations;
their renown will fill the earth in after-ages, in proportion as it sounds
not far off in their own times. Each one of those great teachers of the
world, possessing his soul in peace, performs his appointed course; awaits
in patience the fulfillment of the premises; and, resting from his labors,
bequeathed his memory to the generation whom his works have blessed, and
sleeps under the humble but not inglorious epitaph, commemorating it one in
whom mankind lost a friend, and no man got rid of an enemy."
                                                             Lord Brougham.


                                   LXXI.

                       THE GREATNESS OF WASHINGTON.

Great he was, preëminently great, whether we regard him sustaining alone
the whole weight of campaigns all but desperate, or gloriously terminating
a just warfare by his resources and his courage; presiding over the jarring
elements of his political council, alike deaf to the storms of all
extremes, or directing the formation of a new government for a great
people, the first time that so vast an experiment had ever been tried by
man; or, really, retiring from the supreme power to which his virtue had
raised him over the nation he had created, and whose destinies he had
guided as long as his aid was required,--retiring with the veneration of
all parties, of all nations, of all mankind, in order that the rights of
men might be conserved, and that his example never might be appealed to by
vulgar tyrants.

This is the consummate glory of Washington; a triumphant warrior where the
most sanguine had a right to despair; a successful ruler in all the
difficulties of a course wholly untried; but a warrior, whose sword only
left its sheath when the first law of our nature commanded it to be drawn;
and a ruler who, having tasted of supreme power, gently and ostentatiously
desired that the cup might pass from him, nor would suffer more to wet his
lips than the most solemn and sacred duty to his To his country and his God
required!

To his latest breath did this great patriot maintain the noble character of
a captain the patron of peace, and a statesman the friend of justice.
Dying, he bequeathed to his heirs the sword which he had worn in the war
for liberty, and charged them "never to take it from the scabbard but in
self-defence, or in defence of their country and her freedom;" and
commanded them that, "when it should thus be drawn, they should never
sheathe it, nor ever give it up, but prefer falling with it in their hands
to the relinquishment thereof,"--words, the majesty and simple eloquence
of which are not surpassed in the oratory of Athens and Rome.

It will be the duty of the historian and the sage, in all ages, to let no
occasion pass of commemorating this illustrious man; and, until time shall
be no more, will a test of the progress which our race has made in wisdom
and virtue be derived from the veneration paid to the immortal name of
Washington!
                                                             Lord Brougham.


                                  LXXII.

                       WASHINGTON, A MAN OF GENIUS.

How many times have we been told that Washington was not a man of genius,
but a person of excellent common sense, of admirable judgement, of rare
virtues! He had no genius, it seems. O no! genius, we must suppose, is the
peculiar and shining attribute of some orator, whose tongue can spout
patriotic speeches; or some versifier, whose muse can hail Columbia; but
not of the man who supported States on his arm, and carried America in his
brain. What is genius? Is it worth anything? Is splendid folly the measure
of its inspiration? Is wisdom its base and summit?--that which it recedes
from, or tends toward? And by what definition do you award the name to the
creator of an epic, and deny it to the creator of a country? On what
principle is it to be lavished on him who sculptures in perishing marble
the image of possible excellence, and withheld from him who built up in
himself a transcendent character, indestructible as the obligations of
duty, and beautiful as her rewards?

Indeed, if by genius of action, you mean will enlightened by intelligence,
and intelligence energized by will,--if force and insight be its
characteristics, and influence its test, and if great effects suppose a
cause proportionally great, a vital, causative mind,--then was Washington
most assuredly a man of genius, and one whom no other American has equalled
in the power of working morally and mentally on other minds. His genius was
of a peculiar kind, the genius of character, of thought and the objects of
thought solidified and concentrated into active faculty. He belongs to that
rare class of men,--rare as Homers and Miltons, rare as Platos and
Newtons,--who have impressed their characters upon nations without
pampering national vices. Such men have natures broad enough to include all
the facts of a people's practical life, and deep enough to discern the
spiritual laws which underlie, animate, and govern those facts.
                                                             E. P. Whipple.


                                  LXXIII.

                    IRISH ALIENS AND ENGLISH VICTORIES.

I should be surprised, indeed, if; while you are doing us wrong, you did
not profess your solicitude to do us justice. From the day on which
Strongbow set his foot upon the shore of Ireland, Englishmen were never
wanting in protestations of their deep anxiety to do us justice;--even
Strafford, the deserter of the people's cause,--the renegade Wentworth who
gave evidence in Ireland of the spirit of instinctive tyranny which
predominated in his character,--even Strafford, while he trampled upon our
rights, and trod upon the heart of the country, protested his solicitude to
do justice to Ireland! What marvel is it, then, that gentlemen opposite
should deal in such vehement protestations? There is, however, one man, of
great abilities,--not a member of this House, but whose talents and whose
boldness have placed him in the topmost place in his party,--who,
disdaining all imposture, and thinking it the best course to appeal
directly to the religious and national antipathies of the people of this
country,--abandoning all reserve, and flinging off the slender veil by
which his political associates affect to cover, although they cannot hide,
their motives,--distinctly and audaciously tells the Irish people that they
are not entitled to the same privileges as Englishmen; and pronounces them,
in any particular which could enter his minute enumeration of the
circumstances by which fellow-citizenship is created, in race, identity,
and religion to be aliens--to be aliens in race--to be aliens in
country--to be aliens in religion! Aliens! Good God! was Arthur, Duke of
Wellington, in the House of Lords,--and did he not start up and exclaim,
"Hold! I have seen the aliens do their duty!"

The Duke of Wellington is not a man of an excitable temperament. His mind
is of a cast too martial to be easily moved; but, notwithstanding his
habitual inflexibility, I cannot help thinking that, when he heard his
Roman Catholic countrymen (for we are his countrymen) designated by a
phrase as offensive as the abundant vocabulary of his eloquent confederate
could supply,--I cannot help thinking that he ought to have recollected the
many fields of fight in which we have been contributors to his renown. "The
battles, sieges, fortunes, that he has passed," to have come back upon him.
He ought to have remembered that, from the earliest achievement in which he
displayed that military genius which has placed him foremost in the annals
of modern warfare, down to that last and surpassing combat which has made
his name imperishable,--from Assaye to Waterloo,--the Irish soldiers, with
whom your armies are filled, were the inseparable auxiliaries to the glory
with which his unparalleled successes have been crowned. Whose were the
arms that drove your bayonets at Vimiera through the phalanxes that never
reeled to the shock of war before? What desperate valor climbed the steeps
and filled the moats at Badajos? All his victories should have rushed and
crowded back upon his memory,--Vimiera, Badajos, Salamanca, Albuera,
Toulouse, and, last of all, the greatest--

Tell me--for you were there,--I appeal to the gallant soldier before me,
from whose opinions I differ, but who bears, I know, a generous heart in an
intrepid breast;--tell me, for you must needs remember, on that day when
the destinies of mankind were trembling in the balance,--while death fell
in showers when the artillery of France was levelled with a precision of
the most deadly science, when her legions, incited by the voice and
inspired by the example of their mighty leader, rushed again and again to
the onset,--tell me if, for an instant, when to hesitate for an instant
was to be lost, the "aliens" blenched? And when, at length, the moment for
the last and decided movement had arrived, and the valor which had so long
been wisely checked was, at last, let loose,--when, with words familiar
but immortal, the great captain commanded the great assault,--tell me if
Catholic Ireland with less heroic valor than the natives of this your own
glorious country precipitated herself upon the foe? The blood of England,
Scotland, and of Ireland, flowed in the same stream, and drenched the same
field. When the chill morning dawned, their dead lay cold and stark
together;--in the same deep pit their bodies were deposited; the green
corn of spring is now breaking from their commingled dust; the dew falls
from heaven upon their union in the grave. Partakers in every peril, in the
glory shall we not be permitted to participate; and shall we be told as a
requital, that we are estranged from the noble country for whose salvation
our life-blood was poured out?
                                                               R. L. Sheil.


                                  LXXIV.

                         THE ILIAD AND THE BIBLE.

Of all the books with which, since the invention of writing, this world has
been deluged, very few have produced any perceptible effect on the mass of
human character. By far the greater part have been, even by their
contemporaries, unnoticed and unknown. Not many a one has made its little
mark upon that generation that produced it, though it sunk with that
generation to utter forgetfulness. But, after the ceaseless toil of six
thousand years, how few have been the works, the adamantine basis of whose
reputation has stood unhurt amid the fluctuations of time, and whose
impression can be traced through successive centuries, on the history of
our species!

When, however, such a work appears, its effects are absolutely
incalculable; and such a work, you are aware, is the Iliad of Homer. Who
can estimate the results produced by the incomparable efforts of a single
mind? Who can tell what Greece owes to this first-born of song? Her
breathing marbles, her solemn temples, her unrivalled eloquence, and her
matchless verse, all point us to that transcendent genius, who, by the very
splendor of his own effulgence, woke the human intellect from the slumber
of ages. It was Homer who gave laws to the artist; it was Homer who
inspired the poet; it was Homer who thundered in the Senate; and, more than
all, it was Homer who was sung by the people; and hence a nation was cast
into the mould of one mighty mind, and the land of the Iliad became the
region of taste, the birthplace of the arts.

But, considered simply as an intellectual production, who will compare the
poems of Homer with the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments?
Where in the Iliad shall we find simplicity and pathos which shall vie with
the narrative of Moses, or maxims of conduct to equal in wisdom the
Proverbs of Solomon, or sublimity which does not fade away before the
conceptions of Job, or David, or Isaiah, or St. John? But I cannot pursue
this comparison. I feel that it is doing wrong to the mind which dictated
the Iliad, and to those other mighty intellects on whom the light of the
holy oracles never shined.

If, then, so great results have flowed from this one effort of a single
mind, what may we not expect from the combined efforts of several, at least
his equals in power over the human heart? If that one genius, though
groping in the thick darkness of absurd idolatry, wrought so glorious a
transformation in the character of his countrymen, what may we not look for
from the universal dissemination of those writings on whose authors was
poured the full splendor of eternal truth? If unassisted human nature,
spell-bound by a childish mythology, have done so much, what may we not
hope for from the supernatural efforts of preeminent genius, which spake as
it was moved by the Holy Ghost?
                                                               Dr. Wayland.


                                   LXXV.

                   ON ADMITTING CALIFORNIA TO THE UNION.

A year ago, California was a mere military dependency of our own. To-day,
she is a State, more populous than the least, and richer than several of
the greatest of our thirty States. This same California, thus rich and
populous, is here asking admission into the Union, and finds us debating
the dissolution of the Union itself. No wonder if we are perplexed with
ever-changing embarrassments! No wonder if we are appalled by
ever-increasing responsibilities! No wonder if we are bewildered by the
ever-augmenting magnitude and rapidity of national vicissitudes!

SHALL CALIFORNIA BE RECEIVED? For myself, upon my individual judgment and
conscience, I answer--yes. Let California come in. Every new State, whether
she come from the east or the west every new State, coming from whatever
part of the continent she may, is always welcome. But, California, that
comes from the clime where the west dies away into the rising
east,--California, that bounds at once the empire and the
continent,--California, the youthful queen of the Pacific, in her robes of
freedom, gorgeously inlaid with gold, is doubly welcome.

The question now arises, shall this one great people, having a common
origin, a common language, a common religion, common sentiments, interests,
sympathies and hopes, remain one political state, one nation, one republic;
or shall it be broken into two conflicting, and, probably, hostile nations
or republics? Shall the American people, then, be divided? Before deciding
on this question, let us consider our position, our power, and
capabilities. The world contains no seat of empire so magnificent as this;
which, embracing all the varying climates of the temperate zone, and
traversed by wide expanding lakes and long branching rivers, offers
supplies on the Atlantic shores to the overcrowded nations of Europe, and,
on the Pacific coast, intercepts the commerce of the Indies. The nations
thus situated, and enjoying forest, mineral, and agricultural resources
unequaled, if endowed, also with moral energies adequate to the achievement
of great enterprises, and flavored with a government adapted to their
character and condition, must command the empire of the seas, which, alone,
is real empire.

We think we may claim to have inherited physical and intellectual vigor,
courage, invention, and enterprise; and the systems of education prevailing
among us, open to all the stores of human science and art. The Old World
and the Past were allotted by Providence to the pupilage of mankind. The
New World and the Future seem to have been appointed for the maturity of
mankind, with the development of self-government, operating in obedience to
reason and judgment.

We may, then, reasonably hope for greatness, felicity, and renown,
excelling any hitherto attained by any nation, if, standing firmly on the
continent, we lose not our grasp on either ocean. Whether a destiny so
magnificent would be only partially defeated, or whether it would be
altogether lost by a relaxation of the grasp, surpasses our wisdom to
determine, and happily it is not important to be determined. It is enough,
if we agree, that expectations so grand, yet so reasonable and so just,
ought not in any degree to be disappointed. And now, it seems to me, that
the perpetual unity of the empire hangs on the decision of this day and
this hour.

California is already a State,--a complete and fully appointed State. She
never again can be less than that. She never again can be a province or a
colony; nor can she be made to shrink or shrivel into the proportions of a
federal dependent territory. California, then, henceforth and forever, must
be, what she is now,--a State.

The question whether she shall be one of the United States of America, has
depended on her and on us. Her election has been made. Our consent alone
remains suspended; and that consent must be pronounced now or never.
                                                              W. H. Seward.


                                  LXXVI.

                         A HIGHWAY TO THE PACIFIC.

Mr. President, I go for a national highway from the Mississippi to the
Pacific. And I go against all schemes of individuals or of companies, and
especially those who come here and ask of the Congress of the United States
to give themselves and their assigns the means of making a road, and taxing
the people for the use of it. If they should make it, they are to tax us
for the use of it--tax the people eight or ten millions a year for using a
road which their own money built. A fine scheme, that! But they would never
build it, neither themselves nor their assigns. It would all end in
stock-jobbing. I repudiate the whole idea, sir. I go for a national
highway--no stock-jobbing.

We find all the localities of the country precisely such as a national
central road would require. The Bay of San Francisco, the finest in the
world, is in the centre of the western coast of North America; it is
central, and without a rival. It will accommodate the commerce of that
coast, both north and south, up to the frozen regions, down to the torrid
zone. It is central in that respect. The commerce of the broad Pacific
Ocean will centre there. The commerce of Asia will centre there. Follow the
same latitude across the country, and it strikes the centre of the valley
of the Mississippi. It strikes the Mississippi near the confluence of all
the great waters which concentrate in the valley of the Mississippi. It
comes to the centre of the valley;--it comes to St. Louis. Follow the
prolongation of that central line, and you find it cutting the heart of the
great States between the Mississippi River and the Atlantic Ocean,
Illinois, Indiana Ohio a part of Virginia, Kentucky, and
Pennsylvania,--they are all traversed or touched by that great central
line.

We own the country, from sea to sea, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and
upon a breadth equal to the length of the Mississippi, and embracing the
whole temperate zone. Three thousand milks across, and half that breadth,
is the magnificent parallelogram of our domain. We can run a national
central road through and through, the whole distance, under our flag and
under our laws. Military reasons require us to make it; for troops and
munitions must go there. Political reasons require us to make it; it will
be a chain of union between the Atlantic and Pacific States. Commercial
reasons demand it from us; and here I touch a boundless field, dazzling and
bewildering the imagination from its vastness and importance. The trade of
the Pacific Ocean, of this western coast of North America, and of eastern
Asia, will all take its track; and not only for ourselves, but for
posterity.

Sir, in no instance has the great Asiatic trade failed to carry the nation
or the people which possessed it to the highest pinnacle of wealth and
power, and with it, to the highest attainments of letters, art, and
science. And so will it continue to be. An American road to India, through
the heart of our country will revive upon its line all the wonders of which
we have read, and eclipse them. The western wilderness, from the Pacific to
the Mississippi, will spring into life under its touch. A long line of
cities will grow up. Existing cities will take a new start. The state of
the world calls for a new road to India, and it is our destiny to give
it--the last and greatest. Let us act up to the greatness of the occasion,
and show ourselves worthy of the extraordinary circumstances in which we
are placed, by securing, while we can, an American road to India, central
and national, for ourselves and our posterity, now and hereafter, for
thousands of years to come.
                                                              T. H. Benton.


                                  LXXVII.

                    ADDRESS TO POLISH EXILES AT LONDON.

It is eighty-one years since Poland first was quartered by a nefarious act
of combined royalty, which the Swiss Tacitus, John Müller, well
characterized by saying that "God permitted the act, to show the morality
of kings;" and it is twenty-four years since down-trodden Poland made the
greatest--not the last--manifestation of her imperishable vitality, which
the cabinets of Europe were either too narrow-minded to understand, or too
corrupt to appreciate. Eighty-one years of still unretributed crime, and
twenty-four years of misery and exile! It is a long time to suffer, and not
to despair.

And all along this time, you, proscribed patriots of Poland, were
suffering, and did not despair. You stood up before the world, a living
statue, with unquenchable life-flame of patriotism streaming through its
petrified limbs; you stood up a protest of eternal right against the sway
of imperious might; a "Mene Tekel Upharsin," written in letters of burning
blood on the walls of overweening despotism. Time, misery, and sorrow have
thinned the ranks of your scattered Israel; you have carried your dead to
the grave, and those who survive went on to suffer and to hope. Wherever
oppressed Freedom reared a banner, you rallied around;--the living statue
changed to a fighting hero. Many of yours fell; and, when crime triumphed
once more over virtue and right, you resumed the wandering exile's staff
and did not despair. Many among you, who were young when they last saw the
sun rise over Poland's mountains and plains, have your hair whitened and
your strength broken with age, anguish, and misery; but the patriotic heart
kept the freshness of its youth; it is young in love for Poland, young in
aspirations for freedom, young in hope, and youthfully fresh in
determination to break Poland's chains.

What a rich source of noble deeds patriotism must be, that has given you
strength to suffer so much and never to despair! You have given a noble
example to all of us,--your younger brother in the family of exiles. When
the battle of Cannæ was lost, and Hannibal was measuring by bushels the
rings of the fallen Roman knights, the Senate of Rome voted thanks to
Consul Terentius Varro for "not having despaired of the Commonwealth."
Proscribed patriots of Poland! I thank you that you have not despaired of
resurrection and of liberty. The time draws nigh when the oppressed nations
will call their aggressors to a last account; and the millions of freemen,
in the fulness of their right, and their self-conscious strength, will
class judgment on arrogant conquerors, privileged murderers, and perjured
kings. In that supreme trial, the oppressed nations will stand one for all,
and all for one.
                                                                L. Kossuth.


                                 LXXVIII.

                        KOSSUTH ON HIS CREDENTIALS.

Let ambitious fools,--let the pigmies who live on the scanty food of
personal envy, when the very earth quakes beneath their feet; let even the
honest prudence of ordinary household times, measuring eternity with that
thimble with which they are wont to measure the bubbles of small party
interest, and, taking the dreadful roaring of the ocean for a storm in a
water-glass;--let those who believe the weather to be calm, because they
have drawn a nightcap over their ears, and, burying their heads in pillows
of domestic comfort, do not hear Satan sweeping in a hurricane over the
earth; let envy, ambition, blindness, and the pettifogging wisdom of small
times,--let all these artistically investigate the question of my official
capacity, or the nature of my public authority; let them scrupulously
discuss the immense problem whether I still possess, or possess no longer,
the title of my once-Governorship; let them ask for credentials, discuss
the limits of my commission, as representative of Hungary. I pity all such
frog and mouse fighting.

I claim no official capacity,--no public authority, no
representation;--boast of no commission, of no written and sealed
credentials. I am nothing but what my generous friend, the senator from
Michigan, has justly styled me, "a private and banished man." But, in that
capacity I have a nobler credential for my mission than all the clerks of
the world can write,--the credential that I am a "man;" the credential that
I am a "patriot;" the credential that I love with all sacrificing devotion
my oppressed fatherland and liberty; the credential that I hate tyrants,
and have sworn everlasting hostility to them; the credential that I feel
the strength to do good service to the cause of freedom; good service, as
perhaps few men can do, because I have the iron will, in this my breast, to
serve faithfully devotedly, indefatigably, that noble cause.

I have the credential that I trust to God in heaven, to justice on earth;
that I offend no laws, but cling to the protection of the laws. I have the
credential of my people's undeniable confidence and its unshaken faith; to
my devotion, to my manliness, to my honesty, and to my patriotism; which
faith I will honestly answer without ambition, without interest, as
faithfully as ever, but more skillfully, because schooled by adversities.
And I have the credential of the justice of the cause I plead, and of the
wonderful sympathy which, not my person, but that cause, has met, and
meets, in two hemispheres. These are my credentials, and nothing else. To
whom this is enough, he will help me, so far as the law permits and it is
his good pleasure. To whom these credentials are not sufficient, let him
look for a better accredited man.

                                  LXXIX.

                            THE IDES OF MARCH.

To-day is the fourth anniversary of the Revolution in Hungary.

Anniversaries of revolutions are almost always connected with the
recollections of some patriot's death,--fallen on that day, like the
Spartans at Thermopylæ, martyrs of devotion to their fatherland.

Almost in every country there is some proud cemetery, or some modest
tombstone, adorned on such a day by a garland of evergreen,--the pious
offering of patriotic tenderness. I passed the last night in a sleepless
dream; and my soul wandered on the magnetic wings of the past, home to my
beloved, bleeding land. And I saw, in the dead of the night, dark veiled
shapes, with the paleness of eternal grief upon their brow--but terrible in
the fearless silence of that grief--gliding over the churchyards of Hungary
and kneeling down to the head of the graves, and depositing the pious
tribute of green and cypress upon them; and, after a short prayer, rising
with clenched fists and gnashing teeth, and then stealing away tearless!
and silent as they came,--stealing away, because the bloodbounds of my
country's murder lurks from every corner on that night, and on this day,
and leads to prison those who dare to show a pious remembrance to the
beloved. To-day, a smile on the lips of a Magyar is taken for a crime of
defiance to tyranny; and a tear in his eye is equivalent to a revolt. And
yet I have seen, with the eye of my home-wandering soul, thousands
performing the work of patriotic piety.

And I saw more. When the pious offerers stole away, I saw the honored dead
half risen from their tombs, looking to the offerings, and whispering
gloomily, "Still a cypress, and still no flower of joy! Is there still the
chill of winter and the gloom of night over thee, Fatherland? Are we not
yet revenged?" And the sky of the east reddened suddenly, and quivered
with bloody flames; and from the far, far west, a lightning flashed like a
star-spangled stripe, and within its light a young eagle mounted and soared
towards the quivering flames of the east; and as he drew near, upon his
approaching, the flames changed into a radiant morning sun, and a voice
from above was heard in answer to the question of the dead:

"Sleep yet a short while; mine is the revenge. I will make the stars of the
west the sun of the east; and when ye next awake, ye will find the flower
of joy upon your cold bed." And the dead took the twig of cypress, the sign
of resurrection, into their bony hands, and lay down.

Such was the dream of my waking soul. And I prayed; and such was my prayer:
"Father, if thou deemest me worthy, take the cup from my people, and give
it in their stead to me." And there was a whisper around me like the word
"Amen." Such was my dream, half foresight and half prophecy; but resolution
all. However, none of those dead whom I saw, fell on the 15th of March.
They were victims of the royal perjury which betrayed the 15th of March.
The anniversary of our Revolution has not the stain of a single drop of
blood.
                                                                 L. Kossuth.


                                   LXXX.

                            THE SAME CONTINUED.

We, the elect of the nation, sat on that morning busily but quietly, in the
legislative hall of old Presburg, and, without any flood of eloquence,
passed our laws in short words, that the people shall be free; the burdens
of feudalism shall cease; the peasant shall become free proprietor; that
equality of duties, equality of rights, shall be the fundamental law; and
civil, political, social, and religious liberty shall be the common
property of all the people, whatever tongue it may speak, or in whatever
church pray; and that a national ministry shall execute these laws, and
guard with its responsibility the chartered, ancient independence of our
Fatherland.

Two days before, Austria's brave people in Vienna had broken its yoke; and
summing up despots in the person of their tool, old Metternich, drove him
away; and the Hapsburgs, trembling in their imperial cavern of imperial
crimes, trembling, but treacherous, and lying and false, wrote with
yard-long letters, the words, "Constitution" and "Free Press" upon Vienna's
walls; and the people in joy cheered the inveterate liars, because the
people knows no falsehood.

On the 14th, I announced the tidings from Vienna to our Parliament at
Presburg. The announcement was swiftly carried by the great democrat, the
steam-engine, upon the billows of the Danube, down to old Buda and to young
Pesth, and while we, in the House of Representatives, passed the laws of
Justice and freedom, the people of Pesth rose in peaceful but majestic
manifestation, declaring that the people should be free. At this
manifestation all the barriers raised by violence against the laws, fell of
themselves. Not a drop of blood was shed. A man who was in prison because
he had dared to write a book, was carried home in triumph through the
streets. The people armed itself as a National Guard, the windows were
illuminated and bon fires burnt, and when these tidings returned back to
Presburg, blended with the cheers from Vienna, they warmed the chill of our
House of Lords, who readily agreed to the laws we pro posed. And there was
rejoicing throughout the land. For the first time for centuries the farmer
awoke with the pleasant feeling that his time was now his own--for the
first time went out to till his field with the consoling thought that the
ninth part of his harvest will not be taken by the landlord, nor the tenth
by the bishop. Both had fully resigned their feudal portion, and the air
was brightened by the lustre of freedom, and the very soil budding into a
blooming paradise. Such is the memory of the 15th of March, 1848.
                                                                L. Kossuth.


                                  LXXXI.

                            THE SAME CONTINUED.

One year later, there was blood, but also victory, over the land; the
people because free, fought like demi-gods. Seven great victories we had
gained in that month of March. On this very day, the remains of the first
ten thousand Russians fled over the frontiers of Transylvania, to tell at
home how heavily the blow falls from free Hungarian arms. It was in that
very month, that one evening I lay down in the bed, whence in the morning
Windischgrätz had risen; and from the battle-field I hastened to the
Congress at Debreczin, to tell the Representatives of the nation "It is
time to declare our national independence, because it is really achieved.
The Hapsburgs have not power to contradict it more." Nor had they.

But Russia, having experienced by the test of its first interference, that
there was no power on earth caring about the most flagrant violation of the
laws of nations, and seeing by the silence of Great Britain and of the
United States, that she may dare to violate those laws, our heroes had to
meet a fresh force of nearly two hundred thousand Russians. No power
cheered our bravely-won independence by diplomatic recognition; not even the
United States, though they always professed their principle to be that they
recognize every de facto government. We therefore had the right to expect a
speedy recognition from the United States. Our struggle rose to European
height, but we were left alone to fight for the world; and we had no arms
for the new battalions, gathering up in thousands with resolute hearts and
empty hands.

The recognition of our independence being withheld, commercial intercourse
for procuring arms abroad was impossible,--the gloomy feeling of entire
forsakedness spread over our tired ranks, and prepared the field for the
secret action of treachery; until the most sacrilegious violation of those
common laws of nations was achieved, and. the code of "nature and of
nature's God" was drowned in Hungary's blood. And I who on the 15th of
March, 1848, saw the principle of full civil and religious liberty
triumphing in my native land,--who, on the 15th of March, 1849, saw this
freedom consolidated by victories,--one year later, on the 15th of March,
1850, was on my sorrowful way to an Asiatic prison.
                                                                L. Kossuth.


                                  LXXXII.

                            THE SAME CONCLUDED.

But wonderful are the ways of Divine Providence. It was again in the month
of March, 1851, that the generous interposition of the United States cast
the first ray of hope into the dead night of my captivity. And on the 15th
of March, 1852, the fourth anniversary of our Revolution, guided by the
bounty of Providence, here I stand, in the very heart of your immense
Republic; no longer a captive, but free in the land of the free, not only
not desponding, but firm in confidence of the future, because raised in
spirits by a swelling sympathy in the home of the brave; still a poor, a
homeless exile, but not without some power to do good to my country and to
the cause of liberty, as my very persecution proves. Such is the history of
the 15th of March, in my humble life. Who can tell what will be the
character of the next 15th of March?

Nearly two thousand years ago. the first Cæsar found a Brutus on the Ides
or 15th of March. May be that the Ides of March, 1853, will see the last of
the Cæsars fall under the avenging might of a thousand-handed Brutus--the
name of whom is "the people"--inexorable at last after it has been so
long generous. The seat of the Cæsars was first in the south, then from the
south to the east, from the east to the west, and from the west to the
north. That is their last abode. None was lasting yet. Will the last, and
worst, prove luckier? No, it will not. While the seat of the Cæsars was
tossed around and thrown back to the icy north, a new world became the
cradle of a new humanity, where, in spite of the Cæsars the Genius of
Freedom raised (let us hope) an everlasting throne. The Cæsar of the north
and the Genius of Freedom have not place enough upon this earth for both of
them; one must yield and be crushed beneath the heels of the other. Which
is it? Which shall yield? America may decide.
                                                                L. Kossuth.


                                 LXXXIII.

                      THE MAYFLOWER AND THE PILGRIMS.

Methinks I see it now that one solitary, adventurous vessel, the Mayflower
of a forlorn hope, freighted with the prospects of a future state, and
bound across the unknown sea. I behold it pursuing, with a thousand
misgivings, the uncertain, the tedious voyage. Suns rise and set, and
weeks, and months pass, and winter surprises them on the deep, but brings
them not the sight of the wished-for shore. I see them now, scantily
supplied with provisions, crowded almost to suffocation in their ill-stored
prison, delayed by calms, pursuing a circuitous route; and now, driven in
fury before the raging tempest, in their scarcely seaworthy vessel. The
awful voice of the storm howls through the rigging. The laboring masts seem
straining from their base; the dismal sound of the pumps is heard; the ship
leaps, as it were, madly from billow to billow; the ocean breaks, and
settles with ingulfing floods over the floating deck, and beats with
deadening weight, against the staggered vessel. I see them, escaped from
these perils, pursuing their all but desperate undertaking, and landed at
last, after a five months' passage, on the ice-clad rocks of Plymouth, weak
and weary from the voyage, poorly armed, scantily provisioned, depending on
the charity of their shipmaster for a draught of beer on board, drinking
nothing but water on shore, without shelter, without means, surrounded by
hostile tribes.

Shut now the volume of history, and tell me, on any principle of human
probability, what shall be the fate of this handful of adventurers. Tell
me, man of military science, in how many months were they all swept off by
the thirty savage tribes, enumerated within the early limits of New
England? Tell me, politician, how long did this shadow of a colony, on
which your conventions and treaties had not smiled, languish on the distant
coast? Student of history, compare for me the baffled projects, the
deserted settlements, the abandoned adventures of other times, and find the
parallel of this. Was it the winter's storm, beating upon the houseless
heads of women and children? was it hard labor and spare meals? was it
disease? was it the tomahawk? was it the deep malady of blighted hope, a
ruined enterprise, and a broken heart, aching in its last moments at the
recollection of the loved and left, beyond the sea?--was it some, or all
of these united, that hurried this forsaken company to their melancholy
fate? And is it possible that neither of these causes, that not all
combined, were able to blast this bud of lope? Is it possible, that from a
beginning so feeble, so frail, so worthy, not so much of admiration as of
pity, there has gone forth a progress so steady, a growth so wonderful, a
reality so important, a promise yet to be fulfilled so glorious?
                                                                E. Everett.


                                  LXXXIV.

                         THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

After years of fruitless and heart-sick solicitation, after offering, in
effect, to this monarchy and to that monarch, the gift of a hemisphere. the
great discoverer touches upon a partial success. He succeeds, not in
enlisting the sympathy of his countrymen at Genoa and Venice, for a brave
brother-sailor,--not in giving a new direction to the spirit of maritime
adventure, which had so long prevailed in Portugal,--not in stimulating
the commercial thrift of Henry the Seventh, or the pious ambition of the
Catholic king. His sorrowful perseverance touches the heart of a noble
princess, worthy the throne which she adorned. The New World, which was
just escaping the subtle kingcraft of Ferdinand, was saved to Spain by the
womanly compassion of Isabella.

It is truly melancholy, however, to contemplate the wretched equipment, for
which the most powerful princess of Christendom was ready to pledge her
jewels. Floating castles will soon be fitted out to convey the miserable
natives of Africa to the golden shores of America; towering galleons will
be despatched to bring home the guilty treasures to Spain. But three small
vessels, one of which was without a deck, and neither of them, probably,
exceeding the capacity of a pilot-boat, and even these impressed into the
public service, composed the expedition fitted out under royal patronage,
to realize that magnificent conceptions in which the creative mind of
Columbus had planted the germs of a new world.

No chapter of romance equals the interest of this expedition. The most
fascinating of the works of fiction which have issued from the modern press
have, to my taste, no attraction compared with the pages in which the first
voyage of Columbus is described by Robertson, and still more by our own
Irving and Prescott, the last two enjoying the advantage over the Scottish
historian of possessing the lately discovered Journals and letters of
Columbus himself. The departure from Palos, where, a few days before, he
had begged a morsel of bread and a cup of water for his wayworn child,--his
final farewell to the Old World at the Canaries,--his entrance upon the
trade winds, which then, for the first time, filled a European sail,--the
portentous variation of the needle, never before observed, the fearful
course westward and westward, day after day, and night after night, over
the unknown ocean, the mutinous and ill-appeased crew; at length, when hope
had turned to despair in every heart but one, the tokens of land,--the
cloud-banks on the western horizon,--the logs of drift-wood,--the fresh
shrub, floating with its leaves and berries,--the flocks of
land-birds,--the shoals of fish that inhabit shallow water, the
indescribable smell of the shore,--the mysterious presentiment that seems
ever to go before a great event, and finally, on that ever-memorable night
of the 12th of October, 1492, the moving light seen by the sleepless eye of
the great discoverer himself, from the deck of the Santa Maria, and in the
morning the real, undoubted land, swelling up from the bosom of the deep,
with its plains, and hills, and forests, and rocks, and streams, and
strange, new races of men;--these are incidents in which the authentic
history of the discovery of our Continent excels the specious wonders of
romance, as much as gold excels tinsel, or the sun in the heavens outshines
the flickering taper.
                                                                E. Everett.


                                  LXXXV.

                           ADAMS AND JEFFERSON.

We dismiss them not to the chambers of forgetfulness and death. What we
admired, and prized, and venerated in them, can never be forgotten. I had
almost said that they are now beginning to live; to live that life of
unimpaired influence, of unclouded fame, of unmingled happiness, for which
their talents and services were destined. Such men do not, cannot die. To
be cold and breathless; to feel not and speak not; this is not the end of
existence to the men who have breathed their spirits into the institutions
of their country, who have stamped their characters on the pillars of the
age, who have poured their hearts' blood into the channels of the public
prosperity. Tell me, ye who tread the sods of yon sacred height, is Warren
dead? Can you not still see him, not pale and prostrate, the blood of his
gallant heart pouring out of his ghastly wound, but moving resplendent over
the field of honors with the rose of heaven upon his cheek, and the fire of
liberty in his eye? Tell me, ye who make your pious pilgrimage to the
shades of Vernon, is Washington indeed shut up in that cold and narrow
house? That which made these men, and men like these, cannot die. The hand
that traced the charter of independence is, indeed, motionless; the
eloquent lips that sustained it are hushed; but the lofty spirits that
conceived, resolved, and maintained it, and which alone, to such men, "make
it life to live," these cannot expire;--

     "These shall resist the empire of decay,
     When time is o'er, and worlds have passed away;
     Cold in the dust the perished heart may lie,
     But that which warmed it once can never die."

                                                                E. Everett.


                                  LXXXVI.

                  THE INDIAN CHIEF TO THE WHITE SETTLER.

Think of the country for which the Indians fought! Who can blame them? As
Philip looked down from his seat on Mount Hope, that glorious eminence,
that

    ----" throne of royal state, which far
     Outshone the wealth of Ormus and of Ind,
     Or where the gorgeous East, with richest hand,
     Showers on her kings barbaric pearl and gold,"--

as he looked down, and beheld the lovely scene which spread beneath, at a
summer sunset, the distant hill-tops glittering as with fire, the slanting
beams streaming across the waters, the broad plains, the island groups, the
majestic forest,--could he be blamed, if his heart burned within him, as he
beheld it all passing, by no tardy process, from beneath his control, into
the hands of the stranger?

As the river chieftains--the lords of the waterfalls and the
mountains--ranged this lovely valley, can it be wondered at, if they beheld
with bitterness the forest disappearing beneath the settler's axe? the
fishing-place disturbed by his saw-mills? Can we not fancy the feelings
with which some strong-minded savage, the chief of the Pocomtuck Indians,
who should have ascended the summit of the Sugar-loaf Mountain, (rising as
it does before us, at this moment, in all its loveliness and grandeur,)--in
company with a friendly settler, contemplating the progress already made by
the white man, and marking the gigantic strides with which he was advancing
into the wilderness, should fold his arms and say "White man, there is
eternal war between me and thee! I quit not the land of my fathers, but
with my life. In those woods, where I bent my youthful bow; I will still
hunt the deer; over yonder waters I will still glide, unrestrained, in my
bark canoe. By those dashing waterfalls I will still lay up my winter's
store of food; on these fertile meadows I will still plant my corn.

"Stranger, the land is mine! I understand not these paper rights. I gave
not my consent, when, as thou sayest, these broad regions were purchased,
for a few baubles, of my fathers. They could sell what was theirs; they
could sell no more. How could my father sell that which the Great Spirit
sent me into the world to live upon? They knew not what they did.

"The stranger came, a timid suppliant,--few and feeble, and asked to lie
down on the red man's bear-skin, and warm himself at the red man's fire,
and have a little piece of land to raise corn for his women and children;
and now he is become strong, and mighty, and bold, and spreads out his
parchments over the whole, and says, 'It is mine.'

"Stranger! there is not room for us both. The Great Spirit has not made us
to live together. There is poison in the white man's cup; the white man's
dog barks at the red man's heels. If I should leave the land of my fathers,
whither shall I fly? Shall I go to the south, and dwell among the graves of
the Pequots? Shall I wander to the west, the fierce Mohawk,--the
man-eater,--is my foe. Shall I fly to the east, the great water is before
me. No, stranger; here I have lived, and here will I die; and if here thou
abidest, there is eternal war between me and thee.

"Thou hast taught me thy arts of destruction; for that alone I thank thee.
And now take heed to thy steps; the red man is thy foe. When thou goest
forth by day my bullet shall whistle past thee; when thou liest down by
night, my knife is at thy throat. The noonday sun shall not discover thy
enemy, and the darkness of midnight shall not protect thy rest. Thou shalt
plant in terror, and I will reap in blood; thou shalt sow the earth with
corn, and I will strew it with ashes; thou shalt go forth with the sickle,
and I will follow after with the scalping-knife; thou shalt build, and I
will burn,--till the white man or the Indian perish from the land."
                                                                E. Everett.


                                 LXXXVII.

                         THE MEN OF "SEVENTY-SIX."

If we look only at one part of the work of the men of '76 if we see them
poring over musty parchments by the midnight lamp, citing the year-books
against writs of assistance, disputing themselves hoarse, about this phrase
in the charter of Charles the First, and that section in a statute of
Edward the Third, we should be disposed to class them with the most bigoted
conservatives that ever threw a drag-chain around the limbs of a young and
ardent people. But, gracious heavens, look at them again, when the trumpet
sounds the hour of resistance; survey the other aspect of their work. See
these undaunted patriots, in their obscure caucus gatherings, in their
town-meetings, in their provincial assemblies, in their continental
congress, breathing defiance to the British Parliament and the British
throne. March with their raw militia to the conflict with the trained
veterans of the seven years' war. Witness them, a group of colonies,
extemporized into a confederacy, entering with a calm self-possession into
alliance with the oldest monarchy in Europe; and occupying, as they did, a
narrow belt of territory along the coast, plainly peopled, partially
cleared, hemmed in by the native savage, by the Alleghenies, by the Ohio,
and the Lakes; behold them dilating with the grandeur of the position,
radiant in the prospective glories of their career, casting abroad the
germs of future independent States, destined, at no distant day, not merely
to cover the face of the thirteen British colonies, but to spread over the
territories of France and Spain on this continent, over Florida and
Louisiana, over New Mexico and California, beyond the Mississippi, beyond
the Rocky Mountains,--to unite the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans, the
arctic and the torrid zones, in one great network of confederate republican
government. Contemplate this, and you will acknowledge the men of
Seventy-six to have been the boldest men of progress that the world has
ever seen!

These are the men whom the Fourth of July invites us to respect and to
imitate;--the James Otises and the Warrens, the Franklins and the Adamses,
the Patrick Henrys and the Jeffersons, and him whom I may not name in the
plural number, brightest of the bright and purest of the pure,--Washington
himself. But let us be sure to imitate them, (or strive to do so) in all
their great principles, in both parts of their noble and comprehensive
policy. Let us reverence them as they reverenced their predecessors,--not
seeking to build up the future on the ruins of all that had gone before,
nor yet to bind down the living, breathing, burning present to the
mouldering relics of the dead past,--but deducing the rule of a bold and
safe progress, from the records of a wise and glorious experience.
                                                                E. Everett.


                                 LXXXVIII.

                            THE SAME CONCLUDED.

We live at an era as eventful, in my judgment, as that of '76 though in a
different way. We have no foreign yoke to throw off but in the discharge of
the duty devolved upon us by Providence, we have to carry the republican
independence which our fathers achieved, with all the organized
institutions of an enlightened community, institutions of religion, law,
education, charity, art, and all the thousand graces of the higher culture,
beyond the Missouri, beyond the Sierra Nevada; perhaps, in time around the
circuit of the Antilles; perhaps to the archipelagoes of the Central
Pacific. The pioneers are on the way. Who can tell how far and fast they
will travel? Who, that compares the North America of 1753, but a century
ago, and numbering but little over a million of souls of European origin;
or still more the North America of 1653, when there was certainly not a
fifth part of that number; who that compares this with the North America of
1853, its twenty-two millions of European origin, and its thirty-one
States, will venture to assign limits to our growth; will dare to compute
the time-table of our railway progress, or lift so much as a corner of the
curtain that hides the crowded events of the coming century?

This only we can plainly see; the Old World is rocking to its foundations.
From the Gulf of Finland to the Yellow Sea, everything is shaken. The
spirit of the age has gone forth to hold his great review, and the kings of
the earth are moved to meet him at his coming. The band which holds the
great powers of Europe together in one political league, is strained to its
utmost tension. The catastrophe may for a while be staved off; but to all
appearance they are hurrying to the verge of one of those conflicts which,
like those of Pharsalia and Actium, affect the condition of States for
twice ten centuries. The Turkish empire, encamped but for four centuries on
the frontiers of Europe, and the Chinese monarchy, contemporary with David
and Solomon, are alike crumbling.

While these events are passing in the Old World, a tide of emigration,
which has no parallel in history is pouring westward, across the Atlantic,
and eastward, across the Pacific to our shores. The real political vitality
of the world seems moving to the new hemisphere, whose condition and
fortune it devolves upon us and our children to mould and regulate.

It is a grand,--let me say, a solemn thought,--well calculated to still the
passions of the day and to elevate us above the paltry strife of parties.
It teaches us that we are called to the highest, and, I do verily believe,
the most momentous trust that ever devolved upon one generation of men. Let
us meet it with a corresponding temper and purpose,--with the wisdom of a
well-instructed experience, and with the foresight and preparation of a
glorious future; not on the narrow platforms of party policy and temporary
expediency, but in the broad and comprehensive spirit of Seventy-six.
                                                                E. Everett.


                                  LXXXIX.

                            OUR COMMON SCHOOLS.

Sir, it is our common schools which gives the keys of knowledge to the mass
of the people. Our common schools are important in the same way as the
common air, the common sunshine, the common rain,--invaluable for their
commonness. They are the corner-stone of that municipal organization which
is the characteristic feature of our social system; they are the fountain
of that widespread intelligence which, like a moral life pervades the
country.

From the humblest village-school there may go forth a teacher who, like
Newton, shall bind his temples with the stars of Orion's belt; with
Herschel, light up his cell with the beams of before-undiscovered planets;
with Franklin, grasp the lightning. Columbus, fortified with a few sound
geographical principles, was, on the deck of his crazy caravel, more truly
the monarch of Castile and Aragon, than Ferdinand and Isabella, enthroned
beneath the golden vaults of the conquered Alhambra. And Robinson, with the
simple training of a rural pastor in England, when he knelt on the shores
of Delft Haven, and sent his little flock upon their Gospel errantry beyond
the world of waters, exercised an influence over the destinies of the
civilized world, which will last to the end of time.

Sir, it is a solemn, a tender, and sacred duty that of education. What,
sir, feed a child's body, and let his soul hunger! pamper his limbs and
starve his faculties! Plant the earth, cover a thousand hills with your
droves of cattle, pursue the fish to their hiding-places in the sea, and
spread out your wheatfields across the plain, in order to supply the wants
of that body which will soon be as cold and as senseless as the poorest
clod, and let the pure spiritual essence within you, with all its glorious
capacities for improvement, languish and pine! What! build factories, turn
in rivers upon the water-wheels, enchain the imprisoned spirits of steam,
to weave a garment for the body, and let the soul remain unadorned and
naked! What! send out your vessels to the farthest ocean, and make battle
with the monsters of the deep, in order to obtain the means of lighting up
your dwellings and workshops, and prolonging the hours of labor for the
meat that perisheth, and permit that vital spark which God has kindled,
which He has intrusted to our care, to be fanned into a bright and heavenly
flame,--permit it, I say, to languish and go out!

What considerate man can enter a school and not reflect with awe, that it
is a seminary where immortal minds are training for eternity? What parent
but is, at times, weighed down with the thought, that there must be laid
the foundations of a building which will stand, when not merely temple and
palace, but the perpetual hills and adamantine rocks on which they rest,
have melted away!--that a light may there be kindled, which will shine, not
merely when every artificial beam is extinguished, but when the affrighted
sun has fled away from the heavens! I can add nothing, sir, to this
consideration. I will only say, in conclusion, Education,--when we feed
that lamp, we perform the highest social duty! If we quench it, I know not
where (humanly speaking), for time or for eternity,--"

     I know not where is that Promethean heat
     That can its light resume! "
                                                                 E Everett.


                                    XC.

                 WEBSTER'S GREATEST PARLIAMENTARY EFFORT.

The greatest parliamentary effort made by Mr. Webster, was his second
speech on Foot's resolution,--the question at issue being nothing less than
this; Is the Constitution of the United States a compact without a common
umpire between confederated sovereignties; or is it a government of the
people of the United States, sovereign within the sphere of its delegated
powers, although reserving a great mass of undelegated rights to
the separate State governments and the people? With those who embrace the
opinions which Mr. Webster combated in this speech, this is not the time
nor the place to engage in an argument; but those who believe that he
maintained the true principles of the Constitution, will probably agree,
that since that instrument was communicated to the Continental Congress,
seventy-two years ago this day by George Washington as President of the
Federal Convention, no greater service has been rendered to the country
than in the delivery of this speech.

Well do I recollect the occasion and the scene. It was truly what
Wellington called the battle of Waterloo, a conflict of giants. I passed an
hour and a half with Mr. Webster, at his request, the evening before this
great effort; and he went over to me, from a very concise brief, the main
topics of the speech which he had prepared for the following day. So calm
and unimpassioned was the memorandum, so entirely was he at ease himself
that I was tempted to think absurdly enough, that he was not sufficiently
aware of the magnitude of the occasion. But I soon perceived that his
calmness was the repose of conscious power. He was not only at ease, but
sportive and full of anecdote; and as he told the Senate playfully the next
day he slept soundly that night on the formidable assault of his gallant
and accomplished adversary. So the great Condé slept on the eve of the
battle of Rocroi; so Alexander slept on the eve of the battle of Arbela;
and so they awoke to deeds of immortal fame.

As I saw him in the evening, (if I may borrow an illustration from his
favorite amusement,) he was as unconcerned and as free of spirit, as some
here have often seen him, while floating in his fishing boat along a hazy
shore, gently rocking on the tranquil tide, dropping his line here and
there, with the varying fortune of the sport. The next morning he was like
some mighty Admiral, dark and terrible, casting the long shadow of his
frowning tiers far over the sea, that seemed to sink beneath him; his broad
pendant streaming at the main, the stars and the stripes at the fore, the
mizzen, and the peak; and bearing down like a tempest upon his antagonist,
with all his canvas strained to the wind and all his thunders roaring from
his broadsides.
                                                                E. Everett.


                                   XCI.

                      WHAT GOOD WILL THE MONUMENT DO.

I am met with the great objection, What good will the Monument do? I beg
leave, sir, to exercise my birthright as a Yankee, and answer this question
by asking two or three more, to which, I believe, it will be quite as
difficult to furnish a satisfactory reply. I am asked, What good will the
monument do? And I ask, What good does anything do? What is good? Does
anything do any good? The persons who suggest this objection, of course
think that there are some projects and undertakings that do good; and I
should therefore like to have the idea of good explained, and analyzed, and
run out to its elements.

When this is done, if I do not demonstrate, in about two minutes, that the
monument does the same kind of good that anything else does, I shall
consent that the huge blocks of granite already laid, should be reduced to
gravel, and carted off to fill up the mill-pond; for that, I suppose, is
one of the good things. Does a railroad or canal do good? Answer, yes. And
how? It facilitates intercourse, opens markets and increases the wealth of
the country. But what is this good for? Why, individuals prosper and get
rich. And what good does that do? Is mere wealth, as an ultimate end,--gold
and silver, without an inquiry as to their use,--are these a good?
Certainly not. I should insult this audience by attempting to prove that a
rich man, as such, is neither better nor happier than a poor one. But as
men grow rich, they live better. Is there any good in this, stopping here?
Is mere animal life--feeding, working, and sleeping like an ox--entitled to
be called good? Certainly not. But these improvements increase the
population. And what? good does that do? Where is the good in counting
twelve millions, instead of six, of mere feeding, working, sleeping
animals? There is, then, no good in the mere animal life, except that it is
the physical basis of that higher moral existence, which resides in the
soul, the heart, the mind, the conscience; in good principles, good
feelings, good actions (and the more disinterested, the more entitled to be
called good) which flow from them. Now, sir, I say that generous and
patriotic sentiments, sentiments which prepare us to serve our country, to
live for our country, to die for our country,--feelings like those which
carried Prescott, and Warren, and Putnam to the battle-field, are
good,--good, humanly speaking, of the highest order. It is good to have
them, good to encourage them, good to honor them, good to commemorate
them;--and whatever tends to animate and strengthen such feelings does as
much right down practical good as filling up low grounds and building
railroads. This is my demonstration.
                                                                E. Everett.


                                   XCII.

                 EMANCIPATION OF THE CATHOLICS OF IRELAND.

This paper, gentlemen, insists upon the necessity of emancipating the
Catholics of Ireland, and that is charged as a part of the libel. If they
had waited another year, if they had kept this prosecution impending for
another year, how much would remain for a jury to decide upon, I should be
at a loss to discover. It seems as if the progress of public information
was eating away the ground of the prosecution. Since the commencement of
the prosecution, this part of the libel has unluckily received the sanction
of the legislature. In that interval our Catholic brethren have obtained
that admission, which, it seems, it was a libel to propose. In what way to
account for this, I am really at a loss. Have any alarms been occasioned by
the emancipation of our Catholic brethren? has the bigoted malignity of any
individuals been crushed? Or, has the stability of the government, or has
that of the country been weakened? Or, are one million of subjects stronger
than three millions? Do you think that the benefit they receive should be
poisoned by the stings of vengeance? If you think so, you must say to them,
"You have demanded your emancipation and you have got it; but we abhor your
persons, we are outraged at your success; and we will stigmatize, by a
criminal prosecution, the adviser of that relief which you have obtained
from the voice of your country."

I ask you, gentlemen, do you think, as honest men, anxious for the public
tranquillity, conscious that there are wounds not yet completely cicatrized
that you ought to speak this language at this time, to men who are too much
disposed to think that in this very emancipation they have been saved from
their own Parliament by the humanity of their Sovereign? Or, do you wish
to prepare them for the revocation of these improvident concessions? Do you
think it wise or humane at this moment to insult them, by sticking up in a
pillory the man who dared to stand forth as their advocate? I put it to
your oaths; do you think that a blessing of that kind, that a victory
obtained by justice over bigotry and oppression, should have a stigma cast
upon it by an ignominious sentence upon men honest and bold enough to
propose that measure? to propose the redeeming of religion from the abuses
of the Church--the reclaiming of three millions of men from bondage, and
giving liberty to all who had a right to demand it--giving, I say, in the
so much censured words of this paper, "Universal Emancipation!"

I speak in the spirit of the British law, which makes liberty commensurate
with and inseparable from British soil--which proclaims even to the
stranger and the sojourner, the moment he sets his foot upon British earth,
that the ground on which he treads is holy, and consecrated by the genius
of Universal Emancipation. No matter in what language his doom may have
been pronounced; no matter what complexion incompatible with freedom an
Indian or an African sun may have burned upon him; no matter in what
disastrous battle his liberty may have been cloven down; no matter with
what solemnities he may have been devoted upon the altar of slavery;--the
first moment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and the god
sink together in the dust; his soul walks abroad in her own majesty; his
body swells beyond the measure of his chains that burst from around him and
he stands redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled, by the irresistible
genius of Universal Emancipation.
                                                              J. P. Curran.


                                  XCIII.

                           THE PUBLIC INFORMER.

But the learned gentleman is further pleased to say, that the traverser has
charged the government with the encouragement of informers. This,
gentlemen, is another small fact that you are to deny at the hazard of your
souls, and upon the solemnity of your oaths. You are upon your oaths to say
to the sister country, that the government of Ireland uses no such
abominable instruments of destruction as informers. Let me ask you
honestly, what do you feel, when in my hearing, when in the face of this
audience, you are called upon to give a verdict that every man of us, and
every man of you, know by the testimony of your own eyes to be utterly and
absolutely false? I speak not now of the public proclamation of informers,
with a promise of secrecy and of extravagant reward; I speak not of the
fate of those horrid wretches who have been so often transferred from the
table to the dock, and from the dock to the pillory; I speak of what your
own eyes have seen day after day, during the course of this commission,
from the box where you are now sitting--the number of horrid miscreants who
avowed upon their oaths that they had come from the very seat of government
from the castle, where they had been worked upon by the fear of death and
the hopes of compensation to give evidence against their fellows. I speak
of the well-known fact that the mild and wholesome councils of this
government are holden over these catacombs of living death, where the
wretch that is buried a man, lies till his heart has time to fester and
dissolve, and is then dug up a witness.

Is this fancy, or is it fact? Have you not seen him, after his resurrection
from that tomb, after leaving been dug out of the region of death and
corruption, make his appearance upon the table, the living image of life
and of death, and the supreme arbiter of both? Have you not marked when he
entered, how the stormy wave of the multitude retired at his approach? Have
you not marked how the human heart bowed to the supremacy of his power, in
the undissembled homage of deferential horror? How his glance, like the
lightning of heaven, seemed to rive the body of the accused, and mark it
for the grave, while his voice warned the devoted wretch of woe and
death--a death which no innocence can escape, no art elude, no force
resist, no antidote prevent. There was an antidote a juror's oath----but
even that adamantine chain that bound the integrity of man to the throne of
eternal justice, is solved and melted in the breath that issues from the
informer's mouth. Conscience swings from her mooring, and the appalled and
affrighted juror consults his own safety in the surrender of the victim.
                                                              J. P. Curran.


                                   XCIV.

                  RED JACKET'S SPEECH TO THE MISSIONARY.

Brother, listen to what we say. There was a time when our forefathers owned
this great island. Their seats extended from the rising to the setting sun.
The Great Spirit had made it for the use of Indians. He had created the
buffalo, file deer, and other animals for food. He had made the bear and
the beaver. Their skins served us for clothing. He had scattered them over
the country, and taught us how to take them. He had caused the earth to
produce corn for bread. All this He had done for his red children, because
He loved them. If we had some disputes about our hunting-ground, they were
generally settled without the shedding of much blood. But an evil day came
upon us. Your forefathers came across the great water, and landed on this
island. Their numbers were small. They found friends and not enemies. They
told us they had fled from their own country for fear of wicked men, and
asked for a small seat. We took pity on them; granted their request; and
they sat down amongst us. We gave them corn and meat; they gave us poison
in return.

The white people, brother, had now found our country. Tidings were carried
back, and more came amongst us. Yet we did not fear them. We took them to
be friends. They called us brothers. We believed them and gave them a
larger seat. At length their numbers had greatly increased. They wanted
more land; they wanted our country. Our eyes were opened, and our minds
became uneasy. Wars took place. Indians were hired to fight against
Indians, and many of our people were destroyed. They also brought strong
liquor amongst us. It was strong and powerful and has slain thousands.

Brother, our seats were once large, and yours were small. You have now
become a great people, and we have scarcely a place left to spread our
blankets. You have got our country but are not satisfied; you want to force
your religion upon us. You say that you are sent to instruct us how to
worship the Great Spirit agreeably to his mind; and, if we do not take hold
of the religion which you white people teach, we shall be unhappy
hereafter. We are told that you have been preaching to the white people in
this place. These people are our neighbors. We are acquainted with them. We
will wait a little while, and see what effect your preaching has upon them.
If we find it does them good, makes them honest, and less disposed to cheat
Indians, we will then consider again of what you have said. Brother, you
have now heard our answer to your talk, and this is all we have to say at
present.
                                                                      Cram.


                                   XCV.

                           PARTITION OF POLAND.

Now, sir, what was the conduct of your own allies to Poland? Is there a
single atrocity of the French, in Italy, in Switzerland, in Egypt, if you
please, more unprincipled and inhuman than that of Russia, Austria, and
Prussia, in Poland? What has there been in the conduct of the French to
foreign powers; what in the violation of solemn treaties; what in the
plunder, devastation, and dismemberment of unoffending countries; what in
the horrors and murders perpetrated upon the subdued victims of their rage
in any district which they have overrun, worse than the conduct of those
three great powers in the miserable, devoted, and trampled-on kingdom of
Poland, and who have been, or are, our allies in this war for religion and
social order, and the rights of nations? "Oh! but you regretted the
partition of Poland! " Yes, regretted! You regretted the violence, and that
is all you did. You united yourself with the actors; you, in fact, by your
acquiescence, confirmed the atrocity. But they are your allies; and though
they overran and divided Poland, there was nothing, perhaps, in the manner
of doing it which stamped it with peculiar infamy and disgrace. The hero of
Poland [Swarrow], perhaps, was merciful and mild! He was "as much superior
to Bonaparte in bravery, and in the discipline which he maintained, as he
was superior in virtue and humanity! " He was animated by the purest
principles of Christianity, and was restrained in his career by the
benevolent precepts which it inculcates! Was he? Let unfortunate Warsaw,
and the miserable inhabitant's of the suburb of Praga in particular, tell!
What do we understand to have been the conduct of this magnanimous hero,
with whom, it seems, Bonaparte is not to be compared? He entered the suburb
of Praga, the most populous suburb of Warsaw; and there he let his soldiery
loose on the miserable, unarmed, and unresisting people. Men, women, and
children, nay, infants at the breast, were doomed to one indiscriminate
massacre. Thousands of them were inhumanly, wantonly butchered! And for
what? Because they had dared to join in a wish to meliorate their own
condition as a people, and to improve their Constitution, which had been
confessed by their own Sovereign to be in want of amendment. And such is
the hero upon whom the cause of religion and social order is to repose! And
such is the man whom we praise for his discipline and his virtue, and whom
we hold out as our boast and our dependence; while the conduct of Bonaparte
unfits him to be even treated with as an enemy?
                                                                 C. J. Fox.


                                   XCVI.

                            NATIONAL DISGRACE.

Sir, we may look in vain to the events of former times for a disgrace
parallel to what we have suffered. Louis the Fourteenth, a monarch often
named in our debates, and whose reign exhibits more than any other the
extremes of prosperous and of adverse fortune, never, in the midst of his
most humiliating distresses, stooped to so despicable a sacrifice of all
that can be dear to man. The war of the succession, unjustly begun by him,
had reduced his power, had swallowed up his armies and his navies, had
desolated his provinces, had drained his treasures, and deluged the earth
with the blood of the best and most faithful his subjects. Exhausted by his
various calamities, he offered his enemies at one time to relinquish all
the objects for which he had begun the war. That proud monarch sued for
peace, and was content to receive it from our moderation. But when it was
made a condition of that peace, that he should turn his arms against his
grandson, and compel him by force to relinquish the throne of
Spain,--humbled, exhausted, conquered as he was, misfortune had not yet
bowed his spirit to conditions so hard as these.

We know the event. He persisted still in the war, until the folly and
wickedness of Queen Anne's ministers enabled him to conclude the peace of
Utrecht, on terms considerably less disadvantageous even than those he had
himself proposed. And shall we, sir, the pride of our age, the terror of
Europe, submit to this humiliating sacrifice of our honor? Have we suffered
a defeat at Blenheim? Shall we, with our increasing prosperity, our widely
diffused capital, our navy, the just subject of our common exultation,
ever-flowing coffers, that enable us to give back to the people what, in
the hour of calamity, we were compelled to take from them; flushed with a
recent triumph over Spain, and yet more than all, while our old rival and
enemy was incapable of disturbing us, shall it be for us to yield to what
France disdained in the hour of her sharpest distress, and exhibit
ourselves to the world, the sole example in its annals of such an abject
and pitiful degradation?
                                                                 C. J. Fox.


                                  XCVII.

                            A POLITICAL PAUSE.

Where, then, sir, is this war, which is prolific of all these horrors, to
be carried? Where is it to stop? Not till we have established the house of
Bourbon! Or, at least, not until we have had due "experience" of
Bonaparte's intentions! And all this without an intelligible motive. All
this because you may gain a better peace a year or two hence! So that we
are called upon to go on merely as a speculation. We must keep Bonaparte
for some time longer at war, as a state of probation! Gracious God, sir! is
war a state of probation? Is peace a rash system? Is it dangerous for
nations to live in amity with each other? Are your vigilance, your police
your common powers of observation, to be extinguished by putting an end to
the horrors of war? Cannot this state of probation be as well undergone
without adding to the catalogue of human sufferings?

"But we must pause!" says the honorable gentleman. What! must the bowels
of Great Britain be torn out her best blood be spilled--her treasures
wasted--that you may make an experiment? Put yourselves oh! that you would
put yourselves on the field of battle, and learn to judge of the sort of
horrors that you excite! In former wars a man might, at least, have some
feeling, some interest, that served to balance, in his mind, the
impressions which a scene of carnage and of death must inflict.

If a man had been present at the battle of Blenheim, for instance, and had
inquired the motive of the battle, there was not a soldier engaged who
could not have satisfied his curiosity, and even, perhaps, allayed his
feelings. They were fighting, they knew, to repress the uncontrolled
ambition of the Grand Monarch.

But if a man were present now at the field of slaughter, and were to
inquire for what they were fighting--"Fighting!" would be the answer;
"they aren't fighting; they are pausing." "Why is that man expiring? " Why
is that other writhing with agony? What means this implacable fury? " The
answer must be, "You are quite wrong, sir, you deceive yourself--they are
not fighting, do not disturb them they are merely pausing! This man is not
expiring with agony--that man is not dead he is only pausing! Lord help
you, sir! they are not angry with one another; they have now no cause of
quarrel; but their country thinks that there should be a pause. All that
you see, sir, is nothing like fighting--there is no harm, nor cruelty, nor
bloodshed in it, whatever: it is nothing more than a political pause! It
is merely to try an experiment--to see whether Bonaparte will not, behave
himself better than heretofore; and in the mean time we have agreed to
pause in pure friendship!"

And is this the way, sir, that you are to show yourselves the advocates of
order? You take up a system calculated to uncivilize the world--to destroy
order,--to trample on religion,--to stifle in the heart, not merely the
generosity of a noble sentiment, but the affections of social nature; and
in the prosecution of this systems you spread terror and devastation all
around you.
                                                                  C. J. Fox


                                  XCVIII.

                 WASHINGTON'S SWORD AND FRANKLIN'S STAFF.

The Sword of Washington! The Staff of Franklin! O, sir, what associations
are linked in adamant with these names! Washington, whose sword was never
drawn but in the cause of his country, and never sheathed when wielded in
his country's cause! Franklin, the philosopher of the thunder-bolt, the
printing-press, and the ploughshare! What names are these in the scanty
catalogue of the benefactors of human kind! Washington and Franklin! What
other two men whose lives belong to the eighteenth century of Christendom,
have left a deeper impression of themselves upon the age in which they
lived, and upon all after-time? Washington, the warrior and the
legislator! In war, contending, by the wager of battle, for the
Independence of his country, and for the freedom of the human race,--ever
manifesting, amidst its horrors, by precept and by example, his reverence
for the laws of peace, and for the tenderest sympathies of humanity; in
peace, soothing the ferocious spirit of discord, among his own countrymen,
into harmony and union, and giving to that very sword, now presented to his
country, a charm more potent than that attributed, in ancient times, to the
lyre of Orpheus.

Franklin! The mechanic of his own fortune; teaching, in early youth, under
the shackles of indigence, the way to wealth, and, in the shade of
obscurity, the path to greatness; in the maturity of manhood, disarming the
thunder of its terrors, the lightning of its fatal blast; and wresting from
the tyrant's hand the still more afflictive sceptre of oppression: while
descending the vale of years, traversing the Atlantic Ocean, braving, in
the dead of winter, the battle and the breeze, bearing in his hand the
Charter of Independence, which he had contributed to form, and tendering,
from the self-created nation to the mightiest monarchs of Europe, the
olive-branch of peace, the mercurial wand of commerce, and the amulet of
protection and safety to the man of peace, on the pathless ocean, from the
inexorable cruelty and merciless rapacity of war.

And, finally, in the last stage of life, with fourscore winters upon his
head, under the torture of an incurable disease, returning to his native
land, closing his days as the chief magistrate of his adopted commonwealth,
after contributing by his counsels under the Presidency of Washington, and
recording his name under the sanction of devout prayer invoked by him to
God,--to that Constitution under the authority of which we are assembled,
as the Representatives of the North American People, to receive, in the
name of them and for them, these venerable relics of the wise, the valiant,
and the good founders of our great confederated Republic, these sacred
symbols of our golden age. May they be deposited among the archives of our
Government! And may every American, who shall hereafter behold them,
ejaculate a mingled offering of praise to that Supreme Ruler of the
Universe, by whose tender mercies our Union has been hitherto preserved,
through all the vicissitudes and revolutions of this turbulent world; and
of prayer for the continuance of these blessings, by the dispensations of
Providence to our beloved country, from age to age, till time shall be no
more!
                                                               J. Q. Adams.


                                   XCIX.

                      THE RIGHT OF PETITION BY WOMEN.

The gentleman says that women have no right to petition on political
subjects; that it is discreditable, not only to their section of the
country, but also to the national character; that these females could have
a sufficient field for the exercise of their influence in the discharge of
their duties to their fathers, their husbands, or their children--cheering
the domestic circle, and shedding over it the mild radiance of the social
virtues, instead of rushing into the fierce struggles of political life. I
admit, sir, that it is their duty to attend to these things. I subscribe
fully, to the elegant compliment, passed by him upon those members of the
female sex who devote their time to these duties. But I say that the
correct principle is, that women are not only justified, but exhibit the
most exalted virtue, when they do depart from the domestic circle, and
enter on the concerns of their country, of humanity, and of their God. The
mere departure of woman from the duties of the domestic circle, far from
being a reproach to her, is a virtue of the highest order, when it is done
from purity of motive, by appropriate means, and towards a virtuous
purpose. That is the principle I maintain, and which the gentleman has to
refute, if he applies the position he has taken to the mothers, the
sisters, and the daughters of the men of my district who voted to send me
here. The motive, the means, and the purpose of their petition will bear
his scrutiny.

Why, sir, what does the gentleman understand by "political subjects?"
Everything in which this House has an agency-everything which relates to
peace and war, or to any of the great interests of society. Are women to
have no opinions or actions on subjects relating to the general welfare?
Where did the gentleman get this principle? Did he find it in sacred
history--in the language of Miriam the Prophetess, in one of the noblest
and most sublime songs of triumph that ever met the human eye or ear? Did
the gentleman never hear of the deed of Jael, who slew the dreaded enemy of
her country? Has he forgotten Esther, who, by her petition saved her people
and her country? Sir, I might go through the whole sacred history, and
find innumerable examples of women, who not only took an active part in the
politics of their times, but who are held up with honor to posterity for
doing so.

To go from sacred history to profane, does the gentleman there find it
"discreditable" for women to take any interest or any part in political
affairs? Has he forgotten the Spartan mother, who said to her son, when
going out to battle, "My son, come back to me with thy shield, or upon thy
shield?" Does he not remember Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, who
declared that her children were her jewels? And why? Because they were the
champions of freedom. Has he not read of Arria, who, under imperial
despotism, when her husband was condemned to die by a tyrant, plunged the
sword into her own bosom, and, handing it to her husband, said, "Take it,
Pætus, it does not hurt," and expired?

To come to a later period, what names are more illustrious than that of
Elizabeth, the great British queen, and that of Isabella of Castile, the
patroness of Columbus, the virtual discoverer of this hemisphere, for
without her that discovery would not have been made? Did they bring
"discredit" on their sex by mingling in politics? And what were the women
of the United States in the struggle of the Revolution? Were they devoted
exclusively to the duties and enjoyments of the fireside? When the soldiers
were destitute of clothing, or sick, or in prison, from whence did relief
come? From the hearts where patriotism erects her favorite shrine, and from
the hand which is seldom withdrawn when the soldier is in need. The voice
of our history speaks trumpet-tongued of the daring and intrepid spirit of
patriotism burning in the bosoms of the ladies of that day "Politics," sir,
"rushing into the vortex of politics!" They gloried in being called rebel
ladies, refusing to attend balls and entertainments, but crowding to the
hospitals and prison-ships! And, sir, is that spirit to be charged here, in
this hall where we are sitting, as being "discreditable" to our country's
name? So far from regarding such conduct as a national reproach, I approve
of it, and glory in it.
                                                               J. Q. Adams.

                                    C.

                           VALUE OF POPULARITY.

MY Lords, I come now to speak upon what, indeed, I would have gladly
avoided, had I not been particularly pointed at for the part I have taken
in this bill. It has been said by a noble lord on my left hand, that I,
likewise, am running the race of popularity. If the noble lord means by
popularity, that applause bestowed by after-ages on good and virtuous
actions, I have long been struggling in that race; to what purpose,
all-trying time can alone determine: but, if the noble lord means that
mushroom popularity which is raised without merit, and lost without crime,
he is much mistaken in his opinion.

I defy the noble lord to point out a single action of my life, in which the
popularity of the times ever had the smallest influence on my
determinations. I have a more permanent and steady rule for my conduct, the
dictates of my own breast. Those that have foregone that pleasing adviser,
and given up their mind to be the slave of every popular impulse, I
sincerely pity: I pity them still more, if their vanity leads them to
mistake the shouts of the mob for the trumpet of fame. Experience might
inform them, that many who have been saluted with the huzzahs of a crowd
one day, have received its execrations the next; and many who by the
popularity of their times, have been held up as spotless patriots, have,
nevertheless, appeared upon the historian's page,--when truth has triumphed
over delusion,--the assassins of liberty.

True liberty, in my opinion, can only exist when justice is equally
administered to all,--to the king and to the beggar. Where is the justice,
then, or where is the law, that protects a member of Parliament more than
any other man from the punishment due to his crimes? The laws of this
country allow no place, nor employment to be a sanctuary for crimes; and
where I have the honor to sit as judge, neither royal favor, nor popular
applause shall ever protect the guilty.
                                                            Lord Mansfield.


                                    CI.

                            SCORN TO BE SLAVES.

The voice of your father's blood cries to you from the ground, "My sons,
scorn to be slaves! In vain we met the frowns of tyrants; in vain we
crossed the boisterous ocean, found a new world, and prepared it for the
happy residence of liberty; in vain we toiled; in vain we fought; we bled
in vain, if you, our offspring, want valor to repel the assaults of her
invaders!" Stain not the glory of your worthy ancestors; but, like them,
resolve never to part with your birthright. Be wise in your deliberations,
and determined in your exertions for the preservation of your liberty.

Follow not the dictates of passion, but enlist yourselves under the sacred
banner of reason; use every method in your power to secure your rights; at
least, prevent the curses of posterity from being heaped upon your
memories. If you, with united zeal and fortitude, oppose the torrent of
oppression; if you feel the true fire of patriotism burning in your
breasts; if you, from your souls, despise the most gaudy dress which
slavery can wear; if you really prefer the lonely cottage, while blessed
with liberty, to gilded palaces, surrounded with the ensigns of slavery you
may have the fullest assurance that tyranny with her whole accursed train,
will hide her hideous head in confusion, shame, and despair.

If you perform your part, you must have the strongest confidence, that the
same Almighty Being, who protected your pious, and venerable forefathers,
who enabled them to turn a barren wilderness into a fruitful field, who so
often made bare His arm for their salvation, will still be mindful of their
offspring.

May that Almighty Being graciously preside in all our councils. May He
direct us to such measures as He himself shall approve, and be pleased to
bless. May we be ever favored of God. May our land be a land of liberty,
the seat of virtue, the asylum of the oppressed, "a name and a praise in
the whole earth," until the last shock of time shall bury the empires of
the world in undistinguished ruin.
                                                                 J. Warren.


                                   CII.

                            LOSS OF THE ARCTIC.

It was autumn. Hundreds had wended their way from pilgrimages; from Rome
and its treasures of dead art, and its glory of living nature; from the
sides of the Switzer's mountains, and from the capitals of various nations,
all of them saying in their hearts, we will wait for the September gales to
have done with their equinoctial fury, and then we will embark; we will
slide across the appeased ocean, and in the gorgeous month of October, we
will greet our longed-for native land, and our heart-loved homes.

And so the throng streamed along from Berlin, from Paris, from the Orient,
converging upon London, still hastening toward the welcome ship, and
narrowing every day the circle of engagements and preparations. They
crowded aboard. Never had the Arctic borne such a host of passengers, nor
passengers so nearly related to so many of us. The hour was come. The
signal-ball fell at Greenwich. It was noon also at Liverpool. The anchors
were weighed; the great hull swayed to the current; the national colors
streamed abroad, as if themselves instinct with life and national sympathy.
The bell strikes; the wheels revolve; the signal-gun beats its echoes, in
upon every structure along the shore, and the Arctic glides joyfully forth
from the jersey, and turns her prow to the winding channel, and begins her
homeward run. The pilot stood at the wheel, and men saw him. Death sat upon
the prow, and no eye beheld him. Whoever stood at the wheel in all the
voyage, Death was the pilot that steered the craft, and none knew it. He
neither revealed his presence nor whispered his errand.

And so hope was effulgent, and little gayety disported itself, and joy was
with every guest. Amid all the inconveniences of the voyage, there was
still that which hushed every murmur,--"Home is not far away." And every
morning it was still one night nearer home! Eight days had passed. They
beheld that distant bank of mist that forever haunts the vast shallows of
Newfoundland. Boldly they made it; and plunging in, its pliant wreaths
wrapped them about. They shall never emerge. The last sunlight has flashed
from that deck. The last voyage is done to ship and passengers. At noon
there came noiselessly stealing from the north that fated instrument of
destruction. In that mysterious shroud, that vast atmosphere of mist, both
steamers were holding their way with rushing prow and roaring wheels, but
invisible.

At a league's distance, unconscious, and at nearer approach, unwarned;
within hail, and bearing right towards each other, unseen, unfelt, till in
a moment more, emerging from the gray mists, the ill-omened Vesta dealt her
deadly stroke to the Arctic. The death-blow was scarcely felt along the
mighty hull. She neither reeled nor shivered. Neither commander nor
officers seemed that they had suffered harm. Prompt upon humanity the brave
Luce (let his name be ever spoken with admiration and respect) ordered away
his boat with the first officer to inquire if the stranger had suffered
harm. As Gourley went over the ship's side, oh, that some good angel had
called to the brave commander in the words of Paul on a like occasion,
"Except these abide in the ship, ye cannot be saved."

They departed, and with them the hope of the ship, for now the waters
gaining upon the hold and rising upon the fires, revealed the mortal blow.
Oh, had now that stern, brave mate, Gourley, been on deck, whom the sailors
were wont to mind--had he stood to execute sufficiently the commander's
will--we may believe that we should not have had to blush for the cowardice
and recreancy of the crew, nor weep for the untimely dead. But, apparently,
each subordinate officer lost all presence of mind, then courage, and so
honor. In a wild scramble, that ignoble mob of firemen, engineers, waiters,
and crew, rushed for the boats, and abandoned the helpless women, children,
and men to the mercy of the deep! Four hours there were from the
catastrophe of collision to the catastrophe of sinking!

Oh, what a burial was here! Not as when one is borne from his home, among
weeping throngs, and gently carried to the green fields, and laid
peacefully beneath the turf and the flowers. No priest stood to pronounce a
burial-service. It was an ocean grave. The mists alone shrouded the
burial-place. No spade prepared the grave, nor sexton filled up the
hollowed earth. Down, down they sank, and the quick returning waters
smoothed out every ripple, and left the sea as if it had not been.
                                                             H. W. Beecher.


                                   CIII.

                     THE GLORY AND GRANDEUR OF PEACE.

Whatever may be the judgment of poets, of moralist, of satirists, or even
of soldiers, it is certain that the glory of arms still exercises no mean
influence over the minds of men. The art of war, which has been happily
termed by a French divine, the baleful art by which men learn to
exterminate one another, is yet held even among Christians, to be an
honorable pursuit; and the animal courage, which it stimulates and
develops, is prized as a transcendent virtue. It will be for another age,
and a higher civilization, to appreciate the more exalted character of the
art of benevolence, the art of extending happiness and all good influences,
by word or deed, to the largest number of mankind, which, in blessed
contrast with the misery, the degradation, the wickedness of war, shall
shine resplendent, the true grandeur of peace. All then will be willing to
join with the early poet in saying, at least,

     "Through louder fame attend the martial rage,
     'T is greater glory to reform the age."

Then shall the soul thrill with a nobler heroism than that of battle.
Peaceful industry, with untold multitudes of cheerful and beneficent
laborers, shall be its gladsome token. Literature, full of sympathy and
comfort for the heart of man, shall appear in garments of purer glory than
she has yet assumed. Science shall extend the bounds of knowledge and power
adding unimaginable strength to the hands of man, opening innumerable
resources in the earth, and revealing new secrets and harmonies in the
skies. Art, elevated and refined, shall lavish fresh streams of beauty and
grace. Charity, in streams of milk and honey, shall diffuse itself among
all the habitations of the world.

Does any one ask for the signs of this approaching era? The increasing
beneficence and intelligence of our own day, the broad-spread sympathy with
human suffering, the widening thoughts of men, the longings of the heart
for a higher condition on earth, the unfulfilled promises of Christian
progress, are the auspicious auguries of this happy future. As early
voyagers over untried realms of waste, we have already observed the signs
of land. The green twig and fresh red berry have floated by our bark; the
odors of the shore fan our faces; nay, we may seem to descry the distant
gleam of light, and hear from the more earnest observers, as Columbus
heard, after midnight, from the mast-head of the Pinta, the joyful cry of
Land! Land! and lo! a new world broke upon his early morning gaze.
                                                                 C. Sumner.

                                   CIV.

                      ANCIENT AND MODERN PRODUCTIONS.

The classics possess a peculiar charm, from the circumstance that they have
been the models, I might almost say the masters, of composition and
thought, in all ages. In the contemplation of these august teachers of
mankind, we are filled with conflicting emotions. They are the early voice
of the world, better remembered and more cherished still than all the
intermediate words that have been uttered, as the lessons of childhood
still haunt us when the impressions of later years have been effaced from
the mind. But they show with most unwelcome frequency the tokens of the
world's childhood, before passion had yielded to the sway of reason and the
affections. They want the highest charm of purity, of righteousness, of
elevated sentiments, of love to God and man. It is not in the frigid
philosophy of the porch and academy that we are to seek these; not in the
marvelous teachings of Socrates, as they come mended by the mellifluous
words of Plato; not in the resounding line of Homer, on whose inspiring
tale of blood Alexander pillowed his head; not in the animated strain of
Pindar, where virtue is pictured in the successful strife of an athlete at
the Isthmian games; not in the torrent of Demosthenes, dark with self-love
and the spirit of vengeance; not in the fitful philosophy and intemperate
eloquence of Tully; not in the genial libertinism of Horace, or the
stately atheism of Lucretius. No! these must not be our masters; in none of
these are we to seek the way of life. For eighteen hundred years the spirit
of these writers has been engaged in weaponless contest with the Sermon
on the Mount, and those two sublime commandments on which hang all the law
and the prophets. The strife is still pending. Heathenism, which has
possessed itself of such siren forms, is not yet exorcised. It still tempts
the young, controls the affairs of active life, and haunts the meditations
of age.

Our own productions, though they may yield to those of the ancients in the
arrangement of ideas, in method, in beauty of form, and in freshness of
illustration, are immeasurably superior in the truth, delicacy, all
elevation of their sentiments,--above all, in the benign recollection of
that great Christian revelation, the brotherhood of man. How vain are
eloquence and poetry compared with this heaven-descended truth! Put in one
scale that simple utterance, and in the other the lore of antiquity, with
its accumulating glosses and commentaries, and the last will be light and
trivial in the balance. Greek poetry has been likened to the song of the
nightingale as she sits in the rich, symmetrical crown of the palm-tree,
trilling her thick-warbled notes; but even this is less sweet and tender
than the music of the human heart.
                                                                 C. Sumner.


                                    CV.

                     THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE.

Why ought the slave trade to be abolished? Because it is incurable
injustice! How much stronger, then, is the argument for immediate than
gradual abolition! By allowing it to continue even for one hour, do not my
right honorable friends weaken--do they not desert their own arguments of
its injustice? If on the ground of injustice it ought to be abolished at
last, why ought it not now? Why is injustice to be suffered to remain for a
single hour?

I know of no evil that ever has existed, nor can imagine any evil to exist,
worse than the tearing of eighty thousands persons annually from their
native land, by a combination of the most civilized nations in the most
enlightened quarter of the globe; but more especially by that nation which
calls herself the most free and the most happy of them all. Even if these
miserable beings were proved guilty of every crime before you take them off
of which however not a single proof is adduced ought we to take upon
ourselves the office of executioners? And even if we condescend so far,
still can we be justified in taking them, unless we have clear proof that
they are criminals?

I have shown how great is the enormity of this evil, even on the
supposition that we take only convicts and prisoners of war. But take the
subject in the other way; take it on the grounds stated by the right
honorable gentleman over the way, and how does it stand? Think of eighty
thousand persons carried away out of their country, by we know not what
means, for crimes imputed; for light or inconsiderable faults; for debt,
perhaps; for the crime of witchcraft; or a thousand other weak and
scandalous pretexts, besides all the fraud and kidnapping, the villainies
and perfidy, by which the slave trade is supplied. Reflect on these eighty
thousand persons thus annually taken off! There is something in the horror
of it, that surpasses all the bounds of imagination. Admitting that there
exists in Africa something like to courts of justice; yet what an office of
humiliation and meanness is it in us, to take upon ourselves to carry into
execution the partial, the cruel, iniquitous sentences of such courts, as
if we also were strangers to all religion, and to the first principles of
justice.

But that country, it is said, has been in some degree civilized, and
civilized by us. It is said they have gained some knowledge of the
principles of justice. What sir, have they gained the principles of justice
from us? Is their civilization brought about by us! Yes, we give them
enough of our intercourse to convey to them the means, and to initiate them
in the study of mutual destruction. We give them just enough of the forms
of justice to enable them to add the pretext of legal trials to their other
modes of perpetuating the most atrocious iniquity. We give them just enough
of European improvements, to enable them the more effectually to turn
Africa into a ravaged wilderness. But I refrain from attempting to
enumerate half the dreadful consequences of this system. Do you think
nothing of the ruin and the miseries in which so many other individuals,
still remaining in Africa, are involved in consequence of carrying off so
many myriads of people? Do you think nothing of their families which are
left behind; of the connections which are broken; of the friendships,
attachments, and relationships which are burst asunder? Do you think
nothing of the miseries in consequence, that are felt from generation to
generation; of the privation of that happiness which might be communicated
to them by the introduction of civilization, and of mental and moral
improvement? A happiness which you withhold from them so long as you permit
the slave trade to continue.

How shall we hope to obtain, if it be possible, forgiveness from Heaven for
these enormous evils we have committed, if we refuse to make use of those
means which the mercy of Providence hath still reserved for us, for wiping
away the guilt and shame with which we are now covered. If we refuse even
this degree of compensation; if, knowing the miseries we have caused, we
refuse even now to put a stop to them, how greatly aggravated will be the
guilt of Great Britain! and what a blot will these transactions forever be
in the history of this country! Shall we, then, delay to repair these
injuries, and to begin rendering justice to Africa? Shall we not count the
days and hours that are suffered to intervene, and to delay the
accomplishment of such a work? Reflect what an immense object is before
you; what an object for a nation to have in view, and to have a prospect,
under the favor of Providence, of being now permitted to attain! I think
the House will agree with me in cherishing the ardent wish to enter without
delay upon the measures necessary for these great ends; and I am sure that
the immediate abolition of the slave trade is the first, the principal the
most indispensable act of policy, of duty, and of justice, that the
Legislature of this country has to take, if it is indeed their wish to
secure those important objects to which I have alluded, and which we are
bound to pursue by the most solemn obligations.
                                                                   W. Pitt.


                                   CVI.

                           "LET THERE BE LIGHT."

From her earliest colonial history, the policy of Massachusetts has been to
develop the minds of all her people, and to imbue them with the principles
of duty, To do this work most effectually, she has begun with the young. If
she would continue to mount higher and higher towards the summit of
prosperity, she must continue the means by which her present elevation has
been gained. In doing this, she will not only exercise the noblest
prerogative of government, but will coöperate with the Almighty in one of
his sublimest works.

The Greek rhetorician, Longinus, quotes from the Mosaic account of the
creation what he calls the sublimest passage ever uttered: "God said, 'Let
there be light,' and there was light." From the centre of black immensity
effulgence burst forth. Above, beneath, on every side, its radiance
streamed out, silent, yet making each spot in the vast concave brighter
than the line which the lightning pencils upon the midnight cloud. Darkness
fled as the swift beams spread onward and outward, in an unending
circumfusion of splendor. Onward and outwards still they move to this day,
glorifying, through wider and wider regions of space, the infinite Author
from whose power and beneficence they sprang. But not only in the
beginning, when God created the heavens and the earth, did he say, "Let
there be light." Whenever a human soul is born into the world, its Creator
stands over it, and again pronounces the same sublime words, "Let there be
light."

Magnificent, indeed, was the material creation, when, suddenly blazing
forth in mid space, the new-born sun dispelled the darkness of the ancient
night. But infinitely more magnificent is it when the human soul rays forth
its subtler and swifter beams; when the light of the senses irradiates all
outward things, revealing the beauty of their colors, and the exquisite
symmetry of their proportions and forms; when the light of reason
penetrates to their invisible properties and laws, and displays all those
hidden relations that make up all the sciences; when the light of
conscience illuminates the moral world, separating truth from error, and
virtue from vice. The light of the newly-kindled sun, indeed, was glorious.
It struck upon all the planets, and waked into existence their myriad
capacities of life and joy. As it rebounded from them, and showed their
vast orbs all wheeling, circle beyond circle, in their stupendous courses,
the sons of God shouted for joy. That light sped onward, beyond Sirius,
beyond the pole-star, beyond Orion and the Pleiades, and is still spreading
onward into the abysses of space. But the light of the human soul flies
swifter than the light of the sun, and outshines its meridian blaze. It can
embrace not only the sun of our system, but all suns and galaxies of suns;
aye! the soul is capable of knowing and of enjoying Him who created the
suns themselves; and when these starry lustres that now glorify the
firmament shall wax dim, and fade away like a wasted taper, the light of
the soul shall still remain; nor time, nor cloud, nor any power but its own
perversity, shall ever quench its brightness. Again I would say that
whenever a human soul is born into the world, God stands over it, and
pronounces the same sublime fiat, "Let there be light!" And may the time
soon come, when all human governments shall coöperate with the divine
government in carrying this benediction and baptism into fulfillment.
                                                                   H. Mann.


                                   CVII.

                              TRUE ELOQUENCE.

When public bodies are to be addressed on momentous occasions, when great
interests are at stake, and strong passions excited, nothing is valuable in
speech farther than as it is connected with high intellectual and moral
endowments. Clearness, force, and earnestness are the qualities which
produce conviction. True eloquence, indeed, does not consist in speech. It
cannot be brought from far. Labor and learning may toil for it, but they
will toil in vain. Words and phrases may be marshalled in every way, but
they cannot compass it. It must exist in the man, in the subject, and in
the occasion. Affected passion, intense expression, the pomp of
declamation, all may aspire to it; they cannot reach it. It comes, if it
come at all, like the outbreaking of a fountain from the earth, or the
bursting forth of volcanic fires, with spontaneous, original, native force.
The graces taught in the schools, the costly ornaments and studied
contrivances of speech, shock and disgust men, when their own lives, and
the fate of their wives, their children, and their country hang on the
decision of the hour. Then words have lost their power, rhetoric is vain,
and all elaborate oratory contemptible. Even genius itself then feels
rebuked and subdued, as in the presence of higher qualities. Then
patriotism is eloquent; then self-devotion is eloquent. The clear
conception, outrunning the deductions of logic, the high purpose, the firm
resolve, the dauntless spirit, speaking on the tongue, beaming from the
eye, informing every feature, and urging the whole man onward, right onward
to his object--this, this is eloquence; or rather it is something greater
and higher than all eloquence, it is action, noble, sublime, godlike
action.
                                                                D. Webster.

                                  CVIII.

                     SOUTH CAROLINA AND MASSACHUSETTS.

The eulogium pronounced by the honorable gentleman on the character of the
State of South Carolina, for her Revolutionary and other merits, meets my
hearty concurrence. I shall not acknowledge that the honorable member goes
before me in regard for whatever of distinguished talent, or distinguished
character, South Carolina has produced. I claim part of the honor, I
partake in the pride, of her great names. I claim them for countrymen, one
and all,--the Laurenses, the Rutledges, the Pinckneys, the Sumters, the
Marions,--Americans all, whose fame is no more to be hemmed in by State
lines, than their talents and patriotism were capable of being
circumscribed within the same narrow limits.

In their day and generation, they served and honored the country, and the
whole country; and their renown is of the treasures of the whole country.
Him whose honored name the gentleman himself bears,--does he esteem me
less capable of gratitude for his patriotism, or sympathy for his
sufferings, than if his eyes had first opened upon the light of
Massachusetts, instead of South Carolina? Sir, does he suppose it in his
power to exhibit a Carolina name so bright as to produce envy in my bosom?
No, sir, increased gratification and delight, rather. I thank God, that, if
I am gifted with little of the spirit which is able to raise mortals to the
skies, I have yet none, as I trust, of that other spirit, which would drag
angels down.

When I shall be found, sir, in my place here in the Senate, or elsewhere,
to sneer at public merit, because it happens to spring up beyond the little
limits of my own State or neighborhood; when I refuse, for any such cause,
or for any cause, the homage due to American talent, to elevated
patriotism, to sincere devotion to liberty and the country; or, if I see an
uncommon endowment of Heaven,--if I see extraordinary capacity and virtue,
in any son of the South, and if, moved by local prejudice or gangrened by
State jealousy, I get up here to abate the tithe of a hair from his just
character and just fame, may my tongue cleave to the roof my mouth!

Sir, let me recur to pleasing recollections, let me indulge in refreshing
remembrance of the past; let me remind you that, in early times, no States
cherished greater harmony, both of principle and feeling, than
Massachusetts and South Carolina. Would to God that harmony might again
return! Shoulder to shoulder they went through the revolution, hand in hand
they stood round the administration of Washington, and felt his own great
arm lean on them for support. Unkind feeling, if it exist, alienation and
distrust are the growth, unnatural to such soils, of false principles since
sown. They are weeds, the seeds of which that same great arm never
scattered.

Mr. President, I shall enter on no encomium upon Massachusetts; she needs
none. There she is. Behold her, and judge for yourselves. There is her
history; the world knows it by heart. The past, at least, is secure. There
is Boston, and Concord, and Lexington, and Bunker Hill; and there they will
remain forever. The bones of her sons, fallen in the great struggle for
Independence, now lie mingled with the soil of every State, from New
England to Georgia; and there they will lie forever.

And, sir, where American Liberty raised its first voice, and where its
youth was nurtured and sustained, there it still lives, in the strength of
its manhood, and full of its original spirit. If discord and disunion shall
wound it; if party strife and blind ambition shall hawk at and tear it; if
folly and madness, if uneasiness under salutary and necessary restraint,
shall succeed in separating it from that Union, by which alone its
existence is made sure, it will stand, in the end, by the side of that
cradle in which its infancy was rocked; it will stretch forth its arm with
whatever of vigor it may still retain over the friends who gather round it;
and it will fall at last, if fall it must, amid the proudest monuments of
its own glory, and on the very spot of its origin.
                                                                D. Webster.


                                   CIX.

                           AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE.

I deem it my duty on this occasion to suggest, that the land is not yet
wholly free from the contamination of a traffic, at which every feeling of
humanity must forever revolt,--I mean the African slave trade. Neither
public sentiment, nor the law, has hitherto been able entirely to put an
end to this odious and abominable trade. At the moment when God in his
mercy has blessed the Christian world with a universal peace, there is
reason to fear, that, to the disgrace of the Christian name and character,
new efforts are making for the extension of this trade by subjects and
citizens of Christian States, in whose hearts there dwell no sentiments of
humanity or of justice, and over whom neither the fear of God nor the fear
of man exercises a control. In the sight of our law, the African slave
trader is a pirate and a felon; and in the sight of Heaven, an offender far
beyond the ordinary depth of human guilt. There is no brighter page of our
history, than that which records the measures which have been adopted by
the government at an early day and at different times since, for the
suppression of this traffic; and I would call on all the true sons of New
England to coöperate with the laws of man, and the justice of Heaven. If
there be, within the extent of our knowledge or influence, any
participation in this traffic, let us pledge ourselves here, upon the rock
of Plymouth, to extirpate and destroy it. It is not fit that the land of
the Pilgrims should bear the shame longer. I hear the sound of the hammer,
I see the smoke of the furnaces where manacles and fetters are still forged
for human limbs. I see the visages of those who by stealth and at midnight
labor in this work of hell, foul and dark, as may become the artificers of
such instruments of misery and torture. Let that spot be purified, or let
it cease to be of New England. Let it be purified, or let it be set aside
from the Christian world; let it be put out of the circle of human
sympathies and human regards, and let civilized man henceforth have no
communion with it.

I would invoke those who fill the seats of justice, and all who minister at
her altar, that they execute the wholesome and necessary severity of the
law. I invoke the ministers of our religion, that they proclaim its
denunciation of these crimes, and add its solemn sanctions to the authority
of human laws. If the pulpit be silent whenever or wherever there may be a
sinner bloody with this guilt within the hearing of its voice, the pulpit
is false to its trust. I call on the fair merchant, who has reaped his
harvest upon the seas, that he assist in scourging from those seas the
worst pirates that ever infested them. That ocean, which seems to wave with
a gentle magnificence to waft the burden of an honest commerce, and to roll
along its treasures with a conscious pride, that ocean, which hardy
industry regards, even when the winds have ruffled its surface, as a field
of grateful toil,--what is it to the victim of this oppression, when he is
brought to its shores, and looks forth upon it, for the first time, loaded
with chains, and bleeding with stripes? What is it to him but a wide-spread
prospect of suffering, anguish and death? Nor do the skies smile longer,
nor is the air longer fragrant to him. The sun is cast down from heaven. An
inhuman and accursed traffic has cut him off in his manhood, or in his
youth, from every enjoyment belonging to his being, and every blessing
which his Creator intended for him.

The Christian communities send forth their emissaries of religion and
letters, who stop, here and there, along the coast of the vast continent of
Africa, and with painful and tedious efforts make some almost imperceptible
progress in the communication of knowledge, and in the general improvement
of the natives who are immediately about them. Not thus slow and
imperceptible is the transmission of the vices and bad passions which the
subjects of Christian States carry to the land. The slave trade having
touched the coast, its influence and its evils spread, like a pestilence,
over the whole continent, making savage wars more savage and more frequent,
and adding new and fierce passions to the contests of barbarians.

I pursue this topic no further, except again to say, that all Christendom,
being now blessed with peace, is bound by everything which belongs to its
character, and to the character of the present age, to put a stop to this
inhuman and disgraceful traffic.
                                                                D. Webster.


                                    CX.

SUPPOSED SPEECH OF JOHN ADAMS IN FAVOR OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I give my hand and my heart
to this vote. It is true, indeed, that in the beginning, we aimed not at
independence. But there's a Divinity which shapes our ends. The injustice
of England has driven us to arms; and, blinded to her own interest, for our
good, she has obstinately persisted, till independence is now within our
grasp. We have but to reach forth to it, and it is ours. Why, then, should
we defer the Declaration? Is any man so weak as now to hope for a
reconciliation with England, which shall leave either safety to the country
and its liberties, or safety to his own life, and his own honor? Are not
you, sir, who sit in that chair,--is not he, our venerable colleague, near
you, are you not both already the proscribed and predestined objects of
punishment and vengeance? Cut off from all hope of royal clemency what are
you, what can you be, while the power of England remains, but outlaws?

If we postpone independence, do we mean to carry on, or to give up, the
war? Do we mean to submit to the measures of Parliament, Boston Port Bill
and all? Do we mean to submit, and consent that we ourselves shall be
ground to powder, and our Country and its rights trodden down in the dust?
I know we do not mean to submit. We never shall submit. Do we intend to
violate that most solemn obligation ever entered into by men, that
plighting, before God, of our sacred honor to Washington, when putting him
forth to incur the dangers of war, as well as the political hazards of the
times, we promised to adhere to him, in every extremity, with our fortunes
and our lives? I know there is not a man here, who would not rather see a
general conflagration sweep over the land, or an earthquake sink it, than
one jot or tittle of that plighted faith fall to the ground. For myself,
having, twelve months ago, in this place, moved you, that George Washington
be appointed commander of the forces, raised, or to be raised, for the
defence of American liberty, may my right hand forget her cunning, and my
tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth if I hesitate or waver in the support
I give him.

The war, then, must go on. We must fight it through. And, if the war must
go on, why put off longer the Declaration of Independence? That measure
will strengthen us; it will give us character abroad. The nations will then
treat with us, which they never can do while we acknowledge ourselves
subjects, in arms against our sovereign. Nay, I maintain that England her
self will sooner treat for peace with us on the footing of independence,
than consent, by repealing her acts, to acknowledge that her whole conduct
towards us has been a course of injustice and oppression. Her pride will be
less wounded, by submitting to that course of things which now
predestinates our independence than by yielding the points in controversy
to her rebellious subjects. The former she would regard as the result of
fortune; the latter she would feel as her own deep disgrace. Why then, why
then, sir, do we not as soon as possible change this from a civil to a
national war? And since we must fight it through, why not put ourselves in
a state to enjoy all the benefits of victory if we gain the victory?
                                                                D. Webster.


                                   CXI.

                            THE SAME CONCLUDED.

If we fail, it can be no worse for us. But we shall not fail. The cause
will raise up armies; the cause will create navies. The people, the people,
if we are true to them, will carry us and will carry themselves, gloriously
through this struggle. I care not how fickle other people have been found.
I know the people of these Colonies, and I know that resistance to British
aggression is deep and settled in their hearts, and cannot be eradicated.
Every Colony, indeed, has expressed its willingness to follow, if we but
take the lead. Sir, the Declaration will inspire the people with increased
courage. Instead of a long and bloody war for restoration of privileges,
for redress of grievances, for chartered immunities, held under a British
king, set before them the glorious object of entire independence, and it
will breathe into them anew the breath of life. Read this Declaration at
the head of the army; every sword will be drawn from its scabbard, and the
solemn vow uttered, to maintain it, or to perish on the bed of honor.
Publish it from the pulpit; religion will approve it, and the love of
religious liberty will cling round it, resolved to stand with it, or fall
with it. Send it to the public halls; proclaim it there; let them hear it,
who heard the first roar of the enemy's cannon; let them see it, who saw
their brothers and their sons fall on the field of Bunker Hill, and in the
streets of Lexington and Concord, and the very walls will cry out in its
support.

Sir, I know the uncertainty of human affairs; but I see, I see dearly
through this day's business. You and I, indeed, may run it. We may not live
to the time when this Declaration shall be made good. We may die; die
colonists; die slaves; die, it may be, ignominiously and on the scaffold.
Be it so. Be it so. If it be the pleasure of Heaven, that my country shall
require the poor offering of my life, the victim shall be ready at the
appointed hour of sacrifice, come when that hour may. But, while I do live,
let me have a country, or at least the hope of a country, and that a free
country.

But, whatever may be our fate, be assured, be assured, that this
Declaration will stand. It may cost treasure, and it may cost blood; but it
will stand, and it will richly compensate for both. Through the thick gloom
of the present, I see the brightness of the future, as the sun in heaven.
We shall make this a glorious, an immortal day. When we are in our graves,
our children will honor it. They will celebrate it, with thanksgiving, with
festivity, with bonfires, and illuminations. On its annual return, they
will shed tears, copious, gushing tears, not of subjection and slavery, not
of agony and distress, but of exultation, of gratitude, and of joy.

Sir, before God, I believe the hour is come. My judgment approves this
measure, and my whole heart is in it. All that I have, and all that I am,
and all that I hope, in this life, I am now ready here to stake upon it;
and I leave off, as I begun, that, live or die, survive or perish, I am for
the Declaration. It is my living sentiment, and, by the blessing of God, it
shall be my dying sentiment,--Independence now; and Independence Forever!
                                                                D. Webster.


                                   CXII.

                 INFLUENCE OF THE CHARACTER OF WASHINGTON.

America has furnished to the world the character of Washington! And if our
American institutions had done nothing else, that alone would have entitled
them to the respect of mankind.

Washington! "First in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his
countrymen!" Washington is all our own! The enthusiastic veneration and
regard in which the people of the United States hold him prove them to be
worthy of such a countryman; while his reputation abroad redeems the
highest honor on his country and its institutions. I would cheerfully put
the question to-day to the intelligence of Europe and the world what
character of the century, upon the whole, stands out in the relief of
history, most pure, most respectable, most sublime; and I doubt not, that,
by a suffrage approaching to unanimity, the answer would be Washington!

The structure now standing before us, by its uprightness, its solidity, its
durability, is no unfit emblem of his character. His public virtues and
public principles were as firm as the earth on which it stands; his
personal motives, as pure as the serene heavens in which its summit is
lost. But, indeed, though a fit, it is an inadequate emblem. Towering high
above the column which our hands have builded, beheld, not by the
inhabitants of a single city or a single State, but by all the families of
man, ascends the colossal grandeur of the character and life of Washington.
In all the constituents of the one, in all the acts of the other, in all
its titles to immortal love, admiration and renown, it is an American
production. It is the embodiment and vindication of our Transatlantic
liberty.

Born upon our soil of parents also born upon it; never for a moment having
had sight of the Old World; instructed, according to the modes of his
time, only in the spare, plain, but wholesome elementary knowledge which
our institutions provided for the children of the people; growing up
beneath and penetrated by the genuine influences of American society;
living from infancy to manhood and age amidst our expanding, but not
luxurious civilization; partaking in our great destiny of labor, our long
contest with unreclaimed nature and uncivilized man, our agony of glory,
the war of independence, our great victory of peace, the formation of the
Union, and the establishment of the Constitution; he is all, all our own!
Washington is ours. That crowded and glorious life,

    "Where multitudes of virtues passed along,
     Each pressing foremost, in the mighty throng
     Ambitious to be seen, then making room
     For greater multitudes that were to come,"--

that life was the life of an American citizen.

I claim him for America. In all the perils, in every darkened moment of the
State, in the midst of the reproaches of enemies and the misgiving of
friends, I turn to that transcendent name for courage and for consolation.
To him who denies or doubts whether our fervid liberty can be combined with
law, with order, with the security of property, with the pursuits and
advancement of happiness; to him who denies that our forms of government
are capable of producing exaltation of soul, and the passion of true glory;
to him who denies that we have contributed anything to the stock of great
lessons and great examples; to all these I reply by pointing to Washington!
                                                                D. Webster.


                                  CXIII.

                              PUBLIC OPINION.

The time has been, indeed, when fleets, and armies, and subsidies, were the
principal reliances even in the best cause. But, happily for mankind, a
great change has taken place in this respect. Moral causes come into
consideration, in proportion as the progress of knowledge is advanced; and
the public opinion of the civilized world is rapidly gaining an ascendeney
over mere brutal force. It is already able to oppose the most formidable
obstruction to the progress of injustice and oppression; and as it grows
more intelligent and more intense it will be more and more formidable. It
may be silenced by military power, but it cannot be conquered. It is
elastic, irrepressible, and invulnerable to the weapons of ordinary
warfare. It is that impassive, inextinguishable enemy of mere violence and
arbitrary rule, which, like Milton's angels,

     "Vital in every part, . . . . .
     Cannot, but by annihilating die."

Until this be propitiated or satisfied, it is vain for power to talk either
of triumphs or of repose. No matter what fields are desolated, what
fortresses surrendered, what armies subdued, or what provinces overrun. In
the history of the year that has passed by us, and in the instance of
unhappy Spain, we have seen the vanity of all triumphs in a cause which
violates the general sense of justice of the civilized world. It is nothing
that the troops of France have passed from the Pyrenees to Cadiz; it is
nothing that an unhappy and prostrate nation has fallen before them; it is
nothing that arrests, and confiscation, and execution, sweep away the
little remnant of national resistance. There is an enemy that still exists
to check the glory of these triumphs. It follows the conqueror back to the
very scene of his ovations; it calls upon him to take notice that Europe,
though silent, is yet indignant; it shows him that the sceptre of his
victory is a barren sceptre; that it shall confer neither joy nor honor,
but shall moulder to dry ashes in his grasp. In the midst of his
exultation, it pierces his ear with the cry of injured Justice; it
denounces against him the indignation of an enlightened and civilized age;
it turns to bitterness the cup of his rejoicing, and wounds him with the
sting which belongs to the consciousness of having outraged the opinion of
mankind.
                                                                D. Webster.


                                   CXIV.

                          THE MURDERER'S SECRET.

The deed was executed with a degree of self-possession and steadiness,
equal to the wickedness with which it was planned. The circumstances, now
clearly in evidence, spread out the whole scene before us. Deep sleep had
fallen on the destined victim, and on all beneath his roof A healthful old
man, to whom sleep was sweet, the just sound slumbers of the night held him
in their soft but strong embrace. The assassin enters, through the window
already prepared, into an unoccupied apartment. With noiseless foot he
paces the lonely hall half-lighted by the moon; he winds up the ascent of
the stairs, and reaches the door of the chamber. Of this, he moves the
lock, by soft and continued pressure, till it turns on its hinges without
noise; and he enters, and beholds his victim before him. The room was
uncommonly open to the admission of light. The face of the innocent sleeper
was turned from the murderer, and the beams of the moon, resting on the
gray locks of his aged temple, showed him where to strike. The fatal blow
is given! and the victim passes, without a struggle or a motion, from the
repose of sleep to the repose of death! It is the assassin's purpose to
make sure work; and he plies the dagger, though it is obvious that life has
been destroyed by the blow of the bludgeon. He even raises the aged arm,
that he may not fail in his aim at the heart, and replaces it again over
the wounds of the poniard. To finish the picture, he explores the wrist for
the pulse! He feels for it and ascertains that it beats no longer! It is
accomplished. The deed is done. He retreats, retraces his steps to the
window, passes out through it as he came in, and escapes. He has done the
murder. No eye has seen him, no ear has heard him. The secret is his own,
and it is safe!

Ah! gentlemen, that was a dreadful mistake. Such a secret can be safe
nowhere. The whole creation of God has neither nook nor corner, where the
guilty can bestow it, and say it is safe. Not to speak of that eye which
glances through all disguises, and beholds everything, as in the splendor
of noon, such secrets of guilt are never safe from detection, even by man.
                                                                D. Webster.

                                   CXV.

                            THE SAME CONCLUDED.

True it is, generally speaking, that murder "will out." True it is, that
Providence hath so ordained, and doth so govern tidings, that those who
break the great law of Heaven by shedding man's blood, seldom succeed in
avoiding discovery. Especially, in a case exciting so much attention as
this, discovery must and will come, sooner or later. A thousand eyes turn
at once to explore every man, every thing every circumstance, connected
with the time and place; a thousand ears catch every whisper; a thousand
excited minds intensely dwell on the scene; shedding all their light, and
ready to kindle the slightest circumstance into a blaze of discovery.

Meantime, the guilty soul cannot keep its own secret. It is false to
itself; or rather it feels an irresistible impulse of conscience to be true
to itself. It labors under its guilty possession, and knows not what to do
with it. The human heart was not made for the residence of such an
inhabitant. It finds itself preyed on by a torment, which it dares not
acknowledge to God or man. A vulture is devouring it, and it asks no
sympathy or assistance, either from heaven or earth. The secret which the
murderer possesses, soon comes to possess him; and, like the evil spirits
of which we read, it overcomes him, and leads him whithersoever it will. He
feels it beating at his heart, rising to his throat, and demanding
disclosure. He thinks the whole world sees it in his face, reads it in his
eyes, and almost hears its workings in the very silence of his thoughts. It
has become his master. It betrays his discretion, it breaks down his
courage, it conquers his prudence. When suspicions from without begin to
embarrass him, and the net of circumstances to entangle him, the fatal
secret struggles with still greater violence to burst forth. It must be
confessed; it will be confessed; there is no refuge from confession but
suicide; and suicide is confession.
                                                                D. Webster.


                                   CXVI.

                      DEFENCE OF AMERICAN CLERGYMEN.

By this Will, no minister of the Gospel of any sect or denomination
whatever can be authorized or allowed to hold any office within the
college; and not only that, but no minister or clergyman of any sect can,
for any purpose whatever, enter within the walls that are to surround this
college.

Now I will not arraign the founder of this institution or his motives for
this. I will not inquire into his opinions upon religion. But I feel bound
to say, the occasion demands that I should say that this is the most
opprobrious, the most insulting and unmerited stigma, that ever was cast,
or attempted to be cast, upon the preachers of Christianity, from north to
south, from east to west, through the length and breadth of the land, in
the history of the country. When have they deserved it? Where have they
deserved it? How have they deserved it? They are not to be allowed even the
ordinary rights of hospitality; not even to be permitted to put their foot
over the threshold of this college!

Sir, I take it upon myself to say, that in no country in the world, upon
either continent, can there be found a body of ministers of the Gospel who
perform so much service to man, in such a full spirit of self-denial, under
so little encouragement from government of any kind, and under
circumstances almost always much straitened and often distressed, at the
ministers of the Gospel in the United States, of all denominations. They
form no part of any established order of religion; they constitute no
hierarchy; they enjoy no peculiar privileges. In some of the states they
are even shut out from all participation in the political rights and
privileges enjoyed by their fellow-citizens. They enjoy no tithes, no
public provision of any kind. Except here and there in large cities, where
a wealthy individual occasionally makes a donation for the support of
public worship, what have they to depend upon? They have to depend entirely
on the voluntary contributions of those who hear them.

And this body of clergymen has shown, to the honor of their own country and
to the astonishment of the hierarchies of the Old World that it is
practicable in free governments to raise and sustain by voluntary
contributions alone a body of clergymen which, for devotedness to their
sacred calling, for purity of life and character, for learning,
intelligence, piety, and that wisdom which cometh from above, is inferior
to none, and superior to most others.

I hope that our learned men have done something for the honor of our
literature abroad. I hope that the courts of justice and members of the bar
of this country have done something to elevate the character of the
profession of the law. I hope that the discussions above (in Congress) have
done something to meliorate the condition of the human race, to secure and
extend the great charter of human rights, and to strengthen and advance the
great principles of human liberty. But I contend that no literary efforts,
no adjudications, no constitutional discussions, nothing that has been said
or done in favor of the great interests of universal man, has done this
country more credit, at home and abroad, than the establishment of our
body of clergymen, their support by voluntary contributions, and the
general excellence off their character for piety and learning.

The great truth has thus been proclaimed and proved, a truth which I
believe will in time to come shake all the hierarchies of Europe, that the
voluntary support of such a ministry, under free institutions, is a
practicable idea.
                                                                D. Webster.


                                  CXVII.

                      PEACEABLE SECESSION IMPOSSIBLE.

Mr. President, I should much prefer to have heard from every member on this
floor declarations of opinion that this Union could never be dissolved,
than the declaration of opinion by any body, that, in any case, under the
pressure of any circumstances, such a dissolution was possible. I hear with
distress and anguish the word "secession," especially when it falls from
the lips of those who are patriotic, and known to the country, and known
all over the world, for their political services.

Secession! Peaceable secession! Sir, your eyes and mine are never destined
to see that miracle. The dismemberment of this vast country without
convulsion! The breaking up of the fountains of the great deep without
ruffling the surface! Who is so foolish, I beg everybody's pardon, as to
expect to see any such thing? Sir, he who sees these States, now revolving
in harmony around a common centre, and expects to see them quit their
places and fly off without convulsion, may look the next hour to see the
heavenly bodies rush from their spheres, and jostle against each other in
the realms of space, without causing the wreck of the universe.

There can be no such thing as peaceable secession. Peaceable secession is
an utter impossibility. Is the great Constitution under which we live,
covering this whole country, is it to be thawed and melted away by
secession, as the snows on the mountain melt under the influence of a
vernal sun, disappear almost unobserved, and run off? No, sir! No, sir! I
will not state what might produce the disruption of the Union; but, sir, I
see as plainly as I see the sun in heaven what that disruption itself must
produce; I see that it must produce war, and such a war as I will not
describe, in its twofold character.

Peaceable secession! Peaceable secession! The concurrent agreement of all
the members of this great republic to separate! A voluntary separation,
with alimony on one side and on the other. Why, what would be the result?
Where is the line to be drawn? What States are to secede? What is to remain
American? What am I to be? An American no longer? Am I to become a
sectional man, a local man, a separatist, with no country in common with
the gentlemen who sit around me here, or who fill the other house of
Congress? Heaven forbid! Where is the flag of the republic to remain? Where
is the eagle still to tower? or is he to cower, and shrink, and fall to the
ground? Why, sir, our ancestors, our fathers and our grandfathers, those of
them that are yet living amongst us with prolonged lives, would rebuke and
reproach us; and our children and our grandchildren would cry out shame
upon us, if we of this generation should dishonor these ensigns of the
power of the government and the harmony of that Union which is every day
felt among us with so much joy and gratitude.

What is to become of the army? What is to become of the navy? What is to
become of the public lands? How is each of tile thirty States to defend
itself? But, sir, I am ashamed to pursue this line of remark, I dislike it,
I have an utter disgust for it. I would rather hear of natural blasts and
mildews, war, pestilence, and famine, than to hear gentlemen talk of
secession. To break up this great government! to dismember this glorious
country! to astonish Europe with an act of folly such as Europe for two
centuries has never beheld in any government or any people! No, Sir! no,
Sir! There will be no secession! Gentlemen are not serious when they talk
of secession.
                                                                D. Webster.


                                  CXVIII.

                            LIBERTY AND UNION.

I profess, sir, in my career hitherto, to have kept steadily in view the
prosperity and honor of the whole country, and the preservation of our
Federal Union. It is to that Union we owe our safety at home, and our
consideration and dignity abroad. It is to that Union that we are chiefly
indebted for whatever makes us most proud of our country. That Union we
reached only by the discipline of our virtues, in the severe school of
adversity. It had its origin in the necessities of disordered finance,
prostrate commerce, and ruined credit. Under its benign influences, these
great interests immediately awoke, as from the dead, and sprang forth with
newness of life. Every year of its duration has teemed with fresh proofs of
its utility and its blessings; and though our territory has stretched out
wider and wider, and our population spread farther and farther, they have
not outrun its protection or its benefits. It has been to us all a copious
fountain of national, social, personal happiness.

I have not allowed myself sir, to look beyond the Union, to see what might
lie hidden in the dark recesses behind. I have not coolly weighted the
chances of preserving liberty, when the bonds that unite us together shall
be broken asunder. I have not accustomed myself to hang over the precipice
of disunion, to see whether, with my short sight, I can fathom the depth of
the abyss below; nor could I regard him as a safe counsellor in the affairs
of this government, whose thoughts should be mainly bent on considering,
not how the Union may be best preserved, but how tolerable might be the
condition of the people when it shall be broken up and destroyed.

While the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying prospects spread
out before us, for us and our children. Beyond that I seek not to penetrate
the veil. God grant that in my day, at least, that curtain may not rise!
God grant that on my vision never may be opened what lies behind! When my
eyes shall be turned to behold for the last time the sun in heaven, may I
not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once
glorious Union; on States dissevered, discordant, belligerent; on a land
rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood! Let
their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of
the republic, now known and clamored throughout the earth, still full high
advanced, its arms and trophies streaming in their original lustre, not a
stripe erased or polluted, nor a single star obscured, bearing for its
motto, no such miserable interrogatory as "What is all this worth?" nor
those other words of delusion and folly, "Liberty first and Union
afterwards," but everywhere, spread all over in characters of living light,
blazing on all its ample folds, as they float over the sea and over the
land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other sentiment dear
to every true American heart,--Liberty AND Union, Now And For Ever, One
And Inseparable.
                                                                D. Webster.


                                   CXIX.

                  EVENTS GREAT, BECAUSE OF THEIR RESULTS.

Great actions and striking occurrences having excited a temporary
admiration, often pass away and are forgotten, because they leave no
lasting results, affecting the prosperity and happiness of communities.
Such is frequently the fortune of the most brilliant military achievements.
Of the ten thousand battles which have been fought, of all the fields
fertilized with carnage, of the banners which have been bathed in blood, of
the warriors who have hoped that they had risen from the field of conquest
to a glory as bright and as durable as the stars, how few that continue
long to interest mankind! The victory of yesterday is reversed by the
defeat of to-day; the star of military glory, rising like a meteor, like a
meteor has fallen; disgrace and disaster hang on the heels of conquest and
renown; victor and vanquished presently pass away to oblivion, and the
world goes on in its course, with the loss only of so many lives and so
much treasure.

But if this be frequently, or generally, the fortune of military
achievements, it is not always so. There are enterprises, military as well
as civil, which sometimes check the current of events, give a new turn to
human affairs, and transmit their consequences through ages. We see their
importance in their results, and call them great because great things
follow. There have been battles which have fixed the fate of nations. These
come down to us in history with a solid and permanent interest not created
by a display of glittering armor, the rush of adverse battalions, the
sinking and rising of pennons, the flight, the pursuit, and the victory;
but by their effect in advancing or retarding human knowledge, in
overthrowing or establishing despotism, in extending or destroying human
happiness.

When the traveller pauses on the plains of Marathon, what are the emotions
which most strongly agitate his breast? What is that glorious recollection,
which thrills through his frame and suffuses his eyes? Not I imagine that
Grecian skill and Grecian valor were here most signally displayed; but that
Greece herself was here saved. It is because to this spot, and to the event
which has rendered it immortal, he refers all the succeeding glories of the
republic. It is because if that day had gone otherwise, Greece had
perished. It is because he perceives that her philosophers and orators, her
poets and painters, her sculptors and architects, her governments and free
institutions, point backward to Marathon, and that their future existence
seems to have been suspended on the contingency, whether the Persian or the
Greek banner should wave victorious in the beams of that day's setting sun.
And as his imagination kindles at the retrospect, he is transported back to
the interesting moment, he counts the fearful odds of the contending hosts,
his interest for the result overwhelms him; he trembles, as if it were
still uncertain, and seems to doubt whether he may consider Socrates and
Plato, Demosthenes, Sophocles, and Phidias, as secure, yet, to himself and
to the world.
                                                                D. Webster.


                                   CXX.

                          THE FUTURE OF AMERICA.

Fellow-citizens, the hours of this day are rapidly flying, and this
occasion will soon be passed. Neither we nor our children can expect to
behold its return. They are in the distant regions of futurity, they exist
only in the all-creating power of God, who shall stand here, a hundred
years hence, to trace, through us, their descent from the Pilgrims, and to
survey, as we have now surveyed, the progress of their country during the
lapse of a century. We would anticipate their concurrence with us in our
sentiments of deep regard for our common ancestors. We would anticipate and
partake the pleasure with which they will then recount the steps of New
England's advancement. On the morning of that day, although it will not
disturb us in our repose, the voice of acclamation and gratitude,
commencing on the rock of Plymouth, shall be transmitted through millions
of the sons of the Pilgrims, till it lose itself in the murmurs of the
Pacific seas. We would leave, for the consideration of those who shall then
occupy our places, some proof that we hold the blessings transmitted from
our fathers in just estimation; some proof of our attachment to the cause
of good government, and of civil and religious liberty; some proof of a
sincere and ardent desire to promote everything which may enlarge the
understandings, and improve the hearts, of men. And when, from the long
distance of a hundred years, they shall look back upon us, they shall know,
at least, that we possessed affections, which, running backward and warming
with gratitude for what our ancestors have done for our happiness, run
forward also to our posterity and meet them with cordial salutation, ere
yet they have arrived on the shore of being.

Advance, then, ye future generations! We would hail you, as you rise in
your long succession, to fill the places which we now fill, and to taste
the blessings of existence, where we are passing, and soon shall have
passed, our human duration. We bid you welcome to the healthful skies and
the verdant fields of New England. We greet your accession to the great
inheritance which we have enjoyed. We welcome you to the blessings of good
government, and religious liberty. We welcome you to the treasures of
science, and the delights of learning. We welcome you to the transcendent
sweets of domestic life, to the happiness of kindred, and parents, and
children. We welcome you to the immeasurable blessings of rational
existence, the immortal hope of Christianity and the light of everlasting
truth.
                                                                D. Webster.


                                   CXXI.

                            LIBERTY OF SPEECH.

Important, sir, as I deem it to discuss, on all proper occasions, the
policy of the measures at present pursued, it is still more important to
maintain the right of such discussion in its full and just extent.
Sentiments lately sprung up, and now growing fashionable, make it necessary
to be explicit on this point. The more I perceive a disposition to check
the freedom of inquiry by extravagant and unconstitutional pretences, the
firmer shall be the tone in which I shall assert, and the freer the manner
in which I shall exercise it.

It is the ancient and undoubted prerogative of this people to canvass
public measures, and the merits of public men. It is a "home-bred"
right, a fireside privilege. It hath ever been enjoyed in every house,
cottage, and cabin, in the nation. It is not to be drawn into
controversy. It is as undoubted as the right of breathing the air, or
walking on the earth. Belonging to private life as a right, it belongs
to public life as a duty; and it is the last duty which those whose
representative I am shall find me to abandon. Aiming at all times to be
courteous and temperate in its use, except when the right itself shall
be questioned, I shall then carry it to its extent. I shall place myself
on the extreme boundary of my right, and bid defiance to any arm that
would move me from my ground.

This high constitutional privilege I shall defend and exercise within this
house, and in all places; in times of peace, and in all times. Living, I
shall assert it; and, should I leave no other inheritance to my children,
by the blessing of God I will leave them the inheritance of free
principles, and the example of a manly, independent, and constitutional
defence of them.
                                                                D. Webster.


                                  CXXII.

                   WASHINGTON TO THE PRESENT GENERATION.

Fellow-citizens,--What contemplations are awakened in our minds, as we
assemble here to reenact a scene like that performed by Washington!
Methinks I see his venerable form now before me, as presented in the
glorious statue by Houdon, now in the capital of Virginia. He is dignified
and grave; but his concern and anxiety seem to soften the lineaments of his
countenance. The government over which he presides is yet in the crisis of
experiment. Not free from troubles at home, he sees the world in commotion
and arms, all around him. He sees that imposing foreign powers are half
disposed to try the strength of the recently established American
government. We perceive that mighty thoughts, mingled with fears as well as
hopes, are struggling within him. He heads a short procession over these
then naked fields; he crosses yonder stream on a fallen tree; he ascends to
the top of this eminence, whose original oaks of the forest stand as thick
around him as if the spot had been devoted to Druidical worship, and here
he performs the appointed duty of the day.

And now, fellow-citizens, if this vision were a reality,--if Washington
actually were now amongst us,--and if he could draw around him the shades
of the great public men of his own days,--patriots and warriors, orators
and statesmen, and were to address us, in their presence, would he not say
to us,--"Ye men of this generation, I rejoice, and thank God for being able
to see that our labors, and toils, and sacrifices, were not in vain. You
are prosperous,--you are happy,--you are grateful. The fire of liberty
burns brightly and steadily in your hearts, while duty and the law restrain
it from bursting forth in wild and destructive conflagration. Cherish
liberty, as you love it;--cherish its securities, as you wish to preserve
it. Maintain the Constitution which we labored so painfully to establish
and which has been to you such a source of inestimable blessings. Preserve
the Union of the States, cemented as it was by our prayers, our tears, and
our blood. Be true to God, to your country, and to your duty. So shall the
whole Eastern world follow the morning sun, to contemplate you as a nation;
so shall all succeeding generations honor you as they honor us; and so
shall that Almighty Power which so graciously protected us, and which now
protects you, shower its everlasting blessings upon you and your
posterity."

Great father of your country! we heed your words; we feel their force as if
you uttered them with life of flesh and blood. Your example teaches us;
your affectionate addresses teach us; your public life teaches us your
sense of the value of the blessings of the Union. Those blessings our
fathers have tasted, and we have tasted, and still taste. Nor do we intend
that those who come after us shall be denied the same high fruition, Our
honor as well as our happiness is concerned. We cannot, we dare not, we
will not, betray our sacred trust. We will not filch from posterity the
treasure placed in our hands to be transmitted to other generations. The
bow that gilds the clouds in the heavens, tile pillars that uphold the
firmament, may disappear and fall away, in the hour appointed by the will
of God; but, until that day comes, or so long as our lives may last, no
ruthless hand shall undermine that bright arch of Union and Liberty which
spans the continent from Washington to California.
                                                                D. Webster.


                                  CXXIII.

                     THE PLATFORM OF THE CONSTITUTION.

A principal object, in his late political movements the gentleman himself
tells us, was to unite the entire South; and against whom, or against what,
does he wish to unite the entire South? Is not this the very essence of
local feeling and local regard? Is it not the acknowledgment of a wish and
object to create political strength, by uniting political opinions
geographically? While the gentleman wishes to unite the entire South, I
pray to know, sir, if he expects me to turn toward the polar star, and,
acting on the same principle, to utter a cry of Rally! to the whole North?
Heaven forbid! To the day of my death, neither he nor others shall hear
such a cry from me.

Finally, the honorable member declares that he shall now march off, under
the banner of State rights! March off from whom? March off from what? We
have been contending for great principles. We have been struggling to
maintain the liberty and to restore the prosperity of the country; we have
made these struggles here, in the national councils, with the old flag--the
true American flag, the Eagle and the Stars and Stripes--waving over the
chamber in which we sit. He now tells us, however, that he marches off
under the State-rights banner!

Let him go. I remain. I am, where I ever have been, and ever mean to be.
Here, standing on the platform of the general Constitution,--a platform
broad enough, and firm enough, to uphold every interest of the whole
country,--I shall still be found. Intrusted with some part in the
administration of that Constitution, I intend to act in its spirit, and in
the spirit of those who framed it. Yes, sir. I would act as if our fathers,
who formed it for us, and who bequeathed it to us, were looking on me,--as
if I could see their venerable forms, bending down to behold us from the
abodes above! I would act, too, as if the eye of posterity was gazing on
me.

Standing thus, as in the full gaze of our ancestors and our posterity,
having received this inheritance from the former to be transmitted to the
latter, and feeling that, if I am born for any good, in my day and
generation, it is for the good of the whole country,--no local policy, no
local feeling, no temporary impulse, shall induce me to yield my foothold
on the Constitution and the Union. I move off under no banner not known to
the whole American People, and to their Constitution and laws. No, sir!
these walls, these columns,

                            "shall fly
     From their firm base as soon as I."

I came into public life, sir, in the service of the United States. On that
broad altar my earliest and all my public vows have been made. I propose to
serve no other master. So far as depends on any agency of mine, they shall
continue United States;--united in interest and in affection; united in
everything in regard to which the Constitution has decreed their union;
united in war, for the common defense, the common renown, and the common
glory; and united, compacted, knit firmly together, in peace, for the
common prosperity and happiness of ourselves and our children!
                                                                D. Webster.


                                  CXXIV.

                THE VETERANS OF THE BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL.

The great event in the history of the Continent, which we are now met here
to commemorate, that prodigy of modern times, at once the wonder and the
blessing of the world, is the American Revolution. In a day of
extraordinary prosperity and happiness, of high national honor,
distinction, and power, we are brought together, in this place, by our love
of country by our admiration of exalted character, by our gratitude for
signal services and patriotic devotion. And we now stand here to enjoy all
the blessings of our own condition, and to look abroad on the brightened
prospects of the world, while we still have among us some of those who were
active agents in the scenes of 1775, and who are now here, from every
quarter of New England, to visit once more, and under circumstances so
affecting,--I had almost said so overwhelming, this renowned theatre of
their courage and patriotism.

Venerable men! you have come down to us from a former generation. Heaven
has bounteously lengthened out your lives, that you may behold this joyous
day. You are now where you stood fifty years ago, this very hour, with your
brothers and your neighbors, shoulder to shoulder, in the strife for your
country. Behold, how altered! The same heavens are indeed over your heads;
the same ocean rolls at your feet; but all else how changed! You hear now
no roar of hostile cannon, you see no mixed volumes of smoke and flame
rising from burning Charlestown. The ground strowed with the dead and the
dying; the impetuous charge; the steady and successful repulse; the loud
call to repeated assault; the summoning of all that is manly to repeated
resistance; a thousand bosoms freely and fearlessly bared in an instant to
whatever of terror there may be in war and death;--all these you have
witnessed, but you witness them no more. All is peace. The heights of
yonder metropolis, its towers and roofs, which you then saw filled with
wives and children and countrymen in distress and terror, and looking with
unutterable emotions for the issue of the combat, have presented you to-day
with the sight of its whole happy population, come out to welcome and greet
you with a universal jubilee. Yonder proud ships by a felicity of position
appropriately lying at the foot of this mount, and seeming fondly to cling
around it, are not means of annoyance to you, but your country's own means
of distinction and defence. All is peace; and God has granted you this
sight of your country's happiness, ere you slumber in the grave. He has
allowed you to behold and to partake the reward of your patriotic toils;
and he has allowed us, your sons and countrymen, to meet you here, and in
the name of the present generation, in the name of your country, in the
name of liberty, to thank you!

But, alas! you are not all here! Time and the sword have thinned your
ranks. Prescott, Putnam, Stark, Brooks, Read, Pomeroy, Bridge! our eyes
seek for you in vain amid ibis broken band. You are gathered to your
fathers, and live only to your county in her grateful remembrance and your
own bright example. But let us not too much grieve, that you have met the
common fate of men. You lived at least long enough to know that your work
had been nobly and successfully accomplished. You lived to see your
country's independence established, and to sheathe your swords from war. On
the light of Liberty you saw arise the light of Peace, like

          "another morn
      risen on mid-noon;"

and the sky on which you closed your eyes was cloudless.

But ah! Him! the first great martyr in this great cause! Him! the premature
victim of his own self-devoting heart! Him! the head of our civil councils,
and the destined leader of our military bands, whom nothing brought hither
but the unquenchable fire of his own spirit! Him! cut off by Providence in
the hour of overwhelming anxiety and thick gloom; falling ere he saw the
star of his country rise; pouring out his generous blood like water, before
he knew whether it would fertilize a land of freedom or of bondage!--how
shall I struggle with the emotions that stifle the utterance of thy name!
Our poor work may perish; but thine shall endure! This monument may moulder
away; the solid ground it rests upon may sink down to a level with the sea;
but thy memory shall not fail! Wheresoever among men a heart shall be found
that beats to the transports of patriotism and liberty, its aspirations
shall be to claim kindred with thy spirit!
                                                                D. Webster.


                                   CXXV.

                 REPLY TO THE REFLECTIONS OF MR. WALPOLE.

Sir the atrocious crime of being a young man, which the honorable
gentleman has, with such spirit and decency charged upon me, I shall
neither attempt to palliate nor deny; but content myself with
wishing,--that I may be one of those whose follies cease with their youth;
and not of that number who are ignorant in spite of experience.

Whether youth can be imputed to any man as a reproach, I will not, sir,
assume the province of determining; but surely, age may become justly
contemptible,--if the opportunities which it brings have passed away
without improvement, and vice appears to prevail when the passions have
subsided. The wretch who, after having seen the consequences of a thousand
errors, continues still to blunder, and whose age has only added obstinacy
to stupidity, is surely the object of either abhorrence or contempt; and
deserves not that his gray hairs should secure him from insult. Much more,
sir, is he to be abhorred,--who, as he has advanced in age, has receded
from virtue, and becomes more wicked with less temptation; who prostitutes
himself for money which he cannot enjoy, and spends the remains of his life
in the ruin of his country.

But youth, sir, is not my only crime. I have been accused of acting a
theatrical part. A theatrical part may either imply some peculiarities of
gesture, or dissimulation of my real sentiments, and the adoption of the
opinions and language of another man. In the first sense the charge is too
trifling to be confuted, and deserves only to be mentioned that it may be
despised. I am at liberty, like every other man, to use my own language:
and though I may perhaps, have some ambition, yet to please this gentleman,
I shall not lay myself under any restraint, nor very solicitously copy his
diction, or his mien, however matured by age, or modelled by experience. If
any man shall, by charging me with theatrical behavior, imply that I utter
any sentiments but my own, I shall treat him as a calumniator and a
villain; nor shall any protection shelter him from the treatment he
deserves. I shall, on such an occasion, without scruple trample upon all
those forms with which wealth and dignity intrench themselves, nor shall
anything but age restrain my resentment; age which always brings one
privilege, that of being insolent and supercilious without punishment. But
with regard, sir, to those whom I have offended, I am of opinion, that if I
had acted a borrowed part I should have avoided their censure; the heat
that offended them was the ardor of conviction, and that zeal for the
service of my country, which neither hope nor fear shall influence me to
suppress. I will not sit unconcerned while my liberty is invaded, nor look
in silence upon public robbery. I will exert my endeavors, at whatever
hazard, to repel the aggressor, and drag the thief to justice,--whoever may
protect them in their villainy and whoever may partake of their plunder.
                                                              Lord Chatham.


                                  CXXVI.

                     SPEECH AGAINST THE AMERICAN WAR.

I cannot, my Lords, I will not, join in congratulation on misfortune and
disgrace. This, my Lords, is a perilous and tremendous moment. It is not a
time for adulation: the smoothness of flattery cannot save us in this
rugged and awful crisis. It is now necessary to instruct the throne in the
language of truth. We must, if possible, dispel the delusion and darkness
which envelop it, and display, in its full danger and genuine colors, the
ruin which is brought to our doors. Can ministers still presume to expect
support in their infatuation? Can parliament be so dead to its dignity and
duty, as to give their support to measures thus obtruded and forced upon
them? Measures, my Lords, which have reduced this late flourishing empire
to scorn and contempt. "But yesterday and Britain might have stood against
the world; now none so poor as to do her reverence." The people, whom we at
first despised as rebels, but whom we now acknowledge as enemies, are
abetted against us, supplied with every military store, have their
interests consulted, and their ambassadors entertained by our inveterate
enemy--and ministers do not, and dare not, interpose with dignity or
effect. The desperate state of our army abroad is in part known. No man
more highly esteems and honors the British troops than I do; I know their
virtues and their valor: I know they can achieve anything but
impossibilities; and I know that the conquest of British America is an
impossibility. You cannot, my Lords, you cannot conquer America. What is
your present situation there? We do not know the worst; but we know that in
three campaigns, we have done nothing, and suffered much. You may swell
every expense, accumulate every assistance, and extend your traffic to the
shambles of every German despot; your attempts will be forever vain and
impotent--doubly so, indeed, from this mercenary aid on which you rely; for
it irritates, to an incurable resentment, the minds of your adversaries, to
over run them with the mercenary sons of rapine and plunder, devoting them
and their possessions to the rapacity of hireling cruelty. If I were an
American, as I am an Englishman, while a foreign troop was landed in my
country, I never would lay down my arms--never, Never, NEVER!
                                                              Lord Chatham.


                                  CXXVII.

                 SPEECH AGAINST EMPLOYING INDIANS IN WAR.

But, my Lords, who is the man that, in addition to the disgraces and
mischiefs of our army, has dared to authorize and associate to our arms the
tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage?--to call into civilized alliance
the wild and inhuman inhabitants of the woods?--to delegate to the
merciless Indian the defence of disputed rights, and to wage the horrors of
this barbarous war against our brethren? My Lords, these enormities cry
aloud for redress and punishment. But, my Lords, this barbarous measure has
been defended, not only on the principles of policy and necessity but also
on those of morality; "for it is perfectly justifiable," says Lord Suffolk,
"to use all the means which God and nature have put into our hands." I am
astonished!--I am shocked! to hear such principles confessed;--to hear them
avowed in this House, or in this country. My Lords, I did not intend to
encroach so much on your attention, but I cannot repress my indignation--I
feel myself impelled to speak. My Lords, we are called upon as members of
this House, as men, as Christians, to protest against such horrible
barbarity!--"That God and nature have put into our hands"! What ideas of
God and nature that noble lord may entertain, I know not; but I know, that
such detestable principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity.
What! to attribute the sacred sanction of God and nature to the massacres
of the Indian scalping-knife! to the cannibal savage, torturing, murdering,
devouring, drinking the blood of his mangled victims! Such notions shock
every precept of morality, every feeling of humanity, every sentiment of
honor. These abominable principles, and this more abominable avowal of
them, demand the most decisive indignation.

I call upon that right reverend, and this most learned bench, to vindicate
the religion of their God, to support the justice of their country. I call
upon the bishops to interpose the unsullied sanctity of their lawn; upon
the learned judges to interpose the enmity of their ermine,--to save us
from this pollution. I call upon the honor of your Lordships, to reverence
the dignity of our ancestors, and to maintain your own. I call upon the
spirit and humanity of my country, to vindicate the national character. I
invoke the genius of the constitution! From the tapestry that adorns these
walls, the immortal ancestor of this noble lord frowns with indignation at
the disgrace of his country. In vain did he defend the liberty, and
establish the religion of Britain, against the tyranny of Rome, if these
worse than popish cruelties, and inquisitorial practices, are endured among
us. To send forth the merciless cannibal, thirsting for blood!--against
whom?--your Protestant brethren! to lay waste their country, to desolate
their dwellings, and extirpate their race and name, by the aid and
instrumentality of these horrible hounds of war! Spain can no longer boast
preëminence in barbarity. She armed herself with bloodhounds, to extirpate
the wretched natives of Mexico, and we improve on the inhuman example even
of Spanish cruelty; we turn loose these savage hell-hounds against our
brethren and countrymen in America, endeared to us by every tie that can
sanctify humanity. I again call upon your Lordships, and upon every order
of men in the State, to stamp upon this infamous procedure the indelible
stigma of the public abhorrence. And I again implore those holy prelates of
our religion to do away this iniquity; let them perform a lustration, to
purify the country from this deep and deadly sin. My Lords, I am old and
weak, and at present unable to say more; but my feelings and indignation
were too strong to have said less. I could not have slept this night in my
bed, nor even reposed my head upon my pillow, without giving vent to my
eternal abhorrence of such enormous and preposterous principles.
                                                              Lord Chatham.


                                 CXXVIII.

                            HONORABLE AMBITION.

I have been accused of ambition in presenting this measure--ambition,
inordinate ambition. If I had thought of myself only, I should have never
brought it forward. I know well the perils to which I expose myself: the
risk of alienating faithful and valued friends, with but little prospect of
making new ones, if any new ones could compensate for the loss of those we
have long tried and loved; and the honest misconception both of friends and
foes. Ambition? If I had listened to its soft and seducing whispers; if I
had yielded myself to the dictates of a cold, calculating, and prudential
policy, I would have stood still and unmoved. I might even have silently
gazed on the raging storm, enjoyed its loudest thunders, and left these who
are charged with the care of the vessel of State to conduct it as they
could.

I have been, heretofore, often unjustly accused of ambition. Low,
grovelling souls, who are utterly incapable of elevating themselves to the
higher and nobler duties of pure patriotism,--beings who, forever keeping
their own selfish ends in view, decide all public measures by their
presumed influence on their aggrandizement--judge me by the venal rule
which they prescribe to themselves. I have given to the winds those false
accusations, as I consign that which now impeaches my motives. I have no
desire for office, not even the highest. The most exalted is but a prison,
in which the incarcerated incumbent daily receives his cold, heartless
visitants, marks his weary hours, and is cut off from the practical
enjoyment of all the blessings of genuine freedom. I am no candidate for
any office in the gift of the people of these States, united or separated;
I never wish, never expect to be.

Pass this bill, tranquillize the country, restore confidence and affection
in the Union, and I am willing to go home to Ashland, and renounce public
service forever. I should there find, in its groves, under its shades, on
its lawns, midst my flocks and herds, in the bosom of my family, sincerity
and truth, attachment and fidelity, and gratitude which I have not always
found in the walks of public life.

Yes, I have ambition! but it is the ambition of being the humble
instrument, in the hands of Providence, to reconcile a divided people; once
more to revive concord and harmony in a distracted land,--the pleasing
ambition of contemplating the glorious spectacle of a free, united,
prosperous, and fraternal people.
                                                                   H. Clay.


                                  CXXIX.

                        THE NOBLEST PUBLIC VIRTUE.

There is a sort of courage, to which--I frankly confess it--I do not lay
claim; a boldness to which I dare not aspire; a valor which I cannot covet.
I cannot lay myself down in the way of the welfare and happiness of my
country. That, I cannot, I have not the courage to do. I cannot interpose
the power with which I may be invested,--a power conferred, not for my
personal benefit or aggrandizement, but for my country's good,--to check
her onward march to greatness and glory. I have not courage enough,--I am
too cowardly for that!

I would not, I dare not, lie down, and place my body across the path that
leads my country to prosperity and happiness. This is a sort of courage
widely different from that which a man may display in his private conduct
and personal relations. Personal or private courage is totally distinct
from that higher and nobler courage which prompts the patriot to offer
himself a voluntary sacrifice to his country's good.

Apprehensions of the imputation of the want of firmness sometimes impel us
to perform rash and inconsiderate acts. It is the greatest courage to be
able to bear the imputation of the want of courage. But pride, vanity,
egotism, so unaimiable and offensive in private life, are vices which
partake of the character of crimes in the conduct of public affairs. The
unfortunate victim of these passions cannot see beyond the little, petty,
contemptible circle of his own personal interest. All his thoughts are
withdrawn from his country, and concentrated on his consistency, his
firmness, himself.

The high, the exalted, the sublime emotions of a patriotism which, soaring
toward heaven, rises far above all mean, low, or selfish things, and is
absorbed by one soul-transporting thought of the good and glory of one's
country, are never felt in his impenetrable bosom. That patriotism which,
catching its inspiration from on high, and, leaving at an immeasurable
distance below all lesser, groveling, personal interests and
feelings,--animates and prompts to deeds of self-sacrifice, of valor, of
devotion and of death itself,--that is public virtue; that is the noblest,
the sublimest of all public virtues.
H. Clay.


CXXX.

PLEA FOR THE UNION.

At a moment when the White House itself is in danger of conflagration,
instead of all hands uniting to extinguish the flames, we are contending
about who shall be its next occupant. When a dreadful crevasse has
occurred, which threatens inundation and destruction to all around it, we
are contesting and disputing about the profits of an estate which is
threatened with total submersion.

Mr. President, it is passion, passion--party, party, and intemperance--that
is all I dread in the adjustment of the great questions which unhappily at
this time divide our distracted country. Sir, at this moment we have in the
legislative bodies of this Capitol and in the States, twenty-odd furnaces
in full blast, emitting heat and passion, and intemperance, and diffusing
them throughout the whole extent of this broad land. Two months ago all was
calm in comparison to the present moment. All now is uproar, confusion, and
menace to the existence of the Union, and to the happiness and safety of
this people. Sir, I implore Senators, I entreat them, by all that they
expect hereafter, and by all that is dear to them here below, to repress
the ardor of these passions, to look to their country to its interests, to
listen to the voice of reason.

Mr. President, I have said--what I solemnly believe--that the dissolution
of the Union and war are identical and inseparable; that they are
convertible terms. Such a war, too, as that would be, following the
dissolution of the Union! Sir, we may search the pages of history, and none
so furious, so bloody, so implacable, so exterminating, from the wars of
Greece down, including those of the Commonwealth of England, and the
revolution of France--none, none of them raged with such violence, or was
ever conducted with such bloodshed and enormities, as will that war which
shall follow that disastrous event--if that event ever happen--the
dissolution of the Union.

And what would be its termination? Standing armies and navies, draining the
revenues of each portion of the dissevered empire, would be created;
exterminating war would follow-not a war of two or three years, but of
interminable duration until some Philip or Alexander, some Cæsar or
Napoleon, would rise to cut the Gordian Knot, and solve the problem of the
capacity of man for self-government, and crush the liberties of both the
dissevered portions of this Union. Can you, sir, lightly contemplate these
consequences? Can you yield yourself to a torrent of passion, amidst
dangers which I have depicted in colors far short of what would be the
reality, if the event should ever happen?

I implore gentlemen--I adjure them from the South or the North, by all they
hold dear in this world--by all their love of liberty, by all their
veneration for their ancestors--by all their regard for posterity--by all
their gratitude to Him who has bestowed upon them such unnumbered
blessings--by all the duties which they owe to mankind, and all the duties
they owe to themselves--by all these considerations, I implore upon them to
pause--solemnly to pause--at the edge of the precipice before the fearful
and disastrous leap is taken into the yawning abyss below, from which none
who take it will ever return in safety.

And, finally, Mr. President, I implore, as the best blessing which Heaven
can bestow upon me on earth, that if the direful and sad event of the
dissolution of the Union shall happen, I may not survive to behold the
melancholy and heart-rending spectacle.
                                                                   H. Clay.


                                  CXXXI.

                              NATIONAL GLORY.

We are asked, what have we gained by the war? I have shown that we have
lost nothing, either in rights, territory, or honor; nothing, for which we
ought to have contended, according to the principles of the gentlemen on
the other side, or according to our own. Have we gained nothing by the war?
Let any man look at the degraded condition of the country before the
war,--the scorn of the universe, the contempt of ourselves, and tell me if
we have gained nothing by the war. What is our present situation?
Respectability and character abroad; security and confidence at home. If we
have not obtained, in the opinion of some, the full measure of retribution,
our character and Constitution are placed on a solid basis, never to be
shaken.

The glory acquired by our gallant tars on the sea, by our Jacksons and our
Browns on the land is that nothing? true we had our vicissitudes: there are
humiliating events which the patriot cannot review without deep regret; but
the great account when it comes to be balanced, will be found vastly in our
favor. Is there a man who would obliterate from the proud pages of our
history, the brilliant achievements of Jackson, Brown, and Scott, and the
host of heroes on land and sea whom I cannot enumerate? Is there a man who
could not desire a participation in the national glory acquired by the war?
Yes, national glory, which, however the expression may be condemned by
some, must be cherished by every genuine patriot.

What do I mean by national glory? Glory such as Hull, Jackson, and Perry
have acquired. And are gentlemen insensible to their deeds, to the value of
them in animating the country in the hour of peril hereafter? Did the
battle of Thermopylæ preserve Greece but once? While the Mississippi
contributes to bear the tributes of the Iron Mountains and the Alleghenies
to her delta, and to the Gulf of Mexico, the eighth of January shall be
remembered, and the glory of that day shall stimulate future patriots, and
nerve the arms of unborn freemen, in driving the presumptuous invader from
our country's soil.

Gentlemen may boast of their insensibility to feelings inspired by the
contemplation of such events. But I would ask, does the recollection of
Bunker's Hill, Saratoga, and Yorktown, afford no pleasure? Every act of
noble sacrifice of the country, every instance of patriotic devotion to her
cause, has its beneficial influence. A nation's character is the sum of its
splendid deeds; they constitute one common patrimony, the country's
inheritance. They awe foreign powers; they arouse and animate our own
people. I love true glory. It is this sentiment which ought to be
cherished; and, in spite of cavils, and sneers, and attempts to put it
down, it will rise triumphant, and finally conduct this nation to that
height, to which nature and nature's God have destined it.
                                                                   H. Clay.


                                  CXXXII.

                       BRUTUS ON THE DEATH OF CÆSAR.

Romans, countrymen, and lovers! Hear me for my cause; and be silent, that
you may hear. Believe me for mine honor; and have respect to mine honor,
that you may believe. Censure me in your wisdom; and awake your senses,
that you may be the better judge. If there be any in this assembly,--any
dear friend of Cæsar's--to him I say, that Brutus' love to Cæsar was not
less than his. If, then, that friend demand why Brutus rose against Cæsar,
this is my answer: Not that I loved Cæsar less, but that I loved Rome more.
Had you rather Cæsar were living, and die all slaves; than that Cæsar were
dead, to live all freemen? As Cæsar loved me, I weep for him; as he was
fortunate, I rejoice at it; as he was valiant, I honor him; but as he was
ambitious, I slew him. There are tears for his love, joy for his fortune,
honor for his valor, and death for his ambition.

Who is here so base, that would be a bondman? If any, speak; for him have I
offended. Who is here so rude, that would not be a Roman? If any, speak;
for him have I offended. Who is here so vile, that will not love his
country? If any, speak; for him have I offended. I pause for a reply,---

None? Then none have I offended. I have done no more to Cæsar than you
shall do to Brutus. The question of his death is enrolled in the Capitol;
his glory not extenuated, wherein he was worthy; nor his offences enforced,
for which he suffered death.

Here comes his body, mourned by Mark Antony, who, though he had no hand in
his death, shall receive the benefit of his dying, a place in the
commonwealth; as which of you shall not? With this I depart;--that, as I
slew my best lover for the good of Rome, I have the same dagger for myself,
when it shall please my country to need my death.
                                                               Shakespeare.


                                 CXXXIII.

                     HAMLET'S ADDRESS TO THE PLAYERS.

Speak the speech, I pray you, as I pronounced it to you, grippingly on the
tongue; but if you mouth it, as many of our players do, I had as life the
town-crier spoke my lines. Nor do not saw the air too much with your hand,
thus; but use all gently; for in the very torrent, tempest, and (as I may
say) whirlwind of your passion, you must acquire and beget a temperance,
that may give it smoothness. O, it offends me to the soul, to hear a
robtustious periwig-pated fellow tear a passion to tatters, to very rags,
to split the ears of the groundlings, we for the most part, are capable of
nothing but inexplicable dumb shows and noise: I would have such a fellow
whipped for o'erdoing Termagant; it out-herods Herod. I pray you, avoid it.

Be not too tame neither, but let your own discretion be your tutor: suit
the action to the word, the word to the action; with this special
observance, that you o'erstep not the modesty of nature; for anything so
overdone is from the purpose of playing, whose end, both at the first and
now, was, and is, to hold, as it were, the mirror up to nature; to show
virtue her own feature, scorn her own image, and the very age and body of
the time his form and pressure. Now this overdone, or come tardy off,
though it make the unskilful laugh, cannot but make the judicious grieve;
the censure of which one, must in your allowance o'erweigh a whole theatre
of others. O, there be players, that I have seen play,--and heard others
praise, and that highly,--not to speak it profanely, that, neither having
the accent of Christians, nor the gait of Christian, Pagan, nor man, have
so strutted and bellowed, that I have thought some of Nature's journeymen
had made men, and not made them well, they imitated humanity so abominably.
                                                               Shakespeare.


                                  CXXXIV.

                  FALSTAFF'S DESCRIPTION OF HIS SOLDIERS.

If I be not ashamed of my soldiers, I am a soused gurnet. I have misused
the king's press outrageously. I have got, in exchange of an hundred and
fifty soldiers, three hundred and odd pounds. I press me none but good
householders, yeoman's sons; inquire me out contracted bachelors, such as
have been asked twice on the banns; such a commodity of warm slaves, as had
as life hear the devil as a drum; such as fear the report of a culverin
worse than a struck deer or a hurt wild duck. I pressed me none but such
toasts in butter, with hearts in their breasts no bigger than pins' heads;
and they bought out their services; and now my whole charge consists of
slaves as ragged as Lazarus in the painted cloth, where the glutton's dogs
licked his sores; discarded, unjust serving-men, younger sons to younger
brothers, revolted tapsters, and hostlers trade-fallen, the cankers of a
calm world and a long peace; and such have I to fill up the rooms of them
that have bought out their services, that you would think, that I had an
hundred and fifty tattered prodigals, lately come from swine-keeping, from
eating draff and husks. A mad fellow met me on the way, and told me I had
unloaded all the gibbets, and pressed the dead bodies. No eye hath seen
such scarecrows. I'll not march through Coventry with them, that's flat.
Nay, and the villains march wide betwixt the legs, as if--they had gyves
on; for, indeed I had the most of them out of prison. There's but a shirt
and a half in all my company; and the half-shirt it is two napkins tacked
together, and thrown over the shoulders like a herald's coat without
sleeves; and the shirt, to say the truth, stolen from my host of St.
Albans, or the red-nosed innkeeper of Daintry. But that's all one; they'll
find linen enough on every hedge.
                                                               Shakespeare.


                                  CXXXV.

                          SOLILOQUY ON CHARACTER.

As young as I am, I have observed these three swashers. I am boy to them
all three: but all they three, though they would serve me, could not be
man to me; for, indeed, three such antics do not amount to a man. For
Bardolph,--he is white-livered, and red-faced; by the means whereof 'a
faces it out, but fights not. For Pistol,--he hath a killing tongue, and a
quiet sword; by the means whereof 'a breaks words, and keeps whole weapons.
For Nym,--he hath heard, that men of a few words are the best men; and
therefore he scorns to say his prayers, lest 'a should be thought a coward;
but his few bad words are matched with as few good deeds; for 'a never
broke any man's head but his own, and that was against a post, when he was
drunk. They will steal anything, and call it--purchase. Bardolph stole a
lute-case; bore it twelve leagues, and sold it for three half-pence. Nym
and Bardolph are sworn brothers in filching; and in Calais they stole a
fire-shovel; I knew, by that piece of service, the men would carry coals.
They would have me as familiar with men's pockets, as their gloves or their
handkerchiefs; which makes much against my manhood, if I should take from
another's pocket, to put into mine; for it is plain pocketing up of wrongs.
I must leave them, and seek some better service: their villainy goes
against my weak stomach, and therefore I must cast it up.
                                                               Shakespeare.


                                  CXXXVI.

                            DEATH OF HAMILTON.

A short time since, and he who is the occasion of our sorrows, was the
ornament of his country. He stood on an eminence; and glory covered him.
From that eminence he has fallen--suddenly, forever, fallen. His
intercourse with the living world is now ended; and those who would
hereafter find him must seek him in the grave. There, cold and lifeless,
and the heart which just now was the seat of friendship. There, dim and
sightless is the eye, whose radiant and enlivening orb beamed with
intelligence; and there, closed forever are those lips, on whose persuasive
accents we have so often and so lately hung with transport.

From the darkness which rests upon his tomb there proceeds, methinks, a
light in which it is clearly seen that those gaudy objects which men pursue
are only phantoms. In this light how dimly shines the splendor of
victory--how humble appears the majesty of grandeur. The bubble which
seemed to have so much solidity has burst; and we again see that all below
the sun is vanity.

True, the funeral eulogy has been pronounced. The sad and solemn procession
has moved. The badge of mourning has already been decreed, and presently
the sculptured marble will lift up its front, proud to perpetuate the name
of Hamilton, and rehearse to the passing traveller his virtues.

Just tributes of respect! And to the living useful. But to him, mouldering
in his narrow and humble habitation, what are they? How vain! how
unavailing! Approach, and behold--while I lift from his sepulchre its
covering. Ye admirers of his neatness, ye emulous of his talents and his
fame, approach, and behold him now. How pale! how silent! No martial bands
admire the adroitness of his movements. No fascinated throng weep--and
melt--and tremble at his eloquence!--Amazing change. A shroud! a coffin! a
narrow subterraneous cabin! This is all that now remains of Hamilton! And
is this all that remains of him?--During a life so transitory, what lasting
monument then can our fondest hopes erect?

My brethren! we stand on the borders of an awful gulf, which is swallowing
up all things human. And is there, amidst this universal wreck, nothing
stable, nothing abiding, notating immortal, on which poor, frail, dying
man can fasten?

Ask the hero, ask the statesman, whose wisdom you have been accustomed to
revere, and he will tell you. He will tell you, did I say? He has already
told you, from his death-bed, and his illumined spirit still whispers from
the heavens, with well-known eloquence, the solemn admonition.

"Mortals! hastening to the tomb, and once the companions of my pilgrimage,
take warning and avoid my errors--Cultivate the virtues I have
recommended--Choose the Saviour I have chosen--Live disinterestedly--Live
for immortality; and would you rescue anything from final dissolution,
lay it up in God."
                                                                  Dr. Nott.


                                 CXXXVII.

                       INVECTIVE AGAINST MR. FLOOD.

It is not the slander of an evil tongue that can defame me. I maintain my
reputation in public and in private life. No man who has not a bad
character can ever say that I deceived; no country can call me cheat. But I
will suppose such a public character. I will suppose such a man to have
existence. I will begin with his character in its political cradle, and I
will follow him to the last state of political dissolution. I will suppose
him, in the first stage of his life, to have been intemperate; in the
second, to have been corrupt; and in the last, seditious; that after an
envenomed attack upon the persons and measures of a succession of viceroys,
and after much declamation against their illegalities and their profusion,
he took office, and became a supporter of government when the profusion of
ministers had greatly increased, and their crimes multiplied beyond
example. At such a critical moment, I will suppose this gentleman to be
corrupted by a great sinecure office to muzzle his declamation, to swallow
his invective, to give his assent and vote to the ministers, and to become
a supporter of government, its measures, its embargo, and its American war.
I will suppose, that with respect to the Constitution of his country that
part, for instance, which regarded the Mutiny Bill, when a clause of
reference was introduced, whereby the articles of war, which were, or
hereafter might be, passed in England, should be current in Ireland without
the interference of Parliament--when such a clause was in view, I will
suppose this gentleman to have absconded. Again, when the bill was made
perpetual, I will suppose him again to have absconded; but a year and a
half after the bill had passed then I will suppose this gentleman to have
come forward, and to say that your Constitution had been destroyed by the
Perpetual Bill.

With respect to commerce, I will suppose this gentleman to have supported
an embargo which lay on the country for three years, and almost destroyed
it; and when an address in 1778, to open her trade, was propounded, to
remain silent and inactive. In relation to three fourths of our
fellow-subjects, the Catholics, when a bill was introduced to grant them
rights of property and religion, I will suppose this gentleman to have come
forth to give his negative to their pretensions.

With regard to the liberties of America, which were inseparable from ours,
I will suppose this gentleman to have been an enemy, decided and
unreserved; that he voted against her liberty, and voted, moreover, for an
address to send four thousand Irish troops to cut the throats of the
Americans; that he called these butchers "armed negotiators," and stood
with a metaphor in his mouth, and a bribe in his pocket, a champion against
the rights of America, the only hope of Ireland, and the only refuge of the
liberties of mankind. Thus defective in every relationship, whether to
Constitution, commerce, or toleration, I will suppose this man to have
added much private improbity to public crimes; that his probity was like
his patriotism, and his honor on a level with his oath.

He loves to deliver panegyrics on himself. I will interrupt him, and say,
"Sir, you are mistaken if you think that your talents have been as great as
your life has been reprehensible. You began your parliamentary career with
an acrimony and personality which could have been justified only by a
supposition of virtue. After a rank and clamorous opposition you became, on
a sudden, silent; you were silent for seven years; you were silent on the
greatest questions; and you were silent for money! You supported the
unparalleled profusion and jobbing of Lord Harcourt's scandalous
ministry--the address to support the American war--the other address to
send four thousand men, which you had yourself declared to be necessary for
the defence of Ireland, to fight against the liberties of America, to which
you had declared yourself a friend. You, sir, who manufacture stage-thunder
against Mr. Eden for his anti-American principles--you, sir, whom it
pleases to chant a hymn to the immortal Hampden--you, sir, approved of the
tyranny exercised against America; and you, sir, voted four thousand Irish
troops to cut the throats of the Americans fighting for their freedom,
fighting for your freedom, fighting for the great principle, Liberty! But
you found, at last (and this should be an eternal lesson to men of your
craft and cunning), that the King; had only dishonored you; the court had
bought, but would not trust you; and, having voted for the worst measures,
you remained, for seven years, the creature of salary, without the
conscience of government. Mortified at the discovery, and stung by
disappointment, you betake yourself to the sad expedients of duplicity. You
try the sorry game of a trimmer in your progress to the acts of an
incendiary. You give no honest support either to the government or the
people; observing, with regard to both prince and people, the most
impartial treachery and desertion, you justify the suspicion of your
Sovereign, by betraying the government, as you had sold the people, until,
at last, by this hollow conduct, and for some other steps, the result of
mortified ambition, being dismissed, and another person put in your place,
you fly to the ranks of the Volunteers and canvas, for mutiny.

"Such has been your conduct; and at such conduct every order of your
fellow-subjects have a right to exclaim! The merchant may say to you--the
constitutionality may say to you--the American may say to you--and I, I now
say, and say to your beard, sir,--'you are not an honest man!'"
                                                                H. Gratton.


                                 CXXXVIII.

                       GRATTAN'S REPLY TO MR. CORRY.

Has the gentleman done? Has he completely done? He was unparliamentary from
the beginning to the end of his speech. There was scarce a word he uttered
that was not a violation of the privileges of the House. But I did not call
him to order, why? because the limited talents of some men render it
impossible for them to be severe without being unparliamentary. But before
I sit down, I shall show him how to be severe and parliamentary at the same
time.

On any other occasion, I should think myself justifiable in treating with
silent contempt anything which might fall from that honorable member; but
there are times, when the insignificance of the accuser is lost in the
magnitude of the accusation. I know the difficulty the honorable gentleman
labored under when he attacked me, conscious that, on a comparative view of
our characters, public and private, there is nothing he could say which
would injure me. The public would not believe the charge. I despise the
falsehood. If such a charge were made by an honest man, I would answer it
in the manner I shall do before I sit down. But I shall first reply to it
when not made by an honest man.

The right honorable gentleman has called me "an unimpeached traitor." I ask
why not "traitor," unqualified by any epithet? I will tell him; it was
because he durst not. It was the act of a coward, who raises his arm to
strike, but has not courage to give the blow. I will not call him villain,
because it would be unparliamentary, and he is a privy counsellor. I will
not call him fool, because he happens to be chancellor of the exchequer.
But I say he is one who has abused the privilege of Parliament, and the
freedom of debate, by uttering language, which, if spoken out of the House,
I should answer only with a blow. I care not how high his situation, how
low his character, how contemptible his speech; whether a privy counsellor
or a parasite, my answer would be a blow.

He has charged me with being connected with the rebels. The charge is
utterly, totally and meanly false. Does the honorable gentleman rely on the
report of the House of Lords for the foundation of his assertion? If he
does, I can prove to the committee there was a physical impossibility of
that report being true. But I scorn to answer any man for my conduct,
whether he be a political coxcomb, or whether he brought himself into power
by a false glare of courage or not.

I have returned, not as the right honorable member has said, to raise
another storm--I have returned to discharge an honorable debt of gratitude
to my country, that conferred a great reward for past services, which, I am
proud to say, was not greater than my desert. I have returned to protect
that Constitution, of which I was the parent and founder, from the
assassination of such men as the right honorable gentleman and his unworthy
associates. They are corrupt,--they are seditious,--and they, at this very
moment, are in a conspiracy against their country. I have returned to
refute a libel, as false as it is malicious, given to the public under the
appellation of a report of the committee of the Lords. Here I stand ready
for impeachment or trial. I dare accusation. I defy the honorable
gentleman; I defy the government; I defy their whole phalanx; let them come
forth. I tell the ministers, I will neither give quarter nor take it. I am
here to lay the shattered remains of my constitution on the floor of this
House, in defence of the liberties of my country.


                                  CXXXIX.

                 SPEECH OF TITUS QUINCTIUS TO THE ROMANS.

You have seen it--posterity will know it! in the fourth consulship of Titus
Quinctius, our enemies came in arms, to the very gates of Rome,--and went
away unchastised! But who are they that our dastardly enemies thus
despise?--the consuls, or you, Romans? If we are in fault, depose us, or
punish us yet more severely. If you are to blame--may neither gods nor men
punish your faults! only may you repent!--No, Romans, the confidence of our
enemies is not owing to their courage, or to their belief of your
cowardice; they have been too often vanquished, not to know both themselves
and you. Discord, discord is the ruin of this city! The eternal disputes,
between the senate and the people, are the sole cause of our misfortunes.
While we set no bounds to our dominion, nor you to your liberty; while you
impatiently endure Patrician magistrates, and we Plebeian; our enemies take
heart, grow elated, and presumptuous. In the name of the immortal gods,
what is it, Romans, you would have? You desired Tribunes; for the sake of
peace, we granted them. You were eager to have Decemvirs; we consented to
their creation. You grew weary of these Decemvirs; we obliged them to
abdicate. Your hatred pursued them when reduced to private men; and we
suffered you to put to death, or banish, Patricians of the first rank in
the republic. You insisted upon the restoration of the Tribuneship; we
yielded; we quietly saw Consuls of your own faction elected. You have the
protection of your Tribunes, and the privilege of appeal; the Patricians
are subjected to the decrees of the Commons. Under pretence of equal and
impartial laws, you have invaded our rights; and we have suffered it, and
we still suffer it. When shall we see an end of discord? When shall we have
one interest, and one common country? Victorious and triumphant, you show
less temper than we, under defeat. When you are to contend with us, you can
seize the Aventine hill, you can possess yourselves of the Mons Sacer.

The enemy is at our gates,--the Æsquiline is near being taken,--and nobody
stirs to hinder it! But against us you are valiant, against us you can arm
with diligence. Come on, then, besiege the senate-house, make a camp of the
forum, fill the jails with our chief nobles, and when you have achieved
these glorious exploits, then, at last, sally out at the Æsquiline gate,
with the same fierce spirits, against the enemy. Does your resolution fail
you for this? Go then, and behold from our walls your lands ravaged, your
houses plundered and in flames, the whole country laid waste with fire and
sword. Have you anything here to repair these damages? Will the Tribunes
make up your losses to you? They will give you words as many as you please;
bring impeachments in abundance against the prime men in the State; heap
laws upon laws; assemblies you shall have without end; but will any of you
return the richer from these assemblies? Extinguish, O Romans, these fatal
divisions; generously break this cursed enchantment, which keeps you buried
in a scandalous inaction. Open your eyes and consider the management of
those ambitious men, who, to make themselves powerful in their party, study
nothing but how they may foment divisions in the commonwealth.


                                   CXL.

                           THE BOSTON MASSACRE.

Tell me, ye bloody butchers! ye villains high and low! ye wretches who
contrived, as well as you who executed, the inhuman deed! do you not feel
the goads and stings of conscious guilt pierce through your savage bosoms?
Though some of you may think yourselves exalted to such a height that bids
defiance to the arms of human justice, and others shroud yourselves beneath
the mask of hypocrisy, and build your hopes of safety on the low arts of
cunning, chicanery, and falsehood; yet do you not sometimes feel the
gnawings of that worm which never dies? Do not the injured shades of
Maverick, Gray, Caldwell, Attucks, and Carr, attend you in your solitary
walks, arrest you even in the midst of your debaucheries, and fill even
your dreams with terror?

Ye dark, designing knaves! ye murderers! parricides! how dare you tread
upon the earth which has drank in the blood of slaughtered innocents, shed
by your wicked hands? How dare you breathe that air which wafted to the ear
of Heaven the groans of those who fell a sacrifice to your accursed
ambition? But, if the laboring earth does not expand her jaws; if the air
you breathe is not commissioned to be the minister of death; yet hear it,
and tremble! the eye of Heaven penetrates the darkest chambers of the
soul; traces the leading clew through all the labyrinths which your
industrious folly has devised; and you, however you may have screened
yourselves from human eyes, must be arraigned, must lift your hands, red
with the blood of those whose deaths you have procured, at the tremendous
bar of God.
                                                              John Hancock.


                                   CXLI.

                        ENTERPRISE OF NEW ENGLAND.

As to the wealth, Mr. Speaker, which the colonies have drawn from the sea
by their fisheries, you had all that matter fully opened at your bar. You
surely thought those acquisitions of value; for they seemed even to excite
your envy; and yet the spirit by which that enterprising employment has
been exercised, ought rather, in my opinion, to have raised your esteem and
admiration. And pray, sir, what in the world is equal to it? Pass by the
other parts, and look at the manner in which the people of New England have
of late carried on the whale fishery. Whilst we follow them among the
tumbling mountains of ice, and behold them penetrating into the deepest
frozen recesses of Hudson's Bay and Davis's Straits, whilst we are looking
for them beneath the arctic circle, we hear that they have pierced into the
opposite region of polar cold, that they are at the antipodes, and engaged
under the frozen serpent of the south. Falkland island, which seemed too
remote and romantic an object for the grasp of national ambition, is but a
stage and resting-place in the progress of their victorious industry.

Nor is the equinoctial heat more discouraging to them than the accumulated
winter of both the poles. We know that whilst some of them draw the line
and strike the harpoon on the coast of Africa, others run the longitude,
and pursue their gigantic game along the coast of Brazil. No sea but what
is vexed by their fisheries. No climate that is not witness to their toils.
Neither the perseverance of Holland, nor the activity of France, nor the
dexterous and firm sagacity of English enterprise, ever carried this most
perilous mode of hardy industry to the extent to which it has been pushed
by this recent people; a people who are still, as it were, but in the
gristle, and not yet hardened into the bone of manhood.

When I contemplate these things; when I know that the colonies in general
owe little or nothing to any care of ours, and that they are not squeezed
into this happy form by the constrains of watchful and suspicious
government, but that through a wise and salutary neglect, a generous nature
has been suffered to take her own way to perfection; when I reflect upon
these effects, when I see how profitable they have been to us, I feel all
the pride of power sink, and all presumption in the wisdom of human
contrivances melt and die away within me. My rigor relents. I pardon
something to the spirit of liberty.
                                                                  E. Burke.


                                  CXLII.

                   THE RIGHT OF ENGLAND TO TAX AMERICA.

But Mr. Speaker, "we have a right to tax America." Oh, inestimable right!
Oh, wonderful, transcendent right! the assertion of which has cost this
country thirteen provinces, six islands, one hundred thousand lives, and
seventy millions of money. Oh, invaluable right! for the sake of which we
have sacrificed our rank among nations, our importance abroad, and our
happiness at home! Oh, right! more dear to us than our existence, which has
already cost us so much, and which seems likely to cost us our all.
Infatuated man! Miserable and undone country! not to know that the claim of
right, without the power of enforcing it, is nugatory and idle. We have a
right to tax America, the noble lord tells us therefore we ought to tax
America. This is the profound logic which comprises the whole chain of his
reasoning.

Not inferior to this was the wisdom of him who resolved to shear the wolf.
What, shear a wolf! Have you considered the resistance, the difficulty, the
danger of the attempt? No, says the madman, I have considered nothing but
the right. Man has a right of dominion over the beasts of the forest; and
therefore I will shear the wolf.

How wonderful that a nation could be thus deluded! But the noble lord deals
in cheats and delusions. They are the daily traffic of his invention; and
he will continue to play to his cheats on this House, so long as he thinks
them necessary to his purpose, and so long as he has money enough at
command to bribe gentlemen to pretend that they believe him. But a black
and bitter day of reckoning will surely come; and whenever that day comes,
I trust I shall be able, by a parliamentary impeachment, to bring upon the
heads of the authors of our calamities the punishment they deserve.
                                                                  E. Burke.


                                  CXLIII.

                          DESCRIPTION OF JUNIUS.

Sir,--How comes this Junius to have broken through the cobwebs of the law,
and to range uncontrolled, unpunished, through the land? The myrmidons of
the court have been long, and are still pursuing him in vain. They will not
spend their time upon me, or you, or you. No! they disdain such vermin,
when the mighty boar of the forest, that has broken through all their
toils, is before them. But what will all their efforts avail? No sooner has
he wounded one than he lays down another dead at his feet. For my part,
when I saw his attack upon the king, I own my blood ran cold. I thought he
had ventured too far, and there was an end of his triumphs. Not that he had
not asserted many truths:--Yes, sir, there are in that composition many
bold truths, by which a wise prince might profit. It was the rancor and
venom, with which I was struck. In these aspects the North-Briton is as
much inferior to him, as in strength, wit, and judgment.

But while I expected, in this daring flight, his final ruin and fall,
behold him rising still higher, and coming down souse upon both Houses of
Parliament. Yes, he did make you his quarry, and you still bleed from the
wounds of his talons. You crouched, and still crouch, beneath his rage. Nor
has he dreaded the terrors of your brow, sir; he has attacked even you--he
has--and I believe you have no reason to triumph in the encounter. In
short, after carrying away our royal eagle in his pounces, and dashing him
against a rock, he has laid you prostrate. King, lords and commons, are but
the sport of his fury.

Were he a member of this House, what might not be expected from his
knowledge, his firmness, and integrity? He would be easily known by his
contempt of all danger, by his penetration, by his vigor. Nothing would
escape his vigilance and activity. Bad ministers could conceal nothing from
his sagacity; nor could promises nor threats induce him to conceal anything
from the public.
                                                                  E. Burke.


                                  CXLIV.

                            TRUE STATESMANSHIP.

The true lawgiver ought to have a heart full of sensibility. He ought to
love and respect his kind, and to fear himself. It may be allowed to his
temperament to catchy his ultimate object with an intuitive glance, but his
movements toward it ought to be deliberate. Political arrangement, as it is
a work for social ends, is to be wrought only by social means. There mind
must conspire with mind. Time is required to produce all the good we aim
at. Our patience will achieve more than our force. If I might venture to
appeal to what is so much out of fashion in Paris, I mean to experience, I
should tell you that in my course I have known, and, according to my
measure, have coöperated with great men; and I have never yet seen any plan
which has not been mended by the observations of those who were much
inferior in understanding to the person who took the lead in business. By a
slow but well-sustained progress the effect of each step is watched; the
good or ill success of the first gives light to us in the second; and so,
from light to light, we are conducted with safety through the whole series.
We see that the parts of the system do not clash. The evils latent in the
most promising contrivances are provided for as they arise. One advantage
is as little as possible sacrificed to another. We compensate, we
reconcile, we balance. We are enabled to unite into a consistent whole the
various anomalies and contending principles that are found in the minds and
affairs of men. From hence arises not an excellence in simplicity but one
far superior, an excellence in composition. Where the great interests of
mankind are concerned through a long succession of generations, that
succession ought to be admitted into some share in the councils which are
so deeply to affect them. If justice requires this, the work itself
requires the aid of more minds than one age can furnish. It is from this
view of things that the best legislators have been often satisfied with
the establishment of some sure, solid, and ruling principle in government;
a power like to that which some of the philosophers have called a plastic
nature; and having fixed the principle, they have left it afterward to its
own operation.
                                                                  E. Burke.


                                   CXLV.

              THE QUEEN OF FRANCE AND THE SPIRIT OF CHIVALRY.

I hear, and I rejoice to hear, that the great lady, the other object of
the triumph, has borne that day (one is interested that beings made for
suffering should suffer well), and that she bears all the succeeding
days--that she bears the imprisonment of her husband, and her own
captivity, and the exile of her friends, and the insulting adulation of
addresses, and the whole weight of her accumulated wrongs, with a serene
patience, in a manner suited to her rank and race and becoming the
offspring of a sovereign distinguished for her piety and her courage; that,
like her, she has lofty sentiments; that she feels with the dignity of a
Roman matron; that in the last extremity she will save herself; and that,
if she must fall, she will fall by no ignoble hand.

It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the Queen of France, then
the dauphiness, at Versailles; and surely never lighted on this orb, which
she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision. I saw her just above
the horizon, decorating and cheering the elevated sphere she just began to
move in, glittering like the morning star full of life and splendor and
joy. Oh! what a revolution! and what a heart must I have, to contemplate,
without emotion, that elevation and that fall! Little did I dream, when she
added titles of veneration to those of enthusiastic, distant, respectful
love, that she should ever be obliged to carry the sharp antidote against
disgrace concealed in that bosom; little did I dream that I should have
lived to see such disasters fallen upon her in a nation of gallant men, in
a nation of men of honor and of cavaliers. I thought ten thousand swords
must have leaped from their scabbards to avenge even a look that threatened
her with insult? But the age of chivalry is gone; that of sophisters,
economists and calculators has succeeded; and the glory of Europe is
extinguished forever. Never, never more shall we behold that generous
loyalty to rank and sex, that proud submission, that dignified obedience,
that subordination of the heart, which kept alive, even in servitude itself
the spirit of an exalted freedom.

The unbought grace of life, the cheap defence of nations, the nurse of
manly sentiment and heroic enterprise is gone! It is gone, that sensibility
of principle, that chastity of honor, which felt a stain like a wound,
which inspired courage while it mitigated ferocity, which ennobled whatever
it touched, and under which vice itself lost half its evil by losing all
its grossness.
                                                                  E. Burke.


                                  CXLVI.

              PERORATION OF OPENING SPEECH AGAINST HASTINGS.

In the name of the Commons of England, I charge all this villany upon
Warren Hastings, in this last moment of my application to you.

My Lords, what is it that we want here to a great act of national justice?
Do we want a cause, my Lords? You care the cause of oppressed princes, of
undone women of the first rank, of desolated provinces, and of wasted
kingdoms.

Do you want a criminal, my Lords? When was there so much iniquity ever laid
to the charge of any one? No, my Lords, you must not look to punish any
other such delinquent from India. Warren Hastings has not left substance
enough in India to nourish such another delinquent.

My Lords, is it a prosecutor you want? You have before you the Commons of
Great Britain as prosecutors; and I believe my Lords, that the sun, in his
beneficent progress round the world, does not behold a more glorious sight
than that of men, separated from a remote people by the material bounds and
barriers of nature, united by the bond of a social and moral community--all
the Commons of England resenting, as their own, the indignities and
cruelties, that are offered to all the people of India.

Do we want a tribunal? My Lords, no example of antiquity, nothing in the
modern world, nothing in the range of human imagination, can supply us with
a tribunal like this. My Lords, here we see virtually, in the mind's eye,
that sacred majesty of the Crown, under whose authority you sit and whose
power you exercise.

We have here all the branches of the royal family, in a situation between
majesty and subjection, between the sovereign and the subject--offering a
pledge, in that situation, for the support of the rights of the Crown and
the liberties of the people, both which extremities they touch.

My Lords, we have a great hereditary peerage here; those who have their own
honor, the honor of their ancestors, and of their posterity, to guard, and
who will justify as they always have justified, that provision in the
Constitution by which justice is made an hereditary office.

My Lords, we have here a new nobility, who have risen, and exalted
themselves by various merits, by great civil and military services, which
have extended the fame of this country from the rising to the setting sun.

My Lords, you have here, also, the lights of our religion; you have the
bishops of England. My Lords, you have that true image of the primitive
Church in its ancient form, in its ancient ordinances, purified from the
superstitions and the vices which a long succession of ages will bring upon
the best institutions.

My Lords, these are the securities which we have in all the constituent
parts of the body of this House. We know them, we reckon, we rest upon
them, and commit safely the interests of India and of humanity into your
hands. Therefore, it is with confidence, that, ordered by the Commons,

I impeach Warren Hastings, Esquire, of high crimes and misdemeanors,

I impeach him in the name of the Commons of Great Britain, in Parliament
assembled, whose parliamentary trust he has betrayed.

I impeach him in the name of all the Commons of Great Britain, whose
national character he has dishonored.

I impeach him in the name of the people of India, whose laws, rights, and
liberties he has subverted, whose property he has destroyed, whose country
he has laid waste and desolate.

I impeach him in the name, and by virtue of those eternal laws of Justice
which he has violated.

I impeach him in the name of human nature itself, which he has cruelly
outraged, injured and oppressed, in both sexes, in every age, rank,
situation and condition of life.
                                                                  E. Burke.


                                  CXLVII.

              PERORATION OF CLOSING SPEECH AGAINST HASTINGS.

My Lords, at this awful close, in the name of the Commons, and surrounded
by them, I attest the retiring, I attest the advancing generations between
which, as a link in the great chain of eternal order, we stand.--We call
this Nation, we call the world to witness, that the Commons have shrunk
from no labor; that we have been guilty of no prevarication, that we have
made no compromise with crime; that we have not feared any odium
whatsoever, in the long warfare which we have carried on with the
crimes--with the vices--with the exorbitant wealth--with the enormous and
overpowering influence of Eastern corruption.

My Lords, your House yet stands; it stands as a great edifice; but let me
say, that it stands in ruins that have been made by the greatest moral
earthquake that ever convulsed and shattered this globe of ours. My Lords,
it has pleased Providence to place us in such a state that we appear every
moment to be on the verge of some great mutations. There is one thing, and
one thing only, which defies all mutation; that which existed before the
world, and will survive the fabric of the world itself,--I mean justice;
that justice which, emanating from the Divinity, has a place in the breast
of every one of us, given us for our guide in regard to ourselves, and with
regard to others, and which will stand, after this globe is burned to
ashes, our advocate or our accuser before the great Judge, when He comes to
call upon us for the tenor of a well-spent life.

My Lords, the Commons will share in every fate with yon? Lordships; there
is nothing sinister which can happen to you, in which we shall not be
involved; and, if it should so happen, that we shall be subjected to some
of those frightful changes which we have seen; if it should happen that
your Lordships, stripped of all the decorous distinctions of human society,
should, by hands at once base and cruel, be led to those scaffolds and
machines of murder upon which great kings and glorious queens have shed
their blood, amidst the prelates, amidst the nobles, amidst the
magistrates, who supported their thrones,--may you in those moments feel
that consolation which I am persuaded they felt in the critical moments of
their dreadful agony!

My Lords, there is a consolation, and a great consolation it is, which
often happens to oppressed virtue and fallen dignity; it often happens that
the very oppressors and persecutors themselves are forced to bear testimony
in its favor. The Parliament of Paris had an origin very, very similar to
that of the great court before which I stand; the Parliament of Paris
continued to have a great resemblance to it in its Constitution, even to
its fall; the Parliament of Paris, my Lords,--was; it is gone! It has
passed away; it has vanished like a dream! It fell pierced by the sword of
the Compte de Mirabeau. And yet that man, at the time of his inflicting the
death-wound of that Parliament, produced at once the shortest and the
grandest funeral oration that ever was or could be made upon the departure
of a great court of magistracy. When he pronounced the death sentence upon
that Parliament, and inflicted the mortal wound, he declared that his
motives for doing it were merely political, and that their hands were as
pure as those of justice itself, which they administered--a great and
glorious exit, my Lords, of a great and glorious body!

My Lords, if you must fall, may you so fall! But, if you stand, and stand I
trust you will, together with the fortunes of this ancient
monarchy--together with the ancient laws and liberties of this great and
illustrious kingdom, may you stand as unimpeached in honor as in power; may
you stand, not as a substitute for virtue, but as an ornament of virtue, as
a security for virtue; may you stand long, and long stand the terror of
tyrants; may you stand the refuge of afflicted Nations; may you stand a
sacred temple, for the perpetual residence of an inviolable justice!
                                                                  E. Burke.


                                 CXLVIII.

                         THE CRISIS OF THE NATION.

Lay hold on this opportunity of our salvation, Conscript Fathers,--by the
Immortal Gods I conjure you!--and remember that you are the foremost men
here, in the council chamber of the whole earth. Give one sign to the
Roman people that even as now they pledge their valor--so you pledge your
wisdom to the crisis of the State. But what need that I exhort you? Is
there one so insensate as not to understand that if we sleep over an
occasion such as this, it is ours to bow our necks to a tyranny not proud
and cruel only, but ignominious--but sinful? Do ye not know this Antony? Do
ye not know his companions? Do ye not know his whole
house--insolent--impure--gamesters--drunkards? To be slaves to such as he,
to such as these, were it not the fullest measure of misery conjoined with
the fullest measure of disgrace? If it be so--may the gods avert the
omen--that the supreme hour of the republic has come, let us, the rulers of
the world, rather fall with honor, than serve with infamy! Born to glory
and to liberty, let us hold these bright distinctions fast, or let us
greatly die! Be it, Romans, our first resolve to strike down the tyrant and
the tyranny. Be it our second to endure all things for the honor and
liberty of our country. To submit to infamy for the love of life can never
come within the contemplation of a Roman soul! For you, the people of
Rome--you whom the gods have appointed to rule the world--for you to own a
master, is impious.

You are in the last crisis of nations. To be free or to be slaves--that is
the question of the hour. By every obligation of man or States it behooves
you in this extremity to conquer-as your devotion to the gods and your
concord among yourselves encourage you to hope--or to bear all things but
slavery. Other nations may bend to servitude; the birthright and the
distinction of the people of Rome is liberty.
                                                                    Cicero.


                                  CXLIX.

                         EXTRACT FROM DEMOSTHENES.

Yes, Athenians, I repeat it, you yourselves are the contrivers of your own
ruin. Lives there a man who has confidence enough to deny it? Let him
arise, and assign, if he can, any other cause of the success and prosperity
of Philip. "But," you reply, "what Athens may have lost in reputation
abroad, she has gained in splendor at home. Was there ever a greater
appearance of prosperity? a greater face of plenty? Is not the city
enlarged? Are not the streets better paved, houses repaired and
beautified?" Away with such trifles! Shall I be paid with counters? An old
square new vamped up! a fountain! an aqueduct! are these acquisitions to
brag of? Cast your eye upon the magistrate under whose ministry you boast
these precious improvements. Behold the despicable creature, raised all at
once from dirt to opulence; from the lowest obscurity to the highest
honors. Have not some of these upstarts built private houses and seats,
vying with the most sumptuous of our public palaces? And how have their
fortunes and their power increased, but as the commonwealth has been ruined
and impoverished?

To what are we to impute these disorders, and to what cause assign the
decay of a State so powerful and flourishing in past times? The reason is
plain. The servant is now become the master. The magistrate was then
subservient to the people: all honors, dignities, and preferments, were
disposed by the voice and favor of the people; but the magistrate, now, has
usurped the right of the people, and exercises an arbitrary authority over
his ancient and natural lord. You, miserable people! the meanwhile, without
money, without friends,--from being the ruler, are become the servant;
from being the master, the dependent: happy that these governors, into
whose hands you have thus resigned your own power, are so good and so
gracious as to continue your poor allowance to see plays.

Believe me, Athenians, if, recovering from this lethargy, you would assume
the ancient spirit and freedom of your fathers if you would be your own
soldiers and own commanders, confiding no longer your affairs in foreign or
mercenary hands--if you would charge yourselves with your own defense,
employing abroad, for the public, what you waste in unprofitable pleasures
at home, the world might once more behold you making a figure worthy of
Athenians. "You would have us, then, (you say,) do service in our armies
in our own persons; and, for so doing, you would have the pensions we
receive in time of peace, accepted as pay in time of war. Is it thus we are
to understand you?" Yes, Athenians, 't is my plain meaning. I would make
it a standing rule, that no person, great or little, should be the
better for the public money, who would grudge to employ it for the public
service. Are we in peace? the public is charged with your subsistence. Are
we in war, or under a necessity, as at this time, to enter into a war? let
your gratitude oblige you to accept, as pay in defence of your benefactors,
what you receive, in peace, as mere bounty. Thus, without any
innovation--without altering or abolishing anything but pernicious
novelties, introduced for the encouragement of sloth and idleness--by
converting only for the future, the same funds, for the use of the
serviceable, which are spent, at present, upon the unprofitable, you may be
well served in your armies--your troops regularly paid--justice duly
administered--the public revenues reformed and increased--and every member
of the commonwealth rendered useful to his country according to his age and
ability without any further burden to the State.

This, O men of Athens, is what my duty prompted me to represent to you upon
this occasion.--May the gods inspire you to determine upon such measures,
as may be most expedient, for the particular and general good of our
country!


                                    CL.

                  EXTRACT FROM DEMOSTHENES ON THE CROWN.

Athens never was once known to live in a slavish, though a secure obedience
to unjust and arbitrary power. No; our whole history is one series of noble
contests for preëminence; the whole period of our existence hath been spent
in braving dangers, for the sake of glory and renown. And so highly do you
esteem such conduct, so consonant to the Athenian character that those of
your ancestors who were most distinguished in the pursuit of it, are ever
the most favorite objects of your praise--and with reason. For who can
reflect without astonishment upon the magnanimity of those men, who
resigned their lands, gave up their city and embarked in their ships, to
avoid the odious state of subjection?--who chose Themistocle, the adviser
of this conduct, to command their forces and, when Cyrsilus proposed that
they should yield to the terms prescribed, stoned him to death? Nay the
public indignation was not yet allayed. Your very wives inflicted the same
vengeance on his wife. For the Athenians of that day looked out for no
speaker, no general to procure them a state of prosperous slavery. They had
the spirit to reject even life, unless they were allowed to enjoy that life
in freedom. Should I then attempt to assert that it was I who inspired you
with sentiments worthy of your ancestors, I should meet the just resentment
of every hearer. No; it is my point to show, that such sentiments are
properly your own--that they were the sentiments of my country, long before
my days. I claim but my share of merit, in having acted on such principles,
in every part of my administration. He, then, who condemns every part of my
administration, he who directs you to treat me with severity, as one who
hath involved the State in terrors and dangers, while he labors to deprive
me of present honor, robs you of the applause of all posterity. For, if you
now pronounce, that, as my public conduct hath not been right, Ctesiphon
must stand condemned it must be thought that you yourselves have acted
wrong, not that you owe your present state to the caprice of fortune. But
it cannot be! No, my countrymen! it cannot be you have acted wrong, in
encountering danger bravely, for the liberty and the safety of all Greece.
No! by those generous souls of ancient times, who were exposed at Marathon!
By those who stood arrayed at Platæa! By those who encountered the Persian
fleet at Salamis! Who fought at Artemisium! No! by all those illustrious
sons of Athens, whose remains lie deposited in the public monuments.


                                   CLI.

                             QUEEN ELIZABETH.

The reign of Queen Elizabeth may be considered as the opening of the modern
history of England, especially in its connection with the modern system of
Europe, which began about that time to assume the form that it preserved
till the French Revolution. It was a very memorable period, of which the
maxims ought to be engraven on the head and heart of every Englishman.
Philip the Second, at the head of the greatest empire then in the world
openly was aiming at universal domination. To the most extensive and
opulent dominions, the most numerous and disciplined armies, the most
renowned captains, the greatest revenue, he added also the most formidable
power over opinion. Elizabeth was among the first objects of his hostility.
That wise and magnanimous princess placed herself in the front of the
battle for the liberties of Europe. Though she had to contend at home with
his fanatical faction, which almost occupied Ireland, which divided
Scotland, and was not of contemptible strength in England, she aided the
oppressed inhabitants of the Netherlands in their just and glorious
resistance to his tyranny; she aided Henry the Great in suppressing the
abominable rebellion which anarchical principles had excited and Spanish
arms had supported in France, and after a long reign of various fortune, in
which she preserved her unconquered spirit through great calamities and
still greater dangers, she at length broke the strength of the enemy, and
reduced his power within such limits as to be compatible with the safety of
England and of all Europe. Her great heart inspired her with a higher and a
nobler wisdom--which disdained to appeal to the low and sordid passions of
her people even for the protection of their low and sordid interests,
because she knew, or, rather, she felt that there are effeminate, creeping,
cowardly, short-sighted passions, which shrink from conflict, even in
defence of their own mean objects. In a righteous cause she roused those
generous affections of her people, which alone teach boldness, constancy,
and foresight, and which are therefore the only safe guardians of the
lowest as well as the highest interests of a nation. In her memorable
address to the army, when the invasion of her kingdom was threatened by
Spain, this woman of heroic spirit disdained to speak to them of their ease
and their commerce, and their wealth and their safety. No! She touched
another chord--she spoke of their national honor, of their dignity as
Englishmen, of "the foul scorn that Parma or Spain should dare to invade
the borders of her realms." She breathed into them those grand and powerful
sentiments, which exalt vulgar men into heroes which led them into the
battle of their country armed with holy and irresistible enthusiasm; which
ever cover with their shield all the ignoble interests that base
calculation, and cowardly selfishness tremble to hazard, but shrink from
defending.
                                                             J. Mackintosh.


                                   CLII.

                              THE FREE PRESS.

Gentlemen, there is one point of view in which this case seems to merit
your most serious attention. The real prosecutor is the master of the
greatest empire the world ever saw; the defendant is a defenseless,
proscribed exile. I consider this case, therefore, as the first of a long
series of conflicts between the greatest power in the world and the only
Free Press remaining in Europe. Gentlemen, this distinction of the English
Press is new--it is a proud and melancholy distinction. Before the great
earthquake of the French Revolution had swallowed up all the asylums of
free discussion on the Continent, we enjoyed that privilege, indeed, more
fully than others; but we did not enjoy it exclusively. It existed, in
fact, where it was not protected by law; and the wise and generous
connivance of governments was daily more and more secured by the growing
civilization of their subjects. In Holland, in Switzerland, in the imperial
towns of Germany, the press was either legally or practically free. Holland
and Switzerland are no more; and, since the commencement of this
prosecution, fifty imperial towns have been erased from the list of
independent States by one dash of the pen. Three or four still preserve a
precarious and trembling existence. I will not say by what compliances they
must purchase its continuance. I will not insult the feebleness of States,
whose unmerited fall I do most bitterly deplore.

One asylum of free discussion is still inviolate. There is still one spot
in Europe where man can fully exercise his reason on the most important
concerns of society, where he can boldly publish his judgment on the acts
of the proudest and most powerful tyrants. The Press of England is still
free. It is guarded by the free Constitution of our forefathers. It is
guarded by the hearts and arms of Englishmen; and, I trust I may venture to
say that if it be to fall, it will fall only under the ruins of the British
Empire. It is an awful consideration, gentlemen. Every other monument of
European liberty has perished. That ancient fabric which has been gradually
raised by the wisdom and virtues of our fathers still stands. It stands,
thanks be to God! solid and entire--but it stands alone, and it stands
amid ruins. Believing, then, as I do, that we are on the eve of a great
struggle--that this is only the first of a long series of conflicts between
reason and power that you have now in your hands committed to your trust,
the protection of the only Free Press remaining in Europe, now confined to
this kingdom; and addressing you therefore as the guardians of the most
important interests of mankind--convinced that the unfettered exercise of
reason depends more on your present verdict than on any other that was ever
delivered by a jury,--I trust I may rely with confidence on the issue--I
trust that you will consider yourselves as the advanced guard of
Liberty--as having this day to fight the first battle of free discussion
against the most formidable enemy that it ever encountered!
                                                             J. Mackintosh.


                                  CLIII.

                         THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS.

The liberty of the press, on general subjects, comprehends and implies as
much strict observance of positive law as is consistent with perfect purity
of intention, and equal and useful society. What that latitude is, cannot
be promulgated in the abstract, but must be judged in the particular
instance, and consequently, upon this occasion, must be judged of by you
without forming any possible precedent for any other case.

If gentlemen, you are firmly persuaded of the singleness and purity of the
author's intentions, you are not bound to subject him to infamy, because in
the zealous career of a just and animated composition, he happens to
have tripped with his pen into an intemperate expression in one or two
instances of a long work. If this severe duty were binding on your
conscience, the liberty of the press would be an empty sound, and no man
could venture to write on any subject, however pure his purpose, without an
attorney at one elbow and a counsel at the other.

From minds thus subdued by the terrors of punishment, there could issue no
works of genius to expand the empire of human reason, nor any masterly
compositions on the general nature of government, by the help of which the
great commonwealths of mankind have founded their establishments; much less
any of those useful applications of them to critical conjunctures, by
which, from time to time, our own Constitution, by the exertion of patriot
citizens, has been brought back to its standard. Under such terrors, all
the great lights of science and civilization must be extinguished; for men
cannot communicate their free thoughts to one another with a lash held over
their heads. It is the nature of everything that is great and useful both
in the animate and inanimate world, to be wild and irregular, and we must
be contented to take them with the alloys which belong to them, or live
without them. Genius breaks from the fetters of criticism, but its
wanderings are sanctioned by its majesty and wisdom when it advances in its
path: subject it to the critic, and you tame it into dulness. Mighty rivers
break down their banks in the winter, sweeping away to death the flocks
which are fattened on the soil that they fertilize in the summer: the few
may be saved by embankments from drowning, but the flock must perish for
hunger. Tempests occasionally shake our dwellings and dissipate our
commerce; but they scourge before them the lazy elements, which without
them would stagnate into pestilence. In like manner, Liberty herself, the
last and best gift of God to his creatures, must be taken Just as she is:
you might pare her down into bashful regularity, and shape her into a
perfect model of severe, scrupulous law, but she would then be Liberty no
longer; and you must be content to die under the lash of this inexorable
justice which you had exchanged for the banners of Freedom.
                                                              Lord Erskine.


                                   CLIV.

                         BRITISH TYRANNY IN INDIA.

I am driven in the defence of my client, to remark, that it is mad and
preposterous to bring to the standard of justice and humanity the exercise
of a dominion founded upon violence and terror. It may and must be true
that Mr. Hastings has repeatedly offended against the rights and privileges
of Asiatic government, if he was the faithful deputy of a power which could
not maintain itself for an hour without trampling upon both. He may and
must have offended against the laws of God and nature, if he was the
faithful viceroy of an empire wrested in blood from the people to whom God
and nature had given it. He may and must have preserved that unjust
dominion over timorous and abject nations by a terrifying overbearing,
insulting superiority, If he was the faithful administrator of your
government, which, leaving no root in consent or affection no foundation in
similarity of interests--no support from any one principle which cements
men together in society, could only be upheld by alternate stratagem and
force. The unhappy people of India, feeble and effeminate as they are from
the softness of their climate, and subdued and broken as they have been by
the knavery and strength of civilization, still occasionally start up in
all the vigor and intelligence of insulted nature. To be governed at all,
they must be governed with a rod of iron; and our empire in the East would,
long since, have been lost to Great Britain, if civil skill and military
prowess had not united their efforts to support an authority--which Heaven
never gave--by means which it never can sanction.

Gentlemen, I think I can observe that you are touched with this way of
considering the subject, and I can account for it. I have not been
considering it through the cold medium of books, but have been speaking of
man and his nature, and of human dominion, from what I have seen of them
myself among reluctant nations submitting to our authority. I know what
they feel, and how such feelings can alone be repressed. I have heard them
in my youth from a naked savage, in the indignant character of a prince
surrounded by his subjects, addressing the Governor of a British colony,
holding a bundle of sticks in his hand, as the notes of his unlettered
eloquence. "Who is it," said the jealous ruler over the desert, encroached
upon by the restless foot of English adventure--"who is it that causes this
river to rise in the high mountains, and to empty itself into the ocean?
Who is it that causes to blow the loud winds of winter, and that calms them
again in summer? Who is it that rears up the shade of those lofty forests,
and blasts them with the quick lightning at his pleasure? The same Being
who gave to you a country on the other side of the waters, and gave ours to
in; and by this title we will defend it," said the warrior, throwing down
his tomahawk upon the ground, and raising the war-sound of his nation.
These are the feelings of subjugated man all round the globe; and depend
upon it, nothing but fear will control where it is vain to look for
affection.

If England, from a lust of ambition and dominion, will insist on
maintaining despotic rule over distant and hostile nations, beyond all
comparison more numerous and extended than herself, and gives commission to
her viceroys to govern them with no other instructions than to preserve
them, and to secure permanently their revenues, with what color of
consistency or reason can she place herself in the moral chair, and affect
to be shocked at the execution of her own orders; adverting to the exact
measure of wickedness and injustice necessary to their execution, and,
complaining only of the excess as the immorality, considering her authority
as a dispensation for breaking the commands of God, and the breach of them
as only punishable when contrary to the ordinances of man? Such a
proceeding, gentlemen, begets serious reflection. It would be better,
perhaps, for the masters and the servants of all such governments to join
in supplication, that the great Author of violated humanity may not
confound them together in one common judgment.
                                                              Lord Erskine.


                                   CLV.

                           DECLARATION OF RIGHT.

I might as a constituent, come to your bar and demand my liberty. I do call
upon you by the laws of the land, and their violation; by the instructions
of eighteen counties; by the arms, inspiration, and providence of the
present moment--tell us the rule by which we shall go; assert the law of
Ireland; declare the liberty of the land! I will not be answered by a
public lie, in the shape of an amendment; nor, speaking for the subjects'
freedom, am I to hear of faction. I wish for nothing but to breathe in this
our island, in common with my fellow-subjects, the air of liberty. I have
no ambition, unless it be to break your chain and contemplate your glory. I
never will be satisfied so long as the meanest cottager in Ireland has a
link of the British chain clanking to his rags. He may be naked,--he shall
not be in irons. And I do see the time at hand; the spirit is gone forth;
the Declaration of Right is planted; and though great men should fall off,
yet the cause shall live; and though he who utters this should die, yet
the immortal fire shall outlast the humble organ who conveys it, and the
breath of liberty, like the word of the holy man will not die with the
prophet, but survive him.
                                                                H. Grattan.


                                   CLVI.

                          POLITICS AND RELIGION.

That religion has, in fact, nothing to do with the politics of many who
profess it, is a melancholy truth. But that it has of right, no concern
with political transactions, is quite a new discovery. If such opinions,
however, prevail, there is no longer any mystery in the character of those
whose conduct in political matters violates every precept and slanders
every principle of the religion of Christ. But what is politics? Is it not
the science and the exercise of civil rights and civil duties? And what is
religion? Is it not an obligation to the service of God, founded on his
authority, and extending to all our relations, personal and social? Yet
religion has nothing to do with politics? Where did you learn this maxim?
The Bible is full of directions for your behavior as citizens. It is plain,
pointed; awful in its injunctions on ruler and ruled as such: yet religion
has nothing to do with politics! You are commanded "in all your ways to
acknowledge Him." In everything, by prayer and supplication, with
thanksgiving, to let your requests be made known unto God "And whatsoever
ye do, in word or deed, to do all in the name of the Lord Jesus." Yet
religion has nothing to do with politics! Most astonishing! And is there
any part of your conduct in which you are, or wish to be, without law to
God, and not under the law of Jesus Christ? Can you persuade yourselves
that political men and measures are to undergo no review in the judgment to
come? That all the passion and violence, the fraud and falsehood and
corruption, which pervade the system of party, and burst out like a flood
at the public elections, are to be blotted from the catalogue of
unchristian deeds, because they are politics? Or that a minister of the
gospel may see his people, in their political career, bid defiance to their
God in breaking through every moral restraint, and keep a guiltless
silence, because religion has nothing to do with politics? I forbear to
press the argument farther; observing only that many of our difficulties
and sins may be traced to this pernicious notion. Yes, if our religion had
had more to do with our politics; if, in the pride of our citizenship, we
had not forgotten our Christianity; if we had prayed more and wrangled less
about the affairs of our country, it would have been infinitely better for
us at this day
                                                                J. M. Mason


                           STANDARD SELECTIONS.

                                  POETRY


                                   CLVII.

                         THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER.

         O say, can you see, by the dawn's early light,
         What so proudly we hailed at the twilight's last gleaming--
         Whose broad stripes and bright stars, through the perilous fight,
         O'er the ramparts we watched were so gallantly streaming!
         And the rockets' red glare, the bombs bursting in air,
         Gave proof through the night that our flag was still there;
         O say, does that Star-spangled Banner yet wave
         O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave!

         On that shore, dimly seen through the mists of the deep,
         Where the foe's haughty host in dread silence reposes,
         What is that which the breeze, o'er the towering steep,
         As it fitfully blows, now conceals, now discloses!
         Now it catches the gleam of the morning's first beam,
         In full glory reflected now shines on the stream:
         'T is the Star-spangled Banner!--O long may it wave
         O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave!

         And where are the foes who so vauntingly swore
         That the havoc of war and the battle's confusion,
         A home and a country should leave us no more?
         Their blood hath washed out their foul footsteps' pollution!
         No refuge could save the hireling and slave
         From the terror of flight or the gloom of the grave;
         And the Star-spangled Banner in triumph shall wave
         O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave!

         O, thus be it ever, when freemen shall stand
         Between their loved homes and the war's desolation!
         Blessed with victory and peace, may the heaven-rescued land
         Praise the Power that hath made and preserved us a Nation
         Then conquer we must, when our cause it is just,
         And this be our motto--"In God is our trust;"
         And the Star-spangled Banner in triumph shall wave
         O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave!
                                                                 F. S. Key.


                                  CLVIII.

                           ASPIRATIONS OF YOUTH

                       Higher, higher, will we climb,
                       Up the mount of glory,
                       That our names may live through time
                       In our country's story;
                       Happy, when her welfare calls,
                       He who conquers, he who falls.

                       Deeper, deeper, let us toil,
                       In the mines of knowledge;
                       Nature's wealth, and learning's spoil,
                       Win from school and college;
                       Delve we then for richer gems
                       Than the stars of diadems.

                       Onward, onward, may we press
                       Through the path of duty;
                       Virtue is true happiness,
                       Excellence true beauty.
                       Minds are of celestial birth;
                       Make we then a heaven of earth.

                       Closer, closer, let us knit
                       Hearts and hands together,
                       Where our fireside comforts sit,
                       In the wildest weather;
                       O! they wander wide who roam
                       For the joys of life from home!
                                                             J. Montgomery.


                                   CLIX.

                     THE L0VE OF COUNTRY AND OF HOME.

               There is a land, of every land the pride,
               Beloved by Heaven o'er all the world beside;
               Where brighter suns dispense serener light,
               And milder moons imparadise the night;
               A land of beauty, virtue, valor, truth,
               Time-tutored age, and love-exalted youth.

               The wandering mariner, whose eye explores
               The wealthiest isles, the most enchanting shores,
               Views not a realm so bountiful and fair,
               Nor breathes the spirit of a purer air;
               In every clime, the magnet of his soul,
               Touched by remembrance, trembles to that pole;
               For in this land of Heaven's peculiar grace,
               The heritage of Nature's noblest race,
               There is a spot of earth supremely blest,
               A dearer, sweeter spot than all the rest,
               Where man, creation's tyrant, casts aside
               His sword and sceptre, pageantry and pride,
               While, in his softened looks, benignly blend
               The sire, the son, the husband, brother, friend.

               Here woman reigns; the mother, daughter, wife,
               Strews with fresh flowers the narrow way of life!
               In the clear heaven of her delightful eye,
               An angel-guard of loves and graces lie;
               Around her knees domestic duties meet,
               And fireside pleasures gambol at her feet.
               Where shall that land, that spot of earth be found?
               Art thou a man?--a patriot?--look around;
               O! thou shalt find, however thy footsteps roam,
               That land thy country, and that spot thy home!
                                                             J. Montgomery.


                                   CLX.

                                 THE BELLS

                     Hear the sledges with the bells--
                               Silver bells!
             What a world of merriment their melody foretells!
                     How they tinkle, tinkle, tinkle,
                         In the icy air of night!
                    While the stars that over sprinkle
                     All the heavens, seem to twinkle
                        With a crystalline delight;
                         Keeping time, time, time,
                         In a sort of Runic rhyme,
              To the tintinnabulation that so musically wells
                   From the bells, bells, bells, bells,
                           Bells bells, bells--
             From the jingling and the tinkling of the bells.

                      Hear the mellow wedding bells--
                               Golden bells!
            What a world of happiness their harmony foretells!
                      Through the balmy air of night
                     How they ring out their delight!
                       From the molten-golden notes,
                               All in time,
                        What a liquid ditty floats
             To the turtle-dove that listens, while she gloats
                               On the moon!
                      O, from out the sounding cells,
                What a gush of euphony voluminously wells!
                              How it swells,
                               How it dwells
                        On the future! how it tells
                          Of rapture that impels
                      To the swinging and the ringing
                        Of the bells, bells, bells,
                    Of the bells, bells, bells, bells,
                          Bells, bells, bells--
               To the rhyming and the chiming of the bells!

                       Hear the loud alarum bells--
                               Brazen bells!
            What a tale of terror, now, their turbulency tells!
                       In the startled ear of night
                    How they scream out their affright!
                       Too much horrified to speak,
                       They can only shriek, shriek,
                               Out of time,
            In a clamorous appealing to the mercy of the fire,
          In a mad expostulation with the deaf and frantic fire,
                      Leaping higher, higher, higher,
                         With a desperate desire,
                         And a resolute endeavor,
                        Now--now to sit, or never,
                    By the side of the pale-faced moon.
                        O, the bells, bells, bells!
                      What a tale their terror tells
                                Of Despair!
                   How they clang, and clash, and roar!
                        What a horror they outpour
                   On the bosom of the palpitating air!
                       Yet the ear, it fully knows,
                              By the twanging
                             And the clanging,
                     How the danger sinks and swells,
        By the sinking or the swelling in the anger of the bells--
                               Of the bells
                    Of the bells, bells, bells, bells,
                           Bells, bells, bells--
                In the clamor and the clangor of the bells!

                      Hear the tolling of the bells--
                                Iron bells!
           What a world of solemn thought their monody compels!
                       In the silence of the night,
                        How we shiver with affright
                  At the melancholy menace of their tone!
                        For every sound that floats
                    From the rust within their throats
                                Is a groan.
                     And the people--ah, the people--
                    They that dwell up in the steeple,
                                All alone,
                    And who, tolling, tolling, tolling,
                         In that muffled monotone,
                        Feel a glory in so rolling
                        On the human heart a stone
                     They are neither man nor woman--
                     They are neither brute nor human
                             They are Ghouls;
                      And their king it is who tolls;
                        And he rolls, rolls, rolls,
                                   Rolls
                          A paean from the bells!
          And his merry bosom swells with the paean of the bells!
                       And he dances, and he yells;
                         Keeping time, time, time,
                         In a sort of Runic rhyme,
                        To the paean of the bells--
                               Of the bells:
                         Keeping time, time, time
                         In a sort of Runic rhyme,
                      To the throbbing of the bells--
                       Of the bells, bells, bells--
                       To the sobbing of the bells;
                         Keeping time, time, time,
                       As he knells, knells, knells,
                          In a happy Runic rhyme,
                       To the rolling of the bells--
                        Of the bells, bells, bells;
                       To the tolling of the bells--
                    Of the bells, bells, bells, bells;
                           Bells, bells, bells--
               To the moaning and the groaning of the bells!
                                                                 E. A. Poe.


                                   CLXI.

                                THE RAVEN.

    Once upon a midnight dreary while I pondered, weak and weary,
    Over many a quaint and curious volume of forgotten lore--
    While I nodded, nearly napping, suddenly there came a tapping,
    As of some one gently rapping, rapping at my chamber door.
    "'T is some visitor," I muttered, "tapping at my chamber door--
    Only this, and nothing more."

    Ah! distinctly I remember, it was in the bleak December,
    And each separate dying ember wrought its ghost upon the floor.
    Eagerly I wished the morrow;--vainly I had sought to borrow;
    From my books, surcease of sorrow--sorrow for the lost Lenore--
    For the rare and radiant maiden whom the angels named Lenore--
    Nameless here for evermore.

    And the silken, sad, uncertain rustling of each purple curtain
    Thrilled me--filled me with fantastic terrors never felt before;
    So that now, to still the beating of my heart, I stood repeating,
    "'T is some visitor entreating entrance at my chamber door
    Some late visitor entreating entrance at my chamber door;
    This it is, and nothing more."

    Presently my soul grew stronger; hesitating then no longer,
    "Sir," said I, "or madam truly your forgiveness I implore;
    But the fact is I was napping, and so gently you came rapping,
    And so faintly you came tapping, tapping at my chamber door,
    That I scarce was sure I heard you"--here I opened wide the door;--
    Darkness there, and nothing more.

    Deep into the darkness peering, long I stood there, wondering, fearing,
    Doubting, dreaming dreams no mortal ever dared to dream before;
    But the silence was unbroken and the darkness gave no token,
    And the only word there spoken was the whispered word, "Lenore!"
    This I whispered, and an echo murmured back the word, "Lenore!"
    Merely this, and nothing more.

    Back into the chamber turning, all my soul within me burning,
    Soon I heard again a tapping somewhat louder than before.
    "Surely," said I, "surely that is something at my window lattice;
    Let me see, then, what thereat is, and this mystery explore--
    Let my heart be still a moment and this mystery explore;--
    'T is the wind, and nothing more!"

    Open here I flung the shutter, when, with many a flirt and flutter,
    In there stepped a stately Raven of the saintly days of yore:
    Not the least obeisance made he; not an instant stopped or stayed he;
    But, with mien of lord or lady, perched above my chamber door,--
    Perched upon a bust of Pallas, just above my chamber door,--
    Perched, and sat, and nothing more.

    Then this ebony bird beguiling my sad fancy into smiling,
    By the grave and stern decorum of the countenance it wore,
    "Though thy crest be shorn and shaven, thou," I said, "art sure
                                                                 no craven,
    Ghastly, grim, and ancient Raven, wandering from the Nightly shore--
    Tell me what thy lordly name is on the Night's Plutonian shore!"
    Quoth the raven, "Nevermore."

    Much I marvelled this ungainly fowl to hear discourse so plainly
    Though its answer little meaning--little relevancy bore;
    For we cannot help agreeing that no living human being
    Ever yet was blessed with seeing bird above his chamber door--
    Bird or beast upon the sculptured bust above his chamber door--
    With such a name as "Nevermore."

    But the Raven, sitting lonely on the placid bust, spoke only
    That one word, as if his soul in that one word he did outpour.
    Nothing further then he uttered--not a feather then he fluttered--
    Till I scarcely more than muttered, "Other friends have flown before--
    On the morrow he will leave me, as my Hopes have flown before."
    Then the bird said, "Nevermore."

    Startled at the stillness broken by reply so aptly spoken,
    "Doubtless," said I, "what it utters is its only stock and store,
    Caught from some unhappy master whom unmerciful disaster
    Followed fast, and followed faster, till his songs one burden bore
    Till the dirges of his Hope the melancholy burden bore--
    Of 'Nevermore'--'Nevermore'"

    But the Raven still beguiling all my sad soul into smiling,
    Straight I wheeled a cushioned seat in front of bird, and bust,
         and door;
    Then, upon the velvet sinking, I betook myself to linking
    Fancy unto fancy, thinking what this ominous bird of yore--
    What this grim, ungainly, ghastly, gaunt, and ominous bird of yore
    Meant in croaking, "Nevermore."

    Thus I sat engaged in guessing, but no syllable expressing
    To the fowl, whose fiery eyes now burned into my bosom's core;
    This and more I sat divining, with my head at ease reclining
    On the cushion's velvet lining that the lamp-light gloated o'er,
    But whose velvet violet lining with the lamp-light gloating o'er,
    She shall press, ah, nevermore!

    Then, methought, the air grew denser, perfumed from an unseen Censor,
    Swung by angels whose faint foot-falls tinkled on the tufted floor.
    "Wretch," I cried, "thy God hath lent thee--by these angels
          he hath sent thee
    Respite--respite and nepenthe from thy memories of Lenore!
    Quaff, O quaff this kind nepenthe and forget this lost Lenore!"
    Quoth the Raven, "Nevermore."

    "Prophet," said I, "thing of evil!--prophet still, if bird or devil!
    By that heaven that bends above us--by that God we both adore--
    Tell this soul with sorrow laden, if within the distant Aiden,
    It shall clasp a sainted maiden whom the angels name Lenore--
    Clasp a rare and radiant maiden whom the angels name Lenore."
    Quoth the Raven, "Nevermore."

    "Be that word our sign of parting, bird or fiend!" I shrieked,
           upstarting--
    "Get thee back into the tempest and the Night's Plutonian shore!
    Leave no black plume as a token of that lie thy soul hath spoken!
    Leave my loneliness unbroken!--quit the bust above my door!
    Take thy beak from out my heart, and take thy form from of my door!"
    Quoth the Raven, "Nevermore."

    And the Raven, never flitting, still is sitting, still is sitting
    On the pallid bust of Pallas just above my chamber door;
    And his eyes have all the seeming of a demon that is dreaming,
    And the lamp-light, o'er him streaming, throws his shadow on the floor;
    And my soul from out that shadow, that lies floating on the floor--
    Shall be lifted--nevermore!
                                                                 E. A. Poe.


                                  CLXII.

                           SPIRIT OF PATRIOTISM.

                   Breathes there a man with soul so dead,
                   Who never to himself hath said,--
                   "This is my own,--my native land!"
                   Whose heart hath never within him burned,
                   As home his footsteps he hath turned,
                   From wandering on a foreign strand?
                   If such there breathe, go mark him well,--
                   For him,--no minstrel raptures swell!
                   High though his titles, proud his name,
                   Boundless his wealth as wish can claim;
                   Despite those titles, power, and pelf,
                   The wretch concentered all in self,
                   Living, shall forfeit fair renown,
                   And doubly dying, shall go down
                   To the vile dust from whence he sprung,
                   Unwept, unhonored and unsung!
                                                              Sir W. Scott.


                                  CLXIII.

                                LOCHINVAR.

            Young Lochinvar is come out of the West!
            Through all the wide Border his steed is the best;
            And save his good broadsword he weapon had none;--
            He rode all unarmed, and he rode all alone.
            So faithful in love, and so dauntless in war,
            There never was knight like the young Lochinvar!

            He staid not for brake, and he stopped not for stone;
            He swam the Eske river where ford there was none;--
            But, ere he alighted at Netherby gate,
            The bride had consented--the gallant came late;
            For a laggard in love, and a dastard in war,
            Was to wed the fair Ellen of brave Lochinvar!

            So boldly he entered the Netherby Hall,
            Among tribesmen, and kinsmen, and brothers, and all.
            Then spoke the bride's father, his hand on his sword--
            For the poor craven bridegroom said never a word--
            "O come ye in peace here, or come ye in war?--
            Or to dance at our bridal, young Lord Lochinvar?"

            "I long wooed your daughter;--my suit you denied:
            Love swells like the Solway, but ebbs like its tide!
            And now I am come, with this lost love of mine,
            To lead but one measure--drink one cup of wine.
            There be maidens in Scotland, more lovely by far,
            That would gladly be bride to the young Lochinvar!"

            The bride kissed the goblet; the knight took it up--
            He quaffed off the wine, and he threw down the cup!
            She looked down to blush, and she looked up to sigh,--
            With a smile on her lip, and a tear in her eye.
            He took her soft hand, ere her mother could bar;--
            "Now tread we a measure!" said young Lochinvar.

            So stately his form, and so lively her face,
            That never a hall such a galliard did grace!
            While her mother did fret, and her father did fume,
            And the bridegroom stood dangling his bonnet and plume,
            And the bridemaidens whispered, "'T were better, by far,
            To have matched our fair cousin with young Lochinvar!"

            One touch to her hand, and one word in her ear--
            When they reached the hall door, where the charger stood near;
            So light to the croup the fair lady he swung,
            So light to the saddle before her he sprung!--
            "She is won!--we are gone, over bank, bush, and scaur;
            They'll have fleet steeds that follow!" cried young Lochinvar.

            There was mounting 'mong Græmes of the Netherby clan;
            Fosters, Fenwicks, and Musgraves, they rode and they ran;
            There was racing, and chasing, on Cannobie lea!
            But the lost bride of Netherby ne'er did they see!--
            So daring in love, and so dauntless in war,
            Have ye e'er heard of gallant like young Lochinvar!
                                                              Sir W. Scott.


                                  CLXIV.

                     MARMION TAKING LEAVE OF DOUGLAS.

                  The train from out the castle drew;
                  But Marmion stopped to bid adieu:--
                  "Though something I might plain," he said,
                  "Of cold respect to stranger guest,
                  Sent hither by your king's behest,
                  While in Tantallon's towers I stayed,--
                  Part we in friendship from your land,
                  And, noble earl, receive my hand."
                  But Douglas round him drew his cloak,
                  Folded his arms, and thus he spoke:--
                  "My manors, halls, and bowers, shall still
                  Be open, at my sovereign's will,
                  To each one whom he lists, howe'er
                  Unmeet to be the owner's peer.
                  My castles are my king's alone,
                  From turret to foundation-stone;--
                  The hand of Douglas is his own;
                  And never shall in friendly grasp
                  The hand of such as Marmion clasp!"
                  Burned Marmion's swarthy cheek like fire,
                  And shook his very frame for ire,
                  And--"This to me!" he said,--
                  "An 't were not for thy hoary beard,
                  Such hand as Marmion's had not spared
                  To cleave the Douglas' head!
                  And, first, I tell thee, Haughty peer,
                  He who does England's message here,
                  Although the meanest in her state,
                  May well, proud Angus, be thy mate!
                  And, Douglas, more I tell thee here,
                  E'en in thy pitch of pride,
                  Here, in thy hold, thy vassals near--
                  (Nay, never look upon your lord,
                  And lay your hands upon your sword,)
                  I tell thee, thou'rt defied!
                  And if thou said'st I am not a peer
                  To any lord in Scotland here,
                  Lowland or Highland, far or near,
                  Lord Angus, thou hast lied!"
                  On the earl's cheek the flush of rage
                  O'ercame the ashen hue of age:
                  Fierce he broke forth: "And darest thou, then,
                  To beard the lion in his den,--
                  The Douglas in his hall?
                  And hopest thou hence unscathed to go?
                  No, by Saint Bride of Bothwell, no!--
                  Up drawbridge, grooms! what, warder, ho!
                  Let the portcullis fall."
                  Lord Marmion turned,--well was his need,--
                  And dashed the rowels in his steed,
                  Like arrow through the archway sprung;
                  The ponderous gate behind him rung:
                  To pass, there was such scanty room,
                  The bars, descending, razed his plume.

                  The steed along the drawbridge flies,
                  Just as it trembled on the rise;
                  Not lighter does the swallow skim
                  Along the smooth lake's level brim:
                  And when Lord Marmion reached his band,
                  He halts, and turns with clenched hand,
                  A shout of loud defiance pours,
                  And shakes his gauntlet at the towers!
                                                              Sir W. Scott.


                                   CLXV.

                            HIGHLAND WAR-SONG.

               Pibroch of Donuil Dhu, pibroch of Donuil,
               Wake thy wild voice anew, summon Clan Conuil.
               Come away, come away, hark to the summons!
               Come in your war-array, gentles and commons.
               Come from deep glen, and from mountain so rocky;
               The war-pipe and pennon are at Inverlocky.
               Come every hill-plaid, and true heart that wears one,
               Come every steel blade, and strong hand that bears one.
               Leave untended the herd, the flock without shelter;
               Leave the corpse uninterred, the bride at the altar;
               Leave the deer, leave the steer, leave nets and barges:
               Come with your fighting gear, broadswords and targes.
               Come as the winds come, when forests are rended,
               Come as the waves come, when navies are stranded:
               Faster come, faster come, faster and faster,
               Chief, vassal, page and groom, tenant and master.
               Fast they come, fast they come; see how they gather!
               Wide waves the eagle plume, blended with heather.
               Cast your plaids, draw your blades, forward each man set!
               Pibroch of Donuil Dhu, knell for the onset!
                                                              Sir W. Scott.


                                  CLXVI.

                        DAVID'S LAMENT FOR ABSALOM.

                                      The king stood still
               Till the last echo died; then, throwing off
               The sackcloth from his brow, and laying back
               The pall from the still features of his child,
               He bowed his head upon him, and broke forth
               In the resistless eloquence of woe:--

               "Alas! my noble boy! that thou shouldst die!
               Thou, who wert made so beautifully fair!
               That death should settle in thy glorious eye,
               And leave his stillness in this clustering hair!
               How could he mark thee for the silent tomb,
               My proud boy, Absalom!

               "Cold is thy brow, my son! and I am chill,
               As to my bosom I have tried to press thee!
               How was I wont to feel my pulses thrill,
               Like a rich harp-string, yearning to caress thee,
               And hear thy sweet 'My father!' from those dumb
               And cold lips, Absalom!

               "But death is on thee; I shall hear the gush
               Of music, and the voices of the young;
               And life will pass me in the mantling blush,
               And the dark tresses to the soft winds flung;--
               But thou no more, with thy sweet voice, shalt come
               To meet me, Absalom!

               "And oh! when I am stricken, and my heart,
               Like a bruised reed, is waiting to be broken,
               How will its love for thee, as I depart,
               Yearn for thine ear to drink its last deep token!
               It were so sweet, amid death's gathering gloom,
               To see thee. Absalom!

               "And now, farewell! 'T is hard to give thee up,
               With death so like a gentle slumber on thee!--
               And thy dark skin!--oh! I could drink the cup,
               If from this woe its bitterness had won thee.
               May God have called thee, like a wanderer, home,
               My lost boy Absalom!"

               He covered up his face, and bowed himself
               A moment on his child; then, giving him
               A look of melting tenderness, he clasped
               His hands convulsively as if in prayer;
               And, as if strength were given him of God,
               He rose up calmly, and composed the pall
               Firmly and decently--and left him there,
               As if his rest had been a breathing sleep.
                                                              N. P. Willis.


                                  CLXVII.

                         "LOOK NOT UPON THE WINE."

                    Look not upon the wine when it
                    Is red within the cup!
                    Stay not for pleasure when she fills
                    Her tempting beaker up!

                    Though clear its depths, and rich its glow,
                    A spell of madness lurks below.
                    They say 't is pleasant on the lip,
                    And merry on the brain;

                    They say it stirs the sluggish blood,
                    And dulls the tooth of pain.
                    Ay--but within its glowing deeps
                    A stinging serpent, unseen, sleeps.

                    Its rosy lights will turn to fire,
                    Its coolness change to thirst;
                    And, by its mirth, within the brain
                    A sleepless worm is nursed.
                    There's not a bubble at the brim
                    That does not carry food for him.

                    Then dash the brimming cup aside,
                    And spill its purple wine;
                    Take not its madness to thy lip--
                    Let not its curse be thine.
                    'T is red and rich but grief and woe
                    Are in those rosy depths below.
                                                              N. P. Willis.


                                 CLXVIII.

                                THE LEPER.

                  Day was breaking,
                  When at the altar of the temple stood
                  The holy priest of God. The incense lamp
                  Burned with a struggling light, and a low chant
                  Swelled through the hollow arches of the roof,
                  Like an articulate wail; and there, alone,
                  Wasted to ghastly thinness, Helon knelt.
                  The echoes of the melancholy strain
                  Died in the distant aisles, and he rose up,
                  Struggling with weakness, and bowed down his head
                  Unto the sprinkled ashes, and put off
                  His costly raiment for the leper's garb,
                  And with the sackcloth round him, and his lip
                  Hid in a loathsome covering, stood still,
                  Waiting to hear his doom:--

                  "Depart! depart, O child
                  Of Israel, from the temple of thy God!
                  For He has smote thee with His chastening rod,
                  And to the desert-wild,
                  From all thou lov'st, away thy feet must flee,
                  That from thy plague His people may be free.

                  "Depart! and come not near
                  The busy mart, the crowded city, more;
                  Nor set thy foot a human threshold o'er.
                  And stay thou not to hear
                  Voices that call thee in the way; and fly
                  From all who in the wilderness pass by.

                  "Wet not thy burning lip
                  In streams that to a human dwelling glide;
                  Nor rest thee where the covert fountains hide;
                  Nor kneel thee down to dip
                  The water where the pilgrim bends to drink,
                  By desert well, or river's grassy brink.

                  "And pass not thou between
                  The weary traveller and the cooling breeze;
                  And lie not down to sleep beneath the trees
                  Where human tracks are seen;
                  Nor milk the goat that browseth on the plain
                  Nor pluck the standing corn, or yellow grain.

                  "And now depart! and when
                  Thy heart is heavy, and thine eyes are dim,
                  Lift up thy prayer beseechingly to Him,
                  Who, from the tribes of men,
                  Selected thee to feel His chastening rod--
                  Depart! O leper! and forget not God!"

                  And he went forth--alone! not one of all
                  The many whom he loved, nor she whose name
                  Was woven in the fibres of the heart
                  Breaking within him now, to come and speak
                  Comfort unto him. Yea, he went his way,
                  Sick and heart-broken, and alone--to die!
                  For God had cursed the leper!

                  It was noon,
                  And Helon knelt beside a stagnant pool
                  In the lone wilderness, and bathed his brow,
                  Hot with the burning leprosy, and touched
                  The loathsome water to his fevered lips,
                  Praying he might be so blest--to die!
                  Footsteps approached, and with no strength to flee,
                  He drew the covering closer on his lip,
                  Crying, "Unclean!--unclean!" and in the folds
                  Of the coarse sackcloth shrouding up his face,
                  He fell upon the earth till they should pass.
                  Nearer the Stranger came, and bending o'er
                  The leper's prostrate form, pronounced his name--
                  "Helon!" The voice was like the master-tone
                  Of a rich instrument--most strangely sweet;
                  And the dull pulses of disease awoke,
                  And for a moment beat beneath the hot
                  And leprous scales with a restoring thrill.
                  "Helon arise!" And he forgot his curse,
                  And rose and stood before him.

                  Love and awe
                  Mingled in the regard of Helon's eye,
                  As he beheld the Stranger. He was not
                  In costly raiment clad, nor on His brow
                  The symbol of a lofty lineage wore;
                  No followers at His back, nor in His hand
                  Buckler, or sword, or spear--yet in His mien
                  Command sat throned serene, and if He smiled,
                  A kingly condescension graced His lips,
                  The lion would have crouched to in his lair.
                  His garb was simple, and His sandals worn;
                  His statue modelled with a perfect grace;
                  His countenance, the impress of a God,
                  Touched with the open innocence of a child;
                  His eye was blue and calm, as is the sky
                  In the serenest noon; His hair, unshorn,
                  Fell to His shoulders; and His curling beard
                  The fulness of perfected manhood bore.
                  He looked on Helon earnestly awhile,
                  As if His heart was moved; and stooping down,
                  He took a little water in His hand
                  And laid it on his brow, and said, "Be clean!"
                  And lo! the scales fell from him, and his blood
                  Coursed with delicious coolness through his veins,
                  And his dry palms grew moist, and on his brow
                  The dewy softness of an infant's stole.
                  His leprosy was cleansed, and he fell down
                  Prostrate at Jesus' feet, and worshiped him.
                                                             N. P. Willis.


                                  CLXLX.

                        PARRHASIUS AND THE CAPTIVE.

                The golden light into the painter's room
                Streamed richly, and the hidden colors stole
                From the dark pictures radiantly forth,
                And in the soft and dewy atmosphere,
                Like forms and landscapes magical they lay.
                Parrhasius stood, gazing forgetfully
                Upon his canvas. There Prometheus lay
                Chained to the cold rocks of Mount Caucasus--
                The vulture at his vitals, and the links
                Of the lame Lemnian festering in his flesh;
                And, as the painter's mind felt through the dim
                Rapt mystery, and plucked the shadows forth
                With its far-reaching fancy, and with form
                And color clad them, hiss fine earnest eye
                Flashed with a passionate fire, and the quick curl
                Of His thin nostril, and his quivering lip
                Were like the wingéd god's, breathing from his fight

                "Bring me the captive, now!
                My hand feels skilful, and the shadows lift
                From my waked spirit airily and swift,
                And I could paint the bow
                Upon the bended heavens--around me play
                Colors of such divinity to-day.

                "Ha! bind him on his back!
                Look!--as Prometheus in my picture here!
                Quick!--or he faints!--stand with the cordial near!
                Now--bend him on the rack!
                Press down the poisoned links into his flesh!
                And tear agape that healing wound afresh!

                "So,--let him writhe! How long
                Will he live thus? Quick, my good pencil, now!
                What a fine agony works upon his brow!
                Ha! gray-haired and so strong!
                How fearfully he stifles that short moan!
                Gods! if I could but paint a dying groan!

                "'Pity' thee! So I do!
                I pity the dumb victim at the altar--
                But does the robed priest for his pity falter?
                I'd rack thee, though I knew
                A thousand lives were perishing in thine--
                What were ten thousand to a fame like mine?

                "But, there's a deathless name!
                A spirit that the smothering vault shall spurn,
                And, like a steadfast planet, mount and burn--
                And though its crown of flame
                Consumed my brain to ashes as it shone--
                By all the fiery stars! I'd bind it on!

                "Ay--though it bid me rifle
                My heart's last fount for its insatiate thirst--
                Though every life-strung nerve be maddened first--
                Though it should bid me stifle
                The yearning in my throat for my sweet child,
                And taunt its mother till my brain went wild--

                "All--I would do it all--
                Sooner than die, like a dull worm, to rot--
                Thrust foully into earth to be forgot!
                O heavens!--but I appall
                Your heart, old man!--forgive--ha! on your lives
                Let him not faint! rack him till he revives!

                "Vain--vain--give o'er. His eye
                Glazes apace. He does not feel you now--
                Stand back! I'll paint the death-dew on his brow!
                Gods! if he do not die,
                But for one moment--one--till I eclipse
                Conception with the scorn of those calm lips!

                "Shivering! Hark! he mutters
                Brokenly now--that was a difficult breath--
                Another? Wilt thou never come, O Death?
                Look! how his temple flutters!
                Is his heart still? Aha! lift up his head!
                He shudders--gasps--Jove help him--so--he's dead."

                How like a mounting devil in the heart
                Rules the unreined ambition! Let it once
                But play the monarch, and its haughty brow
                Glows with a beauty that bewilders thought,
                And enthrones peace forever. Putting on
                The very pomp of Lucifer, it turns
                The heart to ashes, and with not a spring
                Left in the bosom for the spirit's life,
                We look upon our splendor, and forget
                The thirst of which we perish!
                Oh, if earth be all, and heaven nothing,
                What thrice mocked fools are we!
                                                              N. P. Willis.


                                   CLXX.

                                CASABIANCA.

                    The boy stood on the burning deck
                    Whence all but him had fled;
                    The flame that lit the battle's wreck
                    Shone round him o'er the dead.

                    The flames rolled on. He would not go
                    Without his father's word;
                    That father faint in death below,
                    His voice no longer heard.

                    He called aloud: "say, father, say
                    If yet my task is done!"
                    He knew not that the chieftain lay
                    Unconscious of his son.

                    "Speak, father!" once again he cried,
                    "If I may yet be gone!"
                    And but the booming shots replied,
                    And fast the flames rolled on.

                    Upon his brow he felt their breath,
                    And in his waving hair,
                    And looked from that lone post of death
                    In still, yet brave despair;

                    And shouted but once more aloud,
                    "My father! must I stay?"
                    While o'er him fast through sail and shroud,
                    The wreathing fires made way.

                    They wrapt the ship in splendor wild,
                    They caught the flag on high,
                    And streamed above the gallant child
                    Like banners in the sky.

                    Then came a burst of thunder sound--
                    The boy--oh! where was he!
                    Ask of the winds that far around
                    With fragments strewed the sea,

                    With mast, and helm, and pennon fair,
                    That well had borne their part;
                    But the noblest thing that perished there
                    Was that young faithful heart!
                                                               Mrs. Hemans.


                                  CLXXI.

                              THE BENDED BOW.

                   There was heard the sound of a coming foe,
                   There was sent through Britain a bended bow;
                   And a voice was poured on the free winds far,

                   As the land rose up at the sound of war:
                   Heard ye not the battle horn?
                   Reaper! leave thy golden corn!
                   Leave it for the birds of heaven;
                   Swords must flash, and spears be riven:
                   Leave it for the winds to shed,--
                   Arm! ere Britain's turf grows red!
                   And the reaper armed, like a freeman's son;
                   And the bended bow and the voice passed on.

                   Hunter! leave the mountain chase!
                   Take the falchion from its place!
                   Let the wolf go free to-day;
                   Leave him for a nobler prey!
                   Let the deer ungalled sweep by,--
                   Arm thee! Britain's foes are nigh!
                   And the hunter armed, ere the chase was done;
                   And the bended bow and the voice passed on.

                   Chieftain! quit the joyous feast!
                   Stay not till the song hath ceased:
                   Though the mead be foaming bright,
                   Though the fire gives ruddy light,
                   Leave the hearth and leave the hall,--
                   Arm thee! Britain's foes must fall!
                   And the chieftain armed, and the horn was blown;
                   And the bended bow and the voice passed on.

                   Prince! thy father's deeds are told
                   In the bower and in the hold,
                   Where the goatherd's lay is sung,
                   Where the minstrel's harp is strung!
                   Foes are on thy native sea,--
                   Give our bards a tale of thee!
                   And the prince came armed, like a leader's son;
                   And the bended bow and the voice passed on.
                   Mother! stay thou not thy boy!
                   He must learn the battle's joy.
                   Sister! bring the sword and spear,
                   Give thy brother words of cheer!
                   Maiden! bid thy lover part;
                   Britain calls the strong in heart!
                   And the bended bow and the voice passed on;
                   And the bards made song of a battle won.
                                                               Mrs. Hemans.


                                  CLXXII.

                             THE BETTER LAND.

                   "I hear thee speak of the better land,
                   Thou call'st its children a happy band;
                   Mother! O where is that radiant shore?--
                   Shall we not seek it and weep no more?--
                   Is it where the flower of the orange blows,
                   And the fire-flies glance thro' the myrtle boughs?"
                  --"Not there, not there, my child!"

                   "Is it where the feathery palm-trees rise,
                   And the date grows ripe under sunny skies?
                   Or midst the green islands of glittering seas,
                   Where fragrant forests perfume the breeze,
                   And strange, bright birds, on starry wings,
                   Bear the rich hues of all glorious things?"
                  --"Not there, not there, my child!"

                   "Is it far away, in some region old,
                   Where the rivers wander o'er sands of gold?--
                   Where the burning rays of the ruby shine,
                   And the diamond lights up the secret mine,
                   And the pearl gleams forth from the coral strand?"
                   Is it there, sweet mother! that better land?"
                  --"Not there, not there, my child!"

                   "Eye hath not seen it, my gentle boy!
                   Ear hath not heard its deep songs of joy;
                   Dreams cannot picture a world so fair--
                   Sorrow and death may not enter there;
                   Time doth not breathe on its fadeless bloom,
                   For beyond the clouds, and beyond the tomb,
                  --It is there, it is there, my child"
                                                               Mrs. Hemans.


                                 CLXXIII.

                      LANDING OF THE PILGRIM FATHERS.

                      The breaking waves dashed high
                      On a stern and rock-bound coast,
                      And the woads against a stormy sky
                      Their giant branches tossed;

                      And the heavy night hung dark
                      The hills and waters o'er,
                      When a band of Exiles moored their bark
                      On the wild New England shore.

                      Not as the conqueror comes,
                      They, the true-hearted, came;
                      Not with the roll of the stirring drums
                      And the trumpet that sings of fame;

                      Not as the flying come,
                      In silence and in fear;--
                      They shook the depths of the desert's gloom
                      With their hymns of lofty cheer.

                      Amidst the storm they sang,
                      And the stars heard, and the sea!
                      And the sounding aisles of the dim woods rang
                      To the anthem of the free!

                      The ocean eagle soared
                      From his nest by the white wave's foam,
                      And the rocking pines of the forest roared;--
                      This was their welcome home!

                      There were men with hoary hair
                      Amidst that Pilgrim band;
                      Why have they come to wither there,
                      Away from their childhood's land?

                      There was woman's fearless eye,
                      Lit by her deep love's truth;
                      There was manhood's brow, serenely high,
                      And the fiery heart of youth.

                      What sought they thus, afar?
                      Bright jewels of the mine?
                      The wealth of seas, the spoils of war?
                     --They sought a faith's pure shrine!

                      Ay, call it holy ground,
                      The soil where first they trod!
                      They have left unstained what there they found--
                      Freedom to worship God!
                                                               Mrs. Hemans.


                                  CLXXIV

                           BERNARDO DEL CARPIO.

    The warrior bowed his crested head, and tamed his heart of fire,
    And sued the haughty king to free his long-imprisoned sire;--
    "I bring thee here my fortress-keys, I bring my captive train,
    I pledge thee faith, my liege, my lord!--O! break my father's chain!"
   --"Rise, rise! even now thy father comes, a ransomed man this day!
    Mount thy good horse; and thou and I will meet him on his way."
    Then lightly rose that loyal son, and bounded on his steed,
    And urged, as if with lance in rest, the charger's foamy speed.

    And lo! from far, as on they pressed, there came a glittering band,
    With one that 'midst them stately rode, as leader in the land:
    "Now haste, Bernardo, haste! for there, in very truth, is he,
    The father whom thy faithful heart hath yearned so long to see."

    His dark eye flashed, his proud breast heaved, his cheek's hue
                                                             came and went;
    He reached that gray-haired chieftain's side, and there, dismounting,
                                                                      bent;
    A lowly knee to earth he bent, his father's hand he took--
    What was there in its touch that all his fiery spirit shook?

    That hand was cold--a frozen thing--it dropped from his like lead!
    He looked up to the face above,--the face was of the dead!
    A plume waved o'er the noble brow,--the brow was fixed and white:
    He met at last, his father's eyes,--but in them was no light!

    Up from the ground he sprang and gazed,--but who could paint that gaze?
    They hushed their very hearts that saw its horror and amaze;--
    They might have chained him, as before that stony form he stood;
    For the power was stricken from his arm, and from his lip the blood.

    "Father!" at length he murmured low, and wept like childhood then:
    Talk not of grief till thou hast seen the tears of warlike men!
    He thought on all his hopes, and all his young renown,--
    He flung his falchion from his side, and in the dust sat down.

    Then covering with his steel-gloved hands his darkly mournful brow,--
    "No more, there is no more," he said, "to lift the sword for, now;
    My king is false,--my hope betrayed! My father--O! the worth,
    The glory, and the loveliness are passed away from earth!

    "I thought to stand where banners waved, my sire, beside thee, yet!
    I would that there  our kindred blood on Spain's free soil had met!
    Thou wouldst have known my spirit, then;--for thee my fields were won;
    And thou hast perished in thy chains, as though thou hadst no son!"

    Then, starting from the ground once more, he seized the monarch's rein,
    Amidst the pale and wildered looks of all the courtier train;
    And, with a fierce, o'ermastering grasp, the rearing war-horse led
    And sternly set them face to face--the king before the dead:--

    "Came I not forth, upon thy pledge, my father's hand to kiss?--
    Be still, and gaze thou on, false king! and tell me what is this?
    The voice, the glance, the heart I sought,--give answer, where are
                                                                      they?
    If thou wouldst clear thy perjured soul, send life through this cold
                                                                      clay!

    "Into these glassy eyes put light;--be still! keep down thine ire!--
    Bid these white lips a blessing speak,--this earth is not my sire:
    Give me back him for whom I strove, for whom my blood was shed!--
    Thou canst not?--and a king!--his dust be mountains on thy head"

    He loosed the steed,--his slack hand fell;--upon the silent face
    He cast one long, deep, troubled look, then turned from that sad place:
    His hope was crushed, his after fate untold in martial strain:--
    His banner led the spears no more, amidst the hills of Spain.
                                                               Mrs. Hemans.


                                  CLXXV.

                        BERNARDO AND KING ALPHONSO.

                   With some good ten of his chosen men,
                   Bernardo hath appeared,
                   Before them all in the palace hall,
                   The lying king to beard;
                   With cap in hand and eye on ground,
                   He came in reverend guise,
                   But ever and anon he frowned,
                   And flame broke from his eyes.

                   "A curse upon thee," cries the king,
                   "Who com'st unbid to me!
                   But what from traitor's blood should spring,
                   Save traitor like to thee?
                   His sire, lords, had a traitor's heart,--
                   Perchance our champion brave
                   May think it were a pious part
                   To share Don Sancho's grave."

                  --"Whoever told this tale,
                   The king hath rashness to repeat,"
                   Cries Bernard, "here my gage I fling
                   Before the liar's feet!
                   No treason was in Sancho's blood--
                   No stain in mine doth lie:
                   Below the throne what knight will own
                   The coward calumny?

                   "The blood that I like water shed,
                   When Roland did advance,
                   By secret traitors hired and led,
                   To make us slaves of France;
                   The life of king Alphonso
                   I saved at Roncesval--
                   Your words, Lord King, are recompense
                   Abundant for it all.

                   "Your horse was down--your hope was flown--
                   I saw the falchion shine
                   That soon had drunk your royal blood,
                   Had I not ventured mine;
                   But memory soon of service done
                   Deserteth the ingrate;
                   You've thanked the son for life and crown
                   By the father's bloody fate.

                   "Ye swore upon your kingly faith
                   To set Don Sancho free;
                   But, curse upon your paltering breath!
                   The light he never did see;
                   He died in dungeon cold and dim,
                   By Alphonso's base decree;
                   And visage blind and stiffened limb,
                   Were all they gave to me.

                   "The king that swerveth from his word,
                   Hath stained his purple black;
                   No Spanish lord will draw his sword
                   Behind a liar's back;
                   But noble vengeance shall be mine,
                   And open hate I'll show--
                   The king hath injured Carpio's line,
                   And Bernard is his foe!"

                  --"Seize, seize him!" loud the King doth scream;
                   "There are a thousand here!
                   Let his foul blood this instant stream;--
                   What! caitiffs, do ye fear?
                   Seize, seize the traitor!" But not one
                   To move a finger dareth;
                   Bernardo standeth by the throne,
                   And calm his sword he bareth.

                   He drew the falchion from the sheath,
                   And held it up on high;
                   And all the hall was still as death;--
                   Cries Bernard, "Here am I--
                   And here's the sword that owns no lord,
                   Excepting Heaven and me;
                   Fain would I know who dares its point,--
                   King, Condé or Grandee."

                   Then to his mouth his horn he drew--
                   It hung below his cloak--
                   His ten true men the signal knew,
                   And through the ring they broke;
                   With helm on head, and blade in hand,
                   The knights the circle break,
                   And back the lordlings 'gan to stand,
                   And the false king to quake.

                   "Ha! Bernard," quoth Alphonso,
                   "What means this warlike guise?
                   Ye know full well I jested--
                   Ye know your worth I prize!"
                   But Bernard turned upon his heel,
                   And, smiling, passed away:--
                   Long rued Alphonso and his realm
                   The jesting of that day!
                                                            J. G. Lockhart.


                                  CLXXVI.

                           THE BRIDGE OF SIGHS.

                           One more unfortunate,
                           Weary of breath,
                           Rashly importunate,
                           Gone to her death!

                           Take her up tenderly
                           Lift her with care;
                           Fashioned so slenderly
                           Young, and so fair!

                           Look at her garments
                           Clinging like cerements;
                           Whilst the wave constantly
                           Drips from her clothing:
                           Take her up instantly,
                           Loving, not loathing.

                           Touch her not scornfully;
                           Think of her mournfully
                           Gentle and humanly;
                           Not of the stains of her--
                           All that remains of her
                           Now is pure womanly.

                           Make no deep scrutiny
                           Into her mutiny
                           Rash and undutiful:
                           Past all dishonor,
                           Death has left on her
                           Only the beautiful.

                           Loop up her tresses
                           Escaped from the comb,
                           Her fair auburn tresses;
                           While wonderment guesses
                           Where was her home?

                           Who was her father?
                           Who was her mother?
                           Had she a sister?
                           Had she a brother?
                           Or was there a dearer one
                           Still, and a nearer one
                           Yet, than all other?

                           Alas! for the rarity
                           Of Christian charity
                           Under the sun!
                           Oh! it was pitiful
                           Near a whole city full
                           Home she had none!

                           Sisterly, brotherly
                           Fatherly, motherly
                           Feelings had changed:
                           Love by harsh evidence,
                           Thrown from its eminence;
                           Even God's providence
                           Seeming estranged.

                           When the lamps quiver
                           So far in the river,
                           With many a light
                           From window and casement,
                           From garret to basement,
                           She stood with amazement
                           Houseless by night.
                           The bleak winds of March
                           Made her tremble and shiver
                           But not the dark arch,
                           Of the black flowing river.

                           Mad from life's history
                           Glad to death's mystery
                           Swift to be hurled--
                           Anywhere, anywhere,
                           Out of the world--
                           In she plunged boldly,
                           No matter how coldly
                           The rough river ran.

                           Take her up tenderly,
                           Lift her with care;
                           Fashioned so slenderly
                           Young, and so fair!

                           Ere her limbs frigidly
                           Stiffen too rigidly,
                           Decently, kindly,
                           smooth, and compose them;
                           And her eyes, close them,
                           Staring so blindly!

                           Dreadfully staring
                           Through muddy impurity,
                           As when with the daring
                           Last look of despairing
                           Fixed on futurity,

                           Perishing gloomily,
                           Spurred by contumely
                           Cold inhumanity,
                           Burning insanity,
                           Into her rest.
                          --Cross her hands humbly
                           As if praying dumbly,
                           Over her breast!
                           Owning her weakness,
                           Her evil behavior,
                           And leaving, with meekness,
                           Her sins to her Saviour!
                                                                   T. Hood.


                                 CLXXVII.

                            SONG OF THE SHIRT.

                        With fingers weary and worn,
                        With eyelids heavy and red,
                        A woman sat, in unwomanly rags,
                        Plying her needle and thread,--
                        Stitch! stitch! stitch!
                        In poverty, hunger, and dirt,
                        And still, with a voice of dolorous pitch,
                        She sang the "Song of the Shirt."

                        "Work! work! work!
                        While the cock is crowing aloof!
                        And work,--work,--work,
                        Till the stars shine through the roof!
                        It's, oh! to be a slave
                        Along with the barbarous Turk,
                        Where woman has never a soul to save,
                        If this is Christian work!

                        "Work,--work,--work!
                        Till the brain begins to swim,
                        Work,--work,--work,
                        Till the eyes are heavy and dim!
                        Seam, and gusset, and band,
                        Band, and gusset, and seam,
                        Till over the buttons I fall asleep,
                        And sew them on in a dream!

                        "Oh! men, with sisters dear!
                        Oh! men with mothers and wives!
                       --It is not linen you're wearing out,
                        But human creatures' lives!
                        Stitch,--stitch,--stitch,
                        In poverty, hunger, and dirt,
                        Sewing at once, with a double thread,
                        A shroud as well as a shirt.

                        "But why do I talk of death,
                        That Phantom of grizzly bone?
                        I hardly fear his terrible shape,
                        It seems so like my own;
                        It seems so like my own,
                        Because of the fasts I keep;
                        Oh, God! that bread should be so dear,
                        And flesh and blood so cheap!

                        "Work,--work,--work!
                        My labor never flags;
                        And what are its wages? A bed of straw,
                        A crust of bread,--and rags.--
                        That shattered roof,--and this naked floor,--
                        A table,--a broken chair,--
                        And a wall so blank, my shadow I thank
                        For sometimes falling there!

                        "Work,--work,--work!
                        From weary chime to chime!
                        Work,--work,--work,
                        As prisoners work for crime!
                        Band, and gusset, and seam,
                        Seam, and gusset, and band,
                        Till the heart is sick, and the brain benumbed,
                        As well as the weary hand.

                        "Work,--work,--work,
                        In the dull December light,
                        And work,--work,--work,
                        When the weather is warm and bright;
                        While underneath the eaves
                        The brooding swallows cling,
                        As if to show me their sunny backs
                        And twit me with the Spring.

                        "Oh! but to breathe the breath
                        Of the cowslip and primrose sweets--
                        With the sky above my head
                        And the grass beneath my feet;
                        For only one short hour
                        To feel as I used to feel
                        Before I knew the woes of want,
                        And the walk that costs a meal!

                        "Oh! for but one short hour,
                        A respite, however brief!
                        No blessed leisure for Love or Hope,
                        But only time for Grief!
                        A little weeping would ease my heart;
                        But in their briny bed
                        My tears must stop, for every drop
                        Hinders needle and thread!"

                        With fingers weary and worn,
                        With eyelids heavy and red,
                        A woman sat in unwomanly rags
                        Plying her needle and thread--
                        Stitch!--stitch! stitch!
                        In poverty, hunger, and dirt,
                        And still with a voice of dolorous pitch,--
                        Would that its song could reach the rich!--
                        She sang this "Song of the Shirt."
                                                                   T. Hood.


                                 CLXXVIII.

                                LOOK ALOFT.

              In the tempest of life, when the waves and the gale
              Are around and above, if thy footing should fail,
              If thine eye should grow dim, and thy caution depart,
              "Look aloft," and be firm, and be fearless of heart.

              If thy friend, who embraced in prosperity's glow,
              With a smile for each joy, and a tear for each woe,
              Should betray thee when sorrows like clouds are arrayed,
              "Look aloft" to the friendship which never shall fade.

              Should the visions which hope spreads in light to the eye,
              Like the tints of the rainbow, but brighten to fly,
              Then turn, and, through tears of repentant regret,
              "Look aloft" to the sun that is never to set.

              Should they who are dearest,--the son of thy heart,
              The wife of thy bosom,--in sorrow depart,
              "Look aloft," from the darkness and dust of the tomb,
              To that soil where affection is ever to bloom.

              And, oh! when Death comes in his terror to cast
              His fears on the future, his pall on the past,
              In that moment of darkness with hope in thy heart,
              And a smile in thine eye, "look aloft"--and depart.
                                                               J. Lawrence.


                                  CLXXIX.

                                 PRESS ON.

                   Press on! there's no such word as fail!
                   Press nobly on! the goal is near,--
                   Ascend the mountain! breast the gale!
                   Look upward, onward,--never fear!
                   Why should'st thou faint? Heaven smiles above,
                   Though storm and vapor intervene;
                   That sun shines on, whose name is Love,
                   Serenely o'er Life's shadowed scene.
                   Press on! surmount the rocky steeps,
                   Climb boldly o'er the torrent's arch;
                   He fails alone who feebly creeps;
                   He wins who dares the hero's march.
                   Be thou a hero! let thy might
                   Tramp on eternal snows its way,
                   And, through the ebon wails of night
                   Hew down a passage unto day.
                   Press on! if once and twice thy feet
                   Slip back and stumble, harder try;
                   From him who never dreads to meet
                   Danger and death, they're sure to fly.
                   To coward ranks the bullet speeds,
                   While on their breasts, who never quail,
                   Gleams, guardian of chivalric deeds,
                   Bright courage, like a coat of mail.
                   Press on! if Fortune play thee false
                   To-day, to-morrow she'll be true;
                   Whom now she sinks, she now exalts
                   Taking old gifts, and granting new.
                   The wisdom of the present hour
                   Makes up for follies past and gone;--
                   To weakness strength succeeds, and power
                   From frailty springs,--press on! press on!

                   Press bravely on! and reach the goal,
                   And gain the prize, and wear the crown;
                   Faint not! for to the steadfast soul
                   Come wealth, and honor, and renown.
                   To thine own self be true, and keep
                   Thy mind from sloth, thy heart from soil;
                   Press on! and thou shalt surely reap
                   A heavenly harvest for thy toil.
                                                               P. Benjamin.


                                  CLXXX.

                                 KINDNESS.

                   The blessings which the weak and poor can scatter
                   Have their own season. 'T is a little thing
                   To give a cup of water; yet its draught
                   Of cool refreshment, drained by fevered lips,
                   May give a shock of pleasure to the frame
                   More exquisite than when sectarian juice
                   renews the life of joy in happiest hours.
                   It is a little thing to speak a phrase
                   Of common comfort which by daily use
                   Has almost lost its sense; yet on the ear
                   Of him who thought to die unmourned 't will fall
                   Like choicest music; fill the glazing eye
                   With gentle tears; relax the knotted hand
                   To know the bonds of fellowship again;
                   And shed on the departing soul a sense
                   More precious than the benison of friends
                   About the honored death-bed of the rich,
                   To him who else were lonely, that another
                   Of the great family is near and feels.
                                                         Sergeant Talfourd.


                                  CLXXXI.

                               HOW'S MY BOY?

                         Ho, sailor of the sea!
                         How 's my boy--my boy?
                         "What's your boy's name, good wife,
                         And in what good ship sailed he?"

                         My boy John--
                         He that went to sea--
                         What care I for the ship, sailor?
                         My boy's my boy to me.

                         You come back from sea
                         And not know my John?
                         I might as well have asked some landsman
                         Yonder down in the town.
                         There's not an ass in all the parish
                         But he knows my John.
                         How's my boy--my boy?

                         And unless you let me know
                         I'll swear you are no sailor,
                         Blue jacket or no,
                         Brass button or no, sailor,
                         Anchor or crown or no!
                         Sure his ship was the Jolly Briton--
                         "Speak low, woman, speak low!"

                         And why should I speak low, sailor?
                         About my own boy John?
                         If I was loud as I am proud
                         I'll sing him over the town!
                         Why should I speak low, sailor?--
                         "That good ship went down."

                         How 's my boy--my boy?
                         What care I for the ship, sailor,
                         I never was aboard her.
                         Be she afloat, or be she aground,
                         Sinking or swimming, I'll be bound,
                         Her owners can afford her!
                         I say how's my John?--
                         "Every man on board went down,
                         Every man aboard her."

                         How's my boy--my boy?
                         What care I for the men, sailor?
                         I'm not their mother--
                         How's my boy--my boy?
                         Tell me of him and no other!
                         How's my boy--my boy?
                                                          S. Dobell.


                                 CLXXXII.

                                EXCELSIOR.

                   The shades of night were falling fast,
                   As through an Alpine village passed
                   A youth, who bore, mid snow and ice,
                   A banner with the strange device,
                                "Excelsior!"

                   His brow was sad; his eye beneath,
                   Flashed like a falchion from its sheath;
                   And like a silver clarion rung
                   The accents of that unknown tongue!
                                 "Excelsior!"

                   In happy homes he saw the light
                   Of household fires gleam warm and bright:
                   Above, the spectral glaciers shone;
                   And from his lips escaped a groan,
                                 "Excelsior!"

                   "Try not the pass!" the old man said;
                   "Dark lowers the tempest overhead.
                   The roaring torrent is deep and wide!"
                   And loud that clarion voice replied,
                                 "Excelsior!"

                   "O, stay," the maiden said, "and rest
                   Thy weary head upon this breast!"--
                   A tear stood in his bright blue eye;
                   But still he answered with a sigh,
                                 "Excelsior!"

                   "Beware the pine-tree's withered branch!
                   Beware the awful avalanche!"
                   This was the peasant's last good night;--
                   A voice replied, far up the height,
                                 "Excelsior!"

                   At break of day, as heavenward
                   The pious monks of Saint Bernard
                   Uttered their oft-repeated prayer,
                   A voice cried through the startled air,
                                 "Excelsior!"

                   A traveller,--by the faithful hound,
                   Half buried in the snow was found,
                   Still grasping in his hand of ice
                   That banner with the strange device,
                                 "Excelsior!"

                   There, in the twilight cold and gray,
                   Lifeless but beautiful he lay;
                   And from the sky, serene and far,
                   A voice fell, like a falling star,--
                                 "Excelsior!"
                                                          H. W. Longfellow.


                                 CLXXXIII.

                             A PSALM OF LIFE.


                    Tell me not, in mournful numbers,
                    "Life is but an empty dream!"
                    For the soul is dead that slumbers,
                    And things are not what they seem.
                    Life is real! Life is earnest!
                    And the grave is not its goal;
                    "Dust thou art, to dust returnest,"
                    Was not spoken of the soul.

                    Not enjoyment, and not sorrow,
                    Is our destined end or way;
                    But to act, that each to-morrow
                    Find us further than to-day.

                    Art is long, and Time is fleeting;
                    And our hearts, though stout and brave,
                    Still, like muffled drums, are beating
                    Funeral marches to the grave.

                    In the world's broad field of battle,
                    In the bivouac of Life,
                    Be not like dumb, driven cattle!
                    Be a hero in the strife!

                    Trust no Future, howe'er pleasant!
                    Let the dead Past bury its dead!
                    Act,--act in the living Present!
                    Heart within, and God o'erhead!

                    Lives of great men all remind us
                    We can make our lives sublime,
                    And, departing, leave behind us
                    Footprints on the sands of time;--

                    Footprints, that perhaps another,
                    Sailing o'er life's solemn main,
                    A forlorn and shipwrecked brother,
                    Seeing, shall take heart again.

                    Let us, then, be up and doing,
                    With a heart for any fate;
                    Still achieving, still pursuing,
                    Learn to labor and to wait.
                                                          H. W. Longfellow.


                                 CLXXXIV.

                        THE LAUNCHING OF THE SHIP.

                    All is finished, and at length
                    Has come the bridal day
                    Of beauty and of strength.
                    To-day the vessel shall be launched!
                    With fleecy clouds the sky is blanched,
                    And o'er the bay,
                    Slowly, in all his splendors dight,
                    The great sun rises to behold the sight.

                    The ocean old,
                    Centuries old,
                    Strong as youth, and as uncontrolled,
                    Paces restless to and fro,
                    Up and down the sands of gold.
                    His beating heart is not at rest;
                    And far and wide
                    With ceaseless flow
                    His beard of snow
                    Heaves with the heaving of his breast.

                    He waits impatient for his bride.
                    There she stands,
                    With her foot upon the sands,
                    Decked with flags and streamers gay,
                    In honor of her marriage-day,
                    Her snow-white signals fluttering, blending,
                    Round her like a veil descending,
                    Ready to be
                    The bride of the gray old sea.

                    Then the Master,
                    With a gesture of command,
                    Waved his hand;
                    And at the word,
                    Loud and sudden there was heard,
                    All around them and below,
                    The sound of hammers, blow on blow,
                    knocking away the shores and spurs.
                    And see! she stirs!
                    She starts,--she moves,--she seems to feel
                    The thrill of life along her keel,
                    And, spurning with her foot the ground,
                    With one exulting, joyous bound,
                    She leaps into the ocean's arms.

                    And lo! from the assembled crowd
                    There rose a shout, prolonged and loud,
                    That to the ocean seemed to say,
                    "Take her, O bridegroom, old and gray;
                    Take her to thy protecting arms,
                    With all her youth and all her charms."

                    How beautiful she is! how fair
                    She lies within those arms, that press
                    Her form with many a soft caress
                    Of tenderness and watchful care!
                    Sail forth into the sea, O ship!
                    Through wind and wave, right onward steer!
                    The moistened eye, the trembling lip,
                    Are not the signs of doubt or fear.

                    Sail forth into the sea of life,
                    O gentle, loving, trusting wife,
                    And safe from all adversity,
                    Upon the bosom of that sea
                    Thy comings and thy goings be!
                    For gentleness, and love, and trust,
                    Prevail o'er angry wave and gust;
                    And in the wreck of noble lives
                    Something immortal still survives!

                    Thou, too, sail on, O ship of State!
                    Sail on, O Union, strong and great!
                    Humanity, with all its fears,
                    With all its hopes of future years,
                    Is hanging breathless on thy fate!
                    We know what Master laid thy keel,
                    What workman wrought thy ribs of steel,
                    Who made each mast, and sail, and rope,
                    What anvils rang, what hammers beat,
                    In what a forge, and what a heat,
                    Were shaped the anchors of thy hope.

                    Fear not each sudden sound and shock;
                    'T is of the wave, and not the rock;
                    'T is but the flapping of the sail,
                    And not a rent made by the gale.
                    In spite of rock and tempest roar,
                    In spite of false lights on the shore,
                    Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea.
                    Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee:
                    Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears,
                    Our faith triumphant o'er our fears,
                    Are all with thee--are all with thee.
                                                          H. W. Longfellow.


                                  CLXXXV.

                          THE NEGRO'S COMPLAINT.

                   Forced from home and all its pleasures,
                   Afric's coast I left forlorn;
                   To increase a stranger's treasures,
                   O'er the raging billows borne.
                   Men from England bought and sold me,
                   Paid my price in paltry gold;
                   But though slave they have enrolled me,
                   Minds are never to be sold.
                   Still in thought as free as ever,
                   What are England's rights, I ask,
                   Me from my delights to sever,
                   Me to torture, me to task?
                   Fleecy locks and black complexion
                   Cannot forfeit Nature's claim;
                   Skins may differ, but affection
                   Dwells in white and black the same.

                   Why did all-creating Nature
                   Make the plant for which we toil?
                   Sighs must fan it, tears must water,
                   Sweat of ours must dress the soil.
                   Think, ye masters, iron-hearted,
                   Lolling at your jovial boards;
                   Think how many backs have smarted
                   For the sweets your cane affords.

                   Is there, as ye sometimes tell us,
                   Is there One who reigns on high?
                   Has He bid you buy and sell us,
                   Speaking from His throne, the sky?
                   Ask Him, if your knotted scourges,
                   Matches, blood-extorting screws,
                   Are the means that duty urges
                   Agents of His will to use?

                   Hark! He answers,--wild tornadoes,
                   Strewing yonder sea with wrecks,
                   Wasting towns, plantations, meadows,
                   Are the voice with which He speaks.
                   He, foreseeing what vexations
                   Afric's sons should undergo,
                   Fixed their tyrants' habitation
                   Where his whirlwinds answer--No.

                   By our blood in Afric wasted,
                   Ere our necks received the chain;
                   By the miseries that we tasted,
                   Crossing in your barks the main;
                   By our suffering since ye brought us
                   To the man-degrading mart;
                   All, sustained by patience, taught us
                   Only by a broken heart.

                   Deem our nation brutes no longer,
                   Till some reason ye shall find
                   Worthier of regard, and stronger
                   Than the color of our kind.
                   Slaves of gold! whose sordid dealings
                   Tarnish all your boasted powers,
                   Prove that you have human feelings,
                   Ere you proudly question ours.
                                                                 W. Cowper.


                                 CLXXXVI.

                         LOSS OF THE ROYAL GEORGE.

         Toll for the brave! the brave that are no more!
         All sunk beneath the wave, fast by their native shore!
         Eight hundred of the brave, whose courage well was tried,
         Had made the vessel heel, and laid her on her side.
         A laud-breeze shook the shrouds, and she was overset;
         Down went the Royal George, with all her crew complete!
         Toll for the brave! Brave Kempenfelt is gone;
         His last sea-fight is fought his work of glory done.
         It was not in the battle; no tempest gave the shock;
         She sprang no fatal leak; she ran upon no rock.
         His sword was in its sheath, his fingers held the pen,
         When Kempenfelt went down, with twice four hundred men.
         Weigh the vessel up, once dreaded by our foes,
         And mingle with our cup the tear that England owes!
         Her timbers yet are sound, and she may float again,
         Full charged with England's thunder, and plow the distant main.
         But Kempenfelt is gone, his victories are o'er;
         And he and his eight hundred shall plow the waves no more.
                                                                 W. Cowper.


                                 CXXXVII.

                                 SLAVERY.

              O for a lodge in some vast wilderness,
              Some boundless contiguity of shade,
              Where rumor of oppression and deceit,
              Of unsuccessful or successful war,
              Might never reach me more.
                                     My ear is pained,
              My soul is sick, with every day's report
              Of wrong and outrage, with which earth is filled.
              There is no flesh in man's obdurate heart;
              It does not feel for man; the natural bond
              Of brotherhood is severed as the flax
              That falls asunder at the touch of fire.
              He finds his fellow guilty of a skin
              Not colored like his own; and having power
              To enforce the wrong, for such a worthy cause,
              Dooms and devotes him as his lawful prey.
              Lands intersected by a narrow frith
              Abhor each other. Mountains interposed
              Make enemies of nations, who had else
              Like kindred drops been mingled into one.
              Thus man devotes his brother, and destroys;
              And worse than all, and most to be deplored,
              As human nature's broadest, foulest blot,
              Chains him, and tasks him, and exacts his sweat
              With stripes, that Mercy, with a bleeding heart,
              Weeps when she sees inflicted on a beast.
              Then what is man? And what man, seeing this,
              And having human feelings, does not blush,
              And hang his head, to think himself a man?
              I would not have a slave to till my ground,
              To carry me, to fan me while I sleep,
              And tremble when I wake, for all the wealth
              That sinews, bought and sold, has ever earned.
              No: dear as freedom is, and in my heart's
              Just estimation prized above all price,
              I had much rather be myself the slave,
              And wear the bonds, than fasten them on him.
              We have no slaves at home--then why abroad?
              And they themselves once ferried o'er the wave
              That parts us, are emancipate and loosed.
              Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs
              Receive our air, that moment they are free;
              They touch our country, and their shackles fall.
              That's noble, and bespeaks a nation proud
              And jealous of the blessing. Spread it, then,
              And let it circulate through every vein
              Of all your empire; that, where Britain's power
              Is felt, mankind may feel her mercy too.
                                                                 W. Cowper.


                                 CLXXXVIII.

                           THE SEMINOLE'S REPLY.

                        Blaze with your serried columns!
                        I will not bend the knee!
                        The shackles ne'er again shall bind
                        The arm which now is free.
                        I've mailed it with the thunder,
                        When the tempest muttered low;
                        And where it falls, ye well may dread
                        The lightning of its blow!

                        I've scared ye in the city,
                        I've scalped ye on the plain;
                        Go, count your chosen, where they fell
                        Beneath my leaden rain!
                        I scorn your proffered treaty!
                        The pale-face I defy!
                        Revenge is stamped upon my spear,
                        And blood my battle-cry!

                        Ye've trailed me through the forest,
                        Ye've tracked me o'er the stream;
                        And struggling through the everglade,
                        Your bristling bayonets gleam;
                        But I stand as should the warrior,
                        With his rifle and his spear;--
                        The scalp of vengeance still is red,
                        And warns ye,--Come not here!

                        I loathe ye in my bosom,
                        I scorn ye with my eye,
                        And I'll taunt ye with my latest breath,
                        And fight ye till I die!
                        I never will ask ye quarter,
                        And I never will be your slave;
                        But I'll swim the sea of slaughter,
                        Till I sink beneath the wave!
                                                              G. W. Patten.


                                 CLXXXIX.

                             THE THREE BEATS.

              Roll--roll!--How gladly swell the distant notes
              From where, on high, yon starry pennon floats!
              Roll--roll!--On, gorgeously they come,
              With plumes low-stooping, on their winding way,
              With lances gleaming in the sun's bright ray:--
              "What do ye here, my merry comrades,--say?"--
              "We beat the gathering drum;
              'T is this which gives to mirth a lighter tone,
              To the young soldier's cheek a deeper glow,
              When stretched upon his grassy couch, alone,
              It steals upon his ear,--this martial call
              Prompts him to dreams of gorgeous war, with all

              "Its pageantry and show!"
              Roll--roll!--"What is it that ye beat?"
              "We sound the charge!--On with the courser fleet!--
              Where 'mid the columns, red war's eagles fly,
              We swear to do or die!--
              'T is this which feeds the fires of Fame with breath,
              Which steels the soldier's heart to deeds of death;
              And when his hand,
              Fatigued with slaughter, pauses o'er the slain,
              'T is this which prompts him madly once again
              To seize the bloody brand!"

              Roll--roll!--"Brothers, what do ye here,
              Slowly and sadly as ye pass along,
              With your dull march and low funereal song?"
              "Comrade! we bear a bier!
              I saw him fall!
              And, as he lay beneath his steed, one thought,
              (Strange how the mind such fancy should have wrought!)
              That, had he died beneath his native skies,
              Perchance some gentle bride had closed his eyes
              And wept beside his pall!"
                                                              G. W. Patten.


                                   CXC.

                            THE BATTLE OF IVRY.

     Now glory to the Lord of Hosts, from whom all glories are!
     And glory to our sovereign liege, King Henry of Navarre!
     Now let there be the merry sound of music and the dance,
     Through thy corn-fields green, and sunny vales, O pleasant land of
                                                                    France!
     And thou, Rochelle, our own Rochelle, proud city of the waters,
     Again let rapture light the eyes of all thy mourning daughters;
     As thou wert constant in our ills, be joyous in our joy,
     For cold and stiff and still are they who wrought thy walls annoy.
     Hurrah! hurrah! a single field hath turned the chance of war!
     Hurrah! hurrah! for Ivry and King Henry of Navarre!

     O! how our hearts were beating, when, at the dawn of day,
     We saw the army of the League draw out in long array;
     With all its priest-led citizens, and all its rebel peers,
     And Appenzel's stout infantry and Egmont's Flemish spears!
     There rode the brood of false Lorraine, the curses of our land!
     And dark Mayenne was in the midst, a truncheon in his hand;
     And, as we looked on them, we thought of Seine's empurpled flood,
     And good Coligni's hoary hair all dabbled with his blood;
     And we cried unto the living God, who rules the fate of war,
     To fight for His own holy name, and Henry of Navarre.

     The King has come to marshal us, in all his armor drest,
     And he has bound a snow-white plume upon his gallant crest.
     He looked upon his People, and a tear was in his eye;
     He looked upon the traitors, and his glance was stern and high.
     Right graciously he smiled on us, as rolled from wing to wing,
     Down all our line, in deafening shout, "God save our lord, the King!"
     "And if my standard-bearer fall,--as fall full well he may,
     For never saw! promise yet of such a bloody fray,--
     Press where ye see my white plume shine, amid the ranks of war,
     And be your oriflamme, to-day, the helmet of Navarre."

     Hurrah! the foes are moving! Hark to the mingled din
     Of fife, and steed, and trump, and drum, and roaring culverin!
     The fiery Duke is pricking fast across Saint André's plain,
     With all the hireling chivalry of Guelders and Almayne.
     Now, by the lips of those ye love, fair gentlemen of France,
     Charge for the golden lilies now, upon them with the lance!
     A thousand spurs are striking deep, a thousand spears in rest,
     A thousand knights are pressing close behind the snow-white crest,
     And in they burst, and on they rushed, while, like a guiding star,
     Amidst the thickest carnage blazed the helmet of Navarre.

     Now, God be praised, the day is ours! Mayenne hath turned his rein,
     D'Aumale hath cried for quarter--the Flemish Count is slain;
     Their ranks are breaking like thin clouds before a Biscay gale;
     The fields are heaped with bleeding steeds, and flags, and cloven
                                                                      mail.
     And then we thought on vengeance, and all along our van
     "Remember Saint Bartholomew!" was passed from man to man.
     But out spake gentle Henry, then--"No Frenchman is my foe;
     Down, down with every foreigner! but let your brethren go."
     O! was there ever such a knight, in friendship or in war,
     As our sovereign lord, King Henry, the soldier of Navarre!

     Ho! maidens of Vienna! Ho! matrons of Lucerne!
     Weep, weep and rend your hair for those who never shall return!
     Ho! Philip, send for charity thy Mexican pistoles,
     That Antwerp monks may sing a mass for thy poor spearmen's souls.
     Ho! gallant nobles of the League, look that your arms be bright!
     Ho! burghers of St. Genevieve, keep watch and ward to-night!
     For our God hath crushed the tyrant, our God hath raised the slave,
     And mocked the counsel of the wise and the valor of the brave.
     Then glory to His holy name, from whom all glories are!
     And glory to our sovereign lord, King Henry of Navarre!
                                                            T. B. Macaulay.

                                   CXCI.

                         THE SOLDIER FROM BINGEN.

     A soldier of the Legion lay dying in Algiers.
     There was lack of woman's nursing, there was dearth of woman's tears;
     But a comrade stood beside him, while his life-blood ebb'd away,
     And bent, with pitying glances, to hear what he might say.
     The dying soldier faltered, as he took that comrade's hand,
     And he said, "I never more shall see my own, my native land;
     Take a message, and a token, to some distant friends of mine,
     For I was born at Bingen--at Bingen on the Rhine.

     "Tell my brothers and companions, when they meet and crowd around
     To hear my mournful story, in the pleasant vineyard ground,
     That we fought the battle bravely, and when the day was done,
     Full many a corse lay ghastly pale, beneath the setting sun.
     and 'midst the dead and dying, were some grown old in wars,
     The death-wound on their gallant breasts, the last of many scars;
     But some were young--and suddenly beheld life's morn decline;
     And one had come from Bingen--fair Bingen on the Rhine!

     "Tell my mother that her other sons shall comfort her old age,
     and I was aye a truant bird, that thought his home a cage;
     For my father was a soldier, and even as a child
     My heart leaped forth to hear him tell of struggles fierce and wild;
     And when he died, and left us to divide his scanty hoard,
     I let them take whate're they would, but kept my father's sword,
     And with boyish love I hung it where the bright light used to shine,
     On the cottage-wall at Bingen--calm Bingen on the Rhine!

     "Tell my sister not to weep for me, and sob with drooping head,
     When the troops are marching home again, with glad and gallant tread;
     But to look upon them proudly, with a calm and steadfast eye,
     For her brother was a soldier too, and not afraid to die.
     And if a comrade seek her love, I ask her in my name
     To listen to him kindly, without regret or shame;
     And to hang the old sword in its place (my father's sword and mine),
     For the honor of old Bingen--dear Bingen on the Rhine!

     "There's another--not a sister; in the happy days gone by,
     You'd have known her by the merriment that sparkled in her eye;
     Too innocent for coquetry,--too fond for idle scorning,--
     Oh! friend, I fear the lightest heart makes sometimes heaviest
                                                                  mourning;
     Tell her the last night of my life (for ere the moon be risen
     My body will be out of pain--my soul be out of prison),
     I dreamed I stood with her, and saw the yellow sunlight shine
     On the vine-clad hills of Bingen--fair Bingen on the Rhine!

     "I saw the blue Rhine sweep along I heard, or seemed to hear,
     The German songs we used to sing, in chorus sweet and clear;
     And down the pleasant river, and up the slanting hill,
     The echoing chorus sounded through the evening calm and still;
     And her glad blue eyes were on me as we passed with friendly talk,
     Down many a path beloved of yore, and well-remembered walk
     And her little hand lay lightly! confidingly in mine:
     But we'll meet no more at Bingen--loved Bingen on the Rhine!"


     His voice grew faint and hoarser,--his grasp was childish weak,--
     His eyes put on a dying look--he sighed and ceased to speak:
     His comrade bent to lift him, but the spark of life had fled,--
     The soldier of the Legion, in a foreign land--was dead!
     And the soft moon rose up slowly, and calmly she looked down
     On the red sand of the battle-field, with bloody corpses strewn;
     Yea, calmly on that dreadful scene her pale light seemed to shine,
     As it shone on distant Bingen--fair Bingen on the Rhine!
                                                                Mrs Norton.


                                  CXCII.

                  "GIVE ME THREE GRAINS OF CORN, MOTHER."

                   Give me three grains of corn, mother,
                   Only three grains of corn;
                   It will keep the little life I have,
                   Till the coming of the morn.
                   I am dying of hunger and cold, mother,
                   Dying of hunger and cold,
                   And half the agony of such a death
                   My lips have never told.

                   It has gnawed like a wolf at my heart, mother,
                   A wolf that is fierce for blood,--
                   All the livelong day, and the night beside,
                   Gnawing for lack of food.
                   I dreamed of bread in my sleep, mother,
                   And the sight was heaven to see,--
                   I awoke with an eager, famishing lip,
                   But you had no bread for me.

                   How could I look to you, mother,
                   How could I look to you,
                   For bread to give to your starving boy,
                   When you were starving too?
                   For I read the famine in your cheek,
                   And in your eye so wild,
                   And I felt it in your bony hand,
                   As you laid it on your child.

                   The queen has lands and gold, mother,
                   The queen has lands and gold,
                   While you are forced to your empty breast
                   A skeleton babe to hold,--
                   A babe that is dying of want, mother,
                   As I am dying now,
                   With a ghastly look in its sunken eye,
                   And famine upon its brow.

                   What has poor Ireland done, mother,
                   What has poor Ireland done,
                   That the world looks on, and sees us starve,
                   Perishing, one by one?
                   Do the men of England care not, mother,
                   The great men and the high,
                   For the suffering sons of Erin's isle,
                   Whether they live or die?

                   There is many a brave heart here, mother,
                   Dying of want and cold,
                   While only across the channel, mother,
                   Are many that roll in gold;
                   There are rich and proud men there, mother,
                   With wondrous wealth to view,
                   And the bread they fling to their dogs to-night,
                   Would give life to me and you.

                   Come nearer to my side, mother,
                   Come nearer to my side,
                   And hold me fondly, as you held
                   My father when he died;
                   Quick, for I cannot see you, mother;
                   My breath is almost gone;
                   Mother! dear mother! ere! die,
                   Give me three grains of corn.
                                                              Miss Edwards.


                                  CXCIII.

                       TELL'S APOSTROPHE TO LIBERTY.

               Once more I breathe the mountain air; once more
               I tread my own free hills! My lofty soul
               Throws all its fetters off; in its proud flight,
               'T is like the new-fledged eaglet, whose strong wing
               Soars to the sun it long has gazed upon--
               With eye undazzled. O! ye mighty race
               That stand like frowning giants, fixed to guard
               My own proud land; why did ye not hurl down
               The thundering avalanche, when at your feet
               The base usurper stood? A touch, a breath,
               Nay, even the breath of prayer, ere now, has brought
               Destruction on the hunter's head; and yet
               The tyrant passed in safety. God of heaven!
               Where slept thy thunderbolts?

                                                   O LIBERTY!
               Thou choicest gift of Heaven, and wanting which
               Life is as nothing; hast thou then forgot
               Thy native home? Must the feet of slaves
               Pollute this glorious scene? It cannot be.
               Even as the smile of Heaven can pierce the depths
               Of these dark caves, and bid the wild flowers bloom
               In spots where man has never dared to tread;
               So thy sweet influence still is seen amid
               These beetling cliffs. Some hearts still beat for thee,
               And bow alone to Heaven; thy spirit lives,
               Ay,--and shall live, when even the very name
               Of tyrant is forgot.

                                              Lo! while I gaze
               Upon the mist that wreathes yon mountain's brow,
               The sunbeam touches it, and it becomes
               A crown of glory on his hoary head;
               O! is not this a presage of the dawn
               Of freedom o'er the world? Hear me, then, bright
               And beaming Heaven! while kneeling thus, I vow
               To live for Freedom, or with her to die!

               O! with what pride I used
               To walk these hills, and look up to my God
               And bless Him that it was so. It was free,--
               From end to end, from cliff to lake 't was free,--
               Free as our torrents are, that leap our rocks,
               And plow our valleys, without asking leave;
               Or as our peaks, that wear their caps of snow,
               In very presence of the regal sun!
               How happy was I in it then! I loved
               Its very storms! Yes, I have sat and eyed
               The thunder breaking from His cloud, and smiled
               To see Him shake His lightnings o'er my head,
               And think! had no master save His own!

               Ye know the jutting cliff; round which a track
               Up hither winds, whose base is but the brow
               To such another one, with scanty room
               For two abreast to pass? Overtaken there
               By the mountain blast, I've laid me flat along,
               And while gust followed gust more furiously,
               As if to sweep me o'er the horrid brink,
               And I have thought of other lands, whose storms
               Are summer flaws to those of mine, and just
               Have wished me there,--the thought that mine was free,
               Has checked that wish, and I have raised my head,
               And cried in thraldom to that furious wind,
               Blow on! This is THE LAND of LIBERTY!
                                                             J. S. Knowles.


                                  CXCIV.

                     WILLIAM TELL AMONG THE MOUNTAINS.

                   Ye crags and peaks: I'm with you once again!
                   I hold to you the hands ye first beheld,
                   To show they still are free. Methinks I hear
                   A spirit in your echoes answer me,
                   And bid your tenant welcome to his home
                   Again!--O sacred forms, how proud you look!
                   How high you lift your heads into the sky!
                   How huge you are! how mighty, and how free!
                   Ye are the things that tower, that shine,--whose smile
                   Makes glad, whose frown is terrible, whose forms,
                   Robed or unrobed, do all the impress wear
                   Of awe divine. Ye guards of liberty,
                   I'm with you once again!--I call to you
                   With all my voice!--I hold my hands to you,
                   To show they still are free. I rush to you
                   As though I could embrace you!
                  --Scaling yonder peak,
                   I saw an eagle wheeling near its brow
                   O'er the abyss;--his broad-expanded wings
                   Lay calm and motionless upon the air,
                   As if he floated there without their aid,
                   By the sole act of his unlorded will,
                   That buoyed him proudly up. Instinctively
                   I bent my brow; yet kept he rounding still
                   His airy circle, as in the delight
                   Of measuring the ample range beneath
                   And round about; absorbed, he heeded not
                   The death that threatened him. I could not shoot!--
                   'T was Liberty! I turned my bow aside,
                   And let him soar away!
                                                             J. S. Knowles.


                                   CXCV.

                         THE BARON'S LAST BANQUET.

     O'er a low couch the setting sun had thrown its latest ray,
     Where, in his last, strong agony, a dying warrior lay,--
     The stern old Baron Rudiger, whose frame had ne'er been bent
     By wasting pain, till time and toil its iron strength had spent.

     "They come around me here, and say my days of life are o'er,
     That I shall mount my noble steed and lead my band no more;
     They come, and, to my beard, they dare to tell me now that I,
     Their own liege lord and master born, that I--ha! ha! must die.

     "And what is death? I've dared him oft, before the Paynim spear;
     Think ye he's entered at my gate--has come to seek me here?
     I've met him, faced him, scorned him, when the fight was raging hot;--
     I'll try his might, I'll brave his power!--defy--and fear him not!

     "Ho! sound the tocsin from my tower, and fire the culverin;
     Bid each retainer arm with speed; call every vassal in.
     Up with my banner on the wall,--the banquet board prepare,--
     Throw wide the portal of my hall, and bring my armor there!"

     An hundred hands were busy then; the banquet forth was spread,
     And rung the heavy oaken floor with many a martial tread;
     While from the rich, dark tracery, along the vaulted wall,
     Lights gleamed on harness, plume and spear, o'er the proud old Gothic
                                                                      hall.

     Fast hurrying through the outer gate, the mailed retainers poured,
     On through the portal's frowning arch, and thronged around the board;
     While at its head, within his dark, carved, oaken chair of state,
     Armed cap-à-pie, stern Rudiger, with gilded falchion, sat.

     "Fill every beaker up, my men! pour forth the cheering wine!
     There 's life and strength in every drop,--thanksgiving to the vine!
     Are ye all there, my vassals true?--mine eyes are waxing dim:
     Fill round, my tried and fearless ones, each goblet to the brim!

     "Ye're there, but yet I see you not!--forth draw each trusty sword,
     And let me hear your faithful steel clash once around my board!
     I hear it faintly!--louder yet! What clogs my heavy breath?
     Up, all!--and shout for Rudiger, 'Defiance unto death!'"

     Bowl rang to bowl, steel clanged to steel, and rose a, deafening cry,
     That made the torches flare around, and shook the flags on high:
     "Ho! cravens! Do ye fear him? Slaves! traitors! have ye flown?
     Ho! cowards, have ye left me to meet him here alone?

     "But I defy him!--let him come!" Down rang the massy cup,
     While from its sheath the ready blade came flashing half-way up;
     And with the black and heavy plumes scarce trembling on his head,
     There in his dark, carved, oaken chair, old Rudiger sat--dead!
                                                              A. G. Greene.


                                  CXCVI.

                            THE WATER DRINKER.

                   O, water for me! Bright water for me,
                   And wine for the tremulous debauchee.
                   Water cooleth the brow, and cooleth the brain,
                   And maketh the faint one strong again;
                   It comes o'er the sense like a breeze from the sea,
                   All freshness, like infant purity;
                   O, water, bright water, for me, for me!
                   Give wine, give wine, to the debauchee!

                   Fill to the brim! fill, fill to the  brim;
                   Let the flowing crystal kiss the rim!
                   For my hand is steady, my eye is true,
                   For I, like the flowers, drink nothing but dew.
                   O, water, bright water's a mine of wealth,
                   And the ores which it yieldeth are vigor and health.
                   So water, pure water, for one, for me!
                   And wine for the tremulous debauchee.

                   Fill again to the brim, again to the brim!
                   For water strengtheneth life and limb!
                   To the days of the aged it addeth length,
                   To the might of the strong it addeth strength;
                   It freshens the heart, it brightens the sight,
                   'T is like quaffing a goblet of morning light!
                   So, water, I will drink nothing but thee,
                   Thou parent of health and energy!

                   When over the hills, like a gladsome bride,
                   Morning walks forth in her beauty's pride,
                   And, leading a band of laughing hours,
                   Brushes the dew from the nodding flowers,
                   O! cheerily then my voice is heard
                   Mingling with that of the soaring bird,
                   Who flingeth abroad his matin loud
                   As he freshens his wing in the cold, gray cloud.

                   But when evening has quitted her sheltering yew,
                   Drowsily flying, and weaving anew
                   Her dusky meshes o'er land and sea,
                   How gently, O sleep, fall thy poppies on me!
                   For I drink water, pure, cold, and bright,
                   And my dreams are of heaven the livelong night.
                   So hurrah for thee, water! hurrah! hurrah!
                   Thou art silver and gold, thou art ribbon and star,
                   Hurrah for bright water! hurrah! hurrah!
                                                                E. Johnson.

                                  CXCVII.

                                 CHAMOUNI.

              Hast thou a charm to stay the morning star
              In his steep course? So long he seems to pause
              On thy bald, awful head, O sovereign Blanc!
              The Arve and Arveiron at thy base
              Rave ceaselessly; but thou, most awful form!
              Riseth from forth thy silent sea of pines,
              How silently! Around thee and above,
              Deep is the air and dark, substantial, black,
              An ebon mass: methinks thou piercest it,
              As will a wedge. But, when I look again,
              It is thine own calm home thy crystal shrine,
              Thy habitation from eternity!

              O dread and silent mount! I gazed upon thee,
              Till thou, still present to the bodily sense,
              Didst vanish from my thought; entranced in prayer,
              I worshiped the Invisible alone.

              Yet, like some sweet, beguiling melody,--
              So sweet we know not we are listening to it,--
              Thou, the meanwhile, wast blending with my thought,
              Yea, with my life, and life's own secret joy;
              Till the dilating soul, enrapt, transfused,
              Into the mighty vision passing--there,
              As in her natural form, swelled vast to Heaven.

              Awake, my soul! Not only passive praise
              Thou owest! not alone these swelling tears,
              Mute thanks, and silent ecstasy! Awake,
              Voice of sweet song! Awake, my heart, awake!
              Green vales and icy cliffs! all join my hymn.

              Thou, first and chief, sole sovereign of the vale!
              O, struggling with the darkness of the night,
              And visited all night by troops of stars,
              Or when they climb the sky, or when they sink,--
              Companion of the morning star at dawn,
              Thyself earth's rosy star, and of the dawn
              Co-herald--wake! O wake! and utter praise!
              Who sank thy sunless pillars deep in earth?
              Who filled thy countenance with rosy light?
              Who made thee parent of perpetual streams?

              And you ye five wild torrents, fiercely glad!
              Who called you forth from night and utter death,
              From dark and icy caverns called you forth,
              Down those precipitous, black, jaggéd rocks,
              Forever shattered, and the same forever?
              Who gave you your invulnerable life,
              Your strength, your speed, your fury, and your joy
              Unceasing thunder, and eternal foam?
              And who commanded,--and the silence came,--
              "Here let the billows stiffen, and have rest"?

              Ye ice-falls! ye, that from the mountain's brow,
              Adown enormous ravines slope amain,--
              Torrents, methinks, that heard a mighty voice,
              And stopped at once amid their maddest plunge!
              Motionless torrents! silent cataracts!
              Who made you glorious as the gates of heaven
              Beneath the keen full moon? Who bade the sun
              Clothe you with rainbows? Who, with living flowers
              Of loveliest blue, spread garlands at your feet?
              "God!" let the torrents, like a shout of nations,
              Answer: and let the ice-plains echo, "God!"
              "God!" sing, ye meadow-streams, with gladsome voice!
              Ye pine groves, with your soft and soul-like sounds!
              And they, too, have a voice, yon piles of snow,
              And, in their perilous fall, shall thunder, "God!"

              Ye living flowers that skirt the eternal frost!
              Ye wild goats sporting round the eagle's nest!
              Ye eagles, playmates of the mountain-storm!
              Ye lightnings, the dread arrows of the clouds!
              Ye signs and wonders of the elements!
              Utter forth "God!" and fill the hills with praise!

              Once more, hoar mount! with thy sky-pointing peaks,
              Oft from whose feet the avalanche, unheard,
              Shoots downward, glittering through the pure serene
              Into the depths of clouds, that veil thy breast--
              Thou too, again, stupendous mountain! thou
              That as I raise my head, awhile bowed low
              In adoration, upward from thy base
              Slow travelling with dim eyes suffused with tears,--
              Solemnly seemest, like a vapory cloud,
              To rise before me--Rise, O, ever rise!
              Rise, like a cloud of incense, from the earth!
              Thou kingly spirit, throned among the hills!
              Thou dread ambassador from earth to heaven,
              Great Hierarch, tell thou the silent sky,
              And tell the stars, and tell yon rising sun,
              "Earth, with her thousand voices, praises god."
                                                           S. T. Coleridge.


                                 CXCVIIII.

            "HOW THEY BROUGHT THE GOOD NEWS FROM GHENT T0 AIX."

         I sprang to the stirrup, and Joris, and he;
         I galloped, Dirck galloped, we galloped all three;
         "Good speed!" cried the watch, as the gate-bolts undrew;
         "Speed!" echoed the wall to us galloping through;
         Behind shut the postern, the lights sank to rest,
         And into the midnight we galloped abreast.

         Not a word to each other; we kept the great pace
         Neck by neck, stride for stride, never changing our place;
         I turned in my saddle and made its girths tight,
         Then shortened each stirrup, and set the pique right,
         Rebuckled the cheek-strap, chained slacker the bit,--
         Nor galloped less steadily Roland, a whit.

         'T was moonset at starting; but, while we drew near
         Lokeren, the cocks crew and twilight dawned clear;
         At Boom, a great yellow star came out to see;
         At Düffeld, 't was morning as plain as could be;
         And from Mechlin church-steeple we heard the half-chime,
         So Joris broke silence with "Yet there is time!"

         At Aerschot, up leaped of a sudden the sun,
         And against him the cattle stood black every one,
         To stare through the mist at us galloping past,
         And I saw my stout galloper, Roland, at last,
         With resolute shoulders, each butting away
         The haze, as some bluff river headland its sprays

         And his low head and crest, just one sharp ear bent back
         For my voice, and the other pricked out on his track;
         And one eye's black intelligence,--ever that glance
         O'er its white edge at me, his own master, askance!
         And the thick heavy spume-flakes which aye and anon
         His fierce lips shook upward in galloping on.

         By Hasselt, Dirck groaned; and cried Joris, "Stay spur!
         Your Roos galloped bravely, the fault 's not in her,
         We'll remember at Aix"--for one heard the quick wheeze
         Of her chest, saw the stretched neck and staggering knees,
         And sunk tail, and horrible heave of the flank,
         As down on her haunches she shuddered and sank.

         So we were left galloping, Joris and I,
         Past Loos and past Tongrés, no cloud in the sky;
         The broad sun above laughed a pitiless laugh,
         'Neath our feet broke the brittle bright stubble like chaff;
         Till over by Dalhem a dome-spire sprang white,
         And "gallop," gasped Joris, "for Aix is in sight!"

         "How they 'll greet us!"--and all in a moment his roan
         Rolled neck and croup over, lay dead as a stone;
         And there was my Roland to bear the whole weight
         Of the news which alone could save Aix from her fate,
         With his nostrils like pits full of blood to the brim,
         And with circles of red for his eye-sockets' rim.

         Then I cast loose my buff-coat, each holster let fall,
         Shook off both my jack-boots, let go belt and all,
         Stood up in the stirrup, leaned, patted his ear,
         Called my Roland his pet-name, my horse without peer,
         Clapped my hands, laughed and sang, any noise, bad or good,
         Till at length into Aix Roland galloped and stood.

         And all I remember is friends flocking round
         As I sate with his head 'twixt my knees on the ground,
         And no voice but was praising this Roland of mine,
         As I poured down his throat our last measure of wine,
         Which, (the burgesses voted by common consent,)
         Was no more than his due who brought good news from Ghent.
                                                               R. Browning.


                                  CXCIX.

                                THE SWORD.

               'T was on the battle-field; and the cold pale moon
               Looked down on the dead and dying;
               And the wind passed o'er with a dirge and a wail,
               Where the young and brave were lying.

               With his father's sword in his red right hand,
               And the hostile dead around him,
               Lay a youthful chief; but his bed was the ground,
               And the grave's icy sleep had bound him.

               A reckless rover, 'mid death and doom,
               Passed a soldier, his plunder seeking;
               Careless he stepped where friend and foe
               Lay alike in their life-blood reeking.

               Drawn by the shine of the warrior's sword,
               The soldier paused beside it;
               He wrenched the hand with a giant's strength,
               But the grasp of the dead defied it.

               He loosed his hold, and his noble heart
               Took part with the dead before him;
               And he honored the brave who died sword in hand,
               As with softened brow he leaned o'er him.

               "A soldier's death thou hast boldly died,
               A soldier's grave won by it:
               Before I would take that sword from thine hand,
               My own life's blood should dye it.

               "Thou shalt not be left for the carrion crow,
               Or the wolf to batten o'er thee;
               Or the coward insult the gallant dead,
               Who in life had trembled before thee."

               Then dug he a grave in the crimson earth,
               Where his warrior foe was sleeping;
               And he laid him there, in honor and rest,
               With his sword in his own brave keeping.
                                                               Miss Landon.

                                    CC.

                               THE FIREMAN.

                   Hoarse wintry blasts a solemn requiem sung
                   To the departed day,
                   Upon whose bier
                   The velvet pall of midnight lead been flung,
                   And Nature mourned through one wide hemisphere
                   Silence and darkness held their cheerless sway,
                   Save in the haunts of riotous excess;
                   And half the world in dreamy slumbers lay,
                   Lost in the maze of sweet forgetfulness.
                   When lo! upon the startled ear,
                   There broke a sound so dread and drear,--
                   As, like a sudden peal of thunder,
                   Burst the bands of sleep asunder,
                   And filled a thousand throbbing hearts with fear.

                   Hark! the faithful watchman's cry
                   Speaks a conflagration nigh!--
                   See! yon glare upon the sky
                   Confirms the fearful tale.
                   The deep-mouthed bells with rapid tone,
                   Combine to make the tidings known;
                   Affrighted silence now has flown,
                   And sounds of terror freight the chilly gale!

                   At the first note of this discordant din,
                   The gallant fireman from his slumber starts;
                   Reckless of toil and danger, if he win
                   The tributary meed of grateful hearts.
                   From pavement rough, or frozen ground,
                   His engine's rattling wheels resound,
                   And soon before his eyes
                   The lurid flames, with horrid glare,
                   Mingled with murky vapors rise,
                   In wreathy folds upon the air,
                   And veil the frowning skies!

                   Sudden a shriek assails his heart,--
                   A female shriek, so piercing wild,
                   As makes his very life-blood start:--
                   "My child! Almighty God, my child!"
                   He hears,
                   And 'gainst the tottering wall
                   The ponderous ladder rears:
                   While blazing fragments round him fall,
                   And crackling sounds assail his ears,
                   His sinewy arm, with one rude crash,
                   Hurls to the earth the opposing sash;
                   And, heedless of the startling din,
                   Though smoky volumes round him roll,
                   The mother's shriek has pierced his soul,--
                   See! see! he plunges in!
                   The admiring crowd, with hopes and fears,
                   In breathless expectation stands,
                   When, lo! the daring youth appears,
                   Hailed by a burst of warm, ecstatic cheers,
                   Bearing the child triumphant in his arms.
                                                                 Anonymous.


                                   CCI.
                               SPEAK GENTLY.

                        Speak gently: it is better far
                        To rule by love than fear.
                        Speak gently: let no harsh words mar
                        The good we might do here.

                        Speak gently; love doth whisper low
                        The vows that true hearts bind;
                        And gently friendship's accents flow,--
                        Affection's voice is kind.

                        Speak gently to the little child,
                        Its love be sure to gain;
                        Teach it in accents soft and mild,--
                        It may not long remain.

                        Speak gently to the young; for they
                        Will leave enough to bear:
                        Pass through this life as best we may,
                        'T is full of anxious care.

                        Speak gently to the aged one,
                        Grieve not the care-worn heart;
                        The sands of life are nearly run,--
                        Let such in peace depart.

                        Speak gently, kindly to the poor;
                        Let no harsh tone be heard;
                        They have enough they must endure,
                        Without an unkind word.

                        Speak gently to the erring;--know
                        They must have toiled in vain;
                        Perchance unkindness made them so;--
                        O! win them back again.

                        Speak gently! He who gave His life
                        To bend man's stubborn will,
                        When elements were fierce with strife,
                        Said to them, "Peace! be still."

                        Speak gently: 't is a little thing
                        Dropped in the heart's deep well;
                        The good, the joy which it may bring,
                        Eternity shall tell.
                                                                 Anonymous.


                                   CCII.

                               THE PASSIONS.

                   When Music, heavenly maid, was young,
                   While yet in early Greece she sung,
                   The Passions oft, to hear her shell,
                   Thronged around her magic cell

                   Exulting, trembling, raging, fainting,
                   Possessed beyond the Muse's painting;
                   By turns they felt the glowing mind
                   Disturbed, delighted, raised, refined:

                   Till once, 't is said, when all were fired,
                   Filled with fury, rapt, inspired,
                   From the supporting myrtles round
                   They snatched her instruments of sound,

                   And, as they oft had heard apart
                   Sweet lessons of her forceful art,
                   Each, for Madness ruled the hour,
                   Would prove his own expressive power.

                   First Fear his hand, its skill to try,
                   Amid the chords bewildered laid,
                   And back recoiled, he knew not why,
                   E'en at the sound himself had made.

                   Next Anger rustled, his eyes on fire,
                   In lightnings owned his secret stings;
                   In one rude clash he struck the lyre,
                   And swept with hurried hand the strings.

                   With woeful measures wan Despair--
                   Low sullen sounds his grief beguiled,
                   A solemn, strange, and mingled air,
                   'T was sad by fits, by starts 't was wild.

                   But thou, O Hope! with eyes so fair,
                   What was thy delighted measure?
                   Still it whispered promised pleasure,
                   And bade the lovely scenes at distance hail!
                   Still would her touch the strain prolong;
                   And from the rocks, the woods, the vale,
                   She called on Echo still through all the song;
                   And, where her sweetest notes she chose,
                   A soft responsive voice was heard at every close;
                   And Hope enchanted smiled, and waved her golden hair;--

                   And longer had she sung:--but with a frown,
                   Revenge impatient rose:
                   He threw the blood-stained sword in thunder down;
                   And with a withering look
                   The war-denouncing trumpet took
                   And blew a blast so loud and dread,
                   Were ne'er prophetic sounds so full of woe!
                   And ever and anon he beat
                   The doubling drum with furious heat;
                   And, though sometimes, each dreamy pause between,
                   Dejected Pity, at his side,
                   Her soul-subduing voice applied,
                   Yet still he kept his wild unaltered mien,
                   While each strained ball of sight seemed bursting from
                                                                  his head.

                   Thy numbers, Jealousy, to nought were fixed:
                   Sad proof of thy distressful state!
                   Of differing themes the veering song was mixed;
                   And now it courted Love, now raving called on Hate.

                   With eyes upraised, as one inspired,
                   Pale Melancholy sat retired;
                   And, from her wild, sequestered seat,
                   In notes, by distance made more sweet,
                   Poured through the mellow horn her pensive soul:
                   And, dashing soft from rocks around
                   Bubbling runnels joined the sound;
                   Through glades and glooms the mingled measure stole,
                   Or, o'er some haunted stream, with fond delay,
                   Round a holy calm diffusing,
                   Love of peace, and lonely musing,
                   In hollow murmurs died away.

                   But O! how altered was its sprightlier tone,
                   When Cheerfulness, a nymph of healthiest hue,
                   Her bow across her shoulder flung,
                   Her buskins gemmed with morning dew,
                   Blew an inspiring air, that dale and thicket rung!--
                   The hunter's call to Faun and Dryad known!
                   The oak-crowned Sisters and their chaste-eyed Queen,
                   Satyrs and Sylvan Boys, were seen,
                   Peeping from forth their alleys green:
                   Brown Exercise rejoiced to hear;
                   And Sport leaped up, and seized his beechen spear.

                   Last came Joy's ecstatic trial:
                   He, with viny crown advancing,
                   First to the lively pipe his hand addrest:
                   But soon he saw the brisk, awakening viol,
                   Whose sweet, entrancing voice he loved the best.
                   They would have thought, who heard the strain,
                   They saw, in Tempé's vale, her native maids,
                   Amidst the festal-sounding shades,
                   To some unworried minstrel dancing;
                   While, as his flying fingers kissed the strings,
                   Love framed with Mirth a gay fantastic round:--
                   Loose were her tresses seen, her zone unbound;--
                   And he, amidst his frolic play,
                   As if he would the charming air repay,
                   Shook thousand odors from his dewy wings.
                                                                W. Collins.


                                  CCIII.

                               NEW ENGLAND.

                   Hail to the land whereon we tread,
                   Our fondest boast;
                   The sepulchre of mighty dead,
                   The truest hearts that ever bled,
                   Who sleep on glory's brightest bed,
                   A fearless host:
                   No slave is here--our unchained feet
                   Walk freely, as the waves that beat
                   Our coast.

                   Our fathers crossed the ocean's wave
                   To seek this shore;
                   They left behind the coward slave
                   To welter in his living grave;--
                   With hearts unbent, and spirits brave,
                   They sternly bore
                   Such toils as meaner souls had quelled;
                   But souls like these, such toils impelled
                   To soar.

                   Hail to the acorn, when first they stood.
                   On Bunker's height,
                   And, fearless stemmed the invading flood,
                   And wrote our dearest rights in blood,
                   And mowed in ranks the hireling brood,
                   In desperate fight!
                   O! 't was a proud, exulting day,
                   For even our fallen fortunes lay
                   In light.

                   There is no other land like thee,
                   No dearer shore;
                   Thou art the shelter of the free;
                   The home, the port of liberty
                   Thou hast been, and shalt ever be,
                   Till time is o'er.
                   Ere I forget to think upon
                   Thy land, shall mother curse the son
                   She bore.

                   Thou art the firm unshaken rock,
                   On which we rest;
                   And rising from thy hardy stock,
                   Thy sons the tyrant's frown shall mock,
                   And slavery's galling chains unlock,
                   And free the oppressed:
                   All, who the wreath of freedom twine,
                   Beneath the shadow of their vine
                   Are blest.

                   We love thy rude and rocky shore,
                   And here we stand--
                   Let foreign navies hasten o'er,
                   And on our heads their fury pour,
                   And peal their cannon's loudest roar,
                   And storm our land:
                   They still shall find, our lives are given
                   To die for home;--and leant on Heaven
                   Our hand.
                                                            J. G. Percival.


                                   CCIV.

                       SONG FOR SAINT CECILIA'S DAY.

                   From Harmony, from heavenly Harmony
                   This universal frame began:
                   When Nature underneath a heap
                   Of jarring atoms lay
                   And could not heave her head,
                   The tuneful voice was heard from high,
                   Arise, ye more than dead!
                   Then cold, and hot, and moist, and dry,
                   In order to their stations leap,
                   And Music's power obey.
                   From harmony, from heavenly harmony
                   This universal frame began:
                   From harmony, to harmony,
                   Through all the compass of the notes it ran,
                   The diapason closing full in Man.

                   What passion cannot Music raise and quell?
                   When Jubal struck the chorded shell
                   His listening brethren stood around,
                   And, wondering, on their faces fell
                   To worship that celestial sound.
                   Less than a God they thought there could not dwell
                   Within the hollow of that shell
                   That spoke so sweetly and so well.
                   What passion cannot Music raise and quell?

                   The trumpet's loud clangor
                   Excites us to arms,
                   With shrill notes of anger
                   And mortal alarms.
                   The double double double beat
                   Of the thundering drum,
                   Cries, "Hark! the foes come;
                   Charge, charge, 't is too late to retreat!"

                   The soft complaining flute
                   In dying notes discovers
                   The woes of hopeless lovers,
                   Whose dirge is whispered by the warbling lute.

                   Sharp violins proclaim
                   Their jealous pangs and desperation,
                   Fury, frantic indignation,
                   Depth of pains, and height of passion
                   For the fair disdainful dame.

                   But oh! what art can teach,
                   What human voice can reach
                   The sacred Organ's praise?
                   Notes inspiring holy love,
                   Notes that wing their heavenly ways
                   To mend the choirs above.

                   Orpheus could lead the savage race,
                   And trees uprooted left their place,
                   Sequacious of the lyre;
                   But bright Cecilia raised the wonder higher;
                   When to her Organ vocal breath was given,
                   An angel heard, and straight appeared--
                   Mistaking earth for heaven!

                   As from the power of sacred lays
                   The spheres began to move,
                   And sung the great Creator's praise
                   To all the blest above;
                   So when the last and dreadful hour
                   This crumbling pageant shall devour,
                   The trumpet shall be heard on highs
                   The dead shall live, the living die,
                   And Music shall untune the sky.
                                                                 J. Dryden.

                                   CCV.

                            THE SAILOR'S SONG.

                   The sea! the sea! the open sea!
                   The blue, the fresh, the ever free!
                   Without a mark, without a bound,
                   It runneth the earth's wide regions round;
                   It plays with the clouds; it mocks the skies;
                   Or like a cradled creature lies.

                   I'm on the sea! I'm on the sea!
                   I am where I would ever be;
                   With the blue above, and the blue below,
                   And silence wheresoever I go;
                   If a storm should come and awake the deep,
                   What matter? I shall ride and sleep.

                   I love, O how I love to ride
                   On the fierce, foaming, bursting tide,
                   When every mad wave drowns the moon,
                   Or whistles aloft his tempest tune,
                   And tells how goeth the world below,
                   And why the sou'west blasts do blow.

                   I never was on the dull, tame shore,
                   But I loved the great sea more and more,
                   And backward flew to her billowy breast,
                   Like a bird that seeketh its mother's nest;
                   And a mother she was and is to me;
                   For I was born on the open sea!
                   The waves were white, and red the morn,
                   In the noisy hour when I was born;
                   And the whale it whistled, the porpoise rolled,
                   And the dolphins bared their backs of gold;
                   And never was heard such an outcry wild
                   As welcomed to life the ocean-child!
                   I've lived since then, in calm and strife,
                   Full fifty summers a sailor's life,
                   With wealth to spend and a power to range,
                   But never have sought nor sighed for change;
                   And Death, whenever he comes to me,
                   Shall come on the wild, unbounded sea!
                                                             B. W. Proctor.


                                   CCVI.

                                 NAPOLEON.

                   His falchion flashed along the Nile;
                   His hosts he led through Alpine snows;
                   O'er Moscow's towers, that blazed the while,
                   His eagle flag unrolled,--and froze.

                   Here sleeps he now, alone! Not one
                   Of all the kings, whose crowns he gave,
                   Bends o'er his dust;--nor wife, nor son,
                   Has ever seen or sought his grave.

                   Behind this sea-girt rock, the star
                   That led him on from crown to crown,
                   Has sunk; and nations from afar
                   Gazed as it faded and went down.

                   High is his couch;--the ocean flood,
                   Far, far below, by storms is curled;
                   As round him heaved, while high he stood
                   A stormy and unstable world.

                   Alone he sleeps! The mountain cloud
                   That night hangs round him, and the breath
                   Of morning scatters, is the shroud
                   That wraps the conqueror's clay in death.

                   Pause here! The far-off world, at last,
                   Breathes free; the hand that shook its thrones,
                   And to the earth its mitres cast,
                   Lies powerless now beneath these stones.

                   Hark! comes there, from the pyramids,
                   And from Siberian wastes of snow,
                   And Europe's hills, a voice that bids
                   The world he awed to mourn him? No:

                   The only, the perpetual dirge
                   That's heard there, is the sea-bird's cry,--
                   The mournful murmur of the surge,--
                   The cloud's deep voice, the wind's low sigh.
                                                               J. Pierpont.


                                  CCVII.

                     WARREN'S ADDRESS AT BUNKER HILL.


                   Stand! the ground's your own, my braves!
                   Will ye give it up to slaves?
                   Will ye look for greener graves?
                   Hope ye mercy still?
                   What's the mercy despots feel?
                   Hear it in that battle peal!
                   Read it on yon bristling steel!
                   Ask it--ye who will.

                   Fear ye foes who kill for hire?
                   Will ye to your homes retire?
                   Look behind you! they're a-fire!
                   And, before you, see--
                   Who have done it!--from the vale
                   On they come!--and will ye quail?--
                   Leaden rain and iron hail
                   Let their welcome be!

                   In the God of battles trust!
                   Die we may, and die we must;--
                   But, O! where can dust to dust
                   Be consigned so well,
                   As where heaven its dews shall shed
                   On martyred patriot's bed,
                   And the rocks shall raise their head,
                   Of his deeds to tell!
                                                               J. Pierpont.


                                  CCVIII.

                               THANATOPSIS.

                   To him who, in the love of Nature, holds
                   Communion with her visible forms, she speaks
                   A various language. For his gayer hours
                   She has a voice of gladness, and a smile
                   And eloquence of beauty; and she glides
                   Into his darker musings, with a mild
                   And gentle sympathy, that steals away
                   Their sharpness ere he is aware. When thoughts
                   Of the last bitter hour come like a blight
                   Over thy spirit, and sad images
                   Of the stern agony, and shroud, and pall,
                   And breathless darkness, and the narrow house,
                   Make thee to shudder, and grow sick at heart,--
                   Go forth under the open sky, and list
                   To Nature's teachings, while from all around--
                   Earth and her waters, and the depths of air--
                   Comes a still voice:--Yet a few days, and thee
                   The all-beholding sun shall see no more
                   In all his course; nor yet if the cold ground,
                   Where thy pale form was laid, with many tears,
                   Nor in the embrace of ocean, shall exist
                   Thy image. Earth, that nourished thee, shall claim
                   Thy growth, to be resolved to earth again;
                   And, lost each human trace, surrendering up
                   Thine individual being, shalt thou go
                   To mix forever with the elements,
                   To be a brother to the insensible rock,
                   And to the sluggish clod which the rude swain
                   Turns with his share, and treads upon. The oak
                   Shall send his roots abroad, and pierce thy mould.
                   Yet not to thine eternal resting-place
                   Shalt thou retire alone--nor couldst thou wish
                   Couch more magnificent. Thou shalt lie down
                   With patriarchs of the infant world,--with kings,
                   The powerful of the earth,--the wise, the good,
                   Fair forms, and hoary seers of ages past,
                   All in one mighty sepulchre.--The hills
                   Rock-ribbed and ancient as the sun; the vales
                   Stretching in pensive quietness between;
                   The venerable woods; rivers that move
                   In majesty, and the complaining brooks
                   That make the meadows green; and, poured round all,
                   Old ocean's gray and melancholy waste,--
                   Are but the solemn decorations all
                   Of the great tomb of man. The golden sun,
                   The planets, all the infinite host of heaven,
                   Are dining on the sad abodes of death,
                   Through the still lapse of ages. All that tread
                   The globe are but a handful to the tribes
                   That slumber in its bosom. Take the wings
                   Of morning, and traverse Barca's desert sands;
                   Or lose thyself in the continuous woods
                   Where rolls the Oregon, and hears no sound
                   Save his own dashings,--yet--the dead are there,
                   And millions in those solitudes, since first
                   The flight of years began, have laid them down
                   In their last sleep;--the dead reign there alone.--
                   So shalt thou rest--and what if thou withdraw
                   In silence from the living, and no friend
                   Take note of thy departure? All that breathe
                   Will share thy destiny. The gay will laugh
                   When thou art gone, the solemn brood of care
                   Plod on, and each one, as before, will chase
                   His favorite phantom; yet all these shall leave
                   Their mirth and their employments, and shall come
                   And make their bed with thee. As the long train
                   Of ages glides away, the sons of men
                   The youth in life's green spring, and he who goes
                   In the full strength of years, matron and maid,
                   And the sweet babe, and the gray-headed man--
                   Shall, one by one, be gathered to thy side,
                   By those who in their turn shall follow them.
                   So live that when thy summons comes to join
                   The innumerable caravan, which moves
                   To that mysterious realm, where each shall take
                   His chamber in the silent halls of death,
                   Thou go not, like the quarry-slave at night
                   Scourged to his dungeon; but, sustained and soothed
                   By an unfaltering trust, approach thy grave,
                   Like one who wraps the drapery of his couch
                   About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams.
                                                              W. C. Bryant.


                                   CCIX.

                            THE AFRICAN CHIEF.

                   Chained in the market-place he stood,
                   A man of giant frame,
                   Amid the gathering multitude
                   That shrunk to hear his name,--
                   All stern of look and strong of limb,
                   His dark eye on the ground;
                   And silently they gazed on him,
                   As on a lion bound.

                   Vainly, but well, that chief had fought--
                   He was a captive now;
                   Yet pride, that fortune humbles not,
                   Was written on his brow:
                   The scars his dark broad bosom wore
                   Showed warrior true and brave:
                   A prince among his tribe before,
                   He could not be a slave.

                   Then to his conqueror he spake--
                   "My brother is a king:
                   Undo this necklace from my neck,
                   And take this bracelet ring,
                   And send me where my brother reigns,
                   And I will fill thy hands
                   With store of ivory from the plains,
                   And gold dust from the sands."

                  --"Not for thy ivory nor thy gold
                   Will I unbind thy chain;
                   That bloody hand shall never hold
                   The battle-spear again.
                   A price thy nation never gave
                   Shall yet be paid for thee;
                   For thou shalt be the Christian's slave,
                   In land beyond the sea."

                   Then wept the warrior chief, and bade
                   To shred his locks away,
                   And, one by one, each heavy braid
                   Before the victor lay.
                   Thick were the platted locks, and long,
                   And deftly hidden there
                   Shone many a wedge of gold among
                   The dark and crispèd hair.

                   "Look, feast thy greedy eye with gold,
                   Long kept for sorest need:
                   Take it--thou askest sums untold--
                   And say that I am freed.
                   Take it--my wife, the long, long day,
                   Weeps by the cocoa-tree,
                   And my young children leave their play,
                   And ask in vain for me."

                  --"I take thy gold,--but I have made
                   Thy fetters fast and strong,
                   And ween that by the cocoa shade
                   Thy wife shall wait thee long."
                   Strong was the agony that shook
                   The captive's frame to hear,
                   And the proud meaning of his look
                   Was changed to mortal fear.

                   His heart was broken,--crazed his brain--
                   At once his eye grew wild:
                   He struggled fiercely with his chain,
                   Whispered,--and wept,--and smiled;
                   Yet wore not long those fatal bands,
                   And once, at shut of day,
                   They drew him forth upon the sands,--
                   The foul hyena's prey.
                                                              W. C. Bryant.


                                   CCX.

                             THE BATTLE-FIELD.

                   Once this soft turf, this rivulet's sands,
                   Were trampled by a hurrying crowd,
                   And fiery hearts and armed hands
                   Encounter'd in the battle-cloud.

                   Ah! never shall the land forget
                   How gush'd the life-blood of her brave,--
                   Gush'd, warm with hope and courage yet,
                   Upon the soil they fought to save.

                   Now all is calm, and fresh, and still;
                   Alone the chirp of flitting birds
                   And talk of children on the hill,
                   And bell of wandering kine, are heard.

                   No solemn host goes trailing by
                   The black-mouth'd gun and staggering wain;
                   Men start not at the battle-cry:
                   Oh, be it never heard again!

                   Soon rested those who fought; but thou
                   Who minglest in the harder strife
                   For truths which men receive not now,
                   Thy warfare only ends with life.

                   A friendless warfare! lingering long
                   Through weary day and weary year;
                   A wild and many-weapon'd throng
                   Hang on thy front, and flank, and rear.

                   Yet nerve thy spirit to the proof,
                   And blench not at thy chosen lot;
                   The timid good may stand aloof,
                   The sage may frown--yet faint thou not,

                   Nor heed the shaft too surely cast,
                   The foul and hissing bolt of scorn;
                   For with thy side shall dwell, at last,
                   The victory of endurance born.

                   Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again;
                   The eternal years of God are hers;
                   But Error, wounded, writhes in pain,
                   And dies among his worshippers.

                   Yea, though thou lie upon the dust,
                   When they who help'd thee flee in fear,
                   Die full of hope and manly trust
                   Like those who fell in battle here.

                   Another hand thy sword shall wield,
                   Another hand the standard wave,
                   Till from the trumpet's mouth is peal'd
                   The blast of triumph o'er thy grave.
                                                              W. C. Bryant.


                                   CCXI.

                             HALLOWED GROUND.

                   What's hallowed ground! Has earth a clod
                   Its Maker meant not should be trod
                   By man, the image of his God,
                   Erect and free,
                   Unscourged by Superstition's rod
                   To bow the knee?

                   That's hallowed ground--where mourned and missed,
                   The lips repose our love has kissed;--
                   But where's their memory's mansion? Is 't
                   Yon churchyard's bowers?
                   No; in ourselves their souls exist,
                   A part of ours.

                   What hallows ground where heroes sleep?
                   'T is not the sculptured piles you heap!
                   In dews that heavens far distant weep,
                   Their turf may bloom;
                   Or genii twine beneath the deep
                   Their coral tomb.

                   But strew his ashes to the wind
                   Whose sword or voice has served mankind--And
                   is he dead, whose glorious mind
                   Lifts thine on high?
                   To live in hearts we leave behind
                   Is not to die.

                   Is 't death to fall for freedom's right?
                   He's dead alone that lacks her light!
                   And murder sullies in Heaven's sight
                   The sword he draws:--
                   What can alone ennoble fight?
                   A noble cause!

                   Give that! and welcome war to brace
                   Her drums! and rend heaven's reeking space!
                   The colors painted face to face,
                   The charging cheer,
                   Though Death's pale horse led on the chase,
                   Shall still be dear!

                   And place our trophies where men kneel
                   To Heaven!--but Heaven rebukes my zeal!
                   The cause of truth and human weal,
                   O God above!
                   Transfer it from the sword's appeal
                   To peace and love!

                   Peace, love! the cherubim, that join
                   Their spread wings o'er devotion's shrine;--
                   Prayers sound in vain, and temples shine
                   Where they are not;--
                   The heart alone can make divine
                   Religion's spot.

                   To incantations dost thou trust,
                   And pompous rites in domes august?
                   See mouldering stones and metals' rust
                   Belie the vaunt,
                   That man can bless one pile of dust
                   With chime or chant.

                   Fair stars! are not your beings pure?
                   Can sin, can death your worlds obscure?
                   Else why so swell the thoughts at your
                   Aspect above?
                   Ye must be Heaven's that make us sure
                   Of heavenly love!

                   And in your harmony sublime
                   I read the doom of distant time;
                   That man's regenerate soul from crime
                   Shall yet be drawn,
                   And reason on his mortal clime
                   Immortal dawn.

                   What's hallowed ground? 'T is what gives birth
                   To sacred thoughts in souls of worth!--
                   Peace! independence! truth! go forth
                   Earth's compassed round;
                   And your high-priesthood shall make earth
                   All hallowed ground.
                                                               T. Campbell.


                                  CCXII.

                            THE EXILE OF ERIN.

              There came to the beach a poor exile of Erin,--
              The dew on his thin robe was heavy and chill;
              For his country he sighed, when, at twilight, repairing
              To wander alone by the wind-beaten hill:
              But the day-star attracted his eye's sad devotion;
              For it rose o'er his own native isle of the ocean,
              Where once, in the fervor of youth's warm emotion,
              He sung the bold anthem of "Erin go bragh!"

              "Sad is my fate!" said the heart-broken stranger--
              "The wild deer and wolf to the covert can flee;
              But I have no refuge from famine and danger:
              A home and a country remain not to me!
              Never again in the green sunny bowers,
              Where my forefathers lived, shall I spend the sweet hours,
              Or cover my harp with wild woven flowers,
              And strike to the numbers of 'Erin go bragh!'

              "Erin! my country! though sad and forsaken
              In dreams I revisit thy sea-beaten shore!
              But, alas! in a far, foreign land I awaken,
              And sigh for the friends who can meet me no more!
              O cruel fate, wilt thou never replace me
              In a mansion of peace, where no perils can chase me?
              Never again shall my brothers embrace me!
              They died to defend me!--or live to deplore!

              "Where is my cabin-door, fast by the wild wood?
              Sisters and sire, did ye weep for its fall?
              Where is the mother that looked on my childhood?
              And where is the bosom-friend, dearer than all?
              Ah! my sad soul, long abandoned by pleasure!
              Why did it dote on a fast-fading treasure?
              Tears, like the rain-drops, may fall without measure,
              But rapture and beauty they cannot recall!

              "Yet all its sad recollections suppressing,
              One dying wish my lone bosom can draw;--
              Erin! an exile bequeaths thee his blessing!
              Land of my forefathers! Erin go bragh!
              Buried and cold, when my heart stills her motion,
              Green be thy fields, sweetest isle of the ocean!
              And thy harp-striking bards sing aloud with devotion,
              'Erin mavournin--Erin go bragh!'"
                                                               T. Campbell.


                                  CCXIII.

                          LORD ULLIN'S DAUGHTER.

                   A chieftain to the Highlands bound,
                   Cries, "Boatman, do not tarry!
                   And I'll give thee a silver pound
                   To row us o'er the ferry!"

                   "Now who be ye, would cross Lochgyle,
                   This dark and stormy water?"
                   "O I'm  the chief of Ulva's isle.
                   And this, Lord Ullin's daughter.

                   "And fast before her father's men
                   Three days we've fled together,
                   For should he find us in the glen,
                   My blood would stain the heather.

                   "His horsemen hard behind us ride--
                   Should they our steps discover,
                   Then who will cheer my bonny bride,
                   When they have slain her lover!"

                   Out spoke the hardy highland wight,
                   "I'll go, my chief, I'm ready:
                   It is not for your silver bright,
                   But for your winsome lady:--

                   "And by my word! the bonny bird
                   In danger shall not tarry;
                   So, though the waves are raging white,
                   I'll row you o'er the ferry."

                   By this the storm grew loud apace,
                   The water-wraith was shrieking;
                   And, in the scowl of heaven, each face
                   Grew dark as they were speaking.

                   But still as wilder blew the wind,
                   And as the night grew drearer,
                   Adown the glen rode armed men,--
                   Their trampling sounded nearer.

                   "O haste thee, haste!" the lady cries,
                   "Though tempests round us gather;
                   I'll meet the raging of the skies,
                   But not an angry father."

                   The boat has left a stormy land,
                   A stormy sea before her,--
                   When O! too strong for human hand,
                   The tempest gathered o'er her.

                   And still they rowed amidst the roar
                   Of waters fast prevailing:
                   Lord Ullin reached that fatal shore,--
                   His wrath was changed to wailing!

                   For, sore dismayed, through storm and shade
                   His child he did discover:--
                   One lovely hand she stretched for aid,
                   And one was round her lover.

                   "Come back! Come back!" he cried in grief,
                   "Across this stormy water:
                   And I'll forgive your Highland chief,
                   My daughter!--O my daughter!"

                   'T was vain: the loud waves lashed the shore,
                   Return or aid preventing:
                   The wafers wild went o'er his child,
                   And he was left lamenting.
                                                               T. Campbell.


                                  CCXIV.

                              FALL OF WARSAW.

              O! sacred Truth! thy triumph ceased awhile,
              And Hope, thy sister, ceased with thee to smile,
              When leagued Oppression poured to Northern wars
              Her whiskered pandours and her fierce hussars,
              Waved her dread standard to the breeze of  morn,
              Pealed her loud drum, and twanged her trumpet horn;
              Tumultuous horror brooded o'er her van,
              Presaging wrath to Poland--and to man!
              Warsaw's last champion from her heights surveyed,
              Wide o'er the fields a waste of ruin laid--
              O Heaven! he cried, my bleeding country save!
              Is there no hand on high to shield the brave?
              Yet, though destruction sweep these lovely plains,
              Rise, fellow-men! our country yet remains!
              By that dread name, we wave the sword on high,
              And swear for her to live!--with her to die!
              He said; and on the rampart heights arrayed
              His trusty warriors, few, but undismayed;
              Firm paced and slow, a horrid front they form,
              Still as the breeze, but dreadful as the storm;
              Low, murmuring sounds along their banners fly,--
              "Revenge, or death!"--the watchword and reply;
              Then pealed the notes, omnipotent to charm,
              And the loud tocsin tolled their last alarm!
              In vain, alas! in vain, ye gallant few!
              From rank to rank your volleyed thunder flew;--
              O! bloodiest picture in the book of Time,
              Sarmatia fell, unwept, without a crime;
              Found not a generous friend, a pitying foe,
              Strength in her arms, nor mercy in her woe!
              Dropped from her nerveless grasp the shattered spear,
              Closed her bright eye, and curbed her high career.
              Hope for a season bade the world farewell,
              And Freedom shrieked, as Kosciusko fell!
              0 righteous Heaven! ere Freedom found a grave,
              Why slept the sword, omnipotent to save?
              Where was thine arm, O vengeance! where thy rod,
              That smote the foes of Sion and of God?
              Departed spirits of the mighty dead!
              Ye that at Marathon and Leuctra bled!
              Friends of the world! restore your swords to man,
              Fight in his sacred cause, and lead the van!
              Yet for Sarmatia's tears of blood atone,
              And make her arm puissant as your own!
              O! once again to Freedom's cause return
              The patriot Tell,--the Bruce of Bannockburn!
              Yes, thy proud lords, unpitied land! shall see
              that man hath yet a soul,--and dare be free!
              A little while, along thy saddening plains,
              The starless night of Desolation reigns;
              Truth shall restore the light by Nature given,
              And, like Prometheus, bring the fire of Heaven!
              Prone to the dust Oppression shall be hurled,
              Her name, her nature, withered from the world!
                                                               T. Campbell.


                                   CCXV.

                               HOHENLINDEN.

                   On Linden, when the sun was low,
                   All bloodless lay the untrodden snow;
                   And dark as winter was the flow
                   Of Iser, rolling rapidly.

                   But Linden saw another sight,
                   When the drum beat at dead of night,
                   Commanding fires of death to light
                   The darkness of her scenery.

                   By torch and trumpet fast arrayed,
                   Each horseman drew his battle-blade,
                   And furious every charger neighed
                   To join the dreadful revelry.

                   Then shook the hills with thunder riven;
                   Then rushed the steed, to battle driven;
                   And louder than the bolts of Heaven
                   Far flashed the red artillery.

                   But redder yet that light shall glow,
                   On Linden's hills of stainéd snow;
                   And bloodier yet the torrent flow
                   Of Iser, rolling rapidly.

                   'T is morn; but scarce yon level sun
                   Can pierce the war-clouds, rolling dun,
                   Where furious Frank and fiery Hun
                   Shout in their sulphurous canopy.

                   The combat deepens. On, ye Brave
                   Who rush to glory, or the grave!
                   Wave, Munich, all thy banners wave,
                   And charge with all thy chivalry!

                   Few, few shall part, where many meet!
                   The snow shall be their winding-sheet,
                   And every turf beneath their feet
                   Shall be a soldier's sepulchre.
                                                               T. Campbell.


                                  CCXVI.

                       WAR-SONG OF THE GREEKS, 1822.

              Again to the battle Achaians!
              Our hearts bid the tyrants defiance;
              Our land,--the first garden of Liberty's tree--
              It has been, and shall yet be, the land of the free;
              For the cross of our faith is replanted,
              The pale, dying crescent is daunted,
              And we march that the footprints of Mahomet's slaves
              May be washed out in blood from our forefather's graves.
              Their spirits are hovering o'er us,
              And the sword shall to glory restore us.

              Ah! what though no succor advances,
              Nor Christendom's chivalrous lances
              Are stretched in our aid?--Be the combat our own!
              And we'll perish or conquer more proudly alone;
              For we've sworn by our country's assaulters,
              By the virgins they've dragged from our altars,
              By our massacred patriots, our children in chains,
              By our heroes of old, and their blood in our veins,--
              That living we will be victorious,
              Or that dying, our deaths shall be glorious.

              A breath of submission we breathe not;
              The sword that we've drawn we will sheathe not;
              Its scabbard is left where our martyrs are laid,
              And the vengeance of ages has whetted its blade.
              Earth may hide--waves engulf--fire consume us,
              But they shall not to slavery doom us:
              If they rule, it shall be o'er our ashes and graves,--
              But we've smote them already with fire on the waves,
              And new triumphs on land are before us.
              To the charge!--Heaven's banner is o'er us!

              This day--shall ye blush for its story?
              Or brighten your lives with its glory?--
              Our women--O say, shall they shriek in despair,
              Or embrace us from conquest, with wreaths in their hair?
              Accursed may his memory blacken,
              If a coward there be that would slacken,
              Till we've trampled the turban, and shown ourselves worth
              Being sprung from, and named for, the godlike of earth.
              Strike home!--and the world shall revere us
              As heroes descended from heroes.

              Old Greece lightens up with emotion
              Her inlands, her isles of the ocean:
              Fanes rebuilt, and fair towns, shall with jubilee sing,
              And the Nine shall new-hallow their Helicon's spring.
              Our hearths shall be kindled with gladness,
              That were cold, and extinguished in sadness;
              Whilst our maidens shall dance with their white waving arms,
              Singing joy to the brave that delivered their charms,--
              When the blood of you Mussulman cravens
              Shall have crimsoned the beaks of our ravens.
                                                               T. Campbell.


                                  CCXVII.

                           THE FLIGHT OF XERXES.

                   I saw him on the battle-eve
                   When like a king he bore him;
                   Proud hosts in glittering helm and greave,
                   And prouder chiefs, before him.
                   The warrior and the warrior's deeds,
                   The morrow and the morrow's meeds,--
                   No daunting thought came o'er him;
                   He looked around him, and his eye
                   Defiance flashed to earth and sky.

                   He looked on ocean,--its broad breast
                   Was covered with his fleet:
                   On earth,--and saw from east to west
                   His bannered millions meet;
                   While rock, and glen, and cave, and coast,
                   Shook with the war-cry of that host,
                   The thunder of their feet!
                   He heard the imperial echoes ring,--
                   He heard, and felt himself a king.

                   I saw him next alone;--nor camp
                   Nor chief his steps attended;
                   Nor banner blazed, nor courser's tramp
                   With war-cries proudly blended.
                   He stood alone, whom Fortune high
                   So lately seemed to deify,
                   He, who with Heaven contended,
                   Fled like a fugitive and slave!--
                   Behind, the foe; before, the wave!

                   He stood--fleet, army, treasure, gone--
                   Alone, and in despair!
                   But wave and wind swept ruthless on,
                   For they were monarchs there;
                   And Xerxes, in a single bark,
                   Where late his thousand ships were dark
                   Must all their fury dare.
                   What a revenge, a trophy, this,
                   For thee, immortal Salamis!
                                                             Miss Jewsbury.


                                 CCXVIII.

                              OLD IRONSIDES.

                   Ay, tear her tattered ensign down!
                   Long has it waved on high,
                   And many an eye has danced to see
                   That banner in the sky;--
                   Beneath it rung the battle shout,
                   And burst the cannon's roar;
                   The meteor of the ocean air
                   Shall sweep the clouds no more.

                   Her deck, once red with heroes' blood,
                   Where knelt the vanquished foe,
                   When winds were hurrying o'er the flood,
                   And waves were white below,
                   No more shall feel the victor's tread,
                   Or know the conquered knee;
                   The harpies of the shore shall pluck
                   The eagle of the sea!

                   O, better that her shattered hulk
                   Should sink beneath the wave!
                   Her thunders shook the mighty deep,
                   And there should be her grave!
                   Nail to the mast her holy flag,
                   Set every threadbare sail,
                   And give her to the god of storms--
                   The lightning and the gale!
                                                              O. W. Holmes.


                                  CCXIX.

                       CHARGE OF THE LIGHT BRIGADE.

                   Half a league, half a league,
                   Half a league onward,
                   All in the valley of Death
                   Rode the six hundred.
                   "Forward, the Light Brigade!
                   Charge for the guns!" he said.
                   Into the valley of Death,
                   Rode the six hundred.

                   "Forward, the Light Brigade!"
                   Was there a man dismayed?
                   Not though the soldier knew
                   Some one had blundered;
                   Theirs not to make reply
                   Theirs not to reason why,
                   Theirs but to do and die:
                   Into the valley of death
                   Rode the six hundred.

                   Cannon to right of them,
                   Cannon to left of them,
                   Cannon in front of them
                   Volleyed and thundered:
                   Stormed at with shot and shell,
                   Boldly they rode and well,
                   Into the jaws of Death,
                   Into the mouth of hell,
                   Rode the six hundred.

                   Flashed all their sabres bare,
                   Flashed as they turned in air,
                   Sabring the gunners there,
                   Charging an army, while
                   All the world wondered:
                   Plunged in the battery smoke,
                   Right through the line they broke
                   Cossack and Russian
                   Reeled from the sabre stroke,
                   Shattered and sundered;
                   Then they rode back, but not--
                   Not the six hundred.

                   Cannon to right of them,
                   Cannon to left of them,
                   Cannon behind them,
                   Volleyed and thundered:
                   Stormed at with shot and shell,
                   While horse and hero fell,
                   They that had fought so well,
                   Came through the jaws of hell,
                   All that was left of them,
                   Left of six hundred.

                   When can their glory fade?
                   O, the wild charge they made!
                   All the world wondered.
                   Honor the charge they made!
                   Honor the Light Brigade,
                   Noble six hundred!
                                                               A. Tennyson.


                                   CCXX.

                            ARNOLD WINKELREID.

                   "Make way for liberty!"--he cried;
                   Made way for liberty, and died!--
                   It must not be: this day, this hour,
                   Annihilates the oppressor's power!
                   All Switzerland is in the field,
                   She will not fly, she cannot yield,--
                   She must not fall; her better fate
                   Here gives her an immortal date.
                   Few were the numbers she could boast;
                   But every freeman was a host,
                   And felt as though himself were he,
                   On whose sole arm clung victory.

                   It did depend on one indeed;
                   Behold him,--Arnold Winkelreid!
                   There sounds not to the trump of fame
                   The echo of a nobler name.
                   Unmarked he stood among the throng,
                   In rumination deep and long,
                   Till you might see, with sudden grace,
                   The very thought come o'er his face;
                   And, by the motion of his form,
                   Anticipate the bursting storm;
                   And, by the uplifting of his brow,
                   Tell where the bolt would strike, and how.

                   But 't was no sooner thought than done,--
                   The field was in a moment won!
                   "Make way for liberty!" he cried,
                   Then ran, with arms extended wide,
                   As if his dearest friend to clasp;
                   Ten spears he swept within his grasp:
                   "Make way for liberty!" he cried--
                   Their keen points met from side to side;
                   He bowed amongst them like a tree,
                   And thus made way for liberty.

                   Swift to the breach his comrades fly:
                   "Make way for liberty!" they cry,
                   And through the Austrian phalanx dart,
                   As rushed the spears through Arnold's heart;
                   While, instantaneous as his fall,
                   Rout, ruin, panic, scattered all:
                   An earthquake could not overthrow.
                   A city with a surer blow.

                   Thus Switzerland again was free;
                   Thus Death made way for liberty!
                                                             J. Montgomery.


                                  CCXXI.

                            NEW ENGLAND'S DEAD.

                   New England's dead!--New England's dead!
                   On every hill they lie;
                   On every field of strife made red
                   By bloody victory.
                   Each valley, where the battle poured
                   Its red and awful tide,
                   Beheld the brave New England sword,
                   With slaughter deeply dyed.
                   Their bones are on the northern hill,
                   And on the southern plain,
                   By brook and river, lake and rill,
                   And by the roaring main.
                   The land is holy where they fought,
                   And holy where they fell;
                   For by their blood that land was bought,
                   The land they loved so well.
                   Then glory to that valiant band,
                   The honored saviours of the land!
                   O! few and weak their numbers were,--
                   A handful of brave men;
                   But to their God they gave their prayer,
                   And rushed to battle then.
                   The God of battles heard their cry,
                   And sent to them the victory.
                   They left the ploughshare in the mould,
                   Their flocks and herds without a fold,
                   The sickle in the unshorn grain,
                   The corn, half-garnered on the plain,
                   And mustered in their simple dress,
                   For wrongs to seek a stern redress;
                   To right those wrongs, come weal, come woe,--
                   To perish or o'ercome their foe.
                   And where are ye, O fearless men?
                   And where are ye to-day?
                   I call:--the hills reply again
                   That ye have passed away;
                   That on old Bunker's lonely height,
                   In Trenton, and in Monmouth ground,
                   The grass grows green, the harvest bright,
                   Above each soldier's mound.
                   The bugle's wild and warlike blast
                   Shall muster them no more;
                   An army now might thunder past,
                   And they not heed its roar.
                   The starry flag 'neath which they fought,
                   In many a bloody day,
                   From their old graves shall rouse them not;
                   For they have passed away.
                                                               I. M'Lellan.


                                  CCXXII.

                              NEVER GIVE UP.

                   Never give up! it is wiser and better
                   Always to hope, than once to despair;--
                   Fling off the load of doubt's cankering fetters,
                   And break the dark spell of tyrannical care.

                   Never give up, or the burden may sink you,--
                   Providence kindly has mingled the cup;
                   And in all trials and troubles bethink you,
                   The watchword of life must be, "Never give up!"

                   Never give up; there are chances and changes,
                   Helping the hopeful, a hundred to one,
                   And through the chaos, High wisdom arranges
                   Ever success, if you'll only hold on.

                   Never give up; for the wisest is boldest,
                   Knowing that Providence mingles the cup,
                   And of all maxims, the best, as the oldest,
                   Is the stern watchword of "Never give up!"

                   Never give up, though the grape-shot may rattle,
                   Or the full thunder-cloud over you burst;
                   Stand like a rock, and the storm or the battle
                   Little shall harm you, though doing their worst.

                   Never give up; if adversity presses,
                   Providence wisely has mingled the cup;
                   And the best counsel in all your distresses
                   Is the brave watchword of "Never give up!"
                                                                 Anonymous.


                                 CCXXIII.

                              MARCO BOZZARIS.

                   At midnight, in his guarded tent,
                   The Turk was dreaming of the hour,
                   When Greece, her knee in suppliance bent,
                   Should tremble at his power:
                   In dreams, through camp and court he bore
                   The trophies of a conqueror;
                   In dreams his song of triumph heard;
                   Then wore his monarch's signet ring;
                   Then pressed that monarch's throne--a king;--
                   As wild his thoughts, and gay of wing,
                   As Eden's garden bird.

                   At midnight, in the forest shades,
                   Bozzaris ranged his Suliote band,
                   True as the steel of their tried blades,
                   Heroes in heart and hand.
                   There had the Persian's thousands stood,--
                   There had the glad earth drunk their blood,
                   On old Platæa's day;
                   And now there breathed that haunted air
                   The sons of sires who conquered there,
                   With arm to strike, and soul to dare,
                   As quick, as far as they.

                   An hour passed on--the Turk awoke;
                   That bright dream was his last;
                   He woke to hear his sentries shriek,
                   "To arms! they come! the Greek! the Greek!"
                   He woke--to die midst flame and smoke,
                   And shout, and groan, and sabre-stroke,
                   And death-shots falling thick and fast
                   As lightnings from the mountain-cloud;
                   And heard, with voice as trumpet-loud,
                   Bozzaris cheer his band:
                   "Strike--till the last armed foe expires;
                   Strike--for your altars and your fires;
                   Strike--for the green graves of your sires,--
                   God--and your native land!"

                   They fought--like brave men, long and well;
                   They piled that ground with Moslem slain;
                   They conquered--but Bozzaris fell,
                   Bleeding at every vein.
                   His few surviving comrades saw
                   His smile when rang their proud hurrah,
                   And the red field was won:
                   Then saw in death his eyelids close
                   Calmly, as to a night's repose,
                   Like flowers at set of sun.

                   Come to the bridal-chamber, Death!
                   Come to the mother, when she feels,
                   For the first time, her first-born's breath;
                   Come when the blessed seals
                   That close the pestilence are broke,
                   And crowded cities wail its stroke;
                   Come in Consumption's ghastly form,
                   The earthquake shock, the ocean storm;
                   Come when the heart beats high and warm,
                   With banquet-song, and dance, and wine,--
                   And thou art terrible!--The tear,
                   The groan, the knell, the pall, the bier,
                   And all we know, or dream, or fear
                   Of agony, are thine.

                   But to the hero, when his sword
                   Has won the battle for the free,
                   Thy voice sounds like a prophet's word;
                   And in its hollow tones are heard
                   The thanks of millions yet to be.

                   Bozzaris! with the storied brave,
                   Greece nurtured in her glory's time,
                   Rest thee--there is no prouder grave,
                   Even in her own proud clime.

                   We tell thy doom without a sigh;
                   For thou art Freedom's now, and Fame's,--
                   One of the few, the immortal names
                   That were not born to die!
                                                             F. G. Halleck.


                                  CCXXIV.

                            THE AMERICAN FLAG.

                   When freedom, from her mountain height,
                   Unfurled her standard to the air,
                   She tore the azure robe of night,
                   And set the stars of glory there!
                   She mingled with its gorgeous dyes
                   The milky baldric of the skies,
                   And striped its pure celestial white
                   With streakings of the morning light;
                   Then, from his mansion in the sun,
                   She called her eagle bearer downy
                   And gave into his mighty hand
                   The symbol of her chosen land!

                   Majestic monarch of the cloud!
                   Who rear'st aloft thy regal form,
                   To hear the tempest-trumpings loud,
                   And see the lightning's lances driven,
                   When strive the warriors of the storm,
                   And rolls the thunder-drum of heaven!
                   Child of the sun! to thee 't is given
                   To guard the banner of the free,
                   To hover in the sulphur smoke,
                   To ward away the battle stroke,--
                   And bid its blendings shine afar,
                   Like rainbows on the cloud of war,--
                   The harbingers of victory!

                   Flag of the brave! thy folds shall fly,
                   The sign of hope and triumph high,
                   When speaks the signal trumpet tone,
                   And the long line comes gleaming on.
                   Ere yet the life-blood, warm and wet,
                   Has dimmed the glistening bayonet,
                   Each soldier's eye shall brightly turn
                   To where thy sky-born glories burn;
                   And as his springing steps advance,
                   Catch war and vengeance from the glance.
                   And when the cannon-mouthings loud
                   Heave in wild wreaths the battle-shroud,
                   And gory sabres rise and fall,
                   Like shoots of flame on midnights pall;
                   Then shall thy meteor-glances glow,
                   And cowering foes shall sink beneath
                   Each gallant arm that strikes below
                   That lovely messenger of death.

                   Flag of the seas! on ocean wave
                   Thy stars shall glitter o'er the brave;
                   When death, careering on the gale,
                   Sweeps darkly round the bellied sail,
                   And frighted waves rush wildly back
                   Before the broadside's reeling rack,
                   Each dying wanderer of the sea
                   Shall look at once to heaven and thee,
                   And smile to see thy splendors fly
                   In triumph o'er his closing eye.

                   Flag of the free heart's hope and home!
                   By angel hands to valor given;
                   Thy stars have lit the welkin dome,
                   And all thy hues were born in heaven.
                   Forever float, that standard sheet!
                   Where breathes the foe but falls before us,
                   With freedom's soil beneath our feet,
                   And Freedom's banner streaming o'er us!
                                                               J. R. Drake.


                                  CCXXV.

                           THE WIDOW OF GLENCOE.

     Do not lift him from the bracken, leave him lying where he fell--
     Better bier ye cannot fashion: none beseems him half so well
     As the bare and broken heather, and the hard and broken sod,
     Whence his angry soul ascended to the judgment-seat of God!
     Winding-sheet we cannot give him--seek no mantle for the dead,
     Save the cold and spotless covering showered from heaven upon his
           head.
     Leave his broadsword as we found it, rent and broken with the blow,
     That, before he died, avenged him on the foremost of the foe.
     Leave the blood upon the bosom--wash not off that sacred stain;
     Let it stiffen on the tartan, let his wounds unclosed remain,
     Till the day when he shall show them at the throne of God on high,
     When the murderer and the murdered meet before their Judge's eye.
     Nay--ye should not weep, my children! leave it to the faint and weak;
     Sobs are but a woman's weapons--tears befit a maiden's cheek.
     Weep not, children of Macdonald! weep not thou, his orphan heir;
     Not in shame, but stainless honor, lies thy slaughtered father there;
     Weep not--but when years are over, and thine arm is strong and sure,
     And thy foot is swift and steady on the mountain and the muir,
     Let thy heart be hard as iron, and thy wrath as fierce as fire,
     Till the hour when vengeance cometh for the race that slew thy sire!
     Till in deep and dark Glenlyon rise a louder shriek of woe,
     Than at midnight, from their eyry, scared the eagles of Glencoe;
     Louder than the screams that mingled with the howling of the blast,
     When the murderers' steel was clashing, and the fires were rising
         fast;
     When thy noble father bounded to the rescue of his men,
     And the slogan of our kindred pealed throughout the startled glen;
     When the herd of frantic women stumbled through the midnight  snow,
     With their fathers' houses blazing, and their dearest dead below!
     Oh, the horror of the tempest, as the flashing drift was blown,
     Crimsoned with the conflagration, and the roofs went thundering down!
     Oh, the prayers, the prayers and curses, that together winged their
                                                                     flight
     From the maddened hearts of many, through that long and woful night!--
     Till the fires began to dwindle, and the shots grew faint and few,
     And we heard the foeman's challenge only in a far halloo:
     Till the silence once more settled o'er the gorges of the glen,
     Broken only by the Cona plunging through its naked den.
     Slowly from the mountain summit was the drifting veil withdrawn,
     And the ghastly valley glimmered in the gray December dawn.
     Better had the morning never dawned upon our dark despair!
     Black amidst the common whiteness rose the spectral ruins there:
     But the sight of these was nothing more than wrings the wild dove's
                                                                    breast,
     When she searches for her offspring round the relics of her nest.
     For in many a spot the tartan peered above the wintry heap,
     Marking where a dead Macdonald lay within his frozen sleep.
     Tremblingly we scooped the covering from each kindred victim's head,
     And the living lips were burning on the cold ones of the dead.
     And I left them with their dearest--dearest charge had every one--
     Left the maiden with her lover, left the mother with her son.
     I alone of all was mateless--far more wretched I than they,
     For the snow would not discover where my lord and husband lay.
     But I wandered up the valley, till I found him lying low,
     With the gash upon his bosom, and the frown upon his brow--
     Till I found him lying murdered where he wooed me long ago.

     Woman's weakness shall not shame me--why should I have tears to shed?
     Could I rain them down like water, O my hero! on thy head--
     Could the cry of lamentation wake thee from thy silent sleep,
     Could it set thy heart a-throbbing, it were mine to wail and weep!
     But I will not waste my sorrow, lest the Campbell women say
     That the daughters of Clanranald are as weak and frail as they.
     I had wept thee, hadst thou fallen, like our fathers, on thy shield,
     When a host of English foemen camped upon a Scottish field.
     I had mourned thee, hadst thou perished with the foremost of his name,
     When the valiant and the noble died around the dauntless Græme!
     But I will not wrong thee, husband, with my unavailing cries,
     Whilst thy cold and mangled body, stricken by the traitor, lies;
     Whilst he counts the gold and glory that this hideous night has won,
     And his heart is big with triumph at the murder he has done.
     Other eyes than mine shall glisten, other hearts be rent in twain,
     Ere the heath-bells on thy hillock wither in the autumn rain.
     Then I'll seek thee where thou sleepest, and I'll veil my weary head,
     Praying for a place beside thee, dearer than my bridal-bed:
     And I'll give thee tears, my husband, if the tears remain to me,
     When the widows of the foeman cry the coronach for thee!
                                                              W. E. Aytoun.


                                  CCXXVI.

                         BURIAL OF SIR JOHN MOORE.

                   Not a drum was heard, not a funeral note,
                   As his corpse to the rampart we hurried;
                   Not a soldier discharged his farewell shot
                   O'er the grave where our hero we buried.

                   We buried him darkly, at dead of night,
                   The sods with our bayonets turning;
                   By the struggling moonbeam's misty light,
                   And the lantern dimly burning.

                   No useless coffin enclosed his breast,
                   Not in sheet nor in shroud we wound him;
                   But he lay like a warrior taking his rest
                   With his martial cloak around him.
                   Few and short were the prayers we said,
                   And we spoke not a word of sorrow,
                   But we steadfastly gazed on the face that was dead,
                   And we bitterly thought of the morrow.
                   We thought, as we hollowed his narrow bed,

                   And smoothed down his lonely pillow,
                   That the foe and the stranger would tread o'er his head,
                   And we far away on the billow!
                   Lightly they'll talk of the spirit that's gone,

                   And o'er his cold ashes upbraid him,--
                   But little he'll reck, if they let him sleep on
                   In the grave where a Briton has laid him.
                   But half of our heavy task was done

                   When the clock struck the hour for retiring;
                   And we heard the distant and random gun
                   That the foe was sullenly firing.

                   Slowly and sadly we laid him down,
                   From the field of his false fresh and gory;
                   We carved not a line, and we raised not a stone--
                   But we left him alone with his glory.
                                                                  C. Wolfe.


                                 CCXXVII.

                                THE MANIAC.

                   Stay, jailer, stay, and hear my woe!
                   She is not mad who kneels to thee,
                   For what I'm now, too well I know,
                   And what I was, and what should be.
                   I'll rave no more in proud despair;
                   My language shall be mild, though sad:
                   But yet I firmly, truly swear,
                   I am not mad, I am not mad.

                   My tyrant husband forged the tale
                   Which chains me in this dismal cell;
                   My fate unknown my friends bewail--
                   Oh!  jailer, haste that fate to tell;
                   Oh! haste my father's heart to cheer:
                   His heart at once 't will grieve and glad
                   To know though kept a captive here,
                   I am not mad, I am not mad.

                   He smiles in scorn, and turns the key;
                   He quits the grate; I knelt in vain;
                   His glimmering lamp still, still I see--
                   'T is gone! and all is gloom again.
                   Cold, bitter cold!--No warmth! no light!--
                   Life, all thy comforts once I had;
                   Yet here I'm chained, this freezing night,
                   Although not mad; no, no, not mad.

                   'Tis sure some dream--some vision vain!
                   What! I--the child of rank and wealth,--
                   Am I the wretch who clanks this chain,
                   Bereft of freedom, friends, and health?
                   Ah! while I dwell on blessings fled,
                   Which never more my heart must glad,
                   How aches my heart, how burns my head;
                   But 'tis not mad; no, 'tis not mad.

                   Hast thou, my child, forgot, ere this,
                   A mother's face, a mother's tongue?
                   She'll never forget your parting kiss,
                   Nor round her neck how fast you clung;
                   Nor how with her you sued to stay;
                   Nor how that suit your sire forbade;
                   Nor how--I'll drive such thoughts away!
                   They'll make me mad, they'll make me mad.

                   His rosy lips, how sweet they smiled!
                   His mild blue eyes, how bright they shone!
                   None ever bore a lovelier child:
                   And art thou now forever gone?
                   And must I never see thee more,
                   My pretty, pretty, pretty lad?
                   I will be free! unbar the door!
                   I am not mad, I am not mad.

                   Oh! hark! what mean those yells and cries?
                   His chain some furious madman breaks;
                   He comes!--I see his glaring eyes;
                   Now, now, my dungeon-grate he shakes--
                   Help! help!--He's gone!--Oh! fearful woe,
                   Such screams to hear, such sights to see!
                   My brain, my brain,--I know, I know,
                   I am not mad, but soon shall be.

                   Yes, soon; for lo you!--while I speak--
                   Mark how yon demon's eyeballs glare!
                   He sees me; now, with dreadful shriek,
                   He whirls a serpent high in air.
                   Horror!--the reptile strikes his tooth
                   Deep in my heart, so crushed and sad;--
                   Ay, laugh, ye fiends;--I feel the truth;
                   Your task is done--I'm mad! I'm mad!
                                                                     Lewis.


                                 CCXXVIII.

                           RIENZI TO THE ROMANS.

                   Friends!
                   I come not here to talk. Ye know too well
                   The story of our thraldom. We are slaves!
                   The bright sun rises to his course, and lights
                   A race of slaves! He sets, and his last beam
                   Falls on a slave; not such, as swept along
                   By the full tide of power, the conqueror leads
                   To crimson glory and undying fame,--
                   But base, ignoble slaves!--slaves to a horde
                   Of petty tyrants, feudal despots; lords,
                   Rich in some dozen paltry villages;
                   Strong in some hundred spearmen; only great
                   In that strange spell--a name! Each hour, dark fraud
                   Or open rapine, or protected murder,
                   Cries out against them. But this very day,
                   An honest man, my neighbor,--there he stands--
                   Was struck--struck like a dog, by one who wore
                   The badge of Ursini! because, forsooth,
                   He tossed not high his ready cap in air,
                   Nor lifted up his voice in servile shouts,
                   At sight of that great ruffian! Be we men,
                   And suffer such dishonor?--men, and wash not
                   The stain away in blood?
                                         Such shames are common.
                   I have known deeper wrongs. I, that speak to ye,
                   I had a brother once, a gracious boy,
                   Full of all gentleness, of calmest hope,
                   Of sweet and quiet joy; there was the look
                   Of Heaven upon his face, which limners give
                   To the beloved disciple. How I loved
                   That gracious boy! Younger by fifteen years,
                   Brother at once and son! He left my side,
                   A summer bloom on his fair cheeks a smile
                   Parting his innocent lips. In one short hour,
                   The pretty, harmless boy was slain! I saw
                   The corse, the mangled corse, and then I cried
                   For vengeance! Rouse, ye Romans! Rouse, ye slaves!
                   Have ye brave sons?--Look in the next fierce brawl
                   To see them die! Have ye fair daughters?--Look
                   To see them live, torn from your arms, distained,
                   Dishonored; and, if ye dare call for justice,
                   Be answered by the lash! Yet, this is Rome,
                   That sate on her seven hills, and from her throne
                   Of beauty ruled the world! Yet, we are Romans.
                   Why in that elder day to be a Roman
                   Was greater than a King! And once again--
                   Hear me, ye walls that echoed to the tread
                   Of either Brutus!--once again I swear
                   The Eternal City shall be free!
                                                              Miss Mitford.


                                  CCXXIX.

                        THE BELL OF THE "ATLANTIC."

                   Toll, toll, toll!
                   Thou bell by billows swung,
                   And, night and day, thy warning words
                   Repeat with mournful tongue!
                   Toll for the queenly boat,
                   Wrecked on yon rocky shore!
                   Sea-weed is in her palace halls,--
                   She rides the surge no more.

                   Toll for the master bold,
                   The high-souled and the brave,
                   Who ruled her like a thing of life
                   Amid the crested wave!
                   Toll for the hardy crew,
                   Sons of the storm and blast,
                   Who long the tyrant ocean dared;
                   But it vanquished them at last.

                   Toll for the man of God,
                   Whose hallowed voice of prayer
                   Rose calm above the stifled groan
                   Of that intense despair!
                   How precious were those tones,
                   On that sad verge of life,
                   Amid the fierce and freezing storm,
                   And the mountain billows' strife!

                   Toll for the lover, lost
                   To the summoned bridal train!
                   Bright glows a picture on his breast,
                   Beneath th' unfathomed main.
                   One from her casement gazeth
                   Long o'er the misty sea:

                   He cometh not, pale maiden,--
                   His heart is cold to thee!
                   Toll for the absent sire,
                   Who to his home drew near,
                   To bless a glad, expecting group,--
                   Fond wife, and children dear!
                   They heap the blazing hearth,
                   The festal board is spread,
                   But a fearful guest is at the gate;--
                   Room for the sheeted dead!

                   Toll for the loved and fair,
                   The whelmed beneath the tide,--
                   The broken harps around whose strings
                   The dull sea-monsters glide!
                   Mother and nursling sweet,
                   Reft from the household throng;
                   There's bitter weeping in the nest
                   Where breathed their soul of song.

                   Toll for the hearts that bleed
                   'Neath misery's furrowing trace;
                   Toll for the hapless orphan left,
                   The last of all his race!
                   Yea, with thy heaviest knell,
                   From surge to rocky shore,
                   Toll for the living,--not the dead,
                   Whose mortal woes are o'er.

                   Toll, toll, toll!
                   O'er breeze and billow free;
                   And with thy startling lore instruct
                   Each rover of the sea.
                   Tell how o'er proudest joys
                   May swift destruction sweep,
                   And bid him build his hopes on high,--
                   Lone teacher of the deep!
                                                            Mrs. Sigourney.


                                  CCXXX.

                          THE STRUGGLE FOR FAME.

                   If thou wouldst win a lasting fame,--
                   If thou the immortal wreath wouldst claim,
                   And make the future bless thy name,--

                   Begin thy perilous career,
                   Keep high thy heart, thy conscience clear,
                   And walk thy way without a fear.

                   And if thou hast a voice within,
                   That ever whispers, "Work and win,"
                   And keeps thy soul from sloth and sin;--

                   If thou canst plan a noble deed,
                   And never flag till it succeed,
                   Though in the strife thy heart should bleed;--

                   If thou canst struggle day and night,
                   And, in the envious world's despite,
                   Still keep thy cynosure in sight;--

                   If thou canst bear the rich man's scorn,
                   Nor curse the day that thou wert born
                   To feed on husks, and he on corn;--

                   If thou canst dine upon a crust,
                   And still hold on with patient trust,
                   Nor pine that fortune is unjust;--

                   If thou canst see, with tranquil breast,
                   The knave or fool in purple dressed,
                   Whilst thou must walk in tattered vest;--

                   If thou canst rise ere break of day,
                   And toil and moil till evening gray,
                   At thankless work, for scanty pay;--

                   If in thy progress to renown
                   Thou canst endure the scoff and frown
                   Of those who strive to pull thee down;--

                   If thou canst bear the averted face,
                   The gibe, or treacherous embrace,
                   Of those who run the self-same race;--

                   If thou in darkest days canst find
                   An inner brightness in thy mind,
                   To reconcile thee to thy kind:--

                   Whatever obstacles control,
                   Thine hour will come--go on--true soul!
                   Thou'lt win the prize, thou'lt reach the goal.

                   If not--what matters? Tried by fire,
                   And purified from low desire,
                   Thy spirit shall but soar the higher.

                   Content and hope thy heart shall buoy,
                   And men's neglect shall ne'er destroy
                   Thy secret peace, thy inward joy!
                                                                 C. Mackay.


                                  CCXXXI.

                          THE SAILOR-BOY'S DREAM.

              In slumbers of midnight, the sailor-boy lay;
              His hammock swung loose at the sport of the wind;
              But watch-worn and weary his cares flew away,
              And visions of happiness danced o'er his mind.

              He dreamt of his home, of his dear native bowers,
              And pleasures that waited on life's merry morn;
              While memory stood sideways, half covered with flowers
              And restored every rose, but secreted its thorn.

              Then fancy her magical pinions spread wide,
              And bade the young dreamer in ecstasy rise--
              Now, far, far behind him the green waters glide,
              And the cot of his forefathers blesses his eyes.

              The jessamine clambers in flower o'er the thatch,
              And the swallow sings sweet from her nest in the wall;
              All trembling with transport he raises the latch,
              And the voices of loved ones reply to his call.

              A father bends o'er him with looks of delight;
              His cheek is impearled with a mother's warm tear,
              And the lips of the boy in a love-kiss unite
              With the lips of the maid whom his bosom holds dear.

              The heart of the sleeper beats high in his breast;
              Joy quickens his pulse--all hardships seem o'er,
              And a murmur of happiness steals through his rest--
              "O God, thou hast blest me--I ask for no more."

              Ah! what is that flame, which now bursts on his eye?
              Ah! what is that sound which now larums his ear?
              'T is the lightning's red glare painting hell on the sky!
              'T is the crash of the thunder, the groan of the sphere!

              He springs from his hammock--he flies to the deck;
              Amazement confronts him with images dire--
              Wild winds and mad waves drive the vessel a wreck--
              The masts fly in splinters--the shrouds are on fire!

              O! sailor-boy! woe to thy dream of delight!
              In darkness dissolves the gay frostwork of bliss--
              Where now is the picture that fancy touched bright,
              Thy parents' fond pressure, and love's honeyed kiss!

              O! sailor-boy! sailor-boy! never again
              Shall home, love, or kindred thy wishes repay;
              Unblessed and unhonored, down deep in the main,
              Full many a score fathom, thy frame shall decay.

              No tomb shall e'er plead to remembrance for thee,
              Or redeem form or frame from the merciless surge;
              But the white foam of waves shall thy winding-sheet be,
              And winds in the midnight of winter thy dirge.

              On beds of green sea-flower thy limbs shall be laid;
              Around thy white bones the red coral shall grow;
              Of thy fair yellow locks threads of amber be made,
              And every part suit to thy mansion below.

              Days, months, years, and ages shall circle away,
              And still the vast waters above thee shall roll;
              Earth loses thy pattern forever and aye--
              O sailor-boy! sailor-boy! peace to thy soul!
                                                                    Dimond.


                                 CCXXXII.

                ON THE ENTRY OF THE AUSTRIANS INTO NAPLES.

              Ay, down to the dust with them, slaves as they are!
              From this hour let the blood in their dastardly veins,
              That shrunk from the first touch of Liberty's war,
              Be sucked out by tyrants or stagnate in chains!

              On--on, like a cloud, through their beautiful vales,
              Ye locusts of tyranny!--blasting them o'er:
              Fill--fill up their wide, sunny waters, ye sails,
              From each slave-mart in Europe, and poison their shore.

              May their fate be a mockword--may men of all lands
              Laugh out with a scorn that shall ring to the poles,
              When each sword that the cowards let fall from their hands,
              Shall be forged into fetters to enter their souls!

              And deep, and more deep, as the iron is driven,
              Base slaves! may the whet of their agony be,
              To think--as the damned haply think of the heaven
              They had  once in their reach,--that they might have been free.

              Shame! shame! when there was not a bosom whose heat
              Ever rose o'er the zero of Castlereagh's heart,
              That did not, like Echo, your war-hymn repeat,
              And send back its prayers with your Liberty's start!

              Good God! that in such a proud moment of life,
              Worth ages of history--when, had you but hurled
              One bolt at your bloody invader, that strife
              Between freemen and tyrants had spread through the world!

              That then--O, disgrace upon manhood! e'en then
              You should falter--should cling to your pitiful breath,
              Cower down into beasts, when you might have stood men,
              And prefer a slave's life to a glorious death!

              It is strange!--it is dreadful! Shout, Tyranny, shout
              Through your dungeons and palaces, "Freedom is o'er"--
              If there lingers one spark of her fire, tread it out,
              And return to your empire of darkness once more.

              For if such are the braggarts that claim to be free,
              Come, Despot of Russia, thy feet let me kiss,
              Far nobler to live the brute-bondman of thee,
              Than sully even chains by a struggle like this.
                                                                  T. Moore.


                                 CCXXXIII.

                 THE BATTLE HYMN OF THE BERLIN LANDSTURM.


              Father of earth and heaven! I call thy name!
              Round me the smoke and shout of battle roll;
              Mine eyes are dazzled with the rustling flame;
              Father, sustain an untried soldier's soul.
              Or life, or death, whatever be the goal
              That crowns or closes round this struggling hour,
              Thou knowest, if ever from my spirit stole
              One deeper prayer, 't was that no cloud might lower
              On my young fame!--O hear! God of eternal power!
              Now for the fight--now for the cannon-peal--
              Forward--through blood, and toils and cloud, and fire!
              Glorious the shout, the shock, the crash of steel,
              The volley's roll, the rocket's blasting spire;
              They shake--like broken waves their squares retire,--
              On, hussars!--Now give them rein and heel;
              Think of the orphaned child, the murdered sire;--
              Earth cries for blood--in thunder on them wheel!
              This hour to Europe's fate shall set the triumph-seal!
                                                                    Körner.


                                 CCXXXIV.

                    THE MAIN TRUCK, OR A LEAP FOR LIFE.

                   Old Ironsides at anchor lay
                   In the harbor of Mahon;
                   A dead calm rested on take bay,--
                   The waves to sleep had gone;
                   When little Hal, the Captain's son,
                   A lad both brave and good,
                   In sport, up shroud and rigging ran,
                   And on the main truck stood!

                   A shudder shot through every vein,--
                   All eyes were turned on high!
                   There stood the bop with dizzy brain,
                   Between the sea and sky;
                   No hold had he above, below;
                   Alone he stood in air:
                   To that far height none dared to go;--
                   No aid could reach him there.

                   We gazed,--but not a man could speak!
                   With horror all aghast,
                   In groups, with pallid brow and cheek,
                   We watched the quivering mast.
                   The atmosphere grew thick and hot,
                   And of a lurid hue;--
                   As riveted unto the spot,
                   Stood officers and crew.

                   The father came on deck:--he gasped,
                   "Oh God! Thy will be done!"
                   Then suddenly a rifle grasped,
                   And aimed it at his son:
                   "Jump, far out, boy into the wave!
                   Jump, or I fire!" he said;
                   "That only chance your life can save!
                   Jump, jump, boy!" He obeyed.

                   He sunk, he rose, he lived,--he moved,--
                   And for the ship struck out.
                   On board, we hailed the lad beloved,
                   With many a manly shout.
                   His father drew, in silent joy,
                   Those wet arms round his neck--
                   Then folded to his heart his boy,
                   And  fainted on the deck.
                                                              G. P. Morris.


                                  CCXXXV.

                   CATILINE ON HIS BANISHMENT FROM ROME.

              Banished from Rome! What's banished, but set free,
              From daily contact of the things I loathe?
              "Tried and convicted traitor!"--Who says this?
              Who'll prove it, at his peril, on my head?
              Banished?--I thank you for 't. It breaks my chain!
              I held some slack allegiance till this hour;
              But now my sword's my own. Smile on, my lords;
              I scorn to count what feelings, withered hopes,
              Strong provocations, bitter, burning wrongs,
              I have within my heart's hot cells shut up,
              To leave you in your lazy dignities.
              But here I stand and scoff you: here I fling
              Hatred and full defiance in your face.
              Your consul's merciful. For this all thanks.
              He dares not touch a hair of Catiline.
              "Traitor!" I go but I return. This trial!--
              Here I devote your senate! I've had wrongs,
              To stir a fever in the blood of age,
              Or make the infant's sinews strong as steel.
              This day's the birth of sorrows!--This hour's work
              Will breed proscriptions. Look to your hearths, my lords;
              For there henceforth shall sit, for household gods,
              Shapes hot from Tartarus!--all shapes and crimes;
              Wan Treachery, with his thirsty dagger drawn;
              Suspicion, poisoning his brother's cup;
              Naked Rebellion, with the torch and axe,
              Making his wild sport of your blazing thrones;
              Till anarchy comes down on you like Night,
              And massacre seals Rome's eternal grave!
                                                                  G. Croly.


                                 CCXXXVI.

                         APOSTROPHE TO THE OCEAN.

              There is a pleasure in the pathless woods,
              There is a rapture on the lonely shore,
              There is society where none intrudes,
              By the deep sea, and music in its roar;
              I love not Man the less, but Nature more,
              From these our interviews, in which I steal
              From all I may be or have been before,
              To mingle with the Universe and feel
              What I can ne'er express, yet cannot all conceal.

              Roll on, thou deep and dark blue ocean--roll!
              Ten thousand fleets sweep over thee in vain;
              Man marks the earth with ruin--his control
              Stops with the shore!--upon the watery plain
              The wrecks are all thy deed, nor doth remain
              A shadow of man's ravage, save his own,
              When, for a moment, like a drop of rain,
              He sinks into thy depths with bubbling groan,
              Without a grave, unknelled, uncoffined, and unknown.

              His steps are not upon thy paths,--thy fields
              Are not a spoil for him,--thou dost arise
              And shake him from thee; the vile strength he wields
              For earth's destruction, thou dost all despise,
              Spurning him from thy bosom to the skies,
              And send'st him, shivering in thy playful spray
              And howling, to his gods, where haply lies
              His petty hope in some near port or bay,
              And dashest him again to earth:--there let him lay.

              The armaments which thunderstrike the walls
              Of rock-built cities, bidding nations quake,
              And monarchs tremble in their capitals,
              The oak leviathans, whose huge ribs make
              Their clay creator the vain title take
              Of lord of thee, and arbiter of war;
              These are thy toys, and, as the snowy flake,
              They melt into the yeast of waves, which mar
              Alike the Armada's pride, or spoils of Trafalgar.

              Thy shores are empires, changed in all save thee--
              Assyria, Greece, Rome, Carthage, what are they?
              Thy watery wasted them while they were free,
              And many a tyrant since; their shores obey
              The stranger, slave or savage; their decay
              Has dried up realms to deserts:--not so thou,
              Unchangeable save to thy wild waves' play--
              Time writes no wrinkle on thy azure brow--
              Such as creation's dawn beheld, thou rollest now.

              Thou glorious mirror, where the Almighty's form
              Glasses itself in tempests: in all time,
              Calm or convulsed--in breeze, or gale or storm,
              Icing the pole, or in the torrid clime
              Dark-heaving;--boundless, endless, and sublime--
              The image of Eternity--the throne
              Of the Invisible; even from out thy slime
              The monsters of the deep are made; each zone
              Obeys thee; thou goest forth, dread, fathomless, alone.
                                                                Lord Byron.


                                 CCXXXVII.

                            BATTLE OF WATERLOO.

         There was a sound of revelry by night;
         And Belgium's capital had gathered then
         Her Beauty and her Chivalry; and bright
         The lamps shone o'er fair women and brave men;
         A thousand hearts beat happily; and when
         Music arose with its voluptuous swell,
         Soft eyes looked love to eyes which spake again,
         And all went merry as a marriage bell;--
         But hush! hark! a deep sound strikes like a rising knell!

         Did ye not hear it?--No: 't was but the wind,
         Or the car rattling o'er the stony street:
         On with the dance! let joy be unconfined;
         No sleep till morn, when Youth and Pleasure meet
         To chase the glowing Hours with flying feet--
         But, hark!--that heavy sound breaks in once more,
         As if the clouds its echo would repeat;
         And nearer, clearer, deadlier than before!
         Arm! Arm! it is--it is--the cannon's opening roar!

         Ah! then and there was hurrying to and fro,
         And gathering tears, and crumblings of distress,
         And cheeks all pale, which but an hour ago
         Blushed at the praise of their own loveliness;
         And there were sudden partings, such as press
         The life from out young hearts, and choking sighs
         Which never might be repeated. Who could guess
         If ever more should meet those mutual eyes,
         Since upon night so sweet such awful morn could rise?

         And there was mounting in hot haste: the steed,
         The mustering squadron, and the clattering car,
         Went pouring forward with impetuous speed,
         And swiftly forming in the ranks of war;
         And the deep thunder, peal on peal, afar--
         And near, the beat of the alarming drum,
         Roused up the soldier ere the morning star;--
         While thronged the citizens with terror dumb,
         Or whispering, with white lips--"The foe! they come! they come!"

         And wild and high the "Cameron's gathering" rose!
         The war-note of Lochiel, which Albyn's hills
         Have heard--and heard, too, have her Saxon foes:--
         How in the noon of night that pibroch thrills,
         Savage and shrill! But with the breath which fills
         Their mountain-pipe, so fill the mountaineers
         With the fierce native daring, which instils
         The stirring memory of a thousand years:
         And Evan's, Donald's fame rings in each clansman's ears!

         And Ardennes waves above them her green leaves,
         Dewy with Nature's tear-drops, as they pass,
         Grieving, if aught inanimate e'er grieves,--
         Over the unreasoning brave,--alas!
         Ere evening to be trodden like the grass
         Which now beneath them, but above shall grow,
         In its next verdure; when this fiery mass
         Of living valor, rolling on the foe,
         And burning with high hope, shall moulder cold and low!

         Last noon beheld them full of lusty life;
         Last eve in Beauty's circle proudly gay;
         The midnight brought the signal-sound of strife;
         The morn, the marshalling in arms; the day,
         Battle's magnificently-stern array!
         The thunder-clouds close o'er it, which when rent,
         The earth is covered thick with other clay,
         Which her own clay shall cover,--heaped and pent,
         Rider and horse,--friend, foe,--in one red burial blent!
                                                                Lord Byron.


                                CCXXXVIII.

                      THE DESTRUCTION OF SENNACHERIB.

              The Assyrian came down like the wolf on the fold,
              And his cohorts were gleaming in purple and gold;
              And the sheen of their spears was like stars on the sea,
              When the blue wave rolls nightly on deep Galilee.

              Like the leaves of the forest when Summer is green,
              That host with their banners at sunset were seen:
              Like the leaves of the forest when Autumn hath blown,
              That host on the morrow lay withered and strewn.

              For the Angel of Death spread his wings on the blast,
              And breathed in the face of the foe as he pass'd;
              And the eyes of the sleepers waxed deadly and chill,
              And their hearts but once heaved, and forever grew still.

              And there lay the steed with his nostril all wide,
              But through it there rolled not the breath of his pride;
              And the foam of his gasping lay white on the turf,
              And cold as the spray of the rock-beating surf.

              And there lay the rider distorted and pale,
              With the dew on his brow, and the rust on his mail;
              And the tents were all silent, the banners alone,
              The lances uplifted, the trumpet unknown.

              And the widows of Ashur are loud in their wail,
              And the idols are broke in the temple of Baal;
              And the might of the Gentile, unsmote by the sword,
              Hath melted like snow in the glance of the Lord!
                                                                Lord Byron.


                                 CCXXXIX.

                             SPEECH OF MOLOCH.

              My sentence is for open war. Of wiles,
              More inexpert, I boast not; them let those
              Contrive who need, or when they need, not now;
              For, while they sit contriving, shall the rest,
              Millions that stand in arms, and longing wait
              The signal to ascend, sit lingering here,
              Heaven's fugitives, and for their dwelling-place
              Accept this dark, opprobrious den of shame,
              The prison of his tyranny, who reigns
              By our delay? No; let us rather choose,
              Armed with hell-flames and fury, all at once,
              O'er heaven's high towers to force resistless way,
              Turning our tortures into horrid arms
              Against the torturer; when, to meet the noise
              Of his almighty engine, he shall hear
              Infernal thunder, and for lightning, see
              Black fire and horror shot with equal rage
              Among his angels,--and his throne itself,
              Mixed with Tartarean sulphur and strange fire,
              His own invented torments.
                                           But, perhaps,
              The way seems difficult and steep to scale,
              With upright wing, against a higher foe.
              Let such bethink them, if the sleepy drench
              Of that forgetful lake benumb not still,
              That in our proper motion we ascend
              Up to our native seat; descent and fall
              To us adverse. Who but felt of late,
              When the fierce foe hung on our broken rear
              Insulting, and pursued us through the deep,
              With what compulsion and laborious flight,
              We sunk thus low? The ascent is easy then;
              The event is feared.
                                      Should we again provoke
              Our stronger, some worse way his wrath may find
              To our destruction; if there be in hell,
              Fear to be worse destroyed. What can be worse
              Than to dwell here, driven out from bliss, condemned
              In this abhorred deep to utter woe;
              Where pain of unextinguishable fire
              Must exercise us without hope of end,
              The vassals of his anger, when the scourge
              Inexorable, and the torturing hour
              Calls us to penance? More destroyed than thus
              We should be quite abolished and expire.
              What fear we then? what doubt we to incense
              His utmost ire? which to the height enraged,
              Will either quite consume us, and reduce
              To nothing this essential (happier far,
              Than miserable, to have eternal being,)
              Or, if our substance be indeed divine,
              And cannot cease to be, we are at worst
              On this side nothing; and by proof we feel
              Our power sufficient to disturb his heaven,
              And with perpetual inroads to alarm,
              Though inaccessible, his fatal throne;
              Which, if not victory--is yet Revenge.
                                                                    Milton.


                                   CCXL.

                      ANTONY'S ADDRESS TO THE ROMANS.

              Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears:
              I come to bury Cæsar, not to praise him.
              The evil that men do lives after them;
              The good is oft interréd with their bones:
              So let it be with Cæsar, The noble Brutus
              Hath told you, Cæsar, was ambitious:
              If it were so, it was a grievous fault,
              And grievously hath Cæsar, answered it.
              Here, under leave of Brutus, and the rest,
              (For Brutus is an honorable man;
              So are they all, all honorable men),
              Come I to speak in Cæsar's funeral.

              He was my friend, faithful and just to me:
              But Brutus says he was ambitious,
              And Brutus is an honorable man.
              He hath brought many captives home to Rome,
              Whose ransoms did the general coffers fill:
              Did this in Cæsar, seem ambitious?
              When that the poor have cried, Cæsar, hath wept:
              Ambition should be made of sterner stuff:
              Yet Brutus says he was ambitious,
              And Brutus is an honorable man.
              You all did see, that, on the Lupercal,
              I thrice presented him a kingly crown,
              Which he did thrice refuse. Was this ambition?
              Yet Brutus says he was ambitious,
              And, sure, he is an honorable man.
              I speak not to disprove what Brutus spoke,
              But here I am to speak what I do know.
              You all did love him once, not without cause:
              What cause withholds you then to mourn for him?
              O judgment, thou art fled to brutish beasts,
              And men have lost their reason! Bear with me:
              My heart is in the coffin there with Cæsar,
              And I must pause till it come back to me.

              But yesterday the word of Cæsar, might
              Have stood against the world; now lies he there,
              And none so poor to do him reverence.
              O Masters! if I were disposed to stir
              Your hearts and minds to mutiny and rage,
              I should do Brutus wrong, and Cassius wrong,
              Who, you all know, are honorable men.
              I will not do them wrong; I rather choose
              To wrong the dead, to wrong myself and you,
              Than I will wrong such honorable men:
              But here's a parchment, with the seal of Cæsar,--
              I found it in his closet; 't is his will.
              Let but the commons hear this testament
              (Which, pardon me, I do not mean to read),
              And they, would go and kiss dead Cæsar's, wounds,
              And dip their napkins in his sacred blood;
              Yea, beg a hair of him for memory,
              And, dying, mention it within their wills,
              Bequeathing it, as a rich legacy,
              Unto their issue.--

              If you have tears, prepare to shed them now.
              You all do know this mantle; I remember
              The first time ever Cæsar, ever put it on;
              'T was on a summer's evening in his tent;
              That day he overcame the Nervii.--
              Look! In this place ran Cassius's dagger through:
              See what a rent the envious Casca made:
              Through this, the well-belovéd Brutus stabbed;
              And as he plucked his curséd steel away,
              Mark, how the blood of Cæsar, followed it!--
              This was the most unkindest cut of all!
              For when the noble Cæsar, saw him stab,
              Ingratitude, more strong than traitors' arms,
              Quite vanquished him! Then burst his mighty heart;
              And, in his mantle muffling up his face,
              Even at the base of Pompey's statue,
              Which all the while ran blood, great Cæsar, fell.
              O, what a fall was there, my countrymen!
              Then I and you, and all of us, fell down,
              Whilst bloody treason flourished over us.
              O, now you weep; and I perceive you feel

              The dint of pity:--these are gracious drops.
              Kind souls! what, weep you when you but behold
              Our Cæsar, vesture wounded? Look ye here!
              Here is himself--marred, as you see, by traitors.
              Good friends, sweet friends, let me not stir you up
              To such a sudden flood of mutiny!
              They that have done this deed are honorable!
              What private griefs they have, alas, I know not,
              That made them do it! They are wise and honorable,
              And will, no doubt, with reasons answer you.
              I come not, friends, to steal away your hearts:
              I am no orator, as Brutus is;
              But as you all know me, a plain, blunt man,
              That love my friend; and that they know full well
              That gave me public leave to speak of him.
              For I have neither wit, nor words, nor worth,
              Action, nor utterance, nor the power of speech,
              To stir men's blood:--I only speak right on;
              I tell you that which you yourselves do know;
              Show you sweet Cæsar's wounds, poor, poor, dumb mouths,
              And bid them speak for me. But, were I Brutus,
              And Brutus, Antony, there were an Antony,
              Would ruffle up your spirits, and put a tongue
              In every wound of Cæsar, that should move
              The stones of Rome to rise and mutiny!
                                                               Shakespeare.


                                  CCXLI.

                            HAMLETS SOLILOQUY.

              To be,--or not to be;--that is the question:--
              Whether 't is nobler in the mind, to suffer
              The slings and arrows of outrageous Fortune;
              Or to take arms against a sea of troubles,
              And, by opposing, end them?--To die,--to sleep,--
              No more; and, by a sleep, to say we end
              The heartache, and the thousand natural shocks
              That flesh is heir to,--'t is a consummation
              Devoutly to be wished. To die,--to sleep;--
              To sleep! perchance to dream;--ay, there's the rub;
              For in that sleep of death what dreams may come,
              When we have shuffled off this mortal coil,
              Must give us pause. There's the respect
              That makes calamity of so long life;
              For who would bear the whips and scorns of time,
              The oppressor's wrong, the proud man's contumely,
              The pangs of despiséd love, the law's delay,
              The insolence of office, and the spurns
              That patient merit of the unworthy takes,
              When he himself might his quietus make
              With a bare bodkin? Who would fardels bear,
              To grunt and sweat under a weary life;
              But that the dread of something after death,--
              The undiscovered country, from whose bourn
              No traveller returns,--puzzles the will,
              And makes us rather bear those ills we have,
              Than fly to others that we know not of?
              Thus conscience does make cowards of us all;
              And thus the native hue of resolution
              Is sicklied o'er with pale cast of thought;
              And enterprises of great pith and moment,
              with this regard, their currents turn awry,
              And lose the name of action.
                                                               Shakespeare.


                                  CCXLII.

                       SOLILOQUY OF HAMLET'S UNCLE.

              Oh! my offence is rank; it smells to heaven;
              It hath the primal, eldest curse upon 't,
              A brother's murder! Pray I cannot,
              Though inclination be as sharp as 't will:
              My  stronger guilt defeats my strong intent;
              And like a man to double business bound,
              I stand in pause where I shall first begin,
              And both neglect. What if this curséd hand
              Were thicker than itself with brother's blood;
              Is there not rain enough in the sweet heavens
              To wash it white as snow? Whereto serves mercy,
              But to confront the visage of offence?
              And what's in prayer, but this twofold force,--
              To be forestalled, ere we come to fall,
              Or pardoned being down? Then I'll look up;
              My fault is past.--But, O, what form of prayer
              Can serve my turn? "Forgive me my foul murder!"
              That cannot be; since I am still possessed
              Of those effects for which I did the murder,--
              My crown, mine own ambition, and my queen.
              May one be pardoned, and retain the offence?
              In the corrupted currents of this world,
              Offence's gilded hand may shove by justice;
              And oft 't is seen, the wicked prize itself
              Buys out the law: but 't is not so above;
              There is no shuffling; there the action lies
              In his true nature; and we ourselves compell'd,
              Even to the teeth and forehead of our faults,
              To give in evidence. What then? What rests?
              Try what repentance can: what can it not?
              Yet what can it, when one can not repent?
              O wretched state! O bosom, black as death!
              O limed soul, that, struggling to be free,
              Art more engag'd! Help, angels! make assay!
              Bow, stubborn knees; and, heart, with strings of steel,
              Be soft as sinews of the new-born babe!
              All may be well.
                                                               Shakespeare.


                                 CCXLIII.

                     PERSEVERANCE KEEPS HONOR BRIGHT.

              Time  hath, my lord, a wallet at his back,
              Wherein he puts alms for oblivion,
              A great-sized monster of ingratitudes.
              Those scraps are good deeds past, which are devoured
              As fast as they are made, forgot as soon
              As done, Perseverance, dear my lord,
              Keeps honor bright. To have done, is to hang
              Quite out of fashion, like a rusty mail
              In monumental mockery. Take the instant way;
              For Honor travels in a strait so narrow,
              Where one but goes abreast: keep then the path;
              For Emulation hath a thousand sons,
              That one by one pursue: if you give way,
              Or hedge aside from the direct forthright,
              Like to an entered tide, they all rush by,
              And leave you hindmost;--
              Or, like a gallant horse fallen in first rank,
              Lie there for pavement to the abject rear,
              O'errun and trampled on. Then what they do in present,
              Though less than yours in past, must o'ertop yours:
              For Time is like a fashionable host,
              That slightly shakes his parting guest by the hand;
              And with his arms outstretched, as he would fly,
              Grasps-in the comer: Welcome ever smiles,
              And Farewell goes out sighing. O, let not Virtue seek
              Remuneration for the thing it was;
              For beauty, wit,
              High birth, vigor of bone, desert in service,
              Love, friendship, alacrity, are subjects all
              To envious and calumniating Time.
              One touch of Nature makes the whole world kin,--
              That all, with one consent, praise new-born gauds,
              Though they are made and moulded of things past;
              And give to dust, that is a little gilt,
              More land than gilt o'erdusted.
              The present eye praises the present object:
              Then marvel not, thou great and complete man,
              That all the Greeks begin to worship Ajax;
              Since things in motion sooner catch the eye
              Than what not stirs: The cry went once on thee,
              And still it might, and yet it may again,
              If thou wouldst not entomb thyself alive,
              And case thy reputation in thy tent;
              Whose glorious deeds, did but in these fields of late,
              Made emulous missions 'mongst the gods themselves,
              And drave great Mars to faction.
                                                               Shakespeare.


                                  CCXLIV.

                           MACBETH'S SOLILOQUY.

              Is this a dagger, which I see before me,
              The handle toward my hand? come, let me clutch thee:--
              I have thee not; and yet I see thee still.
              Art thou not, fatal vision, sensible
              To feeling as to sight, or art thou but
              A dagger of the mind--a false creation,
              Proceeding from the heat-oppressed brain?
              I see thee yet, in form as palpable
              As this which now I draw.
              Thou marshal'st me the way that I was going;
              And such an instrument I was to use.
              Mine eyes are made the fools o' the other senses,
              Or else worth all the rest: I see thee still;
              And on thy blade and dudgeon gouts of blood,
              Which was not so before. There's no such thing:
              It is the bloody business, which informs
              Thus to mine eyes.--Know, o'er the one half world
              Nature seems dead, and wicked dreams abuse
              The curtained sleep; now Witchcraft celebrates
              Pale Hecate's offerings; and withered Murder,
              Alarum'd by his sentinel, the wolf,
              Whose howl's his watch, thus with his stealthy pace,
              With Tarquin's ravishing strides, towards his design
              Moves like a ghost. Thou sure and firm-set earth,
              Hear not my steps, which way they walk, for fear
              Thy very stones prate of my where-about,
              And take the present horror from the time,
              Which now suits with it. Whiles I threat, he lives;
              Words to the heat of deeds too cold breath gives.
              I go, and it is done; the bell invites me. [A bell rings.]
              Hear it not, Duncan; for it is a knell,
              That summons thee to heaven or to hell.
                                                               Shakespeare.

                                  CCXLV.

                           ROMEO IN THE GARDEN.

              But soft! what light through yonder window breaks?
              It is the east, and Juliet is the sun!--
              Arise, fair sun, and kill the envious moon,
              Who is already sick and pale with grief,
              That thou her maid, art far more fair than she.
              Be not her maid, since she is envious:
              Her vestal livery is but sick and green,
              And none but fools do wear it; cast it off.
              It is my lady: O, it is my love!
              O, that she knew she were!--
              She speaks, yet she says nothing: what of that?
              Her eye discourses; I will answer it.
              I am too bold; 't is not to me she speaks:
              Two of the fairest stars in all the heaven,
              Having some business, do entreat her eyes
              To twinkle in their spheres till they return.
              What if her eyes were there, they in her head?
              The brightness of her cheek would shame those stars,
              As daylight doth a lamp; her eye in heaven
              Would through the airy region stream so bright,
              That birds would sing, and think it were not night.
              See how she leans her cheek upon her hand!
              O, that I were a glove upon that hand,
              That I might touch that cheek!
              She speaks:--
              O, speak again, bright angel! for thou art
              As glorious to this night, being o'er my head,
              As is a winged messenger of heaven
              Unto the white-upturned wondering eyes
              Of mortals, that fall back to gaze on him,
              When he bestrides the lazy-pacing clouds,
              And sails upon the bosom of the air.
                                                               Shakespeare.


                                  CCXLVI.

                           POLONIUS TO LAERTES.

              My blessing with you!
              And these few precepts in thy memory,
              Look thou character. Give thy thoughts no tongue,
              Nor any unproportioned thought his act.
              Be thou familiar, but by no means vulgar:
              The friends thou hast, and their adoption tried,
              Grapple them to thy soul with hooks of steel;
              But do not dull thy palm with entertainment
              Of each new-hatched, unfledged comrade: beware
              Of entrance to a quarrel; but, being in,
              Bear it, that the opposed may beware of thee.
              Give every man thine ear, but few thy voice;
              Take each man's censure, but reserve thy judgment.
              Costly thy habit as thy purse can buy,
              But not expressed in fancy; rich not gaudy;
              For the apparel oft proclaims the man;
              And they in France, of the best rank and station,
              Are most select and generous chief in that.
              Neither a borrower nor a lender be;
              For loan oft, loses both itself and friend;
              And borrowing dulls the edge of husbandry.
              This above all,--to thine own self be true,
              And it must follow, as the night the day,
              Thou canst not then be false to any man!
                                                               Shakespeare.


                                 CCXLVII.

                  WOLSEY, ON BEING CAST OFF BY THE KING.

              Nay, then, farewell!
              I have touched the highest point of all my greatness;
              And, from that full meridian of my glory
              I haste now to my setting: I shall fall
              Like a bright exhalation in the evening,
              And no man see me more.
              Farewell, a long farewell, to all my greatness!
              This is the state of man: to-day he puts forth
              The tender leaves of hope; to-morrow, blossoms,
              And bears his blushing honors thick upon him:
              The third day comes a frost, a killing frost;
              And, when he thinks,--good easy man,--full surely
              His greatness is a ripening,--nips his root,
              And then he falls, as I do. I have ventured,
              Like little wanton boys that swim on bladders,
              These many summers in a sea of glory;
              But far beyond my depth: my high-blown pride
              At length broke under me; and now has left me,
              Weary and old with service, to the mercy
              Of a rude stream, that must forever hide me.
              Vain pomp and glory of this world, I hate ye!
              I feel my heart new opened. O, how wretched
              Is that poor man that hangs on princes' favors!
              There is, betwixt that smile he would aspire to,
              That sweet aspect of princes, and his ruin,
              More pangs and fears than wars or women have.
              And when he falls, he falls like Lucifer,
              Never to hope again!
                                                               Shakespeare.


                                 CCXLVIII.

                            WOLSEY TO CROMWELL.

              Cromwell, I did not think to shed a tear
              In all my miseries; but thou hast forced me
              Out of thy honest truth, to play the woman.
              Let's dry our eyes: and thus far hear me, Cromwell;
              And, when I am forgotten, as I shall be,
              And sleep in dull cold marble, where no mention
              Of me more must be heard of,--say, I taught thee,--
              Say, Wolsey,--that once trod the ways of glory,
              And sounded all the depths and shoals of honor,--
              Found thee away, out of his wreck, to rise in;
              A sure and safe one, though thy master missed it.--
              Mark but my fall, and that which ruined me!
              Cromwell, I charge thee, fling away ambition!
              By that sin fell the angels: how can man, then,
              The image of his Maker, hope to win by 't?
              Love thyself last; cherish those hearts that hate thee:
              Corruption wins not more than honesty;
              Still in thy right hand carry gentle peace,
              To silence envious tongues. Be just, and fear not.
              Let all the ends thou aim'st at, be thy country's,
              Thy God's, and truth's; then if thou fallest, O Cromwell,
              Thou fallest a blesséd martyr! Serve the king;
              And--Prithee, lead me in:
              There, take an inventory of all I have,
              To the last penny; 't is the king's; my robe,
              And my integrity to Heaven, is all
              I dare now call mine own. O Cromwell, Cromwell!
              Had I but served my God with half the zeal
              I served my king, He would not, in mine age,
              Have left me naked to mine enemies!
                                                               Shakespeare.


                                  CCXLIX.

                GRIFFITH'S DESCRIPTION OF CARDINAL WOLSEY.

              Men's evil manners live in brass; their virtues
              We write in water. May it please your highness
              To hear me speak his good now? This Cardinal,
              Though from an humble stock, undoubtedly
              Was fashioned to much honor. From his cradle,
              He was a scholar, and a ripe and good one:
              Exceeding wise, fair spoken, and persuading;
              Lofty and sour to them that lov'd him not,
              But to those men that sought him, sweet as summer;
              And though he were unsatisfied in getting,
              (Which was a sin), yet in bestowing, madam,
              He was most princely; ever witness for him
              Those twins of learning that he raised in you,
              Ipswich and Oxford! one of which fell with him,
              Unwilling to outlive the good he did it;
              The other, though unfinish'd, yet so famous,
              So excellent in art, and still so rising,
              That Christendom shall ever speak his virtue.
              His overthrow heaped happiness upon him;
              For then and not till then, he felt himself,
              And found the blessedness of being little:
              And to add greater honors to his age
              Than man could give him, he died fearing God.
                                                               Shakespeare.



                               BOOK SECOND.


                             RECENT SELECTIONS

                                    FOR

                        RECITATION AND DECLAMATION

                           IN PROSE AND POETRY.



                               BOOK SECOND.


                            RECENT SELECTIONS.

                                  PROSE.

                                   CCL.

                        THE ORATORS OF REVOLUTIONS.

And then and thus comes the orator of that time, kindling with their fire;
sympathizing with that great beating heart; penetrated, not subdued; lifted
up rather by a sublime and rare moment of history made real to his
consciousness; charged with the very mission of life, yet unassured whether
they will hear or will forbear; transcendent good within their grasp, yet a
possibility that the fatal and critical opportunity of salvation will be
wasted; the last evil of nations and of men overhanging, yet the siren song
of peace--peace when there is no peace--chanted madly by some voice of
sloth or fear,--there and thus the orators of revolutions come to work
their work! And what then is demanded, and how it is to be done, you all
see; and that in some of the characteristics of their eloquence they must
all be alike. Actions, not law or policy: whose growth and fruits are to be
slowly evolved by time and calm; actions daring, doubtful but instant; the
new things of a new world,--these are what the speaker counsels; large,
elementary, gorgeous ideas of right, of equality, of independence, of
liberty, of progress through convulsion,--these are the principles from
which he reasons, when he reasons,--these are the pinions of the thought on
which he soars and stays; and then the primeval and indestructible
sentiments of the breast of man,--his sense of right, his estimation of
himself, his sense of honor, his love of fame, his triumph and his joy in
the dear name of country, the trophies that tell of the past, the hopes
that gild and herald her dawn,--these are the springs of action to which he
appeals,--these are the chords his fingers sweep, and from which he draws
out the troubled music, "solemn as death, serene as the undying confidence
of patriotism," to which he would have the battalions of the people march!
Directness, plainness, a narrow range of topics, few details, few but grand
ideas, a headlong tide of sentiment and feeling; vehement, indignant, and
reproachful reasonings,--winged general maxims of wisdom and life; an
example from Plutarch; a pregnant sentence of Tacitus; thoughts going forth
as ministers of nature in robes of light, and with arms in their hands;
thoughts that breathe and words that burn,--these vaguely, approximately,
express the general type of all this speech.
                                                                 R. Choate.


                                   CCLI.

                       THE ELOQUENCE OF REVOLUTIONS

The capital peculiarity of the eloquence of all times of revolution, is
that the actions it persuades to are the highest and most heroic which men
can do, and the passions it would inspire, in order to persuade to them,
are the most lofty which man can feel. "High actions and high
passions"--such are Milton's words, high actions through and by high
passions; these are the end and these the means of the orator of the
revolution. Hence are his topics large, simple, intelligible, affecting.
Hence are his views broad, impressive, popular; no trivial details, no
wire-woven developments, no subtle distinctions and drawing of fine lines
about the boundaries of ideas, no speculation, no ingenuity; all is
elemental, comprehensive, intense, practical, unqualified, undoubting. It
is not of the small things of minor and instrumental politics he comes to
speak, or men come to hear. It is not to speak or to hear about permitting
an Athenian citizen to change his tribe; about permitting the Roman knights
to have jurisdiction of trials equally with the Senate; it is not about
allowing a £10 householder to vote for a member of Parliament; about duties
on indigo, or onion-seed, or even tea.

         "That strain you hear is of an higher mood."

It is the rallying-cry of patriotism, of liberty, in the sublimest crisis
of the State,--of man. It is a deliberation of empire, of glory, of
existence, on which they come together. To be or not to be, that is the
question. Shall the children of the men of Marathon become slaves of
Philip? Shall the majesty of the Senate and people of Rome stoop to wear
the chains forging by the military executors of the will of Julius Cæsar?
Shall the assembled representatives of France, just waking from her sleep
of ages to claim the rights of man,--shall they disperse, their work
undone, their work just commencing; and shall they disperse at the order of
the king? or shall the messenger be bid to go, in the thunder-tones of
Mirabeau,--and tell his master that "we sit here to do the will of our
constituents, and that we will not be moved from those seats but by the
point of the bayonet?" Shall Ireland bound upward from her long
prostration, and cast from her the last links of the British chain, and
shall she advance "from injuries to arms, from arms to liberty," from
liberty to glory? Shall the thirteen Colonies become, and be free and
independent States, and come unabashed, unterrified, an equal, into the
majestic assembly of the nations?

These are the thoughts with which all bosoms are distended and oppressed.
Filled with these, and with these flashing in every eye, swelling every
heart, pervading electric all ages, all orders, like a visitation, "an
unquenchable public fire," men come together,--the thousands of Athens
around the Bema, or in the Temple of Dionysus,--the people of Rome in the
forum, the Senate in that council-chamber of the world,--the masses of
France, as the spring-tide, into her gardens of the Tuileries, her
club-rooms, her hall of the convention,--the representatives, the genius,
the grace, the beauty of Ireland into the Tuscan Gallery of her House of
Commons,--the delegates of the Colonies into the Hall of Independence at
Philadelphia,--thus men come in an hour of revolution, to hang upon the
lips from which they hope, they need, they demand, to hear the things which
belong to their national salvation, hungering for the bread of life.
                                                                 R. Choate.


                                  CCLII.

                           AMERICAN NATIONALITY.

By the side of all antagonisms, higher than they, stronger than they, there
rises colossal the fine sweet spirit of nationality, the nationality of
America! See there the pillar of fire which God has kindled and lifted and
moved for our hosts and our ages. Gaze on that, worship that, worship the
highest in that. Between that light and our eyes a cloud for a time may
seem to gather; chariots, armed men on foot, the troops of kings may march
on us, and our fears may make us for a moment turn from it; a sea may
spread before us, and waves seem to hedge us up; dark idolatries may
alienate some hearts for a season from that worship; revolt, rebellion, may
break out in the camp, and the waters of our springs may run bitter to the
taste and mock it; between us and that Canaan a great river may seem to be
rolling; but beneath that high guidance our way is onward, ever onward;
those waters shall part, and stand on either hand in heaps; that idolatry
shall repent; that rebellion shall be crushed; that stream shall be
sweetened; that overflowing river shall be passed on foot dryshod, in
harvest time; and from that promised land of flocks, fields, tents,
mountains, coasts, and ships, from north and south, and east and west,
there shall swell one cry yet, of victory, peace, and thanksgiving!
                                                                 R. Choate.


                                  CCLII.

                            THE SAME CONTINUED.

Think of this nationality first as a state of consciousness, as a spring of
feeling, as a motive to exertion, as blessing your country, and as reacting
on you. Think of it as it fills your mind and quickens your heart, and as
it fills the mind and quickens the heart of millions around you. Instantly,
under such an influence, you ascend above the smoke and stir of this small
local strife; you tread upon the high places of the earth and of history;
you think and feel as an American for America; her power, her eminence, her
consideration, her honor, are yours; your competitors, like hers, are
kings; your home, like hers, is the world; your path, like hers, is on the
highway of empires; our charge, her charge, is of generations and ages;
your record, her record, is of treaties, battles, voyages, beneath all the
constellations; her image, one, immortal, golden, rises on your eye as our
western star at evening rises on the traveller from his home; no lowering
cloud, no angry river, no lingering spring, no broken crevasse, no
inundated city or plantation, no tracts of sand, arid and burning, on that
surface, but all blended and softened into one beam of kindred rays, the
image, harbinger, and promiser of love, hope, and a brighter day!

But if you would contemplate nationality as an active virtue, look around
you. Is not our own history one witness and one record of what it can do?
This day and all which it stands for,--did it not give us these? This glory
of the fields of that war, this eloquence of that revolution, this one wide
sheet of flame which wrapped tyrant and tyranny and swept all that escaped
from it away, forever and forever; the courage to fight, to retreat, to
rally, to advance, to guard the young flag by the young arm and the young
heart's blood, to hold up and hold on till the magnificent consummation
crowned the work,--were not all these imparted or inspired by this imperial
sentiment? Has it not here begun the master-work of man, the creation of a
national life? Did it not call out that prodigious development of wisdom,
the wisdom of constructiveness which illustrated the years after the war,
and the framing and adopting of the Constitution? Has it not, in general,
contributed to the administering of that government wisely and well since?
                                                                 R. Choate.


                                  CCLIV.

                            THE SAME CONCLUDED.

Look at it! It has kindled us to no aims of conquest. It has involved us in
no entangling alliances. It has kept our neutrality dignified and just. The
victories of peace have been our prized victories. But the larger and truer
grandeur of the nations, for which they are created, and for which they
must one day, before some tribunal, give an account, what a measure of
these it has enabled us already to fulfil! It has lifted us to the throne,
and has set on our brow the name of the Great Republic. It has taught us to
demand nothing wrong, and to submit to nothing wrong; it has made our
diplomacy sagacious, wary, accomplished; it has opened the iron gate of the
mountains and planted our ensign on the great, tranquil sea.

It has made the desert to bud and blossom as the rose; it has quickened to
life the giant brood of useful arts; it has whitened lake and ocean with
the sails of a daring, new, and lawful trade; it has extended to exiles,
flying as clouds, the asylum of our better liberty.

It has kept us at rest within all our borders; it has repressed without
blood the intemperance of local insubordination; it has scattered the seeds
of liberty, under law and under order, broadcast; it has seen and helped
American feeling to swell into a fuller flood; from many a field and many a
deck, though it seeks not war, makes not war, and fears not war, it has
borne the radiant flag, all unstained; it has opened our age of lettered
glory; it has opened and honored the age of the industry of the people!
                                                                 R. Choate.


                                   CCLV.

                           THE NATIONAL ENSIGN.

Sir, I must detain you no longer. I have said enough, and more than enough,
to manifest the spirit in which this flag is now committed to your charge.
It is the national ensign, pure and simple; dearer to all our hearts at
this moment, as we lift it to the gale, and see no other sign of hope upon
the storm-cloud which rolls and rattles above it, save that which is
reflected from its own radiant hues; dearer, a thousand-fold dearer to us
all, than ever it was before, while gilded by the sunshine of prosperity
and playing with the zephyrs of peace. It will speak for itself far more
eloquently than I can speak for it.

Behold it! Listen to it! Every star has a tongue; every stripe is
articulate. There is no language or speech where their voices are not
heard. There's magic in the web of it. It has an answer for every question
of duty. It has a solution for every doubt and perplexity. It has a word of
good cheer for every hour of gloom or of despondency.

Behold it! Listen to it! It speaks of earlier and of later struggles. It
speaks of victories, and sometimes of reverses, on the sea and on the land.
It speaks of patriots and heroes among the living and the dead: and of him,
the first and greatest of them all, around whose consecrated ashes this
unnatural and abhorrent strife has so long been raging--"the abomination
of desolation standing where it ought not." But before all and above all
other associations and memories--whether of glorious men, or glorious
deeds, or glorious places--its voice is ever of Union and Liberty, of the
Constitution and the Laws.

Behold it! Listen to it! Let it tell the story of its birth to these
gallant volunteers, as they march beneath its folds by day, or repose
beneath its sentinel stars by night. Let it recall to them the strange,
eventful history of its rise and progress; let it rehearse to them the
wondrous tale of its trials and its triumphs, in peace as well as in war;
and, whatever else may happen to it or to them, it will never be
surrendered to rebels; never be ignominiously struck to treason; nor be
prostituted to any unworthy or unchristian purpose of revenge, depredation,
or rapine. And may a merciful God cover the head of each one of its brave
defenders in the hour of battle.
                                                            R. C. Winthrop.


                                  CCLVI.

                                THE CAUSE.

"Union for the sake of the Union"; "our country, our whole country, and
nothing but our country";--these are the mottoes, old, stale, hackneyed,
and threadbare as they may have seemed when employed as the watchwords of
an electioneering campaign, but clothed with a new power, a new
significance, a new gloss, and a new glory, when uttered as the battlecries
of a nation struggling for existence; these are the mottoes which can give
a just and adequate expression to the Cause in which you have enlisted.
Sir, I thank Heaven that the trumpet has given no uncertain sound, while
you have been preparing yourselves for the battle.

This is the Cause which has been solemnly proclaimed by both branches of
Congress, in resolutions passed at the instance of those true-hearted sons
of Tennessee and Kentucky--Johnson and Crittenden--and which, I rejoice to
remember at this hour, received your own official sanction as a Senator of
the United States.

This is the Cause which has been recognized and avowed by the President of
the United States, with a frankness and fearlessness which have won the
respect and admiration of all.

This is the Cause which has been so fervently commended to us from the
dying lips of a Douglas, and by the matchless living voices of a Holt and
an Everett.

This is the Cause in which the heroic Anderson, lifting his banner upon the
wings of prayer,--and looking to the guidance and guardianship of the God
in whom he trusted, went through that fiery furnace unharmed, and came
forth, not indeed without the smell of fire and smoke upon his garments,
but with an undimmed and undying lustre of piety and patriotism on his
brow.

This is the Cause in which the lamented Lyon bequeathed all that he had of
earthly treasure to his country, and then laid down a life in her defense,
whose value no millions could measure.

This is the Cause in which the veteran chief of our armies crowned with the
laurels which Washington alone had worn before him, and renouncing all
inferior allegiance at the loss of fortune and of friends, has tasked, and
is still tasking to the utmost the energies of a soul whose patriotism no
age could chill. This is the Cause to which the young and noble McClellan,
under whose lead it is your privilege to serve, has brought that matchless
combination of sagacity and science, of endurance modesty, caution, and
courage, which have made him the hope of the hour, the bright particular
star of our immediate destiny.

And this, finally, is the Cause which has obliterated, as no other cause
could have done, all divisions and distinction of party, nationality, and
creed; which has appealed alike to Republican, Democrat, and Union Whig, to
native citizen and to adopted citizen; and in which not the sons of
Massachusetts or of New England or of the North alone, not the dwellers on
the Hudson, the Delaware, and the Susquehanna only, but so many of those,
also, on the Potomac and the Ohio, the Mississippi and the Missouri, on all
the lakes, and in all the vast Mesopotamia of the mighty West--yes, and
strangers from beyond the seas, Irish and Scotch, German, Italian, and
French--the common emigrant and those who have stood nearest to a
throne--brave and devoted men from almost every nation under heaven--men
who have measured the value of our country to the world by a nobler
standard than the cotton crop; and who realize that other and momentous
destinies are at stake upon our struggle than such as can be wrought upon
any mere material looms and shuttles--all, all are seen rallying beneath a
common flag, and, exclaiming with one heart and voice: "The American
Union--it must be, and shall be preserved."
                                                           R. C.  Winthrop.


                                  CCLVII.

                      THE ASSAULT ON CHARLES SUMNER.

On the 22d of May, when the Senate and House had clothed themselves in
mourning for a brother fallen in the battle of life, in the distant State
of Missouri, the Senator from Massachusetts sat in the silence of the
Senate chamber, engaged in employments appertaining to his office, when a
member from this House, who had taken an oath to sustain the Constitution,
stole into the Senate, that place which had hitherto been held sacred
against violence, and smote him as Cain smote his brother. One blow was
enough; but it did not satiate the wrath of that spirit which had pursued
him through two days. Again, and again, and again, quicker and faster fell
the leaden blows, until he was torn away from his victim, when the Senator
from Massachusetts fell into the arms of his friends, and his blood ran
down the floor of the Senate.

Sir, the act was brief and my comments on it shall be brief also. I
denounce it in the name of the Constitution which it violated. I denounce
it in the name of the sovereignty of Massachusetts, which was stricken down
by the blow. I denounce it in the name of humanity. I denounce it in the
name of civilization, which it outraged. I denounce it in the name of that
fair play, which bullies and prize-fighters respect. What, strike a man
when he is pinioned, when he cannot respond to a blow! Call you that
chivalry? In what code of honor did you get your authority for that? God
knows my heart. I desire to speak with kindness. I speak in no spirit of
revenge. I do not believe the member has a friend who must not in his heart
of hearts condemn the act. Even the member himself--if he has left a spark
of that chivalry and gallantry attributed to him--must loathe and scorn the
act. But much as I reprobate the act, much more do I reprobate the conduct
of those who stood by and saw the outrage perpetrated. O, magnanimous
Slidell! O, prudent Douglas! O, audacious Toombs!

Sir, there are questions arising out of this, which are far more important
than those of a mere personal nature. Of these personal considerations I
shall speak when the question comes properly before us, if I am permitted
to do so. The higher question involves the very existence of the government
itself. If, sir, freedom of speech is not to remain to us, what is the
government worth? If we from Massachusetts, or any other State,--senators
or members of the House, are to be called to account by some "gallant
uncle," when we utter something which does not suit their sensitive nature,
we desire to know it.

If the conflict is to be transferred from the peaceful, intellectual field
to one where, it is said, "honors are easy and responsibilities equal,"
then we desire to know it. Massachusetts, if her sons and representatives
are to have the rod held over them,--though she utters no threats,--may be
called upon to withdraw them to her own bosom, where she can furnish to
them that protection which is not vouchsafed to them under the flag of
their common country. But while she permits us to remain, we shall do our
duty; we shall speak whatever we choose to speak, whatever we will, and
however we will, regardless of the consequences.

Sir, the sons of Massachusetts are educated, at the knees of their mothers,
in the doctrines of peace and good-will, and God knows we desire to
cultivate those feelings,--feelings of social kindness, and public
kindness.

The House will bear witness that we have not violated or trespassed upon
any of them; but, sir, if we are pushed too long and too far, there are men
from the old Commonwealth of Massachusetts who will not shrink from a
defence of freedom of speech, and the State they represent: in any field
where they may be assailed.
                                                             A. Burlingame.


                                 CCLVIII.

                        STRENGTH OF THE GOVERNMENT.

I know that I may be met at once by the objection that our general
government is, after all, but a qualified and imperfect government. I may
be reminded that it was from Massachusetts that the amendment came which
expressly declares that all powers not given, are withheld. And then it may
be asked, is there not here a manifest division of sovereignty and of
power, and does not this show that much is wanting--that all which is
retained at home is wanting--to constitute the full strength of a national
government? My answer is twofold. First, I say, the national government has
at this moment, by force of the Constitution, all the strength--absolutely
all--which it needs, or could profitably use, as a central national
government. I answer next, that by the admirable provisions of our
Constitution, the reserved powers of every State may be, and, so far as
that State does its duty, will be, prepared and developed to their utmost
efficiency, and then imparted to the nation in its need.

Do we want a proof and illustration of all this? Very recent events have
supplied one, which history will not forget, if we do. How happened it
that, a few weeks since, when the general government seemed to be feeble,
and was in peril, and the demand--I may as well say the cry for help came
forth--why was it that Massachusetts was the first to spring to the rescue?
Why was it that she was able, in four days from that in which this cry
reached her, to add a new glory to the day of Lexington? Why was it that
she could begin that offering of needed aid which has since poured itself
in a full, and swollen, and rushing stream, into the war power of the
national government? Even as I ask the question, the answer is in all your
minds. It is, that Massachusetts could do this because she had done her own
duty beforehand. She could do this because, within her own bounds, she had
prepared and organized her own strength, and stood ready for the moment
when she could place it in the outstretched hands of the government. And
other States followed, offering their contributions with no interval--with
almost too little of delay; with a haste which was sometimes precipitation;
with an importunate begging for acceptance--all of it yet far behind the
earnest desire and demand of the people of these States, until at length we
stood before an astonished world the strongest government on the face of
the earth.

Stronger, therefore, for all the purposes to which our national government
should apply its strengths stronger for all the good it can do and all the
harm it can prevent, that government is, as it is now constructed, and
because it is so constructed, than it could be if it were the single,
central, consolidated power of other nations. And it will show its
strength, not by preventing all checks and reverses, for that is
impossible; but, as I believe, in prompt and thorough recovery from them.
                                                                T. Parsons.


                                  CCLIX.

                              THE HIGHER LAW.

In the whole political history of our own country, there has been no sin so
atrocious as the repudiation of a higher than human law. It is stark
atheism; for, with the law, this position virtually denies also the
providence of God, and makes men and nations sole arbiters of their own
fortunes. But "the Heavens do rule." If there be institutions or measures
inconsistent with immutable rectitude, they are fostered only under the ban
of a righteous God; they inwrap the germs of their own harvest of shame,
disorder, vice, and wretchedness; nay, their very prosperity is but the
verdure and blossoming which shall mature the apples of Sodom. O, how often
have our legislators had reason to recall those pregnant words of
Jefferson,--sad indeed is it that they should have become almost too trite
for repetition, without having worked their way into the national
conscience,--"I tremble for my country, when I consider that God is just!"
The nations that have passed away, the decaying nations, the convulsed
thrones, the smouldering rebellion-fires of the Old World, reveal the
elements of national decline and ruin, and hold out baleful signals over
the career on which our republic is hurrying; assuring us, by the
experience of all climes and ages, that slavery, the unprincipled lust of
power and territory official corruption and venality, aggressive war,
partisan legislation, are but "sowing the wind to reap the whirlwind."

Our statesmen of the "manifest destiny" type seem to imagine oar country
necessary to the designs of Providence. So thought the Hebrews, and on far
more plausible grounds, of their commonwealth; but, rather than fulfil to
such degenerate descendants the promise made to their great ancestor, "God
is able," said the divine Teacher. "of these stones to raise up children
unto Abraham."

Our destiny must be evolved, not from the blending of the world's noblest
races in our ancestral stock; not from a position in which we hold the keys
of the world's commerce, and can say to the North, "Give up," and to the
South, "Keep not back;" not from our capacity to absorb and assimilate
immigrant millions. Destiny is but the concrete of character. God needs no
man or nation. He will bring in the reign of everlasting righteousness; and
as a people, we must stand or fall as we accept or spurn that reign.
Brethren, scholars, patriots also, I trust,--you whose generous nurture
gives you large and enduring influence,--seek for the country of your pride
and love, above all things else, her establishment on the eternal right as
on the Rock of Ages. Thus shall there be no spot on her fame, no limit to
her growth, no waning to her glory.
                                                             A. P. Peabody.


                                   CCLX.

                 "STEP TO THE CAPTAINS OFFICE AND SETTLE."

This old watchword, so often heard by travellers in the early stages of
steam-navigation, is now and then ringing in our ears with a very pointed
and pertinent application. It is a note that belongs to all the
responsibilities of this life for eternity. There is a day of reckoning, a
day for the settlement of accounts. All unpaid bills will then have to be
paid; all unbalanced books will have to be settled. There will be no loose
memorandums forgotten; there will be no heedless commissioners for the
convenience of careless consciences; there will be no proxies; there will
be no bribed auditors. Neither will there be such a thing as a hesitating
conscience; but the inward monitor, so often drugged and silenced on earth,
will speak out. There will be no doubt nor question as to the right and
wrong. There will be no vain excuses! nor any attempt to make them. There
will be no more sophistry, no more considerations of expediency, no more
pleading of the laws of men and the customs of society, no more talk about
organic sins being converted into constructive righteousness, or collective
and corporate frauds releasing men from individual responsibilities.

When we see a man, a professed Christian, running a race with the
worshippers of wealth and fashion, absorbed in the vanities of the world,
or endeavoring to serve both God and mammon, we hear the voice, Step to the
captain's office and settle! When we see editors and politicians setting
power in the place of goodness, and expediency in the place of justice and
law in the place of equity, and custom in the place of right, putting
darkness for light, and evil for good, and tyranny for general
benevolence, we think of the day when the issuers of such counterfeit money
will be brought to light, and their sophistries and lies exposed,--for
among the whole tribe of unprincipled politicians there will be great
consternation when the call comes to step to the captain's office and
settle. When we see unjust rulers in their pride of power fastening chains
upon the bondmen, oppressing the poor, and playing their pranks of defiant
tyranny before high heaven, then also come these words to mind, like a
blast from the last trumpet, Step to the captain's office and settle!
                                                              G. B. Cheever


                                  CCLXI.

                          THE MURDER OF THE SOUL.

There are some people whose sympathies have been excited upon the subject
of slavery, who, if they can only be satisfied that the slaves have enough
to eat, think it is all very well, and that nothing more is to be said or
done.

If slaves were merely animals, whose only or chief enjoyment consisted in
the gratification of their bodily appetites, there would be some show of
sense in this conclusion. But, in fact, however crushed and brutified, they
are still men; men whose bosoms beat with the same passions as our own;
whose hearts swell with the same aspirations,--the same ardent desire to
improve their condition; the same wishes for what they have not; the same
indifference towards what they have; the same restless love of social
superiority; the same greediness of acquisition; the same desire to know;
the same impatience of all external control.

The excitement which the singular case of Caspar Hauser produced a few
years since in Germans is not yet forgotten. From the representations of
that enigmatical personage, it was believed that those from whose custody
he declared himself to have escaped, had endeavored to destroy his
intellect, or rather to prevent it from being developed, so as to detain
him forever in a state of infantile imbecility. This supposed attempt at
what they saw fit to denominate the murder of the soul, gave rise to great
discussions among the German jurists; and they soon raised it into a new
crime, which they placed at the very head of social enormities.

It is this very crime, the murder of the soul, which is in the course of
continuous and perpetual perpetration throughout the southern States of the
American Union; and not upon a single individual only, but upon nearly one
half of the entire population.

Consider the slaves as men, and the course of treatment which custom and
the laws prescribe is an artful, deliberate and well-digested scheme to
break their spirit; to deprive them of courage and of manhood; to destroy
their natural desire for an equal participation in the benefits of society;
to keep them ignorant, and therefore weak; to reduce them, if possible, to
a state of idiocy; to crowd them down to a level with the brutes.
                                                               R. Hildreth.


                                  CCLXII.

                            JUDICIAL TRIBUNALS.

Let me here say that I hold judges, and especially the Supreme Court of the
country, in much respect; but I am too familiar with the history of
judicial proceedings to regard them with any superstitious reverence.
Judges are but men, and in all ages have shown a full share of frailty.
Alas! alas! the worst crimes of history have been perpetrated under their
sanction. The blood of martyrs and of patriots, crying from the ground,
summons them to judgment.

It was a Judicial tribunal which condemned Socrates to drink the fatal
hemlock, and which pushed the Saviour barefoot over the pavements of
Jerusalem, bending beneath his cross. It was a judicial tribunal which,
against the testimony and entreaties of her father, surrendered the fair
Virginia as a slave; which arrested the teachings of the great apostle to
the Gentiles, and sent him in bonds from Judea to Rome; which, in the name
of the Old Religion, adjudged the saints and fathers of the Christian
Church to death, in all its most dreadful forms; and which afterwards, in
the name of the New Religion, enforced the tortures of the Inquisition,
amidst the shrieks and agonies of its victims, while it compelled Galileo
to declare, in solemn denial of the great truth he had disclosed, that the
earth did not move round the sun.

It was a judicial tribunal which, in France, during the long reign of her
monarchs, lent itself to be the instrument of every tyranny, as during the
brief reign of terror it did not hesitate to stand forth the unpitying
accessory of the unpitying guillotine. Ay, sir, it was a judicial tribunal
in England, surrounded by all the forms of law, which sanctioned every
despotic caprice of Henry the Eighth, from the unjust divorce of his
queen, to the beheading of Sir Thomas More; which lighted the fires of
persecution that glowed at Oxford and Smithfield, over the cinders of
Latimer, Ridley, and John Rogers; which, after elaborate argument, upheld
the fatal tyranny of ship-money against the patriotic resistance of
Hampden; which, in defiance of justice and humanity, sent Sydney and
Russell to the block; which persistently enforced the laws of Conformity
that our Puritan Fathers persistently refused to obey; and which
afterwards, with Jeffries on the bench, crimsoned the pages of English
history with massacre and murder--even with the blood of innocent woman.

Ay, sir, and it was a judicial tribunal in our country, surrounded by all
the forms of law, which hung witches at Salem,--which affirmed the
constitutionality of the Stamp Act, while it admonished "jurors and the
people" to obey,--and which now, in our day has lent its sanction to the
unutterable atrocity of the Fugitive Slave Bill.
                                                                 C. Sumner.


                                 CCLXIII.

                 SLAVERY THE MAINSPRING OF THE REBELLION.

The whole quantity of slave-owners, great and small, according to the
recent census, is not more than four hundred thousand; out of whom there
are not more than one hundred thousand who are interested to any
considerable extent in this peculiar species of property; and yet this
petty oligarchy--itself controlled by a squad still more petty--in a
population of many millions, has aroused and organized this gigantic
rebellion. The future historian will record that the present
rebellion--notwithstanding its protracted origin, the multitudes it has
enlisted, and its extensive sweep--was at last precipitated by fewer than
twenty men; Mr. Everett says, by as few as ten. It is certain that thus far
it has been the triumph of a minority; but of a minority moved, inspired,
combined, and aggrandized by slavery.

And now this traitorous minority, putting aside all the lurking, slimy
devices of conspiracy steps forth in the full panoply of war. Assuming to
itself all the functions of a government, it organizes States under a
common head--sends ambassadors into foreign countries--levies
taxes--borrows money--issues letters of marque--and sets armies in the
field, summoned from distant Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas, as well as from
nearer Virginia, and composed of the whole lawless population--the poor who
cannot own slaves as well as the rich who own them--throughout the
extensive region where, with satanic grasp, this slaveholding minority
claims for itself

         "--ample room and verge enough
         The characters of hell to trace."

Pardon the language which I employ. The words of the poet do not picture
too strongly the object proposed. And now these parricidal hosts stand
arrayed openly against that paternal Government to which they owed loyalty,
protection, and affection Never in history did rebellion assume such a
front. Call their numbers four hundred thousand or two hundred
thousand--what you will--they far surpass any armed forces ever before
marshalled in rebellion; they are among the largest ever marshalled in war.
And all this is in the name of slavery, and for the sake of slavery, and at
the bidding of slavery. The profligate favorite of the English monarch--the
famous Duke of Buckingham--was not more exclusively supreme--even according
to those words by which he was exposed to the judgment of his
contemporaries:

         "Who rules the kingdom? The king.
         "Who rules the king? The Duke.
         "Who rules the Duke? The Devil."

The prevailing part here attributed to the royal favorite belongs now to
slavery, which in the rebel States is a more than royal favorite.

         Who rules the rebel States? The President.
         Who rules the President? Slavery.
         Who rules slavery?--

The latter question I need not answer. But all must see--and nobody can
deny--that slavery is the ruling idea of this rebellion. It is slavery
which marshals these hosts and breathes into their embattled ranks its own
barbarous fire. It is slavery which stamps its character alike upon
officers and men. It is slavery which inspires all, from the general to the
trumpeter. It is slavery which speaks in the words of command, and which
sounds in the morning drum-beat. It is slavery which digs trenches and
builds hostile forts. It is slavery which pitches its white tents and
stations its sentries over against the national capital. It is slavery
which sharpens the bayonet and casts the bullet; which points the cannon
and scatters the shell, blazing, bursting with death. Wherever this
rebellion shows itself--whatever form it takes--whatever thing it
does--whatever it meditates--it is moved by slavery; nay, it is slavery
itself, incarnate, living, acting, raging, robbing, murdering, according to
the essential law of its being.
                                                                  C Sumner.


                                  CCLXIV.

             ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

Mr. President, with unspeakable delight I hail this measure and the
prospect of its speedy adoption. It is the first instalment of that great
debt which we all owe to an enslaved race, and will be recognized in
history as one of the victories of humanity. At home, throughout our own
country, it will be welcomed with gratitude, while abroad it will quicken
the hopes of all who love freedom. Liberal institutions will gain
everywhere by the abolition of slavery at the national Capital. Nobody can
read that slaves were once sold in the markets of Rome, beneath the eyes of
the sovereign Pontiff without confessing the scandal to religion, even in a
barbarous age; and nobody can hear that slaves are now sold in the markets
of Washington, beneath the eyes of the President, without confessing the
scandal to liberal institutions. For the sake of our good name, if not for
the sake of justice, let the scandal disappear.

Slavery, beginning in violence, can have no legal or constitutional
existence, unless through positive words expressly authorizing it. As no
such positive words can be found in the Constitution, all legislation by
Congress supporting slavery must be unconstitutional and void, while it is
made still further impossible by positive words of prohibition guarding the
liberty of every person within the exclusive jurisdiction of Congress. But
the question is asked, Shall we vote money for this purpose? I cannot
hesitate; and I place it at once under the sanction of that commanding
charity proclaimed by prophets and enjoined by apostles, which all history
recognizes and which the Constitution cannot impair. From time immemorial
every government has undertaken to ransom its subjects from captivity,--and
sometimes a whole people has felt its resources well bestowed in the ransom
of its prince. Religion and humanity have both concurred in this duty, as
more than usually sacred. "The ransom of captives is a great and excelling
office of justice," exclaims one of the early fathers. The power thus
commended has been exercised by the United States under important
circumstances with the coöperation of the best names of our history, so as
to be without question.

If slavery be unconstitutional in the national Capital, and if it be a
Christian duty, sustained by constitutional examples, to ransom slaves,
then your swift desires cannot hesitate to adopt the present bill, and it
becomes needless to enter upon other questions, important perhaps, but
irrelevant.
                                                                 C. Sumner.


                                  CCLXV.

                            THE SAME CONCLUDED.

Of course, I scorn to argue the obvious truth that the slaves here are as
much entitled to freedom as the white slaves that enlisted the early
energies of our Government. They are men by the grace of God, and this is
enough. There is no principle of the Constitution, and no rule of justice,
which is not as strong for the one as for the other. In consenting to the
ransom proposed, you will recognize their manhood, and, if authority be
needed, you will find it in the example of Washington, who did not hesitate
to employ a golden key to open the house of bondage.

Let this bill pass, and the first practical triumph of freedom for which
good men have longed, dying without the sight--for which a whole
generation has petitioned, and for which orators and statesmen have
pleaded--will at last be accomplished. Slavery will be banished from the
national Capital. This metropolis, which bears a venerated name, will be
purified; its evil spirit will be cast out; its shame will be removed; its
society will be refined; its courts will be made better; its revolting
ordinances will be swept away; and even its loyalty will be secured. If not
moved by justice to the slave, then be willing to act for your own good and
in self-defence. If you hesitate to pass this bill for the blacks, then
pass it for the whites. Nothing is clearer than that the degradation of
slavery affects the master as much as the slave; while recent events
testify that wherever slavery exists, there treason lurks, if it does not
flaunt. From the beginning of this rebellion, slavery has been constantly
manifest in the conduct of the masters, and even here in the national
Capital, it has been the traitorous power which has encouraged and
strengthened the enemy. This power must be suppressed at every cost, and if
its suppression here endangers slavery elsewhere, there will be a new
motive for determined action.

Amidst all present solicitudes the future cannot be doubtful. At the
national Capital slavery will give way to freedom; but the good work will
not stop here. It must proceed. What God and nature decree rebellion cannot
arrest. And as the whole wide-spreading tyranny begins to tumble, then,
above the din of battle, sounding from the sea and echoing along the land,
above even the exaltations of victory on well-fought fields, will ascend
voices of gladness and benediction, swelling from generous hearts wherever
civilization bears sway, to commemorate a sacred triumph whose trophies,
instead of tattered banners, will be ransomed slaves.
                                                                 C. Sumner.


                                  CXLXVI.

               EXTRACT FROM FAREWELL ADDRESS AT NEW ORLEANS.

I shall speak in no bitterness, because I am not conscious of a single
personal animosity. Commanding the Army of the Gulf, I found you captured,
but not surrendered; conquered, but not orderly; relieved from the presence
of an army, but incapable of taking care of yourselves. I restored order,
punished crime, opened commerce, brought provisions to your starving
people, reformed your currency, and gave you quiet protection, such as you
had not enjoyed for many years. The enemies of my country unrepentant and
implacable, I have treated with merited severity. I hold that rebellion is
treason, and that treason persisted in is death, and any punishment short
of that due a traitor gives so much clear gain to him from the clemency of
the government. Upon this thesis have I administered the authority of the
United States, because of which I am not unconscious of complaint. I do not
feel that I have erred in too much harshness, for that harshness has ever
been exhibited to disloyal enemies to my country, and not to my loyal
friends. To be sure, I might have regaled you with the amenities of British
civilization, and yet been within the supposed rules of civilized warfare.
You might have been smoked to death in caverns, as were the Covenanters of
Scotland, by the command of a general of the royal house of England; or
roasted, like the inhabitants of Algiers during the French campaign; your
wives and daughters might have been given over to the ravisher, as were the
unfortunate dames of Spain in the Peninsular war; or you might have been
scalped and tomahawked, as our mothers were at Wyoming by the savage allies
of Great Britain, in our own Revolution; your property could have been
turned over to indiscriminate "loot," like the palace of the Emperor of
China; works of art which adorned your buildings might have been sent away,
like to paintings of the Vatican; your sons might have been blown from the
mouths of cannon, like the Sepoys at Delhi; and yet all this would have
been within the rules of civilized warfare as practised by the most
polished and the most hypocritical nations of Europe. For such acts the
records of the doings of some of the inhabitants of your city toward the
friends of the Union, before my coming, were a sufficient provocative and
justification. But I have not so conducted. On the contrary, the worst
punishment inflicted, except for criminal acts punishable by every law, has
been banishment with labor to a barren island, where I encamped my own
soldiers before marching here.

It is true I have levied upon the wealthy rebels, and paid out nearly half
a million of dollars to feed forty thousand of the starving poor of all
nations assembled here, made so by this war. I saw that this rebellion was
a war of the aristocrats against the middling men--of the rich against the
poor; a war of the landowner against the laborer; that it was a struggle
for the retention of power in the hands of the few against the many; and I
found no conclusion to it, save in the subjugation of the few and the
disenthralment of the many. I, therefore, felt no hesitation in taking the
substance of the wealthy, who had caused the war, to feed the innocent
poor, who had suffered by the war. And I shall now leave you with the proud
consciousness that I carry with me the blessings of the humble and loyal,
under the roof of the cottage and in the cabin of the slave! and so am
quite content to incur the sneers of the salon, or the curses of the rich.
                                                              B. F. Butler.


                                 CCLXVII.

              CONCLUSION OF FAREWELL ADDRESS AT NEW ORLEANS.

I found you trembling at the terrors of servile insurrection All danger of
this I have prevented by so treating the slave that he had no cause to
rebel. I found the dungeon, the chain, and the lash your only means of
enforcing obedience in your servants. I leave them peaceful, laborious,
controlled by the laws of kindness and justice. I have demonstrated that
the pestilence can be kept from your borders. I have added a million of
dollars to your wealth in the form of new land from the batture of the
Mississippi. I have cleansed and improved your streets, canals, and public
squares, and opened new avenues to unoccupied land. I have given you
freedom of elections greater than you have ever enjoyed before. I have
caused justice to be administered so impartially that your own advocates
have unanimously complimented the judges of my appointment. You have seen,
therefore, the benefit of the laws and justice of the government against
which you have rebelled. Why, then, will you not all return to your
allegiance to that government,--not with lip-service, but with the heart.

I conjure you, if you desire ever to see renewed prosperity, giving
business to your streets and wharves--if you hope to see your city become
again the mart of the Western world, fed by its rivers for more than three
thousand miles, draining the commerce of a country greater than the mind of
man hath ever conceived--return to your allegiance. If you desire to leave
to your children the inheritance you received from your fathers--a stable
constitutional government; if you desire that they should in the future be
a portion of the greatest empire the sun ever shone upon--return to your
allegiance.

There is but one thing that stands in the way. There is but one thing that
at this hour stands between you and the Government--and that is slavery.
The institution, cursed of God, which has taken its last refuge here, in
His providence will be rooted out as the tares from the wheat, although the
wheat be torn up with it. I have given much thought to the subject. I came
among you, by teachings, by habit of mind, by political position, by social
affinity, inclined to sustain your domestic laws, if by possibility they
might be with safety to the Union. Months of experience and observation
have forced the conviction that the existence of slavery is incompatible
with the safety either of yourselves or of the Union. As the system has
gradually grown to its present huge dimensions, it were best if it could
gradually be removed; but it is better, far better, that it should be taken
out at once, than that it should longer vitiate the social, political, and
family relations of your country. I am speaking with no philanthropic views
as regards the slave, but simply of the effect of slavery on the master.

See for yourselves. Look around you and say whether this saddening,
deadening influence has not all but destroyed the very framework of your
society. I am speaking the farewell words of one who has shown his devotion
to his country at the peril of his life and his fortune, who, in these
words, can have neither hope nor interest, save the good of those he
addresses; and let me here repeat, with all the solemnity of an appeal to
Heaven to bear me witness, that such are the views forced upon me by
experience. Come, then, to the unconditional support of the Government.
Take into your own hands your own institutions; remodel them according to
the laws of nations and of God, and thus attain that great prosperity
assured to you by geographical position, only a portion of which was
heretofore yours.
                                                              B. F. Butler.


                                 CCLXVIII.

                       RECONSTRUCTION OF THE UNION.

I am not for the Union as it was. I have the honor to say, as a Democrat,
and as an Andrew Jackson Democrat, I am not for the Union as it was,
because I saw, or thought I saw, the troubles in the future which have
burst upon us; but having undergone those troubles, having spent all this
blood and this treasure, I do not mean to go back again and be cheek by
jole, as I was before, with South Carolina, if I can help it. Mark me now;
let no man misunderstand me; and I repeat, lest I may be misunderstood (for
there are none so difficult to understand as those who do not wish
to)--mark me again,--I say, I do not mean to give up a single inch of the
soil of South Carolina If I had been living at that time, and had the
position, the will, and the ability, I would have dealt with South Carolina
as Jackson did, and kept her in the Union at all hazards; but now that she
has gone out, I would take care that when she comes in again she should
come in better behaved; that she should no longer be the firebrand of the
Union, ay, that she should enjoy what her people never yet enjoyed, the
blessings of a republican form of government. And, therefore, in that view
I am not for the reconstruction of the Union as it was. I have spent
treasure and blood enough upon it, in conjunction with my fellow-citizens,
to make it a little better, and I think we can have a better Union. It was
good enough if it had been let alone. The old house was good enough for me,
but the South pulled it down, and I propose, when we build it up, to build
it up with all the modern improvements.

And one of the logical sequences, it seems to me, that follow inexorably
and inevitably, from the proposition that we are dealing with alien
enemies, is the question, what is our duty in regard to the confiscation of
their property? And that would seem to me to be very easy of settlement
under the Constitution, and without any discussion, if my proposition is
right. Has it not been held from the beginning of the world down to this
day, from the time the Israelites took possession of the land of Canaan,
which they got from alien enemies, has it not been held that the whole of
the property of those alien enemies belongs to the conqueror, and that it
has been at his mercy and his clemency what should be done with it? And for
one, I would take it and give it to the loyal man--loyal from the
heart,--at the South, enough at least to make him as well as he was before;
and I would take the rest of it and distribute it among the volunteer
soldiers who have gone forth in the service of their country; and so far as
I know them, if we should settle South Carolina with them, in the course of
a few years, I should be quite willing to receive her back into the Union.
                                                              B. F. Butler.


                                  CCLXIX.

              SPEECH AT THE UNION SQUARE MEETING IN NEW YORK.

But we are called upon to act. There is no time for hesitation or
indecision--no time for haste and excitement. It is a time when the people
should rise in the majesty of their might, stretch forth their strong arm,
and silence the angry waves of tumult. It is time the people should command
peace. It is a question between union and anarchy--between law and
disorder. All politics for the time being are and should be committed to
the oblivion of the grave. The question should be, "Our country, our whole
country, and nothing but our country." We should go forward in a manner
becoming a great people, But six months ago, the material prosperity of
our country was at its greatest height. To-day, by the fiat of madness, we
are plunged in distress and threatened with political ruin, anarchy, and
annihilation. It becomes us to stay the hands of this spirit of disunion.
The voice of the Empire State can be potential in this unnatural strife.
She has mighty power for union. She has great wealth and influence, and
she must bring forward that wealth and exert that influence. She has
numerous men, and she must send them to the field, and in the plenitude of
her power command the public peace. This is a great commercial city--one of
the modern wonders of the earth. With all the great elements that surround
her, with her commercial renown, with her architectural magnificence, and
with her enterprise and energy, she is capable of exercising a mighty power
for good in silencing the angry waves of agitation.

While I would prosecute this war in a manner becoming a civilized and a
Christian people, I would do so in no vindictive spirit. I would do it as
Brutus set the signet to the death-warrant of his son--"Justice is
satisfied, and Rome is free." I love my country; I love this Union. It was
the first vision of my early years; it is the last ambition of my public
life. Upon its altar I have surrendered my choicest hopes. I had fondly
hoped that in approaching age it was to beguile my solitary hours, and I
will stand by it as long as there is a Union to stand by and when the ship
of the Union shall crack and groan, when the skies lower and threaten,
when the lightnings flash, the thunders roar, the storms beat, and the
waves run mountain-high, if the ship of State goes down, and the Union
perishes, I would rather perish with it than survive its destruction. Let
us, my friends, stay up the hands of Union men in other sections of the
country. How much have they sacrificed of advantage of national wealth, of
political promotion! Let us aid them and cheer them on. Let us, my
fellow-citizens, rally round the flag of our country, the flag of our
fathers, the glorious flag known and honored throughout the earth, and now
rendered more illustrious by the gallant Anderson. In the spirit of peace
and forbearance he waved it over Fort Sumter. The pretended authorities
of South Carolina and the other Southern States attacked him because they
seemed to consider him a kind of minister plenipotentiary. Let us maintain
our flag in the same noble spirit that animated him, and never desert it
while one star is left. If I could see my bleeding, torn, maddened, and
distracted country once more restored to quiet and lasting peace under
those glorious stars and stripes, I should almost be ready to take the oath
of the infatuated leader in Israel--Jephthah and swear to sacrifice the
first living thing that I should meet on my return from victory.
                                                           D. S. Dickinson.


                                  CCLXX.

                       THE PERPETUITY OF THE UNION.

Give up the Union? Never! The Union shall endure, and its praises shall be
heard when its friends and its foes, those who support, and those who
assail, those who bare their bosoms in its defence, and those who aim their
daggers at its heart, shall all sleep in the dust together. Its name shall
be heard with veneration amid the roar of the Pacific's waves, away upon
the river of the North and East where liberty is divided from monarchy, and
be wafted in gentle breezes upon the Rio Grande. It shall rustle in the
harvest and wave in the standing corn, on the extended prairies of the
West, and be heard in the bleating folds find lowing herds upon a thousand
hills. It shall be with those who delve in mines, and shall hum in the
manufactories of New England, and in the cotton-gins of the South. It shall
be proclaimed by the Stars and Stripes in every sea of earth, as the
American Union, one and indivisible; upon the great thoroughfares, wherever
steam drives, and engines throb and shriek, its greatness and perpetuity
shall be hailed with gladness. It shall be lisped in the earliest words,
and ring in the merry voices of childhood, and swell to Heaven upon the
song of maidens. It shall live in the stern resolve of manhood, and rise to
the mercy-seat upon woman's gentle availing prayer. Holy men shall invoke
its perpetuity at the altars of religion, and it shall be whispered in the
last accents of expiring age. Thus shall survive and be perpetuated the
American Union; and when it shall be proclaimed that time shall be no more,
and the curtain shall fall, and the good shall be gathered to a more
perfect union, still may the destiny of our dear land recognize the
conception, that

          "Perfumes as of Eden flowed sweetly along,
          And a voice, as of angels, enchantingly sung,
          Columbia, Columbia, to glory arise,
          The Queen of the world, and the child of the skies."
                                                           D. S. Dickinson.


                                  CCLXXI.

                              OUR REFORMERS.

What to-day is the position of the men who, for the past thirty years, have
worked to bring our practice into conformity with the principles of the
Government, and who, in the struggle against established and powerful
interests, have accepted political disability and humiliated lives? Have
any of these been put in governing places where their proved fidelity would
guarantee the direct execution of what is to-day the nearly unanimous will
of the people? Certainly not yet. So far, the virtue of the reformers is
its own reward. While they are yet living, their mantles have fallen upon
the shoulders of others to whom you have given high position, but they are
still laboring in narrow paths--broadening, to be sure, and
brightening--for the rough ground is passed, and their sun of victory is
already rising. We give deep sympathy and honor to the men who, in the
interests of civilization, separated themselves from mankind to penetrate
the chill solitudes of the Arctic regions. Their names remain an added
constellation in polar skies. But, we know that bitter skies and winter
winds are not so unkind as man's ingratitude. And why, then, do we withhold
sympathy and honor from these men who have so unflinchingly trod their
isolated paths of self-appointed duty, accepting political and social
excommunication--these heroes of the moral solitudes? But even as it is,
our reformers have a better lot than history usually records for such; they
have the satisfaction not only to see but to enter, with the people whom
they led, into the promised land. And perhaps they are well satisfied to
repose, and to rest upon their finished work, feeling surely that they have
been faithful servants and that their country will yet say to them, "Well
done!"

Sometimes, in unfamiliar countries, the traveller finds himself shrouded in
fog and the way so hidden, the features of the country so singularly
cleansed from the reality, that he cannot safely move. But if some friendly
mountain side lets him ascend a few hundred feet above, he finds himself
suddenly in a clear atmosphere with a blue sky and a shining sun. Below him
the smaller objects that misled and bewildered him lie hidden; before him
stand out, salient and clear, the leading ridges and great outlines of the
country which point out to him the right way, and show him where he may
reach a place of security and repose for the night, and he goes on his
journey confidently. And so it is with those men who devote their lives,
unflinchingly and singly, to the public good to the maintenance of
principles and the advocacy of great reforms. They live in a pure
atmosphere. And such ought also to be the character of the men whom we
elevate to our high places. Raised into that upper air, and charged with
the general safety, they are expected to be impersonal; they are expected
to see over and beyond the personal ambitions and individual interests
which of necessity influence men acting individually; their horizon is
universal, and they see broadly defined the great principles which lead a
nation continuously on to a settled prosperity and a sure glory. And as a
condition of our material safety we should see to it that only such men are
put in such places. Men capable of receiving a conviction and realizing a
necessity--men able to comprehend the spirit of the age and the country in
which we live, and fearless in working up to it.
                                                             J. C. Fremont.


                                 CCLXXII.

                               PUBLIC RUMOR.

The counsel for the prosecution has said that if the Reverend defendant has
not been duly charged with heretical teachings by actual evidence, he has
been so charged by public rumor; and he gravely contends that a clergyman
charged by public rumor may be required to exculpate himself before an
ecclesiastical council. There is a passion known among men as the most
eager, implacable, remorseless of passions, a moral curiosity, named by
psychologists the odium theologicum. It thrives on the slightest possible
food. It lives on air. Public rumor is substantial enough for its richest
diet. Public Rumor! I was educated to despise it. An established public
opinion, we must treat with due respect, but disparaging rumor, however
public, I should be ashamed to own as a motive for one action of my life.
When the counsel for the prosecution passed his eulogy on the memory of Dr.
Croswell, I could not but think what a rebuke his whole life was to public
rumor. If ever man was the destined victim of public rumor, that man was
William Croswell. Not left to its low haunts, but elevated by Episcopal
sanction, promulgated by Episcopal proclamation, it charged him with
teaching doctrines and observances "degrading to the character of the
Church and perilling the souls of the people." But in patience and
confidence he lived it all down. He went forward in the discharge of his
noble duties, in daily prayers, daily public service, daily ministrations
to the poor, sick and afflicted, not without much suffering from the
relentless attacks of party spirit,--sufferings which shortened his days on
earth,--and the daily beauty of his life made ugly the countenance of
detraction and defamation. Public confidence, a plant of slow growth, grew
about him. Public justice was rendered to him without a movement of his
own. He fell, at his post, with all his armor on. At the time of the
evening sacrifice, the angel touched him and he was called away. He fell,
with his face to the altar, with the words of benediction on his lips,
surrounded by a devoted congregation, mourned by an entire community. All
men rose up and called him blessed. From the distinguished Rector of St.
Paul's, exclaiming, in the words of the prophet, "My father, my father, the
chariots of Israel and the horsemen thereof!" to the humble orphan child in
the obscure alley, who missed his daily returning visit,--all, all, with
one accord, sent up their voices as incense to Heaven.

I had the privilege to be one of the number who received him on his
entrance into this city, to take charge of his newly formed parish. I am
proud and grateful to remember that I was one of those on whom, in his long
struggle, in a measure, according to my ability, he leaned for support. And
after seven years, I believe seven years to the very day that we received
him, I had the melancholy privilege, with that same company, of bearing his
body up that aisle which he had so often ascended in his native dignity and
in the beauty of holiness.

I should be an unworthy parishioner, pupil, I may say friend of his, if I
allowed myself to defer for a moment to public rumor on a question of
character or principle. I should be forgetful of his example if I permitted
any one to do so who looked to me for counsel or direction. No, gentlemen,
let us all, laymen or clergymen, call to mind his life and his death, and
let public rumor blow past us as the idle wind.
                                                            R. H. Dana, Jr.


                                 CCLXXIII.

                THE POLITICAL ENFRANCHISEMENT OF THE NORTH.

Mr. Chairman; Will the people of the Free States unite in one earnest
effort to recover their personal and political equality, and to retrieve
the honor of the country? It must be done! But, let us not deceive
ourselves. The task is no easy one. Oligarchies have ruled the world. Our
national government has always been qualified by the element of a
slaveholding aristocracy. This aristocracy is powerful,--powerful in its
unity of interest, the common slave property, with its values and its
perils. It is powerful in its character as a caste. Unlike all other modern
aristocracies it is a caste, and the most formidable, exclusive and
ineradicable of all castes--a caste founded on race and color. It is
powerful in the ordinary elements of power which oligarchies possess. The
slaveholding education gives elements of control, the bearing and habit of
command, and the assertion of superiority. This exercises its influence
over weak minds. People doubtful of their own gentility bow to the
established aristocracy of slavery. The thing that hath been is that which
shall be, and there is no new thing under the sun.

What forces are we to bring into the field against them?--the divided,
heterogeneous masses of a free and equal people. The vast class of the
timid, mercenary and time-serving belong to the strongest. Slavery has had
them. We shall never have them until we show ourselves the strongest. Will
the trading and moneyed interests, so powerful in the Northern cities, do
their duty? Is there force enough, virtue enough, in our thirteen millions
to assert their political equality, to achieve their own enfranchisement,
to make freedom national and slavery sectional; to secure the future to
freedom? The few next years will answer this question. You appeal to the
spirit of 1776. Remember that the Dutch revolution was as glorious as our
own. Holland began in civil and religious liberty, with heroism, freedom,
industry and prosperity. In time the Dutch learned to make material
interests their ruling motive. They ceased to live for ideas, and where
are they now? Prosperous, educated, industrious and--despised! The high
tone, the glory is gone!

But is such to be the fate of Massachusetts,--of New England?
Massachusetts, in times past, has lived and suffered for ideas, for
principles, for abstractions. Powerful influences have been exerted, from
the highest quarters, to bring her into subjection to material interests
and unheroic maxims, to sap the chivalry and enthusiasm of her youth. But
it is not too late, Let her slough this all off in her hour of trial! Let
her cast off her disguises and her rags together, and stand forth in the
garb and attitude of a hero! This work must be done. If the men of
scholarship and accomplishments and wealth who have heretofore enjoyed
prominence, do not feel themselves up to the work, the people will call the
cobbler from his stall, the factory-boy from his loom, the yeoman from his
plough, but the work shall be done. Fishermen and tent-makers renovated
the world. The Roman centurion was sent to a fisherman who lodged at the
house of a tanner by the seaside, to hear what, should be done for
mankind.

Why do we hesitate? What provocation more do we propose to wait for? They
have added Slave States by a coup d'état: shall we wait until they have
added Cuba and Mexico? They are forcing slavery upon the Territories: must
we wait until they have succeeded? They have violated one solemn compact:
how many more must they break before we assert our right? They have struck
down a Senator in his place. They are already designating the next victim:
must we wait until he has fallen? The Senator from Georgia spoke truth when
he said the deed was done in the right time and right manner. There needed
an act as bad as it could be made to rouse the spirit of the North. Let the
priest be slain at the altar-stone. Let these Herods mingle blood with
their sacrifices. It is needed. We have been so long sentient that the
spirit of freedom must be roused by violence. It is not fit that the land
of the Pilgrims should bear the shame longer! By the duty we owe to justice
and liberty throughout the world, by the natural pride of men, by the
cultivated honor of gentlemen, it is not fit that we bear the shame longer!
                                                            R. H. Dana, Jr.


                                 CCLXXIV.

                         THE EDUCATION OF THE WAR.

Over and above the ordinary and universal means of intellectual
development, the Divine Providence, now and then, prepares extraordinary
means to the same end, in those social convulsions and calamities that
shake whole nations with the mighty upheavals of thought and passion. A war
of secession and disintegration is upon us. The nation's integrity and its
very life are at stake. It is an epoch that the most sluggish minds cannot
sleep through. They who never thought before must think now. They who never
felt before must feel now. The intellect of the nation is aroused in the
presence of this immense issue. It is an educational epoch. Its perils,
trials, sacrifices, are the school-discipline of God. The mind of the
people grows up whole cubits of stature in a short time. The heart of the
people is moved to its deepest depths,--of all classes, but most of the
most numerous and the governing class, the agricultural. And the heart is
always the head's best ally. Deep feeling begets strong thinking.
Sentiments of patriotism and loyalty, newborn and fervid, awaken and
reinforce the intellect, raise up character, enlarge the whole man. And
this reviving and reinvigorating influence will not pass away with the
trials that produced it. When God educates it is not for a day, but for
generations. When He quickens a new life in the soul of a people, it is a
life that lasts. When He touches the human harp with His own mighty, but
tender hand, the sound remains in the strings for an age, and for ages.

Long after this war shall have closed, and its distresses passed away, its
moral and intellectual compensations will remain. Every village will have
its war-worn veterans to tell the story of Antietam, and Gettysburg, and
Port Hudson, and many another field of daring achievement. Almost every
farm-house in the land will have its sacred and inspiring memories of a
father, son, or brother, who fought for his country, whom they, and their
posterity after them, must henceforth love and take thought for as their
very mother.

And every village graveyard will have its green mounds, that shall need no
storied monuments to clothe them with a peculiar consecration,--graves that
hold the dust of heroes,--graves that all men approach with reverent
steps,--graves out of whose solemn silence shall whisper inspiring voices,
telling the young from generation to generation, how great is their
country's worth and cost, and how beautiful and noble it was to die for it.
                                                                 G. Putnam.


                                  CCLXXV.

                 WASHINGTON'S BIRTHDAY FEBRUARY 22, 1864.

Meanwhile, the military signs of the hour are auspicious. Already we seem
to see the dawn breaking in the horizon. In these latter months, we have
heard it from all loyal tongues, and seen it in all loyal faces--the
confident hope that the day of triumph and peace is ready to break and
shine on into noonday fulness.

The nation's banner, torn and soiled in battle, but with every star and
stripe kept whole and radiant in its fair expanse, shall be brought back to
the Capitol; and it may well be that he, the illustrious civic leader, who
first flung it to the breeze in the nation's necessity, should be the man
whose hands shall be privileged to furl it again in Peace,--he, who sits
worthily in the chair that once held Washington; he, so honest and pure in
his great function, so wise and prudent, so faithful and firm;--God bless
and preserve Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States!

Therefore, if it be in our hearts this day, bending at the shrine of
Washington, to renew our vow to preserve the country which he gave us for a
sacred inheritance, we can do it with good hope. And verily we must vow,
and keep the vow, cost what it may of time or wealth, or blood,--for his
sake, and our own, and our children's, and humanity's sake, we must.

It is true, there is no perpetuity for national existence, or for
individual influence or renown. Earthly empires must decay at last, and
with them the vital presence, the living influence of their founders and
fathers.

This magnificent polity--his, ours--must, doubtless, one day, share the
common fate, and where it goes down, the star of Washington must set with
it, and his name pass, an unheeded word, into the dead annals of the
obsolete ages. But O! not yet--say it, Americans!--not now!

The laurel chaplet must not be torn from his brow while it is still so
fresh and green, and not yet fully wreathed. His statues must not be pushed
from their pedestals to be crumbled into common earth, until the centuries
have had time to hallow them with their venerable stains.

This fair palace of national freedom, of which he was the master-builder,
must not crumble into ruin, till it shall have given a shelter and a home,
security, glory, and peace, to the children's children, and the remote
posterity of those for whom he reared it with the loving ardor of his great
soul and the strength of his mighty arm.

It must not, need not, shall not be. To think of it for a moment is base
recreancy and intolerable shame. Forbid it, thou God of nations, and our
fathers God! Forbid it, ye, my countrymen, as ye have the power--ay, ten
times the power that is requisite. Only rise up again, and yet again, in
your strength, and by all that is dear and sacred in the name and fame of
your country's Father, swear that it shall not be, and then it cannot be.
Give anew your heart and soul and faith, unswerving fidelity, whole-hearted
loyalty--your voice, your strength, your wealth all that you are or
possess, to this great cause, give these unitedly, fervently, with one
shout, one blow, and in perfect accord, and then it will not be. Then the
mad enterprise of rebellion is crushed, and the fiend goes howling back,
baffled, to his place. Then your birthright is rescued from the destroyer,
And when this anniversary shall return, next year, or the next, yonder
marble form in our Capitol shall exchange the look of majestic sorrow which
seems to have gathered over it, for a smile of grateful joy; and those lips
of stone shall move and grow fervid with words of exultant and benedictory
congratulation.

Forth, then, friends and compatriots, to the work that shall save the
storm-tossed ark of our liberties and our hopes.
                                                                 G. Putnam.


                                 CCLXXVI.

                             OUR HEROIC DEAD.

There is a history in almost every home of Massachusetts, which will never
be written; but the memory of kindred has it embalmed forever. The
representatives of the pride and hope of uncounted households, departing,
will return no more. The shaft of the archer, attracted by the shining
mark, numbers them among his fallen. In the battles of Big Bethel, of Bull
Run, of Ball's Bluff, of Roanoke Island, of Newbern, of Winchester, of
Yorktown, of Williamsburg, of West Point, of Fair Oaks, the battles before
Richmond from Mechanicsville to Malvern Hill, of James Island, of Baton
Rouge, of Cedar Mountain, of Bull Run again, of Chantilly of Washington in
North Carolina, of South Mountain, of Antietam, of Fredericksburg, of
Goldsborough,--through all the capricious fortunes of the war, the
regiments of Massachusetts have borne her flag by the side of the banner of
the Union. And, beyond the Atlantic slope, every battle-field has drunk the
blood of her sons, nurtured among her hills and sands, from which in
adventurous manhood they turned their footsteps to the West. Officers and
enlisted men have vied with each other in deeds of valor. This flag, whose
standard-bearer, shot down in battle, tossed it from his dying hand nerved
by undying patriotism, has been caught by the comrade, who in his turn has
closed his eyes for the last time upon its starry folds as another
hero-martyr clasped the splintered staff and rescued the symbol at once of
country and of their blood-bought fame.

How can fleeting words of human praise gild the record of their glory? Our
eyes suffused with tears, and blood retreating to the heart, stirred with
unwonted thrill, speak with the eloquence of nature, uttered but
unexpressed. From the din of the battle, they have passed to the peace of
eternity. Farewell! warrior, citizen, patriot, lover, friend,--whether in
the humbler ranks or bearing the sword of official power, whether private,
captain, surgeon, or chaplain, for all these in the heady fight have passed
away,--Hail! and Farewell! Each hero must sleep serenely on the field
where he fell in a cause "sacred to liberty and the rights of mankind."

         "Worn by no wasting, lingering pain,
         No cold gradations of decay,
         Death broke at once the vital chain,
         And freed his soul the nearest way."
                                                              J. A. Andrew.


                                 CCLXXVII.

                           HONOR TO OUR HEROES.

The heart swells with unwonted emotion when we remember our sons and
brothers, whose constant valor has sustained on the field, during nearly
three years of war, the cause of our country, of civilization, and liberty.
Our volunteers have represented Massachusetts, during the year just ended,
on almost every field and in every department of the army where our flag
has been unfurled. At Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, Vicksburg, Port Hudson,
and Fort Wagner, at Chickamauga, Knoxville, and Chattanooga,--under Hooker,
and Meade, and Banks, and Gillmore, and Rosecrans, Burnside, and Grant; in
every scene of danger and of duty, along the Atlantic and the Gulf, on the
Tennessee, the Cumberland, the Mississippi and the Rio Grande,--under
Dupont and Dahlgren, and Foote, and Farragut and Porter,--the sons of
Massachusetts have borne their part, and paid the debt of patriotism and
valor. Ubiquitous as the stock they descend from, national in their
opinions and universal in their sympathies, they have fought shoulder to
shoulder with men of all sections and of every extraction. On the ocean, on
the rivers, on the land, on the heights where they thundered down from the
clouds of Lookout Mountain the defiance of the skies, they have graven with
their swords a record imperishable,

The Muse herself demands the lapse of silent years to soften, by the
influences of Time, her too keen and poignant realization of the scenes of
War--the pathos, the heroism, the fierce joy, the grief of battle. But,
during the ages to come, she will brood over their memory. Into the hearts
of her consecrated priests will breathe the inspirations of lofty and
undying Beauty, Sublimity and Truth, in all the glowing forms of speech, of
literature and plastic art. By the homely traditions of the fireside--by
the head-stones in the church-yard consecrated to those whose farms repose
far off in rude graves by the Rappahannock, or sleep beneath the
sea,--embalmed in the memories of succeeding generations of parents and
children, the heroic dead will live on in immortal youth. By their names,
their character, their service, their fate, their glory, they cannot
fail:--

         "They never fail who die
         In a great cause; the block may soak their gore;
         Their heads may sodden in the sun, their limbs
         Be strung to city gates and castle walls;
         But still their spirit walks abroad. Though years
         Elapse and others share as dark a doom,
         They but augment the deep and sweeping thoughts
         Which overpower all others, and conduct
         The world at last to Freedom."

The edict of Nantes maintaining the religious liberty of the Huguenots gave
lustre to the fame of Henry the Great, whose name will gild the pages of
philosophic history after mankind may have forgotten the martial prowess
and the white plume of Navarre. The Great Proclamation of Liberty will lift
the Ruler who uttered it, our Nation and our Age, above all vulgar destiny.

The bell which rang out the Declaration of independence, has found at last
a voice articulate, to "Proclaim Liberty throughout all the Land unto all
the Inhabitants thereof." It has been heard across oceans, and has modified
the sentiments of cabinets and kings. The people of the Old World have
heard it, and their hearts stop to catch the last whisper of its echoes.
The poor slave has heard it, and with bounding joy, tempered by the mystery
of religion, he worships and adores. The waiting Continent has heard it,
and already foresees the fulfilled prophecy, when she will sit "redeemed,
regenerated, and disenthralled by the irresistible Genius of Universal
Emancipation."
                                                              J. A. Andrew.

                                CCLXXVIII.

                     THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CONTEST.

I hold this armed contest to be a great historical movement, and to have
high moral interest and significance because it is to determine the
character of the institutions under which we, and those who come after us,
are to live. You are not merely sustaining the administration of President
Lincoln against unlawful combinations, but you are fighting on the side of
law, order, government, civilization and progress. The result of this war
is to settle the question whether they who are hereafter to inhabit this
magnificent country are or are not to have that primal blessing of a good
government, without which the most abundant material resources are as
valueless as scientific books or philosophical installments would be among
the most barbarous tribes of Africa or Australia. Surely there cannot be
imagined a war more worthy of calling forth all the energies of a great
people than this.

And if I am asked to define my meaning more distinctly and precisely, I say
that the questions now submitted to the stern arbitrament of war are
substantially these: Is the Constitution of the United States a compact or
a law? Is this Union a Commonwealth, a State, or is it merely a confederacy
or a copartnership? Is there a right of secession in the separate States,
singly or collectively, other than the right of revolution? These are
momentous questions, and if they can be settled in no other way than by a
war, then such a war is worth the price it costs, great as that is. For if
the right of secession be fairly and logically deducible from the
Constitution--if any State, upon its own mere motion, with cause or without
cause, can withdraw from the Union as a partner may dissolve a
copartnership--then the Constitution itself is a stupendous failure, the
men who made it were bungling journeymen and not master-mechanics, and to
institutions of our country, so far from deserving our gratitude and
admiration, are worthy only of our contempt. The hour has come, and the men
have come, to settle these issues, fraught with such vital consequences to
unborn millions. The dusky clouds, surcharged with electric fires, that
stand front to front in mid air and darken the heavens with their power,
have been long in gathering; let the storm continue till the air is
cleared--and no longer.

I want to have it now determined that for all future time any State, or any
cluster of States, that may attempt to coerce or bully a legal and
constitutional majority by the threat of secession, shall be met with the
answer: "You don't go out of this Union unless you are strong enough to
fight your way out." I want to have the armed heel of the country crush the
serpent head of secession, now and forever, so that it shall never again
glare with its baleful eyes, or brandish its venomous tongue. Let not the
fate and fortunes of this glorious country be committed to the keeping of a
clumsy, misshapen raft, compacted of twenty-four or thirty-four logs, good
enough to float down a river, but sure to go to pieces when it gets into
deep water; Let let them be embarked on board a goodly ship, well found,
well fastened, well manned--in which every timber and plank has been so
fashioned as to contribute to the beauty and strength of the whole fabric,
with a good seaman at the helm, the Constitution in the binnacle, and the
stars and stripes at the masthead. When the time of my departure shall
come, let me feel, let me know, that I leave those whom I love under the
protection of a government good enough to secure the affection of its
subjects, and strong enough to enforce their obedience. Remember that if a
strong government be sometimes bad, a weak government is never good.
                                                             G. S. Hillard.


                                 CCLXXIX.

                   THE MILITARY CAPACITY OF THE PEOPLE.

We have cause for gratitude in the military capacity which our people have
developed. We had no great standing armies. We had but a single thoroughly
furnished military school. There was no military profession proper,
inviting young men on the threshold of life to choose the trade of arms. A
soldier's garb was a rare spectacle, and every child ran to the window to
gaze at the passing glitter. Whence should come our fighting men if the
bugle should blow? You must have men before you have soldiers. Our
institutions raised men. Proverbially the Yankee can turn his hand to
anything. He likes to do well what he undertakes. He has a pride in showing
himself equal to his position. Above all, he has force of personal
character. When a Northern regiment makes a charge, it is not merely the
weight of so much physical humanity; there goes weight of character with
it. Why, there is an accomplished schoolmaster there, and the best
blacksmith of the village, and a solid merchant, and a dexterous lawyer,
and the handiest coachman of the stable, and a well known stage-driver on a
prominent public route, and a butcher with an unerring cleaver, and a jolly
tar whose vessel never missed stays with his hand at the wheel; do you
suppose that these men are going to charge like so many nameless Hessians?
Why, it is a personal matter with every one of them. They go in under
orders, to be sure, but they have not lost the sense of individual
responsibility. The thing is to be well done because they are there. I know
it, my friends, the personal character of our recruits lends weight and
irresistibleness to them as soldiers.

There have been no braver men, no stouter soldiers, in all war's red
annals, than these armed clerks, farmers, college boys, and their comrades
of every peaceful calling. Each community keeps the name of some young
hero, nobler than Spartan mothers ever welcomed on his shield. Redder blood
never stained the earth, than those full libations our new mustered ranks
have poured out for union, law, and liberty. There has been no fighting in
the bloody past of human story, where muzzle to muzzle and steel to steel,
bold hearts have more truly played the man, than in those battles of two
years past in which our citizen armies have saved our nationality. Never
have the hardships of the camp, the march, the field, and the trenches, and
the merciless privations of imprisonment been more heroically endured. It
was not needed--and our President said it well--to consecrate the sacred
acres of Gettysburg; that was already done by the deep baptism that had
laved those hills, and not that field only, but all the sands and sods and
waves our boys' brave blood have crimsoned. No land beneath the blue
heavens was ever kept by stouter living bulwarks; no mourners ever had a
nobler heritage than those that mourn our soldier-dead.
                                                               A. L. Stone.


                                  CCLXXX.

                         LIMIT TO HUMAN DOMINION.

God has given the land to man, but the sea He has reserved to Himself. "The
sea is His, and He made it." He has given man "no inheritance in it; no,
not so much as to set his foot on." If he enters its domain, he enters it
as a pilgrim and a stranger. He may pass over it, but he can have no
abiding place upon it. He cannot build his house, nor so much as pitch his
tent within it. He cannot mark it with his lines, nor subdue it to his
uses, nor rear his monuments upon it. It steadfastly refuses to own him as
its lord and master. Its depths do not tremble at his coming. Its waters do
not flee when he appeareth. All the strength of all his generations is to
it as a feather before the whirlwind; and all the noise of his commerce,
and all the thunder of his navies, it can hush in a moment within the
silence of its impenetrable abysses. Whole armies have gone down into that
unfathomable darkness, and not a floating bubble marks the place of their
disappearing. If all the populations of the world, from the beginning of
time, were cast into its depths the smooth surface of its oblivion would
close over them in an hour; and if all the cities of the earth, and all the
structures and monuments ever reared by man were heaped together over that
grave for a tombstone, it would not break the surface of the deep or lift
back their memory to the light of the sun and the breath of the upper air.
The sea would roll its billows in derision, a thousand fathoms deep, above
the topmost stone of that mighty sepulchre. The patient earth submits to
the rule of man, and the mountains bow their rocky heads before the hammer
of his power and the blast of his terrible enginery. The sea cares not for
him; not so much as a single hair's breadth can its level be lowered or
lifted by all the art, and all the effort, and all the enginery of all the
generations of time. He comes and goes upon it, and a moment after it is as
if he had never been there. He may engrave his titles upon the mountain
top, and quarry his signature into the foundations of the globe, but he
cannot write his name on the sea. And thus, by its material uses and its
spiritual voices, does the sea ever speak to us, to tell up that its
builder and maker is God. He hewed its channels in the deep, and drew its
barriers upon the stand, and cast its belted waters around the world. He
fitted it to the earth and the sky, and poised them skilfully, the one
against the other, when He "measured the waters in the hollow of His hand,
and meted out heaven with the span, and comprehended the dust of the earth
in a measure, and weighted the mountains in scales, and the hills in a
balance." He gave the sea its wonderful laws, and armed it with its
wonderful powers, and set it upon its wonderful work.

         "O'er all its breadth His wisdom walks,
         On all its waves His goodness shines."
                                                                  L. Swain.


                                 CCLXXXI.

                       THE BATTLE OF CIVILIZATIONS.

Our war is only an appeal from the nineteenth century of freedom and
ballots to the system of the sixteenth century. The old conflict,--a new
weapon, that is all. The South thought because once, twice, thrice, the
spaniel North had gotten down on her knees, that this time, also, poisoned
by cotton-dust, she would kiss her feet. But instead of that, for the first
time in our history, the North has flung the insult back, and said: "By the
Almighty, the Mississippi is mine, and I will have it." Now, when shall
come peace? Out of this warlike conflict, when shall come peace? Just as it
came in the conflict of parties and discussion. Whenever one civilization
gets the uppermost positively, then there will be peace, and never till
then.

There is no new thing under the sun. The light shed upon our future is the
light of experience. Seventy years have not left us ignorant of what the
aristocracy of the South means and plans. The South needs to rule, or she
goes by the board. She is a wise power. I respect her for it. She knows
that she needs to rule. What does Mr. Jefferson Davis plan? Do you suppose
he plans for an imaginary line to divide South Carolina from New York and
Massachusetts? What good would that do? An imaginary line would not shut
out ideas. But she must bar out those ideas. That is the programme in the
South. He imagines he can broaden his base by allying himself to a weaker
race. He says: "I will join marriage with the weak races of Mexico and the
Southwest, and then, perhaps, I can draw to my side the Northwest, with its
interests as an agricultural population, naturally allied to me, and not to
the Northeast, with its tariff set of States." And he thinks thus, a
strong, quiet, slaveholding empire, he will bar New England and New York
out in the cold, and will have comparative peace.

But if he bar New England out in the cold, what then? She is still there.
And give it only the fulcrum of Plymouth Rock an idea will upheave the
continent. Now, Davis knows that better than we do,--a great deal better.
His plan, therefore is to mould an empire so strong, so broad, that it can
control New England and New York. He is not only to found a slaveholding
despotism, but he is to make it so strong that, by traitors among us, and
hemming us in by power, he is to cripple, confine, break down, the free
discussion of these Northern States. Unless he does that, he is not safe.
He knows it. Now I do not say he will succeed, but I tell you what I think
is the plan of a statesmanlike leader of this effort. To make slavery safe,
he must mould Massachusetts, not into being a slaveholding Commonwealth,
but into being a silent, unprotesting Commonwealth; that Maryland and
Virginia, the Carolinas, and Arkansas, may be quiet, peaceable populations.
He is a wise man. He knows what he wants, and he wants it with a will, like
Julius Cæsar of old. He has gathered every dollar and every missile south
of Mason and Dixon's line to hurl a thunderbolt that shall serve his
purpose. And if he does achieve a separate confederacy, and shall be able
to bribe the West into neutrality, much less alliance, a dangerous time,
and a terrible battle, will these Eastern States have. For they will never
make peace. The Yankee who comes out of Cromwell's bosom will fight his
Naseby a hundred years, if it last so long, but he will conquer. In other
words, Davis will try to rule. If he conquers, he is to bring, in his
phrase, Carolina to Massachusetts. And if we conquer, what is our policy?
To carry Massachusetts to Carolina. In other words, carry Northern
civilization all over the South. It is a contest between civilizations.
Which ever conquers supersedes the other.
                                                               W. Phillips.


                                 CCLXXXII.

                      SECESSION THE DEATH OF SLAVERY.

Severed from us, South Carolina must have a government. You see now a reign
of terror,--threats to raise means. That can only last a day. Some system
must give a support to a government. It is an expensive luxury. You must
lay taxes to support it. Where will you levy your taxes? They must rest on
productions. Productions are the result of skilled labor. You must educate
your laborer, if you would have the means for carrying on a government.
Despotisms are cheap; free governments are a dear luxury,--the machinery is
complicated and expensive. If the South wants a theoretical republic, she
must pay for it, she must have a basis for taxation. How will she pay for
it? Why, Massachusetts, with a million workmen,--men, women, and
children,--the little feet that can just toddle bringing chips from the
wood-pile.--Massachusetts only pays her own board and lodging, and lays by
about four per cent a year. And South Carolina, with one half idlers, and
the other half slaves, a slave doing only half the work of a freeman,--only
one quarter of the population actually at work, how much do you suppose she
lays up? Lays up a loss! By all the laws of political economy, she lays up
bankruptcy; of course she does! Put her out, and let her see how sheltered
she has been from the laws of trade by the Union! The free labor of the
North pays her plantation patrol; we pay for her government, we pay for her
postage, and for everything else. Launch her out, and let her see if she
can make the year's ends meet! And when she tries, she must educate her
labor in order to get the basis for taxation. Educate slaves! Make a
locomotive with its furnaces of open wirework, fill them with anthracite
coal, and when you have raised it to a white heat, mount and drive it
through a powder magazine, and you are safe, compared with a slaveholding
community educating its slaves. But South Carolina must do it, in order to
get the basis for taxation to support an independent government. The moment
she does it, she removes the safeguard of slavery.

What is the contest in Virginia now? Between the men who want to make their
slaves mechanics, for the increased wages it will secure, and the men who
oppose, for fear of the influence it will have on the general security of
slave property and white throats. Just that dispute will go on, wherever
the Union is dissolved. Slavery comes to an end by the laws of trade. Hang
up your Sharpe's rifle, my valorous friend! The slave does not ask the help
of your musket. He only says, like old Diogenes to Alexander, "Stand out of
my light!" Just take your awkward proportions, you Yankee Democrat and
Republican, out of the light and heat of God's laws of political economy,
and they will melt the slaves' chains away!
                                                               W. Phillips.


                                CCLXXXIII.

              THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY MOVEMENT.

No matter where you meet a dozen earnest men pledged to a new
idea,--wherever you have met them, you have met the beginning of a
revolution. Revolutions are not made: they come. A revolution is as natural
a growth as an oak. It comes out of the past. Its foundations are laid far
back. The child feels; he grows into a man, and thinks; another, perhaps,
speaks, and the world acts out the thought. And this is the history of
modern society. Men undervalue the Anti-slavery movement, because they
imagine you can always put your finger on some illustrious moment in
history, and say, here commenced the great change which has come over the
nation. Not so. The beginning of great changes is like the rise of the
Mississippi. A child must stoop and gather away the pebbles to find it. But
soon it swells broader and broader, bears on its ample bosom the navies of
a mighty republic, fills the Gulf, and divides a continent.

I remember a story of Napoleon which illustrates my meaning. We are apt to
trace his control of France to some noted victory, to the time when he
camped in the Tuileries, or when he dissolved the Assembly by the stamp of
his foot. He reigned in fact when his hand was first felt on the helm of
the vessel of state, and that was far back of the time when he had
conquered in Italy, or his name had been echoed over two continents. It was
on the day when five hundred irresolute men were met in that Assembly which
called itself, and pretended to be, the government of France. They heard
that the mob of Paris was coming the next morning, thirty thousand strong,
to turn them, as was usual in those days, out of doors. And where did this
seemingly great power go for its support and refuge? They sent Tallien to
seek out a boy-lieutenant,--the shadow of an officer,--so thin and pallid
that, when he was placed on the stand before them, the President of the
Assembly, fearful, if the fate of France rested on the shrunken form, the
ashy cheek before him, that all hope was gone, asked, "Young man, can you
protect the Assembly?" And the stern lips of the Corsican boy parted only
to reply, "I always do what I undertake!" Then and there Napoleon ascended
his throne; and the next day, from the steps of St. Roche, thundered forth
the cannon which taught the mob of Paris, for the first time, that it had a
master. That was the commencement of the Empire. So the Anti-slavery
movement commenced unheeded in that "obscure hole" which Mayor Otis could
not find, occupied by a printer and a black boy.
                                                               W. Phillips.


                                 CCLXXXIV.

                            "TOUCH NOT SLAVERY"

What! you the descendants of those men of iron who preferred a
life-or-death struggle with misery on the bleak and wintry coast of New
England to submission to priestcraft and kingcraft; you, the offspring of
those hardy pioneers who set their faces against all the dangers and
difficulties that surround the early settler's life; you, who subdued the
forces of wild nature, cleared away the primeval forest, covered the end
less prairie with human habitations; you, this race of bold reformers who
blended together the most incongruous elements of birth and creed, who
built up a government which you called a model republic, and undertook to
show mankind how to be free; you, the mighty nation of the West, that
presumes to defy the world in arms, and to subject a hemisphere to its
sovereign dictation; you, who boast of recoiling from no enterprise ever so
great, and no problem ever so fearful--the spectral monster of Slavery
stares you in the face, and now your blood runs cold, and all your courage
fails you? For half a century it has disturbed the peace of this Republic;
it has arrogated to itself your national domain; it has attempted to
establish its absolute rule, and to absorb even your future development; it
has disgraced you in the eyes of mankind, and now it endeavors to ruin you
if it cannot rule you; it raises its murderous hand against the
institutions most dear to you; it attempts to draw the power of foreign
nations upon your heads; it swallows up the treasures you have earned by
long years of labor; it drinks the blood of your sons and the tears of your
wives and now, every day it is whispered in your ears, "Whatever Slavery
may have done to you, whatever you may suffer, touch it not! No matter how
many thousand millions of your wealths it may cost, no matter how much
blood you may have to shed in order to disarm its murderous hand, touch it
not! No matter how many years of peace and prosperity you may have to
sacrifice in order to prolong its existence, touch it not! And if it should
cost you your honor, touch it not!"

Listen to this story: On the Lower Potomac, as the papers tell us, a negro
comes within our lines, and tells the valiant defenders of the Union that
his master conspires with the rebels, and has a quantity of arms concealed
in a swamp; our soldiers go and find the arms; the master reclaims the
slave; the slave is given up; the master ties him to his horse, drags him
along eleven miles to his house, lashes him to a tree, and, with the
assistance of his overseer, whips him three hours--three mortal hours; then
the negro dies. That black man served the Union; Slavery attempts to
destroy the Union; the Union surrenders the black man to Slavery, and he is
whipped to death--touch it not! Let an imperishable blush of shame cover
every cheek in this boasted land of freedom--but be careful not to touch
Slavery! Ah, what a dark divinity is this, that we must sacrifice to it our
peace, our prosperity, our blood, our future, our honor! What an insatiable
vampire is this that drinks out the very marrow of our manliness! Pardon
me; this sounds like a dark dream, like the offspring of a hypochondriac
imagination; and yet--have I been unjust in what I have said?
                                                               Carl Schurz.


                                 CCLXXXV.

                                   OHIO.

Ohio rises before the world as the majestic witness to the beneficent
reality of the democratic principle. A commonwealth younger in years than
he who addresses you, not long ago having no visible existence but in the
emigrant wagons, now numbers almost as large a population as that of all
England when it gave birth to Raleigh, and Bacon, and Shakespeare, and
began its continuous attempts at colonizing America. Each one of her
inhabitants gladdens in the fruit of his own toil. She possesses wealth
that must be computed by thousands of millions; and her frugal, industrious
and benevolent people, at once daring and prudent, unfettered in the use of
their faculties, restless in enterprise, do not squander the accumulations
of their industry in vain show, but ever go on to render the earth more
productive, more beautiful, and more convenient to man; mastering for
mechanical purposes the unwitting forces of nature; keeping exemplary good
faith with their public creditors; building in half a century more.
churches than all England has raised since this continent was discovered;
endowing and sustaining universities and other seminaries of learning.
Conscious of the dynamic power of mind in action as the best of fortresses,
Ohio keeps no standing army but that of her school-teachers, of whom she
pays more than twenty thousand; she provides a library for every
school-district; she counts among her citizens more than three hundred
thousand men who can bear arms, and she has more than twice that number of
children registered as students in her public schools. Here the purity of
domestic morals is maintained by the virtue and dignity of woman. In the
heart of the temperate zone of this continent, in the land of corn, of
wheat, and the vine, the eldest daughter of the Ordinance of 1787, already
the young mother of other commonwealths that bid fair to vie with her in
beauty, rises in her loveliness and glory, crowned with cities, and
challenges the admiration of the world. Hither should come the political
skeptic, who, in his despair, is ready to strand the ship of state; for
here he may learn how to guide it safely on the waters. Should some modern
Telemachus, heir to an island empire, touch these shores, here he may
observe the vitality and strength of the principle of popular power; take
from the book of experience the lesson that in public affairs great and
happy results follow in proportion to faith in the efficacy of that
principle, and learn to rebuke ill-advised counsellors who pronounce the
most momentous and most certain of political truths a delusion and a
failure.
                                                               G. Bancroft.


                                 CCLXXXVI.

               THE CONTROVERSY BETWEEN THE NORTH AND SOUTH.

It is exceedingly desirable that all parts of this great Confederacy shall
be at peace, and in harmony, one with another. Let us do our part to have
it so. Even though much provoked, let us do nothing through passion and ill
temper. Even though the Southern people will not so much as listen to us,
let us calmly consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our
deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can. The question is, What will
satisfy them? Simply this: We must not only let them alone, but we must,
somehow, convince them that we do let them alone. This, we know by
experience, is no easy task. We have been trying to convince them from the
very beginning of our organization, but with no success. In all our
platforms and speeches we have constantly protested our purpose to let them
alone; but this has had no tendency to convince them. What will convince
them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join them in
calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly--done in acts as well as
in words. Silence will not be tolerated we must place ourselves avowedly
with them. Senator Douglas's new sedition law must be enacted and enforced
suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, whether made in
politics, in presses, in pulpits or in private. We must arrest and return
their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must pull down our Free
State constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be disinfected from all
taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease to believe that all
their troubles proceed from us.

I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this way. Most
of them would probably say to us: "Let us alone, do nothing to us, and say
what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone--have never
disturbed them--so that, after all, it is what we say, which dissatisfies
them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we cease saying.

Nor can we justifiably withhold this, an any ground save our conviction
that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and
constitutions against it, are themselves wrong, and should be silenced, and
swept away. If it is right, we can not justly object to its
nationality--its universality; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist
upon its extension--its enlargement. All they ask, we could readily grant,
if we thought slavery right; all we ask, they could as readily grant, if
they thought it wrong. Their thinking it right and our thinking it wrong,
is the precise fact upon which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it
right, as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition,
as being right; but, thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them? Can
we cast our votes with their view, and against our own? In view of our
moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we do this?

Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it
is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual
presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow
it to spread into the National Territories, and to overrun us here in these
Free States? If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our
duty, fearlessly and effectively.

Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us,
nor frightened from it by menaces either of destruction to the government
or of dungeons to ourselves. LET US HAVE FAITH THAT RIGHT MAKES MIGHT, AND
IN THAT FAITH, LET US, TO THE END DARE TO DO OUR DUTY AS WE UNDERSTAND IT.
                                                                A. Lincoln.


                                CCLXXXVII.

                         THE PRETEXT OF REBELLION.

If war must come--if the bayonet must be used to maintain the
Constitution--I can say, before God, my conscience is clear. I have
struggled long for a peaceful solution of the difficulty. I have not only
tendered those States what was theirs of right, but I have gone to the very
extreme off magnanimity, The return we receive is war, armies marched upon
our Capital obstructions and danger to our navigation, letters of marque
to invite pirates to prey upon our commerce, a concerted movement to blot
out the United States of America from the map of the globe. The question
is, Are we to be stricken down by those who, when they can no longer
govern, threaten to destroy? What cause, what excuse do disunionists give
us for breaking up the best government on which the sun of heaven ever shed
its rays? They are dissatisfied with the result of a Presidential
election. Did they never get beaten before? Are we to resort to the sword
when we get defeated at the ballot-box? I understand that the voice of the
people expressed in the mode appointed by the Constitution must command the
obedience of every citizen. They assume, on the election of a particular
candidate, that their rights are not safe in the Union. What evidence do
they present of this? I defy any man to show any act on which it is based.
What act has been omitted or been done? I appeal to these assembled
thousands, that so far as the constitutional rights of the Southern
States--I will say the constitutional rights of slaveholders--are
concerned, nothing has been done, and nothing omitted, of which they can
complain.

There has never been a time, from the day that Washington was inaugurated
first President of these United States, when the rights of the Southern
States stood firmer under the laws of the land than they do now; there
never was a time when they had not as good a cause for disunion as they
have to-day. What good cause have they now that has not existed under every
administration? If they say the Territorial question--now, for the first
time, there is no act of Congress prohibiting slavery anywhere. If it be
the non-enforcement of the laws, the only complaints that I have heard have
been of the too vigorous and faithful fulfillment of the Fugitive Slave
Law. Then what reason have they? The slavery question is a mere excuse. The
election of Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present secession movement is
the result of an enormous conspiracy formed more than a year since--foraged
by leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve months ago. They
use the slavery question as a means to aid the accomplishment of their
ends. They desired the election of a Northern candidate, by a sectional
vote, in order to show that the two sections cannot live together. When the
history of the two years from the Lecompton charter down to the
Presidential election shall be written, it will be shown that the scheme
was deliberately made to break up this Union. They desired a Northern
Republican to be elected by a purely Northern vote, and now assign this
fact as a reason why the sections may not longer live together. If the
disunion candidate in the late Presidential contest had carried the united
South, their scheme was, the Northern candidate successful, to seize the
Capital last spring, and, by a united South and divided North, hold it.
That scheme was defeated in the defeat of the disunion candidate in several
of the Southern states. The conspiracy is now known. Armies have been
raised, war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides to the
question. Every man must be for the United States or against them. There
can be no neutrals in this war; only patriots or traitors.
                                                            S. A. Douglass.


                                CCLXXXVIII.

                  NO NEUTRALS; ONLY PATRIOTS OR TRAITORS.

But this is no time for a detail of causes. The conspiracy is now known.
Armies have been raised, war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two
sides to the question. Every man must be for the United States or against
them. There can be no neutrals in this war; only patriots or tractors. We
cannot close our eyes to the sad and solemn fact that war does exist. The
government must be maintained, its enemies overthrown; and the more
stupendous our preparations the less the bloodshed, and the shorter the
struggle will be. But we must remember certain restraints on our action
even in time of war. We are a Christian people, and the war must be
prosecuted in a manner recognized by Christian nations. We must not invade
constitutional rights. The innocent must not suffer, nor women or children
be the victims. Savages must not be let loose. But while I sanction no war
on the rights of others, I will implore my countrymen not to lay down their
arms until our own rights are recognized. The Constitution and its
guarantees are our birth right, and I am ready to enforce that inalienable
right to the last extent. We cannot recognize secession. Recognize it once,
and you have not only dissolved government, but you have destroyed social
order, and upturned the foundations of society You have inaugurated anarchy
in its worst form, and will shortly experience all the horrors of the
French Revolution.

Then we have a solemn duty,--to maintain the government. The greater our
unanimity, the speedier the day of peace. We have prejudices to overcome
from a fierce party contest waged a few short months since. Yet these must
be allayed. Let us lay aside all criminations and recriminations as to the
origin of these difficulties. When we shall have again a country, with the
United States flag floating over it, and respected on every inch of
American soil, it will then be time enough to ask who and what brought all
this upon us. I have said more than I intended to say. It is a sad task to
discuss questions so fearful as civil war; but sad as it is, bloody and
disastrous as I expect the war will be, I express it as my conviction,
before God, that it is the duty of every American citizen to rally round
the flag of his country.
                                                            S. A. Douglass.


                                 CCLXXXIX.

         ON THE ORDINANCE OF SECESSION IN THE GEORGIA CONVENTION.

This step, once taken, can never be recalled; and all the baleful and
withering consequences that follow will rest on the convention for all
coming time. When we and our posterity shall see our lovely South desolated
by the demon of war, which this act of yours will inevitably invite and
call forth; when your green fields of waving harvests shall be trodden down
by the murderous soldiery and the very car of war sweeping over our land;
our temples of justice laid in ashes; all the horrors and desolation of war
upon us, who but this convention will be held responsible for it? and who
but him who shall have given his vote for this unwise and ill-timed measure
shall be held to strict account for this suicidal act by the present
generation, and probably cursed and execrated by posterity for all coming
time, for the wide and desolating ruin that will inevitably follow this act
you now propose to perpetrate?

Pause, I entreat you, and consider for a moment what reasons you can give
that will ever satisfy yourselves in calmer moments,--what reasons you can
give to your fellow-sufferers in the calamity that it will bring upon us?
What reason can you give the nations of the earth to justify it? They will
be the calm and deliberate judges in the case, and to what cause, or one
overt act can you point, on which to rest the plea of justification? What
right has the North assailed? What interest of the South has been invaded?
What justice has been denied? and what claim founded in justice and right
has been withheld? can either of you to-day name one governmental act of
wrong deliberately and purposely done by the government at Washington of
which the South has a right to complain? I challenge the answer! While, on
the other hand, let me show the facts (and believe me, gentlemen, I am not
here the advocate of the North, but am here the firm friend and lover of
the South and her institutions, and for this reason I speak thus plainly
and faithfully for yours, mine, and every other man's interest, the words
of truth and soberness,) let me show the facts, I say, of which I wish you
to judge, and I will only state facts which are clear and undeniable, and
which now stand as records authentic in the history of our country.

When we of the South demanded the slave-trade, or the importation of
Africans for the cultivation of our lands, did they not yield the right for
twenty years? When we asked a three-fifths representation in Congress for
our slaves, was it not granted? When we asked and demanded the return of
any fugitive from justice, or the recovery of those persons owing labor or
allegiance, was it not incorporated in the constitution? and again ratified
and strengthened in the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850? Do you reply that in
many instances they have violated this compact, and have not been faithful
to their engagements? As individuals and local communities they may have
done so; but not by the sanction of government; for that has always been
true to Southern interests.

Leaving out of the view, for the present, the countless millions of dollars
you must expend in a war with the North, there will be thousands and tens
of thousands of your sons and brothers slain in battle, and opened up as
sacrifices upon the altar of ambition,--and for what, we ask again? It is
for the overthrow of the American government, established by our common
ancestry cemented and built up by their sweat and blood, and founded on the
broad principles of Right, Justice, and Humanity? And, as such, I must
declare here, as I have often done before, and which has been repeated by
the greatest and wisest of statesman and patriots in this and other lands,
that it is the best and freest government,--the most equal in its
rights,--the most just in its decisions--the most lenient in its measures:
and the most inspiring in its principles to elevate the race of men, that
the sun in heaven ever shone upon.

Now, for you to attempt to overthrow such a government as this, under which
we have lived for more than three quarters of a century, in which we have
gained our wealth, our standing as a nation, our domestic safety while the
elements of peril are round us with peace and tranquility accompanied with
unbounded prosperity and rights unassailed--is the height of madness, folly
and wickedness, to which I can neither lend my sanction nor my vote.
                                                            A. H. Stephens.


                                   CCXC.

                   "THE HIRELING LABORERS" OF THE NORTH.

The Senator from South Carolina [Mr. Hammond] exclaims: "The man who lives
by daily labor, your whole hireling class of manual laborers, are
essentially slaves; and they feel galled by their degradation." What a
sentiment is this to hear uttered in the councils of this democratic
republic! This language of scorn and contempt is addressed to senators who
were not nursed by a slave; whose lot it was to toil with their own
hands,--to eat bread, earned, not by the sweat of another's brow, but by
their own.

Sir, should the Senator and his agitators and lecturers come to
Massachusetts, on a mission to teach our "hireling class of manual
laborers," our "slaves," the "tremendous secret of the ballot-box," and to
help "combine and lead them," these stigmatized "hirelings" would reply to
the Senator and his associates: "we are freemen; we are the peers of the
gifted and the wealthy; we know 'the tremendous secret of the ballot-box;'
and we mould and fashion these institutions that bless and adorn our free
Commonwealth! These public schools are ours, for the education of our
children; these libraries, with their accumulated treasures, are ours;
these multitudinous and varied pursuits of life, where intelligence and
skill find their reward, are ours. Labor is here honored and respected, and
great examples incite us to action.

"All around us, in the professions, in the marts of commerce, on the
exchange where merchant princes and capitalists do congregate, in these
manufactories and workshops where the products of every clime are fashioned
into a thousand forms of utility and beauty, on these smiling farms
fertilized by the sweat of free labor, in every position of private and of
public life,--are our associates, who were but yesterday what you call
'hireling laborers,' and therefore, 'essentially slaves!' In every
department of human effort are noble men who sprang from our ranks,-men
whose good deeds will be felt, and will live in the grateful memories of
men, when the stones reared by the hands of affection to their honored
names shall crumble into dust. Our eyes glisten and our hearts throb over
the bright, glowing, and radiant pages of our history that record the deeds
of patriotism of the sons of New England who sprang from our ranks, and
wore the badges of toil. While the names of Benjamin Franklin, Roger
Sherman, Nathaniel Greene, and Paul Revere, live on the brightest pages of
our history, the mechanics of Massachusetts and New England will never want
illustrious examples to incite us to noble aspirations and noble deeds.

"Go home, sir, and say to your privileged class, which you vauntingly say
leads progress, civilization, and refinement, that in the opinion of the
'hireling laborers' of Massachusetts, if you have no sympathy for your
African bondsmen, you should, at least, sympathize with the millions of
your own race, whose labor your have dishonored and degraded by slavery!
You should teach your millions of poor and ignorant white men, so long
oppressed by your policy, the 'tremendous secret that the ballot-box is
stronger than an army with banners!' You should 'combine' and lead them to
the adoption of a policy which shall secure their own emancipation from a
degrading thraldom!"
                                                                 H. Wilson.


                                  CCXCI.

               THE DEATH OF SLAVERY THE LIFE OF THE NATION.

We of America have been accustomed to contemplate, with something of
gratified and patriotic pride, the wondrous progress of our country, and
the strength and stability of our Government. Gazing with beaming eye and
throbbing heart upon the grandeur and beauty of this splendid edifice of
constitutional government in America, we came to believe that it was as
imperishable as the memory of its illustrious builders. We dreamed for our
native land a glorious destiny--a magnificent career among the nations
during the coming ages. But our firm, confident faith is now shaken--our
bright hopes are now dimmed--our lofty pride is now humbled--our gorgeous
visions of the future glories of the Republic are now obscured by the storm
of battle. Our country, the land of so much of affection, of pride and of
hope, now presents to the startled and astonished gaze of mankind an
appalling, humiliating, and saddening spectacle. Treasonable menaces of
other days have now ripened into treasonable deeds. Civil war holds its
carnival, and reaps its bloody harvest. The nation is grappling with a
gigantic conspiracy--struggling for existence--for the preservation of its
menaced life--against a rebellion that finds no parallel in the annals of
the world.

Why is it that the land resounds with the measured tread of a million of
armed men? Why is it that our bright waters all stained and our green
fields reddened with fraternal blood? Why is it that the young men of
America, in the pride and bloom of early manhood, are summoned from homes,
from the mothers who bore them, from the wives and sisters who love them,
to the fields of bloody strife--there to do soldiers' duties, bear
soldiers' burdens, and fill soldiers' graves? Why is it that thousands of
the men and the women of Christian America are sorrowing, with aching
hearts and tearful eyes, for the absent, the loved, and the lost? Why is it
that the heart of loyal America throbs, heavily oppressed with anxiety and
gloom, for the future of the country?

These crimes against the peace of the country and the life of the nation
are all, all to eternize the hateful dominion of man over the souls and
bodies of his fellow-men--to make slavery perpetual and its power forever
dominant in Christian and Republican America. These sacrifices of property
of health, of life--these appalling sorrows and agonies now upon us, are
all the inflictions of slavery, in its gigantic effort to found a
slaveholding empire in America. Yes, slavery is the "architect of ruin"
who organized this mighty conspiracy against the unity and existence of the
Republic. Slavery is the traitor that plunged the Nation into the fire, and
blood, and darkness of civil war. Slavery is the criminal whose hands are
dripping with the blood of our murdered sons. Before the tribunal of
mankind, of the present and of coming ages--before the bar of the
ever-living God--the loyal heart of America holds slavery responsible for
every dollar sacrificed, for every drop of blood shed, for every pang of
toil, of agony, and of death for every tear wrung from suffering or
affection, in this godless rebellion now upon us. For these treasonable
deeds, these crimes against freedom, humanity, and the life of the Nation,
slavery should be doomed by the loyal people of America to a swift, utter,
and ignominious annihilation.

Slavery, bold, proud, domineering with hate in its heart, scorn in its eye,
defiance in its mien, has pronounced against the existence of republican
institutions in America, against the supremacy of the Government, the unity
and life of the Nation. Slavery, hating the cherished institutions that
tend to secure the rights and enlarge the privileges of mankind, despising
the toiling masses, as "mudsills" and "white slaves," defying the
Government, its Constitution and its laws, has openly pronounced itself the
mortal and unappeasable enemy of the Republic. Slavery stands now the only
clearly pronounced foe our country has on the globe. Therefore, every word
spoken, every line written, every act performed, that keeps the breath of
life, for a moment, in slavery, is against the existence and perpetuity of
democratic institutions against the dignity of the toiling millions of
America--against the liberty, the peace, the honor, the renown, and the
life of the Nation. In the lights of to-day that flash upon us from camp
and battle-field, the loyal eye, heart, and brain of America sees and feels
and realizes that THE DEATH OF SLAVERY IS THE LIFE OF THE NATION! The loyal
voice of patriotism throughout all the land pronounces, in clear accents,
that AMERICAN SLAVERY MUST DIE THAT THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC MAY LIVE!
                                                                 H. Wilson.


                                  CCXCII.

                     THE FANATICISM OF MASSACHUSETTS.

This, sir, is not the first time in her history that Massachusetts has
drawn upon herself reproach and rebuke for unbending adherence to the
rights of human nature. In the days of her colonial existence, her
unshrinking devotion to the rights of mankind often drew upon her the
censure of the pliant supporters of the British Crown; but the world now
quotes and commends her inspiring example. Now her abhorrence of human
slavery brings upon her the condemnation of its advocates and apologists,
but the hour will yet come, in the march of time, when her unwavering
fidelity to an unpopular cause in spite of obloquy and reproach, will be a
source of inspiration to men struggling to recover lost rights.
Massachusetts clings with the tenacity of profound conviction to the
teachings of her own illustrious sons. She was taught by Benjamin Franklin
that "slavery is an atrocious debasement of human nature;" by John Adams
that "consenting to slavery is a sacrilegious breach of trust;" by John
Quincy Adams that "slavery taints the very sources of moral
principle"--"establishes false estimates of virtue and vice;" by Daniel
Webster that "it is a continual and permanent violation of human
rights"--"opposed to the whole spirit of the Gospels and to the teachings
of Jesus Christ;" by William Ellery Channing that "to extend and perpetuate
the evil, we cut ourselves off from the communion of nations; we sink below
the civilization of our age; we invite the scorn, indignation and
abhorrence of the world." Massachusetts cannot forget or repudiate these
words of her immortal sons.

The distinguishing opinion of Massachusetts concerning slavery in America
is often flippantly branded in these Halls, as wild, passionate,
unreasoning fanaticism. Senators of the South! tell me, I pray you tell me,
if it be fanaticism for Massachusetts to see in this age, what your
peerless Washington saw in his age "the direful effects of slavery?" Is it
fanaticism for Massachusetts to believe as your Henry believed, that
"slavery is as repugnant to humanity as it is inconsistent with the Bible,
and destructive to liberty?" Is it fanaticism for her to believe as your
Madison believed, that "slavery is a dreadful calamity?" Is it fanaticism
for her to believe with your Monroe, that "slavery has preyed upon the
vitals of the union and has been prejudicial to all the States in which it
has existed?" Is it fanaticism for her to believe with your Martin that
"slavery lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates
us to tyranny and oppression?" Is it fanaticism for her to believe with
your Pinckney that "it will one day destroy the reverence for liberty,
which is the vital principle of a Republic?" Is it fanaticism for her to
believe with your Henry Clay, that "slavery is a wrong, a grievous wrong,
and no contingency can make it right?" Surely, Senators who are wont to
accuse Massachusetts of being drunk with fanaticism, should not forget that
the noblest men the South has given to the service of the Republic, in
peace and in war, were her teachers.
                                                                 H. Wilson.


                                 CCXCIII.

                         DEFENCE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

Massachusetts, in her heart of hearts, loves liberty--loathes slavery. I
glory in her sentiments; for the heart of our common humanity is throbbing
in sympathy with her opinions. But she is not unmindful of her
constitutional duties, of her obligations to the Union and to her sister
States. Up to the verge of constitutional power she will go in maintenance
of her cherished convictions; but she has not shrunk, and she does not mean
to shrink, from the performance of her obligations as a member of this
Confederation of constellated States. She has never sought, she does not
seek, to encroach, by her own acts or by the action of the Federal
Government, upon the constitutional rights of her sister States. Jealous of
her own rights, she will respect the rights of others. Claiming the power
to control her own domestic policy, she freely accords that power to her
sister States. Concealing the rights of others, she demands her own. Loyal
to the Union, she demands loyalty in others. Here, and now, I demand of her
accusers that they file their bill of specifications, and produce the
proofs of their allegations, or forever hold their peace.

In other days, when Adams, Webster, Davis, Everett, Cushing, Choate,
Winthrop, Mann, Rantoul, and their associates graced these chambers,
Massachusetts was then, as she is now, the object of animadversion and
assault. I have sometimes thought, Mr. President, that these continual
assaults upon the Commonwealth of Massachusetts were prompted--not by her
faults, but by her virtues rather--not by the sense of justice, but by the
spirit of envy and jealousy and uncharitableness. Unawed, however, by
censure or menace, she continues in her course, upward and onward, to the
accomplishment of her high destinies. She is but a speck, a mere patch on
the surface of America, hardly more than one four-hundredth part of the
territory of the Republic, with a rugged soil and still more rugged clime.
But on that little spot of the globe is a Common wealth where common
consent is recognized as the only just basis of fundamental law, and
personal freedom is secured in its completest individuality. In that
Commonwealth are one and a quarter million of freemen, with skilled hand
and cultivated brain,--with mechanic arts and manufactures on every
streamlet, and commerce on the waves of all the seas--with institutions of
moral and mental culture open to all, and art, science, and literature
illustrated by glorious names--with benevolent institutions for the sons
and daughters of misfortune and poverty, and charities for humanity the
wide world over, The heart, the soul, the reason of Massachusetts send up
unceasing aspirations for the unity, indivisibility, and perpetuity of the
North American Republic; but if it shall be rent, torn, dissevered, she
will not lose her faith in God and humanity, she will not go down with the
falling fortunes of her country without making a struggle to preserve and
perpetuate free institutions. So long as the ocean shall roll at her feet,
so long as God shall send her health-giving breezes and sunshine and rain,
she will endeavor to illustrate, in the future as in the past, the daily
beauty of freedom secured and protected by law.
                                                                 H. Wilson.


                                  CCXCIV.

                               EMANCIPATION.

Shall these once slaves but now freemen be remanded back to bondage? No:
"personal property once forfeited is always forfeited." No: slaves once
legally free are always free. No, no; thrice no, by the ashes of our
fathers, by the altar of our God! The "chosen curses," and the "hidden
thunder in the stores of heaven" will forbid the rendition--a crime to
them, a malediction to their masters, a shame to us, and a disgrace to the
age. If these children of wrong and oppression are the lawful spoil of our
victorious arms, give up to the enemy your proudest national memorials--the
sword of Washington, the staff of Franklin, that time-worn but immortal
parchment which just authoritatively published your Independence to the
world--give up to him the blood-stained flags and trophies which, upon the
bristling crest of battle, our heroic defenders have wrenched from his
desperate grasp; give up to him this Capitol itself and throw at his feet
the President's head, before you give up the most abject of these bondsmen
disenthralled; for in surrendering them you will squander one of those
priceless moments, big with the future, worth more than a whole generation
of either bond or free, the rare and pregnant occasion placed in your hand
by the fortune of war of wiping forever African slavery from the American
continent.

If this deliverance is ever vouchsafed, then shall we be purged forever of
the sole source of our weakness and dissension in the past; then will pass
away forever the sole cloud that threatens the glory of our future; then
will the American Union be transfigured into a more erect and shining
presence, and tread with firm footsteps a loftier plane, and cherish nobler
theories, and carry its head nearer the stars; then will it be no
profanation to wed its redeemed and unpolluted name to that of immortal
Liberty; then Liberty and Union will go on, hand in hand, and, under a
holier inspiration and with more benign and blessed auspices, will revive
their grand mission of peacefully acquiring and peacefully incorporating
contiguous territories, and peacefully assimilating their inhabitants; then
from the Orient to the Occident, from the flowery shores of the great
Southern Gulf to the frozen barriers of the great Northern Bay, will they
unite in spreading a civilization, not intertwined with slavery, but purged
of its contamination, a civilization which means universal emancipation,
universal enfranchisement, universal brotherhood.

Despair not, then, soldiers, statesmen, citizens, women, we are fighting
energetically for a nation's life. The cloud which now shuts down before
your vision will yet disclose its silver lining. Peace shall be born from
war, and out of chaos order shall yet emerge. We shall dwell together in
harmony, and but one nation shall inhabit our sea-girt borders. We seem
sailing along the land, hearing the ripple that breaks upon the shore,
where our recreated and regenerated Republic, after it has passed through
this fiery furnace of war, these gates of death, shall be permanently
installed. We shall yet tread its meadows and pastures green, trade in its
marts, live in its palaces worship in its temples, and legislate in its
Capitol.
                                                              H. C. Deming.


                                  CCXCV.

                         PROTECTION FOR TENNESSEE.

The amendments to the Constitution which constitute the Bill of Rights,
declare that "a well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a
free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be
infringed." Our people are denied this right secured to them in their own
constitution and the constitution of the United States; yet we hear no
complaints here of violations of the Constitution in this respect. We ask
the Government to interpose to secure us this constitutional right. We want
the passes in our mountains opened, we want deliverance and protection for
a down-trodden and oppressed people who are struggling for their
independence without arms. If we had had ten thousand stand of arms and
ammunition when the contest commenced, we should have asked no further
assistance. We have not got them. We are a rural people; we have villages
and small towns--no large cities. Our population is homogeneous,
industrious, frugal, brave, independent; but now harmless and powerless,
and oppressed by usurpers. You may be too late in coming to our relief or
you may not come at all though I do not doubt you will come--and they may
trample us under foot; they may convert our plains into graveyards, and the
caves of our mountains into sepulchers; but they will never take us out of
this Union, or make us a land of slaves--no, never! We intend to stand as
firm as adamant, and as unyielding as our own majestic mountains that
surround us. Yes, we will be as fixed and as immovable as are they upon
their bases. We will stand as long as we can; and if we are overpowered and
Liberty shall be driven from the land, we intend before she departs to take
the flag of our country with a stalwart arm, a patriotic heart, and an
honest tread, and place it upon the summit of the loftiest and most
majestic mountain. We intend to plant it there, and leave it, to indicate
to the inquirer who may come in after times, the spot where the Goddess of
Liberty lingered and wept for the last time, before she took her flight
from a people once prosperous, free, and happy.

We ask the Government to come to our aid. We love the Constitution as made
by our fathers. We have confidence in the integrity and capacity of the
people to govern themselves. We have lived entertaining these opinions; we
intend to die entertaining them. We may meet with impediments, and may meet
with disasters, and here and there a defeat; but ultimately freedom's cause
must triumph, for--

         "Freedom's battle once begun,
         Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son,
         Though baffled oft, is ever won."

Yes, we must triumph. My faith is strong, based on the eternal principles
of right that a thing so monstrously wrong as this rebellion cannot
triumph. I say, let the battle go on--it is freedom's cause--until the
Stars and Stripes ( God bless them!) shall again be unfurled upon every
cross-road, and from every house-top throughout the Confederacy North and
South. Let the Union be reinstated; let tie law be enforced; let the
Constitution be supreme.
                                                                A. Johnson.


                                  CCXCVI.

                            THE SUBMISSIONISTS.

With the curled lip of scorn we are told by the disunionists that, in thus
supporting a Republican Administration in its endeavors to uphold the
Constitution and the laws, we are "submissionists," and when they have
pronounced this word, they suppose they have imputed to us the sum of all
human abasement. Well, let it be confessed, we are "submissionists," and
weak and spiritless as it may be deemed by some, we glory in the position
we occupy. The law says, "Thou shalt not swear falsely;" we submit to this
law, and while in the civil or military service of the country, with an
oath to support the Constitution of the United States resting upon our
consciences, we would not, for any earthly consideration, engage in the
formation or execution of a conspiracy to subvert that very Constitution
and with it the Government to which it has given birth. Write us down,
therefore, "submissionists."

Nor are we at all disturbed by the flippant taunt that, in thus submitting
to the authority of our Government, we are necessarily cowards. We know
whence this taunt comes, and we estimate it at its true value. We hold that
there is a higher courage in the performance of duty than in the commission
of crime. The tiger of the jungle and the cannibal of the South Sea Islands
have that courage in which the revolutionists of the day make their
especial boast; the angels of God and the spirits of just men made perfect
have had, and have that courage which submits to the law. Lucifer was a
non-submissionist, and the first secessionist of whom history has given us
any account, and the chains which he wears fitly express the fate due to
all who openly defy the laws of their Creator and of their country. He
rebelled because the Almighty would not yield to him the throne of heaven.
The principle of the Southern rebellion is the same. Indeed, in this
submission to the laws, is found the chief distinction between good men and
devils. A good man obeys the laws of truth, of honesty, of morality, and
all those laws which have been enacted by competent authority for the
government and protection of the country in which he lives; a devil obeys
only his own ferocious and profligate passions.

The principle on which this rebellion proceeds, that laws have in
themselves no sanctions, no binding force upon the conscience, and that
every man, under the promptings of interest, or passion, or caprice, may at
will, and honorably, too, strike at the government that shelters him, is
one of utter demoralization, and should be trodden out as you would tread
out a spark that has fallen on the roof of your dwelling. Its unchecked
prevalence would resolve society into chaos, and leave you without the
slightest guarantee for life, liberty, or property. It is time, that, in
their majesty, the people of the United States should make known to the
world that this Government, in its dignity and power, is something more
than a moot court, and that the citizen who makes war upon it is a traitor,
not only in theory but in fact, and should have meted out to him a
traitor's doom. The country wants no bloody sacrifice, but it must and will
have peace, cost what it may.
                                                                   J. Holt.


                                 CCXCVII.

                      ADDRESS TO KENTUCKY VOLUNTEERS.

Soldiers, next to the worship of the Father of us all, the deepest and
grandest of human emotions is the love of the land that gave us birth. It
is an enlargement and exaltation of all the tenderest and strongest
sympathies of kindred and of home. In all centuries and climes it has lived
and has defied chains and dungeons and racks to crush it. It has strewed
the earth with its monuments, and has shed undying lustre on a thousand
fields on which it has battled. Through the night of ages, Thermopylæ glows
like some mountain peak on which the morning sun has risen, because
twenty-three hundred years ago, this hallowing passion touched its mural
precipices and its crowning crags.

It is easy, however, to be patriotic in piping times of peace, and in the
sunny hour of prosperity. It is national sorrow, it is war, with its
attendant perils and horrors, that tests this passion, and winnows from the
masses those who, with all their love of life, still love their country
more. While your present position is a most vivid and impressive
illustration of patriotism, it has a glory peculiar and altogether its own.

The mercenary armies which have swept victoriously over the world, and have
gathered so many of the laurels that history has embalmed, were but
machines drafted into the service of ambitious spirits whom they obeyed,
and little understood or appreciated the problems their blood was poured
out to solve. But while you have all the dauntless physical courage which
they displayed, you add to it a thorough knowledge of the argument on which
this mighty movement proceeds, and a moral heroism which, breaking away
from the entanglements of kindred, and friends, and State policy enables
you to follow your convictions of duty, even though they should lead you up
to the cannon's mouth. It must, however, be added, that with elevation of
position come corresponding responsibilities. Alike in the inaction of the
camp, and amid the fatigues of the march, and the charge and shouts of
battle, you will remember that you have in your keeping not only your own
personal reputation, but the honor of your native State, and, what is
infinitely more inspiring, the honor of that blood-bought and beneficent
Republic whose children you are. Any irregularity on your part would sadden
the land that loves you; any faltering in the presence of the foe would
cover it with immeasurable humiliation.

Soldiers, when Napoleon was about to spur on his legions to combat on the
sands of an African desert, pointing them to the Egyptian pyramids that
loomed up against the far-off horizon, he exclaimed, "From yonder summits
forty centuries look down upon you." The thought was sublime and electric;
but you have even more than this. When you shall confront those infuriated
hosts, whose battle-cry is, "Down with the government of the United
States," let your answering shout be, "The Government as our fathers made
it;" and when you strike, remember that not only do the good and the great
of the past look down upon you from heights infinitely above those of
Egyptian pyramids, but that uncounted generations yet to come are looking
up to you, and claiming at your hands the unimpaired transmission to them
of that priceless heritage which has been committed to our keeping. I say
its unimpaired transmission--in all the amplitude of its outlines, in all
the symmetry of its matchless proportions, in all the palpitating fulness
of its blessings; not a miserably shrivelled and shattered thing, charred
by the fires and torn by the tempests of revolution, and all over polluted
and scarred by the bloody poniards of traitors.
                                                                   J. Holt.


                                 CCXCVIII.

                     THE AMERICAN QUESTION IN ENGLAND.

Citizens of Carlyle, I have endeavored to present to your view a faithful
picture of the religion and politics, the objects and the aims, of the
rebel confederate States of America; of those States that at this moment,
through their commissioned emissaries on this side the Atlantic, are
seeking admission into the Commonwealth of Christian nations! One of these
accredited representatives is, while I am speaking, upon our shores; and on
the behalf of the object of these men some of our leading journals are
daily writing laborious articles; for them our shipbuilders are
constructing warlike vessels, not to meet an equal foe in fair fight, but
to plunder and destroy defenseless merchantmen, engaged in the lawful and
laudable trade of carrying the legitimate products of one country to the
markets of another; for these men our capitalists are raising money, that,
if possible, they may render successful a rebel slaveholders' revolt--a
revolt which for wickedness and infamy has no parallel save in the impious
rebellion of Lucifer and his compeers.

Yonder, across the wide waste of waters, four millions of helpless
slaves--the victims of the cruelty and lust of Southern men-stealers--raise
their fettered hands and imploringly inquire what part you will take in the
conflict which involves their fate and that of their posterity; whether you
will give aid and comfort to their oppressors, or whether you will send
them words of sympathy and hope, and give encouragement and support to the
friends of freedom in the North, who are nobly sacrificing property and
life for their redemption. What answer will you return to this appeal? What
think you is the duty of England in this life-or-death contest between the
North and the South? Of England, whose heart was with the cause of the
heroic black population of Hayti, when, under the leadership of the
immortal Toussaint l'Ouverture, they were resisting unto blood, in the
cause of liberty, the mercenary hordes of Napoleon? Of England who, with
disinterested ardor, fought the battle of the Greeks against the Turks? Of
England, who has so often raised her voice on behalf of bleeding, crusaded,
denationalized Poland? Who has welcomed in her cities, and cherished in her
homes, the illustrious patriot Louis Kossuth? Whose best wishes and earnest
prayers have ever attended the efforts in the cause of freedom of Mazzini
and Garibaldi?

In what do the struggles in which England has heretofore sympathized,
differ from that which is now convulsing America? Is it not a contest
between a vile slaveholding oligarchy on the one hand, and the upholders of
free democratic institutions and the friends of emancipation on the other?
The only difference, if difference there be, is this, that the
conspirators against human rights in the South are fighting for objects
immeasurably more base and more deeply stained with guilt than any which
were ever sought by the crowned kings and despots of the Old World. The
confederate banditti of the South are fighting for what their
Vice-president avows is a new idea--a government based upon the perpetual
enslavement of the laboring class. In a conflict between liberty and
slavery between a free democratic government and the foulest despotism
which the enemies of mankind ever conspired together to establish, where
should England stand? On the side of two hundred and fifty thousand
traitors and tyrants, or on the side of four millions of slaves? England
with her past history and glorious traditions, England that extinguished
the accursed slave trade, and abolished colonial slavery, whose cathedrals
and council chamfers and market places are adorned with the statues of
Howard and Wilberforce, and Clarkson, and Buxton, and Sturge?

It may be granted that, when the Government of the North first armed for
the defence of the national life, it did not at once decree the universal
abolition of slavery; and I have given, as I think, good and sufficient
reasons why it did not and could not. The action of the President at the
beginning was restricted to constitutional objects. Those objects were--the
enforcement of the laws; the suppression of a local insurrection; the
reintegration of the disputed territory; the protection of the Capitol and
its archives from the spoliating hands of traitors. But the seat of
government saved; the President seated firmly in the chair; the Congress
duly assembled; and the machinery of the Constitution set to work; and then
commenced, and were carried out, a series of measures such as were never
before accomplished in the same space of time by any government in the
world. First we saw the National District purged from the pollution and
shame of slavery; then, the prohibition of slavery forever in the vast
Territories of the Northwest; then, the enforcement of the laws against the
slave trade, and the execution of Gordon the slave trader; then, an offer
of compensation to such slave States as would adopt measures of
emancipation; then, the recognition of the independence of the black
republics of Hayti and Liberia; and finally, a proclamation of freedom to
all the slaves within the rebel States.

It was said of Napoleon that he would go down to posterity with the code
which bears his name, in his hand. It may be said of Abraham Lincoln, that
he will descend to future time, holding in his hand the Great Charter of
the Negro's rights his Emancipation Proclamation of January, 1863. With
such a President, at the head of such a people, engaged in such a cause,
need I answer the questions I have so often put to you, on which side
should England be found in the great American struggle?
                                                               G. Thompson.


                                  CCXCIX.

                                PATRIOTISM.

Right and wrong, justice and crime, exist independently of our country. A
public wrong is not a private right for any citizen. The citizen is a man
bound to know and do the right, and the nation is but an aggregation of
citizens. If a man should shout, in the delirium of his dinner, "My
country, by whatever means extended and bounded: my country, right or
wrong;" he merely repeats the words of the thief who steals in the streets
or of the trader who swears falsely at the Custom-House, both of them
chuckling "My fortune, however acquired." Thus, gentlemen, we see that a
man's country is not a certain area of land--of mountains, rivers, and
woods--but it is principle; and patriotism is loyalty to that principle.

In poetic minds and in popular enthusiasm this feeling becomes closely
associated with the soil and symbols of the country. But the secret
sanctification of the soil and the symbol is the idea which they
represent, and this idea the patriot worships through the name and the
symbol, as a lover kisses with rapture the glove of his mistress and wears
a lock of her hair upon his heart.

So, with passionate heroism, of which tradition is never weary of tenderly
telling, Arnold Von Winkelreid gathers into his bosom the sheaf of foreign
spears, that his death may give life to his country. So Nathan Hale,
disdaining no service that his country demands, perishes untimely, with no
other friend than God and the satisfied sense of duty. So George
Washington, at once comprehending the scope of the destiny to which his
country was devoted, with one hand put aside the crown, and with the other
sets his slaves free. So, through all history from the beginning, a noble
army of martyrs has fought fiercely and fallen bravely for that unseen
mistress, their country. So, through all history to the end, as long as men
believe in God, that army must still march and fight and fall--recruited
only from the flower of mankind--cheered only by their own hope of
humanity, strong only in their confidence in their cause.
                                                              G. W. Curtis.


                                   CCC.

                            POLITICAL MORALITY.

Have we no interest that the controlling force in this country shall be a
moral force?--that it shall conspire with the great idea of Liberty, and
not degrade and destroy it? The theory of our institutions is our pride.
But it is a pitiful truth that our public life has become synonymous with
knavery. If a politician is introduced, you feel of your pockets. It is
shameful that it is universally conceded that the best men, the men of
intelligence and probity, generally avoid politics, and that the word
itself has come to mean something not to be touched without defilement.
Consequently, what good men will not touch, bad men will. It is understood
that bribery carries the election; and the Presidency is the result of an
adroit process of financial engineering. I have myself been shown a handful
of bank-notes publicly displayed in the ante-room of a Legislature, and
sagaciously told: "That is the logic for legislators." Men think they
cannot afford to go to Congress, and send other men to do their duties to
the State--forgetting that we can have nothing without paying for it, and
that if we hope to enjoy the best government in the world we must give time
and labor, each one of us, and not suppose that the country will govern
itself nor bad men govern it well.

Remember that the greatness of our country is not in its achievement, but
in its promise--a promise which cannot be fulfilled without that sovereign
moral sense--without a sensitive national conscience. If it were a question
of the mere daily pleasure of living, the gratification of taste,
opportunity of access to the great intellectual and æsthetic results of
human genius, and whatever embellishes human life, no man could hesitate
for a moment between the fulness of foreign lands in these respects, and
the conspicuous poverty of our own. What have we done? We have subdued and
settled a vast domain. We have made every inland river turn a mill, and
wherever, on the dim rim of the globe, there is a harbor, we have lighted
it with an American sail. We have bound the Atlantic to the Mississippi, so
that we drift from the sea to the prairie upon a cloud of vapor; and we are
stretching one hand across the continent to fulfil the hope of Columbus in
a shorter way to Cathay, and with the other we are grasping under the sea
to clasp there the hand of the old continent, that so the throbbing of the
ocean may not toss us further apart, but be as the beating of one common
pulse of the world.

Yet these are the results common to all national enterprise, and different
with us only in degree, not in kind. These are but the tools with which to
shape a destiny. Commercial prosperity is only a curse, if it be not
subservient to moral and intellectual progress; and our prosperity will
conquer us, if we do not conquer our prosperity.
                                                              G. W. Curtis.


                                   CCCI.

                        IDEAS THE LIFE OF A PEOPLE.

The leaders of our Revolution were men of whom the simple truth is the
ugliest praise. Of every condition in life, they were singularly sagacious,
sober and thoughtful. Lord Chatham spoke only the truth when he said to
Franklin, of the men who composed the first colonial Congress: "The
Congress is the most honorable assembly of statesmen since those of the
ancient Greeks and Romans in the most virtuous times." Given to grave
reflection, they were neither dreamers nor missionaries, and they were much
too earnest to be rhetoricians. It is a curious fact, that they were
generally men of so calm a temper that they lived to extreme age. With the
exception of Patrick Henry and Samuel Adams, they were most of them
profound scholars, and studied the history of mankind that they might know
men. They were so familiar with the lives and thoughts of the wisest and
best minds of the past that a classic aroma hangs about their writings and
their speech; and they were profoundly convinced of what statesmen always
know, and the adroitest mere politicians never perceive--that ideas are the
life of a people--that the conscience, not the pocket, is the real citadel
of a nation, and that when you have debauched and demoralized that
conscience by teaching that there are no natural rights, and that therefore
there is no moral right or wrong in political action, you have poisoned the
wells and rotted the crops in the ground. The three greatest living
statesmen of England knew this also--Edmund Burke knew it, and Charles
James Fox, and William Pitt, Earl of Chatham. But they did not speak for
the King or parliament, or the English nation. Lord Gower spoke for them
when he said in Parliament: "Let the Americans talk about their natural and
divine rights! their rights as men and citizens! their rights from God and
nature! I am for enforcing these measures!" My lord was contemptuous, and
the King hired the Hessians, but the truth remained true. The Fathers saw
the scarlet soldiers swarming over the sea, but more steadily they saw that
national progress had been secure only in the degree that the political
system had conformed to natural Justice. They knew the coming wreck of
property and trade, but they knew more surely that Rome was never so rich
as when she was dying, and, on the other hand, the Netherlands, never so
powerful as when they were poorest. Farther away, they read the names of
Assyria, Greece, Egypt. They had art, opulence, splendor. Corn enough grew
in the valley of the Nile. The Syrian sword was as sharp as any. They were
merchant princes, and the clouds in the sky were rivalled by their sails
upon the sea. They were soldiers, and their frown frightened the world.
"Soul, take thine ease." those Empires said, languid with excess of luxury
and life. Yes: but you remember the King who had built his grandest palace,
and was to occupy it upon the morrow, but when the morrow came the palace
was a pile of ruins. "Woe is me!" cried the King, "who is guilty of this
crime?" "There is no crime," replied the sage at his side; "but the mortar
was made of sand and water only, and the builders forgot to put in the
lime." So fell the old empires, because the governors forgot to put justice
into their governments.
                                                              G. W. Curtis.


                                  CCCII.

                            THE SAME CONCLUDED.

These things our fathers saw and pondered. I do not mean that when the
Writs of Assistance were issued, or the Stamp Act proposed, or Port Bill
passed, they did not oppose them upon technical and legal grounds.
Undoubtedly they did. But their character, and habits, and studies, were
such that, as the tyranny encroached, they rose naturally into the sphere
of fundamental truths, as into a purer and native air. In great crises, men
always revert to first principles, as in sailing out of sight of land the
mariner consults celestial laws. So the Fathers began at the beginning,
with God and human nature, and derived their government from truths which
they disdained to prove, asserting them to be self-evident. Thus the
Revolution was not the struggle of a class only, but of a people. It was
not merely the rebellion of subjects whose pockets were threatened, it was
the protest of men whose instincts had been outraged. As Mr. Webster was
fond of saying, it was fought on a preamble. A two-penny tax on tea or
paper was not the cause, it was only the occasion, of the Revolution. The
spirit which fought the desperate and disastrous battle on Long Island
yonder was not a spirit which could be quieted by the promise of sugar
gratis. The chance of success was slight--the penalty of failure was sure.
But they believed in God, they kissed wife and child, left them in His
hand, and kept their powder dry. Then to Valley Forge, the valley of the
shadow of death--with feet bleeding upon the sharp ground--with hunger,
thirst, and cold dogging their steps--with ghastly death waiting for them
in the snow, they bore that faith in ideas which brought their fathers over
a pitiless sea to a pitiless shore.

Ideas were their food; ideas were their coats and camp-fires. They knew
that their ranks were thin and raw, and the enemy trained and many. But
they knew, also, that the only difficulty with the proverb that God fights
upon the side of the strongest battalions is that it is not true. If you
load muskets with bullets only, the result is simply a question of numbers.
But one gun loaded with an idea is more fatal than the muskets of a whole
regiment. A bullet kills a tyrant, but an idea kills tyranny, What chance
have a thousand men fighting for a sixpence a day against a hundred
fighting for life and liberty, for home and native land? In such hands, the
weapons themselves feel and think. And so the family firelocks and rusty
swords, the horse-pistol and old scythes of our fathers thought terribly at
Lexington and Monmouth, at Saratoga and Eutaw Springs. The old Continental
muskets thought out the whole Revolution. The English and Hessian arms were
better and brighter than ours; but they were charged only with saltpetre.
Our guns were loaded and rammed home with ideas.
                                                              G. W. Curtis.


                                  CCCIII.

               EMANCIPATION THE WAR POLICY OF THE PRESIDENT.

At length the skies are cleared, and the oracles have spoken. The ultimate
achievement is already determined in the irreversible purpose of the loyal
States; and that purpose is, a restored republic from the Gulf to the
Lakes,--and a Republic of Freemen.

When the war first broke out, the free States became at once united for the
safety of the capital and for vengeance upon those who had dishonored the
common flag. Time passed on; the capital was supposed to be secure;
changing fortune visited our arms; the people of the North became divided;
some insisted upon an instant order of emancipation; others insisted upon
no emancipation at all. One there was, as it has seemed to me, who abided
the time of Providence and possessed his soul in patience; he was the
President. He waited, counselled, struggled for a restored Union, before
which and in comparison with which all other things should be subordinated.
Within seventeen months after the first gun--so short are the historic
stages in our time--he issued his proclamation of freedom with three months
of notice. It saved the heart of the North and of a portion of Europe.

In the mean time the loyal arms had rescued several States from the clutch
of revolt, and the inquiry everywhere arose, when, and how, and in what
manner, the policy of emancipation should be applied. Then again it was, in
the fulness of time, that the second Presidential proclamation came forth
for the restoration of the States upon the basis of the equality of all men
before God. Upon that he will stand, and upon that we shall stand, with no
faltering or retracing step, until from the waters of the Gulf to the woods
of the North, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific sea, this broad beat of
empire shall possess an invincible people with no clanking manacle to
fetter the creatures of God.

Accepting this, then, as the fixed policy of the States which are to
subjugate the rebellion, we may felicitate ourselves upon the part we are
permitted to bear in human events--that a measure, which in other countries
and in more peaceful ages would have required a quarter or a half a century
for its accomplishment, has become the announced edict of the loyal people
of the United States, within the space of thirty-four months. The
abolishment of the slave trade by the British Government, initiated by
Wilberforce, supported by Pitt and Fox, and Burke and Granville, was
accomplished only after seventeen years of parliamentary agitation.

When Mr. Fox, in 1806 submitted this, which proved to be the last motion he
ever made in Parliament, and lived to witness its success, nobly did he
declare: "That if, during the forty years he had sat in Parliament, he had
been so fortunate as to accomplish that object, and that only, he should
think he had done enough." If Mr. Fox might take to his heart that
gratulation over the first sanction extorted from the Legislature of Great
Britain for the abolition of the slave trade, may I not reclaim it with
redoubled force for the American Magistrate under whose decree four
millions of men will burst the bondage of ages, and mount enriched and
ennobled to the enfranchisements of immortality.

The literature of England is rich with the eloquence of eulogium upon the
statesman whose star was in the ascendant when freedom became the policy of
the Empire; but I choose to appropriate it to him upon this side of the
ocean, who has achieved the highest honor of mortal lot; who has won a
triumph which leaves every other triumph of humanity and justice out of
sight behind it, and for which, to the end of time, mankind will revere his
name and bless his memory.
                                                             A. H. Bullock.


                                  CCCIV.

                           THE DUTY OF THE HOUR.

As to duty, that is clear from what I have already told you. We owe
allegiance to the Government of the Union, and its history to the breaking
out of the present foul rebellion, the memory of the men who gave it to us,
the untold blessings it has conferred upon us, the support it has given to
constitutional liberty everywhere, the gratitude we owe to Washington, whom
Providence, it has been said, left childless, that his country might call
him father, will all unite in making that allegiance a pleasure as well as
a duty. To be false to such a Government, to palter even with the treason
that seeks its downfall, to associate with the wicked men or the madmen who
are in arms against it, would be as vile a dishonor and as base a crime as
fallen man ever perpetrated.

Peace, in such a crisis--the cry of our opponents--how is it to be
attained? How, upon their plan, but by a gross violation of our clearest
obligations--or total disregard of an allegiance to which we are bound, not
only by the Constitution, but by the pledge our ancestors gave for us? The
force the Government is raising is not, as is falsely alleged by the
conspirators, to subjugate States or citizens. It is but to vindicate the
Constitution and the laws, and maintain the existence of the government. It
is but to suppress the "insurrection," force the citizen to return to his
duty, and restore him to the unequalled benefits of the Union. And when
this is done, as done it will be if there is justice in Heaven, the authors
of the present calamity will be consigned to the execrations of the
civilized world, and punished, perhaps, if that is possible, more severely
by the people whom, by arts and subterfuges, they have so deluded and
deceived.
                                                                R. Johnson.


                                   CCCV.

                      THE FIRST GUN FIRED AT SUMTER.

As if to show how coldly and calmly all this had been calculated beforehand
by the conspirators, to make sure that no absence of malice aforethought
should degrade the grand malignity of settled purpose into the trivial
effervescence of transient passion, the torch which was literally to launch
the first missile, figuratively, to "fire the Southern heart" and light
the flame of civil war, was given into the trembling hand of an old
white-headed man, the wretched incendiary whom history will handcuff in
eternal infamy with the temple-burner of ancient Ephesus. The first gun
that spat its iron insult at Fort Sumter, smote every loyal American full
in the face. As when the foul witch used to torture her miniature image,
the person it represented suffered all that she inflicted on his waxen
counterpart, so every buffet that fell on the smoking fortress was felt by
the sovereign nation of which that was the representative. Robbery could go
no farther, for every loyal man of the North was despoiled in that single
act as much as if a footpad had laid hands upon him to take from him his
father's staff and his mother's Bible. Insult could go no farther, for over
those battered walls waved the precious symbol of all we most value in the
past and hope for in the future,--the banner under which we became a
nation, and which, next to the cross of the Redeemer, is the dearest object
of love and honor to all who toil or march or sail beneath its waving folds
of glory.
                                                              O. W. Holmes.


                                  CCCVI.

                            OUR COUNTRY'S CALL.

We shall have success if we truly will success,--not other wise. It may be
long in coming,--Heaven only knows through what trials and humblings we may
have to pass before the full strength of the nation is duly arrayed and led
to victory, We must be patient, as our fathers were patient; even in our
worst calamities we must remember that defeat itself may be a gain where it
costs our enemy more in relation to his strength than it costs ourselves.
But if, in the inscrutable providence of the Almighty, this generation is
disappointed in its lofty aspirations for the race, if we have not virtue
enough to ennoble our whole people, and make it a nation of sovereigns, we
shall at least hold in undying honor those who vindicated the insulted
majesty of the Republic, and struck at her assailants so long as a
drum-beat summoned them to the field of duty.

Citizens of Boston, sons and daughters of New England, men and women of the
North, brothers and sisters in the bond of the American Union, you have
among you the scared and wasted soldiers who have shed their blood for your
temporal salvation. They bore your Nation's emblems bravely through the
fire and smoke of the battlefield; nay, their own bodies are starred with
bullet-wounds and striped with sabre-cuts, as if to mark them as belonging
to their country until their dust becomes a portion of the soil which they
defended, In every Northern graveyard slumber the victims of this
destroying struggle. Many whom you remember playing as children amidst the
clover-blossoms of our Northern fields, sleep under nameless mounds, with
strange Southern wild-flowers blooming over them. By those wounds of living
heroes, by those graces of fallen martyrs, by the hopes of your children,
and the claims of your children's children yet unborn, in the name of
outraged honor, in the interest of violated sovereignty, for the life of an
imperilled nation, for the sake of men everywhere and of our common
humanity, for the glory of God and the advancement of His kingdom on earth,
your country calls upon you to stand by her through good report and through
evil report, in triumph and in defeat, until she emerges from the great war
of Western civilization, Queen of the broad continent, arbitress in the
councils of earth's emancipated peoples; until the flag that fell from the
wall of Fort Sumter floats again inviolate, supreme, over all her ancient
inheritance, every fortress, every capital, every ship, and this warring
land is once more a united nation.
                                                              O. W. Holmes.


                                  CCCVII.

               MANHOOD AND COUNTRY BEFORE WEALTH AND LUXURY.

Let us say it plainly it will not hurt our people to be taught that there
are other things to be cared for besides money making and money spending;
that the time has come when manhood must assert itself by brave deeds and
noble thoughts; when womanhood must assume its most sacred office, "to
warn, to comfort," and, if need be, "to command" those whose services
their country calls for. This Northern section of the land has become a
great variety shop, of which the Atlantic cities are the long-extended
counter. We have grown rich for what? To put gilt bands on coachmen's hats?
To sweep the foul sidewalks with the heaviest silks which the toiling
artisans of France can send us? To look through plate-glass windows, and
pity the brown soldiers,--or sneer at the black ones? to reduce the speed
of trotting horses a second or two below its old minimum? to color
meerschaums? to flaunt in laces, and sparkle in diamonds? to dredge our
maiden's hair with gold-dust? to float through life, the passive
shuttlecocks of fashion, from the avenues to the beaches, and back again
from the beaches to the avenues? Was it for this that the broad domain of
the Western hemisphere was kept so long unvisited by civilization?--for
this, that Time, the father of empires, unbound the virgin zone of this
youngest of his daughters, and gave her, beautiful in the long veil of her
forests, to the rude embrace of the adventurous Colonists?

All this is what we see around us, now,--now, while we are actually
fighting this great battle, and supporting this great load of indebtedness.
Wait till the diamonds go back to the Jews of Amsterdam; till the
plate-glass window bears the fatal announcement, For Sale, or to Let; till
the voice of our Miriam is obeyed as she sings:--

         "Weave no more silks, ye Lyons looms!"

till the gold-dust is combed from golden locks, and hoarded to buy bread;
till the fast-driving youth smokes his clay-pipe on the platform of the
horse-car; till the music-grinders cease because none will pay them; till
there are no peaches in the windows at twenty-four dollars a dozen, and no
heaps of bananas and pine-apples selling at the street-corners; till the
ten-flounced dress has but three flounces, and it is a felony to drink
champagne; wait till these changes show themselves, the signs of deeper
wants, the preludes of exhaustion and bankruptcy; then let us talk of the
Maelstrom;--but till then, let us not be cowards with our purses, while
brave men are emptying their hearts upon the earth for us; let us not whine
over our imaginary ruin, while the reversed current of circling events is
carrying us farther and farther, every hour, beyond the influence of the
great failing which was born of our wealth, and of the deadly sin which was
our fatal inheritance!
                                                              O. W. Holmes.


                                 CCCVIII.

                       OUR COUNTRY'S GREATEST GLORY.

The true glory of a nation is in an intelligent, honest, industrious
Christian people. The civilization of a people depends on their individual
character; and a constitution which is not the outgrowth of this character
is not worth the parchment on which it is written. You look in vain in the
past for a single instance where the people have preserved their liberties
after their individual character was lost. It is not in the magnificence of
its palaces, not in the beautiful creations of art lavished on its public
edifices, not in costly libraries and galleries of pictures, not in the
number or wealth of its cities, that we find pledges of a nation's glory.
The ruler may gather around him the treasures of the world, amid a
brutalized people; the senate chamber may retain its faultless proportions
long after the voice of patriotism is hushed within its wails; the
monumental marble may commemorate a glory which has forever departed. Art
and letters may bring no lesson to a people whose heart is dead.

The true glory of a nation is in the living temple of a loyal, industrious,
and upright people. The busy click of machinery, the merry ring of the
anvil, the lowing of peaceful herds, and the song of the harvest-home, are
sweeter music than pæans of departed glory, or songs of triumph in war. The
vine-clad cottage of the hillside, the cabin of the woodsman, and the rural
home of the farmer are the true citadels of any country. There is a dignity
in honest toil which belongs not to the display of wealth or the luxury of
fashion. The man who drives the plough, or swings his axe in the forest, or
with cunning fingers plies the tools of his craft, is as truly the servant
of his country, as the statesman in the senate or the soldier in battle.
The safety of a nation depends not alone on the wisdom of its statesmen or
the bravery of its generals. The tongue of eloquence never saved a nation
tottering to its fall; the sword of a warrior never stayed its destruction.
There is a surer defence in every Christian home. I say Christian home, for
I allow of no glory to manhood which comes not from the cross. I know of no
rights wrung from tyranny, no truth rescued from darkness and bigotry,
which has not awaited on a Christian civilization.

Would you see the image of true glory, I would show you villages where the
crown and glory of the people was in Christian schools, where the voice of
prayer goes heaven-ward, where the people have that most priceless
gift--faith in God. With this as the basis, and leavened as it will be with
brotherly love, there will be no danger in grappling with any evils which
exist in our midst; we shall feel that we may work and bide our time, and
die knowing that God will bring victory.
                                                            Bishop Whipple.


                                  CCCIX.

                         OUR NATIONAL ANNIVERSARY.

We celebrate to-day no idle tradition--the deeds of no fabulous race; for
we tread in the scarcely obliterated footsteps of an earnest and valiant
generation of men, who dared to stake life, and fortune, and sacred honor,
upon a declaration of rights, whose promulgation shook tyrants on their
thrones, gave hope to fainting freedom, and reformed the political ethics
of the world.

The greatest heroes of former days have sought renown in schemes of
conquest, based on the love of dominion or the thirst for war; and such had
been the worship of power in the minds of men, that adulation had ever
followed in the wake of victory. How daring then the trial of an issue
between a handful of oppressed and outlawed colonists, basing their cause,
under God, upon an appeal to the justice of mankind and their own few
valiant arms. And how immeasurably great was he, the fearless commander,
who, after the fortunes and triumphs of battle were over, scorned the
thought of a regal throne for a home in the hearts of his countryman.
Amidst the rejoicings of this day, let us mingle something of gratitude
with our joy--something of reverence with our gratitude--and something of
duty with our reverence.

Let us cultivate personal independence in the spirit of loyalty to the
State. and may God grant that we may always be able to maintain the
sovereignty of the State in the spirit of integrity to the Union. Thus
shall still be shed imperishable honors upon the American name thus
perpetuated, through all coming time, the heritage which has been
bequeathed to us by our fathers. Whatever shall be the fate of other
governments, ours thus sustained, shall stand forever. As has been
elsewhere said, nation after nation may rise and fall, kingdoms and empires
crumble into ruin, but our own native land, gathering energy and strength
from the lapse of time, shall go on and still go on its destined way to
greatness and renown. And when thrones shall crumble into dust, when
sceptres and diadems shall have been forgotten, till Heaven's last thunder
shall shake the world below, the flag of the republic shall still wave on,
and its Stars, its Stripes, and its Eagle, shall still float in pride, and
strength, and glory,

         "Whilst the earth bears, a plant,
         Or the sea rolls a wave."

                                                                A. H. Rice.

                                   CCCX.

              SOUTHERN USURPATIONS AND NORTHERN CONCESSIONS.

Why did these Southerners make war upon the country, converting their own
domain into a receptacle of stolen goods, and the hiding-place of
mercenaries, murderers, and madmen, and ours into one vast recruiting tent?
Tell me, you cowardly and traitorous Northmen, who talk about peace before
the last armed foe has expired on the soil his attainted blood defiles, or
of compromise, while yet the walls of our hospitals resound with the groans
of the mangled, and are damp with the death-dew of the expiring? Tell me,
you traitors, Davis, Pickens, Stephens, and Floyd? what do you say provoked
you to the point where forbearance ceased to be a virtue? What had we of
the North usurped that belonged to you? I inquire not now of what some
among us may have said. I challenge any act of usurpation by the
non-slaveholding States against your rights as members of the confederacy.
Facts are incontrovertible. What had we done? What provision of the Federal
Constitution had we violated? For once lay aside your declamation and
abuse, and soberly and truthfully state your grievances.

You know, and we know, and the world knows, that we made no encroachment
upon your reserved rights as a party to the compact between your fathers
and ours. You know, also, that we have been so terrified at your reiterated
threats against the family peace and general welfare, that, in our anxiety
to preserve national concord, we have sacrificed personal honor and State
pride. You called us "mudsills" and "greasy mechanics," until labor almost
began to be ashamed of its God-given dignity. You beat our representatives
in the national council chambers, because they expressed the views of those
whom they served. You denied us freedom of speech in all your borders. This
and much else, before the last burden, which broke our uncomplaining
patience into active, and, as you are destined to learn, terrible
resistance and deserved retribution. But what had we done? How sinned
against you? In 1820 you wanted a geographical limit assigned to your
peculiar institution and we passed the law known as the Missouri
Compromise. You got sick of this when it appeared that slavery would not be
a gainer thereby, as it was supposed, and begged a repeal of the act. It
was repealed. In 1850, you clamored for further legislation in favor of
your property in human beings, and the fugitive slave law was placed on the
nation's statute book. You continually cried, "Give, give!" and we gave.
But nothing would satisfy your rapacity; you had resolved to quarrel with
us. Do you remind me that we did not return your escaped slaves? This is
only half the truth. Whenever you came after your chattel, with legal
proofs of ownership, we caught and caged him, and sent him back to you,
often at our own expense. If you did not think it worth your while to hunt
up your runaway, it was none of our concern. Sometimes a man among us, more
of a humanitarian than a jurisconsult, and better versed in the law of
nature than the law of the land, illegally, but conscientiously, aided your
bondman to escape. John Brown did so, and you hanged him for it! But no
State, as such, and no authority within a State, ever hesitated or refused
to fulfil its constitutional obligations to you on this head. But you did
not mean to be satisfied. You meant to rebel. You have rebelled, and you
must abide the consequences.
                                                                R. Busteed.


                                  CCCXI.

                 MONUMENTAL HONORS TO PUBLIC BENEFACTORS.

What parent, as he conducts his son to Mount Auburn or to Bunker Hill, will
not, as he pauses before their monumental statues, seek to heighten his
reverence for virtue, for patriotism, for science, for learning, for
devotion to the public good, as he bids him contemplate the form of that
grave and venerable Winthrop, who left his pleasant home in England to
come and found a new republic in this untrodden wilderness; of that ardent
and intrepid Otis, who first struck out the spark of American independence;
of that noble Adams, its most eloquent champion on the floor of Congress;
of that martyr Warren, who laid down his life in its defense; of that
self-taught Bowditch, who, without a guide, threaded the starry mazes of
the heavens; of that Story, honored at home and abroad as one of the
brightest luminaries of the law, and, by a felicity of which I believe
there is no other example, admirably portrayed in marble by his son? What
citizen of Boston, as he accompanies the stranger around our streets,
guiding him through our busy thoroughfares, to our wharves, crowded with
vessels which range every sea and gather the produce of every climate, up
to the dome of this capitol, which commands as lovely a landscape as can
delight the eye or gladden the heart, will not, as he calls his attention
at last to the statues of Franklin and Webster, exclaim:--"Boston takes
pride in her natural position, she rejoices in her beautiful environs, she
is grateful for her material prosperity; but richer than the merchandise
stored in palatial warehouses, greener than the slopes of sea-girt islets,
lovelier than this encircling panorama of land and sea, of field and
hamlet, of lake and stream, of garden and grove, is the memory of her sons,
native and adopted; the character, services and fame of those who have
benefited and adorned their day and generation. Our children, and the
schools at which they are trained, our citizens, and the services they have
rendered:--these are our monuments, these are our jewels, these our abiding
treasures."
                                                                E. Everett.


                                  CCCXII.

                        THE CRIME OF THE REBELLION.

I call the war which the Confederates are waging against the Union a
"Rebellion," because it is one, and in grave matters it is best to call
things by their right names. I speak of it as a crime, because the
Constitution of the United States so regards it, and puts "rebellion" on a
par with "invasion." The Constitution and law not only of England, but of
every civilized country regard them in the same light; or rather they
consider the rebel in arms as far worse than the alien enemy. To levy war
against the United States is the constitutional definition of treason, and
that crime is, by every civilized government: regarded as the highest which
citizen or subject can commit. Not content with the sanctions of human
justice, of all the crimes against the law of the land it is singled out
for the denunciations of religion. The litanies of every church in
Christendom, as far as I am aware, from the metropolitan cathedrals of
Europe to the humblest missionary chapel in the islands of the sea, concur
with the Church of England in imploring the Sovereign of the universe, by
the most awful adjurations which the heart of man can conceive or his
tongue utter, to deliver us from "sedition, privy conspiracy and
rebellion." And reason good,--for while a rebellion against tyranny; a
rebellion designed, after prostrating arbitrary power, to establish free
government on the basis of justice and truth, is an enterprise on which
good men and angels may look with complacency; an unprovoked rebellion of
ambitious men against a beneficent government, for the purpose--the avowed
purpose-of establishing, extending, and perpetuating any form of injustice
and wrong, is an imitation on earth of that first foul revolt of "the
Infernal serpent," against which the Supreme Majesty of Heaven sent forth
the armed myriads of his angels, and clothed the right arm of his Son with
the three-bolted thunders of Omnipotence.

Lord Bacon, "in the true marshalling of the sovereign degrees of honor,"
assigns the first place to "the Conditores Imperiorum, founders of States
and Commonwealths "; and truly to build up from the discordant elements of
our nature; the passions, the interests, and the opinions of the individual
man; the rivalries of family, clan, and tribe; the influences of climate
and geographical position; the accidents of peace and war accumulated for
ages, to build up, from these oftentimes warring elements, a
well-compacted, prosperous and powerful State, if it were to be
accomplished by one effort, or in one generation, would require a more than
mortal skill. To contribute in some notable degree to this the greatest
work of man, by wise and patriotic counsel in peace, and loyal heroism in
war, is as high as human merit can well rise, and far more than to any of
those to whom Bacon assigns this highest place of honor, whose names can
hardly be repeated without a wondering smile,--Romulus; Cyrus, Cæsar,
Ottoman, Israel,--is it due to our Washington, as the founder of the
American Union. But if to achieve or help to achieve this greatest work of
man's wisdom and virtue gives title to a place among the chief benefactors,
rightful heirs of the benedictions, of mankind, by equal reason shall the
bold bad men who seek to undo the noble work,--Eversores Imperiorum,
destroyers of States,--who for base and selfish ends rebel against
beneficent governments, seek to overturn wise constitutions, to lay
powerful republican unions at the foot of foreign thrones, bring on civil
and foreign war, anarchy at home, dictation abroad, desolation, ruin,--by
equal reason, I say, yes a thousand fold stronger, shall they inherit the
execrations of ages.
                                                                E. Everett.


                                 CCCXIII.

                      A TRIBUTE TO OUR HONORED DEAD.

How bright are the honors which await those who with sacred fortitude and
patriotic patience have endured all things that they might save their
native land from division and from the power of corruption. The honored
dead! They that die for a good cause are redeemed from death. Their names
are gathered and garnered. Their memory is precious. Each place grows proud
for them who were born there. There is to be, ere long, in every village,
and in every neighborhood, a glowing pride in its martyred heroes. Tablets
shall preserve their names. Pious love shall renew their inscriptions as
time and the unfeeling elements efface them. And the national festivals
shall give multitudes of precious names to the orator's lips. Children
shall grow up under more sacred inspirations, whose elder brothers dying
nobly for their country, left a name that honored and inspired all who bore
it. Orphan children shall find thousands of fathers and mothers to love and
help those whom dying heroes left as a legacy to the gratitude of the
public.

Oh, tell me not that they are dead--that generous hosts that airy army of
invisible heroes. They hover as a cloud of witnesses above this nation. Are
they dead that yet speak louder than we can speak, and a more universal
language? Are they dead that yet act? Are they dead that yet move upon
society, and inspire the people with nobler motives and more heroic
patriotism?

Ye that mourn, let gladness mingle with your tears. It was your son: but
now he is the nation's. He made your household bright: now his example
inspires a thousand households. Dear to his brothers and sister's, he is
now brother to every generous youth in the land. Before, he was narrowed,
appropriated, shut up to you. Now he is augmented, set free, and given to
all. Before he was yours: he is ours. He has died from the family that he
might live to the nation. Not one name shall be forgot ten or neglected:
and it shall by-and-by be confessed of our modern heroes, as it is of an
ancient hero, that he did more for his country by his death than by his
whole life.

Neither are they less honored who shall bear through life the marks of
wounds and sufferings. Neither epaulette nor badge is so honorable as
wounds received in a good cause. Many a man shall envy him who henceforth
limps. So strange is the transforming power of patriotic ardor, that men
shall almost covet disfigurement. Crowds will give way to hobbling
cripples, and uncover in the presence of feebleness and helplessness. And
buoyant children shall pause in their noisy games, and with loving
rererence honor them whose hands can work no more, and whose feet are no
longer able to march except upon that journey which brings good men to
honor and immortality. Oh, mother of lost children! set not in darkness nor
sorrow whom a nation honors. Oh, mourners of the early dead, they shall
live again, and live forever. Your sorrows are our gladness. The nation
lives because you gave it men that love it better than their own lives. And
when a few more days shall have cleared the perils from around the nation's
brow, and she shall sit in unsullied garments of liberty, with justice upon
her forehead, love in her eyes, and truth upon her lips, she shall not
forget those whose blood gave vital currents to her heart, and whose life,
given to her, shall live with her life till time shall be no more.

Every mountain and hill shall have its treasured name, every river shall
keep some solemn title, every valley and every lake shall cherish its
honored register; and till the mountains are worn out, and the rivers
forget to flow, till the clouds are weary of replenishing springs, and the
springs forget to gush, and the rills to sing, shall their names be kept
fresh with reverent honors which are inscribed upon the book of National
Remembrance.
                                                             H. W. Beecher.


                                  CCCXIV.

                         ON THE CONFISCATION BILL.

Few of those engaged in this rebellion will ever be made to suffer in their
persons; and if they are to be left in the full possession and enjoyment of
their cotton, their lands, and their negroes, the innocent will have been
made to suffer while the guilty will go unpunished. Shall the fathers of
the gallant sons whose mangled bodies have been borne back to Illinois by
hundreds, from the bloody fields of Belmont, of Donelson, and Pea Ridge, be
ground down by onerous taxes, which shall descend upon their children to
the third and fourth generations, to defray the expenses of defending the
Government against traitors, and we forbear to touch even the property of
the authors of these calamities, whose persons are beyond our reach?
Suppose ye that the loyal people of this country will submit to such
injustice?

I believe I represent as loyal, as patriotic and as brave a constituency as
any other Senator. I claim nothing more. While I am proud of the part which
the soldiers of my own State took in defeating the enemy in the West, I do
not claim for them any superiority over the other soldiers of the Republic.
The brave men who besieged Donelson, and who, after fighting through the
day for three consecutive days, lay each night on the ground without
shelter, exposed to the rain and sleet, were chiefly Illinoisans. It was
there that rebellion received the heavy blow which has staggered it ever
since. Forty dead bodies were borne from that bloody field to one small
town in my State, and buried in a common grave. The Union forces at Pea
Ridge were also largely made up of soldiers from Illinois. Suppose ye that
I can go back to Illinois, among the relatives of those who have been
cruelly destroyed, and propose to levy taxes upon them in order to
conciliate and compensate the murderers, for that is really what exempting
rebel property from confiscation amounts to? Sir, I know not if they would
submit to such injustice; and yet there are those who not only talk of an
amnesty to the men who have brought these troubles upon the country, but
oppose providing the mild punishment of confiscation of property for those
who shall continue hereafter to war upon the Government, and whose persons
are beyond our reach. Do gentlemen regard it as conciliatory to oblige us
to lay taxes upon those whose habitations have been consumed, to reward
those who have burned them? upon those whose whole property has been
stolen, to reward the thieves? upon those whose relatives have been slain,
to compensate the murderers? In my judgment, justice, humanity, and mercy
herself all demand that we at once provide that the supporters of this
cruel and wicked rebellion should henceforth be made to feel its burdens.
When the rebels, whose hands are dripping with the blood of loyal citizens,
shall have grounded their arms, it will be time enough to talk of clemency;
but to have our sympathies excited in their behalf now, when fighting to
overthrow the Government, is cruelty to the loyal men who have rallied to
its support.
                                                               L. Trumbull.


                                  CCCXV.

                        THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE.

Sir, what are the remedies that are proposed for the present condition of
things, and what have they been from the beginning? They have been
propositions of compromise; and Senators have spoken of peace, and of the
horrors of civil war; and gentlemen who have contended for the right of
the people of the Territories to regulate their own affairs, and who have
been horrified at the idea of a geographical line dividing free States from
slave States, free territory from slave territory,--and we have proclaimed
that the great principle upon which the Revolution was fought was that of
the right of the people to govern themselves, and that it was a monstrous
doctrine for Congress to interfere in any way with its own
Territories--these gentlemen come forward here with propositions to divide
the country on a geographical line; and not only that, but to establish
slavery south of the line; and they call this the Missouri Compromise! The
proposition known as the Crittenden Compromise is no more like the Missouri
Compromise than is the government of Turkey like that of the United States.
The Missouri Compromise was a law declaring that in all the territory which
we had acquired from Louisiana, north of a certain line of latitude,
slavery or involuntary servitude should never exist. But it said nothing
about the establishment of slavery south of that line. It was a compromise
made in order to admit Missouri into the Union as a slave State, in 1820.
That was the consideration for the exclusion of slavery from all the
country north of 36° 30'. Now, sir, I have no objection to the restoration
of the Missouri Compromise as it stood in 1854, when the Kansas-Nebraska
Bill repealed it.

The proposition known as the Crittenden Compromise declares not only that
"in the territory south of the said line of latitude, slavery of the
African race is thereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered
with by Congress;" but it provides further, that, in the territory we
shall hereafter acquire south of that line, slavery shall be recognized,
and not interfered with by Congress; but "shall be protected as property by
all the departments of the territorial government during its continuance;"
so that, if we make acquisitions on the south of territories now free, and
where by the laws of the land the footsteps of slavery have never been, the
moment we acquire jurisdiction over them, the moment the stars and stripes
of the Republic float over those free territories, they carry with them
African slavery, established beyond the power of Congress and beyond the
power of any territorial legislature or of the people, to keep it out: and
we are told that this is the Missouri Compromise!

Now, sir, why cannot we have peace, I ask, upon the compromise measures of
1850? Why disturb them? They were enacted by great men. They gave peace to
the country. Why is it necessary now to overturn them? Restore the old
Missouri Compromise as it stood; let us go back to the settlement made in
1850, and there let us stand. What more would Senators have? The South were
satisfied with that settlement. Have we disturbed it? Are we proposing to
disturb it? Not at all. You yourselves disturbed it, and brought these
difficulties upon the country.

I have always insisted that the people of the Northern States were in no
manner responsible for slavery in the Southern states; and why? Because
they had no power in regard to it. Each State has a right to manage its own
domestic affairs. I will not interfere with it where I have no authority by
the Constitution to interfere; but I will never consent, the people of my
State will never consent, the people of the great Northwest, numbering more
in white population than all your Southern States together, never will
consent by their act to establish African slavery anywhere. No, sir; I will
never agree to put into the Constitution of the country a clause
establishing or making perpetual slavery anywhere. No, sir; no human being
shall ever be made a slave by my vote. Not one single foot of God's soil
shall ever be dedicated to African slavery by my act--never! Never!
                                                               L. Trumbull.

                                  CCCXVI.

                      REPLY TO SENATOR BRECKINRIDGE.

The Senator from Kentucky stands up here in opposition to what he sees is
the overwhelming sentiment of the Senate, and utters reproof, malediction
and prediction combined. I would ask him, sir, what would you havre us to
do now--a rebel army within twenty mites of us, advancing or threatening to
advance to destroy your Government? Will the Senator yield to rebellion?
Will he shrink from armed insurrection? Will his State justify it? Will its
better public opinion allow it? Shall we send a flag of truce? What would
he have? Or would he conduct this war so feebly that the whole world would
smile at us in derision? What would he have? These speeches of his, sown
broadcast over the land--what clear, distinct meaning have they? Are they
not intended for disorganization in our very midst? Are they not intended
to dull our weapons? Are they not intended to destroy our zeal? Are they
not intended to animate our enemies? Sir, are they not words of brilliant,
polished treason, even in the very Capitol of the Confederacy?

Be with the enemy or with us.

I come, then, to emancipation. And, first, I ask my countrymen to
proclaim emancipation to the slaves as a matter of necessity to
ourselves; for unless it be by accident, we are not to come out of this
contest as one nation, except by emancipation. Confiscation of the
property of the rebels may be necessary and just; but it is not enough.
It will not save us in "this rugged and awful crisis." It is inadequate
to meet the exigency in which the country is placed. We must have
emancipation. The political salvation of the country demands it; and it
is inevitable. The time is approaching when emancipation must take
place, and we have now, I think, only a choice of ways. Emancipation may
be achieved by the slaves themselves; it may be effected by the
Government of the United States; it may come through the desperation of
the slaveholding rebels themselves. But come it must. I say, then, let
us, at the head of our armies, on the soil of South Carolina, proclaim
Freedom--freedom to all her slaves, and then enforce the proclamation as
far and as fast as we have opportunity. Let the blow fall first on that
State which first rebelled, as a warning and a penalty for her perfidy
in this business, which began at the moment that her delegates penned
their names to the Constitution.

Next, Florida, impotent in her treachery, with less than a hundred and
fifty thousand inhabitants, and with property not equal to that of a
single ward in this city, and that purchased with the money of the
people,--emancipate her slaves, and invite the refugees from slavery in
the South, for the moment to assemble there, if they desire, and take
possession of the soil.

And next in this work of emancipation I name Texas, a State purchased by a
costly war with Mexico and which went out of the Union because she could
not extend slavery in the Union. Let us teach her people that in the Union
or out of the union, slavery is not to be extended. Emancipate the slaves
in Texas, and invite men from the army, invite men from the North, invite
men from Ireland, invite men from Germany,--the friends of freedom, of
every name and every nation?--bid them welcome to the millions of acres of
fertile lands we shall there confiscate, and they will form a barrier of
freemen, a wall of liberty, over which, or through which, or beneath which
it will be impossible for slavery to extend itself.

These three States may be sufficient for warning, for refuge, and for
security against the spread of slavery; but I would have it distinctly
understood, that by the next anniversary of the birth of the Father of his
Country, we shall emancipate the slaves in all the disloyal and rebellious
States if they do not previously return to their allegiance.

But justice to the slaves, no less than necessity to us, demands
emancipation. Certainly they have been subjected to a sufficient
apprenticeship under slavery, through two centuries, to prepare them for
freedom if ever they are to be prepared. I say, then, justice to the slave
demands emancipation. Let us maintain the principles of the declaration of
Independence. The fundamental difference on which the North and South have
divided for thirty years is on that part of the Declaration which says
"All men are created equal." They have denied it; we have undertaken to
maintain it. Jefferson meant, when he penned that immortal truth, not that
men are equal physically, intellectually, or morally, but that no one is
born under any political subserviency to his fellow man. Let us maintain
the doctrine now. These slaves are men; Jefferson did not hesitate to call
them "brethren." The declaration concerning the equality of men applies to
them as to us; and now that in the progress of events the South has
relieved us from responsibility in regard to eleven disloyal States, let us
stand forth as a nation in our original strength and purity, maintaining
the ideas to which our fathers gave utterance. That we may have ground on
which to stand and defend ourselves in this contest, let us declare in the
presence of these slaveholders and rebels, in the presence of Europe, that
we proclaim THE EQUALITY OF ALL MEN.
                                                            G. S. Boutwell.


                                 CCCXVIII.

                     THE RECONSTRUCTION OF LOUISIANA.

Mr. President and Fellow-citizens--At the request of the Committee of
Arrangements, I am present as a spectator, to witness the imposing and
grand ceremonies of this interesting occasion, and reluctantly to express
in words my great gratification at the progress that has been made in the
restoration of Louisiana to the Union of States, and in the majestic
evidence before me of the returning loyalty of its people. I have watched
with the deepest interest the momentous events in the struggle through
which we are passing, from its inception to the present hour. In common
with the mass of my countrymen I have sorrowed at reverses, and rejoiced in
victories. I have mourned over the heroes who have fallen on the field of
battle--my brothers in blood, my brothers in arms--and have joined in the
honors which a grateful people have showered upon the gallant spirits who
upon the sea and upon the land have led our hosts to victory. They never
can be forgotten. Day by day and hour by hour, I have observed the receding
armies of the enemy, until more than half the territory covered by the
shadow of the rebel flag at the beginning of the war, has fallen into the
possession of the Government, and is covered by the Stars and Stripes--the
emblem of Liberty, now and forever, here and everywhere.

We have, indeed, enough to rejoice our hearts in the progress of our
armies, and to give joy to the festivities of this glad hour,--

         "But much remains
         To conquer still. Peace hath her victories
         No less renowned than war."

In order to maintain the ground we have recovered with such terrible
sacrifice of precious life, and to enable the gallant leaders and heroic
men of our armies to retire to the walks of civil life again, it is
necessary that civil institutions of government should be reëstablished,
and a new, subdued, yet patriotic spirit, like that which held

         "The helm of Rome, when robes, not arms,
         Repelled the fierce Epirote and the bold African,"

should animate our people and restore the pristine purity and power of the
nation.

Louisiana has not been faithless to her duties, nor is she now, nor will
she be in the future. Among the truest spirits in the hour of trial were
her sons and her daughters. Among the bravest and truest upon the field of
battle have been her volunteers. She was the first in this great revolution
of ideas rather than arms, to organize her public schools upon a war
footing, and infuse into the uncorrupted hearts of their pupils this new
sentiment of nationality, by the daily rep