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Title: The Black Hawk War Including a Review of Black Hawk's Life
Author: Stevens, Frank E.
Language: English
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Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

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[Illustration: Yours faithfully Frank E. Stevens]


                             BLACK HAWK WAR

                         INCLUDING A REVIEW OF
                           BLACK HAWK’S LIFE

     _Illustrated with upward of three hundred rare and interesting
                          portraits and views_

                            FRANK E. STEVENS

                            FRANK E. STEVENS
                     1205 CHAMBER OF COMMERCE BLDG.
                          CHICAGO . . ILLINOIS


       Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1903, by
                            FRANK E. STEVENS
             in the office of the Librarian of Congress at
                            Washington, D.C.


                               DEAR MOTHER–

                    This book represents long years
                    of patient toil from which a
                    corresponding return is not
                    expected; it has been a labor of
                    love. To whom, then, should it be
                    dedicated but yourself, who spent
                    so many toilsome years to rear
                    its author, who may never repay a
                    fraction of the debt he owes you.



[Illustration: Line of March]



In the autumn of 1871, I began the collection of materials for the book
which is just completed; at a time when many original sources existed
from which to draw. Since that time, no opportunity wherein I might see
and talk with persons who were in the Black Hawk campaigns has been
lost, and from those interviews I have been able to gather information,
old letters, commissions, muster rolls and papers obtainable by no
possible system of correspondence.

I have endeavored to be thorough, and to be thorough has required space.
I deplore the necessity which forbids an expression of thanks to each
individual by name who has contributed documents, valuable portraits and
information from which this work has been constructed. I thank them all
as generously as I have borrowed, which has been much. Especially must I
thank Mrs. Catherine Buckmaster Curran, of Alton, Illinois, who
furnished me with a complete set of papers, without which I could never
have finished my work as it should be finished.

Mrs. Colonel William Preston Johnston, of New Orleans, who, at great
inconvenience and sacrifice of time, secured a copy of the journal kept
by Lieut. Albert Sidney Johnston during his service in those campaigns.

      Dr. J.F. Snyder, Virginia, Illinois, President State Historical
      Prof. B.F. Shambaugh, Iowa City, Iowa.
      Mr. R.G. Thwaites, Madison, Wisconsin.
      Charles Aldrich, Des Moines, Iowa.
      Miss Caroline M. McIlvaine, Librarian Chicago Historical Society,



 CHAPTER I.–Birth, Personal Description and Character of
   Black Hawk. Not  a Chief. Made a Brave. Expeditions
   against the Osages. Death of Py-e-sa. Period of Mourning.
   Expedition against the Osages. Expedition against the
   Cherokees. Expedition against the Chippewas, Osages and
   Kickapoos. The first Appearance of the Americans                   17

 CHAPTER II.–British Intrigue against the Frontiers. Hatred
   of the Americans. Treaty of 1804                                   25

 CHAPTER III.–Treaty of 1804 and Black Hawk’s Version                 31

 CHAPTER IV.–Treaty of 1804                                           34

 CHAPTER V.–Erection of Fort Madison. Rumors of Indian
   Attack. Black Hawk joins Tecumseh. Returns to his Village.
   Attacks Fort Madison. The Siege                                    37

 CHAPTER VI.–Black Hawk enlists with the British in the War
   of 1812. Deserts. Foster Son story. Keokuk made Chief              41

 CHAPTER VII.–Expedition of Governor Clark to Prairie du
   Chien. Lieut. Campbell’s Battle                                    46

 CHAPTER VIII.–Major Taylor’s Battle. Battle of the Sink
   Hole. Various Murders. British Agents withdrawn from Rock
   River Country                                                      52

 CHAPTER IX.–Treaty of Portage des Sioux, 1815. Treaty of St.
   Louis, 1816                                                        60

 CHAPTER X.–Fort Armstrong built. Black Hawk as a Fault
   Finder. Annihilation of the Iowas                                  66

 CHAPTER XI.–Treaties of 1822-4-5. Winnebago Outbreak. Attack
   on the Boats. Arrest and Discharge                                 71

 CHAPTER XII.–The Military Tract. Perils of Frontier Life.
   Gathering Settlements about Black Hawk’s village.
   Friction. Attempted Compromise. Complaints. Gov. Reynolds
   calls out Militia. Notifies Clark and Gaines.
   Correspondence. Gaines at Fort Armstrong                           77

 CHAPTER XIII.–Council. Militia Organized. March to Black
   Hawk’s Village. Flight. Village Burned. Treaty of 1831             92

 CHAPTER XIV.–Unrest. Messengers and War Parties sent out.
   Attack on the Sioux. They Retaliate. Attack on the
   Menominees. A Council                                             100

 CHAPTER XV.–Ne-a-pope’s Mission. Keokuk’s Village. Council.
   Black Hawk Moves down Iowa River and up the Mississippi to
   Rock River. Atkinson Moves up to Ft. Armstrong                    109

 CHAPTER XVI.–Council. Atkinson calls for Troops. Reynolds’
   Proclamation. Black Hawk Defiant. Gratiot’s Journey               112

 CHAPTER XVII.–The Militia Moves to Rock River                       116

 CHAPTER XVIII.–Roster. Movement up Rock River Begun. The
   Prophet’s Village Burned. Forced March to Dixon’s Ferry           122

 CHAPTER XIX.–Dixon’s Ferry. Plight of Reynolds’ Messengers.
   Stillman’s Defeat                                                 129

 CHAPTER XX.–Call for Additional Troops. Burial of the Dead.
   Arrival of Atkinson. Lead Mines Militia. Erection of
   Forts. Dodge’s March to  the Four Lakes Country                   139

 CHAPTER XXI.–Atkinson Moves up Rock River. Indian Creek
   Massacre. Narratives                                              145

 CHAPTER XXII.–General Panic. Independent Companies Raised.
   Atkinson’s March Continued. Insubordination. Army
   Disbanded. Interim Regiment Raised                                159

 CHAPTER XXIII.–Various Illinois Murders, including those of
   Sample, Payne and the St. Vrain Party                             165

 CHAPTER XXIV.–Atkinson’s March to Mouth of Fox River.
   Dodge’s March to Meet Him. Capt. Iles’ March                      172

 CHAPTER XXV.–Capt. Snyder’s Battle. Murders in the Lead
   Mines Country. Battle of Pecatonica. Capt. Stephenson’s
   Battle                                                            176

 CHAPTER XXVI.–Attack on Apple River Fort                            185

 CHAPTER XXVII.–Organization of Forces at Ft. Wilbourn and
   Disposition of Same. Murder of Phillips. March to Dixon’s
   Ferry                                                             188

 CHAPTER XXVIII.– March to Dixon’s Ferry. Dement’s Battle            197

 CHAPTER XXIX.–Murders near Ottawa. Posey’s Division Ordered
   Forward. Alexander’s Division Ordered to Plum River.
   Henry’s Division, with Regulars, Moved                            202

 CHAPTER XXX.–Consolidation of the Divisions. Capt. Dunn
   Shot. Henry, Alexander and Dodge Detached to Move to Ft.
   Winnebago. Posey sent to Ft. Hamilton. Disintegration of
   Army. Alexander’s Return                                          208

 CHAPTER XXXI.–Ft. Winnebago Reached. Stampede. Henry’s
   Treatment of Disobedient Officers. Black Hawk’s Trail to
   Westward Discovered. Forced March. Battle of the
   Wisconsin. At Blue Mounds                                         213

 CHAPTER XXXII.–Pursuit Resumed. Battle of the Bad Axe               221

 CHAPTER XXXIII.–Throckmorton’s Narrative. Atkinson’s Report.
   Black Hawk’s Flight. Capture. Delivery to Gen. Street.
   Council                                                           226

 CHAPTER XXXIV.–Stambaugh’s Expedition                               234

 CHAPTER XXXV.–Examination of the Indians. Black Hawk a
   Prisoner                                                          238

 CHAPTER XXXVI.–Scott’s Expedition. Treaty                           242

 CHAPTER XXXVII.–Movements of the Michigan Militia                   243

 CHAPTER XXXVIII.–Prison Life. Eastern Trip. Return. Council
   at Ft. Armstrong. Black Hawk’s Apology. Black Hawk
   Released                                                          259

 CHAPTER XXXIX.–Second Trip East. A Quiet Life. July Fourth
   Toast at Ft. Madison. Interview with Iowas. Death. Burial.
   His Grave Robbed. Bones Recovered. Consumed by Fire. Death
   of Madam Black Hawk                                               268

 APPENDIX: Abraham Lincoln in the Black Hawk War                     277

 APPENDIX: Jefferson Davis in the Black Hawk War                     290



   ABERCROMBIE, LIEUT. J.J. From photograph deposited
     by Hon. A.J. Turner, of Portage, Wis., in the
     Wisconsin Historical Collections.                            293

   ALEXANDER, GEN. M.K. From daguerreotype owned by
     his daughter, Mrs. J.A. Judson, of Paris, Ill.               192

   ANDERSON, LIEUT. ROBERT. From ivory miniature
     owned by his daughter, Mrs. E.M.C.A. Lawton,
     Washington, D.C.; by her copyrighted in 1901,
     and now first published.                                     293

   ARCHER, COL. WILLIAM B. From a steel plate owned
     by F.J. Bartlett, Marshall, Ill.                             225

   ARENZ, FRANCIS. From an oil painting owned by his
     son, Albert W. Arenz, of Jacksonville, Ill.                   93

   ATKINSON, GEN. HENRY. From oil painting owned by
     his grandson, Captain B.W. Atkinson, U.S.A Now
     first published.                                             112

   BAD AXE BATTLEFIELD. From oil painting owned by
     Wisconsin Historical Society.                                224

   BAILEY, MAJOR DAVID. From oil painting owned by
     his son, D.G. Bailey, of Delavan, Ill. Now first
     published.                                                   133

   BAKER, LIEUT. E.D. U.S. Senator, Hero of Ball’s
     Bluff. From rare plate in sketch of his life, by
     Joseph Wallace, published in 1870.                           130

   BAKER, MRS. E.B. From photograph by Chiverton,
     Dixon, Ill. She still lives at Dixon, Ill.                   137

   BALL, CAPT. JAPHET A. From old photograph owned by
     John M. Ball, of Chatham, Ill.                               130

   BARNES, CAPT. ROBERT. From oil painting owned by
     R.M. Barnes, of Lacon, Ill.                                  159

   BARNEY, CAPT. BENJAMIN. From photograph made in
     1870.                                                        119

   BARNSBACK, CAPT. JULIUS L. From daguerreotype made
     in 1845, owned by Mrs. Clara P. Jones, of
     Edwardsville, Ill.                                           125

   BEACH, MAJOR JOHN. From Fulton’s Red Men of Iowa.               37

   BEALL, MAJOR ALEXANDER. From photograph made in
     1862, owned by William A. Peak, of Exeter, Ill.              123

   BEGGS, REV. STEPHEN R. From “Kirkland’s Chicago.”              167

   BENSON, JAMES. Private in Captain McClure’s
     Company. At Stillman’s battle. From photograph
     owned by McLean County Historical Society.                   136

   BLACKBURN, COL. JAMES M. From his only portrait.               225

   BLACK HAWK (1 and 2). From American Phrenological
     Journal for November, 1838. Second number. (3)
     From portrait by George Catlin. (4) From
     Patterson’s First Edition of Black Hawk’s
     Autobiography. (5) From oil painting owned by
     Wisconsin Historical Society at Madison by R.M.
     Sully. (6) From McKenney and Hall’s Indians.                  17

   BLACK HAWK’S POWDER HORN. Owned by Iowa Historical
     Society at Iowa City. Photographed by Prof. B.F.
     Shambaugh.                                                   272

   BLACK HAWK’S PROMISSORY NOTE. From the original,
     owned by Mrs. Fannie Anderson, of Louisiana, Mo.
     Unpaid.                                                      272

   BLACK HAWK’S TOWER. As it appears to-day.                      272

   BLACKWELL, ROBERT. Paymaster. From daguerreotype
     owned by Mrs. J.J. Brown, of Vandalia, Ill.                  124

   BLISS, MAJOR JOHN. From portrait in Minnesota
     Historical Society’s rooms at St. Paul.                       97

   BOONE, CAPT. LEVI D. From an old photograph owned
     by C.B. Rhodes, of Hillsboro, Ill.                           126

   BOONE, COL. NATHAN. Son of Daniel Boone. Only
     picture. From daguerreotype loaned by his
     grandson, N.B. Craig, of Hanover, Ill.                       293

   BOUCHARD, EDWARD D. From a tintype made in 1875,
     owned by his son, Dr. William L. Bouchard, of
     Chicago. Only portrait and now first published.              143

   BOYD, JAMES M. Second Lieutenant. From photograph
     owned by Dr. H.B. Tanner, of South Kaukauna,
     Wis.                                                         235

   BRACKEN, LIEUT. CHARLES. From daguerreotype owned
     by Thomas Bracken, of Mineral Point, Wis.                    175

   BRADY, GEN. HUGH. From oil painting owned by
     George N. Brady, of Detroit, Mich. Now first
     published.                                                   120

   BREESE, LIEUT.-COL. SIDNEY. U.S. Senator, Chief
     Justice, etc. From his first portrait, an oil,
     owned by his son, Sidney S. Breese, Springfield,
     Ill., and now first published.                               197

   BRISTOL, JOHN E. Still alive. From photograph
     owned by author.                                             135

   BROWNING, O.H. U.S. Senator, Secretary Interior,
     etc. From the engraving published with his life.             119

     picture, a daguerreotype, owned by his daughter,
     Mrs. Catherine Buckmaster Curran, of Alton,
     Ill., and now first published.                                97

   BURNS, CAPT. JAMES. From daguerreotype furnished
     by Hon. George Vernor, of Nashville, Ill.                    193

   BUTLER, CAPT. PETER. From daguerreotype owned by
     R.O. Butler, of Monmouth, Ill.                               195

   CALHOUN, JOHN, of Capt. Goodan’s Company. The
     County Surveyor who furnished Abraham Lincoln
     with instruments and employment as deputy. He
     was president of the Lecompton Constitutional
     Convention. From three-fourths length oil
     painting owned by Kansas Historical Society,
     Topeka.                                                      280

   CARLIN, GOV. THOMAS. Then Captain. From oil
     portrait in Executive Mansion at Springfield,
     Ill.                                                          94

   CARPENTER, WILLIAM. Paymaster. From a steel plate.             124

   CARTWRIGHT, REV. PETER. Private in Captain Reuben
     Brown’s Company. From the plate in his
     autobiography.                                               281

   CASEY, ZADOCK. Paymaster. Later Lieut.-Gov. Member
     of Congress, etc. From oil painting owned by his
     son, Dr. John R. Casey, of Joliet, Ill.                      179

   CASSELL, ADJUTANT HENRY K. From photograph made in
     1863, owned by Mrs. Richard Curphy, of Scranton,
     Iowa.                                                        160

   CASS, LEWIS. Secretary of War in 1832. From the
     engraving made by the U.S. Bureau of Printing
     and Engraving.                                               100

   CHETLAIN, A.L. From photograph owned by author.                142

   CHETLAIN, LOUIS. Father of last above. Both in
     Dodge’s Squadron. From old photograph owned by
     the son.                                                     142

   CHRISTY, COL. SAMUEL C. From oil portrait owned by
     his daughter, Mary F. Scanlan, of St. Louis, Mo.              93

   CHOUTEAU, COL. AUGUSTE. From fine plate owned by
     grandson, J. Gilman Chouteau, of St. Louis.                   32

   CHOUTEAU, COL. PIERRE. From oil painting owned by
     Pierre Chouteau, of St. Louis.                                32

     Staff. From oil painting owned by Mrs.
     Meriwether Lewis Clark, of Louisville, Ky., made
     in 1832.                                                     113

   CLARK, GOV. WILLIAM. From engraving owned by
     grandson, John O’Fallon Clark, of St. Louis.                  54

   COFFEY, CAPT. ACHILLES. From frontispiece of his
     book, entitled, “History of the Regular Baptist
     Church,” published in 1877.                                  190

   COPES, WILLIAM. Private in Capt. Covell’s Company.
     Still alive. Present at dedication of monument
     at Stillman’s battlefield in 1892. From life.                138

   COWEN, LIEUT.-COL. WILLIAM. From old portrait
     owned by his son, Robert A. Cowen, of Chicago.               159

   CRAIG, CAPT. JAMES. From the original, owned by
     his son, N.B. Craig, of Hanover, Ill.                        141

   DANLEY, LEVI. Corporal in Captain McClure’s
     Company. At Stillman’s battle. From plate owned
     by McLean Co. Hist. Soc.                                     136

   DAVENPORT, GEORGE. An assistant quartermaster of
     militia. First settler on Rock Island. From oil
     painting in Supervisors’ room at Rock Island.                113

   DAVIS, LIEUT. JEFFERSON. From an ivory miniature
     owned by Mrs. Davis and copied by her for this
     work.                                                        290

   DEMENT, MAJOR JOHN. From portrait owned by author.             179

   DICKSON, CAPT. JOSEPH. From daguerreotype owned by
     his son, Joseph P. Dickson, of Platteville, Wis.             216

   DIMMETT, WILLIAM. Private in Capt. Covell’s
     Company. At Stillman’s battle. From photograph
     owned by McLean Co. Hist. Society.                           136

   DIXON, ELISHA. Private in Capt. McClure’s Company.
     At Stillman’s battle. From photograph owned by
     McLean Co. Hist. Society.                                    136

   DIXON’S FERRY. From oil painting owned by Miss F.
     Louise Dixon, of Dixon, Ill.                                 129

   DIXON, JOHN. From photograph owned by author.                  129

   DODGE, A.C. U.S. Senator, Minister to Spain, etc.
     From photograph owned by his son, W.W. Dodge, of
     Burlington, Iowa.                                            299

   DODGE, COL. HENRY. Governor, U.S. Senator, etc.
     From portrait owned by his grandson, W.W. Dodge,
     Burlington, Iowa.                                            141

   DODGE, COL. HENRY. In uniform as a U.S. Ranger, by
     George Catlin. From the original, owned by W.W.
     Dodge, of Burlington, Iowa.                                  141

   DUNCAN, GEN. JOSEPH. Later Governor of Illinois.
     From the oil painting in Executive Mansion, in
     Springfield.                                                  94

   DUNLAP, ADJUTANT SAMUEL. From daguerreotype owned
     by Mrs. J.M. Wagner, of Newman, Ill.                         192

   DUNN, CAPT. CHARLES. Chief Justice, etc. From the
     oil painting in the rooms of the Supreme Court
     of Wisconsin, at Madison.                                    191

   EATON, LIEUT. NATHANIEL J. From daguerreotype made
     in 1848, owned by his daughter, Mrs. Harriet
     Eaton Root, of Alton, Ill.                                   113

   EDDY, HENRY. Quartermaster-General. From
     daguerreotype owned by his son (recently
     deceased), John M. Eddy, of Shawneetown, Ill.                115

   EDWARDS, LIEUT.-COL. ABRAHAM. President First
     Legislative Council Mich. Ter. From portrait
     owned by Mich. Pioneer and Hist. Soc., Lansing.              255

   EDWARDS, CYRUS. From a steel plate owned by his
     daughter, Mrs. George K. Hopkins, of Alton, Ill.             122

   EDWARDS, NINIAN. First Governor of Illinois
     Territory, U.S. Senator, etc. From portrait in
     Executive Mansion, at Springfield.                            54

   ELKIN, CAPT. W.F. From an old picture owned by Lee
     B. Elkin, of Springfield, Ill.                                95

   EWING, MAJOR W.L.D. U.S. Senator, etc. From
     miniature made in 1835, owned by his daughter,
     Mrs. Margaret M. Dale, of Kansas City, Mo.                   224

   FEAMAN, CAPT. JACOB. From photograph owned by
     Elias Feaman, of Chester, Ill.                               198

   FLOOD, CAPT. WILLIAM G. From old photograph owned
     by his daughter, Mrs. W.E. Boswell, of Carthage,
     Ill.                                                         123

   FORD, THOMAS. Governor, Etc. Private in
     Whiteside’s Battalion in campaign of 1831. From
     painting in Executive Mansion, Springfield, Ill.              94

   FORT ARMSTRONG. From an original etching by Mrs.
     Alice C. Walker, of Moline, Ill., and loaned for
     use in this work.                                             66

   FORT CRAWFORD. From the oil painting made by
     Arthur Brower.                                               121

   FORT DEARBORN. From picture in rooms of Chicago
     Historical Society.                                          167

   FORT DIXON. From oil painting owned by author.                 161

   FORT MADISON. From a rare print in the “Annals of
     Iowa,” furnished by Mr. Charles Aldrich, of Des
     Moines.                                                       37

   FORT MADISON. Ground plan, from drawings in the
     War Department, at Washington.                                37

   FORT SNELLING. From oil painting in collection of
     Minn. Historical Society at St. Paul.                         77

   FORT WINNEBAGO. From painting owned by Hon. A.J.
     Turner, of Portage, Wis.                                     308

   FRY, COL. JACOB. From an old photograph owned by
     his son, William M. Fry, of Carrollton, Ill.                  95

   GAINES, GEN. E.P. From engraving after the
     portrait by J.W. Jarvis.                                      93

   GEAR, CAPT. H.H. From photograph owned by Gen.
     John C. Smith, Chicago.                                      299

   GILLESPIE, ADJUTANT JOSEPH. From daguerreotype
     owned by C.E. Gillespie, of Edwardsville, Ill.                96

   GILLHAM, LIEUT.-COL. JAMES. From photograph owned
     by his son, W.A. Gillham, of Riggston, Ill.                  196

   GIVENS, CAPT. WILLIAM T. From an old tintype owned
     by his son, Robert S. Givens, of Waverly, Ill.               126

   GRATIOT, LIEUT. CHARLES. Of Capt. Dowling’s
     Company. From daguerreotype owned by his son,
     Henry R. Gratiot, Gratiot, Wis.                              142

   GRATIOT, COL. HENRY. From oil painting owned by
     Wisconsin Historical Society, at Madison.
     Furnished by Hon. Hempstead Washburne, of
     Chicago, a grandson.                                         115

   GRATIOT, CAPT. J.R.B. From an ivory miniature
     painted by the Swiss artist, Peter
     Reinderpacker, owned by daughter of Captain G.,
     Mrs. Ninette Hempstead, of De Soto, Mo.                      141

   GRIDLEY, LIEUT. ASAHEL. Of Capt. Covell’s Company.
     At Stillman’s battle. From photograph owned by
     McLean County Historical Society, of
     Bloomington, Ill.                                            135

   GRIGNON, AUGUSTIN. From oil painting in Wisconsin
     Historical Collections.                                      235

   HAACKE, DAVID. Of Capt. David W. Barnes’ Company.
     Dressed in uniform of captain of militia of the
     time, to which office he was appointed in 1833.              132

   HAINES, ALFRED. Of Capt. John G. Adams’ Company.
     From daguerreotype owned by his brother, James
     Haines, of Pekin, Ill.                                       135

   HAINES, JONATHAN. Of Capt. Adams’ Company. From
     daguerreotype owned by his brother, James
     Haines, of Pekin, Ill. At Stillman’s battle,
     with his brother, next above.                                135

   HALL, OLIVER W. From tintype owned by his
     daughter, Dr. Lucinda H. Corr, of Carlinville,
     Ill.                                                         133

   HAMILTON, COL. WILLIAM S. From the original, owned
     by the Wisconsin Historical Society, at Madison.             182

   HARDIN, COL. JOHN J. From oil painting made of him
     in 1832, owned by his son, Gen. M.D. Hardin, of
     Chicago.                                                      95

   HARNEY, CAPT. W.S. From his first portrait done in
     oil in 1825, owned by Mrs. John M. Harney, of
     St. Louis, Mo., and now first published.                     120

     portrait owned by Betty Harrison Eaton, of North
     Bend, Ohio.                                                   32

   HAWS, CAPT. WILLIAM. From photograph owned by J.W.
     Thornton, of Magnolia, Ill.                                  159

   HEADEN, WILLIAM. Surgeon. From oil painting owned
     by Walter Headen, of Shelbyville, Ill.                       124

   HOGAN, LIEUT. JOHN S.C. Of Capt. Kercheval’s
     Company. Second Postmaster of Chicago. From
     “Kirkland’s Chicago.”                                        120

   HOLLIDAY, CAPT. JOEL. From an old tintype owned by
     his son, James H. Holliday, of Rileyville.                   190

   HORN, REV. REDDICK. From his only picture, owned
     by H.M. Horn, of Republican City, Neb., and now
     first published.                                             137

   HORN, SYLVIA HALL. From photograph owned by her
     granddaughter, Mrs. Samuel Dunavan, of Leland,
     Ill.                                                         154

   HORNEY, SAMUEL. Quartermaster. From portrait
     secured by John S. Bagby, of Rushville, Ill.                 123

   HUBBARD, LIEUT. GURDON S. Of Capt. Alex. Bailey’s
     Company. From photograph by Mosher.                          175

   HUSSEY, NATHAN. Brigade Wagonmaster. From
     beautiful daguerreotype owned by grandson, J.Y.
     Hussey, of Williamsville, Ill.                               195

   HUSSEY, WILLIAM S. Fourth Sergeant of Capt.
     Claywell’s Company. From old photograph owned by
     J.Y. Hussey, of Williamsville, Ill.                          198

   ILES, CAPT. ELIJAH. In whose company Abraham
     Lincoln was a private. From photograph made by
     Anderson, of Springfield.                                    175

   IRWIN, LIEUT. ALEXANDER J. From oil painting in
     rooms of Wisconsin Historical Society, at
     Madison.                                                     235

   JACKSON, ANDREW. President in 1832. From engraving
     made from portrait by Earl.                                   54

   JAMES, MAJOR THOMAS. From oil painting owned by
     his son, Dr. Lewis James, of Racola, Mo.                     143

   JEFFERSON BARRACKS. From an old print–very rare.               100

   JENKINS, CAPT. A.M. From oil painting owned by his
     daughter-in-law, Mrs. M.E. Jenkins, of
     Washington, D.C.                                             196

   JONES, COL. GABRIEL. From an old tintype owned by
     Adelia G. Gordon, of Chester, Ill.                           217

   JONES, GEORGE W. U.S. Senator, etc. From his first
     picture, owned by his daughter, Mrs. J. Linn
     Deuss, of Dubuque, Iowa.                                     299

     miniature in the family of Mrs. William Preston
     Johnston, of New Orleans. Published formerly by
     the “Century Company.”                                       225

   JOHNSTON, LIEUT. JOSEPH E. From the steel plate in
     his “Narrative.”                                             246

   KE-O-KUK. From the oil painting–the only one made
     of him from life–secured by I.G. Baker, of St.
     Louis.                                                        27

   LECLAIRE, ANTOINE. The Interpreter. From oil
     painting in Court House, at Davenport, Iowa.                  27

   LEE, WILLIAM H. Of Capt. Samuel Huston’s Company.
     Still alive. Remembers distinctly that Gen.
     Atkinson swore in the Illinois troops at the
     mouth of Rock River, including the company of
     Lincoln. The author is under many obligations to
     him for valuable information.                                281

     what officer swore Capt. Abraham Lincoln into
     the U.S. service. Owned by Mrs. Catherine
     Buckmaster Curran, of Alton, Ill.                            284

   LINCOLN, CAPT. ABRAHAM. From his first picture, a
     daguerreotype, owned by Hon. Robert T. Lincoln,
     of Chicago. Copyrighted 1895-6 by S.S. McClure
     Company. Use permitted here.                                 277

   LINCOLN, CAPT. ABRAHAM. Discharge signed by him.
     From the collection of Mr. Oldroyd, of
     Washington.                                                  281

   LINCOLN, CAPT. ABRAHAM. Muster roll made by him
     and in the possession of the author.                         279

   LOGAN, DR. JOHN B. Father of Gen. John A. Logan.
     From oil painting owned by J.V. Logan, of
     Menard, Ill.                                                 196

   LONG, MAJOR THOMAS. From oil painting owned by his
     son, T.W. Long, of Taylorville, Ill.                         119

   LOWE, CAPT. GIDEON. From oil painting owned by his
     granddaughter, Mrs. E.S. Purdy, of Portage, Wis.             128

   MACOMB, GEN. ALEXANDER. Major-General commanding
     U.S.A in 1832. From engraving after the painting
     by T. Sully.                                                 308

   MADDING, CAPT. CHAMPION S. From daguerreotype
     owned by his son, L.B. Madding, of Woodstock,
     Wis.                                                         194

   MAP OF ILLINOIS. Showing marches, forts, etc. Made          Facing
     by author.                                         Introduction.

   MAP OF ILLINOIS. Showing “Military Tract.” Made in
     1822, after LeSage’s Atlas.                                   77

     Tanner’s Guide.                                              140

   MARSAC, CAPT. JOSEPH. From oil painting owned by
     Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society,
     Lansing. Capt. Marsac was also interpreter at
     the making of the Cass Treaty.                               255

   MASON, CAPT. R.B. From miniature made in 1846,
     owned by his daughter, Miss Nannie Mason, of
     Louisville, Ky.                                              225

   MASON, GOV. S.T. From oil portrait which hangs in
     the State House at Lansing, Mich.                            255

   MATHEWS, CAPT. CYRUS. From photograph owned by
     Mrs. James R. Mathews, of Jacksonville, Ill.                 160

   MAUGHS, CAPT. MILTON M. From a tintype made in
     1850, owned by W.B. Langley, of Chicago. Captain
     Maughs was founder of Mauston, Wis.                          139

   MAYO, CAPT. JONATHAN. From old photograph
     furnished by LeRoy Wiley, of Paris, Ill.                     193

   MAYO, WALTER L.                                                194

   MENARD, CAPT. PETER or PIERRE. From daguerreotype
     owned by A.H. Menard, of Tremont, Ill.                       160

   MOFFETT, CAPT. THOMAS. From photograph owned by
     George M. Brinkerhoff, of Springfield, Ill.                  198

     owned by Mrs. Samuel Dunavan, of Leland, Ill.                154

   MONUMENT AT KELLOGG’S GROVE. From photograph owned
     by J.B. Timms.                                               175

     photograph owned by author.                                  132

   MORRISON, LIEUT. JOHN. Father of Hon. William R.
     Morrison. From photograph owned by latter. Of
     Capt. J.S. Briggs’ Company.                                  197

   MUNSON, RACHEL HALL. From a photograph made by
     W.E. Bowman, of Ottawa, in 1865, and now owned
     by author.                                                   154

   MCCLERNAND, JOHN A. Assistant Brigade
     Quartermaster. From daguerreotype made in 1843,
     when he was in Congress. Owned by his son, Col.
     E.J. McClernand, U.S.A Never before published.               190

   MCCONNEL, MAJOR MURRAY. From oil painting owned by
     his daughter, Mrs. Lilla M. Boothby.                         217

   MCCULLOUGH, WILLIAM. Of Capt. Covell’s Company. At
     Stillman’s battle. From plate owned by McLean
     County His. Soc., at Bloomington.                            138

   MCKEE, WILLIAM. Private of the company of Capt.
     Ralls. Same regiment as Capt. Lincoln.                       138

     daguerreotype.                                               195

   NAPER, CAPT. JOSEPH. From daguerreotype owned by
     C.A. Naper, of Naperville, Ill.                              167

   NEWHALL, DR. HORATIO. From photograph owned by
     Mrs. William C. Barrett, of Galena, Ill.                     140

   ONSTOTT, CAPT. JOHN. From daguerreotype owned by
     J.H. Songer, of Xenia, Ill.                                  191

   ORDER of May 22, to Whiteside. Special No. 11.                 162

   ORDER of May 25, to cause injury.                              132

   ORDER to forbid firing of arms.                                280

   OREAR, GEORGE. From photograph owned by his son,
     T.B. Orear, of Jacksonville, Ill.                            123

   ORENDORF, JAMES K. Private in the company of Capt.
     Covell. At Stillman’s battle. From daguerreotype
     owned by McLean County Hist. Soc., Bloomington
     Ill.                                                         138

   OTTAWA. At the time of the Black Hawk War. From an
     old sketch owned by W.E. Bowman, of Ottawa, and
     now first published.                                         130

   PARKER, LEONARD B. Quartermaster. From rare old
     silhouette owned by his son, George W. Parker,
     of St. Louis, and now first published.                       193

   PARKINSON, CAPT. D.M. From oil painting owned by
     granddaughter, Miss M.L. Parkinson, of Mineral
     Point, Wis., and now first published.                        217

   PARKINSON, NATHANIEL T. Of Dodge’s Squadron. From
     tintype owned by Miss M.L. Parkinson, of Mineral
     Point, Wis.                                                  142

   PARMENTER, ISAAC. Adjutant. From daguerreotype
     furnished by H.T. Goddard, of Mt. Carmel, Ill.               194

   PA-SHE-PA-HO, CHIEF. From “McKenney and Hall’s
     Indians.”                                                     27

   PATTERSON, J.B. From photograph owned by his
     daughter, Miss Tina Patterson, of Peoria, Ill.                27

   PECATONICA BATTLEFIELD. From oil painting owned by
     Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison.                       182

   PECATONICA–Plan of battlefield. From History of
     Henry Dodge, by William Salter.                              182

   PIKE, LIEUT. ZEBULON M. From the engraving by
     Edwin, in a “History of the War of 1812.“                     32

   POINTER, WILLIAM, of the company of Capt. Seth
     Pratt. Still alive. He was an old acquaintance
     of Capt. Lincoln.                                            280

   POWELL, CAPT. DANIEL. From an old photograph owned
     by H.B. Trafton, of Norris City, Ill., a
     grandson.                                                    195

   POWELL, LIEUT. STARKEY R., of the company of Capt.
     William B. Smith. From daguerreotype owned by
     his daughter, Mrs. Mary Catherine Peffer, of
     Rochester, N.Y.                                              125

   PREUITT, CAPT. SOLOMON–later Lieut. Col. in
     campaign of 1832. From the “History of Madison
     County.”                                                      97

   PRICE, CAPT. DANIEL.                                           127

   PRICKETT, COL. DAVID. From oil painting owned by
     daughter, Miss Christiana G. Prickett, of
     Springfield, Ill.                                            122

   PUGH, CAPT. ISAAC C. From old photograph owned by
     Mrs. Mira H. Marks, of Decatur, Ill.                         127

   RAUM, MAJOR JOHN. From daguerreotype owned by his
     son, Gen. Green B. Raum, of Chicago.                         190

   REMANN, MAJOR FREDERICK. From photograph owned by
     Mrs. Fred G. Remann, of Vandalia, Ill.                       224

   REYNOLDS, GOV. JOHN. From the plate in his “My Own
     Times.”                                                       93

   RICE, MATTHEW, of Capt. Solomon Hunter’s Company.
     From photograph owned by his daughter, Mrs. M.E.
     Smith.                                                       198

   RICHARDSON, W.A. Ass’t Quartermaster Maj. James
     Odd Battalion. Lieut.-Col. Mexican War, Member
     of Congress, Gov. of Nebraska, and U.S. Senator
     to succeed Stephen A. Douglas. From photograph
     owned by his son, W.A. Richardson, of Quincy,
     Ill.                                                         127

   ROBINSON, ALEXANDER, Chief of the Pottowatomies.
     From “Kirkland’s Chicago.”                                   166

   ROBISON, JOHN K., of Capt. Gear’s Company. From
     photograph owned by his daughter, Mrs. Amelia
     McFarland, of Mendota, Ill.                                  299

   ROMAN, RICHARD, Surgeon. From photograph owned by
     Richard Roman, of Washington, D.C.                            96

     Sain’s Company. From photograph owned by his
     son, P.C. Ross, of Lewiston, Ill.                            137

   ROSS, CAPT. THOMAS B. From oil painting owned by
     grandson, Robert W. Ross, of Vandalia, Ill.                  192

   ROSS, COL. WILLIAM. From picture owned by Hon.
     A.C. Matthews, of Pittsfield, Ill.                           119

   ROUNDTREE, CAPT. HIRAM. From photograph owned by
     his daughter, Mrs. Etta Roundtree Stubblefield,
     of Hillsboro, Ill.                                           143

   ROUNDTREE, CAPT. JOHN H. From photograph owned by
     Miss Lilly M. Roundtree, of Platteville, Wis.                143

   RUTLEDGE, THOMAS O., of Capt. Covell’s Company. At
     Stillman’s battle. From old photograph owned by
     McLean Co. Hist. Soc., Bloomington, Ill.                     137

   SANDFORD, CAPT. ISAAC. From oil painting owned by
     O.S. Sandford, Tuscola, Ill.                                 191

   SCALES, CAPT. S.H. From photograph owned by Samuel
     Scales, of Shullsburg, Wis.                                  140

   SCOTT, MAJ. GEN. WINFIELD. From his autobiography.
     Made of him about the time of the Black Hawk
     War.                                                         246

   SCOTT, MAJ.-GEN. WINFIELD. Headquarters at Ft.
     Armstrong.                                                   246

   SEMPLE, JAMES. Later U.S. Senator, etc. From
     “History of Edwards County.”                                  96

   SHA-BO-NA, or SHAB-BO-NA. Spelled both ways in
     this work, as both are used by the best
     authorities. One “b” should, however, be
     considered preferable. From an old tintype owned
     by Hon. George M. Hollenback, of Aurora, Ill.
     The last picture made of the old Chief, during
     the first week of July, 1859, just prior to his
     death.                                                       166

   SHELLEDY, COL. STEPHEN B. From old photograph
     owned by Margaret I. Vance, of Cresco, Iowa.                 192

   SHULL, JESSE W. One of the oldest traders of
     Northern Illinois. Went to the lead mines in
     1819. From old photograph owned by Col. E.C.
     Townsend, of Shullsburg, Wis., of which city
     Shull was founder. He was a private in Capt.
     Enoch Duncan’s Company.                                      140

   SIMPSON, CAPT. GIDEON. From oil portrait owned by
     Mrs. J.H. King, a granddaughter, of
     Collinsville, Ill.                                           125

   SMITH, CAPT. HENRY, U.S.A From old portrait, made
     in 1831, owned by his sister, Katharine Smith
     Sewall, of Watertown, N.Y.                                   113

   SMITH, COL. T.W. From the oil painting in the
     rooms of the Chicago Historical Society.                     196

   SNELLING, COL. JOSIAH. From Appleton’s Cyclopedia
     of American Biography. Used by permission.                    77

   SNYDER, CAPT. ADAM W. From a rare ivory miniature
     owned by his son, Dr. J.F. Snyder, of Virginia,
     Ill.                                                         179

     Daviess County.”                                             139

   STAPP, COL. JAMES T.B. From photograph owned by
     Mr. Guy Stapp, of Chicago.                                   122

   STAPP, WYATT B. From oil painting furnished for
     this book by Mr. Guy Stapp, of Chicago.                      133

   STEPHENSON, MAJOR JAMES W. From oil painting owned
     by Mrs. William Hempstead, of St. Louis.                     179

   STEPHENSON, CAPT. WILLIAM J. From photograph owned
     by Alexander H. Brown, of Ashley, Ill.                       191

   STEVENS, FRANK E. From a photograph by Waters,
     Chicago.                                            Frontispiece

   STEWART, COL. HART L. From “Kirkland’s Chicago.”               235

   STILLMAN’S BATTLEFIELD. From recent photograph of
     old cut, by Oliver W. Hall, who was upon the
     scene the following day. Done in colors for this
     work by Mrs. Chas. C. Dunlap, of Chicago.                    134

   STILLMAN, COL. ISAIAH. From his only portrait, a
     daguerreotype, owned by his daughter, Mrs. Mary
     E. Barber, of Libertyville, Iowa, and now first
     published.                                                   133

   STRAWN, JEREMIAH. From photograph owned by Susan
     S. Dent, his daughter, Chicago.                              160

   STRAWN, COL. JOHN. From photograph furnished by
     Mr. J.S. Thompson, of Lacon, Ill.                            159

   STREET, GEN. JOSEPH M. From the “Annals of Iowa,”
     furnished by Mr. Chas. Aldrich, of Des Moines,
     Iowa.                                                        100

   STRODE, COL. JAMES M. From a rare ivory miniature,
     owned by his daughter, Mrs. Luella Strode Howe,
     of London, Eng. Copied especially for this work,
     and now first published.                                     139

   STUART, MAJ. JOHN T. From the first daguerreotype
     brought to Illinois, owned by his widow–now
     deceased–and loaned by her to the author.                     94

   TAYLOR, MAJOR ZACHARY. From the engraving made by
     the Bureau of Printing and Engraving at
     Washington.                                                   54

   TAYLOR, LIEUT. COL. His headquarters at Fort
     Crawford.                                                    128

   THOMAS, COL. JOHN. From steel plate in “History of
     St. Clair County.”                                           122

   THOMAS, CAPT. WILLIAM. From daguerreotype owned by
     his daughter, Mrs. Belle Flynn, of Carmi, Ill.               194

   THOMAS, COL. WILLIAM. From photograph owned by
     H.E. Rusk, of Jacksonville, Ill.                              95

   THOMPSON, CAPT. JAMES. From an old photograph
     owned by a son in Chester, Ill.                              197

   TOWNSEND FAMILY. Early settlers in the lead mines,
     and all of them, brothers, served in the Black
     Hawk War in Dodge’s squadron. Three of them
     served in the Winnebago war of 1827. H.S.
     Townsend, only recently deceased, was at the
     battle of the Pecatonica.                                    144

   TWIGGS, MAJ. D.E. From a photograph obtained from
     Hon. A.J. Turner, of Portage, Wis., and now
     owned by the Wis. Hist. Society, at Madison.                 120

   VAUGHAN, JAMES W. From photograph owned by his
     son, G.W. Vaughan, of Sullivan, Ill.                         125

   VERNOR, Z.H. In the campaign of 1831, under Capt.
     William Moore. From oil painting owned by his
     son, Hon. George Vernor, of Nashville, Ill.                   96

   WA-BO-KI-E-SHIEK, the PROPHET. From oil painting
     from life by R.M. Sully while imprisoned at
     Fortress Monroe. Now owned by the Wisconsin
     Historical Society, at Madison.                              115

   WAKEFIELD, JOHN A. Distinguished for services in
     the war and for writing in 1834 (published at
     Jacksonville, Ill., the same year), the first
     history of the same. From his only portrait,
     owned by his daughter, Mrs. Emily Terry, of St.
     Paul, Minn., and now first published.                        139

   WALKER, CAPT. GEORGE E. First Sheriff of La Salle
     County. From photograph made by W.E. Bowman, of
     Ottawa, and now first published.                             166

   WA-PEL-LO, or WAU-PE-LA, CHIEF. From “McKenney and
     Hall’s Indians.”                                             308

   WESTBROOK, REV. SAMUEL, of Capt. Holliday’s
     Company. Still alive, and who has furnished much
     information for this book.                                   193

   WARREN, CAPT. PETER. From a very rare tintype,
     owned by a grandson, W.W. Warren, of Windsor,
     Ill.                                                         126

   WAU-BAN-SE, or WAU-BAN-SEE. From “McKenney and
     Hall’s Indians.”                                             166

   WHEELER, CAPT. ERASTUS. From old tintype owned by
     his daughter, Mrs. W.W. Erwin, of Minneapolis,
     Minn.                                                         97

   WHISTLER, MAJOR WILLIAM. From “Kirkland’s
     Chicago.”                                                    246

   WHITESIDE, GEN. SAMUEL. From the only picture ever
     made of him–a very rare tintype–owned by his
     daughter, Mrs. J.A. Henderson, of Mt. Auburn,
     and now first published.                                     115

   WHITLOCK, MAJOR JAMES. From a beautiful ivory
     miniature owned by Mrs. Eliza A. Greenough, of
     Marshall, Ill.                                               124

   WILLIAMS, ARCHIBALD, of Capt. Flood’s Company. One
     of Illinois’ most distinguished men. From old
     portrait owned by his son, John H. Williams, of
     Quincy, Ill.                                                 127

   WILLIAMS, GEN. JOHN R. From oil painting in rooms
     of Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, at
     Lansing.                                                     255

   WILSON, LIEUT. GEORGE, chum of Lieut. Jefferson
     Davis, who carried the note from Lieut. Davis to
     Miss Taylor which arranged for their marriage.
     From portrait owned by son, Capt. George Wilson,
     of Lexington, Mo.                                            293

   WINTERS, CAPT. NATHAN. From photograph owned by
     grandson, G.L. Winters, of Trenton, Mo.                      126

     owned by the Wisconsin Historical Society, at
     Madison.                                                     216

   WISCONSIN HEIGHTS–Plan of the battlefield. From
     the “Life of Henry Dodge,” by William Salter.                216

   WOOD, JOHN. Later Governor of Illinois. Private in
     Capt. Flood’s Company. From photograph owned by
     D.C. Wood, of Quincy, Ill.                                   217

   WOOD, MAJ. JOHN D. From photograph furnished by
     Hon. George Vernor, of Nashville, Ill.                       197


[Illustration: BLACK HAWK.]


                               CHAPTER I.


Black Hawk’s name, as given in his autobiography, was
Ma-ka-tai-she-kia-kiak[1], and, without reference to the many renditions
of it by various writers, is the version that will be adopted in this
work as nearest authentic. He was born in the year 1767 at the Sac or
Sauk village, located on the north bank of Rock River in the State of
Illinois, about three miles above its confluence with the Mississippi.
His father, Py-e-sa, a grandson of Na-na-ma-kee or Thunder (a descendant
of other Thunders), was born near Montreal, Canada, where the Great
Spirit was reputed in Indian lore to have first placed the great Sac
nation. Black Hawk was a full blood Sac, five feet eleven inches tall in
his moccasins; of broad but meager build[2] and capable of great
endurance. His features were pinched and drawn, giving unusual
prominence to the cheek bones and a Roman nose, itself pronounced. The
chin was sharp. The mouth was full and inclined to remain open in
repose. His eyes were bright, black and restless, glistening as they
roamed during a conversation. Above these rested no eyebrows. The
forehead was given the appearance of unusual fullness and height from
the fact that all hair was plucked from the scalp, with the single
exception of the scalp lock, to which, on occasions of state, was
fastened a bunch of eagle feathers. In his later years it was his boast
that he had worn the lock with such prominence to tempt an enemy to
fight for it and to facilitate its removal should he be slain in the
encounter. This statement, however, must be received as a boast and
nothing more, because among the Sacs the custom of plucking from the
scalp all hairs save the scalp lock was general and not confined to
Black Hawk’s redoubtable person, as he would have us believe. J.C.
Beltrami, the Italian traveler, who ascended the Mississippi in 1823,
stopping at all the Indian villages, particularly Black Hawk’s upon Rock
River, which he reached May 10th, has this to say, which is interesting:
“The faces of the Saukees, although exhibiting features characteristic
of their savage state, are not disagreeable, and they are rather well
made than otherwise. Their size and structure, which are of the middle
kind, indicate neither peculiar strength nor weakness. Their heads are
rather small; that part called by French anatomists _voute orbitaire_
has in general no hair except a small tuft upon the pineal gland, like
that of the Turks; this gives the forehead an appearance of great
elevation. Their eyes are small and their eyebrows thin; the cornea
approaches rather to yellow, the pupil to red; they are the link between
those of the orang-outang and ours. Their ears are sufficiently large to
bear all the jewels, etc., with which they are adorned; two foxes’ tails
dangled from those of the Great Eagle. I have seen others to which were
hung bells, heads of birds and dozens of buckles, which penetrated the
whole cartilaginous part from top to bottom. Their noses are large and
flat, like those of the nations of eastern Asia; their nostrils are
pierced and ornamented like their ears. The maxillary bones, or
pommettes, are very prominent. The under jaw extends outwards on both
sides. Their mouths are rather large; their teeth close set, and of the
finest enamel; their lips a little inverted. Their necks are regularly
formed; they have large bellies and narrow chests, so that their bodies
are generally larger below than above. Their feet and hands are well
proportioned. Except the tuft on the head, which we have already
remarked, they have no hair on any part of the body. Books which deal
greatly in the marvelous convert this into an extraordinary phenomenon,
but the fact is that, from a superstition common to all savages, they
pluck it out, and, as they begin at an early age and use the most
perservering means for its extirpation, nothing is left but a soft

With this personal description of Black Hawk, it may be well to add the
following, published in the “Annals of Iowa,” 3rd series, Vol. 4, page
195: “Bones of Black Hawk.–These bones, which were stolen from the grave
about a year since, have been recovered and are now in the Governor’s
office. The wampum, hat,[4] etc., which were buried with the old chief,
have been returned with the bones. It appears that they were taken to
St. Louis and there cleaned; they were then sent to Quincy to a dentist
to be put up and wired previous to being sent to the East. The dentist
was cautioned not to deliver them to anyone until a requisition should
be made by Governor Lucas. Governor Lucas made the necessary requisition
and they were sent up a few days since by the Mayor of Quincy and are
now in the possession of the Governor. He has sent word to
Na-she-as-kuk, Black Hawk’s son, or to the family, and some of them will
probably call for them in a few days. Mr. Edgerton, the phrenologist,
has taken an exact drawing of the skull, which looks very natural, and
has also engraved it on a reduced scale, which will shortly appear on
his new chart. Destructiveness, combativeness, firmness and
philoprogenitiveness are, phrenologically speaking, very strongly
developed. Burlington Hawk Eye, Dec. 10, 1840.”[3]

An intimate knowledge of Black Hawk is denied us. The little known of
him prior to 1832 is derived from less than a dozen sources, the most
important being his autobiography;[5] the others, nearly all military,
are to be found in treaties and the records of the war department. A few
settlers only knew him, because settlers about his haunts in those days
were exceedingly scarce. And so it has come to pass that his character
has been universally judged by the contact with him during the last five
or six years of his long life, while he was in a sense a captive,
brooding over his fallen estate, while the drapery of an eternal evening
was fast falling about him. At such an age, shorn of power, chafing
under restrictions, disgruntled at the supremacy of his ancient enemy
Keokuk, who had answered for his good behavior, the old man’s ambitions
crushed, he was naturally a distressing object, evoking that pity which
so universally appeals to an American and is so surely allowed to cover
a multitude of sins. Those few last years have been thus carelessly
permitted to become the monument to the man, and those who drove him
from power have been harshly judged or jocularly denominated “carpet
soldiers,” as much as to say the pioneers had never suffered hardships
nor endured wrongs. Justice to those whose wives and children had been
butchered, whose fathers and brothers had been burned at the stake,
demands that all the truth be told and the reason given why those
settlers, infuriated at the loss of two successive crops from Black
Hawk’s perfidy, finally drove his band into the Mississippi River at the
mouth of the Bad Axe and almost annihilated it.

It has been written that he possessed a mind of unusual strength, but
slow and plodding, with little genius and few talents to manage a great
enterprise in war.[6] The influence to sustain such a paradox, as well
as kindred irregularities and disorders of the man’s mind, may be
attributed to the fact that he was a confirmed hypochondriac, morbidly
regarding as frivolous everything save war. He was discontented and
reckless, envious of others with greater influence or name, and in
meeting questions in or out of the council with such men as Keokuk he
was churlish to a degree unless his individual will ruled. While it must
candidly be owned that the whites have been guilty of the most revolting
injustices to other Indians, notably Shabona, the same cannot be pleaded
for Black Hawk. He was found making and breaking engagements and
treaties[7] the greater part of his very long life, and then, when
retribution was imminent, he hoisted flags of truce down to August 2d,
1832, when his power for further mischief was forever crushed.

The reputation which he has established in Indian annals comes not from
any sacrifice he made for his people, for never in his life did he make
one. Neither comes it from his struggles for an oppressed race, for he
never conceived a solitary scheme for its amelioration. He had never a
lofty aspiration for his nation. His every venture was made for personal
aggrandizement or popularity. Tecumseh dreamed of a great confederation;
not to become a leader. Cornstalk, Logan and Pontiac were ambitious for
their people, but Black Hawk never. Black Hawk said of Keokuk that the
latter was a groveling sycophant, but Keokuk was the most powerful
orator of his race, and, penetrating the inevitable destiny of the
whites, he conformed to it and used his great genius to gain for his
people the greatest good. While Black Hawk was stolidly plotting for
war, Keokuk was planning to secure for his people good homes and larger
annuities, and these he secured, to their very great benefit. Black
Hawk’s prominence comes from notoriety alone.

In his various conflicts with the whites he was invariably the
aggressor. The unfortunate affair which resulted in the death of his
so-called adopted son cannot be, by any conceivable logic, tortured into
an exception, as we shall presently see. After the treaty of 1804 he and
his band were permitted to remain unmolested upon the ceded lands year
after year and decade after decade, a license rarely allowed and, as it
proved, a thoroughly mistaken policy. He received his yearly annuities
and retained the lands for which the annuities were given, literally
eating his cake and keeping it. His passions were many, but the
consuming passion of his life was hatred of the Americans, a hatred
without cause and as unjustifiable and unreasonable as man’s baser
passions are always found to be. Yet this may not be surprising, fed as
he was by his devouring gloom and restless, war-like spirit. The mantle
of charity has many a time before and since covered graver faults; so
let it be with Black Hawk’s, for it is said of him that in his domestic
life he was a kind husband and father, and in his transactions with his
people he was upright and honest,[8] if he was not ambitious for their

Black Hawk was not a chief of the Sac nation.[9] He was simply a brave.
His father was the tribal medicine man, and whatever standing Black Hawk
may have secured was derived from his personal bravery and daring as a
warrior, which have never been questioned. Possessed, as we have seen,
of a martial spirit, he was ever ready and eager to lead war parties of
young companions to battle, and one or two engagements alone were
sufficient firmly to establish him in that leadership which bravery
fitted him to hold over his followers in war.

At fifteen, having distinguished himself by wounding an enemy, he was
permitted to paint and wear feathers and join the rank of the
Braves.[10] About the year 1783 he united in an expedition against the
Osages and had the fortune to kill and scalp one of the enemy, for which
youthful act of valor he was for the first time permitted to mingle in
the scalp-dance. As one exploit followed another his desire for blood
became insatiable, and from his own account, the number of the enemy
slain by him staggers credulity.

A short time after the ’83 tragedy–“a few moons,” as he puts it–Black
Hawk was leader of a party of seven which attacked a band of one hundred
Osages, killed one of their number and retreated without loss, Black
Hawk taking the credit for this fatality to his personal valor. His
taste for war, coupled with his prowess, attracted notice from others,
and very presently he was found marching at the head of one hundred and
eighty braves against the Osage village on the Missouri. Finding it
deserted, the greater number of his young followers became dissatisfied,
abandoned the enterprise and returned home, but Black Hawk continued,
and, with but five followers, came upon the Osages, killed and scalped
one man and a boy and then returned home. In consequence of this mutiny
he has told us he was not again able to raise sufficient force to move
against the Osages until his nineteenth year, during which interim, it
was claimed, the Osages committed many outrages on his nation.

In 1786 his restless spirit had planned another attack of a retaliatory
nature against the Osages. Setting out with two hundred followers, he
met a party of the enemy about equal in strength, which for a time
stubbornly resisted Black Hawk’s attack, but, unable to maintain an
unequal contest with the fierce Sac fighters, the Osages were finally
routed and the band almost annihilated. One hundred of them were killed
outright and the remnant which remained was left to be scalped while
helplessly wounded, or driven from the country, while, on the other
hand, Black Hawk’s loss was but nineteen men. Six of the enemy were
killed by Black Hawk–five men and one squaw–and in alluding to this he
adds these words: “I had the good fortune to take all their scalps.” In
recording his glorious enterprise his interpreter doubtless insisted
that the murder of a female by a great warrior was not creditable, for,
once the enormity of his offense is cited, he pleads in extenuation that
the squaw was accidentally killed; yet he scalped her.

The severe cost to the Osages of this battle brought about a treaty of
peace between the belligerents which lasted for a considerable period,
as peaceful times between Indian nations seem then to have been

The stormiest periods of Black Hawk’s life were all born of tranquil
times, and this interval of peace served to incubate a plan of campaign
against his ancient and inveterate enemy, the Cherokees, which was to be
fraught with consequences more serious than all his former campaigns

Py-e-sa, Black Hawk’s father, the hereditary medicine man of his tribe,
had held the medicine bag for many years and his ability as a discreet,
fearless and upright man cannot be controverted. Regarding a campaign by
the young men so far from home as hazardous in the extreme, he joined
this expedition, and with his people paddled his canoe night and day
down the Mississippi River until the enemy was reached upon the Merameg
River, south of St. Louis, in vastly superior forces. The battle which
followed was stubbornly waged, but in it, as in so many others, the
ferocity of the attack put the Cherokees to flight, leaving twenty-eight
of their number dead upon the field, while the Sacs lost but seven
braves. But one of those seven was Py-e-sa, whose loss was never
thereafter supplied to the great Sac nation. Had he been spared to treat
of subsequent questions with the whites, his moderation had
unquestionably sustained Keokuk’s position and the campaigns of 1831 and
1832, with their trains of slaughter, would have been averted. In this
engagement Black Hawk himself killed three outright and wounded many

By the death of Py-e-sa, Black Hawk fell heir to the medicine bag, with
its attendant responsibility. He immediately returned to his village,
blackened his face and remained tranquil for the succeeding five years
of his life, with no more stimulating employment than hunting, fishing
and meditation. During this period of inaction, Black Hawk maintains,
the Osages were constantly harassing his people by incursions into his
country, carrying with each invasion a predatory warfare extremely
distressing and galling. These became so frequent and offensive that, as
Black Hawk has told us, “the Great Spirit took pity on them” (the Sacs),
upon which event he took to the field. Here, at the head of a small
party, he overtook a few struggling Osages, so feeble that he simply
made them prisoners and handed them over to the Spanish father at St.
Louis. With this famous act of clemency he continued his plan of total
destruction of the offending Osages.

About the year 1800, the Iowa nation, having accumulated many grievances
against the Osages, made common cause with the Sacs for the purpose of
waging a war of extermination. Raising a force of about one hundred,
which joined the Sac forces, numbering now about five hundred more, the
two allies marched upon the unsuspecting Osages, who were unarmed and
wholly unprepared for defense. They valiantly defended their homes and
families and fought with the desperation known only to those who have
waged such defenses against overpowering odds. One by one and dozen by
dozen and score by score fell dead before the terrific attacks of the
most terrible of Indian fighters, until there was none left to fill the
gaps made in their ranks by the tomahawk and spear. Forty lodges were
destroyed and every inhabitant save two squaws was put to death. Then,
returning home, a great feast was made, at which Black Hawk exploited
his personal valor to his friends. In this engagement he killed seven
men and two boys with his own hand.

During those five years of meditation following his father’s death
resentment had but slumbered. They killed his father, ’tis true, but it
had been done defending themselves. The Sacs as a nation had no quarrel
with the Cherokees. But immediately he returned from his war upon the
unsuspecting Osages, Black Hawk collected another party and moved down
the river against them. In due season the enemy’s country was reached
and invaded, but, roam as they would, no more than five unknown people
could be found, four men and one squaw. The men, after a short
detention, were released, and the squaw was taken back to Black Hawk’s
village on Rock River.

The futility of this campaign rankled in Black Hawk’s heart for a time,
and to recoup his lost, or at least suspended reputation, he planned, in
the year 1803, about the ninth moon, the most extensive campaign of his
life against the combined forces of the Chippewas, Osages and
Kaskaskias. No just reason existed for this war; none of the tribes of
these nations had trespassed on Sac territory or rights, and none had
offended in any other particular. Black Hawk was piqued at his last
miscarriage and he simply made war against these people for the sake of
war, and bloody indeed it proved to be. During its continuance seven
pitched battles were fought, together with numerous skirmishes, in all
which more than one hundred of the enemy perished. Here again Black Hawk
boasts of personally killing with his own hands thirteen of the bravest
warriors in the enemy’s ranks. His ferocity in these engagements is the
best evidence for the statement that the glory of Black Hawk was placed
above every other consideration.

In 1763 France ceded Louisiana to Spain, though Senor Rious, the Spanish
agent, did not formally take possession of St. Louis and the upper
Louisiana country until 1768, and even then St. Ange, the French
Governor, continued to perform official acts until 1770. In 1800
Napoleon took it away again, retaining it until 1803, when it was
purchased by the United States.[11] During the Spanish domination Black
Hawk had been a periodical visitor to St. Louis, accepting frequent
presents and forming what might be termed a devotion to the Governor,
whom he designated as his “Spanish Father.”

After the conclusion of his last war, he paid this Spanish father a
friendly visit at St. Louis. Spanish and French domination had ended and
the Americans were just then taking possession of the country, much to
his regret and, as might be imagined, disgust. Here are his comments:
“Soon after the Americans arrived I took my band and went to take leave
for the last time of our father. The Americans came to see him also.
Seeing them approach, we passed out of one door as they entered another
and immediately started in our canoes for our village on Rock River, not
liking the change any more than our friends appeared to at St. Louis. On
arriving at St. Louis, we were given the news that strange people had
taken St. Louis and that we should never see our Spanish father again.
This information made all our people sorry.”


                              CHAPTER II.


By the treaty of Paris, Sept. 3, 1783, Great Britain covenanted to
surrender certain western forts which were of great strategic importance
to the Americans in protecting the frontier from Indian incursions and
also in dealing with such as were disposed to treat honorably with the
Government. The compact was solemnly made and signed, but, disgruntled
from the loss of her colonies, the British government sent secret
instructions to its garrisons to retain these forts, and in consequence
not one of them was surrendered. Nor was this the only violation by the
British of their engagements. Agents were set to work over our vast
frontier to foment insubordination among the Indians against American
domination. These Indians were supplied with provisions and arms and
incited openly to war against the whites and drive them back east of the
mountains, and year after year they continued until the sickening
horrors of the stake and scalping knife were sweeping the feeble
settlements of the West from end to end.

France and Spain, both with colonial possessions to the west, while
gratified to see England stripped of her possessions, were suspected of
aiding the design of the British to restrict American settlements to the
shores of the Atlantic. Spain claimed exclusive ownership of the
Mississippi and commerce upon her waters by Americans was prohibited.
The “dark and bloody ground” of Kentucky, long the scene of carnage, was
made the first scene of British intrigue, where the atrocities of the
Indians were the most frightful in history. The tribes of Ohio and
Indiana, which were in the league, penetrated the settlements of the
whites, deluging the land with the blood of innocent women and children.

The Government, hopelessly involved with debt and graver questions of
state, could offer the struggling settlers no relief, and thus alone
they were forced to stand in hourly fear of butchery. They grew to look
for no help save in their own resources, and yearly meeting with
defiance, a pioneer community of militant husbandmen gradually grew and
moved westward; instinctively taught to rush to arms upon the breaking
of a twig or the rustle of a leaf in defense of their defenseless loved
ones in the cabin. When, therefore, Black Hawk lent a willing ear to the
British agent, accepted his presents and performed his murderous
behests, which he did, he should have expected the awful consequences of
defeat and annihilation which followed his years of hypocrisy, and
accepted the Government’s final requital with gratitude, or at least
Indian stolidity, instead of snarling at his fate and constantly
bewailing the elevation of others over him who had loyally stood by the
Americans and their Government in perilous times. He invited destruction
and was destroyed. The attention of the student is directed to this
phase of Black Hawk’s character as it develops in these pages down to
his defeat, August 2d, 1832.

The Sacs were originally British Indians, domiciled near Montreal. By
constant quarrels and wars with their neighbors their tribes, once
numerous and powerful, were reduced to a remnant and finally driven from
the country altogether. They settled in Wisconsin, where they met the
Foxes, similarly driven from Canada, and the two tribes immediately
combined, ever after being considered as a confederated nation. They
again grew powerful and arrogant and became involved in wars with their
neighbors. At the time of the last French and English war they took
sides with the English and received from that source presents for many
years. This British sympathy was born in Black Hawk, and continued with
him, growing in intensity as the Americans expanded and defeated the
English, until it became positive hatred[12]. When, therefore, he
repeats the statement that he heard bad accounts of the Americans in
1803, and then asserts that all his differences with the Americans date
from the signing of the treaty of 1804, he states that which cannot be
received with confidence. Prior to 1803 he never had found himself in
contact with the Americans to an extent worthy of note, and no cause,
real or imaginary, had been given him for a difference, yet on leaving
the Spanish father, mentioned in the last chapter, he catches a rumor,
adopts a prejudice and dictates for his autobiography the following
ill-natured words, false to begin with and as malignant as he was
generally found to be in speaking or writing of the Americans: “I
inquired the cause and was informed that the Americans were coming to
take possession of the town and country, and that we should lose our
Spanish father. This news made myself and band sad, because we had
always heard _bad accounts_ of the Americans from Indians who had lived
near them.”


[Illustration: KE-O-KUK.]

[Illustration: PA-SHE-PA-HO.]

[Illustration: ANTOINE LE CLAIRE.]

[Illustration: J.B. PATTERSON.]


During the years 1803 and 1804, Gov. William Henry Harrison of Indiana
concluded treaties with the Kaskaskias and the Wabash tribes, obtaining
thereby title to a large extent of country south of the Illinois River.
Having an immense stretch of country unserviceable for fishing and
hunting, many of the Sacs and Foxes considered it desirable to receive
annuities,[13] after the manner of the Wabash tribes. A bad hunt could
thus be recouped in a certain money stipend. Accordingly, slight
overtures were thrown out to this effect. The Sacs and Foxes roamed
north of the Illinois River, like the fugitive buffalo or lonesome bird
of passage. Those broad prairies afforded them no subsistence in hunting
or fishing. The bare claim to possession was their sole exercise of it,
and that frail tenure had been wrenched by conquest from others without
compensation in the smallest degree. Along the streams a few harmless,
nondescript Indians and tribal remnants lived, or rather remained, as
dependent vassals of the mighty Sacs and Foxes, but these were so
inconspicuous and weak as to be ignored by both the whites and Indians
in treaties.

There can be no doubt of a knowledge by the Government of this desire
for annuities by the Sacs and Foxes. President Jefferson was not the man
to simulate the existence of any unfair postulate in treating with the
Indians, who were at all times objects of his especial solicitude.
Accordingly, on the 27th day of June, 1804, he directed Governor
Harrison to treat with the Sacs and Foxes and obtain cessions of lands
on both sides the Illinois River, granting as a consideration therefor
an annual compensation. Agreeably with his instructions, Governor
Harrison called the head chiefs of the consolidated tribes to meet him
at St. Louis, which Pashepaho, head chief of the Sacs, Layowvois,
Quashquame, Outchequaha and Hashequarhiqua did. Here, on November 3d,
the following treaty was solemnly made and signed:

Articles of a Treaty, made at St. Louis, in the district of Louisiana,
between William Henry Harrison, Governor of the Indiana Territory and
the District of Louisiana, Superintendent of Indian affairs for the said
Territory and district and Commissioner plenipotentiary of the United
States, for concluding any treaty or treaties, which may be found
necessary with any of the Northwestern tribes of Indians, of the one
part; and the Chiefs and head men of the united Sac and Fox tribes of
the other part.

Article 1. The United States receive the united Sac and Fox tribes into
their friendship and protection and the said tribes agree to consider
themselves under the protection of the United States, and no other power

Art. 2. The General boundary line between the land of the United States
and the said Indian tribes shall be as follows, to wit: Beginning at a
point on the Missouri River opposite to the mouth of the Gasconade
River; thence, in a direct course so as to strike the River Jeffreon, at
the distance of 30 miles from its mouth and down the said Jeffreon to
the Mississippi; thence, up the Mississippi to the mouth of the
Ouisconsing River, and up the same to a point which shall be 36 miles in
a direct line from the mouth of the said river, thence, by a direct line
to the point where the Fox River (a branch of the Illinois) leaves the
small Lake called Sakaegan; thence, down the Fox River to the Illinois
River, and down the same to the Mississippi. And the said tribes, for
and in consideration of the friendship and protection of the United
States, which is now extended to them, of the goods (to the value of two
thousand two hundred and thirty-four dollars and fifty cents) which are
now delivered, and of the annuity hereinafter stipulated to be paid, do
hereby cede and relinquish forever, to the United States, all the lands
included within the above described boundary.

Art. 3. In consideration of the cession and relinquishment of land made
in the preceding article, the United States will deliver to the said
tribes, at the town of St. Louis, or some other convenient place on the
Mississippi, yearly and every year, goods suited to the circumstances of
the Indians of the value of one thousand dollars (six hundred of which
are intended for the Sacs and four hundred for the Foxes), reckoning
that value at the first cost of the goods in the City or place in the
United States, where they shall be procured. And if the said tribes
shall hereafter at an annual delivery of the goods aforesaid, desire
that a part of their annuity should be furnished in domestic animals,
implements of husbandry, and other utensils, convenient for them, or in
compensation to useful artificers, who may reside with or near them, and
be employed for their benefit, the same shall, at the subsequent annual
delivery, be furnished accordingly.

Art. 4. The United States will never interrupt the said tribes in the
possession of the lands, which they rightfully claim, but will, on the
contrary, protect them in the quiet enjoyment of the same against their
own citizens and against all other white persons, who may intrude upon
them. And the said tribes do hereby engage that they will never sell
their lands, or any part thereof, to any sovereign power but the United
States, nor to the citizens or subjects of any other sovereign power,
nor to the citizens of the United States.

Art. 5. Lest the friendship, which is now established between the United
States and the said Indian Tribes should be interrupted by the
misconduct of individuals, it is hereby agreed that for injuries done by
individuals no private revenge or retaliation shall take place, but
instead thereof, complaint shall be made by the party injured to the
other by the said tribe, or either of them, to the superintendent of
Indian affairs, or one of his deputies; and by the superintendent, or
other person appointed by the President, to the Chiefs of the said
tribes. And it shall be the duty of the said chiefs, upon complaint
being made, as aforesaid, to deliver up the person, or persons, against
whom the complaint is made, to the end that he or they may be punished
agreeably to the laws of the state or territory where the offence may
have been committed. And, in like manner, if any robbery, violence or
murder shall be committed on any Indian, or Indians, belonging to the
said tribes, or either of them, the person or persons so offending shall
be tried, and, if found guilty, punished in the like manner as if the
injury had been done to a white man. And, it is farther agreed, that the
chiefs of the said tribes shall, to the utmost of their power, exert
themselves to recover horses or other property which may be stolen from
any citizen or citizens of the United States by any individual or
individuals of their tribes. And the property so recovered shall be
forthwith delivered to the superintendent or other person authorized to
receive it that it may be restored to the proper owner. And in cases
where the exertions of the chiefs shall be ineffectual in recovering the
property stolen, as aforesaid, if sufficient proof can be obtained, that
such property was actually stolen by any Indian or Indians belonging to
the said tribes, or either of them, the United States may deduct from
the annuity of the said tribes, a sum equal to the value of the property
which has been stolen, And the United States hereby guarantee to any
Indian or Indians of the said tribes a full indemnification for any
horses, or other property which may be stolen from them, by any of their
citizens; Provided that the property so stolen cannot be recovered, and
that sufficient proof is produced that it was actually stolen by a
citizen of the United States.

Art. 6. If any citizen of the United States, or any other white person,
should form a settlement, upon the lands which are the property of the
Sac and Fox tribes, upon complaint being made thereof, to the
superintendent, or other person having charge of the affairs of the
Indians, such intruders shall forthwith be removed.

Art. 7. As long as the lands which are now ceded to the United States
remain their property, the Indians belonging to the said tribes shall
enjoy the privilege of living and hunting upon them.

Art. 8. As the laws of the United States regulating trade and
intercourse with the Indian tribes are already extended to the country
inhabited by the Sauks and Foxes, and as it is provided by those laws,
that no person shall reside as a trader, in the Indian country, without
a license, under the hand and seal of the Superintendent of Indian
Affairs, or other person appointed for the purpose by the President, the
said tribes do promise and agree that they will not suffer any trader to
reside amongst them without such license, and that they will, from time
to time, give notice to the Superintendent, or to the Agent, for their
tribes, of all the traders that may be in their country.

Art 9. In order to put a stop to the abuses and impositions, which are
practiced upon the said tribes by the private traders, the United
States, will, at a convenient time, establish a trading house, or
factory, where the individuals of the said tribes can be supplied with
goods at a more reasonable rate than they have been accustomed to
procure them.

Art. 10. In order to evince the sincerity of their friendship and
affection for the United States, and a respectful deference for their
advice, by an act which will not only be acceptable to them, but by the
Common Father of all the nations of the Earth, the said tribes do,
hereby solemnly promise and agree that they will put an end to the
bloody war which has heretofore raged between their tribes and those of
the great and little Osages. And for the purpose of burying the tomahawk
and renewing the friendly intercourse between themselves and the Osages,
a meeting of their respective Chiefs shall take place, at which, under
the direction of the above named Commissioner, or the Agent of Indian
affairs residing at St. Louis, an adjustment of all their differences
shall be made and peace established, upon a firm and lasting basis.

Art. 11. As it is probable that the Government of the United States will
establish a Military Post at, or near the mouth, of the Ouisconsing
River, and as the land on the lower side of the River may not be
suitable for that purpose, the said tribes hereby agree, that a Fort may
be built, either on the upper side of the Ouisconsing, or on the right
bank of the Mississippi, as the one or the other may be found most
convenient; and a tract of land not exceeding two miles square, shall be
given for that purpose. And the said tribes do further agree, that they
will at all times, allow to traders and other persons traveling through
their country, under the authority of the United States, a free and safe
passage for themselves and their property of every description. And that
for such passage, they shall at no time, and on no account whatever, be
subject to any toll or exaction.

Art. 12. This Treaty shall take effect and be obligatory on the
contracting parties, as soon as the same shall have been ratified by the
President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the
United States.

In testimony whereof, the said William Henry Harrison, and the Chiefs
and headmen of the said Sac and Fox tribes, have hereunto set their
hands and affixed their seals. Done at Saint Louis, in the district of
Louisiana, on the third day of November, One Thousand Eight Hundred and
Four, and of the independence of the United States the Twenty-Ninth.

                          ADDITIONAL ARTICLE.

It is agreed that nothing in this treaty contained shall affect the
claim of any individual or individuals, who may have obtained grants of
Land from the Spanish Government and which are not included within the
general boundary line laid down in this treaty: PROVIDED, that such
grant have at any time been made known to the said tribes and recognized
by them.

                               WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, [L.S.]
                               LAYOWVOIS, _or_ LAIYUVA, [L.S.]
                                    _His_ (X) _Mark._
                               PASHEPAHO, _or_ THE STABBER, [L.S.]
                                    _His_ (X) _Mark._
                               QUASHQUAME, _or_ JUMPING FISH, [L.S.]
                                    _His_ (X) _Mark._
                               OUTCHEQUAHA, _or_ SUN FISH, [L.S.]
                                    _His_ (X) _Mark._
                               HASHEQUARHIQUA, _or_ THE BEAR, [L.S.]
                                    _His_ (X) _Mark._
              In presence of
                               WM. PRINCE, _Sec’y to the Commissioner_.
                               JOHN GRIFFIN, _one of the judges of the
                                          Indiana Territory_.
                               J. BRUFF, _Maj. Art’ry, U.S._
                               AMOS STODDARD, _Capt. Corps of
                               P. CHOUTEAU, _Agent de la haute Louisiana
                                          pour le department Sauvage_.
                               CH. GRATIOT.
                               AUG. CHOUTEAU.
                               VIGO S. WARREL, _Lieut. U.S. Artillery_.
                               D. DELAUNEY.
           Sworn Interpreters: JOS. BARRON.
                               HYPOLITE BOLEN,
                                    _His_ (X) _Mark._


                              CHAPTER III.

               TREATY OF 1804, AND BLACK HAWK’S VERSION.

On December 31st, 1804, the President submitted this treaty to the
Senate, which ratified it immediately.

In justice to Black Hawk, his relation of all incidents leading up to
this treaty, from the departure of French rule to its ratification,
which he always insisted was the bone of contention between himself and
the whites, will be given, and in justice to the Americans, his
inaccuracies, their logical deductions and the manner in which he played
the same against the facts will also be given.

In the first edition of his autobiography, published in Boston in 1834,
page 25, after concluding his sorrow at the advent of the Americans, he

  “Some time afterwards, a boat came up the river, with a young American
  chief (Lieutenant, afterwards General, Zebulon M. Pike), and a small
  party of soldiers. We heard of him (by runners) soon after he had
  passed Salt River. Some of our young braves watched him every day, to
  see what sort of people he had on board. The boat at length arrived at
  Rock River, and the young chief came on shore with his interpreter,
  made a speech, and gave us some presents. We, in return, presented him
  with meat and such provisions as we could spare.

  “We were all well pleased with the speech of the young chief. He gave
  us good advice; said our American father would treat us well. He
  presented us an American flag, which was hoisted. He then requested us
  to pull down our British flags, and give him our British medals,
  promising to send us others on his return to St. Louis. This we
  declined, as we wished to have _two fathers_.”

  “* * * We did not see any Americans again for some time, being
  supplied with goods by British traders.”

  “Some moons after this young chief descended the Mississippi, one of
  our people killed an American and was confined in the prison at St.
  Louis for the offense. We held a council at our village to see what
  could be done for him, which determined that Quash-qua-me,
  Pa-she-pa-ho, Ou-che-qua-ka and Ha-she-quar-hi-qua should go down to
  St. Louis, see our American father, and do all they could to have our
  friend released by paying for the person killed; thus covering the
  blood, and satisfying the relations of the man murdered; that being
  the only means with us of saving a person who had killed another, and
  we then thought it was the same way with the whites.

  “The party started with the good wishes of the whole nation, hoping
  they would accomplish the object of their mission. The relatives of
  the prisoner blacked their faces and fasted–hoping the Great Spirit
  would take pity on them, and return the husband and father to his wife
  and children. Quash-qua-me and party remained a long time absent. They
  at length returned, and encamped a short distance below the village,
  but did not come up that day, nor did any person approach their camp.
  They appeared to be dressed in _fine coats_, and had _medals_! From
  these circumstances we were in hopes that they had brought good news.
  Early the next morning the Council Lodge was crowded. Quash-qua-me and
  party came up, and gave us the following account of their mission: ‘On
  their arrival at St. Louis they met their American father, and
  explained to him their business, and urged the release of their
  friend. The American chief told them he wanted land, and they agreed
  to give him some on the west side of the Mississippi, and some on the
  Illinois side, opposite the Jeffreon. When the business was all
  arranged, they expected to have their friend released to come home
  with them. But about the time they were ready to start, their friend
  was let out of prison, who ran a short distance, and was shot dead.
  This was all they could recollect of what was said and done. They had
  been drunk the greater part of the time they were in St. Louis.’

  “This was all myself or nation knew of the treaty of 1804. It has been
  explained to me since. I find by that treaty all our country east of
  the Mississippi, and south of the Jeffreon, was ceded to the United
  States for one thousand dollars a year! I leave it to the people of
  the United States to say whether our nation was properly represented
  in this treaty, or whether we received a fair compensation for the
  extent of country ceded by those four individuals. I could say much
  about this treaty, but I will not at this time. It has been the origin
  of all our difficulties.”[14]

During the years 1803 and 1804, the British were in their ugliest humor
toward the Americans, and no effort to aggravate, yea murder, the
frontier was spared. In the face of those atrocities and in face of the
further fact that on January 9th, 1789, a solemn treaty of friendship
was made between the United States and the Sacs, at Fort Harmar, signed
by Te-pa-kee and Kesh-e-yi-va, the 14th article of which is as follows:
“The United States of America do also receive into their friendship and
protection the nations of the Pottiwatimas and Sacs, and do hereby
establish a league of peace and amity between them respectively; and all
the articles of this treaty, so far as they apply to these nations, are
to be considered as made and concluded in all, and every part, expressly
with them and each of them,”[15] it would seem in extreme bad taste for
Black Hawk to desire a continuance of British paternity and British
provisions, and flout British authority in the faces of those Americans
who were the sufferers. A sane man would expect something to happen.
Black Hawk stated and emphasized the fact that Pike went up the
Mississippi and returned before the treaty of 1804 was made, when as a
matter of fact he went up the river in 1805 and returned in 1807. Now if
he committed such glaring errors in matters of passing importance, what
can be expected in matters of graver importance? And where can the
intelligent student draw the line between fact and fabrication?



[Illustration: LIEUT. ZEBULON M. PIKE.]

[Illustration: COL. AUGUSTE CHOUTEAU.]

[Illustration: COL. PIERRE CHOUTEAU.]


Much else that Black Hawk has said is altogether incorrect as well as
preposterous. There can be no excuse for his untruthful statement that
but four chiefs signed the treaty, because there were five, as the
record itself discloses, and Pash-e-pa-ho, the then principal chief of
the Sac nation, was one of them. Nor can it be seen that he strengthened
his standing with the public to charge William Henry Harrison, the most
upright of men, with giving the Indian emissaries fine clothes and
medals as part consideration for their signatures, and with stupefying
them with liquor and finally murdering outright the prisoner, and it is
certainly regrettable to find in his narrative no mention of the
sorrowing wife and weeping children of the murdered American who never
returned to his hearthstone.


                              CHAPTER IV.

                            TREATY OF 1804.

That the Indian had many wrongs must not be denied, but that such wrongs
should be transferred from those who suffered them to the personal
account of Black Hawk, either entire or to any great extent, is a
proposition too monstrous for sober consideration. The simpering casuist
has strenuously endeavored to effect that transfer, even to the extent
of adopting his statements about the liquor and the murder. As needless,
yea repugnant, to all sense of propriety and truth as the task may be to
shore up the reputation of Governor Harrison against Black Hawk’s
aspersions, it has been thought best to quote the only historical record
at hand on the subject of the murder, and dissipate for all time the
maudlin sympathy which his contention has raised:

  “Some time about the middle of the year 1804, three American citizens,
  who had settled above the Missouri, were murdered by a party of Sack
  Indians; and the Governor having learnt this circumstance, as well as
  the hostile dispositions of the Sacks and Foxes toward the United
  States, sent them a message by Captain Stoddart, in the month of
  October, requiring their chiefs to meet him in St. Louis; and on his
  arrival at that place he learnt the circumstance of the murder, as
  well as the exertions which were making by some of the old chiefs
  among them to give up the perpetrators of it, but who were opposed by
  a majority of the nation, who declared their satisfaction at what had
  been done, and their determination to protect the murderers at all
  risk. The Governor dispatched another messenger to the Sack chiefs, to
  inform them of his arrival at St. Louis, and urge them to make every
  possible exertion to apprehend, and bring with them, the murderers;
  but if that could not be effected, he requested that they would come
  to him at any rate, assuring them of their being permitted to return
  in safety.

  “The Governor, conceiving that if they could be prevailed upon to come
  to a conference it would be easy to convince them of the necessity of
  preserving the friendship of the United States, had no doubt that he
  would prevail upon some of them to remain with him as hostages for the
  delivery of the murderers. But before his messenger had arrived, the
  petty chief who headed the war party had surrendered himself to the
  sachems or head men of the nation, and declared his willingness to
  suffer for the injury he had done. On the arrival of the chiefs at St.
  Louis, he was delivered up to the Governor, and a positive assurance
  given that the whole nation were sorry for the injury which had been
  done, and that they would never in future lift the tomahawk against
  the United States.”[16]

At this same meeting, the treaty was made which has already been set out
at length, and while the same authority mentions the fact without
comment, it will be quoted, and following it some reasons may be noted
why the bargain was not one of particular rigor. At least Black Hawk’s
argument may be shown to be specious:

  “At this meeting with the chiefs of the Sac and Fox Indians, the
  Government negotiated a treaty by which the Indian title was
  extinguished to the largest tract of land ever ceded in one treaty by
  the Indians since the settlement of North America, as it includes all
  the country from the mouth of the Illinois River to the mouth of the
  Ouisconsing, on the one side, and from the mouth of the Illinois to
  near the head of the Fox River on the other side; and from the head of
  the latter a line is drawn to a point 36 miles above the mouth of the
  Ouisconsing, which forms the northern boundary, and contains upwards
  of 51 millions of acres.”

Black Hawk offers to leave the question of bargain to the people of the
United States. From present day standpoints it might be considered a
hard bargain, but from the facts in the case, the reply might be made
with an inquiry if the Wisconsin farmer got much of a bargain when he
bought from a sharper the Masonic Temple of Chicago for $2,000.

Two-thirds or more of the land ceded was claimed and occupied by the
Winnebagoes and Pottowattomies at the time, and Black Hawk knew the fact
and admitted it times without number on subsequent occasions. Even down
so close to him as the Prophet’s village, in the present county of
Whiteside, the country was Winnebago territory; the same at Dixon’s
Ferry, while over on the Illinois River the Pottowattomies had for a
great length of time held dominion, and this had never been controverted
by the Sacs and Foxes. The fact is that the United States acquired but
very little territory by that treaty, when the magnificent proportions
are mentioned without regard to the facts.

With his usual carelessness of fact, Black Hawk omitted to mention the
payments down in money and trade which were made and which in those days
were not regarded as trifling. He made no mention of subsequent and
additional payments and annuities, neither did he credit the Government
for the use and occupation of those same lands for over a quarter of a
century after they had been ceded. He omitted entirely that he had never
kept a treaty in his life until he was finally crushed and driven from
power at the point of the bayonet, and he forgot to omit the further
fact that all the Sac and Fox Indians, save Black Hawk and his immediate
followers, recognized that treaty as just in 1808, when a delegation
visited Fort Madison to ascertain if its erection was in violation of
it. Schoolcraft, Vol. VI, page 393, made a very sensible observation
regarding the sales by Indians of their lands: “But while any section of
their territories abounded in game, the Indians elected to retire
thither, and bestowed but little attention on either grazing or
agriculture. There was, therefore, a singular concurrence in the desire
of the emigrants to buy and in the willingness of the Indians to sell
their lands.”

At no time had the Illinois lands been valuable to the Sacs for hunting,
the streams and forests of Iowa having always been sought for their
annual hunts. There can be no doubt that this feature had its influence
exactly as Schoolcraft, the friend always to the Indian, has stated.


[Illustration: FORT MADISON.]



[Illustration: MAJ. JOHN BEACH.]


                               CHAPTER V.


The object of the expedition of Lieutenant Pike, in 1805-6-7, was, among
other things, to select suitable locations for military reservations,
Indian posts and forts. One of the last named he located at the head of
the Des Moines Rapids, immediately above the mouth of the river of that
name, on the west bank of the Mississippi.

In 1808, First Lieutenant Alpha Kingsley, with Captain Ninian Pinckney’s
company, was sent there from below to construct the fort and garrison
it. His work attracted the attention of passing Sacs and excited the
suspicion that the act might be a possible infraction of the 1804
treaty. To determine the matter, a party, including Black Hawk, traveled
down the river to the scene, where a council or talk was immediately
held, at which the intention of the Government was fully discussed. The
explanations were satisfactory in every particular to the respective
chiefs, who, every one, cheerfully ratified the action of the
Government, commending the act as one of prevision for both parties, and
with assurances of good feeling returned to their respective homes. Even
Drake, the especial champion of Black Hawk, is forced to state, on page
79: “Some of the Indians went down the river, and, after an interview
with the officers in charge of the troops constructing it, returned
home, satisfied that there was no infraction.”

Not so with Black Hawk. He came to the spot bent on mischief, and while
the others entered and were engaged in the council, he remained aloof,
that no obligation might rest upon him if the talk should result
adversely to his wishes, his favorite trick for avoiding the meshes of
engagements which might conflict with the arrangements he had made with
his British friends, who were furnishing him supplies, as we have seen.

Thus was the construction of Fort Madison permitted to continue, and
thus was it in due time completed and garrisoned by seventy-five men;
but Black Hawk had studied well its plans and marked it for his
vengeance at such a time as stealth should permit him to ambush it and
butcher its garrison, lulled into a supine security[17].

During the winter of 1808-9, British agents, taking advantage of the
suppositious dissatisfaction of the Indians, moved industriously among
the tribes, and, through Black Hawk, were able to create among his
followers a desire to annoy the Americans. Reports of impending attacks
reached the garrison of Fort Madison from time to time. “Upon receiving
this information,” Lieutenant Kingsley wrote, “I made every exertion to
erect the blockhouses and plant my pickets; this we did in two weeks
(lying on our arms during the night), and took quarters in the new fort
the 14th inst. (April, 1809). Being tolerably secure against an attack,
we have been able to get a little rest, and are now making the best
preparations for the safety and defense of this establishment.”

This letter is dated, “Fort Madison, near River Le Moin, 19th April,
1809.” In the same letter Lieutenant Kingsley reported that rumors of an
Indian alliance are reaching him frequently, and that any coming trouble
may be traced directly to British influence. “The sooner the British
traders are shut out of the river,” he added, “the better for our
Government.” Thus was Black Hawk allied, preparing for his part in the
war of 1812 with England.

Governor Harrison, in a letter to the Secretary of War, dated Vincennes,
July 15th, 1810 (Drake, p. 62), said: “A considerable number of the Sacs
went some time since to see the British superintendent, and on the first
instant more passed Chicago for the same destination.”

General Clark, under date St. Louis, July 20th, 1810, stated in writing
to the same department: “One hundred and fifty Sacs are on a visit to
the island of St. Joseph, in Lake Huron.” John Johnson, the Indian agent
at Fort Wayne, under date of August 7th, 1810, said to the Secretary of
War: “About one hundred Saukees have returned from the British agent,
who supplied them liberally with everything they stood in need of. The
party received forty-seven rifles and a number of fusils, with plenty of
powder and lead.”

In 1811 Black Hawk eagerly accepted British counsel to join the Prophet
at Tippecanoe[18] for the purpose of annihilating Governor Harrison.
Failing in that effort, he turned westward with a party of Winnebagoes
to attack Fort Madison, but the long march homeward must have exhausted
his martial spirit, because that attack was not made by him until
September 5th, 1812, at 5:30 P.M. However that may be, he considered it
unwise to precipitate his contemplated attack without preparation and
care. Therefore, he had the ground thoroughly reconnoitered by his
spies, who reported that every morning it was customary for the troops
to march out for exercise, leaving no defense behind, and this was the
hour finally fixed for his attack.

His British band and about 200 Winnebagoes stealthily marched to the
neighborhood, where, after a consultation, the plan of attack was
changed into one of assault, which was immediately begun and continued
until darkness compelled the Indians to retire. The following morning it
was not resumed, as contemplated by the garrison, which lulled it into
negligence, for a soldier was permitted to leave the gate. He returned
safely, and John Cox, another private, was permitted to go out with less
show of caution. This poor fellow was instantly shot and scalped and the
Indians, with yells, then recommenced their assault. During the
engagement the boat of a Mr. Graham, who had arrived on the 4th, was
burned, as were two others belonging to the Government. Soon after fire
was thrown upon the blockhouses that stood near the bank of the river,
but syringes made from gun barrels were used with such effectiveness
that the blaze was confined to little damage. One detachment of the
enemy killed the live stock, plundered and burned the house of a Mr.
Julian and destroyed the corn. On the 7th the battle was renewed and
raged with greater fury, the Indians again throwing fire upon the
blockhouses and shooting flaming arrows into the roofs, but the garrison
repulsed every attack. In the evening the house of a Mr. Nabb was burned
and the blacksmith shop and factory of the garrison threatened. Had
these been fired in the prevailing wind, every man of the garrison had
been burned alive, but commanding officer Thomas Hamilton, by the most
heroic measures, forced the fire away until the wind veered, when he
dispatched a soldier to fire the factory, which he successfully did, and
in three hours it was consumed without danger to the garrison. During
the day, several Indians crept into a stable, and there, harbored from
musket balls, shot deadly arrows into the roofs, but a shot from the
cannon by Lieutenant Burony Vasquez finally drove them out. On the 8th
the attack diminished in ferocity, and on the 9th not an Indian remained
to be seen.

Inside the fort only one man was wounded, but the casualties of the
Indians were reported as upwards of forty.

Fort Madison, for the purposes of trading, was favorably located, but
for purposes of defense it was hopelessly inadequate. Timber, ravines
and the bank of the river afforded the enemy positions from which he
could not be driven. At the same time a small party could harass the
garrison with no great danger to itself unless some of the number became
imprudent. During the siege there were but first and second lieutenants
Hamilton and Vasquez, two sergeants, two corporals and a few more than
thirty privates to defend a fort–a force totally inadequate against a
horde of bloodthirsty savages.

After the 9th Black Hawk permitted several days to elapse before
resuming hostilities, during which he formed another plan to capture and
massacre the garrison. To all appearances they had retired to their
homes. Immediately so-called friendly Indians came to trade, including
Quash-qua-me and Pash-e-pa-ho, who, while professing friendship under
that treaty, could not resist British and Black Hawk intrigue, and were
then leagued with Black Hawk to destroy the fort by stratagem. These two
were readily admitted to the fort, retired and called again and again,
offering finally to entertain the fatigued garrison with a dance. The
officers, to oblige the men, signified a willingness to witness the
ceremony. Quash-qua-me was to signal Black Hawk, who was to be near by,
to rush in upon the men and murder every one while the dance progressed.
Early in the day a young woman, who had formed a strong attachment for
one of the garrison, appeared before Lieutenant Hamilton as though in
great distress. She was taken inside the stockade, and, when free from
observation, disclosed the plot of the would-be assassins. Her simple
story touched the heart of every man, and, though their long seige had
worn them down well nigh to despair, her love and devotion inspired a
strength and courage which would only falter when the spirit had fled
and left the useless body a clod upon the field.[19] Lieutenant Hamilton
caused a six-pounder, loaded with grapeshot, to be masked and ranged
full upon the stockade entrance. Sentinels were posted with orders to
allow no more than one Indian to enter at a time. Quash-qua-me and his
companions duly appeared and were admitted singly. The warriors within,
to a considerable number, gathered about the entrance, the designated
place, and began their dance, raising with their whoops and yells a din
to heaven. Suddenly the dance was suspended by the warriors making a
furious rush for the gate, which conveniently opened. Confident that the
plot had been successfully carried out by those inside, the others
outside madly charged the angle. A lighted fuse, flashed above the
unmasked cannon, brought those in front to a sudden halt, while those
behind, by reason of it, were plunged headlong into a confused and
confounded mass. Aghast at their miserable miscarriage, a general
retreat was attempted, but this was not accomplished by Quash-qua-me and
his immediate followers, who were made prisoners.

Finding himself in disgrace and fearing condign punishment, Quash-qua-me
renounced hostilities against the Americans, was released, and, with
slight exception, remained thereafter their faithful friend. His
followers, who were imprisoned, finally confessed the plot in its every
detail, and when released, as they immediately were, maintained a
lasting penitence.

In this episode Black Hawk was at a convenient distance in the bushes,
leaving all the danger and obloquy to fall upon Quash-qua-me.


                              CHAPTER VI.


It was not enough that British intrigue had maintained a reign of terror
upon the frontier where the sturdy pioneer was slowly and painfully
conquering a few roods of timberland to provide a home for his family.
It was not enough that his life, the only protection of that family,
should be daily menaced with ambush. British arrogance now menaced the
nascent Republic by extending its infamous tactics to the high seas,
bullying our infant commerce by exacting the right of search from feebly
manned vessels and cruelly impressing into British service American
seamen to fight their friends and relatives in case of war. On June 18,
1812, the declaration of war followed; then the fall of Mackinaw, July
17; the Fort Dearborn massacre, August 15, and, finally, the mortifying
and distressing surrender of Hull on August 16th.

These disasters opened wide the gates for British influence to promote
war upon the feeble frontiersmen, with such allies as Black Hawk, and to
him they were buds of mighty promise. The first act of the English
trader, Robert Dickson, who had headquarters at Prairie du Chien, was to
send La Gouthrie, the trader, by boat to Black Hawk’s village on Rock
River with presents, money and ammunition for this Indian and his band
of mercenaries who did his bidding. The Fort Madison affair followed,
after which Black Hawk and 200 of his followers immediately went to
Green Bay, Wisconsin, and joined the British expedition fitted out
there, and where the commander made him a speech, dubbed him “General
Black Hawk” and assigned him the responsible and distinguished position
of Aid to the great Tecumseh.[20]

In spite of these calamities, the pioneer hardened his heart, consigned
his family to the nearest fort, then, molding his bullets, he shouldered
his trusty rifle and marched with his brother settler to defend his
country, as he had defended his fireside so often before.

To have been assigned to the staff of Tecumseh should have exalted Black
Hawk to deeds worthy his renowned superior, but his peevish nature and
lack of capacity prevented a comprehension of his just duties. Colonel
Dickson admonished him to honest warfare, which was so distasteful to
Black Hawk that he wrote: “I told him (Col. Dickson) that I was very
much disappointed, as I wanted to descend the Mississippi and make war
upon the settlements.” This sentiment was, according to his own
statement, promptly rebuked by Dickson, as Black Hawk himself recited:
“He said he had been ordered to lay the country waste around St. Louis;
that he had been a trader on the Mississippi many years; had always been
kindly treated and could not consent to send brave men to murder women
and children. That there were no soldiers there to fight, but where he
was going to send us there were a number of soldiers, and if we defeated
them the Mississippi country should be ours!” Here Black Hawk displays
his besetting weakness–incapacity to comprehend the ethics of a cause or

Leaving Green Bay immediately, the troops marched past Chicago and
without event joined the British forces at Detroit. His first experience
in an open fight with the Americans caused surprise, as he stated: “The
Americans fought well and drove us with considerable loss. I was
surprised at this, as I had been told that the Americans could not
fight.” He followed the British army until the conclusion of the Battle
of the Thames, October 5th, 1813, with its disastrous consequences,
when, in the face of defeat to his friends, he, with twenty of his
braves, deserted in the night time for home, assigning for his reason:
“I was now tired of being with them, our success being bad and having
got no plunder.”[21] Not a patriotic declaration, to be sure! He arrived
home in the spring of 1814, and instead of settling down to peaceful
pursuits, endeavoring to make slight amends for his unjustifiable
warfare against the Americans, whose country he then occupied, he began
a long and bloody series of diabolical raids, inciting others to do the
same, until the remotest settlement mourned its dead.

In after years, when conquered, instead of expressing any contrition for
his acts, he invented for his autobiography a sympathetic sort of story,
but neither fact nor tradition comes to the rescue when it is analyzed.
Black Hawk claimed that he had one friend bound closer to him than was
usual, and in consideration of this unusual affinity he adopted the
friend’s only son. When departing to join the British, Black Hawk urged
the father to send the son to the war. To this proposition the father
protested his declining years, the favor with which the whites had
always treated him, the need of the boy’s assistance at home, and
refused to allow him to leave.

Returning from the war, Black Hawk said, as he was approaching his
village he saw a column of smoke curling over a hilltop near by, which
so excited his curiosity that he visited the spot alone (fortunate
intuition). There he found his old friend sitting in sorrow upon the
ground. Being revived by some water, the old man related to Black Hawk
the story of the murder of his son near Fort Madison, whither they had
gone to pass the winter and hunt under permission of the commandant. The
story continues that the young man started one day, as usual, for a
day’s hunting. At nightfall he had not returned and the father passed a
sleepless night. The following morning the boy had not come back and the
father sent the mother to rouse the neighborhood. (Why was she not then
present to minister to him?) Footsteps upon the snow soon brought the
party to the spot where the boy was found to have shot and skinned a
deer and hung it upon a branch. Here tracks indicated the presence of
white men who had come upon and taken him prisoner. Following their
trail, the body of the boy was soon found, the face shot, the body
pierced with dagger thrusts and the scalp removed, while his arms had
been pinioned at his sides. As the old man related this story, a great
storm rose which lasted for a long time, as though the heavens were
angered at the offense and threatening revenge. The old man died, and as
the storm subsided Black Hawk wrapped his blanket around the body, and,
kindling a fire, sat by it during the night. Were this story true, the
act were too dastard to find any explanation, but, as already stated,
neither contemporaneous history nor tradition from the many who love to
tell such tales confirms this weird invention. On the contrary, Fort
Madison had been finally besieged by Indians during the preceding year
(1813), the garrison starved to shadows, and only by stratagem were the
officers and men enabled to escape, which was accomplished by digging a
trench to the river, when, after firing the buildings, they descended
the river in boats.[22] Therefore, if the winter just passed, which is
the only inference deducible from Black Hawk’s account, was the winter
referred to, the father and son got no permission from the commandant,
because there was no fort remaining and no commandant, and, in view of
the hostility of the Indians, no settlers remained about the locality,
unprotected as they would have been. If by any juggling of dates the
winter referred to had been the one of ’12-’13, the peaceful Indians had
by their own request been removed far to the southwest, the garrison had
just gone through the first long siege before mentioned and only escaped
butchery by the plot which the Indian maiden had exposed.

None but hostile Indians were about the fort, and if the young man was
unknown and killed as related, he was certainly considered an enemy. If
known as the adopted son of Black Hawk, then openly fighting the
Americans, it was a fair presumption that he got no permission to hunt
and was considered as taken red-handed. The community inside Fort
Madison was in a serious mood those days and in no condition to receive
Indians with rifles on advantageous terms. Black Hawk arrived at his
village filled with indignation, as he has said. He was met by the
chiefs and braves and conducted to the lodge prepared for him. After
eating, he gave an account of himself and his travels, crediting the
Americans with some valor and marksmanship. In turn, the village chief
replied that with the absence of Black Hawk and his following, they
would have been unable to defend themselves had the Americans attacked
them. Not only had they been unmolested, but when Quash-qua-me, the
Lance and other chiefs, with their old men, women and children,
descended the Mississippi to St. Louis for protection, the Americans
received them with every evidence of friendship, sent them up the
Missouri River and there abundantly provided for them.

Black Hawk found on his return that Keokuk, during his absence, had been
made principal war chief of the Sac nation, which so enraged him that I
am forced to believe his attack upon that chief, which followed, was
unwarranted, though he magnanimously concluded his philippic with the
statement that he was satisfied.

Keokuk, chief of the Sacs, who was above Black Hawk in civil affairs,
had, from reasons of polity or preference, maintained close and constant
relations of friendship with the Americans and had prospered in the
estimation of the latter. His rising fortune created friction from the
first, then envy and finally implacable hatred on the part of Black
Hawk, who found himself unable to combat the influence of Keokuk, either
overtly or covertly, by reason of his incapacity. Instead of meeting
Keokuk on terms as nearly equal as his intellect would permit, he
invariably grew angry, allowed his baser nature to master him, and left
the scene vowing vengeance on the victor. Had he been able to throw off
his anger after a brief season, as many impulsive men can do, he might
yet have accomplished much, but a yellow streak in his nature forbade
it, and, I honestly believe, impelled the man onward to ruinous
decisions in spite of himself. His melancholy made him churlish and
revengeful, and consequently dissatisfied, unless punishing some real or
imaginary wrong.

British agents could not influence Keokuk, whose temper was naturally
amiable and gentle, and, if one wishes to adopt Black Hawk’s sarcasm,
politic, too. He favored peace always. In a sense he was luxurious for
an Indian, fond of pomp, and those attributes might in a measure have
superinduced his love of peace; but peaceful he was after the fire of
youth had somewhat succumbed to the influence of the whites, and so he
continued unto his dying day. His oratory was so perfect, his logic so
convincing, his person so magnetic and his pleas so engaging, that poor
Black Hawk made a sorry figure against him, and, after a few attempts,
dared never again appeal to the reason of his people against the
invincible Keokuk.[23] As an orator, Keokuk had no equal among the red
men, and the influence it acquired for him so rankled in the heart of
Black Hawk that the latter could never overcome his hatred of Keokuk.
Even down to the very last speech he ever made, at Fort Madison, he
could not repress an unfortunate fling at his rival; and too bad it was
that he allowed his passion to sway him from a plain and simple talk
upon past or present events. The words and sentiments of that little
talk were truly beautiful and had reflected much credit had he resisted
the temptation to speak ill of Keokuk. His life was then ebbing away,
and had that offensive portion of his talk been omitted, very many of
his evil acts could have been pardoned and forgotten. His melancholy and
his temper were his undoing.


Footnote 1:

  Occasionally rendered in early life “Black Sparrow Hawk.”

Footnote 2:

  His weight is commonly placed at 140 pounds.

Footnote 3:

  This statement, written at the time, would seem to warrant the
  assertion by friends that Black Hawk’s old and disfigured “plug” hat
  was buried with him, instead of a military cap, as contended by a few
  claiming knowledge.

Footnote 4:

  Much has been written of the perfection of Black Hawk’s head; so much
  that it may not be inappropriate to refer to an article to be found in
  the American Phrenological Journal for November, 1838, Vol. I, No. 2,
  page 51 et seq. On page 60: “We are much pleased with the following
  extract from the pen of the editor of the U.S. Literary Gazette,
  Philadelphia: ‘We found time yesterday to visit Black Hawk and the
  Indian chiefs at the Congress Hall Hotel. We went into their chamber,
  and found most of them sitting or lying on their beds. Black Hawk was
  sitting on a chair and apparently depressed in spirits. He is about
  sixty-five, of middling size, with a head that would excite the envy
  of a phrenologist–one of the finest that Heaven ever let fall on the
  shoulders of an Indian.’

 1. Amativeness, large.             20. Constructiveness, small.
 2. Philoprogenitiveness, large.    21. Ideality, moderate.
 3. Adhesiveness, large.            22. Imitation, small.
 4. Inhabitiveness, large.          23. Mirthfulness, full.
 5. Concentrativeness, large.       24. Individuality, very large.
 6. Combativeness, very large.      25. Form, very large.
 7. Destructiveness, very large.    26. Size, very large.
 8. Alimentativeness, average.      27. Weight, large.
 9. Acquisitiveness, large.         28. Color, large.
 10. Secretiveness, very large.     29. Order, large.
 11. Cautiousness, full.            30. Calculation, large.
 12. Approbativeness, very large.   31. Locality, very large.
 13. Self-esteem, very large.       32. Eventuality, very large.
 14. Firmness, very large.          33. Time, uncertain.
 15. Conscientiousness, moderate.   34. Tune, uncertain.
 16. Hope, small.                   35. Language, large.
 17. Marvelousness, large.          36. Comparison, large.
 18. Veneration, very large.        37. Causality, average.
 19. Benevolence, moderate.

  Measurements from his bust:

  Circumference of the head, around             23         inches
  philoprogenitiveness, secretiveness and

  From ear to ear, over firmness                14 6·8     ”

       ”       ”      veneration                14 6·8     ”

  From the meatus auditoris to firmness         6½         ”

       ”            ”          veneration       6⅓         ”

       ”            ”          benevolence      6⅛         ”

       ”            ”          comparison       6⅛         ”

       ”            ”          individuality    5½         ”

       ”            ”                           5⅛         ”

       ”            ”          self-esteem      6⅝         ”

  From destructiveness to destructiveness       6⅝         ”

  From secretiveness to secretiveness           6⅝         ”

  From combativeness to combativeness           5⅝         ”

  From cautiousness to cautiousness             5⅞         ”

  From ideality to ideality                     5          ”

  “These measurements are taken with callipers, from the bust of Black
  Hawk, which was taken in plaster of Paris from the living head and
  face, by the Messrs. Fowler, in 1837, at New York. As his head was
  mostly shaved, they are probably as perfect and accurate, by making
  allowance of about half an inch for integuments, as though measured
  directly on the skull itself.”

Footnote 5:

  That book was dictated by Black Hawk in 1833, interpreted by Antoine
  Le Claire to J.B. Patterson, who wrote it down in English and assisted
  materially in securing its publication the following year. Mr.
  Patterson was a private in Captain Maughs’ company of Jo Daviess
  County volunteers.

Footnote 6:

  Reynolds, “My Own Times,” p. 320; Perkins and Peck, Annals of the
  West; Hist. Des Moines Co., Iowa. Brown’s Hist. of Illinois, p. 377:
  “Black Hawk compared with Philip of Pokanoket, Pontiac, Little Turtle
  or Tecumseh, was but an ordinary man–inferior vastly to either. That
  he was brave is probable. Mere bravery is but a common virtue in the
  savage. That he was politic beyond others can scarcely be pretended.
  He evinced no particular talents in any of his plans, nor did he
  exhibit extraordinary skill in their accomplishment.”

Footnote 7:

  Hist. of Des Moines County, p. 345.

Footnote 8:

  Reynolds, “My Own Times;” Hist. of Des Moines County, p. 339.

Footnote 9:

  Perkins and Peck, “Annals of the West,” p. 795, Ed. of 1850; Thwaite’s
  “Story of Black Hawk;” Hist. of Des Moines County, Iowa; Fulton’s “Red
  Men of Iowa,” and letters from Agents Forsythe and St. Vrain.

Footnote 10:


Footnote 11:

  Treaty concluded April 30, 1803.

Footnote 12:

  The Illinois country, to which the two tribes finally emigrated, was
  transferred by the French to the English crown in 1765. Thus Black
  Hawk was born under British rule.

Footnote 13:

  Brown’s Hist. of Illinois, p. 381, is emphatic on this point.

Footnote 14:

  When the French discovered and took possession of Illinois, neither
  the Sacs nor Foxes had any claim or existence on the tract of country
  mentioned in this treaty. Am. State Papers, V, 689, 690, 663. Dawson’s
  Life of Harrison, 59. Perkins and Peck, Annals of the West, 546.

Footnote 15:

  “Public Statutes at Large,” ed. 1848, p. 31.

Footnote 16:

  Dawson’s “Life of Harrison.” (William Henry.)

Footnote 17:

  The exact number employed on this construction was one first
  lieutenant. Alpha Kingsley; one second lieutenant, Nathaniel Pryor;
  one surgeon’s mate, three sergeants, three corporals, two musicians
  and sixty privates of Captain Pinckney’s company of the First
  Infantry.–Annals of Iowa, Vol. 3, No. 2. p. 103.

Footnote 18:

  Reynolds, “My Own Times.”

Footnote 19:

  Maj. John Beach, agent of Sacs and Foxes, substantiated the story.
  Fulton and in Hist. Lee Co., Iowa, p. 358.

Footnote 20:

  In 1811, there being a strong probability of war, a deputation of Sacs
  and Foxes, said to have included Quash-qua-me, visited Washington to
  tender the services of their tribes to the President; but the members
  of it were thanked and requested to remain neutral and they returned.
  Again in 1812, after war had been declared, the same tribes sent
  deputations to the American agent at St. Louis, renewing their offer
  of services to fight the British, but again they were urged to remain
  neutral, which most of them did.

Footnote 21:

  Black Hawk fought at the Battle of Frenchtown, January 22, 1813, and
  participated in the massacre of the 23d which followed. He was also at
  Ft. Meigs, April 28, 1813; Ft. Stephenson, July 31, and finally the
  Battle of the Thames. October 5, 1813.

Footnote 22:

  Fulton, p. 76. The Annals of Iowa.

Footnote 23:

  Their final contest was in April, 1832.



                              CHAPTER VII.


During the absence of Black Hawk, in 1812 and 1813, Fort Madison fell
and considerable trouble was encountered from Indians, but, whether Sacs
or others,[24] the Sacs were never molested by the Americans. That the
Sacs were unprepared to stand an attack was freely told him on his
arrival, and Wash-e-own, who paid him a visit, was warm in his praises
of American kindness, upon which Black Hawk scornfully commented: “I
made no reply to these remarks, as the speaker was old and talked like a

Such perverse assertions as this one, constantly recurring throughout
his autobiography, are irritating to one who desires candor, and in the
face of them it is difficult to deal justly in the premises without
appearing almost savage. He constantly asserts that he never fought the
Americans without being first attacked, yet who can say that the
Americans had attacked or disturbed him up to this point? And how had
the Americans disturbed him after his arrival home in 1814? His village
had never been molested, though on his account it might have been with
good cause. He was still enjoying the use and occupation of it, but,
notwithstanding that fact, he was no sooner back to it but he began an
organized campaign of bloodshed on the frontier. Like the torch applied
to the dried grass of the prairie, the Sacs and Winnebagoes, under him,
spread their ravages in 1814. British agents again had material to work
on, and their machinations produced results, as the journals of the day

Black Hawk stated that he, with thirty braves, _immediately_ on his
return in 1814, out of revenge for the murder of his supposed adopted
son, descended the Mississippi, and that the battle of the “sink hole”
followed. This would need to be early in 1814, whereas the fact is that
the battle of the “sink hole” was fought nearly a year and a quarter
after that time, and, what is more, after peace had been declared
between the United States and Great Britain. Now if we cannot believe
Black Hawk’s assertion in that important matter, which is refuted by the
record, then when can he be believed?

Indian depredations made necessary the rehabilitation of the fort at
Prairie du Chien[25], long since allowed to fall into a state of decay
by the British, and, by reason of the need of troops further to the
east, Dickson had removed the garrison to Green Bay. For the purpose of
capturing and repairing it, Governor Clark of St. Louis prepared an
expedition to ascend the river, which was duly chronicled in the prints
of the day:

  “A military expedition, of about 200 men in five barges, under the
  command of Gov. Clark, left St. Louis on the 1st of May, for Prairie
  du Chien, supposedly with a view of building a fort there and making a
  station to keep in check the Sioux, Winnebagoes and Falsavoine, lately
  stirred up to hostility by the infamous British agent, Dickson. There
  have been several murders by them.”[26]

Another dispatch showing the success of the venture is as follows:

  “St. Louis, June 18.–On Monday evening last a barge arrived here from
  Prairie du Chien, with Gov. Clark and a few gentlemen who accompanied
  him on his expedition to that place. We are very happy in being able
  to announce the fortunate result of that hazardous enterprise.

  “Nothing worthy of remark attended the flotilla from the time they
  left St. Louis until they reached Rock River. Such of the disaffected
  Sacs and Foxes as appeared on the approach of the boats were fired on;
  some canoes were taken with the arms of the affrighted savages, who
  sued for peace on any terms. Peace was granted them on condition they
  would join against the enemies of the United States and immediately
  commence hostilities against the Winnebagoes. The Foxes, who lived
  above Rock River at Deboque’s mines, were willing to come into the
  same arrangement.

  “Twenty days before the arrival of the Governor at Prairie du Chien,
  Dickson left that place for Mackinaw with 85 Winnebagoes, 120
  Falsavoine, and 100 Sioux, recruits for the British army on the lakes.
  He had information of the approach of Gov. Clark, and had charged
  Captain Deace, commanding a body of Mackinaw fencibles, with the
  defense of the place; but Deace and his party ran off, the Sioux and
  Renards having refused to oppose the Americans. As soon as the troops
  landed at the town, notice was sent to the inhabitants (who had fled
  into the country) to return. All came back, but a few scoundrels who
  knew they deserved a halter.

  “Every attention was then directed to the erection of a temporary
  place calculated for defense. Sixty rank and file of Major Taylor’s
  company of the Seventh Regiment, under command of Lieutenant Perkins,
  took possession of the house formerly occupied by the old Mackinaw
  company, and a new fort was progressing on a most commanding spot,
  when the Governor left the Prairie.

                  *       *       *       *       *

  “Two of the largest armed boats were left, under the command of
  Aid-de-Camp Kennedy and Captains Sullivan and Yeizer, whose united
  force amounted to 125 dauntless young fellows from this county. The
  regulars, under the command of Lieutenant Perkins, are stationed on
  shore, and are assisted by the volunteers in the erection of the new
  fort. * * *”[27]

During this celebrated voyage Black Hawk and his British Sacs were busy
to undo, at the first favorable moment, all the good work done by
Governor Clark, as may be seen by an article which appeared in the
Missouri Republican:

  “St. Louis, July 16.–Platoff, the Hetman Cossack in the service of
  Russia, offered 100,000 ducats and his daughter to any person who
  would assassinate Bonaparte. Alexander discountenanced the affair as
  infamous and dishonorable. How will the English Government and their
  agent, Robert Dickson[28] (a native of Scotland), appear to the world
  when it is announced that he suborned a Sac warrior to assassinate
  Governor Clark while in council at Prairie du Chien? The affair rests
  on the testimony of the Indians; the fellow left Rock Island for the
  diabolical purpose, was admitted to the council, but found the
  Americans armed at every point and all possibility of escape cut off;
  he therefore prudently declined the attempt. A gentleman who was at
  the Prairie and in the council informs us that this Indian rose and
  occupied the attention of the assembly with a harangue of trifling
  import; that his eyes were fixed on the Governor as if riveted to the
  object. At that moment the Governor shifted his sword from an unhandy
  position to one across his knees, when the savage retired to his seat.
  * * *”[29]

It may be of interest, though not connected with Black Hawk, to note
here that one very strong reason for the subsequent surrender of the
fort was the decimation of its garrison:

  “St. Louis, July 2.–On Sunday last, an armed boat arrived from Prairie
  du Chien, under the command of Capt. John Sullivan, with his company
  of militia and 32 men from the gunboat Governor Clark, their time of
  service (60 days) having expired. Captain Yeizer, who commands on
  board the Governor Clark, off Prairie du Chien, reports that his
  vessel is completely manned, that the fort is finished, christened
  Fort Selby, and occupied by the regulars. * * *”[30]

But Fort Selby could not spare the withdrawal of the militia mentioned,
and on July 21, 1814, the fort surrendered to Colonel McKay after a four
days’ siege.

Weakened as the garrison was by the withdrawal of the militia, General
Howard, on his return from Kentucky, advised that immediate steps be
taken to reinforce it. He quickly perceived the danger from an attack
and the inability of the small force to defend the post, and he as
quickly brought into the field a relief expedition.

Following is the best account extant upon the subject, repeated

                From the Missouri Gazette, July 30, 1814.

  “As soon as Gov. Clark returned from his successful expedition to
  Prairie du Chien, it was thought proper by Brigadier-General Howard,
  commanding in this district (who had in the interim returned to this
  place from Kentucky), to send a force to relieve the volunteers, and
  preserve the acquisition so important to the welfare of our country.
  For this purpose, Lieut. John Campbell of the first regulars, acting
  as brigade major, was entrusted with the command of 42 regulars and 65
  rangers, in three keel boats, the contractor’s and sutler’s boats in
  company. The whole party, including boatmen and women, amounting to
  about 133, reached Rock River, within 180 or 200 miles of the Prairie,
  without any accident. As soon as they entered the rapids they were
  visited by hundreds of Sacs and Foxes, some of the latter bearing
  letters from the garrison above to St. Louis. The officers, being
  unacquainted with Indian manners, imagined the savages to be friendly;
  to this fatal security may be attributed the catastrophe which
  followed. It appears that the contractor’s and sutler’s boat had
  arrived near the head of the rapids and proceeded on, having on board
  the ammunition, with a sergeant’s guard; the rangers, in two barges,
  followed, and had proceeded two miles in advance of the commander’s
  barge; the latter inclined to the east side in search of the main
  channel, and being now on a lee shore, proceeded with much difficulty,
  and as the gale increased were drifted into shoal water within a few
  yards of a high bank covered with grass, waist high; a few steps from
  the bow and stern an umbrage of willows set out from shore.

  “In this position the commanding officer thought proper to remain
  until the wind abated; sentries were placed at proper intervals, and
  the men were occupied in cooking, when the report of several guns
  announced an attack. At the first fire all the sentries were killed,
  and before those on shore could reach the barge, 10 or 15 out of 30
  were killed and wounded. At this time the force and intentions of the
  Indians were fully developed. On each shore the savages were observed
  in quick motion; some in canoes crossing to the battleground; others
  were observed running from above and below to the scene of attack; in
  a few minutes from five to seven hundred were assembled on the bank
  and among the willows within a few yards of the bow and stern of the
  barge; the Indians gave the whoop, and commenced a tremendous fire;
  the brave men in the barge cheered, and returned the fire from a
  swivel and small arms. At this critical juncture, Lieuts. Riggs and
  Rector of the rangers, who commanded the two barges ahead, did not
  hear the guns, but saw the smoke, and, concluding an attack was made,
  dropped down. Riggs’ boat stranded about 100 yards below Campbell’s,
  and Rector, to avoid a like misfortune and preserve himself from a
  raking fire, anchored above; both barges opened a brisk fire on the
  Indians, but as the enemy fired from coverts, it is thought little
  execution was done.

  “About one hour was spent in this unequal contest, when Campbell’s
  barge was discovered on fire, to relieve which Rector cut his cable
  and fell to windward of him, and took out the survivors. Finding he
  could not assist Riggs, having a number of wounded on board, and in
  danger of running on a lee shore, he made the best of his way to this
  place, where he arrived on Sunday evening last.

                           KILLED AND WOUNDED.

  “There were 3 regulars killed and 14 wounded; 2 died on their passage
  to this place; 1 ranger killed and 4 wounded on board Lieut. Rector’s
  barge. Brig.-Maj. Campbell and Dr. Stewart are severely wounded. Two
  women and a child were severely wounded–one of the women and the child
  are since dead. Just as we had finished detailing the above
  unfortunate affair, we received the glad tidings of the arrival of
  Lieut. Riggs at Cap au Gray; he lost 3 men killed and 4 wounded. Would
  to Heaven we could account for the remaining 2 barges.


  “As we were preparing the foregoing for press, gunboat Gov. Clark,
  commanded by Capt. Yeizer, arrived here, in nine days from Prairie du
  Chien, with the contractor’s and sutler’s barges, which were
  fortunately relieved at the moment the Indians were about to board
  them. From the officers of the Gov. Clark we have received the
  following very important news from the Prairie: On the 17th inst. the
  long-expected British force appeared in view. Marching from the
  Ouisconsing toward the village, the line of the regular troops,
  militia and Indians extended about 2 miles, with 24 flags flying. A
  British officer arrived at the fort, demanding its surrender. Lieut.
  Perkins returned for an answer that he was able and prepared to defend
  the post entrusted to his charge. Before the return of the flag, the
  British commenced a fire upon the Gov. Clark from a small battery of 1
  or 2 three-pounders, which was immediately answered from a six-pounder
  from the boat. Soon after firing commenced, a large body of Indians
  and white troops crossed to the island which fronts the village, and
  enabled them to fire on the boat at pistol-shot distance, and screen
  themselves behind trees from the grape which incessantly poured from
  the boat. In this manner the contest continued for two hours, until
  the gunboat received several shot between wind and water, when it was
  concluded to move down the river; by this movement down the narrow
  channel they had to run the gauntlet through a line of musketry nearly
  nine miles. On approaching the rapids, Capt. Yeizer sent his skiff
  with nine men down to reconnoiter, who discovered Riggs’ boat engaged
  with the Indians and Campbell’s barge on fire. These appearances
  induced the boat’s crew to return, and the Indians to call to them to
  come on shore, raising to their view the English flag, believing them
  to be Mackinaw voyageurs. Before dispatching the reconnoitering boat,
  the Gov. Clark joined the contractor’s and sutler’s boats. Those on
  board were ignorant of the fate of the boats below, and would, within
  half an hour, have been in the power of the savages, if they had not
  thus been providentially snatched from destruction.

  “Seven were wounded on board the Gov. Clark, namely, Lieut. Henderson
  and Ensign St. Pierre, severely. Five privates were wounded; one died
  on the way down the day after his leg was amputated.

  “Every account of the attack on Campbell’s detachment reflects highest
  encomium on the skill and undaunted bravery of Lieuts. Rector and
  Riggs of the rangers. The former, after a contest of two hours and
  twenty minutes, withdrew to a favorable position, which enabled him to
  save the few regular troops as well from the flames which surrounded
  them as the fury of the savages. The high wind which then prevailed,
  and the loss of his anchors, prevented his rendering a like assistance
  to Lieut. Riggs. The latter, though stranded and in a hopeless
  situation, kept up an incessant fire on the Indians, and by a rusé de
  guerre afforded his party an opportunity of making the savages feel
  some of the consequences of their perfidy. He ordered his men to cease
  firing for about ten minutes, and at the same time ordered howitzers
  to be well loaded with grape, and the small arms to be in readiness.
  The Indians, believing the rangers to be all killed, or that they had
  surrendered, rushed down the bank to extinguish the fire on board
  Lieut. Campbell’s barge and to board Riggs’. Our hero then opened upon
  them a well-directed fire, which drove them in all directions, leaving
  several of their dead behind.”

When Campbell reached Rock River he called upon Black Hawk with a
handful of men as an escort–so ridiculously small that Black Hawk
repeatedly stated he could have captured and put them all to death with
little or no effort. Campbell made the Indians presents, and in return
received from Black Hawk a solemn promise that no effort to assist the
British or disturb him in his ascent would be made by the Indians, but
during the night some powder arrived from the British, who had in the
meantime driven the Americans from Fort Selby, and sent it to Black Hawk
with instructions to use the same in case any Americans attempted to
pass his village to succor the garrison at Prairie du Chien.

Black Hawk had a very facetious way of putting that request into his
biography. He stated on page 56 that Campbell and his aids, after
holding a council with him, remained all day, and then after receiving
word during the night (along with the powder), that Prairie du Chien had
fallen, and that the British wished him to join them again: “I
immediately started with my party by land in pursuit, thinking that some
of their boats might get aground, or that the Great Spirit would put
them in our power if he wished them taken and their people killed.”

It is astonishing to note how frequently he confused the behests of the
British with those supposed to emanate from the Great Spirit!

While the men were helplessly floundering in the mud to extricate their
boat, which had run aground, Black Hawk was pouring a murderous fire
into their exposed ranks, and that, too, after promising the day
previous to be friendly. To reduce the hapless wretches still more, fire
was thrown by arrows into the sails, and the boat, likely to be
consumed, was abandoned; then the Indians plunged into the water and
drew it ashore. At this stage Black Hawk virtuously knocked in the heads
of all the kegs of whisky which he found in the hold, yet when he
retired down the river to the Fox village, opposite the mouth of Rock
River, he hoisted the British flag and when, immediately after, the
British came along with a keg of rum, Black Hawk and his band had a
great feast and dance,[31] ending the scene in a protracted and
hilarious spree. A refinement of the ethics of liquor-drinking quite
abstruse–this difference between whisky and rum!

Those British brought the Indians a gun which was used on the
defenseless Americans under Zachary Taylor a little later as Black Hawk
stated: “We were pleased to see that almost every shot took effect.”


Footnote 24:

  The moment Black Hawk returned, the Sacs of his village became
  unusually active in their depredations.

Footnote 25:

  This was one of the posts the British solemnly stipulated in the
  treaty of Paris to turn over to the U.S.. but which they retained.

Footnote 26:

  Niles Register, Vol. 6, p. 242.–June 11, 1814.

Footnote 27:

  Niles Register, Vol. 6, p. 242.–June 11, 1814.

Footnote 28:

  History generally records Dickson as a trader of good parts and not-
  so savage as pictured during this war.

Footnote 29:

  Niles Register, Vol. 6, p. 426.–Aug. 20, 1814.

Footnote 30:

  Niles Register, Vol. 6, p. 390.–Aug. 6, 1814.

Footnote 31:

  His autobiography.



                             CHAPTER VIII.


Disturbances by the Sacs now followed so frequently that Major Zachary
Taylor, with a detachment of troops, was sent against that one
disturbing and bandit element of Indian population located near the
mouth of Rock River, Black Hawk’s village.

Black Hawk attacked and repulsed Major Taylor in a manner which made the
pulse of every settler throb with fear for the safety of his family. He
had, without the least provocation, been constantly and successfully
engaged in warfare the most stubborn and unrelenting, and backed by his
British friends, the safety of the country, after Taylor’s defeat, hung
in the balance. Major Taylor’s report, a temperate and dignified
document, is as follows:

  “Sir:–In obedience to your orders, I left Fort Independence on the 2d
  ult. and reached Rock River, our place of destination, on the evening
  of the 4th inst., without meeting a single Indian or any occurrence
  worthy of relation.

  “On my arrival at the mouth of Rock River, the Indians began to make
  their appearance in considerable numbers; running up the Mississippi
  to the upper village and crossing the river below us. After passing
  Rock River, which is very small at the mouth, from an attentive and
  careful examination, as I proceeded up the Mississippi, I was
  confident it was impossible for us to enter its mouth with our large
  boats. Immediately opposite its mouth a large island commences, which,
  together with the western shore of the Mississippi, was covered with a
  considerable number of horses, which were doubtless placed in those
  situations in order to draw small detachments on shore; but in this
  they were disappointed, and I determined to alter the plan which you
  had suggested, which was to pass the different villages as if the
  object of the expedition was Prairie du Chien, for several reasons.
  First, that I might have an opportunity of viewing the situation of
  the ground to enable me to select such a landing as would bring our
  artillery to bear on the villages with the greatest advantage. I was
  likewise in hopes a party would approach us with a flag, from which I
  expected to learn the situation of affairs at the Prairie, and
  ascertain in some measure their numbers and perhaps bring them to a
  council, when I should have been able to have retaliated on them for
  their repeated acts of treachery; or, if they were determined to
  attack us, I was in hopes to draw them some distance from their towns
  towards the rapids, run down in the night and destroy them before they
  could return to their defense. But in this I was disappointed. The
  wind, which had been in our favor, began to shift about at the time we
  passed the mouth of Rock River, and by the time we reached the head of
  the island, which is about a mile and a half long, it blew a perfect
  hurricane, quarterly down the river, and it was with great difficulty
  we made land at a small island, containing six or eight acres, covered
  with willows, near the middle of the river, and about sixty yards from
  the upper end of the island. In this situation I determined to remain
  during the night if the storm continued, as I knew the anchors of
  several of the boats in that event would not hold them, and there was
  a great probability of their being drifted on sandbars, of which the
  river is full in this place, which would have exposed the men very
  much in getting them off, even if they could have prevented their
  filling with water.

  “It was about 4 o’clock in the evening when we were compelled to land,
  and large parties of Indians were on each side of the river, as well
  as crossing in different directions in canoes; but not a gun was fired
  from either side. The wind continued to blow the whole night with
  violence, accompanied with some rain, which induced me to order the
  sentinels to be brought in and placed in the bow of each boat. About
  daylight, Capt. Whiteside’s boat was fired on at the distance of about
  fifteen paces, and a corporal, who was on the outside of the boat, was
  mortally wounded. My orders were, if a boat was fired on, to return
  it; but not a man to leave the boat without positive orders from
  myself. So soon as it got perfectly light, as the enemy continued
  about the boat, I determined to drive them from the island, let their
  numbers be what they might, provided we were able to do so. I then
  assigned each boat a proper guard, formed the troops for action and
  pushed through the willows to the opposite shore; but those fellows
  who had the boldness to fire on the boats cleared themselves as soon
  as the troops were formed by wading from the island we were encamped
  on to the one just below us. Capt. Whiteside, who was on the left, was
  able to give them a warm fire as they reached the island they had
  retreated to. They returned the fire for a few moments, when they
  retreated. In this affair we had two men badly wounded. When Capt.
  Whiteside commenced the fire, I ordered Capt. Rector to drop down with
  his boat to ground and to rake the island below with artillery, and to
  fire on every canoe he should discover passing from one shore to the
  other which should come within reach. In this situation he remained
  about one hour, and no Indians making their appearance, he determined
  to drop down the island about sixty yards and destroy several canoes
  that were laying to shore. This he effected, and just on setting his
  men on board, the British commenced a fire on our boats with a six, a
  four and two swivels, from behind a knoll that completely covered
  them. The boats were entirely exposed to the artillery, which was
  distant three hundred and fifty paces from us. So soon as the first
  gun fired, I ordered a six-pounder to be brought out and placed, but,
  on recollecting a moment, I found the boat would be sunk before any
  impression could be made on them by our cannon, as they were
  completely under cover; and had already brought their guns to bear on
  our boats, for the round shot from their six passed through Lieut.
  Hempstead’s boat and shattered her considerably. I then ordered the
  boats to drop down, which was done in order, and conducted with the
  greatest coolness by every officer, although exposed to a constant
  fire from their artillery for more than half a mile.

  “So soon as they commenced firing from their artillery, the Indians
  raised a yell and commenced firing on us from every direction, whether
  they were able to do us any damage or not. From each side of the
  river, Capt. Rector, who was laying to the shore of the island, was
  attacked the instant the first gun was fired, by a very large party,
  and in a close and well contested action of about fifteen minutes,
  they drove them, after giving three rounds of grape from his

  “Capt. Whiteside, who was nearest to Capt. Rector, dropped down and
  anchored nigh him, and gave the enemy several fires with his swivel;
  but the wind was so hard down stream as to drift his anchor. Capt.
  Rector at that moment got his boat off, and we were then exposed to
  the fire of the Indians for two miles, which we returned with interest
  from our small arms and small pieces of artillery whenever we could
  get them to bear. I was compelled to drop down about three miles
  before a proper place presented itself for landing, as but few of the
  boats had anchors sufficient to stop them in the river. Here I halted
  for the purpose of having the wounded attended and some of the boats
  repaired, as some of them had been injured by the enemy’s artillery.
  They followed us in their boats until we halted on a small prairie and
  prepared for action, when they returned in as great a hurry as they
  followed us.

  “I then collected the officers together and put the following question
  to them: ‘Are we able, 334 effective men, officers, non-commissioned
  officers and privates, to fight the enemy with any prospect of success
  and effect, which is to destroy their villages and corn?’ They were of
  opinion the enemy was at least three men to one, and that it was not
  practicable to effect either object. I then determined to drop down
  the river to the Lemoine without delay, as some of the ranging
  officers informed me their men were short of provisions, and execute
  the principal object of the expedition, in erecting a fort to command
  the river. This shall be effected as soon as practicable with the
  means in my power, and should the enemy attempt to descend the river
  in force before the fort can be completed, every foot of the way from
  the fort to the settlements shall be contested.

  “In the affair at Rock River, I had eleven men badly wounded, three
  mortally, of whom one has since died. I am much indebted to the
  officers for their prompt obedience to orders, nor do I believe a
  braver set of men could have been collected than those who compose
  this detachment. But, sir, I conceive it would have been madness in
  me, as well as a direct violation of my orders, to have risked the
  detachment without a prospect of success. I believe I should have been
  fully able to have accomplished your views if the enemy had not been
  supplied with artillery and so advantageously posted as to render it
  impossible for us to have dislodged him without imminent danger of the
  loss of the whole detachment.

                         “I am, sir, yours, etc.,

                                              “ZA. TAYLOR, _Brev. Maj._,
                                                “_Com. Detachment_.”[32]


[Illustration: MAJ. ZACHARY TAYLOR.]

[Illustration: GEN. ANDREW JACKSON.]

[Illustration: GOV. NINIAN EDWARDS.]

[Illustration: GEN. (OR GOV.) WILLIAM CLARK.]


Emboldened by his successes, Black Hawk continued his warfare, and in
the murder of inoffensive settlers there was no abatement. Through the
year 1814 they continued, and notwithstanding the treaty made between
the two nations, we find the English agents and Black Hawk still
pursuing their depredations in the spring of 1815.

  “Traitors.–The undernamed gentry were residents within this and the
  neighboring territories previous to the war, and always claimed the
  rights of citizens of the United States; but as soon as war was
  declared they, to a man, took part against us, and were active agents
  in the British interest in different parts of the Indian country:

  “Robert Dickson, James Aird, Duncan Graham, Francois Boutillier,
  Edward La Gouthrie, Brishois, of the Prairie du Chien, Jacob Franks,
  the brothers Grigneaus of Green Bay, Joseph La Croix and Lassaillier
  of Milwaukee, Joseph Bailly and his cousin Barrott of St. Josephs,
  Mitchell La Croix, Louis Buisson, Louis Benett, formerly of Peoria.

  “It is ascertained that in the unsuccessful attack made by the
  unfortunate Lieut. M’Nair, four men were killed. M’Nair was wounded
  and taken prisoner and conveyed two days on his march to Rock River;
  but, being unable to travel, was tomahawked. A man taken up from the
  river at Carondelet a few days ago was recognized to be one of the
  four missing of the name of Best.

  “By late news from Rock River, we learn that the Kickapoos have
  abandoned the British and demanded peace, agreeably to the treaty. It
  is further said that the Sacs, Winnebagoes and Fallsavoine are
  determined to prosecute the war.”[33]

Here, long after the treaty of Ghent, signed December 24th, 1814, Black
Hawk formulated and made his dastard attack on Fort Howard, known as the
“sink hole affair.” Note how puerile, yea, preposterous, his adopted son
fiction appears in the light of contemporaneous reports and his
continued war upon the Americans! This affair, unprovoked and mean,
occurred in May, 1815, and I take the liberty to copy the account of it
as published immediately after its occurrence.

  “St. Louis, May 20 (1815).–Every day affords a new proof that the Rock
  River Sacks intend to continue the war. They have been notified of the
  pacification by the military commander of this district, as well as by
  Governors Clark and Edwards; yet they still continue their war parties
  on the frontiers of St. Charles, and murder all those who are so
  unfortunate as to come within their reach.

  “On Wednesday, the 10th inst., at Cap aux Gre, a party of rangers were
  detached to procure wood. Whilst proceeding on this duty, a man by the
  name of Bernard, who was in advance of the squad, was fired on and
  mortally wounded. Lieut. Massey, with a reinforcement from the fort,
  attacked the Indians, and, after a rapid exchange of several shot, the
  savages precipitately retreated.

  “On the Friday following, a young man, an inhabitant of Portage des
  Sioux, was pursued by four Indians. He was returning from the village
  of St. Charles on horseback, and had reached the Portage fields, when
  he discovered the Indians in full speed after him. Being well mounted,
  he escaped.

  “An express arrived here on Wednesday last from Capt. Musick of the
  rangers stationed near Cuivre, informing him that a number of the
  rangers’ horses are stolen by the Indians, who are becoming very
  troublesome. The extraordinary rise of the waters of the Mississippi,
  overflowing its banks in many places, and filling up the lakes and
  rivulets in the neighborhood, enables the Indians to attack and to
  baffle pursuit.”

Extract of a letter from Lieut Drakeford, of the United States Rangers,
to Col. Russell, dated Fort Howard, May 25, 1815.

  “Sir:–Yesterday, about 12 o’clock, five of our men went to some cabins
  on the bluff, about one-quarter of a mile below the fort, to bring a
  grindstone. The backwater of the Mississippi rendered it so that they
  went in a canoe. On their return they were attacked by a party of
  Indians, supposed to be about fifty in number. They killed and
  tomahawked three and wounded one mortally. While about this mischief,
  we gave them as good a fire from a little below the fort as the
  breadth of the breakwater would permit of. Captain Craig and myself,
  with about forty men, waded across the water and pursued them. In
  going about half a mile we came on them and commenced a fire, which
  continued about one hour, part of which time at a distance of about
  forty steps, and no part of the time further than one hundred and
  fifty steps. Shortly after the commencement of the battle, we were
  reinforced by Capt. Musick and twenty of his men. The enemy now ran;
  some made their escape, and others made to a sinkhole that is in the
  battleground, and from there they returned a most rapid fire. It being
  very dangerous to approach nearer than fifty steps of the sink, we at
  length erected a breastwork on the two wheels of a wagon, and resolved
  on moving it up to the edge of the sink to fire from behind, down into
  the sink, and preserve us from theirs.

  “We got the moving battery finished about sunset and moved it up with
  a sufficient number of men behind it, whilst all other posts round
  were sufficiently guarded in case they should be put to the rout.

  “We had not moved to within less than ten steps of the sink before
  they commenced a fire from the sink, which we returned at every
  opportunity and all possible advantages. Night came on and we were
  obliged to leave the ground and decline the expectation of taking them
  out without risking man for man, which we thought not a good exchange
  on our side. During the time of the battle, another party of Indians
  commenced a brisk fire on the fort. Captain Craig[34] was killed in
  the commencement of the battle; Lieutenant Edward Spears at the moving
  of the breastwork to the sink. The morning of the 25th we returned to
  the ground and found five Indians killed and the sign of a great many
  wounded that had been taken off in the night. The aggregate number of
  killed on our part is one captain, one third lieutenant; five privates
  killed, three wounded, one missing; one citizen killed and two wounded

Concerning the same affair, Captain David Musick, of the St. Louis
county rangers, in a letter or report to Col. William Russell, commander
of that district, dated Lower Cuivre Ferry, May 25, 1815, had this to

  “About 11 o’clock yesterday we were alarmed by the firing of guns in
  the direction of Fort Howard, and immediately mounted such horses as
  were within reach and proceeded in full speed to the assistance of
  Captain Craig, whom we found closely engaged with the Indians and
  pretty equally matched with respect to number.

  “Having arrived in good season, just on the rear of the Indians, who
  immediately broke and ran, a part of them retreated into a sinkhole
  and baffled every art to get them out, as they had a better chance to
  kill than be killed.”[36]

To which battle a Mr. Archambeau added the finishing touches:

  “St. Louis, Missouri, June 3.–The Indians must have suffered
  considerably in their late attack on the rangers near Fort Howard. Two
  more dead Indians have been discovered some distance from the
  battleground, and a vast quantity of blood marked their retreat to
  their canoes. Indeed, I think the rangers behaved extremely well in
  this affair; only their ardor to get at the enemy exposed them too
  much, which was the cause of our loss. Craig and Spears would have
  done better in combat with regular troops; they evinced such a
  contempt of danger and death that they despised the devious mode of
  Indian warfare. I am informed Lieutenant Spear’s family are by no
  means opulent. His widow should receive his pay without delay. I am
  informed from good authority that the Indians of Rock River have
  declared they are willing to bury the tomahawk if _their friends_, the
  English, will only say the word. The last war parties sent to our
  frontiers were mustered by the _British_ and sent to murder our women
  and children _since_ they received an official account of the
  ratification of the late treaty. The bulk of the Kickapoo nation have
  separated from the hostile bands, and I am at a loss to imagine how
  the redoubtable Duncan Graham can subsist so many of his Majesty’s
  allies at this time. The village at Rock River and the straggling
  camps on this side, above and below the Lemoine, must amount to 1,200
  or 1,500 warriors–Sacks, Foxes, Ioways, Winnebagoes and

The most atrocious of his murders may be found in the following:

  “The house of Mr. Robert Ramsay of St. Charles County, Missouri
  Territory, about 50 miles from St. Louis, was recently attacked by the
  _British allies_. Three of his children were horribly butchered, his
  wife so mangled as to leave no hope of her recovery, and he himself
  dangerously wounded. Hard the necessity that may compel the
  extermination of these miserable beings excited to murder by the
  nation that has been impudently called the ‘bulwark of religion.’ We
  trust decisive measures will be taken to give security to our
  frontiers. It is probable that, as in 1794, many _Englishmen_ are
  among the savages, exciting them to these horrid deeds. If any such
  are found, they ought to be capitally punished on the spot without

In a later communication, this same revolting crime is more particularly

  “A letter received at St. Louis, Missouri, has the paragraphs below.
  Why does British influence lead the deluded savages to extermination?
  In the South as well as the West, it appears that the war in which the
  Indians were involved on British account is not yet closed. Is the
  alliance to be dissolved only by the destruction of one of the
  parties? What murders has the ‘bulwark of religion’ to account for!
  Merciless Englishmen, let the wretched Indians have peace!

  “You have no doubt heard of the butchery of Robert Ramsey and his
  family by the savages.

  “Mrs. Ramsey was attending the milking of her cow and their pretty
  little children were amusing themselves feeding the poultry and
  assisting their mother. Mr. Ramsey, who, you know, has but one leg,
  was near his wife at the moment the first shot was fired. He saw his
  wife fall and proceeded to lead her into the house; but as he reached
  the door he received a wound which prevented him going to the relief
  of his children, who were caught by the Indians and cut to pieces in
  the yard. Mr. and Mrs. Ramsey are dead; both were shot through the
  abdomen. Mrs. R. was far advanced in pregnancy.”[39]

Matters in the West had assumed such a tragic phase that heroic measures
were projected at the seat of government, and Gen. Jackson was given
command of the military district which embraced the seat of hostilities.
He at once assigned Brig.-Gen. Smith to command the post at Prairie du
Chien and Gen. Scott to the command of military districts 8 and 9, being
Tennessee, Kentucky, Illinois and Missouri, while Jackson himself was
placed under orders to conduct a western campaign. Col. Miller with 500
men was encamped at Portage des Sioux and the regiment of riflemen under
Lieut.-Col. Hamilton was directed by Jackson to immediately organize and
march to Prairie du Chien. The fact that Jackson was to settle with
Black Hawk and his braves at once stimulated the people with new hope,
as will be seen by the following:

  “It is determined to scourge the _allies_ of our late enemy in the
  Missouri Territory, etc., into a respect for the lives and property of
  our frontier fellow citizens. Their depredations are constant and
  distressing. The commissioners to settle a peace with them have
  effected nothing. The deputations from most of the tribes were
  ‘insufficient,’ and from those most desirable to have met there were
  no representatives at all. The detail of proceedings is interesting
  and shall be preserved; but at present the flood of news from France
  bears down everything. It appears that General Jackson will open a new
  _negotiation_ with them upon the ‘last resort of reason.’ We
  understand he will soon proceed from Nashville to St. Louis, where a
  handsome body of regulars will be collected, and that he will be
  accompanied by a militia force from Kentucky and Tennessee. In
  obedience to his request, Governor Clark of the Missouri Territory
  has, in general orders, directed the militia of that state to hold
  itself in readiness to march at a moment’s notice; and we have every
  prospect that British influence among the northern will receive the
  same reward that befell it among the southern Indians. _It must be

Doubtless British influence recollected a little adventure with Jackson
the preceding 8th of January, for immediately the expedition by him was
to become a reality, overtures for peace were made and commissioners to
make a treaty were substituted for the person of Jackson, as will be
seen by the following from the Missouri Gazette of June 17th, 1815.

The following letters were received by Governor Clark on Wednesday last:

  “It appears that Messrs. Turcot and Lagoterie (who were employed by
  the commissioners to proceed to Rock River and announce to the Indians
  the object of the treaty to be held at Portage des Sioux) were
  fortunate in reaching Little Mascoutille, some distance below their
  place of destination, without any accident. At this place they met
  with a party of Fox Indians, bearing letters from the British
  commandant of Prairie du Chien to Governor Clark, who informed them of
  the departure of Captain Duncan Graham, deputy scalping master
  general, from Rock River, after bestowing on his worthy comrades, the
  Sacks, 10 barrels of gunpowder and 20 fuses as a reward for their
  services in butchering the helpless women and children on the

  “As usual, the Sacks received the news of peace with ‘unbounded joy,’
  and even sent a British flag to protect our messengers on their
  return. They acknowledged they had 200 warriors on the frontiers, but
  could not tell the number of their killed and wounded. They said they
  would attend the treaty and bury the tomahawk.”[41]

A treaty of peace was finally in sight–the treaty of Portage des Sioux!
And now up to this time, it must be owned by the impartial mind that
rather than receiving any wrong from the Americans, Black Hawk, without
any provocation and contrary to his promises, had waged a merciless war
on the feeble settlements simply because he hated the Americans–the
enemy of his friends, the British. Drake, to condone those atrocities,
has stated on page 90 of his “Life of Black Hawk:” “Some palliation for
these outrages may be found in the fact that the British on the
northwest frontier, long after they were officially notified of the
peace, continued to excite the Indians to acts of violence against the
United States, and, indeed, participated in them likewise.” This
statement, from a man snugly ensconced in an upholstered chair, must be
regarded as magnanimous! We have found here Black Hawk the cold-blooded
aggressor and murderer, and when he subsequently stated that the treaty
signed by him in 1816 was not made known to him, can he be believed?
Armstrong, another apologist for the “poor Indian,” stated that Black
Hawk was a truthful Indian, though he “withheld facts that were
material.”[42] The frightful plight of the settlers can never be
realized by the present generation; neither can the actions of the
British be justly comprehended in the face of present amity. Plotting
destruction, Black Hawk was invariably found to the front, and while
successful, he found no fault with the defense of the Americans. That
remained for the time when he felt the heel of the conqueror, resenting
his years of blood-shedding. Where one man is invariably the offender,
it is safe to pronounce him an incorrigible quarreler. Black Hawk was
this and more–he was a British mercenary.


Footnote 32:

  Copy of letter to Gen. Howard, Niles Reg., Sup. to Vol. 7, p. 137.

Footnote 33:

  Niles Reg., Vol. 8, p. 311.–June 10, 1815.

Footnote 34:

  Black Hawk claimed the credit of being in the sink and also of killing
  Capt. Craig, “the leader,” which, of course, could not be true.

Footnote 35:

  Niles Reg., Vol. 8, p. 311.–July 1, 1815.

Footnote 36:

  Niles Reg., Vol. 8, p. 312.–July 1, 1815.

Footnote 37:

  Niles, Vol. 8, p. 312.–July 1, 1815.

Footnote 38:

  Niles, Vol. 8, p. 271.–June 17, 1815.

Footnote 39:

  Niles, Vol. 8, p. 348.–July 15, 1815.

Footnote 40:

  Niles, Vol. 8, p. 436.–Aug. 19, 1815.

Footnote 41:

  All these Indian troubles dated from Black Hawk’s return, it must be
  noted. Prior to it, no record is to be found of hostile Sacs.

Footnote 42:

  Armstrong’s “The Sauks, etc.,” p. 126.



                              CHAPTER IX.


At the close of hostilities with England, a quietus to the horrors of
Black Hawk’s raids was demanded. The treaty with that power provided for
it. As shown in the preceding pages, all efforts had failed to get the
Indians together for that purpose until it was learned that Jackson was
on their trail. Then Duncan Graham fled from Rock River and the Indians
generally became suddenly impatient at the delay of the few days
necessary for notifications to meet the commissioners, William Clark,
Ninian Edwards and Auguste Chouteau, at Portage des Sioux, the place
designated for treaty negotiations. Promptly on the day, all the
principal Sacs and Foxes met and participated in this council save Black
Hawk and a few of his immediate followers. This Indian, dissatisfied,
sullen, malignant, declined to participate, and, lurking in the woods
near by, where he might spy upon his neighbors, sulked, claiming to be
an English citizen and subject, and notwithstanding the peremptory
nature of the provision in the treaty of Ghent for just such a council
as the present, he neither appeared in council nor signed the treaty
which followed.

Separate treaties were made, one with the Sacs and another with the
Foxes. That with the Sacs was signed on the 13th day of September, 1815,
and that with the Foxes the following day, and to forever silence all
objection and cavil to the treaty of 1804, an article was inserted in
each emphasizing and expressly ratifying it.

That with the Sacs was as follows:

  “A Treaty of Peace and Friendship, made and concluded between William
  Clark, Ninian Edwards and Auguste Chouteau, Commissioners
  Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, on the part and
  behalf of the said States, of the one part; and the undersigned Chiefs
  and Warriors of that portion of the Sac Nation of Indians now residing
  on the Missouri River, of the other part:

  “Whereas, The undersigned, chiefs and warriors, as well as that
  portion of the nation which they represent, have at all times been
  desirous of fulfilling their treaty with the United States, with
  perfect faith; and for that purpose found themselves compelled, since
  the commencement of the late war, to separate themselves from the rest
  of their nation, and remove to the Missouri River, where they have
  continued to give proofs of their friendship and fidelity; and,

  “Whereas, The United States, justly appreciating the conduct of said
  Indians, are disposed to do them the most ample justice that is
  practicable; the said parties have agreed to the following articles:

  “Article 1. The undersigned chiefs and warriors, for themselves and
  that portion of the Sacs which they represent, do hereby assent to the
  treaty between the United States of America and the united tribes of
  Sacs and Foxes, which was concluded at St. Louis, on the third day of
  November, one thousand eight hundred and four; and they, moreover,
  promise to do all in their power to re-establish and enforce the same.

  “Art. 2. The said chiefs and warriors, for themselves and those they
  represent, do further promise to remain distinct and separate from the
  Sacs of Rock River, giving them no aid or assistance whatever, until
  peace shall also be concluded between the United States and the said
  Sacs of Rock River.

  “Art. 3. The United States, on their part, promise to allow the said
  Sacs of the Missouri River all the rights and privileges secured to
  them by the treaty of St. Louis, before mentioned, and, also, as soon
  as practicable, to furnish them with a just proportion of the
  annuities stipulated to be paid by that treaty; provided they shall
  continue to comply with this and their former treaty.

  “In witness whereof, the said William Clark, Ninian Edwards and
  Auguste Chouteau, Commissioners, as aforesaid, and the aforesaid
  Chiefs and Warriors, have hereunto subscribed their names and affixed
  their seals, this thirteenth day of September, in the year of our Lord
  one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, and of the Independence of the
  United States the fortieth.

                                        Wm. Clark.
                                        Ninian Edwards.
                                        Auguste Chouteau.
                                        Shamaga, the lance.
                                        Weesaka, the Devil.
                                        Catchemackeseo, the big eagle.
                                        Chekaqua, he that stands by the
                                        Kataka, or sturgeon.
                                        Mecaitch, the eagle.
                                        Neshota, the twin.
                                        Quashquammee, the jumping fish.
                                        Chagosort, the blues’ son.
                                        Pocama, the plumb.
                                        Namachewana Chaha, the Sioux.
                                        Nanochaatasa, the brave by

  “Done at Portage des Sioux, in the presence of R. Wash, Secretary of
  the Commission; Thomas Levers, Lieut-Col., commanding 1st reg’t. I.T.;
  P. Chouteau, agent; T. Paul, C.C.T.; Jas. B. Moore, capt.; Samuel
  Whiteside, capt.; John W. Johnson, U.S. factor and Indian agent;
  Maurice Blondeaux, Samuel Solomon. Noel Mograine, Interpreters; Daniel
  Converse, 3d lieut. To the Indian names are subjoined a mark and

This treaty was ratified December 26th, 1815.

The treaty with the Foxes, made on the following day by the same
commissioners, and ratified December 16, 1815, while not affecting Black
Hawk in particular, was so intimately connected with him that it may be
well to repeat it here. After the caption and the recital of a desire to
re-establish peace it ran as follows:

  “Article 1. Every injury or act of hostility by one or either of the
  contracting parties against the other shall be mutually forgiven and

  “Art. 2. There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the
  citizens of the United States of America and all the individuals
  composing the said Fox tribe or nation.

  “Art. 3. The contracting parties do hereby agree, promise, and oblige
  themselves reciprocally, to deliver up all the prisoners now in their
  hands (by what means soever the same may have come into their
  possession), to the officer commanding at Fort Clark, on the Illinois
  River, to be by him restored to their respective nations as soon as it
  may be practicable.

  “Art. 4. The said Fox tribe or nation do hereby assent to, recognize,
  re-establish and confirm the treaty of St. Louis, which was concluded
  on the third day of November, one thousand eight hundred and four, to
  the full extent of their interest in the same, as well as all other
  contracts and agreements between the parties; and the United States
  promise to fulfill all the stipulations contained in the said treaty
  in favor of the said Fox tribe or nation.”[44]

This document, with its trifling exactions, was signed by twenty-two Fox
chiefs and warriors without protest or comment, forcibly demonstrating
the anxiety of all for peace when removed from ulterior influences.
Everyone who participated therein appeared gratified that hostilities
were ended; but an insecurity was still sensible which nothing but the
signature of Black Hawk could quiet. In the face of the many murders so
lately committed by Black Hawk’s band and the English, the statement by
Black Hawk that he was still an English subject and his refusal to treat
brought an issue squarely between the United States and him, and the
authorities at Washington were in no humor to allow that dissembler to
dictate the policy of the Indians and continue his crusade of crime
against helpless settlers. He was urged to sign and when pressed,
preferring plunder to peace, declined and stalked to his canoe in
dudgeon. Was he to be peacefully subdued?

While the United States authorities were actively planning to bring him
to terms, the leading men from the other Sac tribes and from the Foxes
continued their persuasions, and on meeting constant refusal, finally,
with some of his personal followers, unitedly demanded that he sign a
treaty, and then, fearing the possible loss of his influence, he
reluctantly consented. Another convention was at once called to meet at
St. Louis May 13, 1816, which Black Hawk attended and there “touched the
goose quill,” as he has stated. This treaty, more important than the
other two, because it bound the leader of all the insurgent Indians, was
signed on the 13th day of May and ratified December 30 of the same year
and is as follows:

  “_A TREATY OF PEACE AND FRIENDSHIP, made and concluded between William
  Clark, Ninian Edwards and Auguste Chouteau, commissioners
  plenipotentiary of the United States of America, on the part and
  behalf of the said states, of the one part, and the undersigned chiefs
  and warriors of the Sacs of Rock River and the adjacent country, of
  the other part._

  “Whereas, By the ninth article of the treaty of peace, which was
  concluded on the twenty-fourth day of December, eighteen hundred and
  fourteen, between the United States and Great Britain, at Ghent, and
  which was ratified by the President, with the advice and consent of
  the Senate, on the seventeenth day of February, eighteen hundred and
  fifteen, it was stipulated that the said parties should severally put
  an end to all hostilities with the Indian tribes, with whom they might
  be at war, at the time of the ratification of said treaty, and to
  place the said tribes inhabiting their respective territories, on the
  same footing upon which they stood before the war; provided, they
  should agree to desist from all hostilities against the said parties,
  their citizens or subjects respectively, upon the ratification of the
  said treaty being notified to them, and should so desist accordingly;

  “Whereas, The said United States being determined to execute every
  article of treaty with perfect good faith, and wishing to be
  particularly exact in the execution of the article above alluded to,
  relating to the Indian tribes: The President, in consequence thereof,
  for that purpose, on the eleventh day of March, eighteen hundred and
  fifteen, appointed the undersigned William Clark, governor of Missouri
  territory, Ninian Edwards, governor of Illinois territory, and Auguste
  Chouteau, Esq., of the Missouri territory, commissioners, with full
  power to conclude a treaty of peace and amity with all those tribes of
  Indians, conformably to the stipulations contained in the said
  article, on the part of the United States, in relation to such tribes;

  “Whereas, The commissioners, in conformity with their instructions in
  the early part of last year, notified the Sacs of Rock River, and the
  adjacent country, of the time of the ratification of said treaty; of
  the stipulations it contained in relation to them; of the disposition
  of the American government to fill those stipulations, by entering
  into a treaty with them, conformably thereto; and invited the Sacs of
  Rock River, and the adjacent country, to send forward a deputation of
  their chiefs to meet the said commissioners at Portage des Sioux, for
  the purpose of concluding such a treaty as aforesaid, between the
  United States and the said Indians, and the said Sacs of Rock River,
  and the adjacent country, having not only declined that friendly
  overture, but having continued their hostilities, and committed many
  depredations thereafter, which would have justified the infliction of
  the severest chastisement upon them; but having earnestly repented of
  their conduct, now imploring mercy, and being anxious to return to the
  habits of peace and friendship with the United States; and the latter
  being always disposed to pursue the most liberal and humane policy
  towards the Indian tribes within their territory, preferring their
  reclamation by peaceful measures, to their punishment by the
  application of the military force of the nation; now,

  “Therefore, The said William Clark, Ninian Edwards and Auguste
  Chouteau, commissioners, as aforesaid, and the undersigned, chiefs and
  warriors, as aforesaid, for the purpose of restoring peace and
  friendship between the parties, do agree to the following articles:

  “Article 1. The Sacs of Rock River, and the adjacent country, do
  hereby unconditionally assent to recognize, re-establish, and confirm
  the treaty between the United States of America, and the united tribes
  of Sacs and Foxes, which was concluded at St. Louis, on the third day
  of November, one thousand eight hundred and four; as well as all other
  contracts and agreements heretofore made between the Sac tribe or
  nation and the United States.

  “Art. 2. The United States agree to place the aforesaid Sacs of Rock
  River on the same footing upon which they stood before the war;
  provided, they shall, on or before the first day of July next, deliver
  up to the officer commanding at cantonment Davis, on the Mississippi,
  all the property they or any part of their tribe, have plundered or
  stolen from the citizens of the United States, since they were
  notified, as aforesaid, of the time of the ratification of the late
  treaty between the United States and Great Britain.

  “Art. 3. If the said tribe shall fail or neglect to deliver up the
  property aforesaid, or any part thereof, on or before the first day of
  July aforesaid, they shall forfeit to the United States all right and
  title to their proportion of the annuities which, by the treaty of St.
  Louis, were covenanted to be paid to the Sac tribe; and the United
  States shall forever afterwards be exonerated from the payment of so
  much of said annuities as, upon a fair distribution, would fall to the
  share of that portion of the Sacs who are represented by the
  undersigned chiefs and warriors.

  “Art. 4. This treaty shall take effect and be obligatory on the
  contracting parties, unless the same shall be disapproved by the
  President and Senate of the United States, or by the President only;
  and in the meantime all hostilities shall cease from this date.

  “In testimony whereof, the said William Clark, Ninian Edwards, and
  Auguste Chouteau, commissioners as aforesaid, and the undersigned
  chiefs and warriors as aforesaid, have hereunto set their hands and
  affixed their seals this thirteenth day of May, one thousand eight
  hundred and sixteen.”

                                                  “WM. CLARK,
                                                  “NINIAN EDWARDS,
                                                  “AUGUSTE CHOUTEAU.”

                    “ANOWART, _or, the one who speaks_,
                    “NAMAWENANE, _Sturgeon Man_,
                    “NASAWARKU, _the Fork_,
                    “NAMATCHESA, _the Jumping Sturgeon_,
                    “MATCHEQUAWA, _the Bad Axe_,
                    “MASHCO, _Young Eagle_,
                    “AQUAOSA, _a Lion coming out of the water_,
                    “MUCKETAMACHEKAKA, _Black Sparrow Hawk_,
                    “SAKEETOO, _the Thunder that frightens_,
                    “WARPALOKA, _the rumbling Thunder_,
                    “KEMEALOSHA, _the Swan that flies in the rain_,
                    “PASHEKOMACK, _the Swan that flies low_,
                    “KEOTASHEKA, _the Running Partridge_,
                    “WAPALAMO, _the White Wolf_,
                    “CASKUPWA, _the Swan whose wings crack when he
                    “POINAKETA, _the Cloud that don’t stop_,
                    “MEALESETA, _Bad Weather_,
                    “ANAWASHQUETH, _the Bad Root_,
                    “WASSEKENEQUA, _Sharp-faced Bear_,
                    “NAPETAKA, _he who has a Swan’s throat around his
                    “MASHASHE, _the Fox_,
                    “WAPAMUKQUA, _the White Bear_.”

  “St. Louis, May 13th, 1816. Done in the presence of R. Wash, Secretary
  to the Commission; R. Paul, C.T. of the C.J. Bt. Caron, Samuel
  Solomon, Interpreters; Joshua Norvell, Judge Adv. M.M.; Joseph
  Perkins, Joseph Charless, B.G. Tavar, Charles Wm. Hunter, Cerré, M. La
  Croix, Guyol de Guirano, Boon Ingels, Moses Scott, James Sawyer.”

  “To the Indian names are subjoined a mark and a seal.”[45]

After all the trouble given the Americans by Black Hawk, it is not to be
presumed that this treaty was lightly considered, or that the Americans
neglected to explain every line of it fully, thereby allowing
opportunity for future contention from one only too apt to contend; yet
Black Hawk later had the audacity to claim that he did not know his
village passed by that treaty when it became time for him to enjoy
another war with his ancient enemy, the Americans. Line upon line and
section upon section the treaty was carefully read and interpreted by
men whose names were above reproach, that no future claim of
misunderstanding could be alleged, and to that solemn treaty Black Hawk
placed his mark and declared and promised thereby that he would no
longer torment the whites with his aggressions. The preamble of the
document should forever have estopped Black Hawk from alleging ignorance
of its provisions; with respect to all the others who signed that
treaty, the facts recited in it were so truthfuly stated, and they were
so well satisfied with its provisions, that not one of them was ever
heard to complain.


Footnote 43:

  Vol. 7, Pub. Statutes at Large, U.S., p. 134, ed. 1848.

Footnote 44:

  Vol. 7, Pub. Stat, at Large of U.S., p. 135.

Footnote 45:

  Vol. 7, Pub. Stat. (U.S.) at Large, p. 141.



                               CHAPTER X.


Black Hawk’s intermittent promises of good behavior and declarations of
future tranquility were justly distrusted by the War Department, and
rather than remain open to future disadvantage, it resolved to erect
near his haunts a fort. Accordingly, on the 10th day of May, 1816, Gen.
Thomas A. Smith and Brev. Lieut. Col. W. Lawrence, with a detachment of
men, landed on Rock Island and soon thereafter, under the direction of
the latter, began the construction of Fort Armstrong[46]–so called in
honor of Gen. John Armstrong, then late Secretary of War.

Black Hawk witnessed these movements with dissatisfaction. The Indians
had a superstitious veneration for the island, claiming, as will be seen
from Black Hawk’s words:[47] “A good spirit had care of it, who lived in
a cave in the rocks immediately under the place where the fort now
stands, and has often been seen by our people. He was white, with large
wings like a swan’s, but ten times larger. We were particular not to
make much noise in that part of the island which he inhabited, for fear
of disturbing him. But the noise of the fort has since driven him away,
and no doubt a _bad spirit_ has taken his place.” And in further
contemplation of the beauties of the place and pleasures of this island
to the Indians, Black Hawk was made to utter many fine sentiments, of a
character to command our stanchest support and evoke a sympathy from one
cover of this history to the other, had they been ingenuous and free
from the suspicion that Col. Patterson may have allowed his generous
nature to tint them a color not to be found in that Indian’s nature.

[Illustration: FORT ARMSTRONG.]

Though hampered by various annoyances, the troops eventually completed
Fort Armstrong and occupied it; their presence serving a healthy object
lesson to quiet those British Sacs who were too fierce to be pacified
while life lasted, and to stimulate a healthy and satisfactory trade
between the remote points of the north and northwest and those to the
south. It frequently has been alleged that Black Hawk and his people
never received their annuities. This is untrue as the record of the time
has disclosed.[48]

In November, 1820, we find the Sacs were drawing their annuities and had
been on the 3d of each November; in fact, those annuities had been made
permanent, and while bickerings about a fair division at times had been
noticeable, the tribes and head men were satisfied.[49]

It may be well to add here, that when Rev. Jedediah Morse made the
report just cited, he was a commissioner appointed by the President for
the purpose of ascertaining the actual state of the Indian tribes of the
northwest, and having visited Fort Armstrong in the summer of 1820, he
found British flags still floating and English medals still worn almost
exclusively in Black Hawk’s village. An exchange of these for American
flags and medals had been recommended in a letter written to him
November 20, 1820, from that post, and he adopted the suggestion in his
report;[50] but the flags and medals continued in evidence,
notwithstanding Morse’s report.

Following those manifestations, hostility to American rule was also
expressed in mutterings and quiet threats in 1823, when Beltrami stopped
there, and which he expressed in his books as follows: “For, both from
instinct and from feelings transmitted from father to son, they
cordially despise and hate them”[51] (the Americans), which certainly
did not indicate that the treaty of 1804 was responsible for their
hatred; it indicated also that the treaty of 1816 rested very lightly
upon their shoulders and that the erection of Fort Armstrong was a wise
precaution. If it may be thought that the treaty of 1804 made Black Hawk
a fault-finder with the Americans, it may be well to introduce a
specimen of his chronic affliction, found in the papers of Capt. T.G.
Anderson, British Indian Agent, in Vol. 10, Wis. Hist. Coll’s., pp. 145,

  “Speeches of Black Hawk and Na-i-o-gui-man, at Drummond’s Island, July
  12, 1821.

  “Present, Lieut.-Col. Wm. McKay, British Indian Superintendent; Capt.
  Thos. G. Anderson, Clerk; Maj. James Winnett, and other officers of
  the Sixty-eighth British Regiment, together with Lieut. L. Johnston.

  “The Black Hawk, Speaker:

  “‘Father, I am not very able to speak–probably I may say something
  improper. I may have something to reproach my father with. I could not
  get any of my chiefs to come with me.[52] One of the Reynard or Fox
  chiefs accompanied me, and some of the Menominees who reside among us.
  My mind has been entirely taken up since I left home with the idea
  that every stroke of my paddle carried me nearer to my Great Father’s
  fire, where his soldiers, the red coats, would be charitable to me and
  cover my naked skin; and that in consequence of my not having been
  able for three years to step across the barriers, which separate us
  from them, I would receive a double proportion of my Great Father’s

  “‘The Americans, my father, surround us, but we are ever ready to meet
  them. Now, my father, as we see you but seldom, I hope you will open
  your stores and give us more presents than you do to other Indians who
  visit you annually. Now I speak to you, my father, in hopes you will
  be charitable to us, and give us something to take to our wives and
  children. They are expecting to be warmed by the clothing of their
  Great Father.’

  “Taking some strings of wampum, he added: ‘Father, I got this from the
  White Elk (Capt. McKee), to open a smoother path from our country to
  all your fires. I spoke to the Pottawattomies with it, and they were
  happy to accede to our proposals of friendship. Now, my father, we
  have always obeyed your voice and will ever listen to your counsels.
  With regard to the Indians, we have a good road from our country to
  your fires; but there are whites who appear strong, and tell us they
  will not allow us to see you any more. Should that be the case, we
  will be miserable. But if the road continues good, as Capt. McKee told
  us it would, we will see you every day’ (year). Delivered the wampum.

  “Answer of the Superintendent:

  “‘Children, I have listened to your discourse. Every word has entered
  into my ears. When you came here three days (years) ago, I gave you of
  your Great Father’s bounty a much greater proportion than I did to
  other Indians, and told you your presents would in future be given you
  at Amherstburg. You were displeased. You went away dissatisfied. I
  have again this year treated you well. You appear dissatisfied still,
  and want more. I now tell you that your presents are at Amherstburg,
  and that in future you must go there if you wish to receive your Great
  Father’s bounty. I have done everything in my power to please you and
  render you happy; but my efforts appear to have been thrown away upon
  you. Go home, and I do not wish to see dissatisfied children about me
  again. With respect to the road being stopped up as you say, that is
  news to me. I do not know that any steps have been taken to effect
  that; and, indeed, if you behave yourselves, as I have always
  recommended you to do, I do not believe you will be hindered from
  seeing your Great Father’s fires.’”[53]

It will be seen from that meeting with his friends that Black Hawk was a
hard man to get along with, even with his friends. He returned home; but
instead of behaving himself he joined Pash-e-pa-ho in a war which robbed
the Iowas of their lands and exterminated their tribes, so that
thereafter their nation became a tradition. If Black Hawk should be
heard to complain of the loss of his lands to the Americans for a
trifling price, how much more should others whom he had wantonly robbed
and whose kin he had murdered be heard? Old men, young men, old women,
young women and children in swaddling clothes were murdered in the most
brutal manner; their homes were confiscated and their tribal name
effaced from history, to be no more known of men. Aye, upon that bloody
battlefield it was decreed that Black Hawk should be buried and from it
a ghoulish hand should steal his body; a fitting retribution, one might
justly say!

On the first day of May, 1823, the Iowas were celebrating their return
from a successful hunt by feasts, games and horse-racing. The mellow sun
had just arisen to witness their mock jousts and races. Intent upon the
harmless tournament, none had noticed the gradual gathering in the
neighboring grass and woods of the vicious Sacs during the night. The
women and children had been left at the village, while the men,
discarding their arms, gathered some distance away to enjoy their
frolic, unarmed and unsuspecting. A race had been appointed for the most
famous, and thus, while all were eagerly preparing for its issue, the
murderous Sacs pounced upon them.

All that day the unequal struggle waged; the unarmed Iowas against their
armed and powerful foes. Man after man went down before the fury of the
victors. Home after home was made desolate from the blow of the
tomahawk, the thrust of the spear and the ugly gash of the knife in the
hands of the hideous, howling Sacs; very devils incarnate. Parties of
twenty-five armed Sacs sought out a similar number of unarmed Iowas
whose strength had been well nigh spent and slaughtered them. Fresh
bands of the same number from the reserves did the like with other tired
and spent defenders until evening approached, when, unsupported by the
arms which had been left back at the village, and fighting against
hopeless odds, the Iowas could no longer sustain an honest cause; then,
and then only, as the mantle of evening fell upon that gory battlefield,
with a few scattered exceptions, the last of the Iowas was sent to the
hunting grounds of his dreams. The victorious Sacs fell upon the women,
children, invalids and cripples and murdered all save a pitiful handful,
which Black Hawk piously offered afterward to adopt into his tribe.

No one can estimate the number of dead. Pashepaho and Black Hawk have
attempted the task, but when it is known that the ordinary wild Indian
cannot comprehend numbers, we must leave all calculation open to
conjecture. Suffice it to say, the Iowa nation was annihilated, its
lands confiscated, and a scene of desolation was upon the land for many
years thereafter.

Following the account of Fulton, we find on page 120 _et seq._ the

  “When Mr. Jordan first saw the battleground in 1828, the graves of the
  slain still appeared fresh, as if they had not been made more than a
  year or two before. Black Hawk had often detailed to him the plan of
  the attack and the incidents of the engagement. Contrary to the usual
  Indian custom, this battle was brought on in the daytime. The
  battlefield is a level river bottom prairie, about four miles in
  length and two miles wide near the middle, narrowing to points at
  either end. The main area of the bottom rises about twenty feet above
  the river, with a narrow strip of lower land skirting the margin of
  the stream, covered with trees. The river bank was fringed with a
  dense growth of willows. Near the lower end of the prairie, and
  extending up to the bank of the river, was situated the Iowa village.
  Two miles above the town, near the middle of the prairie, was situated
  a small natural mound which was then covered with a growth of small
  trees and shrubs. In the rear of this mound lay a belt of wet prairie
  which was covered with a rank grass. Bordering this on the north, the
  land rises abruptly into broken bluffs covered with a heavy forest
  many miles in extent. It was through this forest that the Sac and Fox
  war party approached in the night before the attack, and secreted
  themselves in the tall grass mentioned, intending to remain in ambush
  through the day, and make observations to aid them in the attack which
  they contemplated making on the following night. From this position
  their spies could take a full survey of the situation of the village
  and watch the movements of the Iowas.

  “Near the mound mentioned, the Iowas had their racecourse, where they
  were frequently wont to resort to engage in the amusement of
  horse-racing. Unfortunately for them, this day they had selected for
  their sports. Unconscious of the proximity of a lurking foe, they
  repaired to the racing ground, leaving most of their arms in the
  village with the old men, women and children, unprotected. The Sacs
  and Foxes, under the leadership of their wily old chief, Pash-e-pa-ho,
  perceived their advantage. He directed his subordinate in command,
  Black Hawk, with a band of young warriors to file off through the tall
  grass and avail themselves of the cover of the timber along the river
  bank, to reach the village with the utmost speed and there commence
  the battle. This movement was successfully executed, while
  Pash-e-pa-ho with his division made a simultaneous assault from their
  ambush upon the unarmed Iowas, who were engaged in their amusements at
  the racecourse. Black Hawk, with his warriors at the village, poured a
  furious volley upon the defenseless inhabitants, completing the
  slaughter with tomahawk and scalping knife. The unarmed Iowas at the
  racecourse attempted to reach the village, two miles distant, but most
  of them were slain in their flight by Pash-e-pa-ho’s warriors. The
  survivors reached their village only to find it in flames and to
  behold their slaughtered friends in the midst of the devouring
  element. So great was the advantage of their assailants that the Iowas
  could make but a feeble resistance. Their enemies, however, accorded
  to them the credit of making a brave but hopeless resistance and of
  yielding only because of the advantage their enemies had taken. The
  Iowas asked a parley and submitted their fate to the will of their
  conquerors. For a time they lived in the country as an integral part
  of the Sac and Fox nation. This condition of a conquered people they
  felt to be a galling one, and they complained of the tyranny of the
  Sacs and Foxes.”


Footnote 46:

  Flagler’s Rock Island Arsenal, p. 15.

Footnote 47:

  Auto., p. 70.

Footnote 48:

  Journal of Maj. Thomas Forsythe, the Indian agent, who called June 24,
  1819, at Black Hawk’s village to pay the installment due, as all
  previous ones had been paid. Vol. 6, Wis. Hist. So. Colls., p. 191.

Footnote 49:

  Morse’s Report to Secretary War, pp. 139, 377, etc.

Footnote 50:

  Morse’s Report, p. 59.

Footnote 51:

  Beltrami’s Pilgrimage, Vol. 2, p. 165.

Footnote 52:

  A circumstance demanding notice.

Footnote 53:

  If he had behaved himself as advised, there had been no Black Hawk
  campaigns in 1831-2 and no occasion for this history. The admonition
  contains more food for thought than four volumes of comment could



                              CHAPTER XI.


The Sacs and Foxes were also trespassers upon Illinois soil,
dispossessing by conquest, after the manner just related, the Santeaux,
who claimed the soil from which they were driven.[54] Black Hawk was
always strenuously insistent for the principle that land could not be
alienated, therefore his nation could not, by treaty, legally have
alienated their lands. If lands were inalienable by grant, how, then,
could they have been alienated by conquest? The difference was in
instance and not principle with Black Hawk, and he no doubt argued that
the case was different with Santeaux and Iowas, because his was a party
in interest. And so with the treaty of 1804; it was good if it helped
Black Hawk and very bad if it contained anything good for the Americans.

That the Americans were intent on doing the best for the Indians which
then could be done under all circumstances is everywhere apparent in the
several treaties with the Sacs and Foxes. On September 3d, 1822,[55]
another treaty was negotiated with them, which also recognized the 1804
compact, and doubtless Black Hawk thought this all right, because it
gave to them an additional $1,000.00 for the privilege of being relieved
from the obligation of building a factory as that treaty had provided.
This 1822 affair bears the signature of Black Hawk.

Again on August 4th, 1824, a treaty was made between the Sacs and Foxes
recognizing the former treaties.[56]

On August 19th, 1825, another treaty for the purpose of suspending the
constant internecine wars of the Indians was made at Prairie du Chien,
wherein all former treaties were recognized.[57] With all these various
ratifications one would naturally infer that the treaty of 1804 was
pretty thoroughly understood by the Indians, and particularly by Black
Hawk, yet in the face of them all he continued his hostility to the
Americans whenever the possibility of making them trouble arose, and if
it did not arise from the efforts of others, he was ever alert to set it
in motion on his own account. The Winnebago outbreak, coming along in
1827, afforded him the next opportunity to display his genius for war,
and he was quick to place himself against his ancient foe, the
Americans. The unfriendly attitude of certain unruly Sioux, sometimes
called or classed as the Dakotas in the prints of those days, was
quickly brought to his attention, and without delay he was on the road
north to find trouble in which to participate.

In those days there were good and bad Dakotas, as with the Sacs, and the
malcontent element of the former was generally finding itself in
trouble. Upon two notable occasions parties of Dakotas wantonly murdered
unoffending Chippewas, the latest offense being under the very walls of
Fort Snelling and at a time when the Chippewas were dispensing a liberal
hospitality to them–a most atrocious crime![58]

These deeds were so revolting that Col. Josiah Snelling, the commandant,
very properly applied the custom prevalent among the Indians by turning
the four captured culprits over to the injured Chippewas for punishment.
Each Dakota was given thirty paces law, and a chance to run for his
life; but Chippewa bullets were swifter, and four vicious Dakotas were
speedily forwarded to their fathers. Revenge toward the whites for the
part they played in that affair rankled within the breasts of the
friends of the dead Dakotas and they diplomatically set about settling
the grudge in a most civilized and sensible manner, at the expense of
their friends, the Winnebagoes. Red Bird, a Winnebago chief of note,
contemporaneously, or soon thereafter,[59] led a losing enterprise
against the Chippewas, returning to his camp crestfallen and sullen. It
was at this fecund moment that emissaries from the Dakotas fell upon him
with all manner of adroit badinage for his fallen estate, impressing
upon his mind, with much innuendo, to what belittled influence his parts
had been reduced in the estimation of his people and to what distressing
ridicule he was being subjected by the laughter of the Americans. While
in the receptive mood to which these tactics had driven his mind, he was
in the same perverted manner made to believe that the four guilty
Dakotas turned over to the Chippewas and killed were Winnebagoes. Thus
was the foundation laid for the “Winnebago war” of 1827! The murder of
one Methode, with his wife and five children, was discovered. Following
this, on the 26th of June, 1827, Red Bird, with We-kau and Chic-hon-sic,
called at various places in Prairie du Chien (the garrison and its
stores having been removed just previously to Fort Snelling), obtained
from a trader ammunition and, as some have said, whisky, and left for
the cabin of one Registre Gagnier, who resided with his wife, young son,
baby daughter and an old discharged American soldier named Solomon
Lipcap some two miles from the village. The three entered, begged and
received food, and, taking advantage of their entertainers’ unguarded
condition, shot down and instantly killed Gagnier and Lipcap. Madam
Gagnier, in the frenzy of her excitement, seized the gun of her dead
husband, and while protecting her son finally drove the savages into the
yard, where they scattered. She then ran to the village with her boy,
forgetting the infant daughter, which had been lying upon the bed when
the Indians entered. The posse which immediately returned found Gagnier
and Lipcap scalped, but the girl baby, alive, was discovered under the
bed, though scalped and savagely cut in the neck. Stranger yet, she
recovered and grew to woman’s estate.

Thomas L. McKenney, who gained the woman’s story from her own lips, has
narrated it in a manner worthy so illustrious a writer, disclosing a
heroism sufficient to warrant the erection to her memory of a monument
more than a little pretentious. In the order of mundane things, however,
heroines fare very badly when burly heroes can be found or manufactured
to consume the contributions of a hero-loving public, and probably Madam
Gagnier will get no monument.

Next evening a keel-boat, its sides literally filled with leaden balls,
arrived from Fort Snelling, bearing the dead bodies of two of its crew
and four wounded members, two mortally and two slightly; also the body
of a dead Indian, the result of a conflict of unusual fierceness and
inequality with Sac and Winnebago Indians at the mouth of the Bad Axe
about sunset of the 26th. This boat, the Oliver H. Perry, with its
consort, had gone up to Fort Snelling, under the command of Captain
Allen Lindsay, some time before, and meeting on the route[60] with many
exactions and exasperating and suspicious ovations from the Dakotas
whose villages were along the river, asked and received at Fort Snelling
thirty-two muskets and a quantity of powder and ball.

Arriving on the downward passage[61] at the the last of their villages,
Wa-ba-sha, now Winona, Minnesota, the Dakotas were found dancing a war
dance and making threats, but, offering no resistance (the Winnebagoes
and Sacs present having assumed that dangerous function), Captain
Lindsay very naturally considered all danger over and allowed the boats,
which had been lashed together for protection, to separate. That which
sat deeper in the water, having the advantage of the river’s
undercurrents, gained several miles’ advantage. This boat, commanded by
a Sac half-breed named Beauchamp, was manned by a crew of sixteen,
officers and men. The Frenchmen of the party, growing suspicious of the
actions of new bands of Indians gathering as the boat approached the Bad
Axe, urged the crew to caution, but the usual contempt for Indian
prowess and the thought that all danger had been passed caused a
foolhardy disregard of the Frenchmen’s warning. Naturally a supine
security followed.

The wind had sprung into unusual strength from the east and, in the face
of continued admonition, some of the crew were for tying up for the
night then and there, river crews in those days being much used to the
enjoyment of their own wishes.

A large body of Indians had collected on an island to the west of the
channel near to which the boat must pass, and as it reached this point
was rapidly drifting toward the bar on the island’s edge. Suddenly the
trees and rocks reverberated with blood-curdling war-whoops and a volley
of bullets rained upon the deck, wounding a negro named Peter so
desperately that he afterward died. The crew instantly sought shelter by
lying flat below the water line, because the bullets penetrated the
bulwarks. The second volley resulted in the instant death of an American
named Stewart, who had risen to return the first fire through a
loophole. The exposure causing a target to be made of his head, he fell
back dead, his finger still upon the trigger of his undischarged gun. No
further attempt was made to return the Indians’ second volley, and they,
encouraged by this non-resistance, rushed to their canoes with intent to
board. The men who had remained flat recovered in a measure from their
panic and the boarders were received with a disastrous fire and
repulsed. One canoe in particular was severely received, two of its crew
being killed, and in the death struggle overturned, compelling the
others to swim for their lives.

Presently a voice in the Sac tongue hailed the boat, demanding to know
if the crew were English. Beauchamp, who was a half-breed Sac, answered
in the affirmative.

“Then,” replied the querist, “come on shore and we will do you no harm,
for we are your brethren, the Sacs.”

“Dog,” retorted Beauchamp, “no Sac would attack us thus cowardly. If you
want us on shore, you must come and fetch us.”

Confident that it was impossible to storm the boat with success, the
plan was abandoned by all save two daring Indians, who leaped aboard.
One seized the steering oar and strove to run the boat aground, while
the other discharged some guns found abandoned on the deck, wounding one
white. After this exploit, he hastened to the bow of the boat and, lying
upon the deck, endeavored to assist his companion in stranding the boat.
Succeeding in this, he dropped the pole, and with supreme contempt for
danger began loading and firing, passing unscathed through the return
volley. In the general fusillade Beauchamp succeeded in shooting the
Indian at the steering oar, who dropped dead upon the deck and was
carried into Prairie du Chien, but in retaliation the savage in the bow,
with his third fire, shot Beauchamp and he fell upon the deck mortally
wounded. At this critical loss of the commander, some of the crew were
for an immediate surrender, but the suggestion was quickly vetoed by
Beauchamp, who cried: “No, friends, you will not save your lives so.
Fight to the last, for they will show no mercy. If they get the better
of you, for God’s sake throw me overboard. Do not let them get my hair.”
In the meantime Jack Mandeville, a powerful member of the crew, with the
heart of a lion, jumped into the breach, and as Beauchamp was cheering
him with cries of “fight on,” Mandeville shot the Indian through the
head and he, with his gun, fell overboard. Bullets from the shore
continued to pour into the boat, and one party of the crew favored
attempting an escape in the skiff, but Mandeville, who now assumed
command, threatened death to the first man who suggested anything but

He routed out the timid and skulkers. Darkness was approaching, which
boded evil for the crew. The bullets were falling with painful
precision, and if the boat was allowed to remain aground it was clear
that every man must die by the most refined torture.

With the judgment and determination of a brave man, Mandeville jumped
overboard and began the use of his herculean strength to dislodge the
boat from the bar.

The savages rushed upon him, but with an armored club he beat them back.
Only warily and at intervals could the whites fire in their efforts to
protect Mandeville. Seeing the futility of this style of warfare, four
of the crew resolutely jumped upon the bar to their leader’s assistance,
and in a space too brief for the relation the boat was put afloat and
the crew quickly and safely working her down stream, the gathering gloom
assisting their escape from the bullets which followed.

The battle had raged for three hours with a fierceness which no Indian
but Black Hawk could precipitate, and there he was, directing a cause
which was none of his own, he and his British band, notwithstanding his
pledges and protestations, fighting the Americans with the ferocity of a
wild beast. The casualties were two of the crew killed outright and four
wounded, two mortally and two slightly, while the loss of the Indians
was variously estimated at from seven to twelve killed and many wounded.

The other boat, which had aboard William J. Snelling, son of Colonel
Snelling, followed, but the darkness saved it from any damage, the
volley which was fired passing harmlessly overhead.

It has been said the Indian force numbered thirty-seven, but these
figures appear ridiculous when parties at Prairie du Chien, present when
the boat landed, reported over five hundred bullet holes in the craft,
and Mr. Snelling reported 693, which would allow eighteen bullets to the
Indian and leave no reckoning for the many which missed the boat
entirely. As this conflict occurred on the same day which saw the
Gagnier family murdered by Red Bird and his companions, it is not
conceivable how Red Bird could have been present. In fact, he was not,
as Black Hawk admitted after his acquittal. He was the leader and he
said so.[62]

It should be noted in this place that the miserable rumor mentioned by
Reynolds in his “My Own Times” and by other writers, of the action of
the crew upstream in debauching certain Winnebago squaws, had no
foundation whatever.

Black Hawk was subsequently arrested for this attack, but the lack of
evidence allowed him to escape an indictment. When discharged he made no
secret of his participation in the affair, but prior thereto he was the
most discreet Indian the imagination can portray. The only reference to
the court proceedings made by the newspapers at the time is to be found
in the Miner’s Journal of Galena for Saturday, September 13, 1828, and
is as follows:

  “A gentleman who was present at the time of the arraignment and trial
  of these Indians at Prairie du Chien has given us the following

  “A special term of the United States Circuit Court for the county of
  Crawford, sitting as a court of oyer and terminer for the trial of
  seven Indian prisoners (Winnebagoes), confined at Prairie du Chien,
  was held at that village on the 25th ult., by the Hon. James D. Doty,
  additional U.S. Judge for Michigan. Wan-i-ga, or ‘the Sun,’ and
  Chick-hong-sic, or ‘the Petit Boeuff,’ were tried severally on two
  indictments, one for the murder of Registre Gagnier, as accomplices of
  Red Bird, deceased. On the second indictment, Chick-hong-sic was tried
  for the murder of Solomon Lipcap, and Wan-i-ga was also tried on the
  same as his accomplice. On the third indictment, Wan-i-ga was tried
  for scalping Louisa Gagnier, with intent to kill. On first indictment,
  defendants were found guilty. On second, Chick-hong-sic guilty,
  Wan-i-ga acquitted. On third, Wan-i-ga found guilty; the others
  acquitted. In the case of the United States vs. Wau-koo-kah and
  Mah-na-at-ap-e-kah, for the murder of Methode and family, a _nolle
  prosequi_ was entered and the prisoners discharged.

  “There being no bills found against Kanon-e-kah, or ‘The youngest of
  the Thunders,’ and Kara-zhon-sept-kah, or ‘The Black Hawk,’ imprisoned
  for attacking and firing on the keel boat last year, nor against the
  son of Red Bird, they were discharged.

  “Counsel for the prosecution, John Scott, Esq., of Ste. Genevieve,
  Mo.; for the defense, assigned by the Court, Charles S. Hempstead,
  Esq., of St. Louis.

  “Wan-i-ga and Chick-hong-sic were sentenced to be executed on the 26th
  of December.”


[Illustration: FORT SNELLING.]

[Illustration: COL. JOSIAH SNELLING.]



                              CHAPTER XII.


It may be possible that this fresh outbreak was superinduced by the
gradual appearance of the hated American further and further northward
toward Black Hawk’s village, but, if true, the act was indefensible as
it was meddlesome. He deliberately assisted in precipitating the trouble
between Red Bird (who was a remarkably decent Indian) and the Americans,
without the slightest provocation.

By acts of Congress[63] bounty land warrants were voted to the soldiers
of the war of “’twelve,” and for their especial benefit the so-called
“Military Tract” was erected in the State of Illinois, comprising the
territory between the Illinois and Mississippi rivers, 169 miles north
to a line drawn from the great bend of the river above Peru to the
Mississippi, containing 5,360,000 acres.[64] Into this, two classes of
settlers poured–as Catlin aptly put it, “the overwhelming torrent of
emigration to the ‘Far West.’”

From the conclusion of the first peace with Great Britain, the native
white population increased at a ratio astonishing to the observer and
writer of those days, particularly James Hall, and with the advent of
the “twenties” the overflow was moving into this “Military Tract.” One
class comprised the soldier, who was the beneficiary, with his family,
while the other was composed of families from Kentucky and Tennessee,
the purchasers of those warrants, which had been gradually working
northward from the beginning of the century, and which up to this time
largely predominated in the population of Illinois. In both of these
classes were the Indian fighters; men whose homes had been desolated or
whose fathers and mothers had been murdered by blood-thirsty savages;
men whose bodies carried lead placed there by Indian muskets, and who,
from sad experience, were not likely to receive with composure the raids
of bandit Sacs. These men were tired of tilling the soil with rifles
lashed to the plowbeam and of being constantly called away from the
field to awful scenes of carnage, where perhaps neighbor or wife or
child had just been burned at the stake. Gen. A.C. Dodge, who was a
pioneer by birth, a man whose honesty of purpose and soundness of
judgment on Indian questions have never yet been questioned, forcibly
illustrated those conditions in a speech at the semi-centennial of
Burlington, Iowa: “In the settlement of Kentucky five of my father’s
uncles fell under the Indian hatchet. Among the incidents of his very
earliest recollection was to have seen the dead and bleeding body of one
of those uncles borne in the arms of another on horseback to the
stockade fort in which they lived. My own brother, Henry LaFayette
Dodge, * * * was captured and burned to death at the stake.”

James Hall, the friend and defender of the Indian, has pictured the
vicissitudes of the pioneers who blazed the way for later generations to
follow. Among other things, we find, on page 152, Vol. 2, “Sketches of
the West,” the following:

  “They left behind them all the comforts of life. They brought but
  little furniture, but few farming implements, and no store of
  provisions. Until their lands were cleared and brought into culture,
  and their domestic animals became productive, they depended for
  subsistence chiefly upon the game of the forest. They ate their fresh
  meat without salt, without vegetables, and in many instances without
  bread; and they slept in cabins hastily erected, of green logs, and in
  which they were exposed to much of the inclemency of the weather. To
  their other sufferings that of sickness was often added; and they
  found themselves assailed, in situations where medical assistance
  could not be procured, by diseases of sudden development and fatal

  “While thus overburthened by toil and assailed by disaster, the
  settler found employment for all the energy of his character and all
  the inventive powers of his mind. The savage was watching, with
  malignant vigilance, to grasp every opportunity to harass the intruder
  into the hunting grounds of his fathers. Sometimes he contented
  himself with seizing the horses or driving away the cattle of the
  emigrant, depriving the wretched family of the means of support, and
  reserving the consummation of his vengeance to a future occasion;
  sometimes, with a subtle refinement of cruelty, the Indian warrior
  crept into a settlement by stealth, and created universal dismay by
  stealing away a child, or robbing a family of the wife and mother;
  sometimes a father was the victim, and the widow and orphans were
  thrown upon the protection of the friends who, on such occasions, were
  never deaf to the claims of the unfortunate, while as often the
  yelling band surrounded the peaceful cabin at the midnight hour,
  applied the firebrand to the slight fabric, and murdered the whole of
  its defenseless inmates.”

Exhausted by such scenes, these men had come to Illinois with their
children, whose tender memories had gathered material never to be
effaced, to enjoy peaceful pursuits and erect homes for their families.
When, therefore, Black Hawk sought to renew such tactics, he trod the
mine which exploded and tore his power to shreds. The final conflict was
inevitable, and though during the first portion of the campaign, for
want of discipline, those spirited, independent and unrestrained young
fellows brought no great honor to their arms, when the iron hand of Gen.
James D. Henry brought them to reason, they marched with a grim
determination to avenge the murders of their ancestors by hurling Black
Hawk forever from the power to molest them more, and they did it in a
manner sufficiently decisive.

In 1829[65] these settlers, observing the fertility of the lands at the
mouth of Rock River, the protecting influence of a Government fort,
pushed over to that point and squatted upon the lands there. Settlements
multiplying by the reputation of the land, the President was persuaded
that the time had come to survey and open them up for sale, and he
issued his proclamation accordingly. This survey included the village
occupied by Black Hawk.

It has been urged by some that there was no necessity for opening up
this tract for settlement, because the nearest settlements were far
away, leaving an extensive belt between, which should first have been
occupied. Who is to judge of man’s choice in the public domain but the
man himself? The fort and public buildings made a respectable settlement
by themselves. Add to these the traders and a garrison with all the
hangers-on, and the neighborhood became an inviting one for settlers.
The mines to the north were booming; the river boats were carrying great
numbers of passengers, who always stopped at this point, and one must
repeat, why should it not be attractive?

When requested, Keokuk and the other chiefs issued proclamations, and,
with most of their people, removed to the west side of the river.[66]
Wapello, the head chief of the Foxes, and Pash-e-pa-ho of the Sacs,
making the decision almost unanimous, also went over, but Black Hawk,
finding it possible to annoy the Americans, refused, claiming that when
he signed the treaty of 1816 he had been deceived and never knew that
his village had been included in its terms. His offenses had been
condoned so many times by the indulgent Americans that he had grown to
consider himself above danger from them, and doggedly remained, in
defiance of the wish of the President and the proclamations of Keokuk
and Wapello. The promotion of Keokuk to be chief of the Sacs had its
influence, for any proclamation Keokuk might make would certainly be
defied by Black Hawk. Keokuk urged him to avoid friction by peaceably
removing with the others, but this appeal only strengthened his
determination to remain, and he sat back upon his haunches like the bull
before the locomotive, and, to carry the simile to a logical conclusion,
was very naturally annihilated.

The disposition to quarrel may be seen from the following extract from a
letter written to Governor Clark by Agent Forsythe:

                                           Rocky Island, 17th May, 1829.

  Sir:–Some time early in the spring, a number of settlers came to the
  Sac village on Rock river and enclosed nearly all the Sac Indians’
  corn fields. The Indians, on their arrival, were surprised at this, as
  also the destruction committed by the settlers by tearing down many of
  their lodges. The settlers who reside at the Sac village have called
  on me frequently, wishing me to drive the Indians away; that they must
  go, ought to go, pointing out the necessity of sending them away,
  etc., etc.

  I yesterday had a meeting with a number of Indians, and had a very
  long talk with them on the subject of all the Indians moving onto
  their own lands.

  Quash-qua-me denying that he ever sold any land above Rock river,
  etc., the Black Hawk also saying that the white people were in the
  habit of saying one thing to the Indians and putting another on paper;
  and both those Indians made use of every argument they were masters of
  to convince me that they never had sold the land above Rock river,

  I acquainted all the Indians with the provisions of the treaty of
  1804, where Quash-qua-me’s name is, as one of the chiefs who sold the
  land in question (the other chiefs being dead). I also reminded the
  Black Hawk of the treaty of 1816, when the commissioners refused to
  smoke with him and the other Sac chiefs (who accompanied him down to
  St. Louis), to make peace, until they signed the treaty, etc.

  The Black Hawk denied that any mention was made to him about land in
  making the treaty of 1816; but that the commissioners must have
  inserted in the treaty what was not expressly explained to him and

  The Indians and myself had a great deal of talk at this meeting, the
  most of which was quite unnecessary, at the winding up of which I told
  the Indians I would not listen to any complaints that might come in
  future from any Indians who would remain at Rocky river.

  The chief Keokuk inquired of me in private if he and some of his
  friends could remain at Rocky river to raise the corn they had
  planted,[67] saying at the same time that most of the principal chiefs
  and braves had gone to reside at a place a few miles within the mouth
  of Ioway river, and that more than one-half of those now at Rocky
  river would also go shortly to the same place.

  I told Keokuk that he had heard what I had said to the Indians in
  council, and that it was out of my power to give any Indians such
  permission as he asked for.

  It is my opinion that but few Indians will remain at Rocky river this
  summer, but yet I am fearful that some difficulties will take place
  among them and the settlers during the ensuing summer. All the Fox
  Indians formerly residing in this vicinity have gone and made a new
  village at the Grand Mascatin.

As has been stated, Black Hawk was not a chief, and was never recognized
as such. He was simply a brave who had gathered around him a party of
disaffected spirits, eager to foment strife; being no Pontiac or
Tecumseh, and having no call upon him by his nation or his tribe to
rectify any wrongs, his controversies in 1830 had degenerated into petty
quarrels with the incoming settlers.

He refused to cross the Mississippi because he was meanly jealous of
Keokuk and his influence and because of his hatred of the Americans, and
not because of fealty to any principle. He considered every argument of
his friends to mean that his removal meant his absorption as an
attraction. Removal west, with Keokuk above him, meant desuetude and dry
rot for his schemes. He preferred being a small quarreler to being none
at all, and he remained.

The Indian inclosures were made with stakes driven into the ground, to
which poles were transversely laid and tied with strips of bark. When
the crop of 1830 had been planted within these enclosures, or otherwise,
the Indians left for a summer hunt. Returning when the corn was in the
milk, it was gathered and their horses were turned into the fields. The
aftermath of those meagerly cropped fields was uninviting while the
ripening grain of the whites was near at hand, and, without any
ceremony, the slight fences were trampled down and the grain of the
white man more or less consumed or destroyed. A casual glance at this
state of things would disclose no premeditation on the part of the
Indians to molest the whites, but the whites complained and seem to have
proven beyond all doubt that the Indians, finding they could harass the
whites by these tactics, carried them a little further, until they
secretly drove horses into the fields and upon various occasions killed
the live stock of the whites. The correspondence entire upon the
subject, as found in public document No. 2 of the proceedings of the
Twenty-second Congress, first session, is scattered along through this
chapter. These depredations continued until autumn, when Black Hawk and
his band departed on their winter’s hunt.

By way of experiment, a compromise for the year 1830 was attempted
whereby the whites and Indians were to try to live together in peace,
but the antagonistic natures of both made success impossible and the
attempt was abandoned, with the determination by the whites that if
Black Hawk annoyed them in their future efforts to develop their farms
his actions would be met with resistance and his removal by force
demanded of the authorities. In the spring of 1831 the Indians returned
to find the whites prepared to resist them. Black Hawk’s wick-a-up was
occupied. This act brought his contention to a climax, as might have
been expected, by openly attempting the destruction of property. This he
did without molesting the owner, adroitly provoking the Americans to
menace and possibly force him to assume an attitude of defense of Indian
rights and the “graves of his fathers.” On April 30, 1831, the following
letter was sent to Governor Reynolds, setting forth grievances, and
signed by a numerical force which should command attention from any

                                                        “April 30, 1831.

  “His Excellency, the Governor of the State of Illinois:

  “We, the undersigned, being citizens of Rock River and its vicinity,
  beg leave to state to your honor the grievances which we labor under,
  and pray your protection against the Sac and Fox tribe of Indians, who
  have again taken possession of our lands near the mouth of Rock River
  and its vicinity. They have, and now are, burning our fences,
  destroying our crops of wheat now growing, by turning in all their
  horses. They also threaten our lives if we attempt to plant corn, and
  say they will cut it up; that we have stolen their lands from them,
  and they are determined to exterminate us, provided we don’t leave the
  country. Your honor, no doubt, is aware of the outrages that were
  committed by said Indians heretofore. Particularly last fall, they
  almost destroyed all our crops, and made several attempts on the
  owners’ lives when they attempted to prevent their depredations, and
  actually wounded one man by stabbing him in several places. This
  spring they act in a much more outrageous and menacing manner, so that
  we consider ourselves compelled to beg protection of you, which the
  agent and garrison on Rock Island refuse to give, inasmuch as they say
  they have no orders from government; therefore, should we not receive
  adequate aid from your honor, we shall be compelled to abandon our
  settlement, and the lands which we have purchased of government.
  Therefore, we have no doubt but your honor will better anticipate our
  condition than it is represented, and grant us immediate relief in the
  manner that to you may seem most likely to produce the desired effect.
  The number of Indians now among us is about six or seven hundred. They
  say there are more coming, and that the Pottawattomies and some of the
  Winnebagoes will help them, in case of an irruption with the whites.
  The warriors now here are the Black Hawk’s party, with other chiefs,
  the names of whom we are not acquainted with. Therefore, looking up to
  you for protection, we beg leave to remain yours, etc.”[68]

     “John Wells,         “Erastus Kent,       “G.V. Miller,
     “B.F. Pike,          “Levi Wells,         “Edward Burner,
     “H. McNiel,          “Joel Wells,         “Joel Thompson,
     “Albert Wells,       “Michael Bartlet,    “Joel Wells, Jr.,
     “Griffith Ausbury,   “Huntington Wells,   “J.W. Spencer,
     “Thomas Gardiner,    “Thomas Davis,       “Joseph Danforth,
     “J. Vandruff,        “Thomas Lovitt,      “William Brazher,
     “S. Vandruff,        “William Heans,      “Jonah H. Case,
     “John L. Bain,       “Charles French,     “Samuel Wells,
     “Horace Cook,        “M.S. Hulls,         “Charles French,
     “David B. Hail,      “Eli Wells,          “Benjamin Goble,
     “John Barrel,        “Asaph Wells,        “Gentry McCall.”
     “William Henry,

Receiving no reply to that request, the citizens waited until the 19th
of May, when they fancied they would have to send a personal embassy to
Reynolds, which they did, in as much haste as possible, as they were
expecting momentary trouble from those Indians. They accordingly drew up
the following petition and sent it by one of the most respectable of
their citizens, who in person laid it before the Governor:

                                           “Farnhamburg, May 19th, 1831.

  “To his Excellency, the Governor of the State of Illinois:

  “We, the undersigned, citizens of Rock River and its vicinity, having
  previously sent a petition to your honor, praying your protection
  against these Sac Indians, who were at that time doing every kind of
  mischief, as was set forth and represented to your honor; but feeling
  ourselves more aggrieved, and our situation more precarious, we have
  been compelled to make our distress known to you by sending one of our
  neighbors, who is well acquainted with our situation. If we do not get
  relief speedily, we must leave our habitations to these savages, and
  seek safety for our families by taking them down into the lower
  counties and suffer our houses and fences to be destroyed, as one of
  the principal war chiefs has threatened, if we do not abandon our
  settlement, his warriors should burn our houses over our heads. They
  were, at the time we sent our other petition, destroying our crops of
  wheat, and are still pasturing their horses in our fields, burning our
  fences, and have thrown the roof off one house. They shot arrows at
  our cattle, killed our hogs, and every mischief.

  “We have tried every argument to the agent for relief, but he tells us
  they are a lawless band, and he has nothing to do with them until
  further orders, leaving us still in suspense, as the Indians say, if
  we plant we shall not reap, a proof of which we had last fall; they
  almost entirely destroyed all our crops of corn, potatoes, etc.
  Believing we shall receive protection from your excellency, we shall
  go on with our farms until the return of the bearer; and ever remain
  your humble supplicants, etc.,”

Which petition was signed by nearly the same citizens as the first.
Benjamin F. Pike, the bearer of the above petition, and also Hiram
Sanders and Ammyson Chapman, made oath to the truth of the allegations
contained in it, as follows:

  “State of Illinois, St. Clair County.

  “Present, Benjamin F. Pike, before me, a Justice of the Peace in and
  for the said county, and made oath and deposed, that he has resided in
  the vicinity of Rock River, in the State of Illinois, for almost three
  years last past; that he is well acquainted with the band of the Sac
  Indians whose chief is the Black Hawk, and who have resided and do now
  reside near the mouth of Rock River, in this State; that he
  understands so much of the said Indian language, as to converse with
  the said Indians intelligibly; that he is well satisfied that said
  Indians, to the amount of about three hundred warriors, are extremely
  unfriendly to the white people; that said Indians are determined, if
  not prevented by force, to drive off the white people, who have some
  of them purchased land of the United States, near said Indians, and
  said Indians to remain the sole occupiers of the said country.

  “That said Indians do not only make threats to this effect, but have,
  in various instances, done much damage to said white inhabitants, by
  throwing down their fences, destroying the fall grain, pulling off the
  roofs of houses, and positively asserting that if the whites do not go
  away, they would kill them; that there are about forty inhabitants and
  heads of families in the vicinity of said Indians, who are immediately
  affected by said band of Indians; that said Pike is certain that said
  forty heads of families, if not protected, will be compelled to leave
  their habitations and homes from the actual injury that said Indians
  will commit on said inhabitants. That said band of Indians consists,
  as above stated, of about three hundred warriors, and that the whole
  band is actuated by the same hostile feelings towards the white
  inhabitants; and that, if not prevented by an armed force of men, will
  commit murders on said white inhabitants. That said Indians have said,
  that they would fight for their country where they reside, and would
  not permit the white people to occupy it at all. That said white
  inhabitants are desirous to be protected, and that immediately, so
  that they may raise crops this spring and summer.

                                                      “BENJAMIN F. PIKE.

  “Sworn and subscribed before me, this 26th May, 1831.

                                                  “JOHN H. DENNIS, J.P.”

  “The deposition of Hiram Sanders and Ammyson Chapman, taken before
  Stephen Dewey, Esq., a Justice of the Peace for Fulton County.

  “State of Illinois, Fulton County.

  “Personally appeared before me, Stephen Dewey, an acting Justice of
  the Peace in and for said county of Fulton, and State of Illinois,
  Hiram Sanders, and Ammyson Chapman, of the aforesaid county and State,
  and made oath that some time in the month of April last, they went to
  the old Indian Sac town, about thirty miles up Rock River, for the
  purpose of farming and establishing a ferry across said river, and the
  Indians ordered us to move away, and not to come there again and we
  remained there a few hours.

  “They then sent for their chief, and he informed us that we might
  depart peaceably, and if we did not that he would make us go.

  “He therefore ordered the Indians to throw our furniture out of the
  house; they accordingly did so, and threatened to kill us if we did
  not depart. We therefore discovered that our lives were in danger, and
  consequently moved back again to the above county.

  “We supposed them to be principally Winnebagoes.

                                                            “H. SANDERS,
                                                            “A. CHAPMAN.

  “Sworn and subscribed this 11th. day of May, 1831.

                                                    “STEPHEN DEWEY,

There were several other petitions sent to the Governor from Henderson
River and elsewhere; likewise a number of depositions were taken, the
substance of which will be found in General Gaines’ report to the
Secretary of War.

For almost twenty-seven years, much over an average Indian’s lifetime,
the Government had faithfully observed its compact of 1804 to allow the
Sacs and Foxes the privilege of remaining on the ceded lands until
surveyed and thrown upon the market. With each new treaty acknowledging
that one, additional annuities had been granted them, until the annual
distribution amounted to $27,000.00: “The Sacs and Foxes are already
drawing an annuity of twenty-seven thousand dollars for thirty years to
come, in cash, and by the present treaty that amount will be enlarged to
thirty-seven thousand dollars per annum.”[69] The last named treaty,
mentioned by Catlin, brought these Indians seventy-five cents per acre
for their lands. Yet Black Hawk, regardless of the obligation of his
lawful superiors and his own, under those repeated treaties and
payments, lingered and quibbled and quarreled, thinking, no doubt, by
this time that he could not or would not be removed at all.

The little band of whites, unable to contend successfully against the
overwhelming numbers of Indians and their exasperating thefts and
annoyances, applied to the agent and got no relief and, as it seemed to
the settlers, almost no thought. The United States authorities,
particularly Governor Clark, Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St.
Louis, were the ones to furnish protection, _vi et armis_ or otherwise.
Governor Reynolds was very unwilling at first to send the militia to the
scene without invitation from those army officers; therefore, when he
received the first petition, instead of replying at once to it, he
applied to the Indian agents at Rock Island and to General Gaines.
Failing of receiving any consideration, the second message from the
citizens, who thought he had ignored them, compelled the “Old Ranger,”
as the Governor was called, to take the initiative by calling out the
militia to the number of 700, which he did on May 26th, with
instructions to rendezvous at Beardstown June 10, 1831.[70] On the day
of issuing that call, he wrote Governor Clark a letter, calculated to
leave no room for doubt as to the course he should pursue and the manner
of his treatment of the Indians if they did not move.

                                            “Belleville, 26th May, 1831.

  “Sir:–In order to protect the citizens of this State, who reside near
  Rock River, from Indian invasion and depredations, I have considered
  it necessary to call out a force of militia of this State of about
  seven hundred strong, to remove a band of the Sac Indians who are now
  about Rock Island. The object of the government of the State is to
  protect those citizens, by removing said Indians, peaceably, if they
  can, but forcibly if they must. Those Indians are now, and so I have
  considered them, in a state of actual invasion of the State.

  “As you act as the public agent of the United States in relation to
  those Indians, I considered it my duty to inform you of the above call
  on the militia, and that in or about fifteen days a sufficient force
  will appear before said Indians to remove them, dead or alive, over to
  the west side of the Mississippi; but to save all this disagreeable
  business, perhaps a request from you to them, for them to remove to
  the west side of the river, would effect the object of procuring peace
  to the citizens of the State. There is no disposition on the part of
  the people of this State to injure those unfortunate and deluded
  savages if they will let us alone; but a government that does not
  protect its citizens deserves not the name of a government. Please
  correspond with me to this place on this subject.

                         “Your obedient servant,

                                                         “JOHN REYNOLDS.

  “GEN. CLARK, Supt., etc.”

Reynolds’ letter hastened the following reply, which clearly indicated
that much had really been done by Governor Clark to remove the Indians:

                                 “Superintendency of Indian Affairs,

                                               “St. Louis, May 28, 1831.

  “Sir:–I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
  the 26th inst., informing me of your having considered it necessary to
  call out a force of militia of about seven hundred for the protection
  of the citizens of Illinois who reside near Rock Island from Indian
  invasion and for the purpose of removing a band of Sac Indians who are
  now about Rock Island, etc.

  “You intimate that to prevent the necessity of employing this force,
  perhaps a request from me to those Indians to remove to the west side
  of the Mississippi would effect the object of procuring peace to the
  citizens of your State. In answer to which, I would beg leave to
  observe, that every effort on my part has been made to effect the
  removal of all those tribes who had ceded their lands. For the purpose
  of affording you a view (in part) of what has been done in this
  matter, I enclose you herewith extracts from the reports of the agents
  for the Sacs and Foxes, by which it will be seen that every means,
  short of actual force, has been employed to effect their removal.

  “I have communicated the contents of your letter to Gen. Gaines, who
  commands the western division of the army, and who has full power to
  act and execute any military movement deemed necessary for the
  protection of the frontier. I shall also furnish him with such
  information regarding the Sacs and Foxes as I am possessed of, and
  would beg leave to refer you to him for any further proceedings in
  relation to this subject. I have the honor to be, with great respect,

                         “Your obedient servant,

                                                             “WM. CLARK.

  “His Excellency, JOHN REYNOLDS, Governor of Illinois.”

The fact that Governor Reynolds did not immediately hear from General
Gaines or the Indian agents led him into the mistaken belief that they
were entirely inactive and unsympathetic as to the fate of the settlers.
The contrary is the truth, as the following letters, mentioned in the
foregoing, from Agent St. Vrain, a most courteous and conscientious man,
will disclose. This same good man was subsequently butchered in a most
shocking manner by the Indians:[71]

                                             “Rock Island, May 15, 1831.

  “Respected Sir:–I have again to mention to you that the Black Hawk (a
  Sac chief) and his party are now at their old village on Rock River.
  They have commenced planting corn and say they will keep possession. I
  have been informed that they have pulled down a house and some fences,
  which they have burned. They have also turned their horses in wheat
  fields and say they will destroy the wheat, so that the white people
  shall not remain among them.

  “This is what I expected from their manner of acting last fall, and
  which I mentioned to you in my letter of the 8th October last. I would
  not be at a loss were it not for the 7th article of the treaty with
  the Sacs and Foxes of 3d November, 1804.

  ”I respectfully ask, would it not be better to hold a treaty with
  those Indians and get them to remove peaceably, than to call on the
  military to force them off? None of this band has as yet called on me
  for information. A few have been at my agency to have work done at the
  smith’s shops. I have the honor to be,

                         “Your obedient servant,

                                         “FELIX ST. VRAIN, Indian Agent.

  “GEN. WILLIAM CLARK, Supt. Ind. of St. Louis.”

                                               “St. Louis, May 28, 1831.

  “Respected Sir:–Since my last of the 15th inst. on the subject of the
  band of Sac Indians, etc., the Indian village on Rock River near Rock
  Island, I have heard from the Indians and some of the whites, that a
  house had been unroofed instead of pulled down and burned and that the
  fence had caught fire by accident. As regards the destroying of the
  wheat, etc., the Indians say that a white man hauled some timber
  through a field and left the fence down, by which means their horses
  got into the field. This, however, has been contradicted by the white
  inhabitants of that place. They say that the Indians are constantly
  troubling them by letting their horses into their fields and killing
  their hogs, etc., etc. This, however, I am confident is occasioned in
  a great measure by whisky being given to the Indians in exchange for
  their guns, traps, etc.

  “I had a talk with the principal chief and braves of that band of
  Indians. I spoke to the Black Thunder, who is the principal of that
  band. The Black Hawk is only a brave, but has considerable influence
  with them. I told them that they had sold those lands to the
  government of the United States, and that they ought to remove to
  their own lands. They then said that they had only sold the lands
  south of the river. I then produced the treaties and explained to them
  that they had relinquished their right as far as the Ouisconsin.
  Quash-quam-me (the jumping fish) then said that he had only consented
  to the limits being Rock River; but that a Fox chief agreed (as he
  understands, afterwards) for the Ouisconsin; that he (Quash-quam-me)
  had been deceived, and that he did not intend it to be so. I had
  considerable talk with them on this subject, and could discover
  nothing hostile in their disposition, unless their decided conviction
  of their right to the place could be construed as such. I have been
  informed that a white man and his family had gone to an Indian village
  on the borders of Rock River, about forty miles from Rock Island, for
  the purpose of establishing a ferry, and that the Indians at that
  place had driven them away, at the same time saying to them that they
  would not hurt them, but they should not live there. This village is
  occupied by a mixture of Winnebago, Sac and Fox bands and headed by
  the Prophet, a chief. I have the honor to be

                         “Your obedient servant,

                                         “FELIX ST. VRAIN, Indian Agent.

  “GEN. WILLIAM CLARK, Supt. Indian Affairs, St. Louis.”

That General Clark was more active than credited by Reynolds will also
be learned from the ensuing letter, which he at once dispatched to
General Gaines:

                                 “Superintendency of Indian Affairs,
                                           “St. Louis, May 28, 1831.

  “Sir:–I have the honor to inclose to you a copy of a letter of 26th
  inst. just received from the Governor of Illinois, by which you will
  perceive he has thought it necessary to call out a force of about 700
  militia for the protection of the citizens of that State, who reside
  near Rock River, and for the purpose of removing a band of Sacs which
  he states are now about Rock Island.

  “As the commanding General of this division of the army, I have
  thought it my duty to communicate to you the above information; and
  for the purpose of putting you in possession of the views of the
  Government in relation to this subject, as well as to inform, you of
  the means which have been heretofore employed for the removal of the
  Sacs now complained of, I enclose to you herewith copies of my
  correspondence with the War Department and with the agent for those
  tribes, also extracts from such of their reports as had immediate
  relation to the subject.[72]

  “The Sacs and Foxes have been counseled with on the subject of their
  removal from the lands which they had ceded to the United States. The
  prospect of collisions with the white settlers who were then
  purchasing those lands, and the interminable difficulties in which
  they would be involved thereby were pointed out, and had the effect of
  convincing a large majority of both tribes of the impropriety of
  remaining at their old villages. They, therefore, acquiesced in the
  justice of the claim of the United States and expressed their
  willingness to comply with my request to remove to their new village
  on Ioway river, west of the Mississippi, all but parts of two bands
  headed by two inconsiderable chiefs, who, after abandoning their old
  village, have, it appears, returned again, in defiance of all

  “Those bands are distinguished and known by the name of ‘The British
  Party,’ having been for many years in the habit of making annual
  visits at Malden in Upper Canada for the purpose of receiving their
  presents, and it is believed to be owing in a great measure to the
  counsels they have there received, that so little influence has been
  acquired over them by the United States agents.

  “In justice to Keokuk, Wapello, The Stabbing Chief, and, indeed, all
  the other real chiefs and principal men of both tribes, it should be
  observed that they have constantly and zealously co-operated with the
  Government agents in furtherance of its views, and in their endeavors
  to effect the removal of all their property from the ceded lands.

  “Any information in my possession which you may deem necessary in
  relation to this subject will be promptly afforded. With high respect,
  I have the Honor to be

                       “Your most obedient servant,

                                                         “WILLIAM CLARK.

  “MAJOR-GEN. EDMUND P. GAINES, Commanding Western Department, U.S.A”

  “P.S. The agent for the Sacs and Foxes (Mr. St. Vrain) has received
  his instructions and will perform any service you may require of him
  with the Sacs and Foxes.”

Reynolds must have received General Clark’s letter on the date of
writing, since he concurrently addressed General Gaines as follows:

                                              “Belleville, May 28, 1831.


  “Sir:–I have received undoubted information that the section of this
  State near Rock Island is actually invaded by a hostile band of the
  Sac Indians, headed by Black Hawk; and in order to repel said
  invasion, and to protect the citizens of the State I have, under the
  provisions of the Constitution of the United States and the laws of
  this State, called on the militia, to the number of seven hundred men,
  who will be mounted and ready for service in a very short time. I
  consider it my duty to lay before you the above information, so as
  you, commanding the military forces of the United States in this part
  of the Union, may adopt such measures in regard to said Indians as you
  deem right.

  “The above-mentioned mounted volunteers (because such they will be)
  will be in readiness immediately to move against said Indians, and, as
  Executive of the State of Illinois, I respectfully solicit your
  co-operation in this business. Please honor me with an answer to this

  “With sincere respect for your character,

                      “I am, your obedient servant,

                                                        “JOHN REYNOLDS.”

To which rather tart epistle General Gaines replied instanter:

                                 “H.Q. Western Department, May 29, 1831.

  “His Excellency, GOVERNOR REYNOLDS.

  “Sir:–I do myself the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter
  of yesterday’s date, advising me of your having received undoubted
  information that the section of the frontier of your State near Rock
  Island is invaded by a hostile band of Sac Indians, headed by a chief
  called Black Hawk. That in order to repel said invasion, and to
  protect the citizens of the State, you have called on the militia to
  the number of seven hundred militiamen, to be in readiness immediately
  to move against the Indians, and you solicit my co-operation.

  “In reply, it is my duty to state to you, that I have ordered six
  companies of the regular troops stationed at Jefferson Barracks to
  embark to-morrow morning and repair forthwith to the spot occupied by
  the hostile Sacs. To this detachment I shall, if necessary, add four
  companies. With this force I am satisfied that I shall be able to
  repel the invasion and give security to the frontier inhabitants of
  the State. But should the hostile band be sustained by the residue of
  the Sac, Fox and other Indians, to an extent requiring an augmentation
  of my force, I will, in that event, communicate with your Excellency
  by express, and avail myself of the co-operation which you propose.
  But, under existing circumstances, and the present aspect of our
  Indian relations on the Rock Island section of the frontier, I do not
  deem it necessary or proper to require militia, or any other
  description of force, other than that of the regular army at this
  place and Prairie du Chien.

  “I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

                         “Your obedient servant,

                                                      “EDMUND P. GAINES,
                                     “Major-Gen. by Brevet, Commanding.”

Dignifying Black Hawk’s return with the term invasion was a misnomer, at
least an exaggeration, on the part of Reynolds, but Gaines promptly set
out for Fort Armstrong, where he quickly absorbed the situation and
communicated it to Reynolds.

                               “Headquarters, Rock Island, June 5, 1831.

  “JOHN REYNOLDS, Governor of Illinois.

  “Sir:–I do myself the honor to report to your Excellency the result of
  my conference with the chiefs and braves of the band of Sac Indians
  settled within the limits of your State near this place.

  “I called their attention to the facts reported to me of their
  disorderly conduct towards the white inhabitants near them. They
  disavow any intention of hostility, but at the same time adhere with
  stubborn pertinacity to their purpose of remaining on the Rock River
  land in question.

  “I notified them of my determination to move them peaceably if
  possible, but at all events to move them to their own side of the
  Mississippi River, pointing out to them the apparent impossibility of
  their living on lands purchased by the whites without constant
  disturbance. They contended that this part of their country had never
  been sold by them. I explained to them the different treaties of 1804,
  ’16 and ’25, and concluded with a positive assurance that they must
  move off, and that I must as soon as they are ready assist them with

  “I have this morning learned that they have invited the Prophet’s band
  of Winnebagoes on Rock River, with some Pottawattomies and Kickapoos,
  to join them. If I find this to be true, I shall gladly avail myself
  of my present visit to see them well punished; and, therefore, I deem
  it to be the only safe measure now to be taken to request of your
  Excellency the battalion of mounted men which you did me the honor to
  say would co-operate with me. They will find at this post a supply of
  rations for the men, with some corn for their horses, together with a
  supply of powder and lead.

  “I have deemed it expedient under all the circumstances of the case to
  invite the frontier inhabitants to bring their families to this post
  until the difference is over.

               “I have the honor to be, with great respect,

                                          “Your obedient servant,

                                                      “EDMUND P. GAINES,
                                     “Major-Gen. by Brevet, Commanding.”

  “P.S. Since writing the foregoing remarks, I have learned that the
  Winnebagoes and Pottawattomie Indians have actually been invited by
  the Sacs to join them. But the former evince no disposition to comply;
  and it is supposed by Colonel Gratiot, the agent, that none will join
  the Sacs, except, perhaps, some few of the Kickapoos.


The situation had developed such symptoms, to the mind of General Clark,
that, after writing Governor Reynolds and urging Gaines forward, he made
the following report to the Secretary of War:

                                     “Superintendency of Indian Affairs,

  “St. Louis, May 30, 1831.

  “Sir:–On the 28th inst. I had the honor of receiving a letter from the
  Governor of Illinois dated the 26th, informing me of the measures
  which he had considered it necessary to pursue for the protection of
  the citizens of his State from Indian invasion and for the purpose of
  removing a band of Sacs then about Rock Island. A copy of his letter
  and my answer is herewith enclosed.

  “Deeming the information received from the Governor of Illinois
  important, I immediately communicated it to General Gaines, who
  happened to be in this place at the time; and shortly after was called
  upon by Governor Reynolds himself, to whom I gave such information
  respecting the Sacs complained of as had come to my knowledge, and
  also furnished him with such of the reports of the agent for those
  tribes as had relation to the subject. To the commanding General I
  furnished similar information; and also for the purpose of possessing
  him of the views of the Government on that subject, I gave him copies
  of such of my correspondence with the War Department as had any
  relation thereto.

  “I also enclose to you copies of two reports of the agent for the Sacs
  and Foxes of the 15th and 28th inst. By the first it will be seen that
  the band complained of is determined to keep possession of their old
  village;[73] and it is probable from a knowledge of the disposition
  evinced in the matter by the Sacs and for the purpose of dispossessing
  them, that the commanding General has thought proper to make a display
  in that quarter of a part of the force under his command, six
  companies of which are now leaving this place for Rock River. The
  expedition (be the result what it may) cannot fail of producing good
  effects, even should the Indians be disposed to move peaceably to
  their own lands; and if not, their opposition should, in my opinion,
  be put down at once.

  “I have the honor to be, with high respect,

                       “Your most obedient servant,

                                                         “WILLIAM CLARK.

  “THE HON. JOHN H. EATON, Secretary of War.”

                                            “Rock Island, June 12, 1831.

  “Sir:–I have the honor to report to you that, agreeably to my
  intimation to you, I visited the village of Sac Indians near this
  place yesterday for the purpose of persuading off the Winnebago
  Prophet and some young men of his band whom I knew had previously been
  there, and, I believe, with an intention to support the Sac Indians. I
  found that the Prophet had just left there for his village, which is
  within my agency upon Rock River, and although he had previously
  promised that he would return home and remain there, I have reason to
  believe that his object is to get as many of his band and of the other
  bands of the Winnebagoes (who reside at Rock River, within my agency)
  as he can, for the purpose of joining the Sacs and of supporting them
  in their present pretensions.

  “I have recently been at some of the principal villages of Winnebagoes
  within my agency, and have ascertained from unquestionable authority
  that, although they had been invited to join the Sacs, they had
  refused to do so. I think it will be prudent for me to follow the
  Prophet, to prevent him from influencing any of the Indians up the
  river to join him. Should I, however, find that any of the warriors
  have left before my arrival amongst them, I will (if you think it
  best) return immediately to this place, bringing with me three or four
  influential chiefs who can be relied on and who will, with my
  assistance, I think, be able to control them.

  “In my opinion there are at least 400 warriors at the Sac village
  which I visited yesterday, apparently determined to defend themselves
  in their present position. On the receipt of your letter of the 4th
  instant, I immediately hastened to this place with a view to give you
  the most satisfactory information upon the subject of it and tender my
  services in any way you may think useful.

                        “I am, respectfully yours,

                                         “HENRY GRATIOT, Sub-Agent, etc.



Footnote 54:

  Annals of the West, Perkins & Peck Edition, pp. 713, 795.

Footnote 55:

  U.S. Stat., p. 223, and comment in above Annals, p. 796.

Footnote 56:

  U.S. Stat., p. 229.

Footnote 57:

  U.S. Stat., p. 272.

Footnote 58:

  Vol. 5, Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 130, _et seq._

Footnote 59:

  P. 143, above.

Footnote 60:

  Vol. 5, Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 144.

Footnote 61:

  Vol. 5, Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 147.

Footnote 62:

  Annals of the West, pp. 796-7; Brown’s Hist. of Illinois, p. 357.

Footnote 63:

  December 24, 1811; January 11, 1812, and December 10, 1814.

Footnote 64:

  Peck’s Gazeteer for 1825. The land was surveyed in 1815 and 1816.

  By letter of the Surveyor-General, August 10, 1815, we are informed
  that lands were selected in Southern Michigan, Northern Ohio, the
  military tract in Illinois and in Missouri, but by reason of Indian
  hostility the first two selections could not be surveyed that
  year.–Niles Reg., Vol. 9, p. 15.

Footnote 65:

  Annals of the West, p. 797. In 1828 the President issued his
  proclamation opening this land, which had been previously surveyed,
  and the following year was occupied, and later sold.

Footnote 66:

  In 1828 some few lingered, but by May all but Black Hawk’s band and
  Quash-qua-me remained.

Footnote 67:

  The planting of the corn in 1829 by the squaws was done to feed those
  who had gone to the Iowa River and were there preparing new fields,
  which could not then be used.

Footnote 68:

  Wakefield, Appendix, Note 1, pp. 107-116.

Footnote 69:


Footnote 70:

  “My Own Times,” p. 328.

Footnote 71:

  See page 170, post.

Footnote 72:

  Forsythe’s letter of 1829, _ante_, was one of them.

Footnote 73:

  See letter Col. Henry Gratiot, next following.


                             CHAPTER XIII.

      BURNED–TREATY OF 1831.

Once awakened, General Gaines lost no time in bringing about a
convention with the Indians, to avoid, if possible the trouble of a
demonstration, but Black Hawk was fired with hatred and unprepared to
accept any terms whatsoever. A council or talk was had in the council
chamber at Fort Armstrong, which Black Hawk and his British sympathizers
attended in numbers, and all fully armed. General Gaines opened the
council by stating that the great father at Washington desired only what
was right, and closed by insisting that the Indians should remove
peaceably. Black Hawk replied that the Sacs had never sold their lands
and were determined not to give up their village. General Gaines then
asked: “Who is Black Hawk? Is he a chief? By what right does he appear
in council?” To these questions Black Hawk that day made no reply, but
on the following morning he was again in his seat. When the council
opened he arose and, addressing General Gaines, said: “My father, you
inquired yesterday, ‘Who is Black Hawk? Why does he sit among the
chiefs?’ I will tell you who I am. I am a Sac; I am a warrior, and so
was my father. Ask those young men who have followed me to battle, and
they will tell you who Black Hawk is; provoke our people to war and you
will learn who Black Hawk is.”[74] It is further recorded of this
meeting that in the heat of passion Black Hawk called General Gaines a
liar and made demonstrations to kill him, which were only averted by the
coolness of Gaines in parrying his threats by words of calmness. In this
delicate affair Antoine LeClaire, the interpreter, was a powerful factor
in smothering the threatened disturbance. The situation has been briefly
set out in fortieth of Niles Register, page 310, as follows:

                                 “Encampment, Rock Island, June 8th.

  “We yesterday had a talk with the Indians, and from their
  determination not to leave the white settlements, and from their
  numbers, we shall have pretty serious work; that is, we shall have no
  play. They came into the council house yesterday with their spears,
  hatchets and bows strung. I have no doubt, from the extreme agitation
  of the interpreter, that there was more danger than most were aware
  of, as our troops were near a quarter of a mile off and they were
  about ten for one of us.”

[Illustration: GEN. EDMUND P. GAINES.]

[Illustration: GOV. JOHN REYNOLDS.]

[Illustration: MR. FRANCIS ARENZ.]

[Illustration: COL. SAMUEL C. CHRISTY.]


If any proof of hostility had been theretofore wanting, that
demonstration supplied it and determined General Gaines to act heartily
in conjunction with Governor Reynolds, and hastily as well.

Men left their plows, and, with little or no preparation, hastened to
Beardstown, where twice the number of volunteers asked assembled. In
bringing this expedition about, with as little hardship as possible,
Governor Reynolds summoned none south of St. Clair or east of Sangamon

None brought provisions and many failed to bring firearms, as requested
in the call, but through the unusual resourcefulness of Colonels Enoch
C. March and Samuel C. Christy, who were appointed quartermasters,
supplies were quickly and abundantly provided, and by the good fortune
of finding with Mr. Francis Arenz, a merchant of Beardstown, a
consignment of brass guns, designed for the South American trade, but
not so used, arms for all were provided. Governor Reynolds seemed
determined not to conform to the punctilio of bureau fighting.

To organize the army, Governor Reynolds appointed as his aids James D.
Henry and Milton K. Alexander. The task was difficult, but it was done
satisfactorily. It must be remembered that the men were unaccustomed to
subordination; many aspiring politicians whose appeals could not be
ignored clamored for recognition; many more troops than were needed
appeared, and to turn any number back might have jeopardized the success
of the expedition, yet all conditions were met and harmoniously

Joseph Duncan of the state militia, afterward Governor, was appointed
Brigadier General, to assume immediate command of the brigade,[75] and
William Thomas was appointed Brigade Quartermaster; William G. Brown,
Paymaster General, and A. Atkins, Isom M. Gillham and Enoch B. Wethers,
aids to General Duncan. E.D. Taylor was his Adjutant and J.J. Hardin
Inspector General on his staff.

The brigade was divided into two regiments, a minor odd battalion and a
spy battalion. The First Regiment was composed of seven companies,
commanded by Captains Adam Smith, William F. Elkin, Achilles Morris,
Thomas Carlin,[76] John Lorton, Samuel C. Pierce or Pearce and Samuel
Smith, the staff officers being James D. Henry,[77] Colonel; Jacob Fry,
Lieutenant-Colonel; John T. Stuart, Major; Thomas Collins, Adjutant;
Edward Jones, Quartermaster; Thomas M. Neale, Paymaster.

The Second Regiment was composed of seven companies, commanded by
Captains H. Mathews, John Haines, George Bristow, William Gillham, Hiram
Kincaid, Alexander Wells and William Weatherford; the staff officers, so
far as known, being: Daniel Lieb, Colonel; Nathaniel Butler, Major, and
W. Jordan, Quartermaster.

The odd battalion was composed of three companies, commanded by Captains
William Moore, John Loraine and Solomon Miller, with the staff made up
of Nathaniel Buckmaster, Major; James Semple, Adjutant; David Wright,
Quartermaster; Joseph Gillespie, Paymaster; Charles Higbee, Surgeon, and
John Krupp, Armorer. Richard Roman was Surgeon’s Mate; John H.
Blackwell, Quartermaster Sergeant.

The spy battalion, first mentioned, was composed of four companies,
commanded by Captains Erastus Wheeler, William B. Whiteside, William
Miller and Solomon Preuitt, with the staff officers as follows: Samuel
Whiteside, Major; Samuel F. Kendle, Adjutant; John S. Greathouse,
Quartermaster, and P.H. Winchester, Paymaster;[78] John F. Gillham,

Thus organized, the little army left camp near Rushville for Fort
Armstrong, June 15,[80] 1831, about 1,600 strong, reaching a point on
the Mississippi about eight miles south of Black Hawk’s village, called
Rockport, after a pleasant and prosperous march of four days. E.C.
Berry, Adjutant-General of the State, accompanied the army, which was
met at Rockport by General Gaines, who had brought on a steamboat loaded
with provisions, secured by the General Quartermasters March and
Christy, and here Major John Bliss, First U.S. Infantry, mustered it
into the United States service.

At that point the army encamped for one night, where a plan of operation
was concerted. The following morning the army moved forward with an old
regular soldier for a guide, the steamboat at the same time starting,
with General Gaines, up the river[81] for Vandruff’s Island, where it
was expected the Indians would concentrate, opposite their village, to
pick off the soldiers as they approached. It was planned that the
volunteers should cross the slough to this island, rout the enemy and
ford the main river to the village, where the regular troops were to
meet them from Fort Armstrong. The island was covered with bushes and
vines, so thick as to render them impenetrable to the sight at a
distance of twenty feet. General Gaines ran his steamboat up to the
south point of the island and fired several rounds of grape and canister
into the bushes to test the presence of the enemy. The spy battalion
formed in line of battle and swept the island until it was ascertained
that the ground rose so high and so suddenly that General Gaines’ shot
could have taken no effect one hundred yards from shore. The main body
of volunteers, in three columns, came following, but before they could
reach the northern border of the island the troops became so
indiscriminately mixed, officers and men together, that no man was able
to distinguish his own company or regiment. Gaines had ordered the
artillery of the regulars to be stationed on a high bluff which looked
down on the contemplated battlefield half a mile distant, from which,
had the expected battle ensued, more friends than foes had been killed,
many times over.

[Illustration: BRIG. GEN. JOSEPH DUNCAN.]

[Illustration: GOV. THOMAS FORD.]

[Illustration: GOV. THOMAS CARLIN.]

[Illustration: MAJ. JOHN T. STUART.]


[Illustration: CAPT. W.F. ELKIN.]

[Illustration: COL. WILLIAM THOMAS.]

[Illustration: COL. J.J. HARDIN.]

[Illustration: COL. JACOB FRY.]


When the army finally reached the main body of the stream it was found
bold and deep, fordable at no place nearer than half a mile and with no
means of transportation convenient to carry the troops across. There,
within sight of the enemy’s village, they were compelled to waste much
time in idleness until scows could be brought to ferry them over.

After unusual effort the volunteers reached the village, only to find it
abandoned, the Indians having quietly withdrawn to the west side of the
Mississippi that morning. A most abortive and humiliating campaign!

Whilst in camp down the river the previous evening a canoe filled with
friendly Indians, bearing a white flag, called upon General Gaines to
inform him of their neutrality, and ascertain a place of safety to which
they might remove from the dangers of the anticipated battle of the
morrow. Had Gaines desired to pursue a tactful course and punish the
Indians, he might have learned definitely the position of the enemy and
planned a successful campaign, but he gruffly told them to be gone, and
that night they returned to the village, where preparations were
immediately made to abandon it, as they did the following morning.

Governor Ford, who was a private of Whiteside’s battalion in this
expedition, has been especially severe with Gaines in his narration of
the lack of preparation and the frightful confusion which ensued,
together with the peril in which the troops found themselves by Gaines’
disposition of the cannon on the heights above. It always is easy to
plan an enterprise after it has been concluded and all its details
fathomed by experience; much easier than before, with its uncertainties
and possible failure. The Indians left; no blood was shed; no accidents
happened to man or beast, and so long as the wish became a fact, though
somewhat ingloriously done, there should be no cause for such
acrimonious comments as Ford saw fit to record.

The enemy having escaped, the volunteers were determined to leave behind
them a record of their displeasure. The rain descended in torrents, and
though shelter might have been found for many in the frail houses, the
Indian village was put to the torch and soon consumed with flames.

The volunteers then marched for Fort Armstrong the following morning and
encamped several days on the left bank of the Mississippi, where the
city of Rock Island now stands. The island, Rock Island, was then a most
romantic bit of nature. To this landscape Governor Ford in his narrative
did ample justice: “It was then in a complete state of nature–a romantic
wilderness. Fort Armstrong was built upon a rocky cliff on the lower
part of an Island near the center of the river. * * The shores on each
side, formed of gentle slopes of prairie, extending back to bluffs of
considerable height, made it one of the most picturesque scenes in the
western country. The river here is a beautiful sheet of clear,
swift-running water, about three-quarters of a mile wide; its banks on
both sides were uninhabited, except by the Indians, from the lower
rapids to the fort, and the voyagers upstream, after several days’
solitary progress through a wilderness country on its borders, came
suddenly in sight of the white-washed walls and towers of the fort,
perched upon a rock, surrounded by the grandeur and beauty of nature,
which, at a distance, gave it the appearance of one of those enchanted
castles in an uninhabited desert, so well described in the Arabian
Nights Entertainment.”[82] Reynolds, in his “My Own Times,” page 338,
mentions a supposition that Gaines purposely retained the troops in camp
at Rockport over night to allow the Indians to escape, and that he and
Duncan knew of their flight when the brigade moved upon the village. If
he did, then his arrangement of the contemplated battle was justified.
But whether he knew of the departure or not, his measures for pursuit
were prompt, vigorous and effective, and Black Hawk realized the fact.
When demanded to return for a “peace talk,” some of the Indians appeared
at the fort without Black Hawk. Immediately Gaines sent word down to the
camp, twelve miles below, that unless the remaining warriors came in at
once and sued for peace he would chastise them. Very soon these
recalcitrants, five or six hundred in number, appeared upon the river,
picturesquely dotting it with their canoes for the whole distance.

[Illustration: Z.H. VERNOR.]

[Illustration: JAMES SEMPLE.]

[Illustration: JOSEPH GILLESPIE.]



[Illustration: CAPT. ERASTUS WHEELER.]

[Illustration: CAPT. SOLOMON PREUITT.]

[Illustration: MAJ. JOHN BLISS.]



On the 30th of June, 1831, in full council, Black Hawk and twenty-seven
chiefs and warriors signed a treaty with Governor Reynolds and General
Gaines, which was faithfully interpreted, word by word, by Antoine
LeClaire, and is as follows:

  thirtieth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-one,
  between E.P. Gaines, Major-General of the United States Army, on the
  part of the United States; John Reynolds, Governor of Illinois, on the
  part of the State of Illinois; and the chiefs and braves of the band
  of Sac Indians, usually called the ‘British Band of Rock River,’ with
  their old allies of the Pottawatomie, Winnebago and Kickapoo nations:

  “WITNESSETH: That, Whereas, the said British Band of Sac Indians have,
  in violation of the several treaties entered into between the United
  States and the Sac and Fox nations in the years 1804, 1816 and 1825,
  continued to remain upon and to cultivate the lands on Rock River,
  ceded to the United States by the said treaties, after the said lands
  had been sold by the United States to individual citizens of Illinois,
  and other states. And, Whereas, the said British Band of Sac Indians,
  in order to sustain their pretensions to continue upon the said Rock
  River lands, have assumed the attitude of actual hostility towards the
  United States, and have had the audacity to drive citizens of the
  State of Illinois from their homes, to destroy their corn, and to
  invite many of their old friends of the Pottawatomies, Winnebagoes and
  Kickapoos to unite with them (the said British Band of Sacs) in war,
  to prevent their removal from said lands: And, Whereas, many of the
  most disorderly of these several tribes of Indians did actually join
  the said British Band of Sac Indians, prepared for war against the
  United States, and more particularly against the State of Illinois,
  from which purpose they confess that nothing could have restrained
  them but the appearance of force far exceeding the combined strength
  of the said British Band of Sac Indians, with such of their aforesaid
  allies as had actually joined them; but being now convinced that such
  a war would tend speedily to annihilate them, they have voluntarily
  abandoned their hostile attitude and sued for peace.

  “First–Peace is therefore given to them upon the following conditions,
  to which the said British Band of Sac Indians, with their aforesaid
  allies, do agree; and for the faithful execution of which the
  undersigned chiefs and braves of the said band, and their allies,
  mutually bind themselves, their heirs and assigns forever.

  “Second–The British Band of Sac Indians are required peaceably to
  submit to the authority of the friendly chiefs and braves of the
  United Sac and Fox nations, and at all times hereafter to reside and
  hunt with them upon their own lands west of the Mississippi River, and
  to be obedient to their laws and treaties; and no one or more of the
  said band shall ever be permitted to recross this river to the place
  of their usual residence, nor to any part of their old hunting grounds
  east of the Mississippi, without the express permission of the
  President of the United States or the Governor of the State of

  “Third–The United States will guarantee to the united Sac and Fox
  nations, including the said British Band of Sac Indians, the integrity
  of all the lands claimed by them westward of the Mississippi River
  pursuant to the treaties of the years 1825 and 1830.

  “Fourth–The United States require the united Sac and Fox nation,
  including the aforesaid British Band, to abandon all communication,
  and cease to hold any intercourse with any British post, garrison, or
  town; and never again to admit among them any agent or trader who
  shall not have derived his authority to hold commercial or other
  intercourse with them by license, from the President of the United
  States or his authorized agent.

  “Fifth–The United States demand an acknowledgment of their right to
  establish military posts and roads within the limits of the said
  country guaranteed by the third article of this agreement and
  capitulation, for the protection of the frontier inhabitants.

  “Sixth–It is further agreed by the United States, that the principal
  friendly chiefs and head-men of the Sacs and Foxes bind themselves to
  enforce, as far as may be in their power, the strict observance of
  each and every article of this agreement and capitulation; and at any
  time they may find themselves unable to restrain their allies, the
  Pottawatomies, Kickapoos, or Winnebagoes, to give immediate
  information thereof to the nearest military post.

  “Seventh–And it is finally agreed by the contracting parties, that
  henceforth permanent peace and friendship be established between the
  United States and the aforesaid band of Indians.

  “In Witness Whereof, we have set our hands, the date above mentioned.

                                                      “EDMUND P. GAINES,
                                   “Major-General by Brevet, Commanding.
                                                         “JOHN REYNOLDS,
                                    “Governor of the State of Illinois.”


 Pash-e-pa-ho              Stabbing Chief            his X mark

 Washut                    Sturgeon Head             his X mark

 Cha-kee-pax-he-pa-ho      Little Stabbing Chief     his X mark

 Chick-a-ka-la-ko          Turtle Shell              his X mark

 Pem-e-see                 the one that flies        his X mark

                WARRIORS AND BRAVES.

 Ma-ca-la-mich-i-ca-tak    the Black Hawk            his X mark

 Men-a-con                 the Seed                  his X mark

 Ka-ke-ka-mah              all Fish                  his X mark

 Nee-peek                  Water                     his X mark

 A-sam-e-saw               the one that flies too    his X mark

 Pan-see-na-nee            Paunceman                 his X mark

 Wa-wap-o-la-sa            White Walker              his X mark

 Wa-pa-qunt                White Hare                his X mark

 Ke-o-sa-tah               Walker                    his X mark

                     FOX CHIEFS.

 Wa-pa-la                  the Prince                his X mark

 Kee-tee-see               the Eagle                 his X mark

 Pa-we-sheek               one that sifts through    his X mark

 Na-mee                    one that has gone         his X mark


 Al-lo-tah                 Morgan                    his X mark

 Ka-ka-kew                 the Crow                  his X mark

 She-she-qua-nas           Little Gourd              his X mark

 Koe-ko-skee                                         his X mark

 Ta-ko-na                  the Prisoner              his X mark

 Na-kis-ka-wa              the one that meets        his X mark

 Pa-ma-ke-tah              the one that stands about his X mark

 To-po-kia                 the Night                 his X mark

 Mo-lan-sat                the one that has his hair his X mark
                           pulled out

 Ka-ke-me-ka-peo           sitting in the grease     his X mark


    Joseph M. Street, U.S. Indian Agent at Prairie du Chien.
    W. Morgan, Colonel 1st Infantry.
    J. Bliss, Brevet Major 1st Infantry.
    Geo. A. M’Call, aid-de-camp to Maj.-Gen. Gaines.
    Sam’l Whiteside.
    Felix St. Vrain, Indian Agent.
    John S. Greathouse.
    M.K. Alexander.
    A.S. West.
    Antoine LeClaire, Interpreter.
    Jos. Danforth.
    Dan S. Witter.
    Benj. F. Pike.[83]

During the progress of this treaty the women and children remained
encamped on the west bank of the river, reduced by the improvidence of
the men to the extremity of starvation. In many cases they had nothing
to cover their nakedness, presenting a spectacle so appealing to Gaines
and Reynolds that the former took from the general store of provisions
and delivered to Black Hawk and his band a quantity sufficient to tide
them over until another crop should have been gathered. Black Hawk
accepted them and went his way with many protestations of satisfaction.

Black Hawk in his book has stated that at this time he was perfectly
willing to remove to the west bank of the river for a cash consideration
of $10,000 to himself, and thus abandon his village and the graves of
his fathers. Rather a sordid ultimatum for a patriot!

The regular troops reached Jefferson Barracks on their return, July 6th,
and the volunteers, in riding to their various counties, required a
little more time. The latter, who had hoped to end the controversies
with Black Hawk in an open fight, were loud in their protests when they
discovered that instead of bullets the Indians were to receive
provisions, calling the expedition a corn war and other names of
ridicule, but the sober judge of all the circumstances will render his
opinion in favor of the justness of Gaines’ and Reynolds’ actions.


Footnote 74:

  Fulton’s “Red Men of Iowa,” p. 194; Davidson & Stuvé Hist. Ill., p.

Footnote 75:

  Reynolds’ “My Own Times,” p. 334.

Footnote 76:

  Subsequently Governor of Illinois.

Footnote 77:

  On the election of Henry to be colonel, John Dement was made aide to

Footnote 78:


Footnote 79:

  The name of George F. Kennedy has at times been confused with that of
  Samuel F. Kendle.

Footnote 80:

  40 Niles, 341, says June 19.

Footnote 81:

  Ford, 112.

Footnote 82:

  Ford, 115.

Footnote 83:

  Ex. Doc. B, 1st Sess. 22d Congress, p. 187.



                              CHAPTER XIV.


The Sioux and Sacs and Foxes had been enemies for generations. Predatory
excursions by each nation into the other’s country had decimated the
ranks of both, until the Government found it necessary to interfere and
demand a treaty of peace between them. Accordingly, on the 19 of August,
1825, William Clark and Lewis Cass, as commissioners on behalf of the
United States, met representatives from the Chippewas, Sacs and Foxes,
Sioux, Menominees, Winnebagoes, Iowas and portions of the Ottawas and
Pottowattomies at Prairie du Chien, where the first step toward a
general peace was taken by making a treaty wherein it was finally agreed
(Article 2) that the United States should run a boundary line between
the Sioux on the north and the Sacs and Foxes on the south, as follows:
Commencing at the mouth of Upper Iowa River, on the west bank of the
Mississippi, and ascending said Iowa River to its left fork; thence up
the fork to its source; thence crossing the fork of Red Cedar River in a
direct line to the second or upper fork of the Des Moines River; thence
in a direct line to the lower fork of the Calumet (Big Sioux) River, and
down that river to its junction with the Missouri River.[84]

Article 1 provided for a perpetual peace between the Sioux and Chippewas
and confederated tribes of Sacs and Foxes and between the Iowas and

Article 7 determined the boundaries of the Winnebago country in Illinois
and Wisconsin, most of which, including the lead mines, the Sacs and
Foxes had claimed and ceded by the treaty of 1804, and which fact, when
considered, brings the consideration for the lands actually acquired
within reason.

Article 9 defined the boundaries of the territory of the Ottawas,
Chippewas and Pottowattomies, none of which the Sacs and Foxes ever
owned, though they conveyed it by the treaty of 1804.


[Illustration: GEN. JOSEPH M. STREET.]

[Illustration: GEN. LEWIS CASS.]



This treaty of 1825, recognizing the right of the United States to
sundry other lands theretofore ceded by the Sacs and Foxes, over which
they had some shadow of authority, drew the line immediately north of
the Black Hawk village,[85] and this fact may have caused the impression
by some of the Indians, designedly or otherwise, that the treaty of 1804
contained the same stipulation.

By Article 10 “all the tribes aforesaid acknowledge the general
controlling power of the United States, and disclaim all dependence upon
and connection with any other power.”

Evidently the pact relating to peace between the Sioux and Sacs and
Foxes had been avoided or disputed by one or both the subscribing
parties, for on July 15th, 1830, at Prairie du Chien, it became
necessary to call another council and make another treaty whereby the
Sacs and Foxes ceded to the United States a strip of country twenty
miles in width, lying south of the line established by the treaty of
August 19, 1825, and extending along on the south side of said line from
the Mississippi to the Des Moines. In the same treaty the Sioux ceded to
the United States a like strip twenty miles wide, extending along the
north side of said line from the Mississippi to the Des Moines. This
forty-mile strip was known as the “Neutral Ground,” into which the
tribes on either side of the line were allowed to enter and hunt and
fish unmolested.

Unmindful of these treaties, however, we find a war party of Sacs and
Foxes, in 1831, near the headwaters of Blue Earth River, pouncing upon
some unoffending Sioux and murdering two of them in cold blood,[86] as
will be seen by the following:

                                             “Indian Agency, St. Peters,

  “August 8, 1831.

  “General:–What I have always feared and what has been predicted by me,
  in the most decided form, has recently taken place. The Sac or Fox
  Indians, about forty, invaded the Sioux territory on or about the 25th
  of last month (July). These were _mounted men_, who penetrated the
  country as far as Cintajah, or the Grey Tail, near the headwaters of
  the Terre Blue River, which is a tributary of the St. Peter’s, and
  contiguous to this post. _There is no mistake; the Sac Indians have
  killed_ two of the most respectable men of the Wahpakoota Sioux, at
  the time and place above stated, and this, too, at least _sixty miles
  from the ceded territory_, as concluded upon at the treaty of July,
  1830, at Prairie du Chien. The Wahpakootas ask for immediate redress,
  and I beg leave to assure you that the sooner their _just_
  expectations in this important matter be met, the better for _me_ and
  for this country. I mean after what was promised by the Government,
  through the commissioners, at the treaty of 1830, in presence of the
  assembled tribes. The Sacs lost one man in their attack upon the
  Sioux, who were in sight of their encampment at the time.

  “I have written to Col. Morgan, or officer commanding the troops at
  Prairie du Chien, a copy of which letter is herewith enclosed. I have
  not gone much into detail, as the matter in question does not admit of
  delay. The _traders_ must lose $20,000 worth of credits already given
  for the country in possession of the Wahpakootas, if the present
  difficulty be not very speedily adjusted. I have the honor to be, with
  the highest respect, sir, your obedient servant,

                                                       “LAW. TALIAFERRO,
                                              “Indian Agent, St. Peters.

  “Superintendent of Indian Affairs.”

                            “Indian Agency, St. Peters, August 12, 1831.

  “General:–I declined sending off my express on the 8th inst.,
  understanding that one of the Wahpakoota chiefs would be here in a day
  or two. Tah-sau-gah-now, the principal chief, reached this place last
  night, and confirms the statement made to you on the 8th as to the
  attack of the Sac Indians upon his people. He desires me to say to
  you, that in a few days you may expect to hear of a number more of his
  people losing their scalps, as there was considerable firing heard in
  the direction of the camp of the second chief, from whom he had
  separated but the day previous. The Sacs scalped the two Sioux, after
  which their bodies, together with the Sac killed in the conflict, were
  buried by the Wahpakootas. The chief wishes me to state further to
  you, that it is his intention, at my earnest request, to remain quiet
  until the first of October, when, if the Government settles the
  difficulty as declared at the treaty of Prairie du Chien, his people
  will be satisfied; otherwise, they will, with all their force, carry
  the war into the Sac country to protect themselves. He also states
  that he has a heart, and it is hard for him to see his people shot
  down like the buffalo on the lands acknowledged by all nations to
  belong to them. I have the honor to be, with high respect, sir, your
  obedient servant,

                                                       “LAW. TALIAFERRO,
                                              “Indian Agent, St. Peters.

  “Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis.”

Notwithstanding the promise to wait, this unprovoked attack aroused
other bands of the Sioux, who lost no time avenging the act in the
following manner: A band of the Foxes living near the Dubuque mines had
made an engagement to meet the agent at Prairie du Chien. Learning of
this contemplated visit, one John Marsh informed the Sioux of the time
and place thereof. Between midnight and the morning of the day fixed for
the approach of the Foxes, a band of Sioux, which had been joined by a
few young Menominees, passed down the river some twelve or fifteen miles
below Prairie du Chien, where a thick growth of bushes afforded ample
opportunity for an ambush. The channel there was narrow, with less
current than a broader, and was the one always selected by Indians for
voyaging upon the river. Kettle, the Fox chief, was leading his party up
the channel in person, when, passing the point of bushes there, the
Sioux and Menominees opened fire, killing Kettle and several of his
followers. The frightened Foxes fled to their Dubuque village, while the
Sioux and Menominees returned home to dance over the event.

No action was taken against them by the authorities, for the reason,
perhaps, that the act was retaliatory, _lex talionis_ being the law of
the Indian, treaty or no treaty.[87]

Black Hawk, after his fiasco of 1831, had retired to the west side of
the Mississippi. He had agreed to remain tranquil; his people had been
provided with enough to maintain a provident band through the ensuing
winter, but no sooner had the soldiers dispersed than he began fomenting
trouble, and trying, as he had tried in 1831, to form a confederacy to
fight the whites. War parties of various sizes were soon on foot to stir
up trouble with those Indians then known to be on good terms with the
whites, as will be set forth in the correspondence which I have seen fit
to copy in full rather than make extracts.

                                 “Cantonment Leavenworth, July 29, 1831.

  “Sir:–Last night two young men of the Ioway tribe arrived at this post
  on express for the purpose of informing me that about 120 Sacs from
  the Mississippi, in three different war parties, were on the way up
  the Mississippi in search of the Ottoes, Omahas or Sioux. I
  immediately sent off a runner to apprise all the Indians above this,
  and put them on their guard. One of these parties passed the Ioway
  village, proceeded on, and crossed the Missouri at the Black Snake
  Hills, and are now on this side somewhere above this place. Four men
  of this last party turned back from the Ioway village and bore off
  with them two horses belonging to one of our citizens in Clay county.
  I understand the whites have pursued them.

  “On the 21st instant, 32 Sacs from Rock River passed this point on
  their way to the Osage towns. They were accompanied by two Osages, one
  of whom called himself the son of Clament. I think it highly probable
  that these Rock River Sacs will give us much trouble in this quarter.
  I have the honor, etc.,

                                                        “JOHN DOUGHERTY,
                                                          “Indian Agent.

  Supt. Indian Affairs.”

On July 30th, 1831, a band of Menominees, having business with the agent
at Prairie du Chien, was assembled on an island almost under the guns of
the fort. Menominees loved whisky, and these Indians drank themselves
socially full, carrying their revels far into the night, when further
drinking put them entirely _hors de combat_. About two hours before
daylight of the 31st a war party of Sacs and Foxes, which had been
watching the debauch, fell upon the helpless Menominees, killed
twenty-five of them outright and wounded others. A few, less confused by
liquor, roused themselves and pursued the Sacs and Foxes a short
distance without doing more damage than wounding a few. The women,
fearing possible harm to each other, had hidden all the firearms to be
found, thus leaving the Menominees doubly insecure.

The Sacs and Foxes fled direct to Black Hawk’s camp, and about that
individual secreted themselves beyond discovery.

Those Menominees, while lovers of whisky, were pronounced by Hon. James
H. Lockwood, who was present at Prairie du Chien at the time, and who
was intimately acquainted with Menominee character, to be, with
surprisingly few exceptions, a quiet, peaceable race, Tomah, the then
acting chief, occupying in Menominee annals a high character for ability
and exemplary enterprises.

                                    “United States Indian Agency,
                                    At Prairie du Chien, August 1, 1831.

  “Sir:–One year had scarcely elapsed after the sealing of the treaty of
  1830 at this place, before one of the parties has broken its solemn
  engagements, and dyed the scene of the ratification in the blood of
  those Indians whom they took by the hand in the presence of their
  great father’s commissioners.

  “Two or three hours before day, on the morning of the 31st July, a
  party consisting of 80 or 100 Sacs and Foxes surprised a Menominee
  camp, three or four hundred paces above old Fort Crawford, on the east
  side of the Mississippi, and killed twenty-five of the latter, and
  wounded many who may probably recover. There were about thirty or
  forty Menominees, men, women and children, in the camp, most of whom
  were drunk, and the women had hidden their guns and knives, to prevent
  their hurting each other. The Sacs and Foxes, though so greatly
  superior in numbers, and attacking by surprise a drunken and unarmed
  encampment, lost several men who were seen to fall in the onset, and
  retreated in less than ten minutes, with only a few scalps, pursued by
  four or five Menominees, who fired on them until they were half a mile
  below the village. I received information, and was on the ground in an
  hour and a half after the murders were committed. The butchery was
  horrid, and the view can only be imagined by those acquainted with
  savage warfare.

  “At seven o’clock a.m., I addressed the letter marked ‘A’ to the
  officer commanding at Fort Crawford, giving him the first intimation
  of the massacre, and received in answer his letter of this date,
  marked ‘B’. Lieut. Lamotte, stationed on the west bank of the
  Mississippi, two miles below Prairie du Chien, saw the Indians pass up
  about 9 o’clock p.m. the night the murders were committed and again
  saw them descend with great rapidity at daylight the next morning.

  An express was dispatched by the commanding officer here to Rock
  Island at two o’clock on the day of the murders; but no other steps to
  arrest these daring violators of the provisions of the treaty of July,
  1830, have, as I believe, been taken.

  “To-day, the remaining Menominees asked to speak to me, and I met them
  accordingly. They complain of the violation of the treaty, and say
  they have fallen victims to their confidence in the security that was
  promised them under the sanctions of a treaty made in the presence of
  their fathers, Gen. Clark and Col. Morgan. That Col. Morgan promised
  them a free and secure path to this place, and that if they were
  struck, he would march an army of his warriors into the country of
  those who struck them with their warriors, and take man for man of
  their enemies. They say they have lost many of their bravest men. ‘One
  of our chiefs has lost all his family; his wife and his children and
  his brother were all murdered, and he is left alone. He is not here;
  he is in his lodge mourning.’ They added, ‘Take pity on our women and
  our orphan children, and give us something to console us, and we will
  wait a while to see if our great father, whom you tell us is strong,
  will help us to punish those Sacs and Foxes, who shake hands and smoke
  the pipe of peace to-day, and to-morrow break it and kill those they
  smoked with.’ Under existing circumstances, I deemed it prudent and
  humane to give them a few things and to provide some necessaries for
  their destitute children, the amount of which I will forward by mail.
  I also promised to lay the affair before their great father, the
  President, and ask him to have justice done for them agreeably to
  their treaty, if they would go into their country and remain quiet.
  They have promised to do so a short time, yet I learn from other
  sources that runners have been dispatched to Green Bay and among the

  “The Menominees also complain that they were promised that if they
  would be quiet, their great father would see justice done between them
  and the Chippeways. That nothing is done, nor are their dead covered.
  They remarked, ‘Shall we remain quiet on the faith of our great father
  until we are all killed? When will our great father answer us?’

  “They inform me that a white man (a discharged soldier from St.
  Peters) had killed a Menominee a few days past. On inquiry I learned
  that the white man had a fight with two Indians, and in the fight he
  struck the Indian on the head with a stick and fractured his skull,
  and he died the day after. There is no white person who can testify
  anything about it, and the white man has gone off, I know not where.

  “I have received no answer to my letters respecting the murder of the
  Menominees by the Chippeways, and am unable to satisfy them on that
  subject. I now hope that on the present representation of facts, the
  Government will feel the necessity of a prompt interference, to save
  this fort from a general rupture.

  “The pacification of July, 1830, has been violated under the guns of
  Fort Crawford, and if some immediate course is not taken to chastise
  those violators of that solemn arrangement, the influence of the
  officers of the United States will be destroyed and the power of the
  Government disregarded by the Indians.

                        “Respectfully, etc., etc.,

                                          “JOS. M. STREET, Indian Agent.

  “GEN. WILLIAM CLARK, Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis.”

                                “U.S. Indian Agency at Prairie du Chien,
                                July 31, 1831, 7 o’clock A.M.

  “Sir:–After a personal inspection of the scene of massacre, I hasten
  to inform you that last night the Sacs and Foxes struck the
  Menominees, encamped on the east side of the Mississippi, about three
  or four hundred paces above old Fort Crawford, and killed
  twenty-four[88] of the latter, butchering them in a most shocking

  “The Sacs and Foxes came up and left their canoes just above the old
  fort and completely surprised the Menominees, who, under the sanction
  of the peace of 1830 at this place, and their vicinity to the fort,
  were unsuspicious of danger.

  “The attack was made about two hours before daylight, and the
  assailants were gone before light.

  “So daring a violation of the treaty of July, 1830, made at this
  village, and within cannon shot of the fort, evinces a spirit little
  in accordance with its humane and pacific object.

  “I am also this moment informed that runners will be immediately
  dispatched by the Menominees to Green Bay and to the Sioux.

  “I shall be at Judge Lockwood’s during the day.

                        “Respectfully yours, etc.,

                                   “JOSEPH M. STREET, U.S. Indian Agent.

  “To CAPT. G. LOOMIS; Commanding Fort Crawford.”

                                     “Superintendency of Indian Affairs,
                                             “St. Louis, Sept. 12, 1831.

  “Sir:–I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
  the 26th ult. on the subject of the late violation of the treaty of
  Prairie du Chien by the Fox Indians; and have, in accordance with your
  instructions, given the necessary directions to the agent at Rock
  Island to convene the chiefs of the Fox tribes, etc., at that place,
  to meet, if possible, on the 26th inst. Col. Morgan will, agreeably to
  the directions of Gen. Atkinson, be present at the council and will
  make the necessary demand of a surrender of the principal men
  connected with the outrage complained of; and I have reason to believe
  that if the requirements of the act of intercourse of 1802, as well as
  the stipulations of the treaty of 1825, shall be strictly complied
  with, it will be owing to the prompt and decisive measures pursued by
  the department. The result of this council shall be promptly

  “I take the liberty of enclosing to you herewith two letters from
  Major Taliaferro, of the 8th and 12th August, and one from Gen.
  Street, received by the last mail, charging the Sacs with another
  violation of the treaty of 1825. The facts, however, in relation to
  this last affair have been differently stated by the Sacs, who were
  the first (it appears) to commence them. They say that the affair took
  place on their own land, on the waters of the Ioway River; that a
  party of the Sioux, in a buffalo chase, fired upon some of their
  people and killed a Sac, and that the rest of their people coming up,
  pursued the Sioux, and killed two of them.[89] I have the honor to be,
  with high respect, Your most obedient servant,

                                                             “WM. CLARK.

  “The HON. LEWIS CASS, Secretary of War.”

                                             “Rock Island Indian Agency,
                                                  “September 10, 1831. \

  “Respected Sir:–I have been informed, and it is currently reported,
  that two Sioux and three Sac Indians met in a prairie, within the
  limits of the Sac and Fox lands; that one of the Sacs went up towards
  the Sioux with the intention of shaking hands with them; but the Sioux
  refused and threw off their blankets and breech cloths, evidently
  showing an unfriendly disposition towards the Sacs; the Sac still
  continued approaching them until they shot him dead. The other two
  Sacs, who had been concealed from the view of the Sioux, pursued them
  until they killed both the Sioux. This is the report of the Sac

  “I, in concert with Major Bliss, called a council of the principal
  chiefs of the Sac and Fox Indians for the purpose of demanding the
  leaders of the band which were concerned in the massacre at Prairie du
  Chien. The result is as contained in the enclosed journal, which was
  kept for the purpose. The Indians remained at this place about four
  days; they got credit from their traders and departed with the
  intention of making an immediate move to their hunting grounds. I
  presume that you have heard of the death of Morgan, the Fox brave. One
  of his followers, after hearing of the circumstance, said that it was
  useless for him to live any longer, now that Morgan was no more. He
  took his rifle and went out and shot himself.

  “Since writing the above, Captain Low told me that the Menominees were
  preparing to march against the Sacs and Foxes, and that they would
  listen to no one, but were determined to take revenge. Should I get
  any further information on the subject, I will immediately inform you
  of it. I have the honor to be

                          Your obedient servant,

                                       “FELIX ST. VRAIN, Indian Agent. \

    “Superintendent Indian Affairs, St. Louis.”


  “At about 12 o’clock the council was opened by the commanding officer,
  as follows:

  “‘Chiefs and Warriors of the Sacs and Foxes: By the treaty of Prairie
  du Chien, made at the request of the President of the United States
  with the Sioux, Menominees and other Indian tribes, you solemnly
  promised and agreed that there should be peace between you and those
  tribes. You also agreed that if either tribe should attack either of
  the other tribes, that the persons of those who should be concerned in
  the outrage should be delivered up to the officers of the United
  States. About four or five nights since a war party of Foxes and some
  Sacs, led on by Pash-qua-mee, attacked a peaceable party of Menominees
  near Fort Crawford and killed 26 men, women and children. Wrong has
  been done and the treaty of Prairie du Chien has been violated.

  “‘It becomes our duty, therefore, as officers of the United States, to
  demand that you, the chiefs and warriors of the Sac and Fox Indians,
  deliver and surrender to us Pash-qua-mee and all the principal Indians
  of the Sacs and Foxes who were engaged in this late massacre of the
  Menominees near Fort Crawford, and we do demand them. We wait for your
  answer. We hope it may be such as to convince the President, the Great
  Council and the citizens of the United States that the Sacs and Foxes
  are not liars; that they always speak truth and perform as they

  “After a short delay, Tiornay (the Strawberry), a Fox chief, replied:
  ‘My Father: I have heard you and the commanding officer. We were all
  at the treaty at Prairie du Chien. We have the talk in our minds. All
  the chiefs you see here have told the young men left behind all that
  was said at that time. It is because you do not know our manners that
  you think ill of this. When we hear of a war party going out, we do
  all in our power to stop it. You have heard what I say. We did not
  tell them to go to war.

  “‘My Father and Commanding Officer: How can we stop our men, when your
  white men cannot stop the whites from committing crimes? Both of our
  cases are hard; our young men will not do what we wish, and yours act
  in the same way. This is all I have to say.’

  “Kottekennekak, the Bald Eagle, a Fox brave, then said: ‘My Father:
  Though we were all at Prairie du Chien, how can we stop our young men?
  They go off while we are asleep and we know nothing of it. It was not
  by our consent that the young men struck the Menominees at Prairie du
  Chien. We have done all we could; but the young men will not listen to

  “Quash-quah-ing, the Jumping Fish, a British chief: ‘My Father and my
  Friends: All the chiefs are dead and the young men have told me to
  speak for them. You tell the truth about the treaty at Prairie du
  Chien, but the Menominees struck us first and we struck back. The
  chiefs have said, “Do not let us strike first.” What do you expect us
  to do? We only do what our old chiefs have told us. The chiefs that
  have spoken told the truth; but what can we do when our young men will
  not listen?’

  “Keokuk, he that has been everywhere, a Sac brave:

  “‘You tell the truth about the treaty at Prairie du Chien. I was there
  myself; but you tell a little more. After the treaty was concluded at
  Prairie du Chien, I and four chiefs went to General Clark and Colonel
  Morgan and said to them, “What will you do with those that strike
  first?” They told us that the principal men should be delivered. This
  is what I mean when I say “a little more.” It was then discovered and
  explained that the word “principal” had not been interpreted.

  “‘My old man (pointing to Quash-quah-ing) did not understand. After
  the affair of last year we went to General Clark and Colonel Morgan
  and, notwithstanding the attack of the Menominees, they made all good
  and even. But now, if what they did and what we have now done was put
  in scales, it would balance. I expect it is because our names are Sacs
  and Foxes that you make a noise about it. When we do the least thing,
  you make a great noise about it. Last winter I went to the Missouri.
  There an Ioway killed an Omaha. Why was he not hung? They were at the
  treaty. The reason I say so much against you is because our hearts are
  good. Our chiefs were killed with the pipe of peace and the wampum in
  their hands. This is all I have to say. As for my chiefs and braves,
  they will do as they please. I have said all that I have to say; but
  why do you not let us fight? Your whites are constantly fighting. They
  are now fighting way east. Why do you not interfere with them? Why do
  you not let us be as the Great Spirit made us, and let us settle our

As this speech of Keokuk’s was received by the Indians with applause for
its ingenuity, the commanding officer thought it proper to add that such
treaties as were made at Prairie du Chien were frequently made between
the white nations at the east and enforced.

That it was not because they were Sacs that the present demand was made,
but because it was not wished that the Sacs would become liars. That as
it regarded the Omahas, whenever they demanded redress for the murder
from the United States, it would then be time to interfere. That the
affair did not concern the Sacs.

James H. Lockwood, Vol. 2, p. 170, and John H. Fonda, Vol. 5, p. 256, in
writing of these events from memory for the Wisconsin Historical
Collections, fixed upon the year 1830 for the murders of the Sioux and
Kettle’s Foxes, Fonda including the Menominee affair in the same year.
A.R. Fulton, in his “Red Men of Iowa,” inferentially used the same year
for the three events; all agreed that the three followed in _rapid_
succession. Lockwood has made so many glaring errors in other parts of
his narrative that it is easy to believe that he was wrong in placing
any of them in 1830. The three affairs did occur with unusual
propinquity of succession, but in 1831, as the contemporaneous reports
herein given have shown, and which must be believed against memory. L.C.
Draper, usually accurate, fell into Lockwood’s mistake in his note to
Fonda’s letter, by not taking time to investigate.


Footnote 84:

  Peters’ U.S. Stat. at Large, Vol. vii. p. 272.

Footnote 85:

  See same in map of “Military Tract.”

Footnote 86:

  Vol. 2, Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 170.

Footnote 87:

  Keokuk, as will be seen later, said the matter was “made all good and
  even,” but no record of the transaction is to be found.

Footnote 88:


Footnote 89:

  Untrue in every respect. Every Sac who attempted an explanation had a
  widely different version.

Footnote 90:

  Substantially different from the other version and painfully unreal.



                              CHAPTER XV.


With these contentious spirits, Black Hawk, restless Black Hawk,
employed his genius, sending out runners to all points of the compass,
some going as far as the Gulf of Mexico, to rally round him the
confederacy which Tecumseh attempted, but who, with his transcendent
genius for organization and war, failed, and so did Black Hawk, much
more ingloriously, though assured by his runners of an irresistible
force to join him the moment he rose to strike the whites. He had in
1831 sent his lieutenant, Ne-a-pope,[91] to the British in Canada to
solicit aid. That Indian, inauspiciously returning through the village
of Wa-bo-ki-e-shiek, the cross-bred Winnebago prophet, who lived at his
village on the left bank of Rock River forty miles from its mouth, told
the latter vicious meddler of the object of the Canadian trip. The
unscrupulous prophet, delighted at the possibility of making trouble for
the whites, performed for Ne-a-pope numerous incantations, received a
few visions, and made a prophecy that if Black Hawk would take up the
hatchet once more against the whites he would be joined by the Great
Spirit and a great army of worldlings, and in no time at all he would
vanquish the whites and be restored to his ancient village. It is more
than probable that this hocuspocus had great influence with Black Hawk,
which, added to Ne-a-pope’s falsehoods, determined Black Hawk to open
another campaign against the whites without delay. To begin with, his
followers had wantonly wasted their provisions, and even before winter
had set in he had inaugurated nightly raids upon the storehouses of the
whites, stealing the grain and vegetables there stored with a devilish
glee. These raids continued with exasperating frequency and regularity
all winter and spring. He even brought himself to believe that he could
easily create dissension among the followers of Keokuk and overthrow his
power entirely.

Emissaries from the camp of Black Hawk had been busy in Keokuk’s village
on the Iowa River,[92] and, by insidious industry, murmurs began arising
upon all sides. Seizing this supreme moment, while Keokuk’s reputation,
influence and life, perhaps, were quivering in the balance, Black Hawk
threw off the mask and defiantly marched with his entire force to
Keokuk’s village to dispute the supremacy of Keokuk, steal away his
warriors and wage war upon the whites.

There at the village all was bustle and confusion. The rifle was loaded
and the knife and the hatchet strapped about the warriors’ loins. They
had importuned Keokuk to lead them to battle, and so subtle had been the
work of Black Hawk’s men that those importunities could not be ignored.
The torrent of a mighty and heedless anger raged and carried
conservatism, treaties, sentiment and every motive before it. Menaced
now by Black Hawk, who had so recently solemnly promised to behave
himself for all time, every frontier family stood in danger of the
tomahawk. Had the united Sacs and Foxes levied war against the whites,
the wavering tribes from Illinois north might have joined them and
devastated the country and desolated every hearth.

Black Hawk harangued the Indians with all his energy, firing them to a
pitch of excitement he had not expected and compelling Keokuk then and
there to promise to lead them to war; but in promising he, like Antony,
was permitted to make a speech–and like Antony’s it swayed the
mob–against Black Hawk.

“Kill your old men and squaws and children,” cried he, “for never will
you live to see them more,”[93] and haste was urged in doing it. An
electric wave from the skies never could have stricken those howling
beasts of the moment before as did that condition precedent. “You have
been imposed upon by liars,” he shouted, and when he had finished
speaking, he stood, a conqueror, in a silence inspired by awe, and Black
Hawk and his band moved sullenly down the river to war upon the whites
once too often.

It has been said, and no doubt truly, that one Josiah Smart,[94] the
representative of George Davenport, was present to learn of Black Hawk’s
success and was so secreted as to overhear every word of those memorable
proceedings, and for their truth he has vouched.

On April 1, 1832, Gen. Henry Atkinson, then in command at Jefferson
Barracks, received an order dated March 17th, announcing the
determination of the Government to interfere and demand from the Sacs
and Foxes at least eight or ten of the principal murderers of the
Menominees. In obedience to that order, General Atkinson started on
April 8th for the upper Mississippi with six companies of the Sixth
Infantry (220 men) and the following officers of the expedition, in the
steamboats Enterprise and Chieftain:

  Brig.-Gen. Henry Atkinson, Commanding.
  Brev. Maj. Bennet Riley, Commanding 6th Regiment.
  Capt. Zalmon C. Palmer, 6th Regiment.
  Capt. Henry Smith, 6th Regiment.
  Capt. Thomas Noel, 6th Regiment.
  Capt. Jason Rogers, 6th Regiment.
  Capt. George C. Hutter, 6th Regiment.
  First Lieut. Asa Richardson, 6th Regiment.
  First Lieut. J. Van Swearengen, 6th Regiment.
  Second Lieut. Albert Sidney Johnston, 6th Regiment, Asst. to Adjt.
  Second Lieut. Joseph D. Searight, 6th Regiment.
  Second Lieut. Nathaniel J. Eaton, 6th Regiment, Acting Commissary of
  Brevet Second Lieut. T.L. Alexander, 6th Regiment, Adjutant of
  Brevet Second Lieut. Thomas J. Royster, 6th Regiment.
  J.S. Van Derveer, 6th Regiment.
  J.S. Williams, 6th Regiment.
  Second Lieut. W. Wheelwright, 1st Artillery, Ordnance Officer.
  Will Carr Lane, Surgeon.
  Maj. Thomas Wright, Paymaster.

On April 10th the expedition arrived at the rapids of the Des Moines
about 2 P.M., where General Atkinson was informed that Black Hawk on the
6th had crossed to the east bank of the Mississippi, near the mouth of
the lower Iowa, with 400 or 500 horsemen, beside others to portage
canoes, making a total force able to bear arms of over 500 men, the
whole band, men, women and children, amounting, as then estimated, to
about 2,000 souls,[95] and going, as Black Hawk has told in his book,
“to make corn.”


Footnote 91:

  Pronounced Naw-pope.

Footnote 92:

  Fulton’s Red Men, 233.

Footnote 93:

  Almost identical with the speech of Cornstalk at Chillicothe, just
  after the battle of Point Pleasant.

Footnote 94:


Footnote 95:

  Life of A.S. Johnston, p. 33.



                              CHAPTER XVI.


What the intentions of General Atkinson might have been, above his
actual instructions, when leaving St. Louis, are entirely conjectural.
The same may be said with reference to the 10th, but when he arrived at
Fort Armstrong, during the night of the 12th, they are plainly evident.

On the 13th, at 10 A.M., he called a council, at which Keokuk and his
head men, some seventy in number, including Wapello, attended, and there
he demanded the surrender of ten of the principal men concerned in the
murders. Keokuk replied that he was unable to deliver them up because
some had joined the Prophet’s band at his village, toward which Black
Hawk was then rapidly marching along the left bank of Rock River, and
the others were with Black Hawk.

When first the demand was made the Indians retired to the plain close by
to consult. On determining on the foregoing statements among other
things, Keokuk returned and finished his talk as follows: “You wish us
to keep at peace and have nothing to do with the Rock River Indians. We
will do so. In token of our intentions, you see we have laid our spears
there together. While you are gone to Prairie du Chien we will endeavor
to speak to Black Hawk’s band and try to persuade them to go back. If we
do not succeed, I can do no more; then we will go home and try to keep
our village at peace. The one who has raised all this trouble is a
Winnebago called the Prophet.” Wapello spoke to the same effect.

As it was evident that Keokuk, by reason of his continued acts of
friendship, might lose much of his influence if too much were exacted of
him, all demands, including hostages, which were first asked, were
waived and the council adjourned to the 19th of April.

General Atkinson immediately started up the river for Fort Crawford,
where he secured all the reinforcements which could be spared from that
garrison; at the same time he sent messengers to Fort Winnebago and the
lead mines district to admonish the settlers to place themselves in a
state of defense.


[Illustration: GEN. HENRY ATKINSON.]


[Illustration: CAPT. HENRY SMITH, U.S.A.]


[Illustration: LIEUT. N.J. EATON, U.S.A.]

[Illustration: LIEUT. M.L. CLARK, U.S.A.]


Lieut.-Col. Zachary Taylor, with two companies of the First Infantry,
returned with Atkinson to Fort Armstrong, which was reached on the 19th.
Immediately after the conclusion of the council on the 13th, General
Atkinson dispatched a letter to Governor Reynolds, who had not been
idle, asking the latter for the assistance again of his militia, to
drive Black Hawk and his band from the State once more. Promptly on the
16th, the Governor responded with a call for an indefinite number of
men, accompanied by this appeal:



  “Your country requires your services. The Indians have assumed a
  hostile attitude and have invaded the State in violation of the treaty
  of last summer.

  “The British band of Sacs and other hostile Indians, headed by Black
  Hawk, are in possession of the Rock River country, to the great terror
  of the frontier inhabitants. I consider the settlers on the frontiers
  to be in imminent danger.

  “I am in possession of the above information from gentlemen of
  respectable standing, and also from General Atkinson, whose character
  stands high with all classes.

  “In possession of the above facts and information, I have hesitated
  not as to the course I should pursue. No citizen ought to remain
  inactive when his country is invaded and the helpless part of the
  community are in danger. I have called out a strong detachment of
  militia to rendezvous at Beardstown on the 22d inst.

  “Provisions for the men and food for the horses will be furnished in

  “I hope my countrymen will realize my expectations and offer their
  services as heretofore, with promptitude and cheerfulness in defense
  of their country.”

Meantime, to protect the frontier, he on the same day called for a
battalion of 200 militia under Major Isaiah Stillman of Fulton County,
to patrol the country to the north and westward. On the 20th Judge
Richard M. Young, Col. James M. Strode and Benjamin Mills wrote from
Dixon’s Ferry to the Governor, urging haste in protecting the
settlements along that part of Kellogg’s trail between Peoria and
Dixon’s Ferry, and at once another battalion of 200 men, under Major
David Bailey of Tazewell County, was called out for the purpose, and
both battalions quickly responded.

On the 19th, General Atkinson met the friendly Sacs and Foxes, who in
the meantime had brought in three young men engaged in the Menominee
murders. Wapello, who delivered them up, said: “There are the young men
who have taken pity on the women and children. There are three of them.
These are my chiefs. These are the men who went into the braves’ lodge
to give themselves up. Father, I have received these young men. I now
deliver them to you.”

Keokuk spoke in the same strain, and received assurances that the young
men should receive generous treatment.[96]

Until the 24th, General Atkinson had sent embassies to Black Hawk to
dissuade him from his enterprise, but hearing nothing from them, he
dispatched two young Sacs with a _mild talk_. On the 26th they returned,
bringing Black Hawk’s answer that “his heart was bad and that he was
determined not to turn back.”

During these negotiations occurred one of the most daring and heroic
incidents of the campaign. Col. Henry Gratiot, father-in-law to the late
Hon. E.B. Washburne, had early established smelting works at Gratiot’s
Grove, just over the line into the present county of LaFayette,
Wisconsin. By his humane and honorable treatment of the Winnebagoes he
had secured their unbounded confidence, and the Government had made him
agent for the Winnebagoes, under the celebrated John Kinzie, then at
Fort Winnebago. Upon him General Atkinson relied as the one man above
all others who could gain the ear of the Winnebago “Prophet,” who was in
his agency, and Black Hawk’s evil genius, and turn the deluded British
band back to its Iowa reservation. From Fort Crawford General Atkinson
had dispatched a[97] request to undertake this perilous mission. Colonel
Gratiot received the same April 16 and started, taking one white man. On
the 19th he arrived at the Turtle village of the Winnebagoes, where, in
order to secure a hearing, he was delayed until the 22d. There
twenty-four Winnebago chiefs and head men were added to his embassy,
including Broken Shoulder, Whirling Thunder, White Crow, Little Medicine
Man and Little Priest among the number.[98] He hurriedly rode to Dixon’s
Ferry, where canoes were taken and the journey completed to the
Prophet’s village on the 25th. There, despite his flag of truce, Colonel
Gratiot was surrounded by hostile Sacs, who, with every demonstration of
violence,[99] made him prisoner, Black Hawk himself, who had hoisted the
British flag in camp, supervising the incident, and evil times had
certainly fallen upon the head of Colonel Gratiot had not the Prophet,
seeing the danger of his agent, rushed to his rescue, crying, “Good man,
good man, my friend. I take him to my wigwam. I feed him. He be good
friend of my Indians.”


[Illustration: COL. HENRY GRATIOT.]

[Illustration: WA-BO-KI-E-SHIEK, THE PROPHET.]

[Illustration: HENRY EDDY.]

[Illustration: GEN. SAMUEL WHITESIDE.]


When the Prophet had him securely in the wigwam, Colonel Gratiot
explained the peaceful object of his mission and the perfidy of the
Indians if they refused to deal honorably with him. He further sought,
with all the eloquence and logic he could master, to dissuade the
Prophet and Black Hawk from their unrighteous expedition. The Prophet
listened attentively, but if any impression had been made upon him it
was not noticeable in word or action, and neither could he be persuaded
to try to influence Black Hawk to give up his mad enterprise. However,
as a friend, the Prophet was determined to save Colonel Gratiot’s life,
if such a thing were possible. He kept him in the wigwam for two or
three days, watching an opportunity to free them. The ferocious Sacs
clamored louder each hour for scalps, and no doubt would have succeeded
in taking them had not the Prophet seduced them away temporarily by
promises until the desired opportunity should arrive. Returning hastily
on the 27th, he said to Colonel Gratiot: “Chouteau,[100] you have always
been my friend and the friend of my people, and you and your party must
not be harmed, but there is great trouble. My young men will never
consent to give you up and so you must leave without their knowledge.
Your canoes are on the shore; go to them at a moment when I shall
indicate and leave instantly, and go with all speed–like wild fire–for
the young men will give you chase. All will depend on the strength of
your arms.”

The signal was given, and scarcely had the canoes been launched when an
alarm in the village brought the Sacs and young Winnebagoes to the
river, where a wild war-whoop was sounded and an exciting chase down
Rock River was begun to capture and kill Colonel Gratiot. Gratiot’s men
pulled for their lives, first losing and then gaining. The maddened Sacs
whooped and shrieked with anger at the possible miscarriage of their
plans as they lent renewed vigor to their strokes, but a sense of their
overwhelming danger put courage and strength into the oars of the
pursued and they finally distanced their pursuers, arriving safely at
Fort Armstrong on April 27th, unnerved and exhausted, to report that
nothing could be done by moral suasion to prevent the advance of Black
Hawk and that nothing but force would avail.

While captive in the Prophet’s tent Black Hawk came to see him, and in
response to the appeal of Gratiot to return, replied that his heart was
bad; that he was going sixty miles up the river, and if molested would


Footnote 96:

  Life of A.S. Johnston, p. 35.

Footnote 97:

  Wakefield, p. 10.

Footnote 98:

  Wis. Hist. Colls., Vol. x, p. 253.

Footnote 99:

  Life A.S. Johnston, p. 35.

Footnote 100:

  The Colonel’s Indian name.

Footnote 101:

  Wakefield. There are many versions of Col. Gratiot’s trip; but the one
  given is considered the most authentic, as it came through Hon. E.B.
  Washburne, son-in-law of Col. Gratiot.



                             CHAPTER XVII.

                    THE MILITIA MOVES TO ROCK RIVER.

At Beardstown the forces rapidly gathered. Colonels March and Christy
were again placed in charge of the commissary department, but Christy,
unable to give the service that attention which it demanded, resigned,
leaving March to go alone to St. Louis for supplies, with instructions
to have them at Yellow Banks (now Oquawka), on the Mississippi River, by
the time the army reached that point. Col. E.C. Berry, Adjutant-General,
and Col. Henry Eddy, Quartermaster-General of the State Militia,
accompanied the expedition clear through. Gen. Samuel Whiteside was
appointed Brigadier-General and the other field officers were elected by
the troops.

Two companies of foot appeared, which were formed into a battalion under
the command of Major Thomas Long, and though infantry was not asked for
in the call for troops, it was deemed impolitic to decline them, and
they were disposed of by the following order:

                              “Headquarters, Beardstown, April 29, 1832.

  “Special Order.–Major Thomas Long, commanding the odd battalion of

  “Sir:–You are hereby commanded to repair forthwith on the steamboat
  employed in the service of the United States to the mouth of
  Henderson’s River, and there await further orders. And you will
  strictly prohibit all shooting and other disorderly conduct in your
  command, and use all military precaution to protect the steamboat upon
  which you are conveyed, and use every exertion to meet the army at the
  point designated on the 2d of May next.

  “By order of Brig.-Gen. Whiteside.

                                  “NATHANIEL BUCKMASTER, Brigade Major.”

On the 30th Governor Reynolds had received a message from Atkinson
stating that the Indians had begun that day a movement up Rock River.
Had the order to Major Long not been issued, the army might have been
ordered to Peoria or Hennepin and Black Hawk could easily have been
headed off at Dixon’s Ferry, saving thereby much blood and treasure, but
Reynolds feared he could not overtake March and divert him to the course
up the Illinois River, therefore the circuitous march to Yellow Banks
was undertaken. We have fortunately preserved to us an account of that
march, made by Private O.H. Browning, later United States Senator, and
later Secretary of the Interior.

  “Minutes of an expedition undertaken to the northern part of the State
  of Illinois, in the spring of 1832, against the hostile bands of Sac
  and Fox Indians, who, it was rumored, had invaded that portion of said
  State which lies contiguous to and upon both sides of Rock River.

  “Sunday, April 22, 1832.

    “About 12 o’clock an order from John Reynolds, Governor of the State
  of Illinois, reached Quincy, requiring the colonel commandant of the
  militia of Adams County to raise a company of fifty mounted men and
  march them without delay to Beardstown on the Illinois River, the
  place appointed for the rendezvous of the army.

  “Monday, 23.

    “Militia of county convened at Quincy. Second order received from
  Governor increasing the requisition from 50 to 100 men, all of whom
  volunteered. Elected William G. Flood captain of Quincy company, Ed.
  L. Pearson first lieutenant and Thomas Crocker second lieutenant.
  Philip W. Martin elected captain of Bear Creek company, Howard first
  and Lillard second lieutenant. Elam S. Freeman chosen to take command
  as major until we reached Rushville, to which place we were directed
  to march instead of Beardstown.

  Tuesday, 24.

    “Spent in making preparations to march.

  “Wednesday, 25.

    “Convened in Quincy and between 11 and 12 o’clock marched with 80 or
  85 mounted volunteers. Three miles from Quincy heavy fall of rain.
  Continued our march 15 miles and encamped at Lasley’s.

  “Thursday, 26.

    “Marched from Lasley’s to west bank of Crooked Creek in Schuyler
  County and encamped 11 miles from Rushville.

    “Warm, and sultry. Encampment much infested with rattlesnakes.
  Killed several. At 8 o’clock commenced raining and continued without
  intermission during the night. Had no tents. Could not sleep. Stood in
  mud ankle deep till day.

  “Friday, 27.

    “Morning cold and rainy. Decamped early. Crossed Crooked Creek in
  boat and marched through mud knee deep to our horses to Rushville.
  Stopped and took some refreshments. Got merry and continued our march
  three miles east of Rushville on the road to Beardstown and encamped.

  “Saturday and Sunday, 28 and 29.

    “Remained at the encampment, troops collecting from various places
  coming up from headquarters at Beardstown.

  “Monday, 30.

    “Whole army, consisting of 1,300 horses and some foot, removed seven
  miles and again encamped four miles north of Rushville. The two
  companies from Adams were now attached to the Greene, Montgomery and
  Bond troops and formed into a regiment to the command of which Col.
  Jacob Fry of Greene County was elected. Major Gregory commanded the
  battalion of Greene troops and Capt. Philip W. Martin of Adams was
  elected to the command of the battalion composed of the Adams, Bond
  and Montgomery troops. David Crow succeeded Martin in the command of
  the Bear Creek Company of Adams troops. E.S. Freeman of Adams was
  appointed adjutant to the regiment, Hiram Bennett of Montgomery
  quartermaster, E.L.R. Wheelock of Adams paymaster, Dr. Dulaney of
  Greene surgeon and Calvert Roberts of Montgomery sergeant-major. A
  brigade had been formed previous to the troops leaving Beardstown, to
  command which General Samuel Whitesides was appointed by Governor
  Reynolds, who accompanied the army on its march. Mr. Nathaniel
  Buckmaster of Madison County received the appointment of brigade
  major, after having been a candidate for the command of the regiment,
  consisting in part of the troops from his own county, and after having
  been rejected by them.

  “Tuesday, May 1.

    “Took up line of march for Yellow Banks, 70 or 75 miles distant;
  traveled about 25 miles and encamped in McDonough County.

  “Wednesday, May 2.

    “Continued our march successfully and encamped at night, by order of
  Mr. Buckmaster, in a large prairie, two miles from timber or water.
  Night cold and tempestuous–much dissatisfaction and murmuring among
  the troops. All cursing Buck for keeping them in the prairie.

  “Thursday, May 3.

    “About 12 o’clock reached Henderson River; not fordable–no boats or
  canoes. No pioneers had been sent forward to construct bridges. Army
  crossed in great disorder by felling trees into the river at different
  places, making thereby a show of bridges upon which the troops crossed
  with difficulty and swam their horses–two or three horses drowned.
  Continued our march to the Yellow Banks in Warren County, which we
  reached before night and encamped. Provision scarce. Hogs shot by the
  soldiers. Supplies brought up Mississippi River by steamboat William
  Wallace. No guard placed out at night.”

Private Browning was evidently a fair weather soldier and not at all
disposed to accept camp life in a soldier-like way, like his superior,
Major Buckmaster. Governor Reynolds is authority for the statement that
after separating the army into two divisions the 2,000 horses, with
their riders, crossed the swollen Henderson River in less than three
hours, with the loss of but one horse. The boat with provisions had not
yet arrived, which caused Governor Reynolds much anxiety. Neither did it
appear on the fourth nor the morning of the fifth, when Reynolds in
despair dispatched three pioneers, Messrs. Hewitt, Luther Tunnell and
Orestus Ames, to go to Fort Armstrong, some fifty miles distant, for
provisions. Before night they reached Atkinson’s headquarters, and by
the morning of the sixth a boat, the William Wallace, hove to with ample
supplies.[102] The times were trying and should have been met as bravely
and patiently as soldier life demands.


[Illustration: MAJ. THOMAS LONG.]

[Illustration: O.H. BROWNING.]

[Illustration: COL. WILLIAM ROSS.]

[Illustration: CAPT. BENJAMIN BARNEY.]


The spirit of unrest in the pioneer breast when in restraint must, of
course, be considered and many extenuations allowed, but Private
Browning, a lawyer, should not have been so critical. This spirit of
unrest and insubordination was responsible for Stillman’s defeat and the
unhappy and futile ending of this campaign. It should be noticed, too,
in this connection that in the face of the Indian Creek massacre, when
all were bound by every principle of humanity to avenge it, Major
Buckmaster re-enlisted and fought to do it, while Private Browning did

From Yellow Banks Reynolds desired to move with all speed on to Dixon’s
Ferry to overtake Black Hawk, if possible at that late date, but with
the provisions sent by Atkinson, which arrived just at dark on the 6th,
came a message that Black Hawk was returning down the river and that the
volunteers were needed at the mouth of Rock River. Therefore camp was
broken the following morning and the march to that point made in one
day, arriving May 7th, about nightfall.[103]

The report of Black Hawk’s descent proved untrue and added another
important factor to the Stillman miscarriage, because Reynolds, by
marching direct to Dixon’s Ferry, could have followed the hypothenuse of
the triangle on solid ground and had an easy journey. As it followed,
however, he was forced to pursue both sides of the triangle, over swampy
ground and through almost impassable bogs and bayous, until the strength
of the troops was spent and their temper turned. But, above all, time
was lost. While the rains made bad marching and bad tempers, they
likewise promised great returns to the husbandman, and the fact that
many were forced to leave their plows contributed to imperil the good
disposition of the troops. The probable loss of a crop meant much to
them that year, for the reason that the two preceding years had been
failures and destitution was abroad in the land.[104] Men dropped their
plows when the call came, without asking questions, but under delays and
hardships, while they cursed Black Hawk, they murmured.

A fine illustration of the alacrity with which those men responded was
written in the history of Pike County.

  “On Friday, the 20th day of April, 1832, in response to Governor
  Reynolds’ call for volunteers to fight Black Hawk, the following order
  was issued: ‘Company Orders–The volunteer company of Pike County will
  meet at Atlas on Monday the 23d, ready to take up the march by
  sunrise, except such part of the company as are living on the east
  side of the county, which part will meet the company at the house of
  William Hinman, about four miles this side of Phillips’ Ferry, on the
  same day, all with a good horse, and rifle, powder horn, half pound of
  powder and one hundred balls, with three days’ provisions. The
  commanding officer of said company flatters himself that every man
  will be prompt to his duty.

                                                              “‘W. ROSS,
                                          “‘Capt. 1st Rifles, Pike Co.’”

The Captain called upon Benjamin Barney at his blacksmith shop and told
him of the nature of the order he had received and asked him forthwith
to mount a horse and start out to notify the settlers to assemble
immediately. Benjamin Barney was engaged at his forge at the time,
making a plow, but he at once laid down his hammer and tongs, untied his
leathern apron, left his fire to smoulder and die, and started
immediately upon his mission. The men responded, and, bidding their
families good-by, went forward, leaving their work to languish.
Beardstown, then Yellow Banks, and finally the mouth of Rock River were
reached, and at the latter place the troops were met by the officers and
men of the regular army, and here the volunteers were sworn[105] into
the United States service by Gen. Henry Atkinson on the 8th day of May.
Lieut. I.R.B. Gardenier, then on detached service at the Dubuque lead
mines, was ordered to Galena at this time by request of its citizens, to
assist in its defense. There he was placed at the head of a volunteer
company to drill them, and there he remained, with a brief exception,
until July 14th, when he was superseded by Nicholas Dowling.

While mentioning members of this celebrated old Sixth regiment, it will
be of interest to copy the roster complete from the official army

  Colonel, Henry Atkinson, Brevet Brigadier General.

  Lieutenant-Colonel, Daniel Baker.

  Major, William Davenport.

  Captains, Bennet Riley, I. Clark, Jr., Jacob Brown, Zalmon C. Palmer,
  W.N. Wickliffe, Henry Smith, Thomas Noel, Jason Rogers, George C.
  Hutter and Clifton Wharton.

  First Lieutenants, R. Holmes, G.W. Waters, Levi M. Nute, M.W. Batman,
  George Andrews, Asa Richardson, John Nichols, G.H. Crossman, J. Van
  Swearengen and Joseph S. Worth.

  Second Lieutenants, H. St. J. Linden, Gustavus Dorr, Albert S.
  Johnston, Joseph D. Searight, F.J. Brooke, P. St. George Cooke,
  Nathaniel J. Eaton, Robert Sevier, Gus S. Rousseau, Thomas F. Drayton,
  William Hoffman, Albert Cady, Jonathan Freeman, M.L. Clark, T.L.
  Alexander, J.S. Van Derveer, Thomas J. Royster, J.S. Williams and John

  Of the First Infantry and participating were Lieut.-Col. Zachary
  Taylor, Major John Bliss, the mustering officer of 1831.

  Captains William S. Harney,[106] William R. Jouett, E.A. Hitchcock,
  who, with the junior officers and men, went to Rock Island and then to
  Dixon, and Capt. R.B. Mason. First Lieut. W.M. Boyce, Second Lieut.
  Levin Gale and Captain Thomas Barker and First Lieut. W.L. Harris, who
  remained at Fort Crawford.

  With the first named captains of the First were First Lieutenants
  Albert S. Miller, J.W. Kingsbury, J.J. Abercrombie; Second Lieutenants
  E.G. Mitchell, Jefferson Davis and J.K. Greenough.

  Second Regiment, Col. Hugh Brady.

  Fourth Regiment, Lieut.-Col. David E. Twiggs, Capt. James H. Hook,
  First Lieut. W.M. Graham, Second Lieut. F.D. Newcomb. Fifth Regiment,
  Lieut.-Col. Enos Cutler, Capt. Gideon Lowe, First Lieut. James Engle
  and Second Lieut. Amos Foster.

  At the breaking out of hostilities in 1832 Major John Bliss, of the
  First Regiment, was in command of Ft. Armstrong; Lieut.-Col. Zachary
  Taylor, of the First, was in command of Ft. Crawford; Col. Henry
  Atkinson, of the Sixth, was in command of Jefferson Barracks; Major
  William Davenport, of the Sixth, was in command of Canton Leavenworth,
  and Lieut.-Col. Enos Cutler, of the Fifth, was in command of Ft.
  Winnebago, the five Government forts prominent in this war.


[Illustration: CAPT. W.S. HARNEY, U.S.A]

[Illustration: LIEUT. JOHN S.C. HOGAN.]

[Illustration: GEN. HUGH BRADY.]

[Illustration: MAJ. D.E. TWIGGS.]

[Illustration: FORT CRAWFORD.]



Footnote 102:

  In command of March from St. Louis.

Footnote 103:

  Note:–The Indian scare having reached Ft. Dearborn, a company of 40
  men pledged themselves to defend it and elected Gholson Kercheval
  Captain, George W. Dale First Lieutenant and John S.C. Hogan Second
  Lieutenant, May 3d.

Footnote 104:

  Edwards, Hist, of Ill., 368.

Footnote 105:

  Gen. Order No. 8.

Footnote 106:

  Harney’s company was then stationed at Ft. Armstrong.



                             CHAPTER XVIII.


Prior to that time, several officers had been granted furloughs, and
when Black Hawk crossed the river were far away from their regiments,
but immediately upon hearing of the hostile intention of the Indians,
every officer returned to this point and rejoined his regiment. Among
the number were Capt. W.S. Harney and Lieut. Jefferson Davis.

All being now in readiness to march, it may be well to repeat the names
of all officers elected and appointed up to the morning of May 9th, when
the last change in the personnel of the staff was made.


[Illustration: CYRUS EDWARDS.]

[Illustration: JAMES T.B. STAPP.]

[Illustration: DAVID PRICKETT.]

[Illustration: COL. JOHN THOMAS.]


[Illustration: MAJ. ALEXANDER BEALL.]

[Illustration: GEORGE OREAR.]

[Illustration: CAPT. W.G. FLOOD.]

[Illustration: SAMUEL HORNEY.]


Governor John Reynolds, the commander-in-chief of the militia, who for
many reasons was desired to march with the volunteers, named as his

    James Turney, Paymaster General.[107]
    Cyrus Edwards, Quartermaster General.
    Vital Jarrot, Adjutant General.
    Joseph M. Chadwick, Aid-de-Camp, with rank as Colonel.
    James T.B. Stapp, Aid-de-Camp, with rank as Colonel.
    Reddick Horn, Chaplain.

                      BRIGADE OFFICERS.

    Samuel Whiteside, Brigade General.
    Nathaniel Buckmaster, Brigade Major.
    William Ross, First Aid.
    James Semple, Second Aid.[108]
    David Prickett, Third Aid.
    William E. Starr, Brigade Paymaster.
    William Thomas, Brigade Quartermaster.

                       FIRST REGIMENT.

    John Thomas (then signed Junior), Colonel.
    Solomon Preuitt, Lieutenant Colonel.
    John Starkey, Major.
    A.W. Snyder, Adjutant.
    J.A. Blackwell, Quartermaster.
    William G. Brown, Paymaster.
    Richard Roman, Surgeon.
    J.M. McTyre Cornelius, Surgeon’s Mate.
    Samuel Sybold, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.
    Alexander Shields, Sergeant-Major.

                       SECOND REGIMENT.

    Jacob Fry, Colonel.
    Charles Gregory, Lieutenant-Colonel.
    Philip W. Martin, Major.
    Elam S. Freeman, Adjutant.
    Hiram C. Bennett, Quartermaster.
    James Durley, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.
    E.L.R. Wheelock, Paymaster.
    William H. Dulaney, Surgeon.
    John F. Foster, Surgeon’s Mate.
    Calvin Roberts, Sergeant-Major.

                       THIRD REGIMENT.

    Abraham B. DeWitt, Colonel.
    William Weatherford, Lieutenant-Colonel.
    Alexander Beall, Major.
    Murray McConnel, Adjutant.
    George Orear, Quartermaster.
    Andrew Mackitee, Paymaster.
    Samuel M. Prosper, Surgeon.
    James Morrison, Surgeon’s Mate.
    Levin N. English, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.
    Robert Davis, Sergeant-Major.

                       FOURTH REGIMENT.

    Samuel M. Thompson, Colonel.
    Achilles Morris, Lieutenant-Colonel.
    Moses G. Wilson, Major.
    John B. Watson, Adjutant.
    Samuel Horney, Quartermaster.
    William Carpenter, Paymaster.
    Jacob M. Eddy, Surgeon.
    Adams Dunlap, First Surgeon’s Mate.
    William Constant, Second Surgeon’s Mate.
    Edward Doyle, Sergeant-Major.
    A. McHatton, Sergeant-Major (Successor).
    William Fitzpatrick, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.
    William Sprouce, Gunsmith.
    Richard Jones, Color Bearer.
    James Baker, Wagon Master.

                        SPY BATTALION.

    James D. Henry, Major.
    William L.E. Morrison, Adjutant.
    Montgomery Warrick, Quartermaster.
    Robert Blackwell, Paymaster.
    Joseph C. Woodson, Surgeon.
    Peter Randall, First Surgeon’s Mate.
    Benjamin Birch, Second Surgeon’s Mate.
    M.E. Rattan, Sergeant-Major.
    John F. Posey, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.
    Jesse M. Harrison, Paymaster’s “Sergeant.”
    William Cook, Color Bearer.

                        SPY BATTALION.

    Thomas James, Major.
    James Moore, Adjutant.
    James Whitlock, Quartermaster to May 15th. Resigned.
    Scipio Baird, Quartermaster.
    Michael Horine, Paymaster.
    William Headen, Surgeon.
    George Gordon, Surgeon’s Mate.
    N.C. Johnston, Sergeant-Major. Resigned May 5th.
    John James, Sergeant-Major.
    James W. Vaughan, Armorer.
    Moses Haskins, Bugleman.
    J. Milton Moore, Color Bearer.

                       FOOT BATTALION.

    Thomas Long, Major.
    John Summers, Adjutant.
    Vawter Henderson, Quartermaster.
    J.L. Thompson, Paymaster.
    Matthew Duncan, Surgeon.
    Jonathan Leighton, Surgeon’s Mate.
    Sion R. Green, Sergeant-Major.
    Thomas J. (or I.) Marshall, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.
    Benjamin Howard, Fife Major.
    Thomas Burton, Drum Major.

The First Regiment consisted of six companies, commanded by the
following captains: Julius L. Barnsback and Josiah Little of Madison
County and Gideon Simpson, William Moore,[109] John Winstanley and John
Tate of St. Clair County. Thomas was first elected Captain of Simpson’s
company, but on being promoted to Colonel, Simpson was elected to
succeed him. Preuitt was elected Captain of Little’s company, but upon
his promotion to Lieutenant-Colonel, Little was elected.

The Second Regiment was composed of nine companies, commanded,
respectively, by Captains Thomas Chapman, Samuel Smith,

Thomas McDow and Jeremiah Smith of Greene County, Levi D. Boone of
Montgomery County, Benjamin James of Bond County, William G. Flood and
David Crow of Adams County, and James White of Hancock County. Gregory
was first elected Captain of Chapman’s company and Fry of Samuel Smith’s
company, but both were promoted.


[Illustration: WILLIAM HEADEN.]

[Illustration: WILLIAM CARPENTER.]

[Illustration: ROBERT BLACKWELL.]

[Illustration: JAMES WHITLOCK.]


[Illustration: JAMES W. VAUGHAN.]

[Illustration: CAPT. J.L. BARNSBACK.]

[Illustration: CAPT. GIDEON SIMPSON.]

[Illustration: LIEUT. STARKEY R. POWELL.]


The Third Regiment consisted of six companies, commanded, respectively,
by Captains Benjamin Barney and Elisha Petty of Pike County, John Harris
of Macoupin, and William B. Smith, William T. Givens and Nathan or
Nathaniel Winters of Morgan County. William Ross was first elected
Captain of Barney’s company, but upon his promotion to the staff Barney
was elected.

The Fourth Regiment consisted of four companies, commanded by Captains
Samuel Hollingsworth and William C. Ralls of Schuyler County and Abraham
Lincoln and Levi W. Goodan of Sangamon County. Moses G. Wilson was first
elected Captain of Hollingsworth’s company, but upon his promotion to
Major, Hollingsworth was elected.

Henry’s Spy Battalion was composed of four companies, commanded by
Captain John Dawson of Sangamon, Captain Thomas Carlin of Greene,
Captain John Dement of Fayette and Erastus Wheeler of Madison.

James’ Spy Battalion was composed of three companies, commanded by
Captains Daniel Price and Peter Warren of Shelby County and Thomas
Harrison of Monroe.

Long’s Foot Battalion was composed of three companies, commanded by
Captains Jacob Ebey, Japhet A. Ball and Seth Pratt of Sangamon.[110]

In addition to these troops, the battalions of Stillman and Bailey,
ordered to range the country and concentrate at Dixon’s Ferry, which
they did on the 10th, were considered, of course, a part of the army,
though not then sworn in.

The battalion of Major Isaiah Stillman was composed of three companies,
commanded by Captains David W. Barnes and Asel F. Ball of Fulton County
and Abner Eads of Peoria County.

Major David Bailey’s Battalion was composed of four companies, commanded
by Captains M.L. Covell and Robert McClure of McLean County, Captain
John G. Adams of Tazewell and Captain James Johnson of Macon County. On
the 16th, however, after Stillman’s defeat, the new Fifth Regiment was
organized from these two commands, and I.C. Pugh was elected captain of
the company commanded by Captain James Johnson, who was elected Colonel.
No staff officers were appointed for the two battalions prior to their
merger into the Fifth Regiment.

While dwelling on the composition of the Fifth Regiment, it may be well
to name its officers as I find them on the original roster in my

    James Johnson, Colonel.
    Isaiah Stillman, Lieutenant-Colonel.
    David Bailey, Major.
    James W. Crain, Adjutant.
    Hugh Woodrow, Quartermaster.
    David C. Alexander, Paymaster.
    Samuel Pillsbury, Surgeon.
    Daniel McCall, Sergeant-Major.
    Joshua C. Morgan, Quartermaster’s Sergeant.

On the 9th of May, with not a man on the sick list, General Atkinson
issued the following orders:

                                  “Headquarters, Right Wing, West. Dept.
                                  “Mouth of Rock River, 9th May, 1832.

  “Order No. 12.

  “The mounted volunteers will move in the morning under Brig.-Gen.
  Whiteside, by the route of Winnebago Prophet’s village, with a view of
  reaching the hostile band of Indians assembled on Rock River, near or
  above Dixon’s Ferry. The regular troops will move by water and meet
  the mounted troops at Prophet’s village. Should General Whiteside,
  however, on reaching Prophet’s village, be of opinion that it would be
  prudent to come up with the enemy with as little delay as possible, he
  will move upon him, and either make him surrender at discretion, or
  coerce him into submission.

  “Order No. 13.

  “Colonel Taylor, First Regiment, will assume the command of the
  Infantry of Illinois at this place. They will move by water in
  conjunction with the U.S. Infantry now under his orders, and will be
  assigned to the charge of transporting a portion of the munitions,
  supplies, etc., for the troops.

  “Order No. 14.

  “Lieut. Robert Anderson, Third Regiment Artillery, will, till further
  orders, perform the duties of Assistant Inspector General of the
  troops now in the field.”


[Illustration: CAPT. LEVI D. BOONE.]

[Illustration: CAPT. W.T. GIVENS.]

[Illustration: CAPT. NATHAN WINTERS.]

[Illustration: CAPT. PETER WARREN.]


[Illustration: CAPT. DANIEL PRICE.]

[Illustration: CAPT. ISAAC C. PUGH.]


[Illustration: W.A. RICHARDSON.]


By order No. 9 Colonel Taylor was also given command of the regular
troops under orders for active service, viz.: Six companies of the Sixth
Regiment Infantry, under the command of Major Riley, and the companies
of the First Regiment Infantry from Fort Crawford, and Captain Harney’s
Company of the First Infantry of the garrison of Fort Armstrong.
Lieutenant Burbank,[111] Acting Quartermaster of the post, was ordered
to store such clothing, provisions and stores as should be left by the
troops under marching orders. Major Beall[112] was further charged with
the safe-keeping of the three Indian prisoners then in confinement,
which completed all arrangements for marching.

The volunteer army set out on the 10th and reached the Prophet’s village
in the afternoon. Near that place the spies which Governor Reynolds had
sent out on the 8th to reconnoiter and locate the enemy[113] met the
army and reported that they had captured an Indian, who had truly
informed them that Black Hawk was on Rock River, above Dixon’s Ferry, as
had been previously reported. Disappointed at such a delay as the march
to Black Hawk’s camp would incur, the men fired the Prophet’s village
and burned every vestige of it–an act wholly unwarranted and useless.
About twelve miles above the Prophet’s village the army camped, and, for
reasons utterly inconceivable at this late day, decided to abandon all
the cumbersome baggage and provisions and force a march to overtake the
Indians. Whether the troops, who considered it part of their duty to
dictate policies to their superior officers, clamored for such a move,
or whether it emanated from the officer in command, has never been
explained to this day, either in books or personal interviews had by the
writer. Whiteside got all the blame for it, but I believe that his
action was governed by pressure from the headstrong militia, who desired
to accomplish too much in a limited time, and the passion of Governor
Reynolds to manage the campaign to a rapid and glorious finish. It was
an unfortunate act at best. Perishable property was piled up to waste,
unprotected and regardless of future needs. With scarcely enough to last
them in a forced march to another base, where abundance might await
them, these impatient men marched into a wilderness where defeat might
overtake them, with only rations enough to last for a period of three or
four days. This criminal indiscretion was the first cause of
dissatisfaction among the men. The commander should have known that
those who urge the most haste have for all time been first to find fault
when the first evidence of its indiscretion appears and at once vetoed
the foolhardy move.

Whiteside was a famous old Indian fighter; brave as a lion and ready and
eager at all times to meet an enemy; but he had never before handled a
large body of men, and in this case at least it may be said that bravery
alone was not an indisputable qualification for leadership. It rarely
is. It later remained for James D. Henry, in a case almost forlorn, to
terminate further moves like this injudicious one, and thereby end the
war, as he did. After writing General Atkinson of the action, Governor
Reynolds, with the troops, moved rapidly for Dixon’s Ferry, which was
reached on the 12th, where James W. Stephenson, James M. Strode and
others were found, all of whom stated that from scouts just returned it
was ascertained beyond doubt that the Indians, who had fixed upon a
point of rendezvous about thirty miles up the river, were at that time
scattered over a large area, securing food, and in all probability
recruits, and that an attempt to march against them would be useless at
that moment. Governor Reynolds at once realized the force of the point
and abandoned his projected attack and agreed to rest until Atkinson
appeared, which he hoped would be very soon. The scouts sent out, and
hereafter noticed, were sent to Shabbona’s village, and had it not been
for the unfortunate action of Stillman, there probably had been no
trouble in ending the campaign without loss of time or blood. But the
country was covered with water, the ground was swampy and almost
impassable to footmen, the river was high, and only by the most heroic
efforts was it made possible to navigate the keel boats and Mackinaw
boats upstream.[114] Men waded up to their middle to pull them along,
and then only a snail pace could be accomplished. A change to the other
side of the river was attempted, with no better results, and finally
Atkinson was compelled to issue the following order:

                                 “Headquarters, Right Wing, West. Dept.,
                        “Near Marie de Ogee, Rock River, 11th May, 1832.

  “Order No. 15.

  “The troops on foot will move in ascending the river, in the following
  order: The First Infantry will march in front, the Sixth Infantry in
  the center and the Illinois Infantry in the rear. An advance guard
  from the First Infantry will precede the column from 400 to 1,000
  yards; a flank guard from the Sixth Infantry will be thrown out from
  200 to 400 yards, and more, if necessary, according to the ground. The
  Illinois Infantry will march in the rear and furnish the rear guard,
  which is not at any time to leave any of the boats in the rear. The
  river will be crossed to avail the troops of the best ground for
  navigation and marching; the troops will encamp in the order of march.
  In case of attack the troops will form to the front, the rear or upon
  the flank as circumstances may demand.”

The march was slow and toilsome, but made with decency and, considering
the surface of the country, dispatch. But it was necessarily so
difficult to make progress that Atkinson did not reach Dixon’s Ferry
until the 17th, when all was confusion and the men loud in their demands
to be discharged. So utterly unmanageable had they become that it became
necessary on that day to issue the following order, and which, by the
by, was rigidly enforced by Col. Zachary Taylor:

                                 “Headquarters, Right Wing, West. Dept.,
                             “Dixon’s Ferry, Rock River, 17th May, 1832.

  “Order No. 16.

  “The frequent unauthorized firing of arms in and about the vicinity of
  the encampments of the different corps of the army, composed of the
  U.S. Infantry and the State troops now in the field, compels the
  Commanding General to forbid a practice so dangerous to the individual
  members of the different corps and derogatory to the military
  character of well-organized troops. No officer or private, therefore,
  will fire again in camp or on the march without permission or an order
  from the commanding officer of his regiment or company.”

From the mouth of the river the soldiers had indulged this boisterous
pastime, with no restraint whatever, and it is said that this abridgment
of their pioneer prerogative provoked much indignation, but firing at
once ceased.


[Illustration: CAPT. GIDEON LOWE, U.S.A.]



[Illustration: JOHN DIXON.]

[Illustration: DIXON’S FERRY.]


Footnote 107:

  Subsequently Atty. Gen. of Ill.

Footnote 108:

  Later U.S. Senator.

Footnote 109:

  From Risdon Marshall Moore of San Antonio, Texas, the following
  information is gathered: His father, Jonathan Moore, a brother of the
  Captain, was a private in this company. The grandfather, Risdon Moore,
  was Speaker of the Territorial Legislature of Illinois in 1814 and in
  1822 signed the celebrated protest against slavery.

  Capt. William Moore, besides being a member of the Ninth and Tenth
  General Assemblies, occupied many positions of prominence. See also
  “Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois.”

Footnote 110:

  This roster will be found to materially differ from the “Record of the
  Services of Illinois Soldiers,” published by the Adjutant General in
  1882, which is shamefully inaccurate in many particulars. I
  fortunately came into possession of the original “rank roll,” so
  called, made by General Whiteside and Maj. Buckmaster, which has
  permitted me to be accurate.

Footnote 111:

  Of the First Inf. Sidney Burbank.

Footnote 112:

  Thomas J. Beall, of the First Inf.

Footnote 113:

  Col. John Ewing, Maj. John A. Wakefield and a Mr. Kinney, who
  understood the Sac language and who served as guide.

Footnote 114:

  The U.S. Infantry and Long’s foot battalion left on the 10th. The
  Prophet’s village was reached on the 14th.



                              CHAPTER XIX.


Dixon’s Ferry, now Dixon, Illinois, at the period of this campaign
consisted of a ferry, the simple flat-bottomed affair of those days, and
a 90-foot log cabin, built in three sections, both owned by John Dixon.
The patriarchal appearance of this old pioneer had brought to him the
title “Na-chu-sa” from the Indians, meaning in the Winnebago dialect
“Long hair white,” and from the whites “Father Dixon.” By his kindness,
gentleness, honesty and courage he had won the love of every person,
white and red, who had ever met him, and to those in the land who had
not met him his reputation had extended, so that the mention of his name
meant an overture for peace.

In the spring of 1827 his brother-in-law, O.W. Kellogg, broke a trail
through the country from Peoria to Galena, to facilitate the rapidly
increasing overland travel to the lead mines. “Kellogg’s trail,” as it
was then called, crossed Rock River at this place, and in 1828, when
Father Dixon received the contract for carrying the mails from Peoria to
Galena and Gratiot’s Grove, he took with him from Peoria to Rock River a
half-breed named Joseph Ogee,[115] who established a permanent, though
unlicensed, ferry. Prospective competition or a friend must have
suggested his _laches_ in this respect, for on December 7, 1829, he
received from Jo Daviess County, whose jurisdiction embraced all that
section of country, the statutory license to operate the same. But by
1830 the restraint of a ferryman’s life had become so exceedingly
irksome to one of his nomadic nature that Father Dixon was constrained
to take it off his hands and remove his family thence, which he did,
arriving there April 11, 1830.

When Ogee established his ferry he built a hut of logs, unfit for
habitation to any but a rover like himself. The needs of Father Dixon’s
family and increasing travel required something better, and this
improvement he at once supplied by making additions, so that he soon had
the comfortable house-store-hotel displayed in the illustration. He,
with his family of wife and five children, from that time forward
entertained travelers and traded with the Indians until the Indians were
no more and travel many years later had become diverted to bridges and
other thoroughfares made by the new and ever-multiplying settlements. He
was made postmaster, and thenceforth Dixon’s Ferry was of commanding
prominence in Illinois travel and Illinois geography. At this period,
however, Father Dixon’s was the only family on Rock River above the old
Black Hawk village.

On his march up the river Black Hawk camped one night near the Dixon
cabin, and with Ne-a-pope and the Prophet ate with the family, Mrs.
Dixon waiting upon them in a manner so courteous as completely to
captivate Black Hawk and command from him thereafter his highest
admiration. During this stop the family, after a careful observation,
estimated the number of able-bodied warriors with the expedition to be
800, and that number was reported to the troops, which arrived there May
12. Under the order of April 16th from Governor Reynolds, Majors
Stillman and Bailey recruited to their battalions the companies already

Leaving Pekin May 8th,[116] Bailey’s battalion reached Boyd’s Grove the
first night out, where Stillman, with his three companies, joined them
and all camped for the night. The following day, at Bureau Creek,
another detachment under a Captain Bowman, which had been ranging
through the country toward Dixon’s Ferry, joined these forces, reporting
the theft of many of their horses by the Indians. At Dad Joe’s Grove the
combined forces camped the second night, marching the following day (the
10th), across the present county of Lee to Dixon’s Ferry, where Reynolds
and the militia joined them on the morning of the 12th.

The first act of the Governor was one of circumspection. Selecting from
his ablest and most discreet officers Captain John Dement, Colonel James
T.B. Stapp, Wyat B. Stapp, Major Joseph M. Chadwick and Benjamin Moore,
and Louis Ouilmette, a French trader, thoroughly familiar with those
parts and with Indian character, and who, with others, was waiting at
Dixon’s Ferry, they were directed to start for Paw Paw Grove,[117] some
forty miles to the southeast, in the present confines of Shabbona
township, DeKalb County, and there have a “talk” with the Pottowatomies,
whose village was at that place, and assure themselves of the positive
neutrality of that nation.


[Illustration: CAPT. J.A. BALL.]

[Illustration: LIEUT. EDWARD D. BAKER.]



The prairies were covered with water, there were no roads, the day was
dark and threatening, and, to frustrate their mission completely, a
large party of Black Hawk’s band overtook them. The enemy undertook by
every art known to savage tactics to lure the men into an ambush. To
refute Black Hawk’s constant protestations of peace, this scouting party
of his was discovered to be actively recruiting among the Pottowatomies
and Winnebagoes. The attempts to decoy the messengers into the Indian
camp were diplomatically avoided, and so was a pitched battle, which
could only have resulted in annihilation of the whites. After
forty-eight hours of ceaseless endeavor, without food, the party finally
succeeded in reaching headquarters. By this time the forces of Stillman
and Bailey were marching up the river on their ill-fated expedition.

There were at Dixon’s Ferry, when Reynolds arrived, several prominent
men from the mining country, including Colonel James M. Strode,
commander of the militia of Jo Daviess County, James W. Stephenson,
William S. Hamilton, son of Alexander Hamilton, Col. Henry Gratiot and
Louis Ouilmette, the trader. Colonel Henry Dodge of Michigan territory
had organized a company to protect the frontier until he could
communicate with Reynolds and systematically organize the mining
district forces in a manner materially to assist the latter. James H.
Gentry was captain of this company; Henry L. Dodge, son of Colonel
Dodge, was elected first lieutenant; Paschal Bequette, a son-in-law, was
elected second lieutenant, while Charles Bracken was aid to the colonel.
The file consisted of some fifty men. This company of rangers, leaving
Mineral Point May 8th, covered the northwestern frontier until
Whiteside’s Brigade reached Dixon’s Ferry, and was camped on the north
side of Rock River, not far from Black Hawk’s camp, when Whiteside and
his troops reached that point. Here Colonel Dodge was keeping a watchful
eye on Black Hawk’s every movement and warily awaiting the moment he
could pounce down upon the old Indian if he saw fit to offer war,[118]
an emergency which the intrepid little band was fully equal to.

Dodge saw the frightful consequences of an ill-advised expedition up
Rock River and urged against it. Failure meant active co-operation with
Black Hawk by the neutral and undecided Winnebagoes and Pottowatomies,
and this in turn meant that the entire northwest frontier would be
overrun with marauding bands and murderers.

But the impatient troops of Stillman and Bailey were ambitious to fight
and would listen to no restraint. They had enlisted to kill “Injuns.”
Nothing but a valorous conquest would receive their attention, and
General Whiteside and Governor Reynolds were constrained to allow the
following order to be issued:

                               “Headquarters Camp No. 10, Dixon’s Ferry,

  “12th May, 1832.

  “The troops under the command of Major Stillman, including the
  battalions of said Major Stillman and Major Bailey, will forthwith
  proceed with four days’ rations to the head of Old Man’s Creek, where
  it is supposed the hostile Sac Indians are assembled, for the purpose
  of taking all cautious measures to coerce said Indians into
  submission, and report themselves to this department as soon
  thereafter as practicable.

  “By order of Brigadier Samuel Whiteside, commanding brigade of mounted

                                                     “N. BUCKMASTER,

Writers upon this subject have so stated before, and others have told
the writer that such was the case here. Furthermore, a rankling jealousy
existed between Stillman and Bailey, each contending that he should be
the other’s superior and allowed the command of the combined troops.
Governor Reynolds did his very best to harmonize the men by recognizing
Stillman, but the rancorous hatred which existed among the troops for
their rivals destroyed, in a great measure, their effectiveness.

On the morning of Sunday, the 13th of May, the two brigades marched up
from Dixon’s Ferry for Old Man’s Creek. Many adventurous spirits from
the main army were permitted to accompany the troops, as were a few
others, like Colonel Strode, who wanted to see the “fun” which was
promised. A baggage train of six wagons, drawn by oxen, guarded by about
fifty men, under Mr. Hackelton of Fulton County, and bearing the four
days’ rations, followed in the rear. The day was black and threatening,
and before the battalions had proceeded ten miles a pelting rain
compelled them to halt and camp for the night.[119] All through the
night the rain continued, holding the troops there until the morning of
the 14th was well advanced, when the march was resumed. About dark of
the same day Old Man’s Creek was reached and crossed and the troops
dismounted to camp for the night. The creek, then much swollen by recent
rains, formed on the south side a disagreeable swamp. The object of
crossing to the north side was to avoid this morass and also avail
themselves of the natural advantages which the north side afforded for
protection, as well as the more solid ground for camping.


[Illustration: DAVID HAACKE.]


[Illustration: ORDER MAY 25.]


[Illustration: MAJ. ISAIAH STILLMAN.]

[Illustration: MAJ. DAVID BAILEY.]

[Illustration: WYATT B. STAPP.]

[Illustration: OLIVER W. HALL.]


The creek was lined on both sides with tall willows, while just a little
to the north the ground was covered with a growth of small black oak
trees, denominated generally scrub oak. These same “scrub oak,” grown to
thrice the thickness of a man’s body, stand to this day, and, judging
from a present-day standpoint, one can easily see how a handful of
resolute men could defend themselves there against overwhelming odds. To
the willows the horses were tied, fires were made, coffee pots put to
boiling and a general preparation for supper was going forward, when
three Indians appeared in camp bearing a white flag.[120] They were
taken in, but in the haste of supper preparations and the absence of an
interpreter, their mission, if for peace, was not discovered at once. As
a matter of fact, however, Black Hawk had in his lifetime disregarded so
many treaties and flags of truce, that it is no small wonder some of the
men were for dispatching them on the spot. An abiding sense of his many
misfeasances, no doubt, prompted him to station five other Indians on a
neighboring hill, some three-quarters of a mile to the north, where they
might watch and report the manner in which his flag was received. The
presence of these five Indians on the hill, unexplained, may rightfully
be styled a misprision, and sufficient to set the camp into a spasm of
turmoil. About twenty of Eads’ men mounted their horses to charge the
five Indians, who in turn wheeled to run away. This action was taken by
the excited and undisciplined troops to mean a retreat, and Eads’ men
immediately began firing upon their retiring foe. Other small squads
joined the haphazard pursuit, in the course of which two of the five
Indians were killed.

The camp became a bedlam, and while Stillman, Bailey, Adams, Eads and
other officers tried desperately to restrain the troops and restore
order, as well might they have commanded the rains to cease and the sun
to return for half an hour as to have expected obedience from those raw
and independent spirits. They were having the “fun” for which they had

Black Hawk the while was at the mouth of the creek with half a hundred
warriors, where he had been giving a dog feast to Shabbona, Waubansee
and other influential Pottowatomies in his frantic efforts to secure
reinforcements against the whites.

The interchange of shots ahead led those in camp to believe that a
general engagement was upon them, whereupon Thomas B. Reed of Eads’
company shot down in cold blood one of the three bearers of the flag of
truce, an offense so dastardly as to permit of no excuse. It may be
urged that the troops were frenzied by excitement or dazed with the
thought that the 800 Indians were coming down upon them like an
avalanche, but such was not the case; it was part of the program of
“fun” which impelled it. The confusion which followed permitted the two
remaining Indians of the party of three to escape and join in the
massacre of the whites which followed soon after. Squads of two, three
and more continued to leave camp to join the chase, presenting in the
twilight a thin and irregular line, without order and without a head,
until nearly four miles were covered by these stragglers.

As had been adroitly arranged, no doubt, by the survivors of the party
of five, the foremost of the pursuers were suddenly plunged into Black
Hawk’s presence, behind a growth of chaparral at the mouth of the creek,
where this wily old savage had arranged his braves, few in number, but
many more than the first white arrivals, and the instant the whites
appeared the Indians sent up whoops, shrieks and howls calculated to
frighten even a brave man. As the savages dashed headlong into the
advance column, or rather squad, of the whites, with the spirit and
suddenness of an electric shock, the reckless pursuers realized their
awful temerity, and the futility of fighting, even under careful
protection and with the full strength of the battalions, what might be
the 800 warriors known to belong to Black Hawk’s command.

Stunned by the sudden and furious onslaught of Black Hawk, the troops
wheeled to retreat, yelling as they fled “Injuns! Injuns!” (like the
madmen they now truly became), that their approaching comrades might in
turn retreat to safety. In no time at all the cry had reached camp,
which became as panic-stricken as the returning troopers.[121]

At the foot of the hill on which the five Indians had rested James Doty
of Eads’ company was killed, and while many of the horses became mired
in the mud of the creek, Gideon Munson, a Government scout, was also
slain. As the troops came headlong on, Captain Adams,[122] than whom no
braver man ever lived, attempted to make a stand with a handful of
companions upon the brow of the hill which lies about half a mile to the
south of the creek, to cover the retreat of the fugitives. Darkness was
upon them and they had no reason to believe that less than the full
force of 800 was upon them, yet they stood their ground to sell their
lives as dearly as possible to save those who by the delay might reach
points of safety.




[Illustration: JOHN E. BRISTOL.]

[Illustration: ALFRED HAINES.]

[Illustration: JONATHAN HAINES.]

[Illustration: LIEUT. ASAHEL GRIDLEY.]


The moonlight was only sufficient to confuse the panic-stricken troops
still more, and in that heroic fight unto death which Captain Adams and
his men made, he scarcely knew whether he was fighting friend or foe. In
the gloaming the conflict went on, and in the darkness of the night,
while the scattering forces were safely fleeing on to Dixon’s Ferry,
Captain Adams and his little band fell one by one, until the last man
bit the dust, and then a scene of malignant deviltry almost incredible
was perpetrated.[123] Mr. Oliver W. Hall of Carlinville, Illinois, who
was present on the field the following day, wrote a brief description of
it as follows:

“We were camped at Dixon’s Ferry at the time of Stillman’s defeat. Now
Stillman had about two hundred and seventy-five well-mounted men, with
baggage wagons, and he started out on his own accord, camping late in
the evening on the north side of that little creek. The ford was just
above, where the willows stood thick on each side of the creek. While
Stillman’s men were cooking supper, three or four Indians on their
ponies rode up on that high hill just north of Stillman’s camp, about
sundown, and five or six of Stillman’s men caught their horses and ran
them to where the Indians were in camp, in the timber, about a mile and
a half from Stillman’s camp, north. The Indians killed one of our men
and ran the balance of them into camp. The first that Stillman knew of
any danger was when the Indians came yelling over that high hill just
north of Stillman’s camp, and it was a perfect stampede with Stillman’s
men. Some of them got their horses, but lots of them got away on foot,
and after the Indians had killed eleven of our men they went back to
Stillman’s camp and cut the spokes out of the wagons and poured out a
barrel of whisky. Well, we lay on our arms the next night on the south
side of the creek, for we had left our tents at Dixon’s Ferry, as we had
to go back to meet the boat to get our rations. There were twenty-five
hundred of us with shotguns and rifles and muskets, all flintlocks, and
we were mounted, all but two or three companies. We picked up nine dead
men as we came up from Dixon’s Ferry on a forced march the next morning
after Stillman’s defeat. The last two that we found were Major Perkins
and Captain Adams,[124] with both their heads cut off and their heads
skinned all over and left by them. We found them on that descent as you
go down to the creek from the high land, about half way down, and we
buried nine men in one grave about two hundred yards southwest of those
willows, just below the ford and on sideling ground, not as far south as
the top of the hill. We buried one young man about three-quarters of a
mile north of Stillman’s camp (if true, this was James Doty), where he
was found, and another young man about one-half a mile east, where he
was found. (This was Gideon Munson.)

“Now the road crossed the creek just east of those willows, where there
were a few scattering, scrubby trees. The nine men were buried about two
hundred yards southwest of those willows and on the west side of the
road leading to Dixon’s Ferry. We never knew how many Indians there

If the statement concerning Doty and Munson is true, then but eight men
could have been buried in the common grave, because but twelve were
killed, and two were buried to the south. The fact is, Munson was buried
in this one grave.

The names of Captain Adams’ companions were David Kreeps, Zadock
Mendinall and Isaac (nicknamed Major) Perkins, of Captain Adams’
company; James Milton of Captain Pugh’s company; Tyrus M. Childs, Joseph
B. Farris and Corporal Bird W. Ellis of Captain David W. Barnes company,
and Sergeant John Walters of Captain Ball’s company.

Joseph Draper of Captain Covell’s company was also shot and his body
found five miles due south of the battlefield, on what is now known as
Mrs. George F. Smith’s farm, where it was buried.

Young Ellis, who was but a boy in years, was able to crawl two and a
half miles south of the battlefield, where his body was found beside a
strapping Indian, who had demanded his life, though it was then ebbing
away. In this enfeebled condition he fought and killed his antagonist,
sinking into death soon after. Ellis was buried on the spot, now the
farm of Mr. A.C. Brown.

The death of Private Joseph Draper was particularly pathetic, and is
narrated in the historical records of McLean County as follows:

  “In the confusion resulting from Black Hawk’s attack, Draper lost his
  horse. A comrade, John Lundy, took Draper onto his horse. While
  retreating they found a stray horse which Draper insisted upon
  mounting. It had no saddle or bridle, but it was supposed it would
  follow the other horses; instead, it turned and ran toward the
  Indians, who shot Draper. He fell from the horse, crawled off into the
  underbrush, where his body was found by the burial party. He had
  written on his canteen an account of his wounds. No copy of the
  writing on his canteen has been preserved.”

It would scarcely seem credible that a man in full possession of his
faculties would remain on a horse running toward the enemy instead of
dropping off to seek the shelter of the bushes and secrete his sound
body, especially in the light of the fact that he was able securely to
hide himself when wounded, but so it must have been in that fearful
panic, because his comrade, Lundy, has vouched for the first part of the
story and the man’s canteen told the rest; and the words of a dying man
cannot be doubted, particularly when alone in the night, miles away from
friends and ministering care, with the raw and desolate prairie for a
bed, howling wolves and Indians prowling near and the rough winds of
spring about to blow his spirit into eternity.

After five miles’ pursuit, the Indians abandoned it to return to
mutilate the bodies, as described by Mr. Hall, but the whites continued
their flight, running, riding, yelling, crying, hopelessly crazed, until
Dixon’s Ferry was reached in the early hours of the morning of the 15th.
Others who became confused in the darkness, and deflected to the south,
never stopped until the Illinois River had been reached at a point near
the present city of Ottawa. From here they scattered (some forty) for
their homes.

It was a clear case of panic. Men were crazed. They who in a sober
moment would have walked straight to death without a protest; they who
would bend to no command of a superior officer; they who would not obey
or follow, were driven as easily as a flock of panic-stricken sheep. It
has been said and written that whisky was the cause of this unfortunate
rout, but this is hopelessly improbable in the face of the fact that but
two casks were taken with the baggage train to be consumed by 275 men,
who lived in a whisky drinking age, when five or ten drinks, more or
less, made little difference in a daily average. Mr. John E. Bristol, of
Eads’ company, who at ninety-one is alive and hearty to-day, vouches for
the truth of this assertion and the other one that but two small casks
were taken along. Mr. Hall specifically states that _one_ cask was
emptied by the Indians, and Black Hawk makes the same statement,
therefore it is certain that whisky cut no figure in the panic.


[Illustration: ELISHA DIXON.]

[Illustration: WILLIAM DIMMETT.]

[Illustration: LEVI DANLEY.]

[Illustration: JAMES BENSON.]


[Illustration: THOMAS O. RUTLEDGE.]

[Illustration: MRS. E.B. BAKER.]

[Illustration: LEWIS ROSS.]

[Illustration: REV. REDDICK HORN.]


In justice to Stillman, his version of the affair, published in “The
Missouri Republican” of July 10th, 1832, should be given:

  “To the Editors of the Missouri Republican: Gentlemen–I have this day
  discovered in your paper of the 22d ult. an account of the engagement
  between the men under my command and the hostile Sac and other Indians
  on the Rock River. Finding that statement altogether incorrect, I take
  the liberty to give an outline of the transaction, which I am
  compelled to do in the utmost haste.

  “On the 12th I received orders from His Excellency, John Reynolds,
  Commander-in-Chief, etc., to march immediately from Dixon’s Ferry to
  what is commonly known as Old Man’s Creek, about 30 miles distant, and
  coerce the said hostile Indians into subjection. We took up our march
  on the 13th, and on the 14th, at 2 o’clock, one of our spies
  discovered two Indians on our left. The Indians immediately fired on
  him, and undertook to make their escape by swimming Rock River; this,
  however, they did not succeed in; our spy brought his gun to bear on
  the forward one, who was tumbled into the river–the horse immediately
  turned his course and swam back, the surviving Indian being, from the
  unmanageable disposition of his horse, compelled to follow until he
  shared the fate of his companion. Both horses were brought in. We
  reached our camping ground on the north side of Old Man’s Creek about
  6 o’clock, after having used every precaution to guard against being
  deceived by the Indians, having kept out the most experienced spies
  and a very strong guard front, rear and flank, during the day. Soon
  after our arrival we discovered a small party of men in our advance,
  supposed at this time to be a part of our front guard. Lieutenant
  Gridley being then mounted, passed up a ravine for the purpose of
  ascertaining. It was soon after, however, ascertained that our spies
  with the whole of our advance guard had come in. Captain Covell with a
  party detached, followed. On the approach of Lieutenant Gridley, while
  rising the bluff, the Indians faced and leveled their guns. When
  prudence directed a return, the Indians pursued and were met by
  Captain Covell at nearly the same moment, when the fire was exchanged
  without effect. The Indians retreated and were pursued. Three were
  killed and three taken, with a loss of one of our men (as supposed).
  Our men were all immediately formed and took their march in the
  direction of Sycamore Creek, five miles above. After marching about
  three miles an Indian appeared and made signs of peace. I was informed
  of the fact, and orders were given for a halt. Myself, together with
  most of the field and staff officers advanced with Captain Eads as
  interpreter. We were soon informed that the Indians would surrender in
  case they would be treated as prisoners of war. This was promised
  them, and they returned with the intelligence, after promising to meet
  us at a specified point. On arriving at that point, however, no
  Indians appeared to make the proposed treaty, which convinced us of

  “Directions were immediately given for our men to advance, while
  Captain Eads proceeded a few yards alone to make further discoveries.
  On reaching Sycamore Bluff, the Indians were discovered in martial
  order; their line extended a distance of nearly two miles, and under
  rapid march. Their signals were given for battle–war-whoops were heard
  in almost every direction–their flanks extending from one creek to the
  other. Orders were given for a line of battle to be formed on the
  south of the marsh between the two creeks, while the Indians were
  advancing with the utmost rapidity; their fire was tremendous, but on
  account of the distance, of little effect. Night was closing upon us
  in the heart of an Indian country, and the only thing to brighten our
  prospects, the light of our guns. Both officers and men conducted
  themselves with prudence and deliberation, until compelled to give
  ground to the superior foe, when the order for a retrograde movement
  was given, and our men formed in Old Man’s Creek. Here a desperate
  attempt was made by the Indians to outflank us and cut off our
  retreat, which proved ineffectual, some clubbing with their
  fire-locks, others using their tomahawks and spears.

  “A party of our men crossed the creek, and with much difficulty
  silenced their fire, which made a way for the retreat of our whole
  party, which was commenced and kept up, with few exceptions, in good

  “Many of our officers and men having been in the battles of
  Tippecanoe, Bridgewater, Chippewa and Ft. Erie, have never faced a
  more desperate enemy. Having had the advantages of ground, the enemy
  being on an eminence, operated much in our favor. In passing Old Man’s
  Creek many of them got their guns wet and were deprived of the use of
  them. Our force consisted of 206 men; that of the Indians not known,
  but consisting of a whole hostile band. Eleven of our men were killed,
  5 wounded, with a loss of 34 to the enemy. From report, their
  encampment consisted of 160 lodges. Our men mostly arrived at Dixon’s
  Ferry about 3 o’clock a.m., and it is to be hoped that in a short time
  the number of troops stationed at that point and elsewhere will be
  able to bring them into subjection, and relieve our frontier from a
  much dreaded foe.

              “I am, with much respect, your obedient servant,

                                                       “I. STILLMAN,
           “Brig.-Gen. 5 Brig., Ill. Mil. and Act. Maj. N. Ill. Vol.

  “In Camp, 19 June, 1832”

It cannot be said of this explanation that it offers any extenuating
circumstances for that inglorious retreat or that abandonment by
Stillman’s men of gallant Captain Adams and his men to fight it out
alone and die.[125]


[Illustration: WILLIAM McCULLOUGH.]

[Illustration: JAMES K. ORENDORF.]

[Illustration: WILLIAM COPES.]

[Illustration: WILLIAM McKEE.]


[Illustration: JOHN A. WAKEFIELD.]

[Illustration: COL. JAMES M. STRODE.]

[Illustration: SERGT. FRED STAHL.]

[Illustration: CAPT. MILTON M. MAUGHS.]


Footnote 115:

  Pronounced Ozha.

Footnote 116:

  James Haines, still living at Pekin, remembers the circumstances well.
  His two older brothers, Alfred and Jonathan, were members of Capt.
  Adams’ company.

Footnote 117:

  Shabbona’s village.

Footnote 118:

  Note:–Dodge’s command (May 8) proceeded by way of Apple River to
  Buffalo Grove, at which an Indian trail led to Rock River, at a point
  nearly opposite the mouth of the Kish-wau-kee and only a few miles
  from Stillman’s battle, and where the troops were encamped at that
  time. Smith’s Hist. Wis., Vol. 1, p. 266.

Footnote 119:


Footnote 120:

  Col. Wm. S. Hamilton and many other usually reliable authorities
  claimed the flag was red, indicative of war; but that contention
  cannot be credited.

Footnote 121:

  All survivors interviewed by the author stoutly maintained that Black
  Hawk so disposed his troops as to make it appear that the whites were

Footnote 122:

  The father and mother of Capt. Adams were killed by Indians.

Footnote 123:

  Wakefield, p. 21, is authority for the statement that Dr. Donaldson
  was surgeon of Stillman’s Battalion.

Footnote 124:

  The shock to Mrs. Adams on learning of her husband’s horrible fate
  deprived her of reason, which was never recovered.

Footnote 125:

  On June 14, 1902, the State of Illinois dedicated a monument costing
  $5,000 on the hill where Capt. Adams made his stand. The officers of
  the association to whom the credit of securing that monument is due
  are Lovejoy Johnson, Pt.; L. Dickerman, V. Pt.; John A. Atwood, Secy.;
  John A. White, Treas.; Wallace Revell, Trustee.



                              CHAPTER XX.


The straggling arrival of the panic-stricken troops into camp at Dixon’s
Ferry, from three o’clock to daylight of the morning of May 15th, threw
Whiteside’s camp into confusion. The force of Dodge’s warning had now a
depressing, yea, disastrous effect on the army, and the conduct of the
men was most humiliating to Governor Reynolds. With one accord the
officers flocked to his tent to hear the exaggerations of the runaways
and plan a possible maneuver to counteract the fleeting fortune of their
volunteer arms.

The catastrophe, instead of inspiring the troops with resolution to
revenge their fallen comrades, spread disaffection, and demands arose
from all sides to be discharged from a campaign which promised nothing
but trouble and a long absence from home. The Governor, foreseeing the
plight likely to visit him, at once, by the light of a solitary candle,
wrote out the following call for 2,000 more volunteers to rendezvous at
Hennepin on the 10th of June:

                            “Dixon’s Ferry, on Rock River, May 15, 1832.

  “It becomes my duty to again call on you for your services in defense
  of your country. The state is not only invaded by the hostile Indians,
  but many of our citizens have been slain in battle. A detachment of
  mounted volunteers, about 275 in number, commanded by Maj. Stillman,
  were overpowered by hostile Indians on Sycamore Creek, distant from
  this place about thirty miles, and a considerable number killed. This
  is an act of hostility which cannot be misconstrued. I am of the
  opinion that the Pottawatomies and Winnebagoes have joined the Sacs,
  and all may be considered as waging war against the United States. To
  subdue these Indians and drive them out of the state, it will require
  a force of at least 2,000 mounted volunteers, in addition to troops
  already in the field. I have made the necessary requisition of proper
  officers for the above number, and have no doubt that the citizen
  soldiers of the state will obey the call of their country. They will
  meet at Hennepin, on the Illinois River, in companies of 50 men each,
  on the 10th of June next, to be organized into brigades.

                                    “JOHN REYNOLDS, Commander in Chief.”

John Ewing of Franklin County and John A. Wakefield and Robert Blackwell
of Fayette County were the trusted messengers selected to carry this
call over the state. At the same time, Col. James M. Strode, colonel and
commander of the Jo Daviess County militia, was empowered and requested
to organize his county for immediate action.

Governor Reynolds also sent word of the defeat to Colonel Dodge at the
camp of the latter on the north side of the river some distance above,
with the request that he forthwith take measures to protect the frontier
of Michigan Territory (now Wisconsin).

Major Horn[126] of Reynolds’ staff was dispatched to St. Louis with a
message to Colonel March, who was at that place, to forward the supplies
for the new levy to Hennepin. With his conspicuous vigor the order was
executed, but not by leaving the provisions at Hennepin. Fort Deposit,
or later Fort Wilbourn, so-called from Captain John S. Wilbourn of the
militia from Morgan County, was a point on the south bank of the
Illinois River about midway between the present cities of Peru and
LaSalle. It was nearer the seat of action at Dixon’s Ferry and was
accordingly chosen by Major Horn, and there he deposited the provisions.
Thither, too, the troops marched, and, as Albert Sidney Johnston wrote
in his journal on June 12, 1832: “General and staff arrived at this
place this evening. The Illinois volunteers having arrived here in great
numbers, the General decided upon organizing them at this point,
supplies for the troops having been placed in depot at this place, and
the route to Dixon’s quite as good and as near as the mouth of Fox

That explains the erection of this base, and in the same connection it
may be said that the old army trail subsequently became known as the
“Peru road,” was the one traveled by Abraham Lincoln on his return home
via Peoria, and was the route traversed by Colonel John Dement, Receiver
of the Dixon Land Office, when subsequently he carried the public moneys
from Dixon to Peru to be shipped by boat to St. Louis, the industrial
and financial center of the times.

Another message was sent to General Atkinson, not yet arrived from Fort
Armstrong, and finally Major Adams[127] was dispatched to Quincy to
procure corn for the horses. By daylight the various expresses were
hurrying on their respective ways over the state.

With the abandonment of the baggage and supplies down the river, the
improvidence of the troops with the provisions brought along and the
destruction and confiscation of Stillman’s by Black Hawk, there was
imminent danger of a famine, but Mr. Dixon came to the rescue by
slaughtering his oxen, milch cows and young stock, which the troops
devoured without bread or salt. After a hasty breakfast, a general march
for the battlefield to bury the dead was begun, and by evening finished.

The sight of the mangled remains of their comrades did not inspire the
majority of the men with a wish to prolong their service.
Dissatisfaction, much of it unexplained, prevailed, and nothing but a
demand for a discharge from further service was heard.


[Illustration: CAPT. S.H. SCALES]


[Illustration: JESSE W. SHULL.]



[Illustration: COL. HENRY DODGE.]

[Illustration: COL. HENRY DODGE AS A U.S. RANGER.]

[Illustration: CAPT. JAMES CRAIG.]

[Illustration: CAPT. J.R.B. GRATIOT.]


Gathering the fragments of the mutilated bodies together, they buried
Captain Adams and his faithful companions that evening, the 15th. The
dismantled baggage wagons, ruined saddlebags, dead horses, destroyed
provisions and the whisky keg, said by Black Hawk to have been emptied
by his direction, were found upon the field.

The army camped that night upon the south bank of the creek, with little
to disturb it save the casual firing of small arms in the distance,
which might have indicated the presence of the enemy, but Major Henry
and his battalion of spies, detached to scour the country and test the
presence of the Indians, returned to camp at an early hour of the
morning without discovering a sign of them.

On the morning of the 16th the army began its return march for Dixon’s
Ferry for provisions, presuming, of course, that Atkinson’s forces would
be there against their arrival in the evening, but the progress of the
keel boats up the river had necessarily been very slow, and when the
army reached Dixon’s Ferry the regulars had not yet arrived. This caused
a storm of protest to reach the ears of the officers, which demanded
decisive action. The unplanted crops, the futility of the enterprise and
innumerable other reasons were urged for disbanding. The “fun” of an
Indian campaign had proved too serious for the younger generation.

In this dreadful state of insubordination the Governor held the troops
until the morning of the 17th, when, after a fervid appeal to their
patriotism to continue their service to protect the exposed frontier
until the new levies arrived, the remaining troops of Stillman and
Bailey, recovering their lost senses, immediately consented, whereupon
the Fifth Regiment was organized, as before mentioned. Delaying for a
few hours the decision, which must inevitably have come in favor of the
other men, hopeful that Atkinson would come, Governor Reynolds was
happily relieved by the arrival of Atkinson’s forces and Major Long’s
foot battalion about noon, with stores, which momentarily quieted the
clamoring of the volunteers. With these reinforcements came Captain W.S.
Harney and Lieutenant Jefferson Davis, each of whom had been absent on
furlough, but who, on the crossing of Black Hawk into Illinois, had
returned to his regiment at Fort Armstrong in time to march up the river
with Atkinson.

Before dark of the 15th, Strode, Captain J.W. Stephenson and others from
the mining district reached Galena with the intelligence of Stillman’s
defeat, and the possibilities of immediate and general Indian
hostilities created the greatest excitement among the people. The notes
of a bugle at once called the settlers and miners together on the old
race course on the bottom near the river,[128] and by reason of his
popularity, Captain Stephenson quickly organized a company of mounted
rangers, which elected him captain. Strode, however, could not
manipulate his militia, as he had confidently expected and promised.
Candidates for office contested the supremacy of Strode, then a
candidate for State Senator (and later elected), with suggestions that
he should get out of the way. With this conflict among leaders, men did
not respond as expected, and to still more complicate Reynolds’ already
distressing plight, Strode’s troubles reached Dixon’s Ferry. Resolving
upon asking the advice of Atkinson, he started an express for Atkinson’s
camp at 3 o’clock in the morning of Saturday, May 19th, consisting of
Sergeant Fred Stahl and William Durley, Vincent Smith, Redding Bennett
and James Smith, who bore dispatches for Atkinson and who took John D.
Winters, the mail contractor, for guide. On Sunday, 20th, Stahl returned
and added to the alarm by reporting that his party had been ambuscaded
by the Indians just on the edge of Buffalo Grove (now Polo, Illinois),
fifty miles from Galena, about 5 o’clock of Saturday afternoon, and that
Durley was instantly killed and left on the spot.

Strode was in despair. He declared martial law, and had not Atkinson, on
his arrival at Dixon’s, anticipated his troubles and sent relief, poor
Strode might have been discomfited. As it was, Lieutenant Jefferson
Davis and a small detachment was ordered to hasten to his assistance.
Arrived there, Davis, with the co-operation of H. Hezekiah Gear, a man
of strong personality, great force of character and of commanding
influence with the sturdy miners, smoothed the ruffled tempers of the
miners and softened them into an eager desire for enlistment, and the
organization of the Twenty-seventh Regiment followed.

This regiment, organized on the 19th and 21st, was composed of the
companies of Captains Milton M. Maughs, Nicholas Dowling, Clack Stone,
Charles McCoy, Benjamin J. Aldenrath, H. Hezekiah Gear, Samuel H.
Scales, Jonathan Craig, L.P. Vansburgh, all from Jo Daviess County. It
was commanded by Colonel Strode, ranged the northwestern part of the
state and was mustered out at Galena, September 6th. Owing to the
careless manipulation of the records in those days, it is impossible to
state the remaining officers of the regiment, except to note the name of
Dr. Horatio Newhall as surgeon and the casual use of the name of Captain
Stephenson as major, but as he was subsequently attached to Dodge’s
squadron as major, and acted almost entirely with Dodge thereafter, his
should be classed as an independent company, not in Strode’s

In addition to the Twenty-seventh Regiment, Jo Daviess organized two
independent companies, which later became permanently attached to
Dodge’s squadron and were mustered out September 14 at Galena by Lieut.
J.R.B. Gardenier, who for the most part acted as commandant of the
company of Nicholas Dowling. One of those two companies was commanded by
Capt. James Craig and the other was the company of Captain Stephenson,
until he was elected major. On that date Enoch Duncan was elected
captain, vice Stephenson.


[Illustration: A.L. CHETLAIN.]

[Illustration: LOUIS CHETLAIN.]




[Illustration: MAJ. THOMAS JAMES.]

[Illustration: CAPT. J.H. ROUNDTREE.]

[Illustration: EDWARD D. BOUCHARD.]

[Illustration: CAPT. HIRAM ROUNDTREE.]


Of the body called Dodge’s squadron, Henry Dodge was Colonel, James W.
Stephenson was Major and later Lieutenant-Colonel, W.W. Woodbridge,
Adjutant, Addison Philleo, Surgeon, and John Bivens, Surgeon’s Mate. The
moment Dodge received word from Reynolds of Stillman’s disaster, he lost
not one minute in returning to the mining district to quiet the
Winnebagoes, who might and probably would have risen with the
Pottowatomies and overwhelmed the settlers over the entire northwestern
country, but Dodge and Henry Gratiot gave them no time to formulate a
plan. The Winnebagoes were the natural friends and allies of the Sacs
and the constant and unscrupulous enemy of the whites when the least
opportunity arose, but since the affair of 1827 they feared Dodge.

His public position in 1832 was Colonel of Michigan Militia,[130] to
which command was added, immediately on the commencement of hostilities,
the command of the mounted volunteers of Iowa County and the Galena
volunteers in Illinois, when they served by companies in Michigan
Territory. Starting before dawn of May 15th for the lead mines
settlements, he in an incredibly short time had preparations moving for
the safety of every settler in southwestern Michigan. In a week’s time
stockades made of logs ten or twelve feet high, buried end up, in forms
of squares or parallelograms, with blockhouses inclosed and lookouts at
one or more corners, were finished and ready for occupation at the
following places, after which all persons so disposed were comfortably
“forted,” as the expression was in those days:

  Fort Union (headquarters), Colonel Dodge’s residence near Dodgeville.
Colonel Dodge commanding.

  Fort Defiance, at the farm of Daniel M. Parkinson, about five miles
southeast of Mineral Point. Captain Hoard commanding.

  Fort Hamilton, at William S. Hamilton’s diggings, later Wiota.

  Fort Jackson, at Mineral Point. Capt. John F. O’Neal commanding.

  Mound Fort, on the high prairie about a mile and a half south of
Ebenezer Brigham’s residence at Blue Mounds. Capt. John Sherman

  Parish’s Fort, at the residence of Thomas J. Parish, later Wingville.

And forts, unnamed, at Cassville, Platteville, Gratiot’s Grove, under
command of J.R. B. Gratiot, Diamond Grove, White Oak Springs, Old
Shullsburg and Elk Grove, at the farm of Justus DeSeelhorst.

About the 22d or 23d of May, Colonel Dodge and Col. Henry Gratiot,
sub-agent of the Winnebagoes, assembled a company of fifty mounted
volunteers, commanded by Captains James H. Gentry and John H. Roundtree,
and marched to the head of the Four Lakes, where, on the 25th, the
assembled Indians were asked to declare their intentions. If they
decided to aid, counsel or abet the Sacs, or harbor them in their
country, such acts would be received as a declaration of war and would
be visited with condign punishment. Dodge emphatically proclaimed the
Sacs liars and traitors, who wished only to draw the Winnebagoes into a
war to distract attention from their own actions, while they might
escape when hostilities went against them, thus leaving the Winnebagoes
to bear the brunt of the punishment which must follow in blood and
uncomfortable peace conditions.

So vigorous, yet so diplomatic, were Dodge and Gratiot, that peaceful
relations were at once assured and, with slight exception, maintained by



Footnote 126:

  Reddick Horn.

Footnote 127:

  2d Sergeant Parker Adams, of Gideon Simpson’s Company.

Footnote 128:

  Hist. Jo Daviess County, p. 284.

Footnote 129:

  William Campbell was later made Major of the Twenty-seventh Regiment.

Footnote 130:

  Vol. 1, p. 265, Smith’s Hist. of Wis.

Footnote 131:

  The “talk” had at this meeting given in full note A, p. 416, Smith,
  Vol. I.



                              CHAPTER XXI.


On the 18th, after ten days’ rations had been issued, Atkinson, by order
No. 17, directed Whiteside to be in readiness to move up the river the
following morning, while Col. Johnson was to remain with his battalion
at Dixon’s as a corps of reserve until the return of the main army,
which contemplated a movement after the Indians the following morning,
or until further orders. Later in the day rumors of possible attacks
caused Atkinson, for better security of the post, to order the company
of Capt. James White to be in readiness to move to Fort Armstrong at any
moment. The necessity for departure that day was not, however, apparent,
but early the following morning the alarm along the frontier had grown
to such proportions that not only was Capt. White ordered to proceed at
once, but Capt. Seth Pratt’s company was added to the detail, under
orders of Capt. White, to proceed at once down the river in the “large”
keel boat with the sick and wounded, to report to Major Thomas J. Beall,
then in command of Fort Armstrong, Major John Bliss being left at
Dixon’s in charge of that post.

While many wild rumors were constantly afloat, no positive danger of
attack was apprehended up to this time, but when a delegation of
influential and reputable men from the settlements on the Fox and Du
Page rivers met the army the following day, some distance up the river,
and reported actual attacks and more in prospect, another order, No. 20,
directed Col. Johnson, with Major Bailey and the four companies of
Captains Covell, McClure, Pugh and Adams (then commanded by First
Lieutenant Benjamin Briggs, who succeeded to the command), to proceed at
once to those scenes, after first securing from Col. Taylor, while
marching, two kegs of rifle powder and one hundred pounds of lead. This
disposition left the three companies of Captains Eads, Barnes and Ball,
under Lieut-Col. Stillman at Dixon’s Ferry.

To ascertain the route pursued by the Indians after Stillman’s defeat, a
party composed of Elijah Iles and four others was ordered out. These men
passed around the late camp a distance of eight or ten miles. A trail
was found going in the direction of the Illinois River, which was
followed some distance without results. The second night out they were
alarmed by evidence which clearly proved the presence of Indians; pony
tracks, leaves turned up by the feet of the ponies and other
indisputable indications, which were followed by the sight of three
Indians, evidently searching for them. These were eluded and the second
night passed without event. Continuing the next morning a course down
Rock River, Black Hawk’s late camp on that river was found about noon,
deserted, with many canoes and other articles of Indian property left
behind. Again striking out for the army, the little party reached it
about night, when news of the murders at Indian Creek was received.

This scouting party learned that the trail toward the south was a ruse
to divert the army from intercepting their march to the north, which the
Indians covered with remarkable cleverness, a few of them going on to
Indian Creek to participate in the murders, while the others returned

On the 19th the army, ostensibly to pursue the Indians, moved twelve
miles up the river from Dixon’s Ferry and there camped for the night.
The following morning the march was resumed with more vigor, and by dark
Stillman’s battlefield was reached almost simultaneously with an express
bearing tidings of the murder of fifteen persons at the Davis
settlement, twelve miles above Ottawa, on Indian Creek, which empties
into the Fox about ten miles above its mouth. The effect of this
staggering news was immediately to place the army in the best possible
state of defense against attack, which might be made by the confederated
tribes of Sacs, Foxes, Winnebagoes and Pottowatomies at any moment, as
was then feared. Accordingly general order No. 21 was fulminated, and
detachments were sent to Dixon’s Ferry and other points, as will be
noticed hereafter:

  “The order of encampment and the order of march observed by the
  mounted volunteers will be continued. Should the brigade be attacked
  in front on its march, the advance guard will, as far as practicable,
  maintain its ground until the line can be formed and come up to its
  assistance. Col. DeWitt and Col. Fry’s regiments will move up and form
  line to the front, 100 paces in rear of the advance guard and
  dismount; the regiments having been previously told off in squads of
  seven, the fourth man of each squad will take charge of the horses.
  The two regiments will then be formed on foot and advance to the
  attack. In an attack on the right flank, Col. DeWitt’s and Col. Fry’s
  regiments will form line on the right flank, with the battalion of
  spies on their right. In case of an attack in the rear, Col. Fry’s
  regiment, Col. James’ odd battalion, and Col. Thomas’ regiment will
  form line, facing to the rear.

  “In the several formations directed, those regiments not named will
  remain in position, and be held in readiness to support the point of
  attack when ordered. Brig.-Gen. Whiteside will cause these
  dispositions for battle to be practiced as often as he may deem
  necessary. The piece of artillery will be brought into action as
  circumstances may require. Should the camp be attacked, they will be
  formed in front of their tents and in rear of the fires. The regiments
  thus posted will remain in their respective positions until otherwise
  directed by the commanding officer. The Spy Battalion will occupy the
  center of the camp, and be held in reserve, to be directed upon any
  point that may require support. At night, the fires will be made 40
  yards in front of the line of tents; the guard will consist of four
  companies, one to be posted on the center of each front, 150 to 200
  yards in advance. The sentinels will be posted at a proper distance,
  which will be varied according to the nature of the ground. If the
  guard should be attacked, it will maintain its position as long as
  practicable, and if forced to retire, will do so in good order under
  the direction of the officer of the day, who will instruct the guard
  when mounted as to its disposition in this event.

  “By order of Brig-Gen. Atkinson.

                                    “A.S. JOHNSTON, A.-D.-C–A.A.A. Gen.”

This massacre was instigated by three of Black Hawk’s braves and
executed by them with the assistance of about seventy disaffected
Pottowatomies and Winnebagoes.[133]

In the spring of the year 1830 William Davis had made a claim on “Big
Indian Creek,” erecting a cabin, blacksmith shop (being a blacksmith by
trade), and later a mill. When Black Hawk invaded the state in 1832,
Davis was finishing a dam for the purpose of furnishing power to run the
mill, preventing thereby the running upstream of the fish, as was
claimed by the Indians. A numerous band of Pottowatomies, under their
chief, Meau-eus, lived in their village on this creek, six miles above
the dam, subsisting largely on the fish caught in that little stream.
Meau-eus, having been always a fine hater of the whites, grew
excessively angry at this obstruction, and in an attempt to destroy it
resistance followed, in which the Indians claimed one of the band was
unmercifully flogged by Davis, a man of powerful physique. For final
adjustment, the controversy was carried before Shabbona, who, in
conjunction with Wau-ban-se, concluded an arrangement whereby the
Indians were persuaded for the future to fish below the dam, which
involved but little additional labor and which they did for a time with
apparent good will, but beneath the surface a hatred lodged, only to be
spent when, through the assistance of Black Hawk’s braves, the
settlement perished.

John and J.H. Henderson, Allen Howard, William Pettigrew, William Hall
and others, with their families, had from time to time settled near the
place, until the settlement had grown to be one of the most promising in
northern Illinois.

After Black Hawk passed Dixon’s Ferry, it was not long before his
emissaries discovered the situation and made the best of it by
recruiting to his ranks the entire band, the very thing the Governor
attempted to prevent when he sent out his express from Dixon’s. The
Indians at once ceased to fish, a circumstance which Davis and J.H.
Henderson proceeded to investigate by visiting the village. They found
it abandoned, as they had feared, as was that of Wau-ban-se, who, by the
advice of Shabbona, had taken his men to the village of the latter after
both had sent their women and children to Ottawa for protection.

Stillman’s defeat followed, and then came Shabbona’s famous ride to warn
the settlements of the dangers which he too well realized were in store
for the Davis settlement. Never lived there a more devoted and upright
Indian than Shabbona! From the day he left the fortunes of Tecumseh he
neglected no opportunity to manifest his friendship for the whites, and
never was a more perilous ride projected in a frontier country than the
one he took with his son, Pype-gee, and his nephew, Pypes, that
memorable day down the Fox River Valley, on to Holderman’s settlement,
and, separating, thence on to Bureau Creek, passing through the Indian
Creek settlement on the route, missing none in all that vast territory.

Howard and the two Hendersons took their families to Ottawa and then
returned to work their farms. Pettigrew likewise took his wife and two
children to the same place, but finding no trouble in sight at the end
of a few days, he brought them all back again, reaching Davis’ house at
noon of the day of the massacre. Robert Norris and Henry George, young
men from the neighboring settlements, were also at the Davis house, so
on that particular day Davis naturally thought their numbers sufficient
to resist any attack; in fact, he had urged against any member of the
settlement removing to Ottawa for protection.

Pypes, or Pipe, as he was sometimes called, carried his messages safely
on down as far as Rochelle’s village, below the Illinois River, where he
tarried, as we are told, to urge his suit with a maid of great beauty at
that village. Returning home by way of the Indian Creek settlement, he
discovered, toward dark of the 19th, a large band of Indians entering
the timber, which fact he reported to Shabbona so soon as he reached the
latter’s village, about midnight.[134]

Once more the grand old chief mounted his pony and rode out into the
night, as he had before done so many times, to spread a warning. By
sunrise, every person in the settlement had again been notified and
given a chance to flee to Ottawa, but Davis, again protesting,

As Shabbona subsequently told the story, these Indians camped near the
head of the timber on the creek, while reconnoitering parties surveyed
and learned the exact location and pursuit of each settler and
determined on a propitious moment for the assault. These did their work
thoroughly, leaving no possibility for escape by any number of the
intended victims. About 4 o’clock of May 20th the scattered settlers
were suddenly confronted by seventy Indians, led there by two
Pottowatomies named To-qua-mee and Co-mee, all of whom had so adroitly
covered their movements as to be able to reach the very dooryards before
discovery. The barking of a dog attracted the attention of Mrs. Davis,
who exclaimed, on looking out the door: “My God! Here they are now.”

Mr. Pettigrew attempted to barricade the door, but was shot down amidst
shrieks and whoops, signals for the slaughter which followed. The men at
the blacksmith shop were so completely surprised that no opportunity for
defense was offered. Hall was instantly dispatched. Norris attempted
resistance, but his gun was seized and in another instant he, too, was
dead. Davis, the strongest of the party, fought desperately by clubbing
his rifle, but to no purpose against such frightful odds, for no sooner
would he dispose of one antagonist than others would take his place with
added ferocity, for Davis was the man they most of all hated and feared,
and well he earned the distinction of being a fighter on that dreadful
day. The ground about his dead body was torn and bloody, indicating a
conflict second only to the hand-to-hand contest of gallant Captain
Adams at Stillman’s defeat. The brains of children were dashed out
against a stump; the women were butchered, and, after the most revolting
mutilations, their bodies were hanged, heads downward, to neighboring
trees.[135] Young William Davis and John W., a son of William Hall, made
their escape after desperate chances. Henry George, in attempting to
escape, jumped into the mill pond, but a bullet quickly disposed of him.
Spears, knives, tomahawks and rifles performed their bloody and deadly
offices, and the fiends afterward confessed they relished the sight
because the women squawked like ducks as the steel penetrated their
flesh. Mrs. Davis, in her fright, threw both arms about Rachel Hall, and
when shot down the muzzle of the rifle had been so close as to burn the
flesh to a blister. Aside from the few who escaped, but two, Sylvia and
Rachel Hall, aged, respectively, seventeen and fifteen years, were
spared, whether from a sentimental demand made by the two Indians,
To-qua-mee and Co-mee, before consenting to act as guides, or for the
purpose of ransom, cannot be definitely determined, but from subsequent
developments it is probable that both reasons were factors in their

These two Indians, who subsequently confessed their part in the affair
to Louis Ouilmette, after their acquittal, insisted that it was agreed
the two young ladies should be spared because of the infatuation of
those young red men for them. They had been frequent visitors at the
Hall home, and endeavored, after the fashion of the Indian, to purchase
the girls from Mr. Hall.

Following is the narrative of the captivity of the Hall girls, reduced
to writing by them and John W. Hall, the manuscripts being now in
possession of Hon. James H. Eckles of Chicago, and by him loaned to be
used herein. Mrs. Eckles is a granddaughter of Mrs. Munson.

“A short and concise account of the capture, treatment and rescue of the
two Misses Hall. The capture occurred on the 20th of May, 1832, in the
afternoon, by the Sacs and Foxes, and the rescue on the 1st of June

The following is a statement of the two girls, made in the presence of
William Munson and W.S. Horn, their husbands:

  “In the afternoon of the 20th day of May, 1832, we were alarmed by
  Indians rushing suddenly into the room where we were staying. The room
  or house was situated on the north bank of Indian Creek, in the county
  of LaSalle, State of Illinois, about 12 miles north of Ottawa. Here
  our father and family, consisting of father, mother, four sisters and
  three brothers, were stopping a few days. Father’s name was William
  Hall, about 45 years old. Mother’s name was Mary Jane Rebecca, aged
  45. The eldest sister’s name was Temperance Cutright, who was living
  in McLean County, Illinois, at the time, and was about 27 years old;
  eldest brother’s name was John W., who was at home, aged 23; Edward H.
  Hall, aged 21; Greenbury Hall, aged 19 (these two last named were not
  at the house at the time when the Indians made the attack); Sylvia
  Hall, aged 17; Rachael Hall, aged 15; Elizabeth, aged 8. The house in
  which we were belonged to Wm. Davis, who, with his family, contained
  nine members. Mr. Pettigrew’s family, consisting of four members, were
  also at the house, where those families were stopping together, in
  order to protect each other in case of danger from the Indians. John
  H. Henderson, Henry George and Robert Norris also were stopping at the
  same house.

  “John H. Henderson, Alexander Davis, Edward and Greenbury Hall, Allen
  Howard, Wm. Davis, Jr., were in the field, about 100 rods south, at
  the time when the Indians approached the house. Wm. Hall, Wm. Davis,
  John W. Hall, Norris and George were at the time in a blacksmith shop
  about sixty or eighty steps from the house, rather down the creek, and
  near the bank and not far from the north end of a mill dam, which was
  being built.

  “Mr. Pettigrew was in the house, when all of a sudden the Indians came
  to the door of the house. Pettigrew, with a child in his arms, flew to
  the door and tried to shut it, but failed to accomplish his object,
  being shot, and fell in the house. Then commenced a heart-rending
  scene. Mrs. Pettigrew had her arms around Rachael at the time she was
  shot, and the flash of the burning powder blew in her face. We were
  trying to hide or get out of the way, while there was no place to get.
  We were on the bed when the Indians caught us, and took us out into
  the yard, two Indians taking each of us by the arms and hurrying off
  as fast as possible, and while going, we saw an Indian take
  Pettigrew’s child by the feet and strike its head against a stump, and
  Davis’ little boy was shot by an Indian, two other Indians holding the
  boy by each hand.

  “We passed on to the creek, about 80 steps, when they dragged Rachael
  into the creek and about half way across, when they turned back and
  went near half way to the house, where Sylvia and Rachael got together
  and were hurried up the creek on the north side, being the same side
  the house stood upon, to where the Indians had left their ponies,
  about 1-1/2 miles from the house. Here we found the Indians with
  father’s horses and some of the neighbors tied up with their ponies.
  We were then placed on a pony apiece, on an Indian saddle, and placed
  near the center of the procession, each of our ponies being led, and
  occasionally the ponies we were riding received the lash from someone

  “We supposed that there was somewhere about 40 warriors, no squaws
  being in this party. In this way we traveled until late in the night,
  when the party halted about two hours, and the Indians danced a
  little, holding their ponies by the bridles. We rested during this
  time on some blankets, and both permitted to sit together. Then we
  were remounted and traveled on in the same order until one or two
  o’clock the next day, when they halted again near some bushes, not far
  from a grove of timber (on our right). Just before we stopped, Rachael
  made signs to them that she was tired, and was allowed to get off her
  pony and walk awhile, and while walking we came to a stream of water
  some three feet deep, and she was compelled to wade through the water.
  Here we rested one or two hours while the ponies picked a little, and
  some beans were scalded by the Indians and some acorns roasted, and
  the Indians ate heartily, and we tried to, but it was very hard to get
  much down while expecting all the time to fare like our beloved
  friends, or worse. After thus resting, we were packed up as usual, and
  traveled on a while, when some of the Indians left us for some time.
  When they returned we were hurried on at a rapid rate some five miles,
  while the Indians that were following had their spears drawn, and we
  expected that the party while absent had seen some whites, and that if
  we were overtaken they would destroy us.

  “After having rode at this rapid rate for about one hour, they slacked
  or checked their speed and rode on as usual, until near sundown, when
  the whole party halted for the night, and, having built a fire, the
  Indians required us to burn some tobacco and corn meal in the fire,
  which was placed in our hands by them, which we did, not knowing why
  we did so, except to obey them. We, however, supposed it might be to
  show that they had been successful in their undertaking. The Indians
  then prepared their supper, consisting of dried meat sliced, coffee
  boiled in a copper kettle, corn pounded and made in a kind of soup;
  they then gave us some of this preparation in wooden bowls, with
  wooden ladles. We partook of those provisions, but did not relish
  them, after which the Indians partook of their supper, prepared in the
  same manner. After supper the warriors held a dance, and after the
  dance concluded, we were conducted to a tent or wigwam, and a squaw
  placed on each side of us, where we remained during this night,
  sleeping what we could, which was but little. The Indians kept
  stirring round all night. In the morning, breakfast in about the same
  manner as supper. Breakfast over, the Indians cleared off a piece of
  ground about 90 feet in circumference, and placed a pole about 25 feet
  high in the center, and 15 or 20 spears set up around this pole, and
  on the top of the spears were placed the scalps of our murdered
  friends. Father’s, mother’s and Mr. Pettigrew’s were recognized by us.
  There were also two or three hearts placed upon separate spears; then
  squaws, under the directions of the warriors, as we understood it by
  their jabbering, painted one side of our faces and heads red and the
  other black, we being seated on our blankets near the center pole,
  just leaving room for the Indians to pass between us and the pole.
  Then the warriors commenced to dance around us with their spears in
  their hands, and occasionally sticking them in the ground. And now we
  expected at every round the spears would be thrust through us and our
  troubles brought to an end, yet no hostile demonstration was made by
  them toward us.

  “After they had continued their dance about half an hour or more, two
  old squaws led us away to one of their wigwams and washed the paint
  off our faces, as well as they could, after scrubbing very hard. Then
  the whole encampment struck tents and started in a northward
  direction, while the whole earth seemed to be alive with Indians. This
  being the third day of our suffering, we were very much exhausted, and
  still we must obey the savage murderers, and while traveling now, we
  were separated from each other during traveling hours, under charge of
  two squaws to each of us, and being permitted to stay together when
  not on the march under the direction of our four squaws, we now
  traveled slowly over rough, barren prairie land until near sundown,
  when we camped again, being left with our four squaws, with whom we
  were always in company, day or night, they sleeping on each side of us
  during the night.

  “The warriors now held another dance, but not around us this time, as
  before. Here we had all the maple sugar we desired, while the Indians
  seemed to make as good preparations for our accommodation as they

  “About this time our dresses were changed, the Indians furnishing the
  dresses. The one furnished Rachael was a red and white calico dress,
  ruffled around the bottom. Sylvia’s was blue calico. The Indians now
  tried to get us to throw away our shoes and put on moccasins, which we
  would not do. They also threw away Rachael’s comb, and she went and
  got it again and kept it. We now traveled and camped about as usual,
  until the seventh day, when the Indians came to where we were and took
  Sylvia off on to the side of a hill, about 40 rods from where we were
  before, to where the Indians seemed to have been holding a council,
  and one of the Indians said that Sylvia must go with an old Indian,
  which we afterward learned was the chief of the Winnebagoes, and
  called himself White Crow, and was blind in one eye, and that Rachael
  was to remain with the Indians we had been with all the time. Sylvia
  said she could not go unless Rachael went also. He, the White Crow,
  then got up and made a speech, loud and long, and seemed very much
  excited and interested. After he had concluded his speech, some
  Indian, who called himself Whirling Thunder, went and brought Rachael
  to where Sylvia was, and the chiefs shook hands together, and horses
  were brought, switches cut to whip them with, and we were both placed
  on horses, while one of the young Indians stepped up, and with a large
  knife cut a lock of hair out of Rachael’s head over the right ear, and
  one out of the back of the head and said to the old chief White Crow
  that he would have her back (as we afterwards learned) in three or
  four days. One of the Indians also cut a lock of hair out of the front
  part of Sylvia’s head. Then we started and rode at a rapid rate, until
  the next morning near daylight, when we halted at the encampment of
  the Winnebagoes, and where a bed was prepared on a low scaffold with
  blankets and furs, upon which we lay down until after daylight. This
  was the morning of the ninth day of our captivity. After breakfast the
  whole encampment packed up and placed us and themselves in canoes, and
  we traveled all day until near sundown, by water, and camped on the
  bank of the stream, the name of which we never knew, neither can we
  now tell whether we traveled up or down; neither can we tell what went
  with the horses on which we rode the day before.

  “On the morning of the 9th we were up and had breakfast as usual with
  the Indians very early, after which White Crow went round to each camp
  or wigwam, as far as we could see, and stood at the opening with a
  gourd with pebbles in it, shaking it and occasionally talking as if he
  was lecturing, then he went off and was gone all day, while we
  remained in camp. He came back at night, and for the first time spoke
  to us in English and asked if father or mother was alive, and whether
  we had any brothers or sisters. We told him we thought not, for we
  expected they were all killed. When he heard this he shook his head
  and looked very sorry, and then informed us that he was going to take
  us home in the morning.

  “Things remained as usual through the night. Next morning, being the
  10th, White Crow went through the same performance as on the morning
  of yesterday. Then 26 of the Winnebagoes went with us into the canoes
  and crossed over the stream, swimming their ponies by the side of the
  canoes. After landing on the other shore, all were mounted on the
  ponies, and we traveled all day through wet land, sloughs and a growth
  of underbrush, no water being where the underbrush grew.

  “At night we came to where there were two or three families encamped.
  (They expressed great joy at seeing us.) Here we stopped for the night
  and camped. At the camp where we staid, White Crow and Whirling
  Thunder staid. Here we had pickled pork, potatoes, coffee and bread
  for supper for ourselves and the two chiefs, which we relished better
  than anything we had since our captivity.

  “After all the Indians had laid down, except White Crow, we laid down
  on the bed prepared for us, and White Crow came and sat down by our
  bed and commenced smoking his pipe and continued there, smoking the
  most of the time until morning, never going to sleep, as we believe.

  “The next morning, 11th, breakfast about the same as supper. The
  Indian families with whom we staid bid us good-bye, and the same
  company of 26 Indians as the day before started with us, and we
  traveled over land that seemed to be higher than that traveled over
  the day before, and more barren timber. About 10 a.m. we came to some
  old tracks of a wagon, and now for the first time we began to have
  some hopes that these Indians were going to convey us home, as they
  said they would. And as we passed on we began to see more and more
  signs of civilization. About three o’clock p.m. we stopped and had
  some dinner, broiled venison and boiled duck eggs, and if they had not
  been boiled so soon, the young ducks would have made their appearance,
  and our stomachs would have revolted at such a mess as this. But the
  Indians would never starve, if they could always get young ducks
  boiled in the shell.

  After this sumptuous feast, we traveled on until we found we were near
  the fort at the Blue Mounds. White Crow then took Rachael’s white
  handkerchief, or one that had once been white, and made a flag of it,
  raised it on a pole, rode on about one-half mile, and halted. There
  the Indians formed a ring around us, and White Crow and two others
  went on towards the fort until they came within about one-half mile of
  the fort, where they halted and remained until an interpreter met him
  and ascertained what he wanted. When the interpreter learned what was
  wanted, he returned to the fort, and the Indian Agent, Henry Gratiot,
  in company with a company of soldiers, returned to where we were
  enclosed. White Crow then delivered us over to the company of
  soldiers, and we returned with the troops to the fort and found, to
  the great joy of our hearts, two of our uncles in the company, Edward
  Hall and Reason Hall.

  “We remained here in the fort two nights and one day; obtained here a
  change of clothing. It was now about the 1st of June. We started in
  company with the same 26 Indians and a company of soldiers, with the
  Indian agent, Henry Gratiot, for Gratiot’s Grove, which place we
  reached at night, and remained over night with a family, the agent and
  interpreter remaining with us, while the Indians camped near by. Next
  morning White Crow made a speech to the company, in which he referred
  to the incidents of our rescue. He also proposed to give each of us a
  Sac squaw for a servant during life, which we declined, telling him
  that we did not desire to have them placed in such a situation. Then
  we, in company with the troops, went on to the fort at the White Oak
  Springs (the Indians bidding us a final adieu at Gratiot’s Grove).
  Here we remained three or four days, when J.W. Hall, our dear brother,
  who we supposed murdered, met us, and from whom we learned that all
  the families that were at the house of Davis, and all the individuals
  that were present, were killed, himself excepted. Those in the field
  at the time of our captivity made their escape to the fort at Ottawa,
  LaSalle County, Illinois, and he, J.W. Hall, after seeing all fall by
  the hands of the Indians, made his escape by jumping down the bank of
  the creek and keeping under said bank on the side nearest the Indians,
  until he could venture out in the prairie and get across to said fort.
  His statements will be found in this work. There we remained two or
  three weeks, and while there we were furnished with materials (by the
  merchants and others, who seemed to take a great interest in our
  welfare) to make us some clothing, which we made, in order to prepare
  ourselves to pass through the country honorably, decently and
  respectably. And we are very sorry we cannot recollect the names of
  those kind friends, that they might appear upon record as a testimony
  of their kindness to us in our destitute condition. May the blessings
  of our Father in Heaven rest upon them all!

  “From this place we went, in company with brother John W. Hall and
  uncle Edward Hall to Galena. Here we staid at the house of Mr. Bells,
  with whom we had a little acquaintance, some days. While here we
  received rations from the army. We also found kind friends in
  abundance, and received donations in clothing and other things, and
  needed nothing to make us comfortable as we could be under such
  circumstances. For what was supplied, all those friends have our
  thanks, and now we take our leave of them and pass down the Fevre
  River, to the Mississippi, then to St. Louis, Mo. Here we stopped with
  Governor Clark, where we received all the attention necessary to make
  us comfortable and happy, that could be bestowed by himself and kind
  family. We also here received many presents in the way of clothing,
  and through his (Hon. Gov. William Clark) influence, a sum of money
  was raised and placed in his hands for our special benefit, amounting
  in all, we believe, to the sum of four hundred and seventy dollars, to
  be laid out in land and intrusted to the care of Rev. R. Horn, of Cass
  County, Illinois, which was done at our request. There were also other
  smaller sums donated to pay our expenses up the river homeward. Those
  kind friends also have our thanks for their kindness and liberality.
  We remained here a few days and took our leave of those kind friends,
  probably never to meet again in this world. Leaving here, we took boat
  for Beardstown, Cass County, Illinois, on the Illinois River, where we
  were safely landed in due time and escorted out in the country five
  miles east, by brother J.W. Hall and uncle Edward Hall, who had been
  with us all the time since leaving Blue Mounds, to where we had an
  uncle, Robert Scott, living here. Here we remained about two months
  while brother J.W. Hall went up to Bureau County, Illinois, which is
  about 40 miles from where we were captured, Uncle Edward returning to
  Galena. About the last of September or first of October, 1832, brother
  J.W. Hall returned, and in his company we went to Bureau County,
  Illinois, where we remained with brother J.W. Hall until the next

  “Some time in March, 1833, sister Rachael was married to a William
  Munson. Then sister Sylvia staid part of the time with brother Green
  and part with Rachael until in May, 1833, sister Sylvia was also
  married to William S. Horn, and removed to Cass County, Ill.[A] Thus
  we have given the circumstances of our captivity and rescue as near as
  we can recollect at this date, September 7, 1867, in the county of
  Nemaha, State of Nebraska, where Sylvia Horn lives and where I and my
  husband have been paying them a visit.

                                                       “Rachael Munson,
                                                        “Sylvia Horn.”

   In presence of:
       “W.S. Horn,
       “W. Munson.”

   State of Nebraska} September, 1867.
   County of Nemaha.}

  “I, John W. Hall, being requested by my sisters, Sylvia Horn and
  Rachael Munson, to state what I recollect in reference to the massacre
  of my father’s family, and the captivity of my two sisters, Rachael
  and Sylvia, would most gladly comply with their request, so far as I
  can; but after 35 years of toil have passed over my head since that
  memorable occasion, my memory is in some things rather dim; yet there
  are some things that I do remember most distinctly, and shall as long
  as I have a being (I think).



[Illustration: MRS. SYLVIA HALL HORN.]



  Inscribed thereon is: “William Hall, aged 45;
  Mary J. Hall, aged 45; Elizabeth Hall, aged 8;
  William Pettigrew, wife and two children; –– Davis,
  wife and five children, and Emery George.
  Killed May 20, 1832.”


  “It was in 1832, as near as I now recollect, on or about the 15th or
  16th of May, Old Shabbona, chief of the Pottawatomies, notified my
  father and other neighbors that the Sac and Fox Indians were hostile,
  and would in all probability make a raid on the settlement where we
  lived and murder us and destroy our property, and advised him to leave
  that part of the country (LaSalle County, Illinois) and seek a place
  of safety; but Indian rumors were so common, and some of our neighbors
  did not sufficiently credit this old Indian, and we were advised by
  them, in connection with others, to collect together as many as
  possible and stand our ground and defend each other; so after spending
  the night and consulting together and hiding all heavy property that
  we could, my father loaded up his wagon and we started for Ottawa, and
  meeting Mr. Davis, who lived about two and a half miles west, who had
  been at Ottawa the day before, and had learned that a company had gone
  out in a northerly direction, to see what they could learn about the
  Indian movement, who were to report on their return, to Mr. Davis, in
  case of danger, he, my dear father, was prevailed on by Davis to
  abandon his retreat and stop at Davis’, where Mr. Pettigrew and
  family, Mr. Howard and son, Mr. John H. Henderson and two men that
  were hired by Mr. Davis, Robert Norris and Henry George, were all
  stopping. On or about the 20th day of May myself and dear father were
  working under a shed adjoining a blacksmith shop, and on the west
  side, next to the dwelling house, Mr. Davis and Norris were at work in
  the shop. Henry George and William Davis, Jr., were at work on a mill
  dam a little south of the shop. It being a very warm day in the
  afternoon, someone brought a bucket of cool water from the spring to
  the shop, and we all went into the shop to rest a few minutes and
  quench our thirst.

  “Brother Edward Hall, Greenberry Hall and Mr. Howard and son,
  Henderson and two of Mr. Davis’ sons were at this time in the field,
  on the south side of the creek, and in full view of the house, and
  about one-half mile from the house, planting corn. While we were
  sitting resting ourselves in the shop, we heard a scream at the house.
  I immediately said, ‘There are the Indians now!’ and jumped out of the
  door of the shop, it being on the opposite side from the house, and
  the others followed as fast as they could, and as we turned the corner
  of the shop, I discovered the dooryard full of Indians. I next saw the
  Indians jerk Mr. Pettigrew’s child, four or five months old, taking it
  by the feet and dashing its brains out against a stump. Seeing Mr.
  Pettigrew back in the house, I heard two guns, seemingly in the house,
  and then the tomahawk soon ended the cries of those in the house, and
  as near this moment as possible they fired about twenty shots at our
  party of five, neither of us being hurt, that I know of. The next
  motion of the Indians was to pour some powder down their guns and drop
  a bullet out of their mouths and raise their guns and fire; this time
  I heard a short sentence of a prayer to my right and a little behind.
  On turning my eyes to the right I saw that my dear father was lying on
  the ground shot in the left breast and expiring in death. On looking
  around, I saw the last one of the company were gone or going, and the
  Indians had jumped the fence and were making towards me. Mr. Davis was
  running in a northeast direction for the timber. Looked back and said,
  ‘Take care,’ he having his gun in his hands. I at this time discovered
  quite a number of Indians on horseback in the edge of the woods as
  though they were guarding the house, to prevent any escape. Then it
  flashed into my mind that I would try and save myself. I think there
  were 60 or 80 Indians. I immediately turned toward the creek, which
  was fifteen or twenty steps from where I stood. The Indians by this
  time were within three paces of me, under full charge, with their guns
  in hand. I jumped down the bank of the creek, about 12 feet, which
  considerably stunned me. At this moment the third volley was fired,
  the balls passing over my head, killing Mr. Norris and George, who
  were ahead of me, and who had crossed the creek to the opposite shore,
  one in the water and the other on the bank. I then passed as swiftly
  as possible down the stream, on the side next the Indians, the bank
  hiding me from them. I passed down about two miles, when I crossed and
  started for Ottawa, through the prairie, overtaking Mr. Henderson, who
  had started ahead of me, and we went together until we got within four
  miles of Ottawa, when we fell into company with Mr. Howard and son and
  three sons of Mr. Davis and my two brothers, all of whom were in the
  field referred to, except one of Mr. Davis’ sons, who was in the shop
  when the first alarm was given, and who immediately left when he heard
  the cry of Indians. We all went to Ottawa together in the short space
  of one hour or less, it being twelve miles (and the county seat of
  LaSalle County). Here we aroused the inhabitants and raised a company
  during the night and started the next morning for the dreadful scene
  of slaughter and butchery.

  “On the way we met with Stillman’s defeated troops, who had been
  defeated a night or two before, they having encamped within four miles
  of where the bloodthirsty Indians passed the night, after they had
  killed my dear friends, and instead of going with us and helping bury
  the dead, they passed on to Ottawa, and we went to the place where the
  massacre took place. And what a scene presented itself! Here were some
  with their hearts cut out, and others cut and lacerated in too
  shocking a manner to mention, or behold without shuddering. We buried
  them all in great haste, in one grave, without coffin, box or anything
  of the kind, there to remain until Gabriel’s trump shall wake the
  nations under the ground, and call to life the sleeping dead.

  “We then returned to Ottawa and organized a company out of a few
  citizens and some of Stillman’s defeated troops, into which company I
  enlisted. The next day we were on the line of march, in pursuit of the
  red savages, to try, if possible, to get possession of my two eldest
  sisters, who were missing, and who, we were satisfied, had been
  carried away with the Indians when they retreated, from signs found on
  the trails. We proceeded up Rock River, above Sycamore Creek, and our
  provisions failing, we returned to Ottawa and laid in provisions for a
  second trip. Here I had a conversation with General Atkinson and
  proposed that some means be used with friendly Indians, in order to
  purchase my sisters, as I feared the Indians would, in case we
  overtook them, kill my sisters. He then informed me that he had that
  morning made arrangements with Winnebago Indians to try to purchase my

  “Now we started the second time in pursuit, and proceeded up Rock
  River, and fell in with a company of volunteers, under General Dodge,
  from whom we learned that the friendly Indians had succeeded in
  obtaining my sisters, and that they were at White Oak Grove or
  Springs. Then, in company with a company of regulars, under General
  Atkinson’s orders, we marched to a place called the Burr Oak Grove, or
  Kellogg’s old station. Here I, with some others, was detached to guard
  one of the company, who had stabbed his comrade, to Galena, and we
  started at midnight. Arriving at Galena, I obtained a furlough, and
  went to the White Oak Springs, where I found my sisters, and returned
  with them to Galena, stopping at the house of Mr. Sublets, visiting
  Mr. Rhodes and Mr. Bells, who were acquaintances of father’s.

  “Here we remained a week or ten days. Then bidding those kind friends
  adieu on board the steamer Winnebago, we glided down Fever River to
  the Mississippi, and down that stream to St. Louis, Mo., and stopped
  at the Honorable William Clark’s mansion (governor of Missouri), where
  we met and enjoyed the company of his kind family. Here we remained
  about one week, and were made as comfortable and happy as his family
  and friends could make us.

  “We received presents and money, an account of which has been given by
  my sisters in their statement, and here I wish to express my thanks to
  those kind friends for their hospitality, sympathy and love, for I
  feel that we have been brought under lasting obligations to them.

  “Leaving here, we took a steamer for Beardstown, on the Illinois
  River, in Cass County, near to which we had an uncle Scott living.
  Arriving safely at Beardstown, we were conveyed to our uncle’s, five
  miles out, where we remained a few days, and, leaving my sisters here,
  I went up the Illinois River to Bureau County and lived in a camp
  until I could build me a house. This county adjoins LaSalle on the
  west. The Indians, having received a dreadful scourging, had become
  peaceable, and in the fall I returned to Cass County and took my
  sisters and returned to Bureau County again, where we tried to make
  ourselves as comfortable as possible. This fall I married, and my
  sisters lived with me through the winter and in the spring, after
  which they both married, and now I am at the house of the eldest,
  Sylvia Horn, and dictated the above lines, while my brother-in-law,
  W.S. Horn, committed them to paper.

  “September, 1867.

                                                            “J.W. Hall.”

  In presence of:

    “W.S. Horn,
    “Sylvia Horn.”

Late in the afternoon of the 20th, while Capt. George McFadden, Wilbur
Walker and others who had been to ask Governor Reynolds and General
Atkinson for the four companies ordered by them to go under Colonel
Johnson were passing this point, some two miles distant, on their return
trip, the shots of that frightful massacre were heard, but in their
haste to reach their own settlements they did not pause to investigate
the cause.

The following day the company of Capt. Joseph Naper, from Chicago, which
had been ranging the country, reached the scene and buried all the dead
except little Jimmie Davis, a lad of seven years, who had been spared at
first and taken along, but who, being unable to keep the pace demanded,
was shot a short distance out. The scene was awful, but the lad showed a
spirit of fortitude attained by none other in this war of brutal
slaughter. The two Indians who had him in charge held him between them,
one by each hand, while another shot him down in cold blood, and then,
before life was extinct, his scalp was lifted and his body left a prey
for wolves or carrion birds. The little fellow blanched like marble, but
received the fatal shot without a quaver. Later his body was fortunately
discovered and buried with the others.

To-qua-mee and Co-mee, who were indicted for complicity in the murders,
were brought to bar for the crime, but by reason of the uncertainty of
the times and judges to try them, the first term of court passed with
nothing done except to admit the culprits to bail on the bond of
Shab-bo-na, Shem-e-non, Snock-wine, Sha-a-toe, Mee-au-mese and
Sash-au-quash, chiefs and head men of the Pottowatomie nation. Before
the next term of court could be held the tribe had been removed west of
the Mississippi, whither went the two defendants. When needed for trial
they were sought by Sheriff George E. Walker, who alone journeyed into
the Indian country. He gathered together the several chiefs, according
to custom, who decided the two must return, which they did, with no
effort or inclination to escape. This conduct, together with the lavish
use of paint, rendered recognition almost impossible by the Hall girls,
who were the chief witnesses for the State, and procured their acquittal
by the jury.[136]

A deep scar ran across the face of To-qua-mee, by which the Hall girls
easily recognized him at the murder of their parents, and by which they
could easily have recognized him on his trial, but, thanks to the
ingenuity of counsel, who had him so bedaub his face with paint,
recognition was all but impossible. A little later, when he bathed in
the Illinois River with his friends, the imposture was discovered and he
was forced to flee for his life to escape the wrath of the settlers.


[Illustration: CAPT. ROBERT BARNES.]

[Illustration: CAPT. WILLIAM HAWS.]

[Illustration: COL. JOHN STRAWN.]

[Illustration: LIEUT. COL. WILLIAM COWEN.]


Footnote 132:

  Iles’ Early Life and Times, p. 43. The author claimed the presence of
  Col. William S. Hamilton in his party, but in that he was mistaken, as
  Col. Hamilton returned to Galena with Strode.

Footnote 133:

  The statement by Matson that one Mike Girty was connected with the
  Indian Creek massacre is incorrect.

Footnote 134:

  Matson’s “Memories of Shau-be-na.”

Footnote 135:


Footnote A:

  That part of Morgan County subsequently organized into Cass County in

Footnote 136:

  Kee-was-see was another defendant, Armstrong 368. Richard M. Young was
  the judge, Thomas Ford the prosecutor, and Hamilton and Bigelow
  attorneys for defense at that time.



                             CHAPTER XXII.


If Stillman’s defeat spread consternation, the Indian Creek massacre
created a veritable and universal panic in the West. Counties began the
organization of companies and regiments, Putnam alone contributing an
entire regiment, called the Fortieth, which was mustered into the field
May 21st. It was composed of the companies of Captains George B. Willis,
Robert Barnes, William M. Stewart and William Haws, with the following
staff: Colonel, John Strawn; Lieutenant-Colonel, William Cowen; Major,
Elias Thompson; Adjutant, Henry K. Cassell; Quarter-master, Jeremiah
Strawn; Paymaster, Peter Barnhart; Surgeon, B.M. Hayse; Quartermaster’s
Sergeant, Roland Mosley; Surgeon’s Mate, Richard Hunt; Sergeant-Major,
William Myers; Drum Major, Ward Graves; Fife Major, Michael Reed.

After ranging that section of the country until June 18th, when all
danger was thought to be over, it was mustered out at Hennepin.

Colonel Moore’s Vermilion County regiment was another, while ten
companies of foot and mounted rangers ranged over territory generally
local: Capt. Peter Menard, mounted, of Peoria County, mustered out at
Dixon’s August 14th;[137] Cyrus Matthews, foot, of Morgan, mustered out
at Fort Wilbourn August 1st; Capt. George McFadden, mounted, of LaSalle,
mustered out at Ottawa June 29th; Capt. John Stennett, mounted, of
Schuyler, mustered out September 4th; Capt. M.L. Covell of McLean,
mounted, mustered out at Bloomington August 3d; Capt. John S. Wilbourn,
foot, of Morgan, mustered out June 9th; Capt. Solomon Miller, mounted,
of St. Clair, mustered out at Belleville August 2d; Capt. William
Warnick, mounted, of Macon (ranged that county only), mustered out
September 24th at Decatur; Capt. Charles S. Dorsey, mounted, of Tazewell
(ranged that county only), mustered out at Pekin July 9th; Capt. James
Walker of Will, and, finally, the company of Capt. Earl Pierce, about
which nothing can be learned, mustered out August 16th.

The life of Captain Wilbourn’s company was ephemeral. Reports reached
Beardstown that trouble was imminent at Hennepin and that reinforcements
were needed at once. Accordingly twenty-nine men volunteered from
Beardstown under Capt. John S. Wilbourn, took the steamer Caroline,
Captain Doty commanding, and proceeded forthwith to Hennepin. Captain
Doty, for the better protection of those aboard, and also aggressively
to deal with the enemy, mounted a field piece upon the boat, where it
might do execution at long range. At Hennepin, however, the rumor was
found to be false and without delay the company was sent back to
Beardstown and mustered out June 9th, and this was all the service that
the company of Captain Wilbourn saw.

Neighboring states were also placed in a state of panic, and to escape
possible raids, Michigan, Indiana and Missouri called out the militia,
the first two actually sending a force to Chicago. The last named, while
calling out its militia, did not send it forward. The following general
order, made in response to the call of Governor Miller of Missouri,
ordering Major-General Gentry to have 1,000 men in readiness to march at
a moment’s warning to the frontier, appears in the Missouri Republican
of June 12th, 1832:

                             “GENERAL ORDER.

                                                “Columbia, May 31, 1832.

  “Sir:–Having been required by General Order to raise and organize the
  Ninth Brigade, which I have the honor to command, 300 mounted
  volunteers, for the defense of the frontiers of the State of Missouri,
  to be held in readiness to march at a moment’s warning, you will,
  therefore, with the least possible delay, cause to be raised and
  organized in the Twenty-sixth Regiment, Ninth Brigade, and Third
  Missouri Militia, which you have the honor to command, 100 mounted

  “You will organize 100 volunteers, to be raised into two companies–50
  men each–and cause an election to be held in each for one captain, one
  lieutenant, and one ensign, and as soon as all the company officers
  are elected, you will make a return to me, certifying the name and
  rank of each person elected, etc., that they may be commissioned
  accordingly. Their services will be accepted for six months, unless
  sooner discharged; but no pay or compensation need be expected unless
  ordered by the Governor into actual service. Each volunteer will keep
  constantly in readiness a horse, with necessary equipment, a rifle in
  good order, with an ample supply of ammunition, etc., so as to be
  ready to march at a moment’s warning.

                                                         “JESSE T. WOOD,
        “Brig.-Gen., Commanding Ninth Brigade, Third Div., Mo. Militia.”

   “Col. Commanding Twenty-sixth Reg., Ninth Brig., Third Div., Mo.

Very naturally the frontier was regarded as a slaughtering pen, where
flame and the tomahawk were ravaging the settlements almost to
extinction, and one would think such scenes as the Indian Creek massacre
would have incited the militia to revenge the atrocities of monsters who
could butcher women and children; but such was the disorder, lack of
organization, dissension and open insubordination among many of the
influential that, though they passed scalps, plunder and other evidences
of hideous crimes, the troops murmured, and upon one plea and another
flatly asked for discharge.

[Illustration: H.K. CASSELL.]

[Illustration: JEREMIAH STRAWN.]

[Illustration: CAPT. PETER MENARD.]

[Illustration: CAPT. CYRUS MATHEWS.]




Atkinson did everything a gallant officer could to spur the army on to
an early capture of the enemy. On the 22d, at the third camp above
Dixon’s, he issued the following order:

                “Headquarters, Right Wing, West Dept.,
                “Third Camp above Dixon’s, on Rock River, 22d May, 1832.

  “Order No. 22.

  “The troops will move this morning as early as practicable. General
  Whiteside will call on the Commanding General for special instructions
  as to the operations of the Illinois volunteers. Major Long’s
  Battalion will join General Whiteside’s Brigade, and receive his
  orders. Col. Taylor, First Regiment Infantry, will accompany the
  volunteers as inspector general of that corps, and will superintend
  the regularity of its movements, order of encampment, of battle, etc.,
  etc. Capt. Harney of the First Infantry will accompany Col. Taylor as
  assistant inspector.

                                       “By order of Brig. Gen. Atkinson,
                                    “A.S. Johnston, A.D.C., A.A.A. Gen.”

The purpose of these orders was to have such men as Taylor and Harney,
who were courageous and tactful fighters, pursue the enemy to the death,
and effectually would they have done it had the troops manifested the
least disposition for the task.

Further alarming reports of danger to the frontier below Dixon’s
prompted General Atkinson, on the 23d, to withdraw with the regulars to
Dixon’s, from which point Stillman was ordered with his three companies
to proceed to join the main army for scouting service, leaving
Lieutenant Williams of Colonel James’ odd battalion in command of the
volunteers remaining, while Major Bliss continued in charge of the
regulars at that post, which was ordered to be fortified for better
security. Accordingly Fort Dixon was erected on the north side of Rock
River, opposite.

The special instructions mentioned in the foregoing order were as

             “Headquarters Right Wing, Western Department,
             “Third Camp above Dixon’s Ferry, Rock River, 22d May, 1832.

  “Special Order No. 11.

  “It being ascertained that the hostile Indians have left Rock River
  and passed up Sycamore Creek, and probably across to Fox and DuPage
  rivers, General Whiteside will move with the Illinois volunteers up
  Sycamore Creek, scour the country in that direction for the enemy,
  pass from thence to Fox River of the Illinois, and be governed by
  circumstances as to a further pursuit of him, persevering, however,
  until he is subdued or driven from the country. As soon as this
  service is performed and Governor Reynolds may deem the frontier
  secure, or take other measures for its defense, the Illinois
  volunteers, in the United States service, will be mustered by the
  brigade major and discharged, he taking care to note on the muster
  rolls all delinquents.

  “General Whiteside will, during his operations, inform the commanding
  general by express, at Dixon’s Ferry, which is established as general
  headquarters and the base of operations, of every occurrence that may
  require his attention.[138]

                                       “By order of Brig. Gen. Atkinson,
                               “Alb. S. Johnston, A.D.C., A.A. General.”

After three days’ vain search, the army reached a Pottowatomie village
on Sycamore Creek, where much of the plunder secured from Stillman was
found cached, likewise many of the scalps taken from his men and the
murdered victims of Indian Creek. All Indian property found there was
confiscated by the men, who were becoming audacious. At that point the
trail of the Indians lay to the north, while their homes lay to the
south. Taylor urged pursuit with his accustomed vigor, but the
undercurrent of dissatisfaction was so strong that Governor Reynolds
called to his tent all the captains of his army for a conference. A tie
vote resulted, whereupon General Whiteside, in his wrath at seeing the
scalps of his friends and women and children ignored, declared he would
no longer lead them except to be discharged. Therefore the army turned
its course southward, a detour being made by some of the troops to rob
Shabbona’s Paw Paw village of the little plunder remaining, thence over
to Fox River, which was reached May 25th, and where the following order
was promulgated:

                     “Headquarters Camp No. ––, Fox River, May 25, 1832.

  “Special Order. Col. DeWitt (and the other officers):

  “You are hereby commanded forthwith to cause an inquiry and search of
  regiments in your line and report the articles of any description
  taken by the men at the Paw Paw and the Indian villages on Sycamore
  Creek belonging to the Indians, by whom taken, with the supposed value
  of such articles, to headquarters this evening.

                                      “By order of Brig. Gen. Whiteside,
                                         “N. Buckmaster, Brigade Major.”

Lawlessness was running rampant! Leisurely following Fox River, its
mouth was reached on the morning of the 27th, where on that day and the
next the volunteers were mustered out of service by Major

While the mortification which fell upon the gallant “Old Ranger”
Governor, Reynolds, was crushing to his fine sense of honor, it was
probably best for the dissemblers to go, even at so great a sacrifice of
life and personal feeling. An opportunity was given the patriotic and
well disposed volunteers to accept a twenty-day service to guard the
frontier while the new levy could be brought into the field and finish
the campaign. On the 29th General Atkinson reached the scene from
Dixon’s and established his headquarters opposite the mouth of the Fox,
and immediately urged that 1,000 men volunteer for the twenty-day
temporary service, which, he hoped, would assure him of 3,000 men when
in conjunction with the new levy.

[Illustration: ORDER MAY 22, TO CAUSE INQUIRY.]

The utter disregard of the troops for discipline; their contempt for
superiors; contempt for their period of enlistment, not one-half
expired, and almost open insubordination, cannot be appreciated by the
present generation, unless the matter has been made the subject of
conversation with a survivor who may have opened his mind in confidence.
The following order should be a revelation to explain Stillman’s defeat.
Dislike of Whiteside alone could not have been sufficient to demand such
an order:

                                            “Headquarters, May 24, 1832.

  “General Orders:

  “The great disorder in the brigade occasioned by the men’s quitting
  their places in the line and scattering over the country, renders it
  absolutely necessary to inflict punishment on everyone who violates
  orders in that particular.

  “Colonels of regiments and majors of separate battalions will require
  that every man shall keep his place in the ranks if the individual is
  able to march, and if not, he will obtain permission of his captain to
  march in the rear of the army.

  “All footmen will march with Major Long’s battalion. Should any man
  attempt to pass out of the army on either flank, or should he be found
  out without permission, he will be taken in custody of the guard and,
  if he be an officer, will immediately be arrested. The officer of the
  day will be particularly charged with the execution of this order.

                                             “By order of the Brig. Gen.
                                         “N. Buckmaster, Brigade Major.”

There were so many jealousies and irritations, there was such lack of
cohesion, and certainly lack of organization and discipline, that men
naturally disposed to continue their service lost interest by the
contagion of disaffection and wished themselves well rid of it. It may
therefore be said that the dispersion of the army was the act of wisdom.

General Whiteside was an energetic and patriotic man, and so it should
be said of Governor Reynolds. Both had been rangers in the war of 1812,
suffering dangers and fatigues without number. Both had been in
responsible military positions and acquitted themselves creditably, but
the army was composed of such divergent, discordant, independent and
headstrong characters that harmony was impossible.

Crops for the second year were being neglected; business interests left
to be resumed at the end of thirty days[140]–as was supposed–were urging
many to return. The prospect of a long campaign, complaints for burning
the village of the Prophet and the forced march to Dixon’s
thereafter–allowing the Stillman expedition, when probably the men
favored it at the time–all conspired to raise a state of affairs so
disagreeable all round that disintegration was inevitable and proper.
Immediately the mustering out was finished, on May 27th, six companies,
commanded by Captains Samuel Smith of Greene County, Benjamin James of
Bond County, Elijah Iles–with whom Lincoln was a private–Alexander White
and Alexander D. Cox of Sangamon, William C. Ralls of Schuyler and Adam
W. Snyder of St. Clair, flew to the rescue of this regiment. Jacob Fry,
on the 31st, was made colonel; James D. Henry, lieutenant-colonel; John
Thomas, major; E.P. Oliphant, adjutant; John W. Scott, paymaster;
William Kirkpatrick, quartermaster; H. Dulaney and John B. Rutledge,
surgeons; Thomas R. Waldron, quartermaster’s sergeant; Jonathan
Leighton, surgeon’s mate, and William McAdams, sergeant-major.

This regiment, the flower of the first army, was made up of resolute and
fearless men, among them Privates Joseph Gillespie, Francis Jarrott,
Pierre Menard, Richard Roman, James Semple, John T. Stuart, John Dement,
John J. Hardin and General Samuel Whiteside–men who would not permit
crops, business or any other enterprise to keep them away from the path
of duty as they then saw it.


Footnote 137:

  Also served at Bad Axe.

Footnote 138:

  The direction thought to have been taken by the enemy and mentioned
  herein was erroneous. He had followed Rock River to a point near its

Footnote 139:

  ... “The muster roll is not on file, but the records show that the
  company was mustered out at the mouth of Fox River, May 27, 1832, by
  Nathaniel Buckmaster, Brigade Major, to General Samuel Whiteside’s
  Illinois Volunteers.” Letter Gen. R.C. Drum, Adj. Gen. U.S. Army, in
  Vol. I, p. 96, of Nicolay and Hay’s Abraham Lincoln.

Footnote 140:

  The enlistment was for sixty days.



                             CHAPTER XXIII.


Before recording the actions of this little regiment, or parts of it,
all of them important, time must be taken to consider intermediate
incidents of greatest importance and sadness. The first demonstration by
the Indians after crossing the Mississippi was blood-curdling to the
last degree, and proof positive that the wily old Sac was for war, and
had not come for the purpose of “making corn” at all.

In the autumn of 1831 a young Methodist preacher named James Sample took
up a claim near Black Hawk’s village, built a cabin and was engaged in
subduing the land in the spring of 1832, when Black Hawk’s approach in
April was proclaimed. Sample, with others, fled to the island garrison
for refuge. Remaining there some weeks without any overt demonstration
coming to notice, all danger was considered past, and Sample and his
young wife of a few months determined to dispose of their effects and
return to their friends south of the Illinois River. Proceeding for a
time along the old Sauk trail, always used by Black Hawk in journeying
to Maiden to receive his annuities from the British government, it was
their intention to remain the first night with Henry Thomas, who lived
about one mile north of it on Kellogg’s trail, where the same passed
West Bureau timber. But the cabin was found vacant and all the doors and
windows barricaded against intrusion, which compelled the travelers to
journey on. They must have camped for the night in the timber, swam the
creek and then set out for Smith’s cabin, some six miles distant, only
to find it as empty as the first, as was also Elijah Epperson’s, a mile
to the south. The travelers, weary and faint from hunger, were forced to
continue until sixty miles had been covered.[141]

At this time, while picking their way over the prairies, they were
astounded to hear whoops from a band of Indians to their rear, who,
having discovered their presence at the Epperson cabin, were then giving
them chase. Jaded though the horses were, the faithful beasts took heart
and were soon rapidly distancing their pursuers, and but for the
frightful condition of the ground would have carried the Samples to
safety, but while attempting the passage of a muddy spot the horse of
Mrs. Sample mired in the inextricable mud and could not move. Try as he
would, the faithful animal was fast mired. By the time Sample had
abandoned further efforts to release the horse, the Indians were upon
them, intent upon murder. Resolved to sell life dearly as possible, he
fired his pistol and one Indian dropped dead. Others of the band quickly
pounced upon the hapless pair, bound them hand and foot, and carried
them back to camp, to be disposed of in a manner most revolting and

Everything Sample owned he offered them to spare the life of his wife
and return her safely to the people at Fort Armstrong, but blood was
demanded, and nothing but the blood of both would avenge the death of
their comrade, so swiftly both were tied to trees, to watch the fiendish
brutes gather faggots to place around them. When these were knee high
the torch was applied, and the helpless victims, writhing in the agonies
of a lingering death, were reduced to ashes.

These murders were committed in the western part of the state, and,
isolated as they were, one might conclude that none others would follow,
but as Black Hawk advanced up Rock River the infection to take the lives
of white people spread in all directions.

About May 1st, in response to Black Hawk’s request to make common cause
with him against the whites, the Pottowatomies held a council at the
mouth of Rock Creek to consider the question and decide on their course
during the conflict which was inevitable. That they anticipated one
cannot be denied, and that many wished to join Black Hawk is equally
certain, corroborated as the fact was by Shabbona himself, who was
present and whose influence dominated the sentiment of the council to a
large degree. Billy Caldwell, Robinson and George E. Walker were also
present to contribute their influence for the peace party. That
sentiment, after a long deliberation, prevailed, with an open and
unanimous declaration that any Pottowatomie who joined Black Hawk’s
forces would be proclaimed a traitor; but notwithstanding the friendly
resolutions of the council, Black Hawk prevailed upon a few of them to
join him and to carry on the predatory warfare and assist in the murders
of Indian Creek, Adam Payne and others through the Illinois, Fox and
DuPage river districts.[142]

When Shabbona, Pype-gee and Pypes made their famous ride, the
panic-stricken settlers along these rivers generally flocked to the
stockades, barricading their homes as best they could. During the raids
which followed the store of George B. Hollenback was looted, the Indians
drinking of the liquor until too stupid to carry their program of crime
further. But for this fact murders without number might have been
committed. As it was, the time consumed in sobering up allowed leisure
for all who wished to reach the nearest stockade.


[Illustration: SHA-BO-NA.]

[Illustration: WAU-BAN-SE.]




[Illustration: CAPT. JOSEPH NAPER.]

[Illustration: REV. STEPHEN R. BEGGS.]

[Illustration: FORT DEARBORN.]


In what is now Will County, Plainfield was the designated refuge, and to
the little fortification, which was built of logs and fence rails,
around the log cabin of Rev. S.R. Beggs, the name of Fort Beggs was
given. It was not much of a fortification, but it served the purposes of
protection to the people, who placed themselves under orders of Chester
Smith as captain until Captain Naper called with his little company,
after the Indian Creek murders, and escorted the entire garrison to
Chicago for better protection. They went none too soon, for the entire
country along the Illinois, Fox, DuPage and Auxplaines (Desplaines) was
very soon overrun with murderous bands of Indians, invariably led by
prominent Sacs. As their actions became more and more annoying and then
distressing, men from Chicago and vicinity, under Capt. James Walker,
constituted themselves a band of rangers, doing yeoman service, ranging
through to Ottawa as an independent company, until placed under Major
Buckmaster when he later came to take charge of the DuPage River
district, and under whom the Indians were soon dispersed.

The murder at this time of Rev. Adam Payne, a Dunkard preacher, was as
pitiful as it was atrocious. He was a man found at all times sacrificing
his personal comforts and his substance to alleviate the distresses and
discomforts of his fellowman, and particularly the Indian. His
ministrations to their needs had been rewarded by professions of
religion from numbers, and among the Pottowatomies he was venerated to
the last degree. His family had been stopping at Hollenback’s Grove,
where he expected to find them at or near the home of Mr. Cummings, his

On reaching Plainfield he found that they had gone to Ottawa for safety,
where, in fact, they were in safety at that moment. He wished to reach
them instead of marching to Chicago, as the garrison at Fort Beggs was
preparing to do. He was importuned to go along, but by reason of his
abiding faith in the Indians’ appreciation of his works and his trust in
the protection of God, he determined to set out for Ottawa. The fact
that he had traveled from Ohio to Illinois, thence by way of Hickory
Creek to Plainfield without the least interruption from the Indians, was
reason enough to convince him that he would not be disturbed if he
continued. Accordingly he started the very morning the garrison set out
for Chicago under Captain Naper. He was mounted on a fine bay mare,
carried a large spyglass in his saddlebags, and with the aid of the two
he was confident he could, if threatened, elude any ordinary foe.

About the middle of the afternoon, as he was skirting Holderman’s Grove,
unconscious of danger, he was awakened from a reverie by shots fired
from a foe concealed in a clump of underbrush. One ball entered his
shoulder and another inflicted a wound, which soon proved mortal, in the
body of his beautiful mare. Realizing that no time was to be lost in
garrulous appeals for sympathy and that the only possible chance for
escape lay in the old-fashioned way of flight, he pricked his mare
forward and for five miles maintained a safe distance ahead of his three
pursuers on ponies. But the effect of the mare’s wound was now apparent.
She staggered and fell dead under her rider. The three pursuers quickly
came upon him and leveled their guns, while he simply raised his hands
to Heaven and appealed for mercy. The appeal was heeded by two of them,
but, so we are told by one of the party, who subsequently removed west,
the third pulled his trigger and fired and Mr. Payne dropped dead. If
two of these fiends had been so humane in lowering their weapons it is
remarkable that they should all have joined in severing the head from
the body, as they did. A long black beard flowed from the victim’s chin,
and by this one of the party seized the head, threw it over his shoulder
and together the three returned to camp. At this very moment Mr. Payne’s
brother Aaron was in the volunteer ranks, and it may not be amiss to
relate an incident which occurred at the battle of the Bad Axe. He, too,
was a Dunkard preacher, but, being a sensible man, the murder of his
brother called every honest human passion into play, one being the
desire to revenge his brother’s death, though this he subsequently

In pursuing the retreating Indians, he, with others, came upon a squaw
and a boy crouched behind a tree, but, under the belief that the pair
were harmless, no attention was paid to them. As the last of the rangers
passed the boy raised his gun and shot Payne from his horse, two balls
entering his back near the spine. The enraged rangers wheeled and
riddled both squaw and boy with bullets, an act which might be deplored
in a discussion of casuistic questions, but not to be considered in a
case so infamous as this. These bullets Mr. Payne carried during a very
long life.

General Scott, attracted to this simple man as he was lying in the
hospital at Prairie du Chien, had this to say of him:

  “While inspecting the hospital at Fort Crawford, I was struck with a
  remarkably fine head of a tall volunteer lying on his side, and
  seeking relief in a book. To my question, ‘What have you there, my
  friend?’ the wounded man pointed to the title page of ‘Young’s Night
  Thoughts.’ I sat down on the edge of the bunk, already interested in
  the reader, to learn more of his history. The wounded volunteer said
  his brother, Rev. Adam Payne, fell an early victim to Black Hawk’s
  band, and he (not in the spirit of revenge, but to protect the
  frontier settlements) volunteered as a private soldier. While riding
  into the battlefield of Bad Axe he passed a small Indian boy, whom he
  might have killed, but thought him a harmless child. ‘After passing,
  the boy fired, lodging two balls near my spine, when I fell from my
  horse.’ The noble volunteer, although suffering great pain from his
  wound, said he preferred his condition to the remorse he should have
  felt if he had killed the boy, believing him to be harmless.”

Public feeling, by these murders, had been worked to such a pitch that a
rumor, no matter how impossible or ridiculous, was sufficient to throw a
community into a panic, consequently over in Fulton County occurred the
silly “Westerfield scare,” which threw the population of the entire
county into the improvised fortifications. At such times one Indian
might have captured the county without the slightest resistance.

While Dodge was covering Michigan territory (Wisconsin), independent
regiments and companies from the south were organized and sent rapidly
forward to protect the country between Plainfield and Chicago and Ottawa
and the Mississippi, the most important being the Vermilion County
regiment organized by Colonel Moore on the 23d of May, the staff
officers of which, as near as can be ascertained from the defective
records and correspondence, were: Colonel, Isaac R. Moore;
Lieutenant-Colonel, Daniel W. Beckwith. It was composed of the seven
companies of Captains John B. Thomas, Alexander Bailey, of which Gurdon
S. Hubbard was Second Lieutenant, Eliakem Ashton, James Palmer, I.M.
Gillispie, James Gregory and Corbin R. Hutt; also of Morgan L. Payne,
subsequently transferred to Buckmaster’s battalion. Of this Vermilion
organization Governor Reynolds learned May 28th. The regiment ranged
constantly until June 23d, when, finding its territory purged of the
enemy and peace thoroughly conserved by Major Buckmaster’s battalion, it
was mustered out.

At this period of atrocious murders, the killing of Felix St. Vrain, the
Fort Armstrong agent for the Sacs and Foxes, was particularly thrilling
as well as pathetic. This man, appointed about a year previous to
supersede Agent Forsythe, had always been found the stanch friend of the
Indian, and such had been the appreciation of his labors that “The
Little Bear” had adopted him as his brother.

Aaron Hawley, John Fowler, Thomas Kenney, William Hale, Aquilla Floyd
and Alexander Higginbotham, who had been to Sangamon County to buy
cattle, had heard of the Indian troubles, and, abandoning their project,
were hurrying home to assist in the protection of their homes. On the
22d of May they left Dixon’s Ferry for Galena and traveled as far as
Buffalo Grove, where they found the body of Durley, who, as will be
remembered, was the murdered member of the Frederick Stahl party. The
party immediately returned to Dixon’s, reported the murder and remained
there over night. As General Atkinson, who had just returned there on
the 23d, had dispatches for Fort Armstrong, he detailed Felix St. Vrain,
the most competent officer for the service, to travel to Galena with the
party and from that point carry the dispatches down the Mississippi to
the fort.[144]

At Buffalo Grove the returning party found and buried the body of Durley
about a rod from the spot where he fell. The party then resumed its
march, traveling toward Fort Hamilton for a distance of ten miles. Here
it halted and camped for the night.

At daylight the little band started out again on its march and proceeded
about three miles and then stopped again to cook breakfast. After the
meal had been finished and the men were about a mile further on their
journey, they fell in with a band of thirty Sacs under the command of
“The Little Bear.” St. Vrain regarded this as peculiarly propitious and
at once assured his companions that no trouble need be feared from his
friend, who had many times been an inmate of his house and partaken of
his hospitality. Though he approached the Indian with outstretched hand,
the overture of peace was spurned, and death to everyone sworn. In vain
St. Vrain pleaded for his companions and urged his relations as agent
and adopted brother. The Indians attempted in the most methodical and
cold-blooded manner imaginable to murder every man present.

Seeing the hopelessness of further parley or an attempt to fight such
odds, each man dashed for freedom, trusting to the superior speed of the
horses to distance the ponies of the Indians, and the motion of the
flight to dodge bullets. But first Fowler was shot down, a few yards
distant, then St. Vrain, a little further out, and Hale about three
quarters of a mile from the scene of the parley.

Exulting in the glory of their deeds of blood, the Indians, after
scalping the three, cut off the head and hands and feet of St. Vrain and
took out his heart, which was cut up and passed in pieces to the braves
to eat,[145] that they might take pride in the statement that they had
eaten of the heart of one of the bravest of Americans. After these
ghoulish acts, the pursuit of the survivors was resumed, and in it Mr.
Hawley was killed, though his body was never recovered and nothing ever
definitely heard thereafter concerning it. However, as Black Hawk
himself was subsequently found in possession of his coat, it can be
easily conjectured that Hawley’s horse mired in the mud, and then, while
helpless, the rider was shot down, his body spirited away and his
clothing used by his murderers.

The three other fugitives directed their course toward Galena, pursuing
it successfully for three or four miles, when they met part of the same
band of Indians, who gave them another chase of five or six miles, after
which the pursued evaded them altogether. The men then crossed Brush
Creek, and, sighting another band, immediately back-tracked six or eight
miles to Plum River, where they camped in a thicket until night.
Traveling all that night and the succeeding night, resting the
intervening day, the three survivors reached Galena the morning of the
third day.

Aaron Hawley’s horse being the fastest, was the first to get away, and
it was always supposed that he was cut off by another party of the same
band of Indians and killed, as stated. When last seen by the other three
he was making his course toward the Pecatonica.

On the 8th of June the bodies of St. Vrain, Fowler and Hale were
recovered[146] and buried four miles south of Kellogg’s Grove, “old
place.” A bill for the relief of the widow and heirs of St. Vrain was
passed by Congress January 6th, 1834. His tragic death was deplored the
country over by reason of his unusual acquaintance and his great
reputation for good deeds all his life long.

Felix de Hault de Lassus de St. Vrain[147] (such was his full name) in
personal appearance was tall and slightly built, with black eyes and
black curling hair, worn rather long. He was born in St. Louis,
Missouri, March 23d, 1799. His grandfather, Pierre Charles de Hault de
Lassus et de Luziére, Knight of the Grand Cross of the Royal Order of
St. Michael, was born in Bouchain in Hainault (now Department of the
North), where his ancestors had lived from time immemorial, holding
offices of the highest importance and trust. This grandfather was
compelled to leave France during the “Reign of Terror,” for the Spanish
possessions on the Mississippi, where the oldest son subsequently became
Governor de Lassus of Upper Louisiana. Mr. Felix St. Vrain’s father,
Jacques, was an officer in the French navy. After the transfer of
Louisiana to the United States members of the family, with the exception
of the Governor, were appointed to offices of trust under our
Government. St. Vrain married Mademoiselle Marie Pauline Grégoire,
daughter of Charles Cyril Grégoire, also of France.

The Indians had always recognized him to be a man of unusual bravery and
devotedly attached to their welfare; in fact, he was opposed to the use
of the military that spring in sending Black Hawk back to the west side
of the Mississippi, and early in April he went to St. Louis to dissuade
the authorities from interfering, but the many and constantly increasing
depredations of Black Hawk’s band were perverting the well-disposed
Indians to similar acts, and it was decreed that the murderers of the
Menominees must be taught a substantial lesson in behavior. Accordingly
St. Vrain boarded the boat with General Atkinson and returned to Fort
Armstrong. Upon this boat he was detected with the soldiers by the
Indian spies, who immediately reported the fact to Black Hawk. Without
investigating their charge of treason, all of St. Vrain’s life of
devotion to the Indians was blotted out. In the manner of all his
miserable judgments in the past, Black Hawk now swore revenge on the
agent and selected “The Little Bear” as his deputy to execute the

Gen. George W. Jones, brother-in-law of St. Vrain, identified the body
and took back to camp with him the dress coat and pouch which he wore on
that day. These articles are to this day in the possession of the
Grégoire family.


Footnote 141:

  Matson’s Memories of Shau-be-na.

Footnote 142:

  Correspondence of Hon. George M. Hollenback.

Footnote 143:

  Correspondence of Hon. George M. Hollenback.

Footnote 144:

  Smith’s Wisconsin, 418. Hist. Jo Daviess County, 286.

Footnote 145:

  Account of George W. Jones, his brother-in-law.

Footnote 146:

  Galenian, June 13, 1832.

Footnote 147:

  Correspondence of St. Vrain’s granddaughter, Julie de St. Vrain
  Schwankovsky, of Detroit.



                             CHAPTER XXIV.

      ILES’ MARCH.

On the 29th of May General Atkinson crossed over from Dixon’s Ferry to
Ottawa to take up his headquarters opposite the mouth of Fox River,
where Fort Johnston was established, and where he remained until June
8th, Col. Zachary Taylor returning to Dixon’s to take charge of that
post with the regulars who returned with him. On May 29th Atkinson
issued General Order 26:

  “Colonel Fry of the Illinois volunteers will assume command of the
  troops at this place, and give the orders necessary for its defense
  and the protection of the inhabitants in its vicinity until the troops
  shall have been organized and officers elected according to the laws
  of the state, which election will take place to-morrow[148] morning,
  and the officers elected will be obeyed and respected accordingly. Mr.
  Achilles Morris and William Kirkpatrick[149] are appointed to appraise
  the horses, the equipage and private arms of the troops.”

To give additional protection to the northwest corner of the State, the
companies of Captains Iles and Snyder were selected from Fry’s regiment
and ordered forward.

Captain Iles’ company marched first, reaching Galena by way of the Apple
River Fort route, June 10th. On June 11th[150] it leisurely started on
its return trip, remaining over in Taylor’s camp at Dixon’s a short
time, and then as leisurely continued to Fort Wilbourn, where it was
mustered out by Lieut. Robert Anderson June 16th, after having served
its period of twenty days’ enlistment. No event of interest transpired
to give character to the march, and had it not been for the prominence
of its men during subsequent years, it would probably never have been
chronicled. In 1883 Captain Iles published a book, entitled “Early Life
and Times,” in which, on pages 45 _et seq._ we have happily preserved to
our use that march of celebrated men:

  “A few companies from the disbanded troops again enlisted for twenty
  days, to remain and protect the settlers until new troops could
  assemble. I was elected captain of one of these companies, although
  there was hardly a man in it but what was better suited to be a
  commander. It was made up of generals, colonels, captains, and
  distinguished men from the disbanded army. I was proud of it.

  “My company was mustered in by young Lieut. Anderson, a graduate of
  West Point, acting as adjutant (of Fort Sumter fame). While the other
  companies were ordered to scout the country, mine was held by Gen.
  Atkinson in camp as a reserve. One company was ordered to go to Rock
  River (now Dixon), and report to Col. Taylor, afterwards president,
  who had been left there with a few United States soldiers, to guard
  the army supplies. The place was also made a point of rendezvous. Just
  as the company got to Dixon, a man came in and reported that he and
  six others were on the road to Galena, and in passing through a point
  of timber about twenty miles north of Dixon, they were fired on and
  the six killed, he being the only one to make his escape. One of the
  number killed was Col. St. Vrain, Indian agent. Colonel Taylor ordered
  the company to proceed to the place, bury the dead, go on to Galena,
  and get all the information they could about the Indians. But the
  company took fright, and came back to the Illinois River
  helter-skelter. (Note.–This is purely a flight of the imagination. No
  such company was sent, and none fled.)

  “Gen. Atkinson then called on me[151] and wanted to know how I felt
  about taking the trip; that he was exceedingly anxious to open
  communication with Galena, and to find out, if possible, the
  whereabouts of the Indians before the new troops arrived. I answered
  the general, that myself and men were getting rusty, and were anxious
  to have something to do, and that nothing would please us better than
  to be ordered out on an expedition; that I would find out how many of
  my men had good horses and were otherwise well equipped, and what time
  we wanted to prepare for the trip. I called on him again at sunset,
  and reported that I had about fifty men well equipped and eager, and
  that we wanted one day to make preparations. He said, ‘Go ahead,’ and
  he would prepare our orders.

  “The next day[152] was a busy day, running bullets and getting our
  flintlocks in order–we had no percussion locks then. Gen. Henry, one
  of my privates, who had been promoted to the position of major of the
  companies, volunteered to go with us. I considered him a host, as he
  had served as lieutenant in the war of 1812, under Gen. Scott; was in
  the battle of Lundy’s Lane, and in several other battles. He was a
  good drill officer, and could aid me much. Mr. Lincoln, our late
  president, was a private in my company. After Gen. Atkinson handed me
  my orders, and my men were mounted and ready for the trip,[153] I felt
  proud of them, and was confident of our success, although numbering
  only forty-eight. Several good men failed to go, as they had gone down
  to the foot of the Illinois rapids to aid in bringing up the boats of
  army supplies. We wanted to be as little encumbered as possible, and
  took nothing that could be dispensed with, other than blankets, tin
  cups, coffee pots, canteens, a wallet of bread, and some fat side
  meat, which we ate raw or broiled.

  “When we arrived at Rock River[154] we found Col. Taylor on the
  opposite side, in a little fort built of prairie sod. He sent an
  officer in a canoe to bring me over. I said to the officer that I
  would come over as soon as I got my men in camp. I knew of a good
  spring half a mile above, and I determined to camp at it. After the
  men were in camp I called on General Henry, and he accompanied me. On
  meeting Colonel Taylor (he looked like a man born to command) he
  seemed a little piqued that I did not come over and camp with him. I
  told him we felt just as safe as if quartered in his one-horse fort;
  and, besides, I knew what his orders would be, and wanted to try the
  mettle of my men before starting on the perilous trip I knew he would
  order. He said the trip was perilous, and that since the murder of the
  six men all communication with Galena had been cut off, and it might
  be besieged; that he wanted me to proceed to Galena, and that he would
  have my orders for me in the morning, and asked what outfit I wanted.
  I answered nothing but coffee, side meat and bread.

  “In the morning[155] my orders were to collect and bury the remains of
  the six men murdered, proceed to Galena, make a careful search for the
  signs of Indians, and find out whether they were aiming to escape by
  crossing the river below Galena, and get all information at Galena of
  their probable whereabouts before the new troops were ready to follow

  “John Dixon, who kept a house of entertainment here and had sent his
  family to Galena for safety, joined us and hauled our wallets of corn
  and grub in his wagon, which was a great help. Lieutenant Harris, U.S.
  Army, also joined us, and I now had fifty men to go with me on the
  march. I detailed two to march on the right, two on the left, and two
  in advance, to act as lookouts to prevent a surprise. They were to
  keep in full view of us and to remain out until we camped for the

  “Just at sundown the first day, while we were at lunch, our advance
  scouts came in under whip, and reported Indians. We bounced to our
  feet, and having a full view of the road for a long distance, could
  see a large body coming toward us. All eyes were turned to John Dixon,
  who, as the last one dropped out of sight, coming over a ridge,
  pronounced them Indians. I stationed my men in a ravine crossing the
  road, where any one approaching could not see us until within thirty
  yards; the horses I had driven back out of sight in a valley. I asked
  General Henry to take command; but he said ‘No, stand at your post,’
  and walked along the line talking to the men in a low, calm voice.
  Lieutenant Harris, U.S.A, seemed much agitated; he ran up and down the
  line and exclaimed: ‘Captain, we will catch hell!’ He had horse
  pistols, belt pistols, and double-barrelled gun. He would pick the
  flints, reprime, and laid the horse pistols at his feet. When he got
  all ready he passed along the line slowly, and, seeing the nerves of
  the men all quiet–after General Henry’s talk to them–said, ‘Captain,
  we are safe; we can whip five hundred Indians.’ Instead of Indians
  they proved to be the company of General Dodge, from Galena, of one
  hundred and fifty men, en route to find out what had become of General
  Atkinson’s army, as, since the murder of the six men, communication
  had been stopped for more than ten days. My look-out at the top of the
  hill did not notify us, and we were not undeceived until they got
  within thirty steps of us. My men then raised a yell and ran to finish
  their lunch.

  “Next morning,[156] in passing into a grove of timber, my front scouts
  again came under whip and reported Indians. I asked where? They
  pointed to my two scouts on the right, trying to catch an Indian pony;
  one had on a red shirt, and they mistook them for Indians. These two
  men had been in Stillman’s defeat, and as their horses were weak and
  it was easier to march out of line, I had detailed them to go in the
  road in front. I now ordered them to the rear and to drop behind as
  far as they chose, and detailed two other men, on whom I could rely,
  to take the advance.

  “When we got within fifteen miles of Galena, on Apple River, we found
  a stockade filled with women and children and a few men, all terribly
  frightened. The Indians had shot at and chased two men that afternoon,
  who made their escape to the stockade. They insisted on our quartering
  in the fort, but instead we camped one hundred yards outside, and
  slept–what little sleep we did get–with our guns in our arms. General
  Henry did not sleep, but drilled my men all night, so the moment they
  were called they would bounce to their feet and stand in two lines,
  the front ready to fire and fall back to reload while the others
  stepped forward and took their places. They were called up a number of
  times, and we got but little sleep. We arrived at Galena the next
  day,[157] and found the citizens prepared to defend the place. They
  were glad to see us, as it had been so long since they had heard from
  the army. The few Indians prowling about Galena and murdering were
  simply there as a ruse.


[Illustration: LIEUT. GURDON S. HUBBARD.]

[Illustration: CAPT. ELIJAH ILES.]

[Illustration: CHARLES BRACKEN.]



  “On our return from Galena,[158] near the forks of the Apple River and
  Gratiot roads, we could see General Dodge on the Gratiot road on his
  return from Rock River. His six scouts had discovered my two men that
  I had allowed to drop to the rear. Having weak horses they had fallen
  in the rear about two miles, and each took the other to be Indians,
  and such an exciting race I never saw until they got sight of my
  company; then they came to a sudden halt, and after looking at us for
  a few moments wheeled their horses and gave up the chase. My two men
  did not know but that they were Indians until they came up with us and
  shouted ‘Indians!’ They had thrown away their wallets and guns and
  used their ramrods as whips.

  “The few houses on the road that usually accommodated the travel were
  all standing, but vacant, as we went. On our return we found them all
  burned by the Indians. On my return to the Illinois River I reported
  to General Atkinson, saying that from all we could learn, the Indians
  were aiming to escape by going north with the intention of crossing
  the Mississippi River above Galena. The new troops had just arrived
  and were being mustered into service. My company had only been
  organized for twenty days, and as the time had now expired, were
  mustered out. All but myself again volunteered for the third time.

  “Of all the men in my company in the Black Hawk war, I know of no one
  now living but John T. Stuart. Major Stuart was elected to Congress
  over Stephen A. Douglas, and was the first and last one who ever beat
  Douglas in his race for office. Mr. Lincoln was assassinated in
  Washington, while president; Dr. Early was killed in Springfield;
  General Henry died in New Orleans; General Anderson, of Fort Sumter
  memory, who mustered my company in and out, is dead.”

With the exception named, and the further one that Henry had been
promoted to lieutenant-colonel and was such at the time, the history of
that march is accurate, remarkably so.

General Henry in this instance had the abiding confidence of the men,
and his presence alone was a battalion in strength.

Following closely after Iles’ departure, Captain Snyder started out to
cover the same territory and report depredations.


Footnote 148:

  The muster rolls invariably show the election to have been held on the
  31st. Possibly the election was held the 30th, but the officers were
  not sworn in until the 31st.

Footnote 149:

  Lincoln’s opponent in the election for captain.

Footnote 150:


Footnote 151:

  June 4.

Footnote 152:

  June 5.

Footnote 153:

  June 6.

Footnote 154:

  Evening, June 7.

Footnote 155:

  June 8.

Footnote 156:

  June 9.

Footnote 157:

  June 10. Galenian.

Footnote 158:

  Left Galena June 11.–Galenian.



                              CHAPTER XXV.


Kellogg’s Grove, by reason of the many fights with the Indians at and
around the place, was the most conspicuous locality during the campaign,
with the possible exception of Dixon’s Ferry, which was headquarters of
the army during the different campaigns. To Mr. J.B. Timms, present
owner of the grove, and Mrs. E.B. Baker, daughter of O.W. Kellogg, who
built there the first building in 1827, I am indebted for a description
of the same as it appeared in 1832.

O.W. Kellogg (brother-in-law to John Dixon), after running “Kellogg’s
Trail” from Peoria to Galena in 1827, selected that large and beautiful
grove of burr oak timber for his home, erected substantial buildings,
and brought much live stock to it, with his family. There he lived until
the spring of 1831, when, in order to be near the Dixons, he removed
south to Buffalo Grove, another fine grove about one mile due west of
the present site of the city of Polo, twelve miles north of Dixon. There
again he built and removed his family, where he was living at the
breaking out of hostilities in 1832.

In that year Kellogg’s Grove was known as “Kellogg’s Old Place,” and
generally designated as such in the public and private journals of that
day. Previously to 1827, however, by reason of the character of the
timber, it had been designated “The Burr Oak Grove,” and thus it is we
find the battle fought there by Capt. A.W. Snyder sometimes denominated
“The Battle of Burr Oak Grove,” naturally confusing one as to its exact
location. As a matter of fact, it was fought about two and a half miles
from Kellogg’s buildings, but still Kellogg’s Grove, as it covered a
vast area, including the battlefield. The Timms family bought it and
moved thence in 1835, since which time the present owner has continually
resided there, conferring upon it the name of “Timms’ Grove,” which it
still enjoys.

In 1832 the buildings comprised log cabins, a barn, large for those
days, and outbuildings to the number of seven, strung along a distance
of 120 feet, each approximating seven feet in height, sixteen in length,
and all covered with basswood bark.

The site of the monument erected on the site of that grove is in Kent
township, Stephenson county, about thirty-five miles to the southeast of
Galena, thirty-seven miles north of Dixon and seven or eight miles from

After Stillman’s battle its strategic advantages quickly impressed the
mind of General Atkinson, and as marauding Indians from Black Hawk’s
band began their incursions into that territory, his first thought in
disposing his new twenty-day troops was to send a company of strong men
and there establish a base for operations between Dixon’s Ferry and
Galena. The company of Capt. Adam W. Snyder of sixty-nine men was
selected for that perilous duty, and almost concurrently with Captain
Iles’ company marched from the mouth of Fox River for Dixon’s Ferry. In
Captain Snyder’s company, as privates, were the late Joseph Gillespie,
Pierre Menard, Richard Roman, James Semple, Gen. Samuel Whiteside and
John Thomas, just elected Major, whose headquarters were properly
opposite the mouth of Fox River with the other regimental officers; but
preferring the dangers and privations of the field, he resumed his
position of private under Captain Snyder and marched in the ranks.

At Dixon’s Ferry Captain Iles’ company had been detached for separate
duty, but Brevet-Major Bennet Riley, with two companies of regulars,
accompanied the Snyder expedition to Kellogg’s Grove, and without event
on the road thither, other than the death of private Loren Cleveland on
June 12th, it quickly reached its destination. Remaining there for a
brief rest, Captain Snyder, leaving Riley and the regulars behind,
pushed on to Galena to familiarize himself with the country, arriving
there June 13th about noon. The following day he returned to Kellogg’s

On the night of June 15th the troops were snugly ensconced in the
various buildings, after sentinels had been picketed about eighty yards
out, at different points of the compass around the camp. The night was
cloudy and dark, though intermittently illuminated with flashes of
lightning, rendering possible a sight of the surroundings during those
periods. Near midnight the presence of the enemy was detected by a
sentinel, who in the instantaneous period allowed him, attempted to run
the Indian he discovered through with his bayonet, so close had he
crawled; but the flash of light was so brief that the sentinel missed
his mark and only rubbed the Indian’s arm. Dropping his gun, the
sentinel clinched with his adversary and by reason of superior strength
was rapidly mastering him and would soon have had him a prisoner, but
for another flash which discovered two other Indians within twenty feet,
making for the rescue as rapidly as the inpenetrable darkness would
permit. Quickly releasing his antagonist, the sentinel ran to camp,
shouting: “Indians, Indians,” while the Indians pursued him as far as
they dared. With a shot into the darkness they turned and fled, leaving
the men in camp to lie upon their arms after that until morning.

From the fact that one horse was stolen during the night, color was
given to the theory that plunder was the sole aim of the enemy’s
presence, but events of the following day exploded it.

Early in the morning Captain Snyder took a detachment of his men and
pursued the enemy’s trail in a southwesterly direction, hoping to
overtake and punish him before escape was possible. For twenty miles it
was followed in vain, but Captain Snyder would not permit it to be
abandoned, and wise indeed was his decision, for after a few rods more
of travel the detachment came upon four of the Indians preparing a meal
in a deep ravine just ahead. Flight by them in a circuitous, back-track
manner was instantly taken, which nearly baffled the troops, but after
another weary but exciting chase the Indians were again discovered half
a mile ahead climbing a high hill within three miles of camp at
Kellogg’s Grove. The troops were delayed in their pursuit by a deep and
muddy creek, but on finally crossing it discovered the Indians firmly
intrenched in a deep gulch, where, in a sharp hand to hand encounter,
all four were killed, with loss to the whites of one man, private
William B. Mecomson (or Mekemson), who received two balls in the
abdomen, inflicting a mortal wound. While the engagement lasted it was
as fierce and wicked a frontier fight as has ever been recorded, and in
the many shots exchanged by the Indians the marvel is that the loss to
the whites was no greater; but poor Mecomson received the only effective

A litter was constructed of poles and blankets, upon which the wounded
man was placed and, carried by his comrades, he was conveyed toward
camp. In ministering to his needs his bearers were compelled to deliver
their guns and horses to the keeping of others, the exchange and relief
causing some delay and a little temporary confusion; men were
necessarily scattered along with no regard for order; the troops were
flushed with the first victory of the campaign, and while danger was to
be at all times apprehended, having disposed of one enemy, the presence
of other Indians was not a very strong probability. Thus the men marched
along for three-quarters of a mile, when the dying man asked for a brief
rest and a cup of water. As no fresh water was carried, two squads were
detailed by Captain Snyder to search for some. General Whiteside, First
Sergeant Nathan Johnston and Third Sergeant James Taylor went to one
side, while Dr. Richard Roman, Benjamin Scott, Second Corporal Benjamin
McDaniel, Dr. Francis Jarrott and Dr. I.M. McTy Cornelius searched the
other side for water with which to quench the wounded man’s thirst.
While the last named squad was moving slowly down a ridge to a point
having a bushy ravine on each side it was fired on by a large party of
Indians, instantly killing Benjamin Scott and Benjamin McDaniel and
slightly wounding Dr. Cornelius. The three survivors retreated while the
Indians, estimated from fifty to ninety in number, hideously yelling,
rushed upon poor Mecomson and chopped off his head with a tomahawk; then
wheeling, they directed their fire upon the main body of the whites, who
were somewhat scattered, as stated. Closing in as well as possible, the
detachment fell back in good order, formed again and returned a brisk
fire, which checked the enemy’s advance. Quickly following up the
advantage gained, Captain Snyder moved rapidly forward, bringing his men
at close range with the enemy and making the engagement general. Trees
were many times used for protection. During the thickest of the fight
the apparent leader of the Indians, mounted on a white horse, rode
backward and forward, urging his men on with shouts and gestures; but
the intrepid volunteers were pouring lead into the ranks of the Indians
with such deadly effect that they were gradually forced back. After a
little the white horse was seen leaving the field without a rider; at
the same time the Indians temporarily wavered and the whites pushed
their lines closer. The Indians, having evidently lost their leader,
sullenly retired out of range and Captain Snyder held his advanced


[Illustration: CAPT. ADAM W. SNYDER.]

[Illustration: MAJ. JOHN DEMENT.]

[Illustration: CAPT. JAMES W. STEPHENSON.]



Major Thomas had in the meantime volunteered to go alone to Kellogg’s
Grove, less than three miles distant, for reinforcements from Major
Riley, and though the trip was perilous in the extreme he made it
safely, returning in an incredibly short time with the reinforcements.
When they arrived Captain Snyder had driven the Indians to the timber
and was anxious to press his advantage, but the lateness of the hour
prevented. He then insisted on camping on the spot for the night, that
he might pursue his advantage early in the morning, but Major Riley
persuaded him to return to camp at Kellogg’s, which he reluctantly did,
after gathering up the dead for burial the following day.

Early the following morning Captain Snyder, with his full company,
returned to the scene of the previous day’s engagements in search of the
enemy, but he was nowhere to be found, and, burying the dead, the
company at once returned to camp, where it remained a few days longer,
by which time the new levies having been rapidly massed at Dixon’s Ferry
for the final struggle, Captain Snyder marched to that point, and his
company was mustered out by Colonel Taylor on June 21.[160]

That same band of Sac Indians had been lurking about that locality for
some time, and was, in fact, engaged in all the fights with the whites
until Black Hawk’s forces withdrew to the swamps of the Rock River
country, more than a month later.

On June 3d the Hall girls were brought to the fort at Blue Mounds from
the camp of the Sacs where the Winnebagoes had found them. Here they
were delivered to Col. Henry Gratiot, who was momentarily stopping on
his return trip from his “talk” with the Winnebagoes, at the head of the
Four Lakes.

Colonel Dodge had barely returned to his headquarters when he received
word that an attack on Mound Fort was threatened and that reinforcements
were promptly needed. Without delay Dodge summoned the companies of
Capt. J.R.B. Gratiot and Captain Clark, which had been formed during his
absence, and detachments of two other companies, and started for the
fort. When within three miles of it an express met him with information
of the return at that fort of the Hall girls. Arrived there, he found
the report of the contemplated attack had been exaggerated, though some
of the Winnebago party were that night suspected and taken into custody.
Arrangements were promptly made for the payment of the $2,000 promised
by Atkinson, which the Indians agreed to accept in money, ponies and
other useful and valuable chattels.

That night[161] signs of hostilities were made to Capt. J.R.B. Gratiot,
which he quickly communicated to Dodge. Awakening him, the two walked
over to the brush, to which the particular Indians had retired, and took
White Crow and five others into custody, marched them to a cabin and
ordered them to lie down and remain there until morning. Dodge himself
laid down beside them, having first placed a strong guard around the
cabin and a double guard around the whole encampment. The next day the
whole band, despite the complaint that their feet were sore, were taken
with the Hall girls to Morrison’s Grove, fifteen miles to the west,
where Dodge held a talk with them June 5th. Candidly speaking his fears,
he demanded that Whirling Thunder, Spotted Arm and Little Priest be held
as hostages until the end of the month, to which the Indians assented,
and thus doubtless was prevented the formation of a cabal which might
have brought disaster to the whites.

By way of Fort Defiance the girls were, on June 8th, taken to Gratiot’s
Grove, where a junction was formed with the command of Capt. J.W.
Stephenson, then departing to find the bodies of the St. Vrain party,
and there the girls were left with Col. Henry Gratiot. There, too, the
murder of Aubrey was reported.

On the 6th of June[162] one William Aubrey, first captain[163] of Mound
Fort, was killed by the Sacs while after water at a spring near the
dwelling of Ebenezer Brigham, a mile and a half distant to the north of
the fort, to which place the Sacs had been led by Winnebago renegades.

Being then south bound, Dodge sent an express with instructions to Fort
Defiance and Mineral Point to proceed with men to the scene and bury the
murdered man, which was done.

By noon of the 8th the troops reached Kirker’s farm, where they halted
to consider the numerous murders constantly committed in their midst.
Here Dodge delivered a short address to the troops, which fired them
with an enthusiasm that none but Dodge could inspire. In fact, it may be
said for the troops from the mining districts that they fought and
dragooned their country night and day, with never a thought of flinching
or flagging. In the afternoon the men marched south and found and buried
the bodies of St. Vrain, Hale and Fowler, after which Stephenson
returned to Galena, while Dodge moved on to Hickory Point to camp for
the night. The next morning he marched to Dixon’s Ferry and camped that
night with General Brady. There it was learned that Atkinson had gone
over to the mouth of Fox River, below which the new levies were massing.
With twenty-five men Dodge escorted Brady thence,[164] and on the 11th
the two had a conference with Atkinson, at which plans for the future
campaign were fully mapped out. By midnight Dodge had returned to
Dixon’s. His faculty for quick marches has seldom been equaled. In fact,
to keep track of him, Colonel Hamilton and Captain Stephenson during
their rides over the frontier was impossible to any save members of
their commands. Night and day they rode tirelessly. From Ottawa and Fort
Wilbourn to the south to Mineral Point and the Four Lakes to the north,
they were incessantly moving and charging bands of thieves and
murderers, and to their work this pen cannot do justice.

With little or no rest, Dodge started back for the mining country,
reaching Gratiot’s Grove June 13th. There, worn and exhausted, he
dispersed his command to their respective forts to recuperate the
strength of the horses and await further orders.

No sooner had the men reached Fort Defiance at sundown of the 14th, than
one David, as an express, arrived with news of the murder that day of
Spafford, Searles, Spencer, McIlwaine and an Englishman nicknamed John
Bull, at Spafford’s farm on the Pecatonica, six miles southeast of Fort
Hamilton. Captain Hoard at once dispatched an express to Dodge at
Dodgeville, and ordered Lieut. Charles Bracken with a detachment to Fort
Hamilton, which was reached late that night. The following morning,
under guidance of Bennett Million, a survivor of the party which had
been attacked, Bracken took a detachment over to Spafford’s farm and
buried the dead men, who as usual had been shockingly mutilated.

Early in the morning of the 16th Dodge sighted the fort about one mile
away, where he met a German named Henry Appel going to his cabin for
blankets. In a few minutes shots were heard, and just as Dodge was
entering the fort, Appel’s horse, bedabbled with the blood of its owner,
came galloping back to the fort.

A detachment of twenty-nine men immediately started in pursuit of the
murderers, with another small detail to bury poor Appel, whose mutilated
body was expected to be found as a matter of course. High creeks, muddy
roads and other difficulties gave the Indians many advantages in their
escape[165] to the Pecatonica, which they reached and crossed a
considerable time before the whites reached it.

  “After crossing the Pecatonica, in the open ground, I dismounted my
  command, linked my horses, left four men in charge of them, and sent
  four men in different directions to watch the movements of the Indians
  if they should attempt to swim the Pecatonica; the men were placed on
  high points that would give a view of the enemy should they attempt to
  retreat. I formed my men on foot at open order and at trailed arms,
  and we proceeded through the swamps to some timber and undergrowth,
  where I expected to find the enemy. When I found their trail, I knew
  they were close at hand. They had got close to the edge of a lake,
  where the bank was about six feet high, which was a complete
  breastwork for them. They commenced the fire, when three of my men
  fell, two dangerously wounded, one severely, but not dangerously. I
  instantly ordered a charge on them made by eighteen men, which was
  promptly obeyed. The Indians being under the bank, our guns were
  brought within ten or fifteen feet of them before we could fire on
  them. Their party consisted of thirteen men. Eleven were killed on the
  spot, and the remaining two were killed in crossing the lake, so that
  they were left without one to carry the news to their friends.”[166]

As a matter of fact, there were seventeen in the party of Indians;
eleven were found dead, two were killed in crossing the river or swampy
widening of it and were scalped by the Winnebagoes, Colonel Hamilton,
when he came up, found the body of another, and late the succeeding
winter a French trapper found three more in the swamp close by, beneath
brushwood, under which they had crawled when wounded.[167]

Thus with the loss of the three whites in the first fire, but eighteen
whites remained to charge the seventeen Indians behind formidable

Dodge marched to that battlefield to settle many a bloody murder or
leave his own bones to bleach upon the banks of the Pecatonica. That
battle meant death to the Indians or death to the family of every man in
the mining regions, and in this connection it may be well to recall the
words of Mrs. Dodge when urged to retire to Galena for safety: “My
husband and sons are between me and the Indians. I am safe so long as
they live.” Those heroic words must have echoed in the husband’s heart
while grappling those brawny murderers, and hand to hand, body to body,
and inch by inch, in the death struggle, with gun, bayonet and knife,
over the breastworks, into the enemy’s intrenchment, into the jaws of
death, the little band charged and fought until every last Indian was
dead and the many murders were avenged.


[Illustration: BATTLE OF HORSE SHOE BEND. JUNE 16, 1832]

[Illustration: COL. WILLIAM S. HAMILTON.]



The names of Dodge’s men, so far as can be learned, were Lieut. Charles
Bracken, Lieut. Bequette, Lieut. D.M. Parkinson,[168] Peter Parkinson,
Jr., – – Porter, R.H. Kirkpatrick, Dr. Allen Hill, Thomas Jenkins, W.W.
Woodbridge, John Messersmith, Jr., Asa Duncan, Benjamin Lawhead, Samuel
Patrick, William Carnes, John Hood, Levin Leech, Alexander Higginbotham,
who was of the St. Vrain party, Samuel Black, Dominick McGraw, Samuel
Bunts, Van Waggoner, Wells, Morris, Rankin, Thomas H. Price, H.S.
Townsend, – – Devies, M.G. Fitch and J.H. Gentry, but the horse of the
last-named became mired and his gun became useless, both of which
accidents prevented his participation in the fight. Samuel Black was
almost instantly killed and Samuel Wells and F.M. Morris, wounded, were
left at Fort Hamilton, where both died soon after. Thomas Jenkins was
wounded, but not severely, and Levin Leech, while wresting a spear from
a brave, got his hand badly lacerated. The troops at once dispersed for
their respective forts to prepare for further developments. On the 18th
a fifth company was organized with D.M. Parkinson captain.

On the 20th Lieut. George Force and Emerson Green were murdered and
mutilated near the fort at Blue Mounds; one of the bodies, that of
Force, was recovered by the daring of Edward D. Bouchard, and on the
24th Dodge, with a detachment of men from the companies of Captains D.M.
Parkinson and J.H. Gentry, recovered and buried the body of Green. Here
Dodge, piloted by Bouchard, pursued the trail of the Indians as far as
the headwaters of Sugar River, and finding that they had scattered there
for various points, he returned to Mound Fort.

Horsestealing became a recognized feature of Black Hawk’s campaign very
soon after Stillman’s defeat, which he pushed with unusual vigor. He
would snatch a band of horses, and if the luckless owner attempted a
pursuit for their recovery he was invariably ambushed. On the night of
June 8th[169] the Indians stole fourteen horses just outside the
stockade of Apple River fort (now Elizabeth, Illinois), and on the
afternoon and night of the 17th ten more were stolen.[170] The number
was so large and the loss so great that unusual measures were adopted to
attempt their recovery. As nothing but a military escort was considered
equal to the search, Capt. J.W. Stephenson, with twelve of his men from
Galena and nine from the Apple River fort, started on the trail early on
the morning of the 18th, and overtook the thieves about twelve miles
east of Kellogg’s Grove, on Yellow River, southeast of Waddam’s Grove,
in Stephenson County. A hot pursuit followed for several miles. The
Indians, seven in number, finally reaching a dense thicket, plunged into
it for protection. The thicket, a short distance northeast of Waddam’s
Grove, was so dense that it was impossible to discover their location
from the open country surrounding it, and thus secreted the Indians
remained, awaiting the attack of the whites. Stephenson was impatient to
dislodge them by assault. Dismounting his men, he at first attempted to
sweep the thicket and draw the enemy’s fire, but the wily Indians
refused to shoot or otherwise indicate their position. Discarding
strategy as an evidence of cowardice, Captain Stephenson detailed a
guard for the horses, and with his remaining men made an impetuous
charge upon the hidden reds, drawing their fire and returning it, but
with the loss of one to the whites as they were retiring to the prairie
to reload. Rather than accept the loss and carefully continue the
assault by safer and surer methods, Captain Stephenson twice more
charged the fatal thicket, losing one man with each effort, while the
Indians lost but one man, who was stabbed in the neck by Thomas Sublet.
Both sides had exhausted their loads in the charge and the fight became
general and at close range; so close, indeed, that one could scarcely
distinguish friend from foe, and rather than continue against odds
entirely conjectural, the whites withdrew again to the prairie to
consult–a precaution they should have exercised in the first instance.

Captain Stephenson himself was wounded so seriously that he was no
longer able to continue in command. Of the whites, Stephen P. Howard,
Charles Eames[171] and Michael Lovell had been killed, while the Indians
had lost but the one man, and he had not been killed by the guns.
Further assaults were considered useless, and, if continued, would have
been wilful; therefore, leaving the dead where they fell, the men
returned to Galena for assistance to return and bury the three dead
soldiers and the Indian, reaching that point on the 19th.

The charges were brave and dashing, and naturally evoked the cheers of
those at Galena, but, as with too many of the same character, they were
not only ineffectual, but resulted in the loss of valuable lives.
Governor Ford, in his history of Illinois, has justly said, “It equaled
anything in modern warfare in daring and desperate courage.”

On the 20th Colonel Strode, with the companies of Capt. James Craig and
Captain Stephenson, marched to the scene and buried the dead.[172]


Footnote 159:

  Correspondence Capt. Snyder, Mo. Republican of June 26, 1832.
  Correspondence Judge Joseph Gillespie in Brink’s Hist. Madison County.
  Reynold’s “My Own Times,” p. 377, etc.
  Ford’s Illinois, 124.

Footnote 160:

  Captain Adam Wilson Snyder was born in Connellsville, Fayette Co.,
  Pa., Oct. 6, 1799. Came to Cahokia, Ill., on foot, June, 1817. Elected
  Dist. Attorney by the Illinois Legislature January, 1823. Elected
  State Senator, 1830 and in 1832. Elected to Congress 1836. Elected
  State Senator and Presidential Elector 1840. Nominated for Governor by
  Democratic convention, Dec. 11, 1841. Died in Belleville of
  consumption May 14, 1842, before election. He would have been elected.
  Gov. Ford, the candidate selected in his place, was elected.

Footnote 161:

  Life of Henry Dodge, by William Salter, p. 31.

Footnote 162:

  Smith’s Hist. Wis., Vol. 1, page 272.

Footnote 163:

  Bouchard’s Narrative, Vol. 2. Wis. Hist. Collections.

Footnote 164:

  Fort Johnston, opposite Ottawa.

Footnote 165:

  Dodge said thirty minutes.

Footnote 166:

  Dodge’s Report.

Footnote 167:

  Bouchard’s Narrative.

Footnote 168:

  Later captain.

Footnote 169:

  Hist. Jo Daviess Co., 288, and the Galenian.

Footnote 170:

  Charles Eames and Stephen P. Howard, who declined to “fort up,” were
  plowing on Apple River. Indians appeared, and they escaped over the
  river bank, but the horses were boldly taken. The loss, among others,
  was reported to the fort.

Footnote 171:

  The prints of the day have the name George Eames, but correspondence
  with Hiram B. Hunt and N.B. Craig, relatives, indicates that Charles
  is correct.

Footnote 172:




                             CHAPTER XXVI.

                    ATTACK ON APPLE RIVER FORT.[173]

On Sunday morning, the 24th day of June, Colonel Strode sent an express
of three men, Frederick Dixon, Edmund Welch and one Kirkpatrick, with
dispatches for General Atkinson, then at Dixon’s Ferry. By reason of the
drenching rain falling at the time of their departure, the men
discharged their muskets upon starting out.

Arrived at Apple River fort, twelve or fourteen miles southeast from
Galena, at about noon, the express found there Capt. Clack Stone, the
commandant, with only fifteen or twenty of his command with him, the
others being absent on detached service. The women of the post were all
out along the river, gathering berries, or else just starting for that
purpose, clearly indicating that war was furthest from their thoughts.
Pausing but a moment to pass the news from Galena and allow Mr. Welch to
reload his musket, the express again started forward and had covered
about 300 yards to the east, when Mr. Welch, who had gained about fifty
yards on his companions, was suddenly fired on by a large party of
Indians concealed in the high grass near a point necessary to pass on
his journey. Rising instantly, they were on the point of seizing and
scalping him, as he fell from his horse, shot through the thigh, when he
quickly rose and fired at his assailants, some fifteen steps away. His
shot was ineffectual, his horse fled, and he would surely have perished
had not his companions rushed to his rescue and saved him. They had no
loads to fire, but used their guns in a series of feints as though to
shoot. The Indians dodged and cowered until the men were able to gain
the fort, and there secure protection for two of the number. Mr. Dixon,
in his frantic efforts to secure the safety of the wounded man, paid no
attention to his own welfare, and, though he saw Kirkpatrick slip
within, did not consider himself until the heavy timbered door slammed
in his face, leaving him to face the Indians, who by this time were upon
him in overwhelming numbers. Dixon was a redoubtable man and full of the
resources needed in a new country, and without an instant’s loss he
mounted, wheeled, and made for the timber, whose hidden paths he
thoroughly knew. The Indians must have been more intent upon the scalps
of the little garrison and plunder of the many substantial homes of the
neighborhood than Dixon, for they quickly abandoned him altogether, but
he, on reaching the house of Mr. John McDonald, where he expected
certain relief and safety, found it filled with Indians and himself
surrounded. Abandoning his horse, he fled to the rear, followed the
margin of Apple River, under cover of its high bank, and, after
traveling all night, reached Galena in the morning, painfully bruised
and exhausted, but not so tired as to prevent his wish and determination
to return to the rescue of his friends.

The shots by the Indians warned all of approaching danger and gave them
time to leave the berries and the river and gain the fort, but no sooner
were they all safely “forted” than the Indians, who had been massing
from all points of the compass to the number of at least 200, surrounded
it and hurled against the fort a terrific fire.

Providentially, a wagonload of meat and lead from Galena had been
unloaded that very forenoon, which put the garrison in a tolerable state
to sustain a siege.

For two hours a heavy fire was maintained by both sides. Under its first
fire, the garrison showed fear of the result against such tremendous
odds, but instantly Mrs. Elizabeth Armstrong, in a commanding address,
inspired man and woman alike with such resolution that nothing could
have driven them from their posts. She divided the women into two
squads, one to mold bullets, the other to reload the muskets as they
were discharged. Unfortunately, no time had been allowed to bring in a
supply of water with which to quench thirst during the weary hours of
that engagement. The day was hot. Confinement in close quarters of the
fort, amidst the fumes of gunpowder and heat of the firing, brought on a
state of suffering bordering upon exhaustion, but the almost fainting
women, by their heroic disregard for danger and suffering, and by their
words of cheer, propped the failing energies of the fighting men. Every
advance by the enemy was met with a galling fire from within and the
assailants were repulsed, only to resume the assault more fiercely than
before and again retire with heavy loss.

Finding it useless to attempt a capitulation by assault, the Indians
retired to the surrounding log houses, where, knocking the chinks from
between the logs, they opened a deadly fire, which could not be returned
with loss to themselves; but this failed to dislodge the whites, and,
enraged at their failure, the Indians sought partial revenge by
plundering the houses. They destroyed the furniture and crockery,
emptied flour barrels and feather beds, stole the bed clothing and
wardrobe and then killed the cattle and hogs, finishing their day of
destruction by stealing all the horses in sight.

As night approached, Kirkpatrick, who was but a boy, resolved upon going
to Galena to seek the aid which he was fearful his companion would never
live to obtain. Remonstrances were of no avail, and he set out on his
perilous journey in the blackness of the night. With a courage and skill
known only on the frontier, he pushed bravely through, reaching Galena
in time to meet Colonel Strode as he was starting out with Dixon and his
relief party for the fort.

Strode moved rapidly down and left such reinforcements as were needed,
but the Indians troubled Apple River fort no more. The heroic little
garrison had driven them away for all time.

This band, under Black Hawk’s leadership, was supposed, with good
reason, to be the same that attacked Major Dement at Kellogg’s Grove on
the 25th. George W. Herclerode, who exposed his head too much in taking
aim, and was shot through the neck and instantly killed, and James
Nutting, wounded, were the only casualties to the whites.

Following the long list of the “Lead Mines” murders, the reader is
brought to the murder of two men at Sinsinawa Mound, the home of George
W. Jones. On June 29th three men were at work in a cornfield at
Sinsinawa Mound, about ten miles from Galena, when they were attacked by
a small party of Indians and two of them killed. Captain Stephenson, who
had just arrived at Galena, immediately summoned thirty men of his
command and started in pursuit of the Indians. Arrived at the scene, he
found the bodies of James Boxley and John Thompson, mutilated as usual,
and, after burial, the detachment attempted to run down the Indians.
They were pursued as far as the Mississippi, which they had evidently
crossed in leaving the country. As the trail could not be further
followed. Captain Stephenson returned to Galena, only to be summoned to
the final struggle in the pursuit from Rock River to the Mississippi.


Footnote 173:

  A very spirited account of this battle, signed “Flack,” appears in
  Wakefield’s History, minutely detailing the actions of the Indians.



                             CHAPTER XXVII.


Returning to the movements of the troops along the Illinois River, we
find in the Missouri Republican that Colonel Davenport and two companies
of United States Infantry arrived in St. Louis on June 11th, in the
steamer Otto from the Cantonment of Leavenworth, and that they
immediately took the boats Caroline and Winnebago for Fort Deposit, or
Fort Wilbourn, as it subsequently was called.

On June 5th, by Order 27, Atkinson thanked the men under Colonel Fry for
their services and exhorted them to re-enlist in the new campaign, which
they did, almost to a man.

On the 8th Atkinson fell down the river to the foot of the rapids,
fifteen miles below Ottawa, and on the 9th mustered out the company of
Captain Wilbourn of Morgan, which took the steamer Caroline to
Beardstown, and thence the men either re-enlisted or marched home. From
the same point Quartermaster March was ordered to St. Louis to forward
to Fort Wilbourn, as early as possible, the pack horses he had been
directed to purchase, also fifteen to twenty two-horse wagons, and be in
readiness to move to Dixon’s Ferry with them on the 17th.

Back again at Ottawa on the 10th, by Order 31, Atkinson directed Capt.
Cyrus Mathews’ company to remain and guard supplies at Fort Wilbourn. On
the 12th Capt. Morgan L. Payne, then stationed at AuxPlaines, was
ordered to remove with his command to the DuPage settlement on DuPage
River, remain near Captain Naper and range his company from DuPage to
Hickory Creek settlements, after which, on the same day, Atkinson again
moved down the Illinois River to Fort Deposit, or, as we have seen, Fort

This name Deposit was given by Maj. Reddick Horn, who established it, to
the point at the foot of the Illinois rapids, where the supplies were
deposited when brought from St. Louis by Colonel March, Q.M., and is
described in the press and documents of that day as being on the left
bank of the Illinois River, one and a half miles below the mouth of the
Little Vermilion River–about 300 miles from St. Louis and the head of
steamboat navigation. Fort Johnston,[174] named from Albert Sidney
Johnston, opposite the mouth of Fox River, and Atkinson’s headquarters
for some time, was about twenty miles up from Wilbourn and was placed at
a distance of ninety miles from Chicago, while Wilbourn was said to be
fifty miles from Dixon and Dixon 100 miles from the Four Lakes country
and the neighborhood of the camp of the Sacs, which, in turn, was about
sixty miles from Fort Winnebago and Chicago.

With Atkinson came his staff, Lieut. A.S. Johnston and Lieut. M.L.
Clark, Aids; Lieut. Robert Anderson, Assistant Inspector-General; Lieut.
G.W. Wheelwright, Ordnance Officer; Lieut. R. Holmes, Commissary of
Subsistence, and Dr. Baylor, Surgeon, and Gen. Hugh Brady and his aid,
Lieut. Electus Backus, who had left at Dixon’s Ferry the two companies
of infantry brought from Fort Winnebago. As this point was as accessible
to Dixon’s Ferry, the objective point of the army, as Ottawa, it was
decided to remain there and notify the militia to come on from Hennepin
and Beardstown, which they did.

On the 14th General Atkinson ordered Colonel Moore’s regiment, with the
exception of Captain Payne’s company, to return to Danville to be
mustered out, while Colonel Moore turned over to the quartermaster at
Ottawa his surplus ammunition and supplies, Captain Payne being ordered
to remain at his position till further ordered.

On the night of the 15th, Billy Caldwell, Shabbona and Wau-ban-see came
into camp and offered Atkinson 100 men, to be commanded by Shabbona, who
then communicated the location of Black Hawk at his last camp at the
head of Rock River, with a following of warriors estimated to be from
1,000 to 2,000, and firmly intrenched against attack.

Governor Reynolds, who had rejoined the men about this time, appointed
Lieut. R. Holmes on his staff, and, in turn, Atkinson appointed Thomas
C. Brown, of the Gallatin County volunteers, one of his aids;
accordingly, on the 19th Brown was discharged as a private, to report as

On consultation with all the captains, Governor Reynolds determined that
every officer above a captain should be elected by the men
themselves,[175] a move which pleased everybody and which gave the army
a strength unknown during the first campaign.

It was further decided that the brigade staff officers should be one
brigadier-general, who should appoint one aid-de-camp, one brigade
inspector, one brigade quartermaster, one paymaster and two assistant

On the 15th Major (Rev.) Horn, who had erected the stockade called Fort
Deposit, was relieved as assistant quartermaster and Hugh McGill was
appointed by Order 34 from Atkinson. On the same day Posey’s Brigade was
organized and turned over to Atkinson, as follows:

   Brigadier General, Alexander Posey.
   Aids, Alexander P. Hall and B.A. Clark.
   Brigade Inspector, John Raum.
   Brigade Paymaster, William M. Wallace.
   Assistant Quartermasters, John A. McClernand and Marshall Rawlings,
      all of
  Gallatin County except Raum, who was from Pope County.

The brigade was composed of three regiments and a spy battalion.

The officers of the First Regiment, so far as known, were: Colonel,
Willis Hargrave; Lieutenant-Colonel, Jeff. Gatewood; Major, James

It was composed of five companies, all from Gallatin County, and
commanded by Captains John Bays, David B. Russell, Harrison Wilson,[176]
Joel Holliday and Achilles Coffey.

The officers of the Second Regiment, so far as known, were: Colonel,
John Ewing; Lieutenant-Colonel, – – Storm; Major, Johnson Wren;
Quartermaster, James F. Johnson, and Quartermaster’s Sergeant, Moses

It was composed of six companies, commanded by Captains George P.
Bowyer, William J. Stephenson and Obediah West from Franklin County, and
Charles Dunn, Jonathan Durman and Armstead Holman from Pope County.

The officers of the Third Regiment, so far as known, were: Colonel,
Samuel Leech; Lieutenant-Colonel, – – Campbell, for a short period, when
he was succeeded by William Adair; Major, Joseph Shelton, and
Quartermaster’s Sergeant, Levin Lane.

It was composed of five companies, commanded by Captains Ardin
Biggerstaff and James Hall of Hamilton County; John Onstott of Clay
County, and James N. Clark and Berryman G. Wells of Wayne County.

The officers of the Spy Battalion, so far as known, were: Major, John
Dement; Adjutant, Stinson B. Anderson;[177] Paymaster, Zadock
Casey;[178] Quartermaster, B. Hicks.

It was composed of the two companies commanded by Captains William N.
Dobbins of Marion County, and James Bowman of Jefferson County, and
seven detachments from the companies of Stephenson, Dunn, Russell,
Durman, West, Holliday and Bowyer.



[Illustration: MAJ. JOHN RAUM.]

[Illustration: CAPT. JOEL HOLLIDAY.]

[Illustration: CAPT. ACHILLES COFFEY.]



[Illustration: CAPT. CHARLES DUNN.]

[Illustration: CAPT. JOHN ONSTOTT.]

[Illustration: CAPT. ISAAC SANDFORD.]


On Sunday, the 17th, an express came from the DuPage settlements, which
had left there the preceding evening at 9 o’clock, bringing information
of the killing of Private William Brown of Captain Payne’s company by a
party of Sacs on the 16th.

On the 16th the Second Brigade, consisting of three regiments, a spy
battalion and a detachment, was organized, the officers of which were:
Brigadier-General, Milton K. Alexander of Edgar County; Aid, William B.
Archer; Brigade Inspector, Stephen B. Shelledy; Brigade Quartermaster,
Henry G. Smith.[179]

The officers of the First Regiment, so far as known, were: Colonel,
James M. Blackburn; Lieutenant-Colonel, William Wyatt; Major, James S.
Jones; Surgeon, J.J. Parrish; Quartermaster, Leonard B. Parker.

It was composed of six companies, commanded by Captains Thomas B. Ross
of Coles County, Royal A. Nott of Clark County and Samuel Brimberry,
Isaac Sandford, Robert Griffin and Jonathan Mayo of Edgar County.

The officers of the Second Regiment, so far as known, were: Colonel,
Samuel Adams; Lieutenant-Colonel, J.W. Barlow; Major, George Bowers;
Adjutant, Samuel Dunlap; Quartermaster, Walter L. Mayo.

It was composed of the companies of Captains John Barnes (only one-half
thereof, the other half being sent to Isaac Parmenter’s detachment with
the Third Regiment), Alexander M. Houston and part of William
Highsmith’s of Crawford County and John Arnold and Elias Jordan of
Wabash County.

The officers of the Third Regiment, so far as known, were: Colonel,
Hosea Pearce; Lieutenant-Colonel, C. Jones; Major, William Eubanks;
Adjutant, Isaac Parmenter; Quartermaster, John T. Hunter; Surgeon, Aaron

It was composed of five companies, commanded by Captains Solomon Hunter
and Champion S. Madding from Edwards County, and John Haynes, William
Thomas and Daniel Powell from White County.

The officers of the Spy Battalion, so far as known, were: Major, William
McHenry; Adjutant, Nineveh Shaw; Surgeon, George Flanagan.

It was composed of the companies of Captains John F. Richardson from
Clark County, Abner Greer from Lawrence County and John McCown from
White County.

Attached to the Third Regiment were fourteen small detachments commanded
by Isaac Parmenter.

On Monday, the 18th, the company of Capt. David Smith, Madison County,
First Regiment, Third Brigade, was detached to occupy the post at Fort
Johnston. On the same day an express arrived from the Henderson River
which reported the murder on Bureau Creek of Elijah Phillips, one of a
party of six who had been passing the night in the cabin of John L.
Ament. As this murder created a great scare at the time, it may be well
to relate the circumstances:

On the 17th Phillips, Ament, J. Hodges, Sylvester Brigham, Aaron Gunn,
James G. Forristall and a lad of sixteen, named Ziba Dimmick, left
Hennepin to look after cattle which had been left to run at large on
Bureau Creek. On arriving at Ament’s cabin, a mile and a half north of
the present site of Dover, they ate their lunch and were preparing to
return to Hennepin, when a heavy rain set in and the party retired to
the cabin for the night, after first securely barricading the door.

To the west of the cabin lay the sugar camp of the Indians, which had
for years been their headquarters. The presence of Ament in the country
had greatly angered the Indians, and it required no great effort by
Black Hawk’s emissaries to persuade them to rid themselves of the
presence of the hated settlers. The presence of the whites was at once
discovered by them and during the night a cordon was formed around the
house to ambush them the moment any of the number appeared. Mr. Phillips
arose and left the cabin alone to look after the horses. Proceeding but
a few feet, he walked square upon the Indians in the hazel bushes, who,
with deafening yells, rose and shot him. Wishing the full fruition of
their victory, they rushed upon his body to secure the scalp, but the
other whites within, thrusting their muskets through the chinks,
frightened the Indians away. Young Dimmick volunteered to return to
Hennepin for reinforcements, a dangerous trip, but, calling a horse to
him, he mounted, and, reaching Hennepin, was able to secure, after much
persuasion, some reinforcements from two companies of the rangers who
had been discharged and were returning home. The body of Phillips was
secured and taken to Hennepin for burial.

On Tuesday, the 19th, Posey was ordered to draw ten days’ rations and
start for Dixon’s Ferry that night or the following morning. Major
Dement’s battalion, however, was ordered first to scour the woods around
the Bureau settlements to see if it could not run down the murderers of
Phillips, and then go on to Dixon’s to receive further orders from
Colonel Taylor, who had remained at that point all the time since the
discharge of the first levy on May 27th and 28th, with his force of
regulars, which included Jefferson Davis, his aid, and some 200
volunteers. Just previous, Taylor had sent forward with Captain Snyder’s
company two companies of the regulars under Major Bennet Riley, to be
stationed at Kellogg’s Grove, as has been noticed before.

Governor Reynolds had on the 12th ordered a battalion to be organized to
guard the frontiers between the Mississippi and Peoria on the north of
the Illinois River, and selected Samuel Bogart Major to command the
same, the name of no other officer being known. The companies, so far as
can be ascertained, were those of Captains Peter Butler of Warren
County, John W. Kenney of Rock Island, James White, Hancock County, John
Sain, Fulton County, William McMurtry, Knox County, and Asel F. Ball of
Fulton County, all of which were mustered out September 4th and 5th at


[Illustration: GEN. MILTON K. ALEXANDER.]

[Illustration: SAMUEL DUNLAP.]

[Illustration: S.B. SHELLEDY.]

[Illustration: CAPT. THOMAS B. ROSS.]


[Illustration: REV. SAMUEL WESTBROOK.]

[Illustration: L.B. PARKER.]

[Illustration: CAPT. JONATHAN MAYO.]

[Illustration: CAPT. JAMES BURNS.]


The Governor also, on the 19th, appointed his staff: Aids, Alexander F.
Grant of Gallatin and Benjamin F. Hickman of Franklin; Adjutant-General,
Judge Theophilus W. Smith of the Supreme Court;[180] Pay-master-General,
James Turney, and Quartermaster-General, Enoch C.

On this same day the Governor organized a battalion to guard the
frontier between Ottawa and Chicago with the companies of Captains
Nathaniel Buckmaster, Aaron Armstrong, James Walker, Morgan L. Payne,
Holden Sessions and — — Draper, and appointed Buckmaster Major, and it
may be said that this battalion did excellent service. Without loss, it
cleared its territory of the last hostile Indian, and the settlers, in
less than three weeks’ time, were permitted to return to their homes,
relieved of the dangers which had for so long a time compelled them to
remain inside of forts at Chicago and Ottawa.

At the same time Major Bailey was given command of a battalion and was
sent to Chicago to take charge of that very important post. So well did
he manage the duties entrusted to him that he received the thanks of the
President, Andrew Jackson.

On the 20th Posey’s Brigade marched at 1 o’clock, under the command of
General Hugh Brady, who took with him the two companies of regulars from
the Cantonment of Leavenworth, under orders of Colonel Davenport, who
was ordered to accompany the brigade and perform such staff duties as
should be demanded of him. Lieutenant-Colonel Baker of the Sixth United
States Infantry was assigned to command the detachment of two companies.

On the same day the Third Brigade, consisting of four regiments and a
spy battalion, was organized, the officers of which, so far as known,
were: Brigadier-General, James D. Henry; Aid, Alexander P. Field;[181]
Brigade Inspector, Murray McConnel; Brigade Paymaster, Cornelius Hook;
Brigade Wagonmaster, Nathan Hussey; Assistant Brigade Quartermasters,
N.H. Johnston and Milton B. Roberts.

The officers of the First Regiment, so far as known, were: Colonel,
Samuel T. Matthews; Lieutenant-Colonel, James Gillham; Major, James
Evans; Adjutant, William Weatherford; Surgeon, E.K. Wood; Paymaster,
Alexander Beall; Quartermaster’s Sergeant, Nathan Hart; Surgeon’s Mate,
Milton K. Branson.

It was composed of six companies, commanded by Captains David Smith of
Madison County, detailed as stated, William Gillham,[182] William
Gordon, George F. Bristow, J.T. Arnett and Walter Butler of Morgan

The officers of the Second Regiment, so far as known, were: Colonel,
Jacob Fry; Lieutenant-Colonel, Jeremiah Smith; Major, Benjamin James;
Adjutant, John O’Melvany; Paymaster, Benjamin Bond; Quartermaster, C.V.
Halsted; Surgeon, William H. Terrell; Surgeon’s Mate, J.B. Logan;
Hospital Steward, John Hawthorne.

It was composed of five companies, commanded by Captains Hiram Roundtree
of Montgomery County; James Kincaid, Gershom Patterson (the first
captain, Alexander Smith having resigned July 15), Aaron Bannon of
Greene County and Thomas Stout of Bond County.

The officers of the Third Regiment, so far as known, were: Colonel,
Gabriel Jones; Lieutenant-Colonel, Sidney Breese; Major, John D. Wood;
Adjutant, David Baldridge; Paymaster, Martin W. Doris; Quartermaster’s
Sergeant, Joseph Orr; Sergeant-Major, John Hawthorn.

It was composed of six companies, commanded by Captains Andrew Bankson
of Clinton County, William Adair of Perry County, Josiah S. Briggs,
James Thompson and James Connor of Randolph (Connor’s company was first
commanded by Jacob Feaman, who resigned July 25th) and James Burns of
Washington County.

T.W. Smith was first elected Lieutenant-Colonel, and Sidney Breese,
Major, of the Third Regiment, but upon the appointment of Smith to be
Adjutant-General, Major Breese was promoted.[183]

The officers of the Fourth Regiment, so far as known, were: Colonel,
James Collins; Lieutenant-Colonel, Powell H. Sharp; Major, William
Miller; Adjutant, Dr. E.H. Merriman; Surgeon’s Mate, John Warnsing.

It was composed of six companies, commanded by Captains Bennett Nowlen
of Macoupin County, Ozias Hale of Pike County, Jesse Claywell, Reuben
Brown[184] and Thomas Moffett of Sangamon County and Henry L. Webb of
Alexander County.

[Illustration: W.L. MAYO.]

[Illustration: ISAAC PARMENTER.]

[Illustration: CAPT. CHAMPION S. MADDING.]

[Illustration: CAPT. WILLIAM THOMAS.]


[Illustration: CAPT. DANIEL POWELL.]

[Illustration: CAPT. WILLIAM McMURTRY.]

[Illustration: NATHAN HUSSEY.]

[Illustration: CAPT. PETER BUTLER.]


The officers of the Spy Battalion, so far as known, were: Major, William
L.D. Ewing; Paymaster, Frederick Remann; Quartermaster, David H. Moore;
Surgeon, John Allan Wakefield; Quartermaster’s Sergeant, Alanson Powell.
It was composed of the companies of Captains Allan F. Lindsay of Morgan
County and Samuel Huston of Fayette County.

On the 21 st Brady was ordered to take command of the forces at Dixon’s
when he arrived there, but before starting out he was to detail ten men
from each brigade for duty with the convoys of wagons, which said detail
was to report daily to Col. E.C. March, Quartermaster-General.

At 2 o’clock of the same day Alexander’s Brigade started for Dixon’s
Ferry, after receiving General Order No. 41:

                                “Headquarters, Army of the Frontier,
                             “Rapids of the Illinois, 20 June, 1832.

  “The movement of the mounted volunteers on the march, whether in
  division or brigade, will be in columns by heads of regiments or
  battalions. An advance flank and rear guard will be constantly
  thrown out on the march; its distance from the main body will be
  regulated according to the nature of the ground, by the officer of
  the day, under the direction of the commander or senior officer
  present. Should the troops be attacked in front, flank and rear on
  the march, the line would be formed in either direction by
  regiments on foot previously named (as will also the reserve in
  either case). The form of the encampment will be a square. The
  troops having occupied the ground designated for the encampment
  will remain on horseback until the guard is posted, when the order
  to dismount will be given by a signal, and tents pitched; the
  train of wagons will then go formed in line within a square, in
  rear of the line of tents. The horses will be grazed until night,
  when, at a given signal, to be given for that purpose, they will
  be picketed in lines in the area within the line of wagons.

  “The fires will be at least forty yards in front of the line of
  tents. Should the camp be attacked, the line will be formed on
  foot immediately in front of the line of tents.

  “It is of the utmost importance that the ammunition should not be
  wasted. The commanders of brigades will see that the greatest care
  is taken of that issued to their respective commands.

                            “A.S. JOHNSTON, A.D.C., A.A.A. General.”

                                “Headquarters, Army of the Frontier,
                 “Foot of the Rapids of the Illinois, June 21, 1832.

  “Order No. 43.

  “In organizing the Third Brigade of Illinois Volunteers, the
  Commanding General orders as follows, to-wit: That Captain Jones’
  company of volunteers from Randolph County be and is hereby
  attached to the Third Regiment of said brigade. Captain Smith’s
  company of said Third Regiment is transferred to and is attached
  to the First Regiment of said brigade, to which is also attached
  Captain Matthews’ company of volunteer infantry. Captain Matthews’
  company of infantry being stationary, the equipments belonging to
  said company will be turned over to Colonel Fry, and the necessary
  receipts taken for the same. The equipments drawn by Colonel
  Matthews at this place will be turned over to Colonel Collins. The
  regiment under Colonel Matthews is assigned to duty on this
  immediate frontier, and will garrison Forts Ottoway and Wilbourn,
  two companies to be stationary at the latter post. The residue to
  be stationed at Fort Ottoway for its garrison and for succoring
  the frontier and scouring the neighboring country. From two to
  three companies will generally be kept out for the latter purpose.
  The security of the public property at the forts above mentioned
  is confided to the commanding officer of the regiment.

                            “A.S. JOHNSTON, A.D.C., A.A.A. General.”


[Illustration: CAPT. A.M. JENKINS.]

[Illustration: COL. T.W. SMITH.]

[Illustration: LIEUT. COL. JAMES GILLHAM.]

[Illustration: DR. J.B. LOGAN.]


[Illustration: LIEUT. JOHN MORRISON.]

[Illustration: LIEUT. COL. SIDNEY BREESE.]

[Illustration: MAJ. JOHN D. WOOD.]

[Illustration: CAPT. JAMES THOMPSON.]


The following independent companies, reporting direct to General
Atkinson, joined the new levies to do scouting duty: Jacob M.
Earley’s, of which Abraham Lincoln was a private, Alexander M.
Jenkins’ and B. B. Craig’s.


Footnote 174:

  It has been said that this fort was named after Col. James Johnson, of
  the Fifth Regiment, but the burden of authority is in favor of A.S.

Footnote 175:

  My Own Times.

Footnote 176:

  Captain Harrison Wilson, in the war of 1812, was an ensign in Captain
  James Craig’s company of frontier riflemen. Fourth Regiment. His
  father, Alexander, was a member of the first Legislature of Illinois
  Territory, and drafted with his own hand the first code of
  English-speaking law for that territory. Gen. James H. Wilson, of
  Wilmington, Del., who represented the U.S. Army at King Edward’s
  coronation, and Col. Bluford Wilson, of Springfield, Ill., late
  Solicitor of the U.S. Treasury, are sons of Capt. Harrison Wilson, who
  died in 1853. He fought by the side of Jefferson Davis against Black
  Hawk at the battle of the Bad Axe, while his son, Gen. James H.
  Wilson, captured the President of the Southern Confederacy in the
  Civil War. Another coincidence must be noticed: Maj.-Gen. John A.
  McClernand was a private in Capt. Harrison Wilson’s company, and
  during the recent war with Spain Lt.-Col. Edward J. McClernand, son of
  Gen. McClernand, was adjutant to Gen. J.H. Wilson while the latter
  occupied Cuba.

Footnote 177:

  Later Lieut.-Governor.

Footnote 178:

  Then Lieut.-Governor.

Footnote 179:

  By Col. Smith’s report, in my possession, he certified that his
  brigade was furnished from June 21 to July 10, by U.S. Government,
  with six baggage wagons; from July 10 to July 26 with four wagons, and
  from the 26th to Aug. 14 with three pack horses. The wagons were each
  drawn by two horses, and on an average drew 500 pounds. Distance
  traveled, 1,200 miles.

Footnote 180:

  Selected June 5, according to Wakefield.

Footnote 181:

  Then Secretary of State.

Footnote 182:

  Henry S. Riggs, a private in Gillham’s company, who still lives at
  Lynnville, in Morgan County, has given the march of his company and of
  Capt. Gordon’s as follows: “We first met at a farm near Exeter, and
  encamped the first night on the bank of the Mauvaisterre, northeast of
  Jacksonville. We then marched in a northeasterly direction and forded
  the Sangamon River near Petersburg. The journey across country to the
  vicinity of Ottawa, and later Rock Island, occupied a week, and a
  detachment of one company was left at Ft. Wilbourn. At this point
  there were, besides the whites, a good many friendly Indians who
  needed or desired our protection. I was one of those left on guard at
  the fort, so did not take part in any of the skirmishes with the
  Indians. Black Hawk and his braves were so far outnumbered that they
  knew the folly of continued resistance, but in the final struggle
  seventeen whites were killed and the Indian loss was heavy. Peace was
  finally declared, and when the volunteers returned to their homes they
  had been in the service just 104 days. For this campaign each man
  furnished his own horse and weapon and the greater part of his

Footnote 183:

  Wakefield, p. 31, is authority for the statement that the regiment
  reached Beardstown June 3, elected officers, and that T.W. Smith was
  made a staff officer June 5, and that the march was taken up on the
  6th for Ft. Wilbourn, where Maj. (Rev.) Horn had stored provisions.

Footnote 184:

  The great pioneer Methodist preacher, Peter Cartwright, was a private
  in Brown’s company.



                            CHAPTER XXVIII.


It has already been stated that Major Dement’s battalion was ordered
on detached service. Following is a copy of his order:

                             “Headquarters, Army of the Frontier,
                             “Rapids of the Illinois, 18 June, 1832.

  “Order No. 37.

  “Major Dement’s Battalion of Volunteers will be prepared for
  detached service as early to-morrow morning as practicable,
  supplied with provisions for ten days. Major Dement will make a
  requisition on the ordnance officer for ammunition for his
  command, and report to the commanding general for instructions
  relative to the service to be performed.

                            “A.S. JOHNSTON, A.D.C., A.A.A. General.”

Pursuant to these orders, Major Dement called on General Atkinson
and was directed to detach his battalion from Posey’s Brigade, scour
the Bureau woods to find, if possible, the murderers of Phillips,
and then go on to Colonel Taylor at Dixon’s and report the
depredations committed by the Indians, so far as he could learn

Early the following morning Major Dement marched for Henderson
Creek, where he thoroughly scoured the woods, only to find that the
Indians had crossed the Mississippi and escaped every effort that
might be made to punish them. Concluding this very tedious duty, the
battalion, after a weary march through portions of the Winnebago
swamps, high creeks and through pouring rains, reached Dixon’s Ferry
on the night of the 22d, just after Major Bennet Riley’s two
companies of regulars had returned from their efforts to keep open
the road between Dixon’s and Galena.

[185]Colonel Taylor met Dement when he arrived, and informed him
that his arrival was opportune, that he had just the place for him,
and directed him to swim his horses across the river early to
receive his orders. In Major Dement’s command were men who had held
nearly every office in the State, from Governor down, and Taylor’s
abrupt manner, if displayed before the troops, would not be
calculated to promote the dispatch required, and which Taylor was in
the habit of receiving; in fact, Major Dement felt that he could
not, in justice to his relations with the men and his future
comfort, repeat the orders given, at least verbatim; therefore he
requested Taylor to read or deliver them personally.

The men, fatigued from their long march, expected a short respite
when they reached the river, and were not in good humor.

Taylor had consented personally to deliver his orders, and promptly
at daylight he was rowed to the south side of the river, where the
men were formed in line, awaiting his approach. Taylor was nothing
if not picturesque, and in the delivery of those orders his speech
and actions were calculated to perpetuate his reputation; they
amounted to a speech, in fact. He raked the Illinois militia fore
and aft, virtually accusing them of cowardice, and finally
concluding with these words:[186] “You are citizen soldiers and some
of you may fill high offices, or even be President some day, but
never unless you do your duty. Forward! March!” Prophetic words! He
became President, and Jefferson Davis, his aid, was present. Abraham
Lincoln, the second President to be elected from that little army,
arrived the third time upon the scene, soon after, with Henry’s

Taylor’s remarks, just as Major Dement had divined, evoked a storm
of passion, smothered, ’tis true, but the men were almost ready to
fight Taylor rather than obey him. Major Dement had foreseen the
unfortunate consequences and was prepared to propitiate the angry
militia by replying with spirit, to the effect that the default of
the militia had been grossly exaggerated, concluding with these
words: “Sir, your allusions are unjust and entirely uncalled for
from a man who, with the experience of the regular army, would
intrench himself behind walls (Fort Dixon) and send to the front men
who had never seen service. Men! You need not obey his orders. Obey
mine and follow me,” and then, wheeling, he swam his horse across
the river, the men following, with one exception, in good humor,
with a commander who did not fear “Old Rough and Ready.” Colonel
Taylor saw the point in an instant, and after Major Dement rejoined
him at Fort Koshkonong he said he told the story to his brother
officers at Fort Dixon, who roared with laughter.

[187]The battalion reached Kellogg’s “old place” that night,
Saturday, the 23d, and enjoyed Sunday in hunting. On the night of
Sunday, the 24th, a Mr. Funk of McLean County, on his way from
Galena to Dixon’s, stopped at Kellogg’s and informed Major Dement
that he had seen a large party of Indians passing near them, and
that without doubt a very large band of the enemy was then close by.
Major Dement’s command contained not one-half the estimated number
of the enemy, and, to meet the emergency, he called a council of war
in the night to decide on a plan of action, and this plan, when
fully matured, was given to the men in detail.


[Illustration: CAPT. JACOB FEAMAN.]

[Illustration: CAPT. THOMAS MOFFETT.]

[Illustration: W.S. HUSSEY.]

[Illustration: MATTHEW RICE.]


At daylight of the 25th Major Dement called for twenty-five
volunteers to reconnoiter, and these instantly responded and moved
out. [188]Just as Major Dement and Governor Zadock Casey were
mounting their horses an express came in from the advance party,
informing them that three or four Indians were seen on the prairie.
This information operated like an electric shock on the men, and the
orders, so carefuly elaborated, were cast to the winds as one and
all, regardless of order, security, experience or common sense,
dashed after the reported Indians helter-skelter. Though Dement
tried times without number, at the risk of his life, to bring the
troops off in good order, his efforts were unavailing. Refusing to
learn from the experience of Stillman, the foremost men dashed
headlong on to some timber where Dement had surmised the enemy was
concealed. He shouted to his men to beware, but once more old Black
Hawk’s videttes decoyed the whites to destruction. About four
hundred yards from Kellogg’s, Major Dement halted and formed a line
to await the charge he was positive would follow, and he had not
long to wait. Stillman’s fight was to be duplicated in large
measure, and by Black Hawk, too, for he was personally leading his
men. Just as the whites neared the edge of the timber, the enemy
opened a galling fire, which killed two men and wounded a third;
then, with hideous yells, a large force poured from the grove to the
right and left, to flank the little band about Major Dement. The
Indians, all well mounted, were stripped to the skin and painted. As
they reached the bodies of the dead soldiers they clubbed, scalped
and otherwise mutilated them in the usual way.

Major Dement stood his ground, firing volley after volley with
deadly effect into the advancing ranks of the enemy, but the Indians
continued to pour from the timber until the whites realized that
delay in their perilous position meant wilful death. Then they
wheeled about, and a most exciting race for life began, with the
Indians on both flanks fighting at every step and gaining at every
foot of the chase. Then happened a melancholy event. Three men,
whose horses had strayed away during the night, had early in the
morning started in search of them, and, returning, were caught in
one of the flanks of the enemy, who swept over and killed them in an
instant, after which every man was scalped, but, to their
everlasting honor, no three men ever sold their lives at heavier
cost to the enemy than they, for five dead Indians were found close
to their own bodies.

During this tragic respite, Major Dement rallied a few men about him
and made another stand to give the shrieking savages battle, but it
was momentary only; the men caught but a sight of the returning
enemy and abandoned their intrepid little commander to his fate. At
the last and supreme moment he dashed to cover and only reached it
by a neck.

In this engagement Governor Casey’s horse was badly wounded and his
escape was made only after a terrific fight with the enemy. Reaching
Kellogg’s, the men sprang from their horses and occupied the log
house and barn. On the least exposed side of the house was a
workbench, over which Major Dement threw his bridle, and shot
through an open window; into this same partially sheltered place the
horses instinctively huddled.

As the Indians swarmed into the grove and covered themselves behind
trees, portholes were made in the chinks of the log buildings and
the best shots were detailed to pick off the Indians who might
expose themselves, but very few of them were so rash. For many hours
the garrison was stormed, it being apparently the determination of
Black Hawk to exterminate the battalion to the last man, as he
assailed it again and again, the Indians becoming finally careless
of their security as the assault progressed. Making no impression on
the besieged, the enemy finally began the merciless butchery of the
horses, killing above twenty-five in their savage rage.

The reinforcements sent for were, fortunately, near at hand, for
Posey’s Brigade had that very morning been ordered to march, and was
then actually in motion for Kellogg’s Grove, on its way to Fort
Hamilton to join General Dodge. The Indians finally retired, leaving
nine dead on the field, and escaped with others, before the arrival
of Posey, who had met Lieut. Trammel Ewing, who, though shot through
the thigh, had offered to start for Dixon’s for reinforcements and
had met Posey[189] north of Buffalo Grove. When he delivered his
dispatches to General Posey that officer hastened to the scene with
incredible swiftness, while Lieutenant Ewing journeyed on to Dixon
to carry the news.

The killed, whose names have been left to us, were William Allen,
James Black, James B. Band and Abner Bradford, the wounded being
Lieut. Trammel Ewing and Marcus Randolph, while Major Dement had
holes shot through his hat and coat.

Black Hawk, in his autobiography, Second Ed., p. 104, in noticing
this battle and Major Dement, used the following language:

  “The chief, who seemed to be a small man, addressed his warriors
  in a loud voice, but they soon retreated, leaving him and a few
  braves on the battlefield.

  “A great number of my warriors pursued the retreating party and
  killed a number of their horses as they ran.

  “The chief and a few of his braves were unwilling to leave the
  field. I ordered my braves to rush upon them, and had the
  mortification of seeing two of my chiefs killed before the enemy

  “The young chief deserves great praise for his courage and
  bravery, but, fortunately for us, his army was not all composed of
  such brave men.”

When Colonel Taylor so soundly berated the militia, Major Dement
knew as well as any man that every word was true, but the time for
the address was inopportune, and, further, if the correction was to
be expected from any source, he believed it should have emanated
from an officer of the militia, but when he saw his men, contrary to
orders, rushing headlong on to an ambush, and then rushing headlong
back again, his heart rankled with indignation, and he almost
regretted having resented Taylor’s animadversions. In fact, when he
finally reached Hamilton’s fort, where the question arose of turning
Posey’s command over to Dodge, Major Dement cried:[190] “He will
lead us to victory and retrieve for us the honors we have lost at
Stillman’s Run and at Kellogg’s Grove,” and, failing in the election
of Dodge over Posey, he[191] resigned and fought the remainder of
the campaign with another brigade.

But a man was soon to rise who, when these independent militia
disturbers, with their usual tactics of insubordination, attempted
again, at a crucial moment, to obstruct the orders of their
superiors, crushed them into obedience with an iron hand, and that
man’s name was James D. Henry, the towering genius of the Black Hawk


Footnote 185:

  Maj. Dement’s narrative, in my possession.

Footnote 186:

  History of Lee County, p. 249, Ed. 1893. Col. Whittlesey’s
  Narrative, 10 Wis. Hist. Collections, p. 177.

Footnote 187:

  Reynolds’ “My Own Times,” p. 388.

Footnote 188:

  Reynolds, 390.

Footnote 189:

  Journal of A.S. Johnston.

Footnote 190:

  Salter’s “Life of Henry Dodge,” p. 44.

Footnote 191:




                             CHAPTER XXIX.


At 12 o’clock of the 23d General Henry’s Brigade marched for Dixon’s
Ferry with General Atkinson, camping for the night eight miles out.
About 7 o’clock of the 24th they resumed the march, camping for the
second night at the “Winnebago Inlet,” twelve miles from Dixon’s.

On the morning of the 25th, Atkinson and staff pushed forward,
escorted by Capt. Stephen H. Webb’s company of regulars, and reached
Dixon’s by 10 o’clock, General Henry’s Brigade reaching the same
point at 10 that evening. As before stated, Posey’s Brigade was
early this morning detached by General Brady from this post, with
orders to report to General Dodge at Fort Hamilton, and was safely
on the march when Atkinson arrived, fortunately meeting Lieutenant
Ewing north of Buffalo Grove as the latter was making for Dixon’s
for reinforcements.

Ewing’s statement on reaching Dixon’s, that many fresh trails
indicated the presence of large numbers of Indians in the party
making westerly to escape beyond the Mississippi, caused Atkinson to
at once detach Alexander’s Brigade with orders to march to the mouth
of Plum River to intercept such escape if possible, and, unless
otherwise ordered, to return to Dixon’s. Accordingly, the brigade
moved at 6:30 the following morning.

Very soon after its departure an express brought news of the murder,
on Fox River, of two citizens employed in conducting a wagon; also
of the death of one of Captain McFadden’s men in an expedition, June
24, on Indian Creek, the details of which Hon. George M. Hollenback
has kindly furnished me:

  “The last depredations committed by the Indians in this vicinity
  were done on a Sunday, about the last of June. Upon that day, a
  mounted detachment, numbering about 150 men, under Captain Arnett,
  left Ottawa for the purpose of proceeding to the Hollenback
  settlement and collecting and driving to a place of safety the
  settlers’ stock.

  “About the time the detachment left, something happened to one of
  the men which delayed him a few minutes, when he proceeded to
  rejoin the rest of the men. Upon his way, he fell in with two men
  named Schermerhorn and Hazelton, in a wagon, following up the
  detachment, in order to visit their homes not far distant from the
  old Mission, and were, as they supposed, perfectly secure.

  “The party had reached a place not far from William L. Dunnivan’s,
  when they were fired upon, and both men in the wagon were killed;
  the soldier on horseback escaping. An Indian threw a spear at him
  as he turned to flee, cutting in its flight some of the mane from
  the horse, just in front of the rider. He immediately returned to
  Ottawa, and procuring sufficient reinforcements, returned to the
  scene, and found the dead bodies of the men, which were taken to
  Ottawa for burial. The detachment had heard the firing a mile or
  so in the rear, but thought nothing of it until the killing was
  subsequently learned. During the afternoon of the same day the
  other tragedy was enacted on the west side of Fox River, near
  Indian Creek.

  “On that day, four of McFadden’s company, Captain George McFadden
  himself and two brothers, Third Corporal Ezekiel, and Daniel
  Warren, and Private James Beresford left Ottawa and proceeded up
  the west side of Fox River, near Beresford’s home, in search of
  strawberries. They were in fine spirits and it was Beresford’s
  twenty-first birthday.

  “They presently dismounted and, after picking strawberries until
  they were satisfied, proceeded to remount, which all did save
  Beresford, who was in the act when they were fired upon by
  Indians. This so frightened Beresford’s horse that he could not
  remount, and he broke and ran, leaving him helpless to escape. The
  volley was effective upon McFadden, he receiving a ball through
  the ankle, which at the same time mortally wounded his horse,
  which, after running nearly four miles, dropped dead. The Warrens
  escaped, but poor Beresford, when last seen by his companions, was
  fleeing for his life, with the Indians in close pursuit. His fate
  was ever veiled in mystery, for no friendly eye ever rested on him
  afterward. His death and the manner of it were, of course,

Brady had been given his choice, whether to command the First and
Second Brigades or the Third, with the regulars. He chose the
latter, and at noon of the 28th marched with them up the left bank
of Rock River, making twelve miles that afternoon and halting for
the night. Before moving, Orders 44, 45, 46 and 47 were issued, as

                                “Headquarters, Army of the Frontier,
                                      “Dixon’s Ferry, 26 June, 1832.

  “Order No. 44.

  “The combined army of regular and volunteer troops, comprising the
  force under the Commanding General, is organized as follows in the
  following manner:

  “The First and Second Brigades of Volunteers constitute the first
  division under the senior Brigadier[192] thereof, when acting in
  conjunction, and the brigade of regular troops and the Third
  Brigade of Volunteers constitute the second division under the
  orders of Brigadier-General Brady, and the whole under the
  immediate orders of the Commanding General.

  “One company of regular troops, or a detail of that strength, and
  one company of mounted men of the Third Brigade, with the
  dismounted men of the brigade of volunteers, will remain at this
  post and constitute its garrison. The detail of regular troops for
  this duty to be made by Colonel Taylor, and the volunteer company
  for the same service by Brigadier-General Henry. The duty hereby
  required is of the most honorable and important nature, and will,
  it is hoped by the Commanding General, be embraced by those
  detailed with cheerfulness. After fifteen or twenty days, the
  volunteer company thus detailed may be relieved by another company
  from the same brigade, or from some other brigade, as the
  Commanding General may direct.

  “The brigade of regular troops, and the Third Brigade of
  Volunteers, will hold themselves in readiness to move at a
  moment’s notice. The regular troops are to fill their haversacks
  with provisions for the march, and the Third Brigade of Volunteers
  will complete its supply of provisions, in addition to what it has
  on hand, to fifteen days’ rations per man. Each will draw a full
  supply of ammunition.”

                                “Headquarters, Army of the Frontier,
                                      “Dixon’s Ferry, 26 June, 1832.

  “Order No. 45.

  “Lieutenant Bowman,[193] of the Illinois Volunteers, will march
  this evening with a detachment of seventeen men to Kellogg’s Grove
  for the purpose of protecting the provisions at that place. Lieut.
  Bowman is charged with the defense of the station, and will be
  obeyed and respected by the officers and men left by General Posey
  in charge. He will return to this place early in the morning.”

On the 28th final preparations were made for caring for the frontier
in the absence of the army and arranging for the departure of the
troops at an early moment, as will be seen by the following order:

                                “Headquarters, Army of the Frontier,
                                      “Dixon’s Ferry, 28 June, 1832.

  “Order No. 46.

  “Lieutenant Holmes, Asst. Com. Sub., is charged with procuring and
  furnishing the army with such further supplies of provisions as
  may be requisite. He will station himself at this post, visiting
  Forts Wilbourn and Galena, if it should be necessary, or other
  points where the nature of his duties may call him. The staff of
  the Commissariat attached to the Army of the Frontier will be
  subject to the orders of Lieut. Holmes. Lieut. Gardenier of the
  First Infantry, now at Galena, will act as Asst. Com. Sub. at that
  place, take charge of such provisions as may be sent to that post,
  and make issue to such volunteer troops as have been enrolled and
  mustered into the service, and when there is a deficiency, make
  purchases to meet emergencies. He will send an express to Fort
  Crawford, with a request that the Commanding Officer there will
  send from the depot at that place, to Galena, 200 barrels of flour
  and 150 barrels of pork, and hire transportation for the same.
  Lieut. Gardenier will procure, if practicable, a steamboat at
  Galena to go up for it, in preference to any other mode of

  “In addition to the supply of provisions expected from Fort
  Wilbourn, by the teams now gone for it, Lieut. Holmes will cause
  an equal quantity, or more, to be brought to this place without
  delay. Escorts to the wagons will be furnished by the Commanding
  Officers at Ottoway and this place when called on by Lieut.
  Holmes. Lieut. Crossman, Asst. Quartermaster, will remain in this
  district of country and attend to the disbursements of all
  expenses which may be necessarily incurred in the Quartermaster’s

At this period George E. Walker called at headquarters to report the
presence at the mouth of Sycamore Creek of Shabbona, Caldwell and
others, who at Fort Wilbourn had signified a willingness to command
a force of Pottowatomies, and desired a detachment to meet and
confer with them at that point. Accordingly, the final order issued
at Dixon’s was promulgated:

                                “Headquarters, Army of the Frontier,
                                      “Dixon’s Ferry, 28 June, 1832.

  “Order No. 47.

  “General Henry will detach Colonel Fry, with his regiment, this
  morning, to the mouth of Sycamore Creek, where Caldwell and
  several of the principal men of the Pottawattomies, with 75
  warriors, are encamped, waiting to join the army to co-operate
  with us against the Sac Indians. The object of the movement is to
  give countenance to the party under Caldwell till the main army
  comes up, which will move to-day as early as practicable. Col. Fry
  will, of course, use the necessary precautions for the security of
  his command.”

On the 29th Atkinson and staff moved from Dixon’s Ferry, reaching
Stillman’s battlefield that evening, where they camped–as stated by
Albert Sidney Johnston in his journal–a distance of six miles from
the “Sycamore Creek, or Kishwaukee, where Colonel Fry’s Regiment is
now encamped.” Four miles were made June 30th, Atkinson resting on
Rock River for the day.[194] On the 1st of July seven more miles
were made in the forenoon, the army stopping for the night in the
fork of Turtle Creek and Rock River, just above the mouth of Turtle

Lack of water was felt the following day for the first time, and
after a severe march, on the 2d, the army camped above and near the
mouth of “the river of the Four Lakes,” on the banks of a large
pond, the first water to be found after a march of five hours.

About 10 o’clock of the 3d, scouts brought in news of a deserted
Indian camp, broken up three nights before, which gave signs of the
recent burial of five Indians. Several scalps and many feathers were
also left there. The division halted at “Lake Koshkonong, or Mud
Lake,” a large body of water formed by the widening or enlargement
of Rock River. Trails were everywhere abundant, but no enemy was in
sight, nor was his position then conjectured.

At night Captains Gordon and Menard arrived from Alexander’s
command, which had steadily moved thence from the mouth of Plum
River, with word that it was marching to form a junction with
Atkinson’s forces.

On the 4th the old reliable and ever-ready Colonel Fry was sent
forward with his regiment and several other independent companies to
reconnoiter both sides of the river, but, notwithstanding the utmost
vigilance, the shadowy enemy was nowhere to be found. Early in the
day Captain Briggs was dispatched with a detachment to reach
Alexander, then twenty miles distant, and urge that officer to lose
no time in joining Atkinson at that point, which he did during the

At 1 o’clock one of Briggs’ men returned and reported an old blind
Sac at the deserted camp, who was brought in[196] and gave
information which was not believed. Investigation was made in the
vicinity of the “Lake we live on” and trails of Indians who had
three or four days’ advance were discovered to lead to the
northwest. At this point General Dodge’s approach was noticed, “with
a strong force from the Four Lakes.”[197]

Again on the 5th the regiments of Colonel Fry and Colonel Jones were
detailed to scout the west side of the river and discover, if
possible, the route and position of the enemy. For fifteen miles
they advanced through mires and undergrowth, until, becoming
satisfied that he had moved up the river a considerable distance,
they returned, meeting Posey and Dodge’s brigades encamped on the
west side of the lake, ten miles from Atkinson.

Provisions were becoming scarce by reason of the usual wastefulness
of the volunteers, who still continued their disobedient and
independent tactics, and Atkinson, becoming alarmed, issued general
order No. 48:

                                “Headquarters, Army of the Frontier,
                            “Camp on Cooshkenong Lake, 5 July, 1832.

  “Order No. 48.

  “The Commanding General has been disappointed in not finding, on
  his arrival at this place (day before yesterday), the enemy, who
  had occupied a strong position in the immediate neighborhood for
  the last six weeks, and which it was understood he would not
  abandon without a struggle. He has, however, retreated
  precipitately in various directions with a view, it is thought, of
  concentrating at some more favorable point not remote from us,
  where he will make a stand on the defense. Hence it is necessary
  that the greatest vigilance should be observed, and the Commanding
  General therefore calls upon the officers and men composing this
  command to observe and enforce the strictest obedience of orders
  and discipline, and he admonishes every soldier against the
  smallest waste of the provisions issued to him, as a contrary
  course will certainly subject him to suffering and want, detached
  as we all are at a distance from our depots.

  “It is not at all improbable but we shall come in conflict with
  the enemy in a day or two. On such an occasion it is only
  necessary for the troops to be firm. If they stand, and more
  particularly if they advance upon the enemy, success is

  “The several corps and brigades will be in readiness to move
  to-morrow morning.”

Superior officers seemed not to know how to manage the men, all of
whom had votes they dared not antagonize at home, and here,
surrounded with swamps, provisions scarce and no enemy in sight,
with a remarkable spirit of procrastination rampant, the capture of
Black Hawk seemed extremely remote. While it was the boast of the
army of volunteers that it contained the leading spirits of the
state, we are forced to the conclusion that it had been much better
for the state and the reputation of the army if there had been in it
and commanding fewer judges of the Supreme Court, members of
Congress and candidates for various other offices, and more of such
men as Henry and Dodge.


Footnote 192:


Footnote 193:

  2d Lt. Samuel Bowman of Capt. Gershom Patterson’s Company, who was
  killed at the Battle of the Bad Axe, Aug. 2.

Footnote 194:

  It has been said he crossed the boundary line between Illinois and
  the present state of Wisconsin on this day, at a point where the
  Turtle Village was located, where Beloit now stands. Wakefield, p.
  4. Thwaites, 32. Ford, 31. Moses, 372. But I quote Johnston’s
  Journal, written on the day and on the spot.

Footnote 195:

  A.S. Johnston’s Journal.

Footnote 196:

  Ford states that this old Indian was put to death by a later
  detachment, but that is a mistake.

Footnote 197:

  Johnston’s Journal.



                              CHAPTER XXX.


Alexander marched to the mouth of Plum River, found no Indians
to intercept, and, receiving orders to meet the right wing at
Lake Koshkonong, marched thence and joined Atkinson. Posey,
after reinforcing Major Dement, marched on to Fort Hamilton,
as ordered, and there joined Dodge’s Battalion, June 28, with
orders for both, under Posey’s command,[198] to join the right
wing on the Koshkonong. This order provoked jealousy and a
storm of protests broke out against Posey. Dodge conceived a
poor opinion of him. He was admitted all round to be a fine
gentleman, affable, upright and well disposed, but to lack
energy and ability to maintain discipline, which rendered his
men insubordinate and disorderly.[199] The miners to a man
demanded that they be joined to either the brigade of Henry or
Alexander, which brought about conditions likely to result in
complete disorganization. Major Dement, after the disobedience
of his own men, was particularly vehement in demanding the
substitution of Dodge for Posey.[200] Dodge answered the
request to accept the command with the reply that he would not
accept it without election to it by the men. Accordingly, a
vote was taken, at which, by the fidelity of his old men,
Posey was re-elected to command by a small majority.

Gen. George W. Jones has described that election and his letter was
published on page 54 of William Salter’s “Life of Henry Dodge:”

  “On our arrival at the encampment, Col. Dodge refused to assume
  command unless the volunteers would elect him as their commander,
  over their own general, although Col. Davenport of the U.S. Army,
  was present, under orders from Gen. Atkinson, to make the transfer
  or substitution in the command. All of the volunteers were entire
  strangers to Col. Dodge. At his request, they were drawn up into a
  hollow square, when he addressed them, and was followed by Gen.
  Posey, who appealed to his old neighbors not to desert and
  disgrace him. His entreaties had the desired effect.”

At this point, we are told by Wakefield, Major Dement resigned his

Dodge’s command now consisted of five mounted companies, commanded
by Captains D.M. Parkinson, James H. Gentry, George W. Jones, Joseph
Dickson and Clark–two hundred men in all.

On July 2d the forces marched from Fort Hamilton, crossing the East
Pecatonica, then much swollen, by swimming the horses and rafting
the baggage and provisions, and camping at a point subsequently
called Argyle. The night of the 3d the division camped at Devee’s
old smelting works on Sugar River, near Exeter, at which point
Stephenson, with his Galena company, and Colonel Hamilton, with his
company of Indians, joined them. The night of the 4th was spent in a
wilderness between Exeter and Rock River, where the present township
of Oregon may be said to lie, and where the Winnebago chief, White
Crow,[201] with a band of some thirty Indians, joined the division.
Here also Stephenson was elected Lieutenant-Colonel of Dodge’s
forces, and he was detached to do all the scouting duty for the

Passing along as rapidly as the country permitted, the division
spent the night of the 5th on a sandy ridge ten or twelve miles west
from Atkinson’s camp, and on the 6th on Rock River opposite
Atkinson, where and when Order 49 was issued:

                                “Headquarters, Army of the Frontier,
                                “On Lake Cooshkenong, 6 July, 1832.

  “Order No. 49.

  “General Alexander will move with his brigade this morning across
  Rock River and join General Dodge and co-operate with him and the
  troops under his command against the enemy above this lake. On
  Gen. Alexander joining the troops on the opposite side of the
  lake, Gen. Posey will march with his command across Rock River,
  below the lake, and join the Commanding General above this point.
  Gen. Alexander will call on the Commanding General for special

This order effectually settled the controversy between Dodge’s men
and the Illinois troops, which never should have been raised, for
Posey had many soldierly qualities, as good as any Dodge possessed.

The troops now moved, Alexander with Dodge on the west bank of Rock
River, Brady’s on the east, which marched five miles to the Burnt
Village, at the junction of the Rock River with Bark River,[202] and
to which point Posey rapidly followed.

At 9 o’clock of the 7th Atkinson crossed a deep, boggy creek, one
mile above the encampment, and reached a branch of the White Water
at noon, but as no ford could be found it was decided to march nine
miles up and cross a creek said to be there. After four miles’ march
Atkinson halted and camped, Posey and Alexander joining later and
camping in the same place.

Captain Dunn, who was officer of the day on the 7th, was
accidentally wounded by a sentinel, as was then thought, fatally.

On the 8th the one-eyed Winnebago chief, Decori,[203] came into camp
and informed Atkinson that Black Hawk was camped lower down the
river,[204] whereupon a council of war was called to consider
further movements.

A moment’s reflection should have exploded this ridiculous
statement, because Fry, Jones, Early and other independent companies
had explored every foot of debatable country in the vicinity named.

At this council Governor Reynolds urged Atkinson to move on up
without delay, before Black Hawk could evacuate his present position
and flee to the west, but to none of his appeals would the
commanding general listen. He averred that his artillery had not
then reached him, and without it he could do nothing, therefore did
he not only decline to push forward, but he ordered the army to fall
back to the Burnt Village at the mouth of the White Water for a
base.[205] There Early returned from another scout and reported the
main trail of the Indians, not two hours old, to be three miles
beyond. Early next morning detachments marched for the trail, only
to find, after fifteen miles’ march, that Early had been wrong.
Reynolds insisted that another day would bring them to Black Hawk’s
camp, and, as subsequent events demonstrated, the Governor was
correct. As a matter of fact, Atkinson was upon the wrong side of
the river to successfully reach Black Hawk.

Further reconnoisances made by Early’s company and other detachments
demonstrated conclusively, and with no delay, that the Indian Decori
had deliberately fabricated the story, to allow Black Hawk a respite
for retreat to the Mississippi. The 8th and most of the 9th were
spent in these fruitless scouting expeditions through impassable
underbrush and bogs, morasses and over “trembling lands,” until the
men were not only exhausted, but thoroughly discouraged. A party of
Indians under Colonel Hamilton covered nine or ten miles of country
with equal disappointment. Provisions had now run exceedingly low;
intense dissatisfaction prevailed; a second campaign, planned with
great pomp and expense, was coming to naught, and even the sanguine
Governor Reynolds, who was energetic, though impractical and moved
to many acts by consideration of policy for his future, lost heart
and left camp, with his staff, Colonel Breese and others, for his
home in Illinois, by way of Galena.

Late the afternoon of the 9th it was decided to send Henry,
Alexander and Dodge to Fort Winnebago for provisions, with positive
injunctions to hasten. It was further decided to send Posey with his
command back to Fort Hamilton to guard the mineral country, as will
be seen by orders 51 and 52:

                            “Headquarters, Army of the Frontier,
                            “Camp on Whitewater River, 9 July, 1832.

  “Order No. 51.

  “Brig.-Gen. Alexander and Brig.-Gen. Henry, brigade of Illinois
  mounted volunteers, will march to-morrow morning to Fort Winnebago
  and draw twelve days’ rations of provisions (exclusive of the
  subsistence of their respective commands during their stay at the
  fort) and return to these headquarters without delay.

                            “A.S. JOHNSTON, A.D.C., A.A.A. General.”

                            “Headquarters, Army of the Frontier,
                            “Camp on Whitewater River, 9 July, 1832.

  “Order No. 52.

  “Brig.-Gen. Posey will march his brigade of Illinois volunteers to
  Fort Hamilton in the mineral district, and remain there till
  further orders. Brig.-Gen. Posey will furnish from his command
  such escorts as may be required for the safety of supplies
  destined for the Army of the Frontier.

                            “A.S. JOHNSTON, A.D.C., A.A.A. General.”

The miserable condition and character of the country, which did not
permit of carrying more than twelve days’ provisions at a time; the
usual wastefulness of the volunteers; the ever-vanishing enemy, and
the general feeling of melancholy at having so far accomplished
nothing, made this disposition of the troops necessary. In addition,
the regiment of Col. John Ewing was detached to escort to Dixon’s
Captain Dunn, whose recovery was now considered a possibility.
Captain Early’s entire company was mustered out at this point, and
all others who were horseless, or physically incapacitated from
making the weary marches required to reach Black Hawk’s camp, were
also ordered to report at Dixon’s Ferry. These troops, a comfortable
brigade of themselves, left on the 10th to return to Dixon’s by the
same route pursued in ascending Rock River, and consumed practically
the same time in making the march. The loss of those men reduced the
volunteer force nearly one-half,[206] and the departure of the other
brigades, under orders, left the regulars, about 400, alone.

As the movements thereafter of the regulars were few and simple, it
is considered best to briefly state them before continuing with
Henry, Alexander and Dodge and the more important features of the
campaign which followed.

On the 11th, while at the mouth of the Whitewater, Captain Harney
was dispatched up Rock River, in command of a small reconnoitering
party, to ascertain and examine the position of the enemy, Scouts
returning that evening brought information of the Indians’ further
retirement up Rock River.

On the 12th Harney’s party, which had ascended the river thirty
miles, returned, reporting the flight of Black Hawk into the
recesses of the swamps of Rock River, fifty or sixty miles above, if
not further. On the same day three soldiers and two Indians went
down to Lake Koshkonong in a canoe to explore. They found a small
Indian camp, which they robbed, but on returning were attacked by a
party of Indians, and in turn robbed of their spoils of war and also
their canoe.

On the 13th Capt. Samuel McRee, with a detachment of fifty men,
started in pursuit of the Indians, but returned late in the evening,
after a long march, reporting no discoveries.

During the day Colonel March arrived from the Blue Mounds, reporting
thirty-six wagons loaded with provisions on the way for this point.

During the 14th and 15th the camp was inactive and awaiting events.
On the 16th dispatches from General Scott, who had been sent to
supersede Atkinson,[207] were received, reporting the ravages in his
army from Asiastic cholera. The thirty-six wagons of provisions
arrived from Blue Mounds in the evening; also the pack horses sent
to Fort Winnebago for provisions. On the following morning Alexander
arrived with his men, thoroughly fatigued, many of them dismounted
through the loss of their horses.

On the 19th the regulars and Alexander’s Brigade marched up the
Whitewater, with the intention of reaching Black Hawk and ending,
by forced marches, the campaign, which General Jackson felt had
been already dragged out to twice its needed length. The troops
proceeded ten miles, when the most furious storm of that very
stormy season compelled them to halt and await its passing. It
raged all night long, with increasing fury, and not till morning
did it abate. Here the trembling lands were reached, making
further progress, as the Indian guides declared, impossible. It
was then discovered that the wrong side of the river was being
followed to ever reach Black Hawk, therefore it was resolved to
retrace their steps, cross the river below Lake Koshkonong and
ascend the west bank of Rock River. (Narrative Capt. Henry Smith,
10 Wis., 150, etc.) At this time (20th) an express from Henry and
Dodge arrived early, bringing information of the movements of the
Indians toward the Mississippi.[208] General Alexander at once
dispatched Major McHenry, with his spy battalion, to explore the
country between the forks of the Whitewater and Rock River and
ascertain if all the Indians had left the country or only Black
Hawk’s immediate band. He found the country explored by him to be
abandoned by them, and, with the other troops, fell back to Fort
Koshkonong, where Capt. Gideon Lowe, with thirty or forty men, had
been called from Fort Winnebago to do garrison duty.


                             CHAPTER XXXI.


When Henry, Dodge and Alexander left, on the 10th, for Fort
Winnebago, their horses were in none too good a condition for such a
march, but it was begun early and continued diligently through the
wilderness, until the fort was reached, at the end of the second
day, a distance of sixty or seventy miles.

The horses, several hundred in number, were turned out to graze on
the evening of the 12th,[209] and with no delay the men retired to
their tents, pitched about three feet apart, and were very soon
wrapped in sound slumber, during which occurred a calamity entailing
greater disaster and more suffering than the loss of a battle. In
the night (12th) it is supposed a party of thieving Indians, in
attempting a wholesale theft, so thoroughly frightened the animals
that a stampede followed. Running furiously in a northerly
direction, directly over the camp, men and munitions were crushed
under foot. A call to arms followed, but the loss of arms in the
darkness and confusion, the loss of bearings, and almost of reason,
prevented all possibility of order and concerted action. If it had
been an attack of the enemy, as was first conjectured, the bruised
and confused troops could easily have been annihilated.

The horses reached the Wisconsin River, where they were turned back
by it, and, with the fury of the hurricane, rushed back and over the
camp for the second time, bruising and crippling men and hopelessly
wrecking tents and guns. The men had not recovered their senses when
this second stampede drove them into the ground, and by the time the
furious beasts had passed, the poor soldiers were in the saddest
possible plight.

Two days were consumed in repairing the wreck, recovering the horses
and drawing the twelve days’ rations. The stampede at this crisis
was painfully unfortunate. For thirty miles the horses ran, over
ground almost impassable, which added to those already consumed in
reaching the fort, ruined many and crippled others to such an extent
that they soon gave out. The search for them added many miles of
weary travel, wearing those used in it, going and coming, until it
was considered doubtful if the men could get back to General

At this place it was ascertained through the Winnebagoes that Black
Hawk occupied a strong position at the rapids on Rock River.[210]
Henry at once called a council of war, composed of every officer
from the rank of captain up, at which he disclosed his information
and proposed the question of disobeying Atkinson’s orders by
pursuing the enemy. Dodge had so exhausted his men and disabled his
horses in forcing a march to be in first at Fort Winnebago, that he
reported he could not muster a force worth taking along.[211]
Alexander reported the unwillingness of his men to disobey orders,
leaving Henry alone to make the pursuit, if it were to be made at
all. He quietly yet firmly resolved that it should be made.
Thereupon he reorganized his brigade by disencumbering his command
of the sick, injured and dismounted men, and appointed noon of the
15th for the hour to march. The disaffection of Alexander’s men had
a demoralizing influence on Fry’s Regiment, belonging to Henry’s
Brigade, which resulted in the signing of a remonstrance, headed by
Lieut-Col. Jeremiah Smith, and the presentation of the same to Henry
as that officer was ready to march. Fry did not sign this document
and had no sympathy with it. On the contrary, he was bitterly
opposed to such action. This action, emanating from so conspicuous a
person and officer as Smith, would, under usual conditions, have
frustrated Henry’s plans and demoralized his brigade, but he was the
man for an emergency, with the will to meet it and the physique to
enforce it against ordinary opposition. His genius rose to this
occasion and his action ended the Black Hawk war, as it would have
been ended long before could he have ordered the volunteer forces as
he desired.

Day after day, week after week, the army had dawdled away valuable
time in fruitless marches. Every command had been ignored or
ridiculed. Protests had been constantly made, and at every turn the
commanding influence of the militia and its votes had been consulted
and obeyed.

In camp and on the march they had constantly murmured, and in action
they had disobeyed and disgraced themselves and their state. Here
Henry was alone and supreme in command, unhampered by a superior. He
was a candidate for no office.

When this remonstrance was presented to him he quietly read it and
deliberated carefully for some minutes; then, without bluster or
useless fanfaronade, he ordered every man who had signed it under
arrest, with orders to Colonel Collins’ Regiment to escort them to
Atkinson for trial, at which, he had no doubt, they would be shot
for disobedience. No man knew Henry better than Lieutenant-Colonel
Smith, and no doubt remained in his mind of Henry’s determination to
enforce his order, thereupon he begged permission to retire to
consult his brother officers who had signed the paper, which he was
permitted to do. In less than ten minutes every one of them had
returned and begged Henry’s pardon, urging that they knew not the
full import of the document when attaching their signatures. In the
greatness of his heart that forgiveness was extended them and, with
no further allusion to the incident, it was from that moment
dropped. In justice to those officers, it must be said that Henry
had no more devoted followers in his ranks from that time.

Alexander now moved for Atkinson’s headquarters, and almost
simultaneously came Capt. James Craig of Dodge’s Battalion from
Galena, with fresh horses and men, bringing Dodge’s command up to
120 strong, when he pronounced himself ready for concerted action
with Henry, whose brigade had fallen from about 1,200 to 600 men,
but not more than 450 were then fit for service.

From Fort Winnebago Henry and Dodge took up their march, July 15th,
accompanied by Pierre Poquette as interpreter, and twelve
Winnebagoes,[212] including The White Pawnee, as guides. Heavy
underbrush and swamps continually hampered their march, while each
new morass cost them horses, but after three days of hard marching
the rapids (now Hustisford) were reached.[213] No Indians were
found. Henry thereupon ordered the little army to camp. Here three
Winnebagoes reported that Black Hawk had gone further up the river
to Cranberry Lake. Relying on this information, it was determined to
ascend the river by a forced march the following morning. In the
meantime Adjutants Dr. E.H. Merryman of Springfield and W.W.
Woodbridge of Dodge’s Battalion were dispatched, at 2 o’clock
P.M.,[214] to Atkinson’s camp, accompanied by Little Thunder as
guide, to post Atkinson as to its movements.

About dark they had proceeded about eight miles to the southwest,
when they suddenly came upon the broad fresh trail of the enemy in
his endeavor to escape to the Mississippi River. At the sight of
this trail Little Thunder manifested unusual and extreme symptoms,
and, without permission, hastened back to camp, where he informed
his two Winnebago friends of his discovery. Merryman and Woodbridge
hastily followed. On returning, these two Winnebagoes, after
communicating with their friends, attempted to escape, but in
passing Major Murray McConnel of the staff, who was reconnoitering,
they were arrested and returned to camp. Merryman and Woodbridge
followed soon after, and in crossing the picket lines Woodbridge was
fired at by a sentinel and barely escaped with his life.

Under an examination by Henry, the Winnebagoes confessed that they
had given false information in order to facilitate the escape of
Black Hawk.

Early the following morning (19th) the army was ready for a fresh
march along this trail. The same express was sent to Atkinson to
post him as to its movements, Little Thunder safely guiding it.[215]
Five baggage wagons were discarded[216] and most of the camp
equipage left in a pile in the wilderness. Even blankets and parts
of wardrobe were discarded to facilitate travel, so that positively
nothing could hamper man or beast in the contemplated forced marches
to overtake Black Hawk. Provisions were tightly packed on shoulders
and then over creeks, mires, through groves, thickets and forests
the chase began, men marching and almost running a-foot to keep pace
with those mounted, to please the leader they knew to be the man for
the hour.

A fearful storm arose the first day and continued the following
morning, and though without shelter, the men cheerfully pushed
forward, covering fifty miles by nightfall. The sight of Henry
dismounting to give some tired footman a rest inspired others to do
the same, and a valor before unknown inspired the men.

Until 2 o’clock of the morning of the 20th the storm raged. No fires
could be built by which to cook supper, so meat was eaten raw and
flour mixed with water into a raw dough was substituted for more
substantial fare. The men, exhausted but uncomplaining, threw
themselves upon the wet earth for a brief rest, without blankets or
other covering, thus enduring a night of hardship which before that
time would have produced the dissolution of the army.

Breakfast on the 20th was little better than supper of the preceding
night. Scouts captured an Indian, who was brought to Henry, where he
disclosed the information that the main body of the Indians was not
far ahead. Henry at once formed an order of battle for the day, with
Dodge and Ewing in front to bring on the fight, Fry to the right,
Jones to the left and Collins in the center.



[Illustration: BATTLE OF WISCONSIN HEIGHTS, JULY, 27, 1832.]

[Illustration: CAPT. JOSEPH DICKSON.]


Poquette and the White Pawnee, still marching, had in every instance
been found to be reliable in their bearings, and now that they
proclaimed the presence of the enemy, a battle was momentarily
promised, but their expectations were a little premature, and all
day of the 20th the march was continued in the order stated, until
nightfall, when the army camped on the east bank of the Third Lake,
where for the first time fires could be made and a substantial
supper cooked. That night was passed in the same manner, upon the
ground, without event, save for the sight of a rapidly disappearing
Indian, who was fired at by a sentinel while fading away on the


[Illustration: GOV. JOHN WOOD.]

[Illustration: COL. GABRIEL JONES.]

[Illustration: MAJ. MURRAY McCONNEL.]

[Illustration: CAPT. D.M. PARKINSON.]


Passing around the lake early on the 21st, the army continued its
march with the spy battalions of Major William L.D. Ewing and
Colonel Dodge still in front, the footmen continuing the pace set by
the horsemen, who had discovered unmistakable evidences that the
enemy was but a short distance ahead.

The sight of discarded Indian camp equipment encouraged them with
the hope that a few hours only would intervene before a battle and
the possible termination of the war.

In Smith’s History of Wisconsin, Vol. I, p. 279, this pursuit is
described as follows:

  “Pursuit commenced immediately, and the trail was followed down
  the river until it diverged from it westward. The detachment
  crossed the Crawfish River near Aztalan, and followed the trail,
  which bore to the west of Keyes Lake (Rock Lake). It was still
  followed westward until the ground between the Third and Fourth
  Lakes was reached, now the site of Madison; thence it was followed
  around the southern end of the Fourth Lake, where it appeared that
  an admirable position for a battleground, with natural defenses
  and places of ambush, had been chosen by the enemy, and here they
  apparently had lain the previous night. This place was near
  Slaughter’s farm.”

About noon the scouts fell upon two Indians and killed one while
trying to escape.[217] Dr. Addison Philleo at that moment scalped
him, and for many years afterward was in the habit of exhibiting the
scalp to strangers as a trophy of his valor in that war.[218] The
terrific pressure on the horses had been severely felt by this time,
and before the day was half done forty or fifty of them gave out.
About 3 o’clock the company of Capt. Joseph Dickson’s spies reported
the enemy reaching the bluffs of the Wisconsin River, which
reanimated the troops with unusual vigor to increase their speed,
and, if possible, overtake the enemy before he crossed the river.
The men pushed on so rapidly that the rear guard of the Indians was
overtaken, and, in order to occupy the whites, stopped frequently
and engaged them with firing in order to allow the main body to
cross the river. Twice Henry pressed them and twice the Indians gave
way, but the third time Dickson’s scouts or spies drove them to the
main body, which had reached a body of timber sufficiently dense to
offer protection, and here the whole force of Indians made a stand.

Dismounting, every tenth man was detailed to hold horses, excepting
the regiment of Colonel Fry, which was made the reserve and held to
prevent the enemy from turning the flanks of the whites.

The Indians opened fire as the advance guard of the whites was
passing a stretch of uneven ground, through the high grass and low
brush. Major Ewing’s Battalion was at once formed in front, where
the Indians poured their fire into it from behind trees. In a few
moments Henry arrived with the main army and formed the order of
battle, Colonel Jones being placed to the right, Colonel Collins to
the left, Fry in reserve and Ewing in front, with Dodge on the
extreme right. In this order Henry ordered the forces to move. The
order to charge the enemy was splendidly executed by Ewing, Jones
and Collins, routing the Indians, who retreated to the right and
concentrated before Dodge’s Battalion, with the obvious intention of
turning his flank.[219] Henry sent Major McConnel to Dodge, ordering
him to charge the enemy, but this Dodge preferred to delay until he
received a reinforcement, whereupon Henry sent Colonel Fry to his
aid, and together they charged into the brush and high grass,
receiving the fire of the whole body of the enemy.

Advancing and returning this fire, Dodge and Fry pursued the Indians
with bayonets, driving them out with loss. Retreating rapidly, the
enemy fell back to the west and took up a new and a stronger
position in the thick timber and tall grass at the head of a hollow
leading to the Wisconsin River bottom.[220] A determined stand was
made here, but Ewing, Jones and Collins dashed upon them and drove
them in scattered squads down into the Wisconsin bottoms, covered
with a swale so high that pursuit in the gathering darkness was
impossible, and Henry, withdrawing his forces, lay all night on the

During the night a sonorous voice was heard from a neighboring hill,
supposedly giving orders to the enemy, but as nothing came of it, no
commotion or preparation to renew the fight followed. It proved to
have been Ne-a-pope suing for peace in the tongue of the
Winnebagoes, supposing that the guides and interpreter present from
that nation would understand and secure a parley, but as all the
Winnebagoes had fled in the beginning of the action, his words were
wasted. Had he been understood, no doubt can exist but Henry would
have closed the war then and there, for Black Hawk now realized that
he was no longer fighting Stillman’s command. The loss of the
Indians was sixty-eight in killed and many more wounded, twenty-five
of whom were found dead on the trail, subsequently resumed, while
the loss to Henry was but one man killed, Private Thomas J. Short of
Captain Briggs’ company, Randolph County, and eight wounded, of whom
the following are known: John White, Joseph Wells, Armstead Jones,
Meredith S. McMillen, James Thompson and Andrew McCormick and John
McNair of Capt. D.M. Parkinson’s company. As all the casualties were
from the Third Regiment,[221] commanded by Col. Gabriel Jones, it is
to be inferred that he bore the brunt of the fight.

The following morning Henry advanced to the Wisconsin, only to find
the enemy had retreated during the night across the river to the
hills beyond. Had supplies been plenty, he would have pressed his
victory by following, but being in great need of provisions, he was
compelled to fall back to the base at the Blue Mounds.

This was the first time Black Hawk in person had met signal defeat
during the campaign, and he realized that more would follow, because
a man who cared nothing for politics and feared not mortal man was
after him.

Henry was exceedingly modest, retiring and submissive; so modest
that when others were writing flaming press reports and conspiring
to make way with his laurels, he attempted no intervention. Quiet,
indeed, he was, yet resolute in duty to the last degree, and when an
arrogant officer headed a mutinous document he was ordered in irons
to the commanding General for punishment.

This inflexible regard for duty, even in the face of criticism and
intrigue, moved him forward with the irresistible force of the
glacier, and in this instance, with no contrivance, it pushed him
forward at a bound to be the most popular man in the State of
Illinois, and very soon the nominee of his party for Governor. Had
he lived, nothing could have prevented his election. He died of
pulmonary consumption, at New Orleans, March 4th, 1834, at his hotel

Though a giant in stature and rugged to a degree, proof, as was
thought, against the rigors of any campaign, this one undermined his
health, and to find relief he sought the milder climate of New
Orleans, but here he gradually sank, and in a little while passed
away, so quietly that no one knew who he was until friends from
Illinois proclaimed him. Then the honors due a soldier were his.

On the 22d Henry dispatched an express to Atkinson and Dodge wrote a
letter to the commandant at Prairie du Chien,[222] dispatching it by
the hand of Captain Estes of his command, which later found its way
into the Missouri Republican and Niles Register. Following is a copy
of the letter:

                                     “Camp Wisconsin, July 22, 1832.

  “We met the enemy yesterday, near the Wisconsin River, and
  opposite the old Sac village, after a close pursuit for nearly 100
  miles. Our loss was one man killed and eight wounded; from the
  scalps taken by the Winnebagoes, as well as those taken by the
  whites, and the Indians carried from the field of battle, we must
  have killed forty of them. The number of wounded is not known; we
  can only judge from the number killed that many were wounded. From
  their crippled situation, I think we must overtake them unless
  they descend the Wisconsin by water. If you could place a
  field-piece immediately on the Wisconsin that would command the
  river, you might prevent their escape by water.

  “General Atkinson will arrive at the Blue Mounds on the 24th, with
  the regulars and a brigade of mounted men. I will cross the
  Wisconsin to-morrow, and should the enemy retreat by land, he will
  probably attempt crossing some twenty miles above Prairie du
  Chien; in that event the mounted men would want some boats for the
  transportation of their arms, ammunition and provisions. If you
  could procure for us some Mackinaw boats, in that event, as well
  as some provision supplies, it would greatly facilitate our views.
  Excuse great haste. I am, with great respect, your obedient

                  “H. DODGE, Col.-Com. Michigan Mounted Volunteers.”

This letter created much criticism by subsequent historians, notably
Governor Ford in his History of Illinois. Answers, replies and
rejoinders were exceedingly numerous for a while, but when time had
passed and mellowed the controversy, Henry, the chief in command,
and Dodge, the second in command at that battle, remained with the
people of Illinois and Wisconsin first among their fighters and
first among their favorites, and surely both deserved the best
portions of the good things said of either. The letter may have been
a little presumptuous, but it never marred the good feeling which
existed between the two men.[223]

Litters were constructed for the wounded, the march was taken up and
in two days (24th) the Blue Mounds were reached and there the army
met Posey, Atkinson and Alexander, the two latter having pushed on
from Ft. Koshkonong after learning of the discovery of Black Hawk’s
westward trail.


Footnote 198:

  Thwaites, “The Black Hawk War,” p. 33.

Footnote 199:

  Peter Parkinson, Vol. 2. Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 405.

Footnote 200:

  Dement’s grievance began when, after his battle and the resumption
  of the march for Fort Hamilton, Posey encountered fresh trails on
  the first day out and, instead of following them to a possible
  fight, returned to Kellogg’s and there camped until the next day,
  to “await the baggage wagons,” as claimed by Wakefield on p. 39.
  Dement charged this as an act of cowardice.

Footnote 201:

  During this march White Crow offered to conduct Posey and Dodge
  with a few followers to Black Hawk’s camp which was singularly
  strong, and had the officers gone, certain death had followed.
  This conclusively proved that White Cloud designedly sought to
  have the party annihilated.

Footnote 202:

  Wakefield, 45. Moses, 373. Brown, 368. Journal, A.S. Johnston.

Footnote 203:

  Reynolds, “My Own Times,” 395.

Footnote 204:

  Others allege a few miles to the east on an Island in the Bark.

Footnote 205:

  A.S. Johnston’s Journal.

Footnote 206:

  Ford, 134.

Footnote 207:

  Lt. Robert Anderson. X Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 171.

Footnote 208:

  Wakefield, p. 72, has made the statement that Atkinson at once
  expressed to Henry to proceed.

Footnote 209:

  Wakefield, p. 61.

Footnote 210:

  Wis. Colls., Vol. 2, p. 354.

Footnote 211:

  Ford, 139.

Footnote 212:

  Wakefield, p. 62.

Footnote 213:

  Wakefield says the 18th, p. 62.

Footnote 214:

  Wakefield, p. 63.

Footnote 215:

  Wakefield, p. 63 and 72.

Footnote 216:

  Wakefield, p. 64.

Footnote 217:

  Near the spot where the Lake House subsequently stood.

Footnote 218:

  Ford, 144.

Footnote 219:

  Ford, 145.

Footnote 220:

  Ford, 145.

Footnote 221:

  Except McNair.

Footnote 222:

  Capt. Loomis.

Footnote 223:

  Smith’s comment on the above letter, Vol. 3, page 426, History of
  Wisconsin: “The above letter is extracted from Niles Register of
  August 18th, 1832, and it does not appear to whom it is addressd:
  but it is highly probable that it is the letter which was sent to
  the commandant of Fort Crawford, at Prairie du Chien, which
  Captain Estes carried as express.

  “The singularity of the language of the letter will be evident,
  when it is considered that General Henry had the chief command at
  the battle of Wisconsin Heights, and not Colonel Dodge.”



                             CHAPTER XXXII.


[224]On the 20th Alexander received an express from Scott giving
particulars of the inefficiency of his army.

On the 21st Atkinson and Alexander marched from Ft. Koshkonong[225]
in the direction of the Blue Mounds in the midst of a heavy rain,
which continued all day and all night. The convoy of wagons met was
turned back.

On the 22d the troops crossed the ford below Lake Koshkonong.

On the 23d the forces marched from the encampment of the morning,
eight miles south of “the river of the Four Lakes,” towards the Blue
Mounds, to two miles west of Davitt’s.

On the 24th they marched to the Blue Mounds, after suffering much
for water, having marched twenty miles without any. The express sent
from Henry, which informed Atkinson of the “Battle of the
Wisconsin,” was met, and on inspection the entire force of militia
was now found to be reduced to the strength of one original brigade.

A certain coolness was found to be in store for the volunteers when
they reached the Blue Mounds, by reason of their winning a victory
which should have gone to others, according to program, and this,
too, in the face of disobedience of orders. Victories then were
crimes, pretty much the same as they were before Santiago in 1898,
unless won by rule and by those selected for the purpose by those
above, and very soon Henry was made to feel the displeasure his
victory had brought.

From there Dodge’s battalion scattered to the various forts for
supplies and equipment, to meet later and take up the line of march
at Helena on the 29th.

On the 25th the army marched for the “Ouisconsin,” to overtake Black
Hawk and finish the war, before he could reach and cross the
Mississippi. In this Henry’s men, though subordinated in their
position in the line of march, cheerfully submitted. In this march
the regulars went first, Posey and Alexander following, while Henry
was given the rear in charge of the baggage. Such men as Fry
resented this treatment, but Henry commanded obedience to orders and
trudged along behind, doing the drudgery of the army.

By evening the army reached a point within three miles of the
Wisconsin, where it camped for the night.

On the 26th the Wisconsin was reached, where preparations had been
made the day previous by Col. Enoch C. March for the passage of the
army, and here at Helena the army, joined by Dodge, whose forces
reassembled here,[226] crossed on the 27th and part of the 28th.
Colonel March, whose record as a Quartermaster[227] has never been
equaled in Illinois history, was given the heartiest credit from all
sides for never failing in the greatest emergencies to be upon the
spot when needed and with the supplies desired. In his duties he was
ably assisted by John Dixon of Dixon’s Ferry, who accompanied the
army to the end of the campaign.

The last of the troops having passed the river on the 28th[228] and
moved up the Wisconsin River three or four miles, the trail of the
enemy was discovered bearing down stream and followed by turning the
columns to the left; then pursuing it twelve or fifteen miles over a
flat and sandy prairie, which terminated at a deep creek, where the
army camped for the night.

From this point the trail was pursued with vigor all day over a
rough, almost mountainous country, passing several of the enemy’s
encampments, which clearly indicated how hard he was pressed for
provisions, horseflesh alone being left to him. The bodies of
Indians who had died from the lack of proper dressing of their
wounds were here seen in greater numbers than before. Reaching the
summit of a very high hill, the horses, for lack of grass to eat
amongst the timber, were tied up without food.

All day the 30th the march was continued over a similar country. On
the 31st about fifteen miles were made over an unusually hilly
country thickly timbered. At evening the first stream flowing west
was reached and crossed, the army camping within six miles of the
Kickapoo River.[229] August 1st the Kickapoo was crossed at ten
o’clock at a shallow ford where commenced another rough prairie
covered with growths of oak timber. It was a long day’s march for
the troops because they were forced to go further than usual for
water. The trail indicated the immediate presence of the enemy and
if darkness had not prevented he could have been reached very soon.
The camp was made that night near a small spring. Here Atkinson gave
orders to be prepared at two o’clock the following morning to move
for the bank of the Mississippi.

As Captain Throckmorton, commanding the Warrior, was ascending the
river, he noticed a band of Indians near a camp on the bottoms at
the mouth of the Bad Axe hoisting a white flag. Suspecting
treachery, he ordered them to send a boat on board for a conference,
which they declined. Without comment, except to allow fifteen
minutes to remove their squaws and children, he shot a six-pounder
into their midst, following it for an hour with a heavy fire of
musketry which cost the Indians many lives. Needing fuel to continue
the contest, the boat fell down the river to Prairie du Chien to
wood up preparatory to returning the following day and finishing the
action, but by the hour of its return the battle of the Bad Axe had
been finished and Black Hawk’s race was run.

Promptly at 2 the morning of the 2d the troops rose, hastily ate
breakfast and by sunrise resumed their march.

Black Hawk was aware of the presence of Atkinson’s forces, and to
give time for a retreat across the river deployed a party of about
twenty to meet him, commence the attack and by gradual retreats turn
him three or four miles above the camp.

About one hour after sunrise the rising fogs indicated the presence
of the river and Dickson’s spies were sent forward; they soon
returned with a report that the enemy was drawn up in position and
near at hand. Dodge thereupon ordered Dickson forward to reconnoiter
the enemy and occupy his attention while he drew up his line and
reported to Atkinson. This Dickson did, killing eight of the enemy.
The regulars under Taylor and Alexander and Posey were ordered
forward. The regulars immediately in Dodge’s rear moved forward on
his right; Dodge’s men, dismounting, moved forward at the left in
extended order for some minutes before Posey’s command came up. This
officer was posted on the right of the regulars and Alexander on his
right, while Henry, trudging along with the baggage, came upon the
scene–just in time to be ordered to send Fry’s regiment to Atkinson,
which was done.[230]

When the forces moved against the Indian decoys, they of course gave
way and were hotly followed by the whites.

Henry clearly saw the stratagem when Major Ewing discovered and
reported to him the main trail leading to the river lower down. This
trail he rapidly followed to the foot of the high bluff bordering on
the bottoms, covered with timber, driftwood and underbrush, through
which the trail ran. Halting here and leaving the horses, he formed
his men on foot and advanced, after first sending forward a forlorn
hope of eight men to draw the enemy’s fire. These eight men boldly
advanced until they were in sight of the river, when they were
suddenly fired upon by a party of Indians and five of the eight men
fell. Retreating to the cover of trees, the other three stood their
ground until Henry came up.

Deploying his men to the right and left from the center, a charge
was made and the battle began along the whole line. At this time
Henry despatched Major McConnel to Atkinson to report the presence
of the entire force, which massed after the first charge and, with
the loss of Fry’s regiment, was now larger than Henry’s force.

The Indians fought desperately from tree to tree, falling back step
by step until the river was reached, when by a bayonet charge they
were driven into the river. Some tried to swim; others took shelter
in a small willow island near by. This charge practically ended the
battle, when Atkinson, Dodge, Posey and Alexander, hearing the
continued heavy firing, and receiving Major McConnel’s message, came
up, and while Henry’s men were finishing the fight, poured a galling
fire into the vanishing remnant, which killed many women and
children, to the sincere regret of all, but as many of the squaws
were dressed as men and mingled freely with them, it was a
misfortune none could have foreseen or avoided.

To put the finishing strokes to Black Hawk’s power, Dodge, Fry and
Ewing, with the regulars under Taylor, Bliss, Harney and Smith,
plunged breast deep into the water to the willow island, where most
of the remaining Indians had taken a last stand and where in the
face of a heavy fire the whites either killed, captured or drove
them into the river. It was there in that little side contest that
the greatest loss was supposed to have occurred to the whites, whose
casualties in the engagement were twenty-four killed and wounded,
while that of the enemy were upward of one hundred and fifty, forty
captured, mostly women and children, and about forty or fifty horses
taken. The loss to the regulars was five killed and four wounded; to
Dodge six wounded;[231] Posey one wounded; Alexander one
wounded;[232] and Henry seven killed and wounded.[233]

Black Hawk, with his sons and the Prophet, escaped to the Dalles of
the Wisconsin.

On the 3d one hundred and fifty men under Colonels Blackburn and
Archer crossed the river, searching the islands and bottoms for
fugitives, but found none. Their trail indicated that they had gone
along the Iowa River.

A party of Sioux called upon General Atkinson to receive permission
to follow the fugitives, which was given, and in that pursuit
Ne-a-pope was captured and many more Sacs perished.

At that battle again, contrary to plans, Henry won the deciding and
final fight of the war, but there he received from every officer of
the regular service a hearty congratulation,[234] and in his journal
no stronger praise could be accorded a brother than that given by
Albert Sidney Johnston.


[Illustration: MAJ. W.L.D. EWING.]

[Illustration: FREDERICK REMANN.]

[Illustration: BAD AXE BATTLEFIELD.]


[Illustration: COL. JAMES M. BLACKBURN.]




[Illustration: CAPT. R.B. MASON, U.S.A]


Covered with glory and the hearty good wishes of every officer and
man in the army, Henry returned home, only to be cut off in the
zenith of his career, as before stated.

At the close of the fight Atkinson, Dodge, Posey, R.B. Mason and
other officers and U.S. Infantry boarded the Warrior and dropped
down the river to Prairie du Chien, arriving in the evening of the

On August 17th the regular troops which left Jefferson Barracks in
April had returned to the same point.[235]


Footnote 224:

  Johnston’s Journal.

Footnote 225:

  Wakefield, p. 72 and 75. Lt. Col. Sharp was left at Ft. Koshkonong
  in charge of the men who had lost their horses.

Footnote 226:

  Smith’s Wis., Vol. 3, p. 223.

Footnote 227:

  Lt. Robert Anderson, X Wis. Hist. Colls., 170.

Footnote 228:

  Col. W.B. Archer went to the battleground but found nothing new.
  Wakefield, 76.

Footnote 229:

  Johnston’s Journal.

Footnote 230:

  Reynolds, “My Own Times,” 415.

Footnote 231:

  Privates Smith, Hood and Lowry died of their wounds. Capt. Joseph
  Dickson wounded. Sergeant George Willard and Private Skinner were

Footnote 232:

  The brother of Adam Payne.

Footnote 233:

  Lt. Samuel Bowman, killed. 1st Sergt. Wm. C. Murphy, wounded.
  Private Hutching, wounded and died the 3d. Privates John White,
  Joseph L. Young, Andrew McCormick and Robert R. Smith, wounded.

Footnote 234:

  Capt. Henry Smith’s narrative, X Wis. Hist. Colls., 165.

Footnote 235:

  Capt. Henry Smith’s narrative.



                            CHAPTER XXXIII.


After darkness had finished the battle of the Wisconsin, many of the
fugitives, women, children and old men, were sent by Black Hawk down
the Wisconsin to escape, but on receipt of Dodge’s letter, Gov.
Joseph M. Street, agent of the Winnebagoes at Prairie du Chien, sent
Lieutenant Ritner with a small detachment of regulars up the river
to the ferry, later called Barrett’s, to intercept them, which he
did by firing into the party, killing fifteen men and capturing
thirty-two women and children and four men. Nearly as many more were
drowned, while the others who escaped to the woods, with few
exceptions, perished with hunger or were massacred by a party of
Menominees from Green Bay under Colonel Stambaugh.[236]

[237]In addition to this precautionary move, General Street, on July
25th, directed Mr. J.P. Burnett, sub Indian Agent for the
Winnebagoes, to ascend the Mississippi and order all the Winnebagoes
to descend with their canoes and other water craft to the Agency at
once, thus to prevent the Sacs from securing assistance in crossing
the Mississippi, and, in case any excuses were offered, to threaten
the objectors with non-payment of their annuities.

Mr. Burnett carried out his instructions faithfully on the following
day, but found Winneshiek and several other prominent Indians absent

On the 27th supplemental instructions were sent to Mr. Burnett to
send for them, which was likewise done, and on the 28th all had
gathered at the Agency that General Street desired, making escape
across the Mississippi by Black Hawk practically impossible.

Among the numerous incidents related of the Battle of the Bad Axe is
one of Lieut. Robert Anderson, printed in the Galenian and copied
into Niles Register for November 3d, 1832, in Vol. 43, page 147.

  “When our troops charged the enemy in their defiles near the bank
  of the Mississippi, men, women and children were seen mixed
  together in such a manner as to render it difficult to kill one
  and save the other. A young squaw of about nineteen stood in the
  grass at a short distance from our line, holding her little girl
  in her arms, about four years old. While thus standing, apparently
  unconcerned, a ball struck the right arm of the child above the
  elbow and shattered the bone, passed into the breast of its young
  mother, which instantly felled her to the ground. She fell upon
  the child and confined it to the ground also. During the whole
  battle this babe was heard to groan and call for relief, but none
  had come to afford it. When, however, the Indians had retreated
  from that spot and the battle had nearly subsided, Lieutenant
  Anderson, of the United States Army, went to the spot and took
  from under the dead mother her wounded daughter, and brought it to
  the place we had selected for surgical aid. It was soon
  ascertained that its arm must come off, and the operation was
  performed without drawing a tear or a shriek. The child was eating
  a piece of hard biscuit during the operation. It was brought to
  Prairie du Chien, and we learn that it has nearly recovered. This
  was among the many scenes calculated to draw forth a sympathetic
  tear for human misery.”

As the Warrior played an important part in Black Hawk’s fall, it may
be well to copy the Captain’s letter:

Letter of Captain Throckmorton, 3d August, 1832 (Prairie du Chien).

  “I arrived at this place on Monday last (July 30), and was
  dispatched, with the Warrior alone, to Wa-pe-shaw’s village, one
  hundred and twenty miles above, to inform them of the approach of
  the Sacs, and in order to bring down all the friendly Indians to
  this place. On our way down we met one of the Sioux band, who
  informed us that the Indians, our enemies, were on Bad Axe River
  to the number of four hundred. We stopped and cut some wood and
  prepared for action. About four o’clock on Wednesday afternoon
  (August 1st) we found the gentlemen where he stated he left them.
  As we neared them, they raised a white flag and endeavored to
  decoy us; but we were a little too old for them, for instead of
  landing, we ordered them to send a boat on board, which they
  declined. After about fifteen minutes’ delay, giving them time to
  remove a few of their women and children, we let slip a
  six-pounder loaded with canister, followed by a severe fire of
  musketry; and if ever you saw straight blankets, you would have
  seen them there. I fought them at anchor most of the time, and we
  were all very much exposed. I have a ball which came in close by
  where I was standing, and passed through the bulkhead of the
  wheelroom. We fought them for about an hour or more, until our
  wood began to fail, and night coming on, we left and went on to
  the Prairie. This little fight cost them twenty-three killed and,
  of course, a great many wounded. We never lost a man and had but
  one man wounded (shot through the leg). The next morning, before
  we could get back again, on account of a heavy fog, they had the
  whole army upon them. We found them at it, walked in, and took a
  hand ourselves. The first shot from the Warrior laid out three. I
  can hardly tell you anything about it, for I am in great haste, as
  I am now on my way to the field again. The army lost eight or nine
  killed and seventeen wounded, whom we brought down. One died on
  deck last night. We brought down thirty-six prisoners, women and
  children. I tell you what, Sam, there is no fun in fighting
  Indians, particularly at this season, when the grass is so very
  bright. Every man, and even my cabin-boy, fought well. We had
  sixteen regulars, five riflemen, and twenty of ourselves. Mr. How
  of Platt, Mr. James G. Soulard and one of the Rolettes were with
  us and fought well.

General Atkinson’s report of the battle is also given as follows:

            “Headquarters, First Artillery Corps, Northwestern Army,
                                 “Prairie du Chien, August 25, 1832.

  “Sir:–I have the honor to report to you that I crossed the
  Ouisconsin on the 27th and 28th ultimo, with a select body of
  troops, consisting of the regulars under Col. Taylor, four hundred
  in number, part of Henry’s, Posey’s and Alexander’s brigades,
  amounting in all to 1,300 men, and immediately fell upon the trail
  of the enemy and pursued it by a forced march, through a
  mountainous and difficult country, till the morning of the 2d
  inst., when we came up with his main body on the left bank of the
  Mississippi, nearly opposite the mouth of the Ioway, which we
  attacked, defeated and dispersed, with a loss on his part of about
  a hundred and fifty men killed, thirty-nine women and children
  taken prisoners–the precise number could not be ascertained, as
  the greater portion was slain after being forced into the river.
  Our loss in killed and wounded, which is stated below, is very
  small in comparison with the enemy, which may be attributed to the
  enemy’s being forced from his positions by a rapid charge at the
  commencement, and throughout the engagement. The remnant of the
  enemy, cut up and disheartened, crossed to the opposite side of
  the river and has fled into the interior, with a view, it is
  supposed, of joining Keokuk and Wapello’s bands of Sacs and Foxes.

  “The horses of the volunteer troops being exhausted by long
  marches, and the regular troops without shoes, it was not thought
  advisable to continue the pursuit; indeed, a stop to the further
  effusion of blood seemed to be called for, till it might be
  ascertained if the enemy would surrender. It is ascertained from
  our prisoners that the enemy lost in the battle of the Ouisconsin
  sixty-eight killed and a very large number wounded. His whole loss
  does not fall short of three hundred. After the battle of the
  Ouisconsin, those of the enemy’s women and children, and some who
  were dismounted, attempted to make their escape by descending that
  river, but judicious measures being taken by Capt. Loomis and
  Lieut. Street, Indian agent, thirty-two women and children and
  four men have been captured, and some fifteen men killed by the
  detachment under Lieut. Ritner.

  “The day after the battle of this river, I fell down with the
  regular troops to this place by water, and the mounted men will
  join us to-day. It is now my purpose to direct Keokuk to demand a
  surrender of the remaining principal men of the hostile party,
  which, from the large number of women and children we hold
  prisoners, I have every reason to believe will be complied with.
  Should it not, they should be pursued and subdued, a step Maj-Gen.
  Scott will take upon his arrival.

  “I cannot speak too highly of the brave conduct of the regular and
  volunteer forces engaged in the last battle and the fatiguing
  march that preceded it. As soon as the reports of officers of the
  brigades and corps are handed in, they shall be submitted with
  further remarks.

    5 killed, 2 wounded, 6th Inft.
    2 wounded, 5th Inft.
    1 captain, 5 privates Dodge’s Bat. mounted.
    1 lieutenant, 6 privates, Henry’s.
    1 private wounded, Alexander’s.
    1 private, Posey’s.

      “I have the honor to be, with great respect,
                              “Your obedient servant,
                                “H. ATKINSON, Brevet Brig-Gen.,

  “MAJOR-GEN. MACOMB, Com.-in-Chief, Washington.”

Whipped so thoroughly that no more fight remained in him, Black
Hawk, at the close of August 2d, fled to the woods of the North with
his sons and principal officers, hoping that he would be protected
by his whilom friends, the Winnebagoes, when once in the fastnesses
of the Dalles of the Wisconsin, far from the scenes of conflict; but
General Street, in calling the Winnebagoes to the Agency on August
4th, had anticipated and frustrated every plan and move of the
defeated and fugitive Indians. From the Agency he sent in pursuit of
them the one-eyed Decori and Chaeter, who caught first Black Hawk
and the Prophet, and later the Sioux caught Ne-a-pope. The most
authentic account of that capture seems to be the one made by David
McBride, and is to be found in Vol. 5 of the Wisconsin Historical
Collections, page 293, verbose, but in the main correct:

  “He became satisfied the battle was lost, and hastily retreated to
  a surrounding height, overlooking the sanguinary battleground,
  accompanied by his faithful adjunct, the Prophet, and for an
  instant turned to view the scene of his disastrous defeat, his
  haughty bosom filled with mingled feelings of disappointment and
  despair, * * * then hastily fled, to seek a temporary refuge among
  his pseudo friends, the Winnebagoes of the Lemonweir valley.

  “The fugitive chief fled northward with his follower, until he
  entered the valley of the Lemonweir, where he hoped to secrete
  himself among its numerous bluffs and rocky cliffs. * * * When he
  reached what is now known as the Seven Mile Bluff, from its lofty
  and precipitous heights he could see an enemy or friend in their
  approaches for many miles. Here he felt secure for the present,
  and cast himself down under the shade of its evergreens to rest
  his wearied body, that had for many days known no respite or
  repose, dispatching his companion in search of food, and to
  ascertain whether any of his Winnebago friends were in the
  vicinity. Late in the evening, the messenger returned without
  food, but with information that they were pursued; that either
  friends or foes were on their trail. Not a moment was to be lost;
  they must separate and each secrete himself as best he could. The
  Prophet sought refuge in a cliff of the romantic chimney rocks, at
  the east end of the bluff,[238] and Black Hawk selected a unique
  hiding place, where he had often, years before, secreted himself,
  when on hunting excursions, to watch for game. On a bold
  promontory of the bluff that stretches far out into the valley, on
  its northern face, and high on the summit of a towering crag,
  stands an isolated gray pine, with its dwarfed and straggling
  limbs. About twenty feet from its base, a remarkable thicket of
  small branches starts suddenly out from its trunk like a cradle
  from the ship’s mast, covered with a dense mass of deep green
  foliage closely matted together, forming a complete protection
  from outward view to a much larger animal than man, and from which
  an extended view was readily obtained of the leading trail, which
  passed to the foot of the cliff, up and down the valley for many
  miles, and which has since the above event, been familiarly known
  as Black Hawk’s Nest, by the early settlers of the valley.

  “For two whole days and nights he kept still in his eyrie. Twice
  during the first, runners passed on the trail, but doubtful of
  their character as friends or foes, the accustomed signal was not
  given. Towards evening of the third, two tall chiefs approached in
  view; the quick, discerning eye of the fugitive recognized the
  well-known costume and gait of his former Winnebago friends,
  Cha-e-tar and One-Eyed De-cor-ra. They had been friends in the
  early period of the contest, had given him important intelligence
  of the movements of the white men, and had even piloted him to the
  settlement at Spafford’s Farms and Fort Mound, while another of
  their chiefs, White Crow, was acting as guide to Col. Dodge. Soon
  these runner chiefs came close to the hiding place of Black Hawk
  and encamped for the night at the base of the cliff upon which he
  was perched. Before they slept, in soft whispers, the purport of
  their journey was disclosed to the deeply interested ear of their
  intended victim. Their errand was to make him captive. Overwhelmed
  with disappointment at their duplicity and treachery, but fearful
  of the result of an attempt at this moment to seek revenge, with
  characteristic stealthiness, at midnight, he quickly descended and
  again sought safety in flight. After communicating with his
  friend, the Prophet, on his future plans of escape from the grasp
  of his pursuers, they both started for Prairie La Crosse, one
  hundred miles up the Mississippi, where he could cross to the west
  side and again be secure.

  “But in this he was alike deceived and unfortunate. As day broke,
  Cha-e-tar and De-cor-ra, believing he had sought refuge in the
  great cave in one of the twin bluffs about fifteen miles west,
  started on their hurried journey, and had proceeded but a few
  miles ere they came upon the well-known trail of the fugitives.
  Though prepared for the emergency, their instructions were to take
  them alive, if possible, and their policy was to keep close on
  their footsteps, well knowing they could make the capture before
  crossing the river. For two days these wary chiefs kept close in
  Black Hawk’s rear, until, on the evening of the second day, they
  saw their victims enter the wigwams of their band at the river,
  and in a few moments after they were in the presence of the
  fugitive chief and his companion. Black Hawk saw at once his fate
  was sealed; he was in the hands of his captors, his long-cherished
  visions of triumph over his white enemies instantly vanished, but
  he was still a brave, a warrior that could meet his worst fate
  with dignified composure. * * * He silently held out his hands for
  the accustomed cord.”

On the 27th of August the two were delivered to General Street at
Prairie du Chien, which important event was fully chronicled in a
letter written by General Street to the St. Louis Globe, dated
Prairie du Chien, 3d September, 1832:

  “F.P. Blair, Esq.:

  “Dear Sir:–The Indian war is over. The celebrated leaders of the
  hostile Indians, Black Hawk and the Prophet, were delivered to me
  at this place on the 27th ultimo, by the Winnebagoes of my agency.
  The day after Generals Scott and Atkinson left this place, I sent
  out two parties of Winnebagoes to bring Black Hawk, the Prophet
  and Ne-a-pope to me. They returned the 27th ult., about 10 or 11
  o’clock, and delivered the two first. The same day I turned them
  over to Col. Taylor, commanding Fort Crawford, and expect to
  accompany them with a military escort to the headquarters of Gen.
  Scott at Rock Island in a day or two.

  “I am now waiting the return of an express sent up the Wisconsin,
  by which I expect to receive about fifty or sixty more prisoners
  taken by the Indians. There are now forty-eight in the fort,
  delivered me by the Winnebagoes of my agency, and I have
  previously delivered to Gen. Atkinson forty-three taken by the
  Winnebagoes and Menominees.

  “The moment the hostile Indians entered the limits of my agency by
  crossing the Wisconsin, with the aid of the commanding officer at
  the fort, I assembled the Indians of my agency and encamped them
  before my door, where they remained until the battle of the
  Mississippi and the rout of the hostile Indians.

  “I herewith convey to you an account of the delivery of Black Hawk
  and the Prophet to me.

                                        “Your most obedient servant,
                                                   “JOSEPH M.

                               “Prairie du Chien, 27th August, 1832.

  “At 11 o’clock to-day, Black Hawk and the Prophet were delivered
  to Gen. Joseph M. Street by the One-Eyed Decori and Chaeter,
  Winnebagoes, belonging to his agency. Many of the officers from
  the post were present. It was a moment of much interest.

  “The prisoners appeared in a full dress of white tanned deerskins.
  Soon after they were seated the One-Eyed Decori rose up and said:

  “‘My Father:–I now stand before you. When we parted, I told you I
  would return soon, but I could not come any sooner. We have had to
  go a great distance (the Dalle on the Wisconsin, above the
  portage). You see we have done what you sent us to do. These are
  the two that you told us to get (pointing to Black Hawk and the

  “‘My Father:–We have done what you told us to do. We always do
  what you tell us, because we know it is for our good.

  “‘My Father:–You told us to get these men, and it would be the
  cause of much good to the Winnebagoes. We have brought them, but
  it has been very hard for us to do so. That one–Mucatamish-ka-kaik
  (Black Hawk)–was a great way off. You told us to bring them to you
  alive. We have done so. If you had told us to bring their heads
  alone, we would have done so, and it would have been less
  difficult than what we have done.

  “‘My Father:–We deliver these men into your hands. We would not
  deliver them even to our brother, the chief of the warriors, but
  to you, because we know you, and believe you are our friend. We
  want you to keep them safe. If they are to be hurt, we do not wish
  to see it. Wait until we are gone before it is done.

  “‘My Father:–Many little birds have been flying about our ears of
  late, and we thought they whispered to us that there was evil
  intended for us, but now we hope these evil birds will let our
  ears alone.

  “‘My Father:–We know you are our friend, because you take our
  part, and that is the reason we do what you tell us to do.

  “‘My Father:–You say you love your red children. We think we love
  you as much, if not more, than you love us. We have confidence in
  you, and you may rely on us.

  “‘My Father:–We have been promised a great deal if we would take
  these men; that it would do much good to our people. We now hope
  to see what will be done for us.

  “‘My Father:–We have come in haste; we are tired and hungry. We
  now put these men into your hands. We have done all that you told
  us to do.’

  “General Street said: ‘My children:–You have done well. I told you
  to bring these men to me, and you have done so. I am pleased at
  what you have done. It is for your good, and for this reason I am
  pleased. I assured the great chief of the warriors that, if these
  men were in your country you would find them and bring them to me;
  that I believed you would do whatever I directed you, and now that
  you have brought them, I can do much for your good. I will go down
  to Rock Island with the prisoners, and I wish you who have brought
  these men especially to go with me, with such other chiefs and
  warriors as you may select.

  “‘My Children:–The great chief of the warriors when he left this
  place directed me to deliver them and all other prisoners to the
  chief of the warriors at this place, Col. Taylor, who is here by

  “‘My Children:–Some of the Winnebagoes south of the Wisconsin
  river have befriended the Saukies, and some of the Indians of my
  agency have also given them aid. This displeases the great chief
  of the warriors and your great father, the President, and was
  calculated to do much harm.

  “‘My Children:–Your great father, the President, at Washington,
  has sent a great war chief from the far east, Gen. Scott, with a
  fresh army of soldiers. He is now at Rock Island. Your great
  father, the President, has sent him and the Governor and chief of
  Illinois to hold a council with the Indians. He has sent a speech
  to you, and wishes the chiefs and warriors of the Winnebagoes to
  go to Rock Island to the council on the 10th of next month. I wish
  you to be ready in three days, when I will go with you.

  “‘My Children:–I am well pleased that you have taken the Black
  Hawk, the Prophet and other prisoners. This will enable me to say
  much for you to the great chief of the warriors and to the
  President, your great father.

  “‘My Children:–I shall now deliver the two men, Black Hawk and the
  Prophet, to the chief of the warriors here; he will take care of
  them till we start to Rock Island.’

  “Col. Taylor said:–‘The great chief of the warriors told me to
  take the prisoners when you should bring them, and send them to
  Rock Island to him, I will take them and keep them safe, but I
  will use them well and send them with you and General Street when
  you go down to the council, which will be in a few days. Your
  friend, General Street, advises you to get ready and go down soon,
  and so do I.

  “‘I tell you again I will take the prisoners. I will keep them
  safe, but I will do them no harm. I will deliver them to the great
  chief of the warriors, and he will do with them and use them in
  such a manner as shall be ordered by your great father, the

  “Chaeter, a Winnebago warrior, then said to General Street:

  “‘My Father:–I am young and do not know how to make speeches. This
  is the second time I ever spoke to you before people.

  “‘My Father:–I am no chief; I am no orator; but I have been
  allowed to speak to you.

  “‘My Father:–If I should not speak as well as others, still you
  must listen to me.

  “‘My Father:–When you made the speech to the chiefs, Wau-kon
  Decorri, Carramana, the One-Eyed Decorri and others ’tother day, I
  was there. I heard you. I thought of what you said to them. You
  also said to me, you said, “If these two (pointing to Black Hawk
  and the Prophet) were taken by us and brought to you, there would
  nevermore a black cloud hang over your Winnebagoes.”

  “‘My Father:–Your words entered into my ears, into my brains, and
  into my heart.

  “‘My Father:–I left here that same night, and you know you have
  not seen me since until now.

  “‘My Father:–I have been a great way. I have had much trouble; but
  when I remembered what you said, I knew what you said was right.
  This made me continue and do what you told me to do.

  “‘My Father:–Near the Dalle, on the Wisconsin, I took Black Hawk.
  No one did it but me. I say this in the ears of all present, and
  they know it, and I now appeal to the Great Spirit, our
  grandfather, and the earth, our grandmother, for the truth of what
  I say.

  “‘My Father:–I am no chief; but what I have done is for the
  benefit of my nation, and I hope to see the good that has been
  promised to us.

  “‘My Father:–That one, Wa-bo-kie-shiek (the Prophet), is my
  relation. If he is to be hurt, I do not wish to see it.

  “‘My Father:–Soldiers sometimes stick the ends of their guns
  (bayonets) into the backs of Indian prisoners when they are going
  about in the hands of the guard. I hope this will not be done to
  these men.’”–Copied in Niles Weekly Register, Vol. 43, page 78,
  issue of Sept. 29, 1832.


Footnote 236:

  2 Wis. Hist. Colls., 258. 12 Wis. Hist. Colls., 254, Thwaites.

Footnote 237:

  2 Wis. Hist. Colls., 259.

Footnote 238:

  Prophet captured on Black River and Black Hawk at the Dalle on the
  Wisconsin, forty miles above the Portage. Galenian, Sept. 5, 1832,
  which corresponds with account quoted.



                             CHAPTER XXXIV.

                      STAMBAUGH’S EXPEDITION.

On the 23d of June Col. George Boyd, Agent for the Menominees at
Green Bay, wrote Atkinson offering or suggesting the services of the
Indians of this agency, to which Atkinson replied on the 12th of
July, requesting him to raise a company of 200 Menominees to arrest
the progress of Black Hawk toward the Milwaukee River. This letter
was entrusted to Colonel Hamilton and safely delivered.

On the 12th July Colonel Boyd replied as follows:[239]

                                                  “Indian Agency
                                                  Green Bay, July
                                                     20, 1832.

  “Sir:–I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter
  of the 12th instant, in answer to one of mine of the 23d ult., by
  the hands of Col. Hamilton, three days since, and to inform you
  that arrangements are making, with all possible expedition, to
  forward to your aid the services of two hundred Menominees, with a
  view to arrest the progress of the enemy towards the Milwaukee
  country. They will be placed under the immediate command of Col.
  Stambaugh, the former agent of these people, who, on my first
  arrival in this country, demanded as a favor that, in the event of
  the Menominees being called into the field, that Col. Stambaugh
  should be placed at their head. This request was formally granted
  them by me in council, and it is to redeem this pledge, as well as
  to enable me consistently to relinquish a command for which my
  present state of health wholly unfits me, that this arrangement
  has been made. It has been my earnest wish to employ the talents
  and experience of Col. Hamilton, by associating him with the
  expedition, with that rank which would bring him second in
  command. This offer, I regret to say, Col. Hamilton has at once
  declined. I trust, however, that the Menominees will effect what
  you calculated from their presence in the field under the present
  management, and that they will be ready to take the line of march
  in order to aid you in your intended operations against the enemy
  in about seven days from the present time. * * *

              With great respect, etc.,
                                            “G. BOYD, U.S. Ind.
  BRIG.-GEN. H. ATKINSON, U.S. Army, Commanding Camp Whitewater,
     Rock River.”


[Illustration: LIEUT. JAMES M. BOYD.]

[Illustration: LIEUT. ALEXANDER J. IRWIN.]


[Illustration: COL. HART. L. STEWART.]


There were no arms for them when the communication arrived. They
were scattered about in a manner to require unusual trouble in
collecting them and upon putting the plan into practical operation
Colonel Boyd almost despaired enlisting the desired 200. He
attempted to engage recruits from the ranks of the New York Indians,
the Oneidas and Stockbridges under Alexander J. Irwin of Green Bay,
but they to a man refused and Irwin enlisted under Stambaugh.

There was no overt hostility to the command of Hamilton, but the
Menominees held Colonel Stambaugh in such veneration that they were
unwilling to trust another to command them.

After much discouraging work, the quota was finally secured and,
divided into two commands or companies, the battalion was ready to

[240]S.C. Stambaugh, Commander; Augustin Grignon, Sr., Captain;
Chas. Grignon, Jr., First Lieutenant and Interpreter; Robert
Grignon, Second Lieutenant; George Johnston, Captain; James M. Boyd,
First Lieutenant; William Powell, Second Lieutenant and Interpreter,
and Alex J. Irwin, charged with the commissariat, with the rank of
First Lieutenant Infantry.

After which Colonel Stambaugh received the following instructions:

                                      “Indian Agency, July 25, 1832.

  [241]“Sir:–As you have been selected by the Menominees to lead
  them in the coming conflict, and having yielded to their choice, I
  consider it my duty to enclose to you a copy of the Commanding
  General’s instructions to Col. Hamilton, as to their movements in
  the field, and the position to be occupied by them in regard to
  the main army, and to request your strict adherence to them, as
  far as practicable.

  “As much time, however, has elapsed since the above instructions
  were given, and the general line of operations of our army perhaps
  materially changed, it is determined, under all circumstances, to
  direct you to proceed with all possible expedition to Fort
  Winnebago, and, immediately on your arrival there, to report
  yourself forthwith, by express, to the Commanding General in the
  field, and to await his orders as to your further movements.

  “Wishing you all the success which the Government has a right to
  anticipate from the movements of the Menominees, and that the
  honor and the interest of the nation may be your leading star, to
  guide you in all your operations, I have the honor to be,

                             Yours, etc.,

                                         “GEORGE BOYD, Indian Agent.

  “Col. S.C. Stambaugh, Com. the Menominee Expedition, Green Bay,

On the 26th[242] the battalion moved, and for the only authentic
account extant of their movements from that hour I am indebted to
Augustin Grignon, one of the captains in the expedition, which is to
be found in Vol. 3 of the Wis. Hist. Soc. Colls., p. 293 _et seq._

  “Col. Stambaugh had previously been the Menominee Indian Agent,
  but had been superseded by Col. Boyd, who had been directed to
  raise a party of the Menominees to serve against the hostile

  “Col. Boyd gave the command of the expedition to Col. Stambaugh.
  The Menominees rendezvoused at Green Bay early in July, 1832.
  There were over 300, all Indians except the officers, about nine
  in number.

  “Osh-kosh, Souligny, I-om-e-tah, Grizzly Bear, Old Po-e-go-nah,
  Wau-nau-ko, Pe-wau-te-not, Osh-ka-he-nah-niew, or the Young Man,
  La Mott, Carron, and, indeed, all the principal men of the
  Menominees, were of the party. Alexander Irwin was Commissary and
  Quartermaster. The Indians were arranged into two companies. I
  commanded one, having my son, Charles A. Grignon, and my nephew,
  Robert Grignon, for lieutenants. George Johnson of Green Bay was
  chosen to the command of the other company, with William Powell
  and James Boyd, a son of Col. Boyd, for lieutenants. George
  Grignon served as a volunteer.

  “With a few pack horses and each man a supply of provisions, we
  started from the Bay and proceeded to the Great Butte des Morts,
  and there crossed over to the present place of Robert Grignon.
  Went to Portage, and the next day renewed our march, and the first
  night camped on Sugar Creek, some half a dozen miles short of the
  Blue Mounds, and the second night at Fort Dodge, then to English
  Prairie, thence with one other camping we reached Prairie du
  Chien;[243] before reaching which, Grizzly Bear, his son and two
  or three others, descending the Wisconsin in a canoe, discovered a
  Sauk girl on an island alone. The Grizzly Bear’s son went and took
  her and found her half starved. She was about 10 years old, and on
  the return of the party, Colonel Stambaugh took her to Green Bay
  and placed her in the Indian mission school, and the next year,
  when Black Hawk reached Green Bay on his way home, he took her
  with him.

  “From Col. William S. Hamilton we learned at Prairie du Chien that
  a trail of Sauks had been discovered down the river. Fully
  one-half of our party, with George Grignon and William Powell,
  remained at Prairie du Chien while Osh-kosh, I-om-e-tah, Souligny,
  Carron, Pe-wan-te-not, with their warriors, proceeded by land,
  accompanied by Colonel Hamilton.

  “We stopped at Barrett’s Ferry on the Wisconsin and started early
  the next morning, and about noon struck the Sauk trail and pursued
  it till the sun was about an hour and a half high, when we
  discovered the smoke of Indians encamped in a low spot beside a
  small stream in the prairie. There were only two men and a youth
  about twelve years old; three or four women and as many children.
  We at once surrounded them and rushed upon them, with orders to
  take them prisoners; but the Menominees were fierce for a fight
  and killed the two men and took the others prisoners. They fired a
  volley at the two Sauks, and when they fell they were riddled with
  bullets by those coming up, who wished to share in the honor of
  having participated in the fight. In the melee one of the children
  was wounded and died the next day.

  “Lieutenant Robert Grignon was badly wounded in the side with a
  buckshot, and, coursing round his back, lodged. He thought he was
  shot by the Indian lad, but I think it was quite as likely to have
  been done by some of our own party, firing as they were in every

  “This little affair occurred not far back from the Mississippi and
  some ten or fifteen miles north of Cassville. Colonel Hamilton
  participated in it.

  “We camped on the battleground that night, end next day went to
  Cassville, carrying Robert Grignon on a litter, and thence to
  Prairie du Chien; he was conveyed in a canoe, while we returned by
  land. We delivered the prisoners at Prairie du Chien; we had to
  leave Robert Grignon there; the shot could not be extracted, and
  he was not able to return till in the autumn.

  “We commenced our return home in three days, and nothing happened
  on our march worthy of particular notice.”

While Stambaugh’s expedition accomplished little, it was an integral
part of the general scheme and has been given the consideration it


Footnote 239:

  12 Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 270. Lack of knowledge of the country and
  its geography caused Atkinson to call it the Milwaukee country. He
  intended to cut off a possible retreat to Canada _via_ Green Bay.
  4 Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 185.

Footnote 240:

  12 Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 279.

Footnote 241:

  12 Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 282.

Footnote 242:

  12 Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 284.

Footnote 243:

  On August 8, as stated by Wakefield, p. 83.



                             CHAPTER XXXV.


With the exception of Black Hawk’s immediate party, the prisoners
were sent to Fort Armstrong, and in a report from General Scott to
Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of War, dated at Fort Armstrong, August
19th, he states that he had examined many of the 118 prisoners
taken, from whom he had learned that at one time ten lodges of
Winnebagoes had been with Black Hawk’s party, and that Winnebagoes
brought in scalps eight different times. They also stated that the
Agent St. Vrain was killed by Winnebagoes; in consequence whereof,
the general had sent a talk to the Winnebagoes, demanding of them
that their chiefs, warriors and principal men meet him on the 10th
of September and bring such Sacs, Foxes and Kickapoos of Black
Hawk’s party as may have taken refuge amongst them, and such
Winnebagoes as may have been engaged in the war, or may have given
assistance to the enemy.

Ne-a-pope, the principal war brave of Black Hawk’s band, in his
examination[244] said:

  “I always belonged to Black Hawk’s band. Last summer I went to
  Malden; when I came back, I found that, by the treaty with General
  Gaines, the Sacs had moved across the Mississippi. I remained
  during the winter with the Prophet, on Rock River, 35 miles above
  the mouth. During the winter the Prophet sent me across the
  Mississippi to Black Hawk with a message, telling him and his band
  to cross back to his village and make corn. That if the Americans
  came and told them to move again, they would shake hands with
  them–if Americans had come and told us to move, we should have
  shaken hands and immediately have moved peacefully.[245] We
  encamped on Sycamore Creek–we met some Pottowattamies and I made a
  feast for them. At that time I heard there were some Americans
  near us (Stillman’s). I prepared a white flag to go and see them,
  and sent two or three young men on a hill to see what they were
  doing. Before the feast was finished I heard my young men were
  killed; this was at sunset. Some of my young men ran out; two were
  killed, and the Americans were seen rushing on to our camp. My
  young men fired a few guns and the Americans ran off, and my young
  men chased them about six miles.”[246]

Ne-a-pope continued by stating that the Pottowatomies of the village
immediately left them, and that no Kickapoos joined them but those
who were originally with Black Hawk; but the Winnebagoes did, and
brought in scalps frequently; that at last, when they found the Sacs
would be beaten, they turned against them.

Na-ni-sa, a Sac woman, aged 25, sister of a head warrior, stated
that in the hottest of the fight of August 2d she kept her infant
close in her blanket by the force of her teeth, seized a horse’s
tail, and got across the Mississippi, where they were afterwards
attacked by the Sioux. She ran off, but during the firing she heard
some of those who fired, hallo–“I am a Winnebago.”

When, on August 27th, Black Hawk was brought a prisoner before
General Street, he is reported to have addressed the latter as

  “My warriors fell around me. It began to look dismal. I saw my
  evil day at hand. The sun rose clear on us in the morning; at
  night it sunk in a dark cloud, and looked like a ball of fire.
  This was the last sun that shone on Black Hawk. He is now a
  prisoner to the white man, but he can stand the torture. He is not
  afraid of death. He is no coward. Black Hawk is an Indian. He has
  done nothing of which an Indian need be ashamed. He has fought the
  battles of his country against the white man, who came year after
  year to cheat his people and take away their lands. You know the
  cause of our making war. It is known to all white men. They ought
  to be ashamed of it. The white men despise the Indians and drive
  them from their homes. But the Indians are not deceitful. Indians
  do not steal. Black Hawk is satisfied. He will go to the world of
  spirits contented. He has done his duty. His father will meet and
  reward him. The white men do not scalp the heads, but they do
  worse–they poison the heart. It is not pure with them. His
  countrymen will not be scalped, but they will in a few years
  become like the white man, so that you cannot hurt them; and there
  must be, as in the white settlements, as many officers as men to
  take care of them and keep them in order. Farewell to my nation!
  Farewell to Black Hawk!”

Black Hawk and his fellow prisoners were placed aboard the steamboat
to be delivered to General Scott at Fort Armstrong, where treaties
were to have been negotiated at once with the Sacs and Foxes and
Winnebagoes. Soured at his restraint he sought, in a speech at
Galena, to shift his guilt to the shoulders of Keokuk, as has been
reported in the Galenian of September 5th, 1832:

  “Black Hawk this morning desired to speak to General Street. The
  amount of what he said was: That he was not the originator of the
  war. He was now going where he would meet Keokuk and then he would
  tell the truth. He would tell all about this war which had caused
  so much trouble. There were chiefs and braves of his nation who
  were the cause of the continuance of the war. He did not wish to
  hold any council with him. He only wanted to tell him that when he
  got where Keokuk was, he would tell the whole of the origin of the
  differences and those who continued them. He wanted to surrender
  long ago; but others refused. He wanted to surrender to the
  steamboat Warrior, and tried to do so till the second fire. He
  then ran and went up the river and never returned to the
  battleground. His determination then was to escape if he could. He
  did not intend to surrender after that; but when the Winnebagoes
  came upon him, he gave up–and he would tell all about the
  disturbances when he got to Rock Island.”

It is a noteworthy fact that when he did meet Keokuk he made no
startling disclosures. On the contrary, he leaned upon Keokuk and
cultivated the latter’s assistance, with the expectation that Keokuk
would be able to aid him to escape further captivity.

Upon the arrival at Fort Armstrong of the boat, the cholera was
raging with such virulence that General Scott directed the prisoners
to be taken on down to Jefferson Barracks until the fury of the
disease had abated.[248] This angered Black Hawk, for he was
determined to make a speech to Scott and doubtless endeavor to
unload all his offenses upon Keokuk.

This memorable trip from Prairie du Chien to Jefferson Barracks was
made in charge of Lieut. Jefferson Davis, and of his kindness and
consideration for the feelings of the distinguished prisoners, Black
Hawk has this to say:[249]

  “We remained here (Prairie du Chien) a short time, and then
  started for Jefferson Barracks in a steamboat under the charge of
  a young war chief (Lieut. Jefferson Davis) who treated all with
  much kindness. He is a good and brave young chief, with whose
  conduct I was much pleased. On our way down we called at Galena
  and remained a short time. The people crowded to the boat to see
  us, but the war chief would not permit them to enter the apartment
  where we were–knowing, from what his feelings would have been if
  he had been placed in a similar situation, that we did not wish to
  have a gaping crowd around us.”

Arriving safely at Jefferson Barracks,[250] the prisoners were
delivered to General Atkinson, who put them in irons and thus laid
the finishing stroke to Black Hawk’s pride. On this feature of his
captivity he had Colonel Patterson write: “We were now confined to
the barracks and forced to wear the ball and chain. This was
extremely mortifying and altogether useless. Was the White Beaver
(Atkinson) afraid I would break out of his barracks and run away? or
was he ordered to inflict this punishment upon me? If I had taken
him prisoner on the field of battle I would not have wounded his
feelings so much by such treatment, knowing that a brave war chief
would prefer death to dishonor. But I do not blame the White Beaver
for the course he pursued, as it is the custom among the white
soldiers, and I suppose was a part of his duty.”

The White Beaver probably had in mind the many previous breaches of
faith exhibited by the prisoner, after having made promises and
treaties to behave himself, when he applied the shackles, and Black
Hawk realized for the first time that the whites would suffer him to
disturb them no longer. In his lofty speech to General Street,
stating that “he can stand the torture,” one would expect to find
Black Hawk glorifying the pleasure of manacled martyrdom; but in the
contrast between the speech and the complaint, we find the true
Black Hawk, from young manhood to his capture. The inconvenience of
prison life made of him the poorest example of martyrdom that ever


Footnote 244:

  Made on the 19th.

Footnote 245:

  He entirely forgot the many requests of Atkinson to move

Footnote 246:

  Also copied in 43 Niles Reg. for Sept. 29, 1832, p. 69.

Footnote 247:

  Fulton’s “Red Men of Iowa,” p. 210.

Footnote 248:

  The Captain, prior to leaving, had pledged his passengers not to
  stop at Ft. Armstrong, Mo. Rep., Sept. 11, 1832.

Footnote 249:

  Autobiography 2d Ed., p. 111.

Footnote 250:

  Mo. Republican of Sept. 11, 1832, contains statement that
  steamboat Winnebago arrived in St. Louis en route for Jefferson
  Barracks “ten miles below,” on Sept. 10. That the “boat left
  Galena with Black Hawk, The Prophet, two sons of Black Hawk and
  nine braves, together with about 50 warriors.” The latter were
  landed south of the lower rapids on their pledge of neutrality.
  Black Hawk, The Prophet, two sons and nine braves were taken to
  Jefferson Barracks to remain as hostages. On the preceding
  Thursday Ne-a-pope and six or seven warriors were taken there by
  Lt. Cross and five men under his command.



                             CHAPTER XXXVI.

                     SCOTT’S EXPEDITION–TREATY.

Allusion to the presence of General Scott in this campaign has been
made, but for the purpose of receiving substantial treatment later
on was temporarily dropped.

He may not have participated in any of its pitched battles, but in
his conflict with an enemy more dreadful than bullets, he displayed
a genius and heroism seldom found in military annals.

For the first time in the history of this continent, Asiatic cholera
had appeared in Quebec and Montreal during the early days of warm
weather. Few knew its character and none its treatment.

Jackson, who had grown impatient at what he considered a policy of
procrastination and conduct which he is said to have characterized
as pusillanimous on the part of the volunteers, ordered Scott to
take nine companies from the Atlantic coast, proceed to the seat of
war and put an end to it.

On June 28th General Scott started from Fortress Monroe with them,
and with four of his nine companies made the trip to Chicago in the
incredibly short space of eighteen days. His departure was noticed
in Niles Register for June 30, 1832. The trip was prosperous enough
to Buffalo, where four steamboats, the Sheldon Thompson, Henry Clay,
Superior and William Penn, were chartered to carry the expedition
around the lakes to Chicago. Down Lake Erie all went well, but when
Detroit[251] was reached, two cases developed on board the Thompson
while moored to the wharf, which excited alarm. The victims died and
the boats all passed on up the St. Clair River to Fort Gratiot, some
forty miles distant, by which time the contagion had assumed such
proportions that it became necessary to land five companies of 280
men. Many had died; others died immediately after landing; others
fled, and later, when seized with the pest, were shunned and denied
assistance. Thus abandoned and exhausted, the miserable wretches
perished in woods and fields, only to be discovered when birds of
prey surrounded their bodies or the odor from decomposition became
apparent. Of the entire body of 280 men, we are told that but nine

Scott, in his autobiography, Vol. 1, p. 218, has stated that the
disease broke out on his boat and that the only surgeon aboard,
after drinking half a bottle of wine, was frightened into a sickness
which kept him to his bed. He further adds with some asperity that
the surgeon “ought to have died.”

Preparatory to departure, Scott, who was always forehanded, had
consulted Surgeon Mower of New York about the disease, and, adopting
all his suggestions, had laid in a supply of medicines to use if the
plague overtook him. These he supplied with his own hand to one and
all, from the moment of its appearance to the final eradication of
the scourge from the ranks of his army. In Niles Register for August
4th, Vol. 42, p. 402, we are told that Lieut. Gust. Brown and Second
Lieut. Franklin McDuffie had died July 15th,[252] and Col. W.J.
Worth, Capt. John Munroe and Lieut. William C. DeHart were ordered
east July 14th from Chicago, being too ill to travel. In the issue
of August 11th Captain Gath (probably meant for Galt), the other
member of “the staff,” is mentioned as being sent in the same party.

Decimation of the ranks of the men is noticed in Vol. 42, Niles, p.
423, for August 11th: “Of the 208 soldiers attached to the command
of Colonel Twiggs, 30 died and 155 deserted. Of three companies of
artillery under him, consisting of 152 men, 26 died and 20 deserted.
Of Colonel Cummings’ detachment of 80 men, 21 died and 4 deserted.
Of Colonel Crane’s artillery, 220 men, 55 died. Of the 850 men who
left Buffalo, not more than 200 were left fit for the field.”

While a slight discrepancy may be found to exist between items and
their totals, they are but natural to all statements, and do not
overestimate the awful mortality and the conditions, which can
readily be realized. The following letter, published in the same
issue of Niles and dated Fort Dearborn, July 12th, will probably
convey a better idea of those conditions than any deductions I may

  “We have got at last to our place of rendezvous, but in what a
  condition! We have traveled 600 miles in a steamboat crowded
  almost to suffocation and the Asiatic cholera raging amongst us.
  The scenes on board the boat are not to be described. Men died in
  six hours after being in perfect health. The steerage was crowded
  with the dying and new cases were appearing on the deck, when the
  demon entered the cabin. The first case occurred at Fort Gratiot;
  the man attacked belonged to the company I commanded. I found that
  the soldiers hesitated about attending him at first, so that I
  went to the sick man, felt his pulse and stood by his bed, and in
  a short time the soldiers became reconciled. This was only at
  first, for when the disease came upon us with fury and the boat
  became a moving pestilence, every soldier who was well became a
  nurse for the sick. The disease was met with resolution, and never
  did a body of men stand more firmly by each other than the
  soldiers in our boat.

  “To give you an idea of the disease: You remember Sergeant Heyl?
  He was well at nine o’clock in the morning–he was at the bottom of
  Lake Michigan at seven o’clock in the afternoon! I was officer of
  the day when we arrived and had to move all the sick men to the
  shore; I had scarcely got through my task when I was thrown down
  on the deck almost as suddenly as if shot.

  “As I was walking on the lower deck, I felt my legs growing stiff
  from my knees down. I went on the upper deck and walked violently
  to keep up a circulation of the blood. I felt suddenly a rush of
  blood from my feet upwards, and as it rose my veins grew cold and
  my blood curdled. I was seized with a nausea at the stomach and a
  desire to vomit. My legs and hands were cramped with violent pain.
  The doctor gave me eight grains of opium and made me rub my legs
  as fast as I could; he also made me drink a tumbler and a half of
  raw brandy, and told me if I did not throw up the opium I would
  certainly be relieved; but not until I had had a violent spasm.
  The pain is excruciating.”

Another letter, written by Capt. A. Walker to Capt. R.C. Bristol,
which first appeared in the Chicago Democrat, March 23d, 1861, was
afterward copied in “Fort Dearborn,” page 72, in an address
delivered by John Wentworth, May 21st, 1881, and published the same
year by the Chicago Historical Society, and is as follows:

  “* * * It will also be remembered, as stated in my former
  communication, that four steamers, the Henry Clay, Superior,
  Sheldon Thompson and William Penn, were chartered by the United
  States Government for the purpose of transporting troops,
  equipments and provisions to Chicago during the Black Hawk war,
  but owing to the fearful ravages made by the breaking out of the
  Asiatic cholera among the troops and crews on board, two of those
  boats were compelled to abandon their voyage, proceeding no
  further than Fort Gratiot. The disease became so violent and
  alarming on board the Henry Clay that nothing like discipline
  could be observed; everything in the way of subordination ceased.
  As soon as the steamer came to the dock each man sprang on shore,
  hoping to escape from a scene so terrifying and appalling. Some
  fled to the fields, some to the woods, while others lay down in
  the streets, and under the cover of the river bank, where most of
  them died unwept and alone.

  “There were no cases of cholera causing death on board my boat
  until we passed the Manitou Islands (Lake Michigan). The first
  person attacked died about four o’clock in the afternoon, some
  thirty hours before reaching Chicago. As soon as it was
  ascertained by the surgeon that life was extinct, the deceased was
  wrapped closely in his blanket, placing within some weights,
  secured by lashing some small cordage around the ankles, knees,
  waist and neck, and then committed, with but little ceremony, to
  the deep.

  “This unpleasant, though imperative duty, was performed by the
  orderly sergeant, with a few privates detailed for that purpose.
  In like manner twelve others, including this same noble sergeant,
  who sickened and died in a few hours, were also thrown overboard
  before the balance of the troops were landed at Chicago.

  “The sudden and untimely death of this veteran sergeant and his
  committal to a watery grave caused a deep sensation on board among
  the soldiers and crews, which I will not here attempt to describe.
  The effect produced upon General Scott and the other officers in
  witnessing the scene was too visible to be misunderstood, for the
  dead soldier had been a very valuable man, and evidently a
  favorite among the officers and soldiers of the regiment.

  “Some very interesting and appropriate memoranda were made by the
  steward of the boat at the time on one of the leaves of his
  account book (which is still in my possession) by quotations from
  one of the poets, such as ‘Sleep, soldier, sleep; thy warfare’s
  o’er,’ etc.

  “On another leaf is a graphic representation of a coffin, made by
  pen and ink, placed opposite the account on the credit side of one
  of the volunteer officers, who died after reaching Chicago, with
  this singular and concise device or inscription written upon the
  lid of the coffin: ‘Account settled by death.’

                                    “‘H. BRADLEY, Clerk and Steward,

                                           Steamer Sheldon Thompson.

  “‘Chicago, Ill., July 11, 1832.’”

  “There was one singular fact–not one of the officers of the army
  was attacked by the disease while on board my boat with such
  violence as to result in death, or any of the officers belonging
  to the boat, though nearly one-fourth of the crew fell a prey to
  the disease on a subsequent trip while on the passage from Detroit
  to Buffalo.

  “We arrived in Chicago[253] on the evening of the 10th of July,
  1832. I sent the yawl boat on shore soon after with General Scott
  and a number of the volunteer officers, who accompanied him on his
  expedition against the hostile tribes, who, with Black Hawk, had
  committed many depredations. Before landing the troops next
  morning, we were under the painful necessity of committing three
  more to the deep, who died during the night, making in all sixteen
  who were thus consigned to a watery grave. These three were
  anchored to the bottom in two and a half fathoms, the water being
  so clear that their forms could be plainly seen from our decks.
  This unwelcome sight created such excitement, working upon the
  superstitious fears of some of the crew, that prudence dictated
  that we weigh anchor and move a distance sufficient to shut from
  sight a scene which seemed to haunt the imagination and influence
  the mind with thoughts of some portentous evil.

  “In the course of the day and night following eighteen others
  died, and we interred their bodies not far from the spot where the
  American Temperance House (northwest corner Lake Street and Wabash
  Avenue) has since been erected. The earth that was removed to
  cover one made a grave to receive the next that died. All were
  buried without coffins or shrouds, except their blankets, which
  served for a winding sheet, and there left, as it were, without
  remembrance or a stone to mark their resting place. During the
  four days we remained at Chicago fifty-four more died, making an
  aggregate of eighty-eight who paid the debt of nature.”

The disease was dreadful enough, but its reputation had spread such
consternation abroad that Scott was compelled to write to Governor
Reynolds a letter, asking for it general circulation, to allay the
fright of the people:

  “Headquarters, Northwest Army, Chicago,

  July 15, 1832.

  “Sir:–To prevent or to correct the exaggerations of rumor in
  respect to the existence of cholera at this place, I address
  myself to your Excellency. Four steamers were engaged at Buffalo
  to transport United States troops and supplies to Chicago. In the
  headmost of these boats, the Sheldon Thompson, I, with my staff
  and four companies, a part of Colonel Eustis’ command, arrived
  here on the night of the 10th inst. On the 8th, all on board were
  in high health and spirits, but the next morning six cases of
  undoubted cholera presented themselves. The disease rapidly spread
  itself for the next three days. About 120 persons have been
  affected. Under a late act of Congress six companies of rangers
  are to be raised and marched to this place. General Dodge of
  Michigan is appointed major of the battalion, and I have seen the
  names of the captains, but I do not know where to address them. I
  am afraid that the report from this place in respect to cholera
  may seriously retard the raising of this force. I wish, therefore,
  that your Excellency would give publicity to the measures I have
  adopted to prevent the spread of this disease and of my
  determination not to allow any junction or communication between
  uninfected and infected troops. The war is not at an end and may
  not be brought to a close for some time. The rangers may reach the
  theater of operations in time to give the final blow. As they
  approach this place I shall take care of their health and general

  “I write in great haste, and may not have time to cause my letter
  to be copied. It will be put in some postoffice to be forthwith
  forwarded. I have the honor to be your Excellency’s most obedient

                                                    “WINFIELD SCOTT.

  “His Excellency, GOVERNOR REYNOLDS.

From Fort Gratiot the remnant of the troops proceeded around the
lakes, hopeful that no further signs of the cholera would appear. In
this Scott was gratified until the shores of Mackinac were reached,
when, notwithstanding the utmost care of his troops, another case
suddenly developed, and from that hour until the expedition reached
Chicago, July 10th, and from thence into the fort, which became a
hospital, it continued its relentless ravages, until the last of the
month, at which time, by Scott’s tireless exertions, it was thought
to have been thoroughly eradicated.[254]


[Illustration: MAJ. GEN. WINFIELD SCOTT.]


[Illustration: LIEUT. JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON, U.S.A]

[Illustration: MAJ. WILLIAM WHISTLER, U.S.A]


[255]At this time Major William Whistler was commandant of Fort
Dearborn, which contained one company of infantry under the
immediate command of Capt. Seth Johnson, with Samuel G.I. DeCamp,
Surgeon; Julius J.B. Kingsbury, First Lieutenant, and Hannibal Day,
James W. Penrose and Edwin R. Long, Second Lieutenants. In many
narratives of this expedition, it has been stated that Scott arrived
before Fort Dearborn July 8th, but the letters heretofore copied
herein, and which should be accurate, make the date July 10th, and
that is the date which should be considered in all future references
to the subject. Here, for want of harbor facilities, Scott was
compelled to unload his men in boats one-half mile out and row them
to shore.[256] In all this long journey, with its horrors, and in
his long stay at Fort Dearborn, Scott never wearied in his
ministrations to the suffering men, whose brows he smoothed as they
died in agony, trying with a last gasp to bless him for his patient
and loving care.

In many a campaign did this fine old hero distinguish himself, but
in none did he win more fame than in this, against an enemy with
whom he could not treat; in which, as he subsequently stated to John
Wentworth: “Sentinals were of no use in warning of the enemy’s
approach. He could not storm his works, fortify against him, nor cut
his way out, nor make terms of capitulation. There was no respect
for a flag of truce and his men were falling upon all sides from an
enemy in his very midst.”[257]

Among those who sought fortune in this war were most of a class of
forty-five cadets of the class of 1832. Twenty-nine of them left
Buffalo for the Black Hawk campaign, but nearly all were sent back
from Fort Gratiot.[258]

On board the ship, amidst stifling air, the dying and dead; on land,
in hospital–a very pest house–everywhere, was Scott; and not until
the last case had disappeared did he think of relinquishing his
fatherly care of the suffering soldiers. Then, on July 29th,[259]
finding the spread of the contagion once more checked, he set out
with three staff officers for Prairie du Chien, following the route
subsequently adopted in 1834 as the mail route from Galena to
Chicago, via Fort Payne,[260] Naperville, Aurora, along through what
subsequently became DeKalb County, across Lee, up to Dixon’s Ferry,
arriving there August 2d with the report that the troops under
Eustis were en route for Dixon’s, and leaving on the same day for
Galena, which he reached August 3d with his staff officers, Captains
Patrick H. Gait, Hartman Bache and William Maynadier. Leaving Galena
on the 5th, on the steamboat Warrior, for Fort Crawford, at Prairie
du Chien, that point in turn was reached August 7th, when and where
he assumed command of the entire army.

His first act was to order the discharge of the volunteer forces,
which immediately marched to Dixon’s Ferry for that purpose, Dodge’s
battalion excepted, and then on the 10th, at 6 o’clock, he started
down the Mississippi for Fort Armstrong, on the boat Warrior, with
two companies of U.S. Infantry, eight members of the Sixth Infantry
and General Atkinson and staff, transferring the scene to Fort
Armstrong.[261] On the 11th Port Armstrong was reached.

On leaving Chicago, Scott left orders for Lieut.-Col. Abraham Eustis
to follow his general route to Fort Crawford with all the well
troops which had arrived, or might arrive before the 3d August,[262]
which Colonel Eustis did, but upon reaching Dixon’s Ferry an express
from Scott informed the Colonel of the termination of the war and
ordered him to follow Rock River down its left bank, along the route
used by Atkinson, to its mouth, and establish his camp at Fort
Armstrong on Rock Island. On this march Colonel Eustis reached
Dixon’s Ferry on the 17th,[263] resting there until the 22d of
August,[264] when he moved down to Fort Armstrong and camped a short
distance from the mouth of Rock River, about four miles from
Atkinson’s men.

On the 12th Scott sent Lieutenant Buchanan on the steamboat Warrior
to bring down all prisoners[265] surrendered to that period, after
which he began the examination of witnesses to ascertain the names
of those who actively assisted Black Hawk and those who were his
passive allies, in order to act intelligently in adjusting the
treaties expected to be made September 10th, with reference to the
settlement of damages sustained by the United States. On the evening
of the 13th Keokuk, with fifty or sixty Sacs and Foxes, arrived in
camp and reported that he had visited all the Sac and Fox villages,
and that none of Black Hawk’s band had yet arrived. He further
reported that he had ordered forty-two braves in the direction of
the “Ioway,” to intercept and bring in any stragglers as they might
appear. On the 14th Keokuk delivered to Scott a brave who had
murdered a white man, just before, in the vicinity of the Yellow

On the 15th Atkinson, with his staff, viz., Lieutenants Johnston,
Wheelwright and Dorrance, and Captains Smith, Rogers and Hatton,
Sixth Infantry, and Lieutenant Richardson, left on the steamboat
Warrior for St. Louis.

On or about the 26th of August the cholera again broke out with
unusual virulence,[266] and again Scott actively participated in
conquering it. So many Indians became affected that it became
necessary to dismiss them all until they could be re-assembled by
special summons. The following order became imperative:

                               “Assistant Adjutant-General’s Office,
                                  Fort Armstrong, August 28th, 1832.

  Order No. 16.

  “1. The cholera has made its appearance on Rock Island. The two
  first cases were brought by mistake from Captain Ford’s company of
  U.S. Rangers; one of those died yesterday, the other is
  convalescent. A second death occurred this morning in the hospital
  in Fort Armstrong. The man was of the 4th Infantry and had been
  there some time under treatment for debility. The ranger now
  convalescent was in the same hospital with him for sixteen hours
  before a cholera hospital could be established outside the camp
  and fort.

  “2. It is believed that all these men were of intemperate habits.
  The Ranger who is dead, it is known, generated this disease within
  him by a fit of intoxication.

  “3. This disease having appeared among the Rangers[267] and on
  this island, all in commission are called upon to exert themselves
  to the utmost to stop the spread of the calamity.

  “4. Sobriety, cleanliness of person, cleanliness of camp and
  quarters, together with care in the preparation of the men’s
  messes, are the grand preventives. No neglect under these
  important heads will be overlooked or tolerated.

  “5. In addition to the foregoing, the Senior Surgeon present
  recommends the use of flannel shirts, flannel drawers and woolen
  stockings; but the Commanding General, who has seen much of this
  disease, knows that it is intemperance which, in the present state
  of the atmosphere, generates and spreads the calamity, and that,
  when once spread, good and temperate men are likely to take the

  “6. He therefore peremptorily commands that every soldier or
  Ranger who shall be found drunk or sensibly intoxicated after the
  publication of this order, be compelled, as soon as his strength
  will permit, to dig a grave at a suitable burying place large
  enough for his own reception, as such grave cannot fail soon to be
  wanted for the drunken man himself or some drunken companion.

  “7. This order is given as well to serve for the punishment of
  drunkenness as to spare good and temperate men the labor of
  digging graves for their worthless companions.

  “8. The sanitary regulations now in force respecting
  communications between the camp near the mouth of Rock River and
  other camps and posts in the neighborhood are revoked. (They had
  provided for sending all the sick to the hospital on Rock Island.)
  Colonel Eustis, however, whose troops are perfectly free from
  cholera, will report to the Commanding General whether he believes
  it for the safety of his command that these regulations should be

                    “By order of Major-General Scott,
                                     P.H. GALT, Ass’t

Cold rains fell; many soldiers were afforded protection from them
only by the most miserable of tents, and soon out of 300 cases there
were fifty deaths. Finally, as a last resort, the men were removed
across the river, where the last case disappeared. It has been said
that in this last visitation the Rangers suffered most.[268]

At the time of the appearance of the cholera the three Sacs were
confined in the military prison at Fort Armstrong on a charge of
complicity in the murder of the Menominees near Prairie du Chien on
the 31st of July, 1831. By reason of the cholera, General Scott set
them at liberty, taking their promise to return upon the exhibition
of a certain signal to be hung from the limb of a dead tree at an
elevated point of the island when the epidemic should be over. The
signal was subsequently hung up, and, true to their parole, the
Indians reported themselves. They were again paroled and
subsequently released.[269]

Having again checked the disease, Scott sent out the summons to the
Winnebagoes, who assembled on the 15th[270] to sign a new treaty.
Before proceeding with its details it was considered best to prepare
them for the forfeitures they must necessarily sustain by reason of
their assistance to Black Hawk at nearly all stages of the campaign,
as ascertained by the examinations of witnesses:

  “Such is justice between nation and nation, against which none can
  rightfully complain; but as God, in his dealings with human
  creatures, tempers justice with mercy–or else the whole race of
  man would soon have perished–so shall we, commissioners, in humble
  imitation of divine example, now treat you, my red brethren, who
  have offended both against God and your great human father at

Thereupon the following treaty was made and signed, on the 21st day
of September, 1832, and promulgated by the President’s proclamation,
February 13th, 1833, after having been ratified by the Senate:


  concluded at Fort Armstrong, Rock Island, Illinois, between the
  United States of America, by their Commissioners, Major-General
  Winfield Scott, of the United States Army, and His Excellency John
  Reynolds, Governor of the State of Illinois, and the confederated
  tribes of Sac and Fox Indians, represented in general council by
  the undersigned Chiefs, Headmen and Warriors.

  WHEREAS, Under certain lawless and desperate leaders a formidable
  band, constituting a large portion of the Sac and Fox nation, left
  their country in April last, and, in violation of treaties,
  commenced an unprovoked war upon unsuspecting and defenseless
  citizens of the United States, sparing neither age nor sex; and
  whereas, the United States, at a great expense of treasure, have
  subdued the said hostile band, killing or capturing all its
  principal chiefs and warriors, the said States, partly as
  indemnity for the expense incurred, and partly to secure the
  future safety and tranquility of the invaded frontier, demand of
  the said tribes, to the use of the United States, a cession of a
  tract of the Sac and Fox country, bordering on said frontier, more
  than proportional to the numbers of the hostile band who have been
  so conquered and subdued.

  Article I. Accordingly, the confederated tribes of Sacs and Foxes
  hereby cede to the United States forever all the lands to which
  the said tribes have title or claim (with the exception of the
  reservation hereinafter made) included within the following
  bounds, to-wit: Beginning on the Mississippi River, at the point
  where the Sac and Fox northern boundary line, as established by
  the second article of the treaty of Prairie du Chien of the
  fifteenth of July, one thousand eight hundred and thirty, strikes
  said river; thence, up said boundary line to a point fifty miles
  from the Mississippi, measured on said line; thence, in a right
  line, to the nearest point on the Red Cedar of the Ioway, forty
  miles from the Mississippi River; thence in a right line to a
  point in the northern boundary line of the State of Missouri,
  fifty miles, measured on said boundary, from the Mississippi
  River; thence by the last-mentioned boundary to the Mississippi
  River, and by the western shore of said river to the place of
  beginning. And the said confederated tribes of Sacs and Foxes
  hereby stipulate and agree to remove from the lands herein ceded
  to the United States, on or before the first day of June next; and
  in order to prevent any future misunderstanding it is expressly
  understood that no band or party of the Sac or Fox tribes shall
  reside, plant, fish or hunt on any portion of the ceded country
  after the period just mentioned.

  Article II. Out of the cession made in the preceding article the
  United States agree to a reservation for the use of the said
  confederated tribes of a tract of land containing four hundred
  square miles, to be laid off under the directions of the President
  of the United States, from the boundary line crossing the Ioway
  River, in such manner that nearly an equal portion of the
  reservation may be on both sides of said river, and extending
  downwards, so as to include Ke-o-kuk’s principal village on its
  right bank, which village is about twelve miles from the
  Mississippi River.

  Article III. In consideration of the great extent of the foregoing
  cession, the United States stipulate and agree to pay to the said
  confederated tribes annually, for thirty successive years, the
  first payment to be made in September of the next year, the sum of
  twenty thousand dollars in specie.

  Article IV. It is further agreed that the United States shall
  establish and maintain within the limits, and for the use and
  benefit of the Sacs and Foxes, for the period of thirty years, one
  additional black and gunsmith shop, with the necessary tools, iron
  and steel; and finally make a yearly allowance for the same
  period, to the said tribes, of forty kegs of tobacco and forty
  barrels of salt, to be delivered at the mouth of the Ioway River.

  Article V. The United States, at the earnest request of the said
  confederated tribes, further agree to pay to Farnham and
  Davenport, Indian traders at Rock Island, the sum of forty
  thousand dollars without interest, which sum will be in full
  satisfaction of the claims of the said traders against the said
  tribes, and by the latter was, on the tenth day of July, one
  thousand eight hundred and thirty-one, acknowledged to be justly
  due for articles of necessity, furnished, in the course of the
  seven preceding years, in an instrument of writing of said date,
  duly signed by the Chiefs and Headmen of said tribes, and
  certified by the late Felix St. Vrain, United States agent, and
  Antoine LeClaire, United States interpreter, both for the said

  Article VI. At the special request of the said confederated
  tribes, the United States agree to grant, by patent in fee simple,
  to Antoine LeClaire, Interpreter, a part Indian, one section of
  land opposite Rock Island, and one section at the head of the
  first rapids above said island, within the country herein ceded by
  the Sacs and Foxes.

  Article VII. Trusting to the good faith of the neutral bands of
  Sacs and Foxes, the United States have already delivered up to
  those bands the great mass of prisoners made in the course of the
  war by the United States, and promise to use their influence to
  procure the delivery of other Sacs and Foxes, who may still be
  prisoners in the hands of a band of Sioux Indians, the friends of
  the United States; but the following named prisoners of war, now
  in confinement, who were Chiefs and Headmen, shall be held as
  hostages for the future good conduct of the late hostile bands,
  during the pleasure of the President of the United States, viz.:
  Muk-ka-ta-mish-a-ka-kaik (or Black Hawk) and his two sons;
  Wau-ba-kee-shik (the Prophet), his brother and two sons; Na-pope,
  We-sheet Ioway, Pa-ma-ho, and Cha-kee-pa-shi-pa-ho (the Little
  Stabbing Chief).

  Article VIII. And it is further stipulated and agreed between the
  parties to this treaty that there shall never be allowed in the
  confederate Sac and Fox nation any separate band, or village,
  under any chief or warrior of the late hostile bands; but that the
  remnant of the said hostile bands shall be divided among the
  neutral bands of the said tribes according to blood–the Sacs among
  the Sacs and the Foxes among the Foxes.

  Article IX. In consideration of the premises, peace and friendship
  are declared, and shall be perpetually maintained between the
  United States and the whole confederated Sac and Fox nation,
  excepting from the latter the hostages before mentioned.

  Article X. The United States, besides the presents delivered at
  the signing of this treaty, wishing to give a striking evidence of
  their mercy and liberality, will immediately cause to be issued to
  the said confederated tribes, principally for the use of the Sac
  and Fox women and children whose husbands, fathers and brothers
  have been killed in the late war, and generally for the use of the
  whole confederated tribes, articles of subsistence as follows:
  Thirty-five beef cattle, twelve bushels of salt, thirty barrels of
  pork and fifty barrels of flour, and cause to be delivered for the
  same purposes, in the month of April next, at the mouth of the
  lower Ioway, six thousand bushels of maize or Indian corn.

  Article XI. At the request of the said confederated tribes, it is
  agreed that a suitable present shall be made to them on their
  pointing out to any United States agent, authorized for the
  purpose, the position or positions of one or more mines, supposed
  by the said tribes to be of a metal more valuable than lead or

  Article XII. This treaty shall take effect and be obligatory on
  the contracting parties as soon as the same shall be ratified by
  the President of the United States, by and with the advice and
  consent of the Senate thereof.

  Done at Fort Armstrong, Rock Island, Illinois, this twenty-first
  day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
  hundred and thirty-two, and of the Independence of the United
  States the fifty-seventh.

                                                     WINFIELD SCOTT,
                                                      JOHN REYNOLDS.


    Kee-o-kuck, or He Who Has Been Everywhere.
    Pa-she-pa-ho, or The Stabber.
    Pia-tshe-noay, or The Noise Maker.
    Wawk-kum-mee, or Clear Water.
    O-sow-wish-kan-no, or Yellow Bird.
    Pa-ca-to-kee, or Wounded Lip.
    Winne-wun-quai-saat, or The Terror of Men.
    Mau-noa-tuck, or He Who Controls Many.
    Wau-we-au-tun, or The Curling Wave.


    Wau-pel-la, or He Who is Painted White.
    Tay-wee-mau, or Medicine Man (Strawberry).
    Pow-sheek, or the Roused Bear.
    An-nau-mee, or the Running Fox.
    Ma-tow-e-qua, or the Jealous Woman.
    Mee-shee-wau-quaw, or the Dried Tree.
    May-kee-sa-mau-ker, or the Wampum Fish.
    Chaw-co-saut, or the Prowler.
    Kaw-kaw-kee, or the Crow.
    Mau-que-tee, or the Bald Eagle.
    Ma-she-na, or Cross Man.
    Kaw-kaw-ke-moute, or the Pouch (Running Bear).
    Wee-shee-kaw-kia-skuck, or He Who Steps Firmly.
    Wee-ca-ma, or Good Fish.
    Paw-qua-nuey, or the Runner.
    Ma-hua-wai-be, or Wolf Skin.
    Mis-see-quaw-kaw, or Hairy Neck.
    Waw-pee-shaw-kaw, or White Skin.
    Mash-shen-waw-pee-tch, or Broken Tooth.
    Nau-nah-que-kee-shee-ko, or Between Two Days.
    Paw-puck-ka-kaw, or Stealing Fox.
    Tay-e-sheek, or the Falling Bear.
    Wau-pee-maw-ker, or the White Loon.
    Wau-co-see-nee-me, or Fox Man.

  In presence of R. Bache, Cap. Ord. Sec. to the Commission; Abrm.
  Eustis, Alex. Cummins, Lieut.-Col. 2d Infantry; Alex. R. Thompson,
  Major U.S. Army; B. Riley, Major U.S. Army; H. Dodge, Major W.
  Campbell; Hy. Wilson, Major 4th U.S. Inf.; Donald Ward, Thos.
  Black Wolf, Sexton G. Frazer, P.H. Galt, Ass’t Adj.-Gen.; Benj. F.
  Pike, Wm. Henry, James Craig, John Aukeny, J.B.F. Russell, Isaac
  Chambers, John Clitz, Adj. Inf.; John Pickell, Lieut. 4th Art’y;
  A.G. Miller, Lieut. 1st Inf.; Geo. Davenport, Ass’t Quar.
  Mas.-Gen. Ill. Mil.; A. Drane, Aeneas Mackay, Capt. U.S. Army;
  I.R. Smith, 1st Lieut. 2d Inf.; Wm. Maynadier, Lieut. and A.D.C.;
  I.L. Gallagher, 1st Lieut. A.C.S.; N.B. Bennet, Lieut. 3d Art’y;
  Horatio A. Wilson, Lieut. 4th Art’y; H. Day, Lieut. 2d Inf.; James
  W. Penrose, Lieut. 2d Inf.; J.E. Johnston, Lieut. 4th Art’y; S.
  Burbank, Lieut. 1st Inf.; I.H. Prentiss, Lieut. 1st Art’y; L.I.
  Beale, Lieut. 1st Inf.; Addison Philleo, Thomas L. Alexander,
  Lieut. 6th Inf.; Horace Beall, Act’g Surgeon U.S. Army; Oliver W.
  Kellogg, Jona. Leighton, Act’g Surg. U.S. Army; Robert C.
  Buchanan, Lieut. 4th Inf.; Jas. S. Williams, Lieut. 6th Inf.; John
  W. Spencer, Antoine LeClaire, Interpreter.

  To the Indian names are subjoined marks.[272]

On November 11, 180 men, the remains of the six companies sent out
with Scott, arrived at Norfolk on the steamboat Potomac, Captain
Hubbell commanding: Capt. John Monroe, Fourth Artillery; Capt.
Elijah Lyon, Third Artillery; Capt. Upton S. Fraser, Third
Artillery; Capt. Patrick H. Galt, Fourth Artillery, with Lieutenants
John Pickell, H.A. Wilson, W.A. Thornton, Joseph E. Johnston,
Charles O. Collins, Edwin Rose and James H. Prentiss.[273]


Footnote 251:

  Davidson & Stuve, Ills., p. 406. Brown Hist. Ills., p. 373.

Footnote 252:

  Wentworth’s, Ft. Dearborn, p. 31.

Footnote 253:

  Lt. Humphrey Marshall, later General and a Member of Congress from
  Kentucky, came to Chicago with Scott.–Early Chicago, Ft. Dearborn,
  p. 31.

Footnote 254:

  An entry in the records of the War Dept. reads: “Fort Dearborn
  having become a general hospital on July 11th, no returns were
  received until its reoccupation: Companies G and I, 2d Infantry,
  returned to the fort on October 1st from the campaign.”
  Wentworth’s address on Ft. Dearborn.

Footnote 255:

  Ft. Dearborn by Wentworth, p. 12.

Footnote 256:

  Ft. Dearborn by Wentworth, p. 34.

Footnote 257:

  Ft. Dearborn by Wentworth, p. 34.

Footnote 258:

  Ft. Dearborn by Wentworth, p. 37, where the names are given.

Footnote 259:

  Scott’s letter, Mo. Republican for Aug. 7, 1832.

Footnote 260:

  Scott’s letter to Capt. J.R. Brant, A.Q.M., St. Louis, pub. in Mo.
  Rep. Aug. 7, 1832.

Footnote 261:

  Johnston’s Journal.

Footnote 262:

  Scott’s letter to Hon. Lewis Cass, dated Aug. 10, 1832.

Footnote 263:

  Davidson and Stuve, p. 407. Galenian of Aug. 22d.

Footnote 264:

  Niles, Vol. 43, p. 51.

Footnote 265:

  118 as reported by Scott. Niles, Sept. 29, p. 69.

Footnote 266:

  Capt. Henry Smith, X Wis. Hist. Colls., p. 165.

Footnote 267:

  Cholera appeared in the ranks of Capt. Jesse B. Brown’s company
  just below Dixon’s Ferry. Nurses were left behind to care for the
  sick. At Port Armstrong thirteen of the company died and were
  buried in the woods. X Wis., 231.

Footnote 268:

  Capt. Henry Smith, X Wis., 165.

Footnote 269:

  Scott’s Autobiography.

Footnote 270:

  Postponed from the 10th.

Footnote 271:

  Scott’s Autobiog., Vol. 1, p. 227.

Footnote 272:

  Vol. 7, U.S. Statutes at Large by Peters, p. 374.

Footnote 273:

  Niles Reg., Vol. 43, p. 180, Nov. 17, 1832.



                            CHAPTER XXXVII.


In the year 1832, Michigan, as a Territory, embraced that territory
later erected into the State of Wisconsin, and while the latter was
storm-swept with the troops, the peninsula was in no danger
whatever. A great danger was anticipated, and during the tremendous
scare which spread over it from one end to the other, enough
correspondence passed between Acting Governor Stevens T. Mason, Gen.
J.R. Williams and his subalterns to have sufficed for a war of two
years’ duration. From the first, a fear that Black Hawk intended to
go to Malden with his people and there end his days prevailed among
the people of the Territory, in which event bloodshed and all the
horrors of a border warfare were feared. From statements made by
Black Hawk at subsequent periods, notably to Col. John Shaw, some
foundation might appear for this position, but prior to his
surrender the officers did not entertain such a thought, and it was
contrary to his repeated declarations before Stillman’s battle. At
any rate, a supernatural fear ran through the entire peninsula, to
check which and provide every means of defense for the settlers the
following order was issued:

                           “Executive Office, Detroit, May 22, 1832.


  “Sir:–By dispatch received at this office from Chicago and St.
  Joseph, it seems that the Indians have assumed an attitude of
  hostility towards the frontier settlements in that quarter.

  “I am satisfied that the public safety requires immediate
  movements on the part of the militia of the Territory.

  “You are authorized to raise such a number of volunteers as in
  your opinion may be necessary for co-operating with Brig.-Gen.
  Brown, who has rendezvoused at Jonesville.

  “When you arrive there, you will take such steps as may then in
  your opinion be necessary.

                                                  “STEVENS T. MASON,
                                  “Acting Governor of the Territory.

  “The Quartermaster-General will issue to Major-Gen. John R.
  Williams such stores, ammunition and arms as he may require.

                                                  “STEVENS T. MASON,
                                   Acting Governor of the Territory.
                                             Detroit, May 22, 1832.”

An order for the Division Quartermaster to call on the military
storekeeper for 200 pounds of rifle powder, 100 pounds of bar lead,
1,000 musket flints, 1,000 rifle flints and cartridge boxes was
thereupon made by General Williams, as well as a call for the
volunteers authorized by the acting Governor, who, in a letter
attached, limited the number to 300.


[Illustration: GOV. STEVENS T. MASON.]

[Illustration: GEN. J.R. WILLIAMS.]

[Illustration: CAPT. JOSEPH F. MARSAC.]



Henry Dodge was at this time acting as Colonel of Michigan militia,
under a commission dated October 15th, 1829. Major-General Williams,
just mentioned, was the Major-General in command, under appointment
the same year, and notice of the appointment was sent him by Lewis
Cass in the following letter:

                                        “Washington, March 10, 1829.

  “Dear Sir:–I have the pleasure to inform you that your nomination
  as a major-general has been confirmed by the Senate. I shall now
  confidently rely upon your exertions to place our militia on a
  respectable footing, and I am well satisfied that this confidence
  will not be misplaced. Larned and Stockton are the brigadiers.

                       “Sincerely your friend,

                                                       “LEWIS CASS.”

Following General Williams’ call for volunteers, an order on the
Division Quartermaster for 3,000 rations of bread and salt pork, to
last 300 men ten days, was issued, and the work of recruiting
proceeded, but slowly. To the call for volunteers, not a volunteer
responded. On the 23d, pursuant to peremptory orders to call out
such companies or parts of companies of the state militia as would
insure a force of 300 men, General Williams at once issued his
second order for the First Regiment and Major Davis’ battalion of
riflemen and the city guards to assemble at Ten Eyck’s, on the 24th,
at 10 o’clock. Meantime he had engaged to forward to General Brown
200 stands of arms and bring to Ten Eyck’s 200 additional stands for
distribution at 2 o’clock P.M. The militia arrived and General
Williams requested a voluntary enrollment. Capt. Joseph F. Marsac
and his men of the First Regiment, and the city guards, under Capt.
Isaac Rowland, and Captain Jackson’s troop of cavalry and parts of
some companies of cavalry volunteered, to the number of 100, leaving
200 to be drafted from the others present, some 400 in number. From
these he drafted the required number and organized them. One ration
was at once issued, but no blankets could then be issued, as they
had not arrived. During the night and on the morning of the 25th
parts of Davis’ battalion arrived, which Williams was induced to
accept (discharging a like number from the drafted men), and to make
a second organization.

At 12 noon Williams left Ten Eyck’s, reaching Willow Springs, a
place within three miles of Ypsilanti, making a march of seventeen
miles for the afternoon before camping.

On the morning of the 26th the troops were again put in motion,
notwithstanding a heavy rain, which finally compelled them to halt
at Ypsilanti until afternoon, when the storm subsided and the march
was resumed. At evening a halt was made at Saline for the night,
where Colonel Schwarz presented orders from Mason, directing the
detachment under Colonel Brooks to return to Detroit and ordering
Williams to “overtake General Brown and to continue part of his
regiment in the field for the purpose of quieting the fears of the
timid, and further directing Williams to see the arms sent General
Brown secured before he returned.” After issuing the order to
Colonel Brooks, Williams parted with them and reached Blackmaar’s,
sixty-seven miles from Detroit, that night, at which time and place
he received word by express of the murders on Indian Creek.

On the 31st, at a point three miles from Niles, he met the Eighth
Regiment, which had been discharged by General Brown, and on his
arrival at Niles he was informed that several detachments of
volunteers which had been called out and others, in all 350,–80 of
which were mounted–had moved forward to the Door Prairie. After
conferring with General Brown, it was agreed that he should proceed
to the Door Prairie, about thirty-five miles to the west, and then
take such measures as he might deem necessary and proper to secure
that settlement from aggression, Williams to remain at Niles until
the detachment under Colonel Brooks should return, when the combined
forces of Williams and Brooks were to move forward to the Door
Prairie. On the evening of the 1st June Brown received a peremptory
order from Mason to march to Chicago, which so mixed the plans made
by the two officers that it became impossible to act intelligently.
Such orders as the one to Brooks recalling him, and then ordering
him to return to Williams, marching and countermarching to no
purpose, as well as exhausting the men, had a most disastrous
effect. Not only did men thereafter refuse to enlist, but, in the
face of a campaign, many then in the ranks refused to leave their
families in danger from such incompetence as had up to that moment
been displayed. General Williams’ righteous indignation rose many
times in this perplexing campaign.

On the 2d it was ascertained that the entire force under Brooks,
then returning, numbered thirty of Jackson’s men, the others having
been disabled by their frivolous march through trackless forests.
Subalterns in the commissary’s department quibbled about the
construction of orders and haggled over imaginary slights in the
giving of orders to such an extent that the troops, with abundance
in sight, actually suffered for want of food.

On the 2d Colonel Brooks arrived at Niles with twenty-six men of
Jackson’s troops, and, contrary to orders and all sense of decency,
General Brown returned to Niles on the same day, with all his men,
and without the least show of authority discharged them. This
high-handed act threw Williams into a passion, which was clearly
shown in a letter written at the time, in which he declared he would
prefer charges against Brown on his return to Detroit. That
astounding action demanded an order to counteract the effect on the
troops, which was issued and instantly forwarded to the Door Prairie
as follows:

  “The volunteers and other companies or corps of militia which have
  been called out by a recent order from Gen. Brown and were
  directed to march to and concentrate at the Door Prairie are not
  discharged. The major-general, after having arrived at the Door,
  will judge of the expediency of discharging a part of the troops
  or not, according to circumstances, and the public service and
  safety to the frontier.

  “The quartermaster of the Third Brigade will immediately provide
  transportation for the provisions, arms, ammunition and other
  public property which it is necessary to forward for the use and
  subsistence of the troops. The volunteer companies of mounted men
  are hereby placed under the immediate command of Colonel Edward
  Brooks. He is charged with their instruction and discipline in all
  matters connected with their improvement and efficiency.

  “Order will be observed on the march, and no arms shall be
  discharged without the special permission of the senior officer in

  “The troops now about to march from this place will be furnished
  with six rounds to each man.

  “The brigade quartermaster, Capt. Ullman, will remain at this
  place to take charge of all provisions, arms and accouterments,
  ammunition and other public property that may remain in store or
  arrive for the use of the troops, and to be in readiness to
  forward such articles as may be required by the major general.

                           “By order of Major-General J.R. WILLIAMS,
                                  “CHARLES W. WHIPPLE, Aid-de-Camp.”

Brown having applied for a leave of absence, by reason of the
appearance of measles in his family, was allowed it and departed.

While every effort had been made by Williams to retain the men under
Brown, his efforts must have been ineffectual, for on the 3d, after
ordering his men to remove to Door Prairie, and directing A. Huston
to wheel from Terra Coupa Prairie and return to the same
destination, he also asked the services of 300 mounted militia. To
this call Col. Hart L. Stewart was the only man able to respond, and
he with only fifteen or twenty men of Captain Martin’s company.
Provisions had also given out, and, with all the Quartermaster’s
exertions, he could get none.

On the 5th Williams reached Door Prairie, at which point he learned,
on the 6th, of Stillman’s defeat and the consequent panic into which
the country had been thrown. On the 8th orders were given to march
on the 9th for Chicago, which was taken up promptly and continued
till the 12th, at which time Williams reached Chicago and placed
Col. Edward Brooks in charge of Fort Dearborn until the arrival of
Major Whistler of the United States Army. On the 13th General
Williams, finding to what fears the people had been driven, put all
his energy into making the fort safe against attack. Reports coming
in from the Naper settlements of threatened attack, Williams
dispatched Brooks, with thirty-five horsemen, to assist in the
defense of Fort Payne. Here they remained until the threatened
danger passed, and Major Whistler arrived on the 17th to take charge
of the post. On the 13th General Williams also requested Colonel
Huston to bring 100 men to Chicago, but the action of Brown had such
a depressing influence on the men that he replied on the 17th, “It
will not be in my power to obey your call. I should have been
extremely happy to come through and join you again, but it would be
a hard matter to march a hundred men from this regiment at this
time. * * *” Thus, for all the assistance rendered by the militia in
those parts, the people in the western portion of their territory
might have been murdered to the last man.

A detachment of 300 men from Indiana having arrived at Fort Dearborn
on the 22d, General Williams issued the following order, which
terminated the duties of the troops from the peninsula, all having
returned agreeably with its contents:

                             “Headquarters, Chicago, June 22d, 1832.

  “General Order.

  “A detachment of 300 mounted militia having arrived at this place
  from the State of Indiana, under the command of Colonel Russell,
  with special instructions from the Executive of that State.

  “The Major General directs that the detachment of militia, under
  the immediate command of Lieut-Col. Abraham Edwards, embark
  immediately on board the Napoleon, and be conveyed to the mouth of
  the river St. Joseph and there landed, and under the direction of
  the officers present be marched in good order to Niles, and when
  arrived there, will be honorably discharged. The mounted men,
  including Captain Jackson’s troop and the staff officers of the
  detachment, will be in readiness to march at 2 o’clock p.m. this
  day. They will return to Detroit under the orders of Col. Brooks.
  The quartermaster will take charge of all public property,
  including arms, ammunition, etc., and see that it is carefully
  shipped and conveyed to the mouth of the St. Joseph, and there
  safely stored to await further orders. The stores belonging either
  to the territory of Michigan or to the United States that may now
  be on the way to this place, shall be carefully shipped to Niles.
  The Major General takes this opportunity to express his entire
  approbation of the good conduct and behavior of every officer,
  non-commissioned officer, musician and private of this command,
  and therefore tenders his thanks to all in behalf of our common
  country, with his best wishes for the welfare and happiness of
  every individual member of the command.

                      “By order of the Major General, J.R. WILLIAMS,
                                         “J.M. WILSON, Aid-de-Camp.”

On the 5th of August General Williams had returned to Detroit, but
not before he had paid his respects to the miscarriages of his


                            CHAPTER XXXVIII.


In every way possible for those early days, Keokuk endeavored to
make the confinement of Black Hawk tolerable. Early in the spring he
took with him the wife and daughter of Black Hawk, together with
Colonel Davenport, Antoine LeClaire and many prominent Sacs and
Foxes, to pay the old prisoner a visit and cheer him up. Further
than that, he endeavored to secure his release, pledging himself to
General Atkinson to be responsible for the good behavior of Black
Hawk and his fellow prisoners. Black Hawk was delighted to see his
wife and daughter and hoped to be released under Keokuk’s promise,
but the orders from the War Department were to take the prisoners to
Washington under the escort of an officer of the army. Accordingly
they were sent there, arriving the latter part of April, 1833. Black
Hawk was first presented to the President, then the Prophet, who

  “We expected to return immediately to our people. The war in which
  we have been involved was occasioned by our attempting to raise
  provisions on our own lands, or where we thought we had a right so
  to do. We have lost many of our people, as well as the whites. Our
  tribes and families are now exposed to the attacks of our enemies,
  the Sioux, and the Menominees. We hope, therefore, to be permitted
  to return home to take care of them.”

Black Hawk, taking up the conversation, continued:

  “I am a man and you are another. * * * We did not expect to
  conquer the whites. They had too many houses and too many men. I
  took up the hatchet, for my part, to revenge injuries which my
  people could no longer endure. Had I borne them longer without
  striking, my people would have said, ‘Black Hawk is a woman; he is
  too old to be a chief; he is no Sac.’ These reflections caused me
  to raise the war whoop. I say no more of it; it is known to you.
  Keokuk once was here; you took him by the hand, and when he wished
  to return to his home, you were willing. Black Hawk expects that,
  like Keokuk, we shall be permitted to return too.”

He says he took up the hatchet. He attempted to create the
impression, in his formal announcement, when he crossed the
Mississippi, that he was simply taking up the hoe, to go among the
Winnebagoes to make corn.

But it was not the policy of President Jackson to again let him off
without feeling, to a slight degree, the hand of the Government.
Therefore, on April 26th, the prisoners were all taken to Fortress
Monroe and placed in charge of Colonel Eustis, where they remained
until the 4th of June, the date of the order made by the President
for their liberation. During his confinement, Black Hawk was treated
with the utmost courtesy by Colonel Eustis, which was thoroughly
appreciated by all the prisoners; so much, indeed, that upon their
departure, Black Hawk made him a speech:

  “Brother:–I have come, on my part, and in behalf of my companions,
  to bid you farewell. Our great father has at length been pleased
  to permit us to return to our hunting grounds. We have buried the
  tomahawk, and the sound of the rifle will hereafter only bring
  death to the deer and the buffalo. Brother, you have treated the
  red men very kindly. Your squaws have made them presents, and you
  have given them plenty to eat and drink. The memory of your
  friendship will remain till the Great Spirit says it is time for
  Black Hawk to sing his death song. Brother, your houses are as
  numerous as the leaves upon the trees, and your warriors like the
  sands upon the shore of the big lake that rolls before us. The red
  man has but few houses, and few warriors, but the red man has a
  heart that throbs as warmly as the heart of his white brother. The
  Great Spirit has given us our hunting grounds, and the skin of the
  deer which we kill there is his favorite, for its color is white,
  and this is the emblem of peace. This hunting dress and these
  feathers of the eagle are white. Accept them, my brother. I have
  given one like this to the White Otter. Accept it as a memorial of
  Black Hawk. When he is far away this will serve to remind you of
  him. May the Great Spirit bless you and your children. Farewell.”

These sentiments are truly poetical and worthy a place in any
literature, but they did not represent the life of Black Hawk. He
had all his life long been a warrior, fonder of warfare than of
life, but no doubt a change was coming over his heart with the
scenes of peace and progress around him. The futility of further war
upon the Americans had doubtless finally impressed him, and he
realized that they were a people no longer to be trifled with.
Therefore, he had resolved to submit for all time to the inexorable
fate of civilization’s western march.

Under the escort of Major John Garland, on the 5th of June, Black
Hawk and his companions took their departure from Fortress Monroe.
Visiting the Norfolk navy yard, the Prophet, from the balcony of his
hotel, addressed a large concourse of people:

  “The Great Spirit sent us here, and now, happily, we are about to
  return to our own Mississippi, and our own people. It affords us
  much happiness to rejoin our friends and kindred. We would shake
  hands with all our white friends assembled here. Should any of
  them go to our country on the Mississippi we would take great
  pleasure in returning their kindness to us. We will go home with
  peaceable dispositions towards our white brethren, and make our
  conduct hereafter more satisfactory to them. We bid you all
  farewell, as it is the last time we shall see each other.”

The party went on to Baltimore on the 6th, where it was greeted by
thousands of curious spectators, and where again Black Hawk met
President Jackson. At night both were present at the same theater,
and Black Hawk is said to have attracted as much attention as the
President. In an interview the following day the President advised
the Indians to return to their homes and listen to the counsels of
Keokuk, their principal chief:

  “When I saw you in Washington, I told you that you had behaved
  very badly in raising the tomahawk against the white people and
  killing men, women and children upon the frontier. Your conduct
  last year compelled me to send my warriors against you, and your
  people were defeated with great loss and your men surrendered, to
  be kept till I should be satisfied that you would not try to do
  any more injury. I told you I would inquire whether your people
  wished you to return and whether, if you did return, there would
  be any danger to the frontier. Gen. Clark and Gen. Atkinson, whom
  you know, have informed me that Keokuk, your principal chief, and
  the rest of your people are anxious you should return, and Keokuk
  has asked me to send you back. Your chiefs have pledged themselves
  for your good conduct, and I have given instructions that you
  should be taken to your own country.

  “Major Garland, who is with you, will conduct you through some of
  our towns. You will see the strength of the white people. You will
  see that our young men are as numerous as the leaves in the woods.
  What can you do against us? You may kill a few women and children,
  but such a force would soon be sent against you as would destroy
  your whole tribe. Let the red men hunt, and take care of their
  families; but I hope they will not again raise their hands against
  their white brethren. We do not wish to injure you. We desire your
  prosperity and improvement; but if you again plunge your knives
  into the breasts of our people, I shall send a force which will
  severely punish you for all your cruelties. When you go back,
  listen to the counsels of Keokuk and the other friendly chiefs.
  Bury the tomahawk and live in peace with the frontiers. And I pray
  the Great Spirit to give you a smooth path and a fair sky to

The reply of Black Hawk to this address was brief:

  “My Father:–My ears are open to your words. I am glad to hear
  them. I am glad to go back to my people. I want to see my family.
  I did not behave well last summer. I ought not to have taken up
  the tomahawk; but my people have suffered a great deal. When I get
  back I will remember your words. I won’t go to war again. I will
  live in peace. I shall hold you by the hand.”

On the 10th Philadelphia was reached, where all remained until the
14th, with their headquarters at Congress Hall. While there they
witnessed a military display of such impressive interest as to evoke
a speech from Black Hawk:

  “My heart grew bitter against the whites, and my hands strong. I
  dug up the tomahawk, and led on my warriors to fight. I fought
  hard. I was no coward. Much blood was shed. But the white men were
  mighty. They were as many as the leaves of the forest. I and my
  people failed. I am sorry the tomahawk was raised. I have been a
  prisoner. I see the strength of the white men. They are many; very
  many. The Indians are but few. They are not cowards. They are
  brave, but they are few. While the Great Spirit above keeps my
  heart as it now is, I will be the white man’s friend. I will
  remain in peace. I will go to my people and speak good of the
  white man. I will tell them that they are as the leaves of the
  forest, very many and very strong, and that I will fight no more
  against them.”

Among other interesting sights seen was Fairmount waterworks, after
which the party started for New York City, where it arrived the
evening of the 14th. Among the novel sights seen there was a balloon
ascension from Castle Garden, which greatly astonished the Indians,
one of whom asked the Prophet if the aeronaut was “going to see the
Great Spirit.” Crowds of people gathered about the Exchange Hotel to
see them, and exchange a word with “General Black Hawk,” as they
called him. He was obliged to make his appearance upon all sorts of
occasions to gratify the curious crowds. His rooms were daily and
hourly visited by ladies and gentlemen, and each evening the Indians
were escorted to the theater or other places of amusement. They
received many handsome presents, and one of the ceremonies was the
presentation to Black Hawk of a pair of topaz earrings for his wife
or daughter, by John A. Graham, who said:

  “Brothers, open your ears. You are brave men. You have fought like
  tigers, but in a bad cause. We have conquered you. We were sorry
  last year that you raised the tomahawk against us; but we believe
  you did not know us then as you do now.

  “We think that in time to come you will be wise and that we shall
  be friends forever. You see that we are a great people–numerous as
  the flowers of the field, as the shells on the seashore, or the
  fish in the sea. We put one hand on the eastern, and at the same
  time the other on the western ocean. We all act together. If some
  time our great men talk long and loud at our council fires, but
  shed one drop of white men’s blood, our young warriors, as thick
  as the stars of the night, will leap on board of our great boats,
  which fly on the waves, and over the lakes, swift as the eagle in
  the air; then penetrate the woods, make the big guns thunder, and
  the whole heavens red with the flames of the dwellings of their
  enemies. Brothers, the President has made you a great talk. He was
  but one mouth. That one has sounded the sentiments of all the
  people. Listen to what he has said to you. Write it on your
  memories. It is good, very good.

  “Black Hawk, take these jewels, a pair of topaz earrings,
  beautifully set in gold, for your wife or daughter, as a token of
  friendship, keeping always in mind that women and children are the
  favorites of the Great Spirit. These jewels are from an old man,
  whose head is whitened with the snows of seventy winters; an old
  man who has thrown down his bow, put off his sword, and now stands
  leaning on his staff, waiting the commands of the Great Spirit.
  Look around you, see all this mighty people; then go to your
  homes, open your arms to receive your families. Tell them to bury
  the hatchet, to make the bright chain of friendship, to love the
  white men, and to live in peace with them as long as the rivers
  run into the sea, and the sun rises and sets. If you do so, you
  will be happy. You will then insure the prosperity of unborn
  generations of your tribes, who will go hand in hand with the sons
  of the white men, and all shall be blessed by the Great Spirit.
  Peace and happiness by the blessing of the Great Spirit attend
  you. Farewell.”

To which Black Hawk replied:

  “Brother:–We like your talk. We will be friends. We like the white
  people. They are very kind to us. We shall not forget it. Your
  counsel is good. We shall attend to it. Your valuable present
  shall go to my squaw. We shall always be friends.”

Patrick Shirriff in his “tour,” page 29, alludes to this hippodrome
in the following manner:

  “An Indian chief named Black Hawk, who had been taken prisoner the
  preceding year, in a war to the west of Lake Michigan, and who was
  carried through some of the great towns with a view of impressing
  him with the power of the states preparatory to his liberation,
  arrived in New York the day after the President and divided public
  attention. The ladies declared in favor of Black Hawk, some of
  them actually kissing him, which it is said affected the old
  President’s health. The chief of the white men and the chief of
  the red were alike objects of curiosity, the President holding a
  levee by day, the Hawk by night, in Niblo’s Gardens. Had a mammoth
  or elephant appeared, the mighty ones of the earth would have been
  eclipsed in public favor.”

It had been the intention to visit Boston, but, greatly to the
disappointment of its citizens, the route was changed, and on the
22d the party left New York in a steamboat up the Hudson for Albany,
where it arrived the following day. There the party remained until
the 25th, when it resumed its western journey, reaching Buffalo on
the 28th. In that city the members remained three days, where, among
other people who came to call on Black Hawk, was Kar-lun-da-wa-na, a
chief of the Senecas, who made an address, counseling Black Hawk and
his companions to return home and remain in peace. To this Black
Hawk replied:

  “Our aged brother of the Senecas has spoken the words of a good
  and wise man. We are strangers to each other, though we have the
  same color, and the same Great Spirit made us all and gave us this
  country together. Brothers, we have seen how great a people the
  whites are. They are very rich and very strong. It is folly for us
  to fight against them. We shall go home with much knowledge. For
  myself, I shall advise my people to be quiet and live like good
  men. The advice which you gave us, brother, is very good, and we
  tell you how we mean to walk the straight path in future, to
  content ourselves with what we have, and with cultivating our

From Buffalo the party embarked by water for Detroit, after which it
proceeded to Green Bay, thence up the Fox and down the Wisconsin
River to the Mississippi, on to Fort Armstrong, which was reached
about the 1st of August, and which had been chosen as the spot for
the final liberation of Black Hawk. Upon landing, messengers were
sent to notify the Sacs and Foxes to assemble and meet the returned
captives. In response came Keokuk, Pash-e-pa-ho, Wapello and others,
Keokuk leading a convoy of canoes floating the American flag and
landing opposite Black Hawk’s quarters. After several hours spent in
arranging their dress and other preliminaries, they all returned to
their canoes, and, with shouts and songs and drums, crossed over to
the island. There, with Keokuk at the head, each Indian cordially
greeted Black Hawk and his companions. After smoking the pipe of
peace, they then returned to the west bank of the river to await the
grand council set for the following day, when Black Hawk was to be
taken home.

About 10 o’clock of the following morning Keokuk, with about 100 of
his followers, crossed over to Fort Armstrong, where a room had been
especially prepared to receive him, and here Black Hawk was escorted
to a seat opposite Keokuk. The occasion was one of deep humiliation
to Black Hawk, and his appearance indicated as much. Major Garland
opened the council with a speech, referring to the good feeling
manifested by all toward Black Hawk. This was followed by reading
the speech made by the President to Black Hawk in Baltimore, to
which Keokuk, as the future custodian of Black Hawk’s conduct, rose
and replied:

  “I have listened to the talk of our great father. It is true we
  pledged our honor for the liberties of our friends. We thought
  much of it; our councils were long. Their wives and children were
  in our thoughts. When we talked of them our hearts were full.
  Their wives and children came to see us, which made us feel like
  women; but we were men. The words which we sent to the great
  father were good. He spoke like the father of children. The Great
  Spirit made his heart big in council. We receive our brothers in
  friendship. Our hearts are good towards them. They once listened
  to bad counsel; now their ears are closed. I give my hand to them.
  When they shake it, they shake the hands of all. I will shake
  hands with them, and then I am done.”

Major Garland then stated that he wished it distinctly understood
that their great father would hereafter acknowledge Keokuk as the
principal chief of the Sac and Fox nation, and that he wished Black
Hawk to listen and conform to his counsels. This remark was
construed by Black Hawk to mean that he _must_ conform to the
counsels of Keokuk, and at once his bad blood arose; all his old
animosities mastered him, and in his impulsive way he cried:

  “I am a man, an old man. I will not conform to the counsels of
  anyone. I will act for myself; no one shall govern me. I am old;
  my hair is gray. I once gave counsel to my young men. Am I to
  conform to others? I shall soon go to the Great Spirit, where I
  shall be at rest. What I said to our great father at Washington, I
  say again. I will always listen to him. I am done.”

His resentful, passionate nature stubbornly refused, as it always
had refused before, to acknowledge any standard of conduct except
such as emanated from his own limited capacities. He flew into a
rage, no doubt expecting to combat this inexorable decree as he had
opposed every former American institution, by quibbling or fighting,
but at that supreme moment of helplessness, more than at any
previous time in his life, his incapacity to comprehend and act was
manifested, and had it not been for the soothing gentleness of
Keokuk, who realized his old enemy’s helplessness and his
weaknesses, the question of liberty might have been deferred for an
indefinite period. After the excitement of Black Hawk’s speech had
subsided, Keokuk stepped to the side of his gloomy old foe, and in a
low voice said to him: “Why do you speak so before the white men? I
will speak for you. You trembled; you did not mean what you said.”

Without changing his sullen looks, though recognizing his deplorable
mistake, he nodded assent, and Keokuk again addressed the council,
as follows:

  “Our brother who has again come to us has spoken, but he spoke in
  wrath. His tongue was forked; he spoke not like a man or a Sac. He
  knew his words were bad. He trembled like the oak whose roots have
  been wasted away by many rains. He is old. What he said let us
  forget. He says he did not mean it. He wishes it forgotten. I have
  spoken for him. What I have said are his own words, not mine. Let
  us say he spoke in council to-day–that his words were good. I have

Keokuk’s kind apology, followed by speeches from Col. William
Davenport, then in command of Fort Armstrong, Wapello and
Pash-e-pa-ho, lulled him back into a full realization of his
helplessness, and again rising, he deliberately said:

  “I feel that I am an old man. Once I could speak; now I have but
  little to say. To-day we met many of our brothers. We were glad to
  see them. I have listened to what my brothers have said; their
  hearts are good; they have been like Sacs since I left them; they
  have taken care of my wife and children, who had no wigwam. I
  thank them for it; the Great Spirit knows that I thank them.

  “Before the sun gets behind the hills to-morrow I shall see them.
  When I left them, I expected soon to return. I told our great
  father in Washington that I would listen to the counsel of Keokuk.
  I shall soon be far away; I shall have no village, no band. I
  shall live alone. What I said in council to-day I wish forgotten.
  If it has been put upon paper, I wish a mark to be drawn over it.
  I did not mean it. Now, we are alone, let us say we will forget
  it. Say to our great father and Governor Cass that I will listen
  to them. Many years ago I met Governor Cass in council, far across
  the prairies, to the rising sun. His counsels were good, but my
  ears were closed. I listened to the great father across the
  waters. My father listened to him, whose band was very large. My
  band, too, was once large. Now I have no band. I and my son, and
  all the party, thank our great father for what he has done. He is
  old and I am old. We shall soon go to the Great Spirit, where we
  shall rest. He sent us through his great villages. We saw many of
  the white men, who treated us with kindness, and we thank them. We
  thank you and Mr. Sprague for coming with us. Your road was long
  and crooked. We never saw so many white men before. When you were
  with us we felt as though we had some friends among them. We felt
  safe, for you knew them all. When you come upon the Mississippi
  again you shall come to my wigwam. I have none now. On your road
  home you will pass where my village was. No one lives there now.
  All are gone. I give you my hand. We may never meet again, but I
  shall long remember you. The Great Spirit will be with you, and
  your wives and children. Before the sun rises I shall go to my
  family. My son will be here to see you before we go. I will shake
  hands with my brothers here, and then I am done.”

After Keokuk’s apology and Black Hawk’s same, Wapello arose (chief
of the Foxes) and said:

  “I am not in the habit of talking. I think–I have been thinking
  all day. Keokuk has spoken. Am glad to see my brothers. I will
  shake hands with them. I am done.”[274]

The chiefs all arose, a general shaking of hands, followed by an
interchange of civilities, ensued, and the council adjourned. In the
evening Major Garland invited the principal chiefs, together with
Black Hawk, to his quarters, as it would afford a good opportunity
to ascertain explicitly the feeling which existed among them toward
their fallen foe. About 7 o’clock they arrived. They took their
seats in silence, passed the pipe of peace and then drank a round of
champagne. Pashepaho first shook hands with all present and said:

  “We met this morning. I am glad to meet again. That wine is very
  good. I never drank any before. I have thought much of our meeting
  to-day. It was one that told us we were brothers–that we were
  Sacs. We had just returned from a buffalo hunt. We thought it was
  time for our brothers to be here, as our father at St. Louis told
  us this was the moon. We started before the rising sun to meet
  you. We have met and taken our brothers by the hand in friendship.
  They always mistrusted our counsels, and went from the trail of
  the red men, where there were no hunting grounds nor friends. They
  returned and found the dogs howling around their wigwams, and
  wives looking for their husbands and children. They said we
  counseled like women; but they have found our counsels were good.
  They have been through the country of our great father. They have
  been to the wigwams of the white men. They received them in
  kindness and made glad their hearts. We thank them. Say to them
  that Keokuk and Pashepaho thank them. Our brother has promised to
  listen to the counsels of Keokuk. What he said in council to-day
  was like the Mississippi fog. The sun has shone and the day is
  clear. Let us forget it. He did not mean it. His heart is good,
  but his ears have been open to bad counsels. He has taken our
  great father by the hand, whose words are good. He listened to
  them, and has closed his ears to the voice that comes across the
  great waters. He now knows that he ought to listen to Keokuk. He
  counseled with us and our young braves, who listened to his talk.
  We told our great father that all would be peace. He opened his
  dark prison, and let him see the sun once more and gave him to his
  wife and children, who were without a lodge. Our great father made
  straight his path to his home. I once took the great chief of the
  Osages prisoner. I heard the cries of his women and children. I
  took him out by the rising sun and put him upon the trail to his
  village. ‘There,’ said I, ‘is the trail to your village. Go and
  tell your people that I, Pashepaho, the chief of the Sacs, sent
  you.’ We thank our great father. Our hearts are good towards him.
  I will see him before I lay down in peace. May the Great Spirit be
  in his councils. What our brother said to-day let us forget. I am

Keokuk, after going through the usual ceremonies, followed, saying:

  “We feel proud that you have invited us here this evening to drink
  a glass with you. The wine which we have drank, we never tasted
  before. It is the wine which the white men make, who know how to
  make anything. I will take another glass, as I have much to say.
  We feel proud that we can drink such wine. To-day we shook hands
  with our brothers, who you brought to us. We were glad to see
  them. We have often thought of our brothers. Many of our nation
  said they would never return. Their wives and children often came
  to our wigwams, which made us feel sad. What Pashepaho has said is
  true. I talked to our young men, who had the hearts of men. I told
  them that the Great Spirit was in our councils. They promised to
  live in peace. Those who listened to bad counsels, and followed
  our brothers, have said their ears are closed. They will live in
  peace. I sent their words to our great father, whose ears were
  open, whose heart was made sad by the conduct of our brothers. He
  has sent them to their wigwams. We thank him. Say to him, Keokuk
  thanks him. Our brothers have seen the great villages of the white
  men. They traveled a long road and found the Americans like grass.
  I will tell our young men to listen to what they shall tell them.
  Many years ago I went through the villages of our great father. He
  had many. They were like the great prairies; but he has gone.
  Another is our father. He is a great war chief. I want to see him.
  I shall be proud to take him by the hand. I have heard much of
  him. His head is gray. I must see him. Tell him as soon as the
  snow is off the prairie, I shall come. What I have said I wish
  spoken to him, before it is put upon paper, so that he shall hear
  it as I have said it. Tell him that Keokuk spoke it. What our
  brother said in council to-day, let us forget. He told me to
  speak. I spoke his words. I have spoken.”

Early next morning Black Hawk went to his family and the Sacs hailed
his return with great joy. Though shorn of power, no allusions were
made to his new conditions; everywhere his old friends, who never
before sympathized with him, now exercised every effort to make his
declining years pleasant. He settled quietly down and for some time
made his home near Keokuk’s village, on Iowa River.[275]


Footnote 274:

  Drake, 223.

Footnote 275:

  Fulton’s “Red Men of Iowa,” 212 _et seq._



                             CHAPTER XXXIX.


In 1837 it became necessary for a delegation of Sacs and Foxes to go
to Washington. Keokuk, who was at its head, prudently took Black
Hawk along, fearing perhaps that during his absence he might create
some new disturbance.[276] Knowing that he was neither a delegate
nor chief, he remained indifferent to the attention given him while
traveling through the various cities of the East, and little can be
said of his trip.

After his return, in the autumn of 1837, Black Hawk and his family
spent the winter in Lee County, Iowa, residing on a small stream
known as Devil’s Creek. His family then consisted of his wife,
As-shaw-e-qua (Singing Bird[277]), two sons, Nes-se-as-kuk and
Na-som-see, and his daughter, Nam-equa. It is related that a young
man from Baltimore, who met Namequa, became charmed with her comely
appearance, and, with continued acquaintance, became desperately in
love with her. The young lady received his advances with favor and a
wedding was among the immediate possibilities at Fort Madison. All
arguments by friends failed to dissuade the young gentleman from
marrying the maid. He was coaxed, bantered and threatened, but
nothing would affect him in the least until one more resourceful
than his other friends asked how he would enjoy such comments from
his Baltimore friends as, “There goes –– and his squaw.” That
possibility settled the affair against the young lady, who became
thereby another victim of the white man’s fickleness, but contrary
to the usual trend in matters of that character, Nam-e-qua
indifferently dropped the subject and later married a young Indian
of her tribe, living happily thereafter, probably more happily than
she ever could have lived with the impulsive young white.

In the spring of 1838 Black Hawk and his family removed to the
vicinity of the chiefs of the Sacs and Foxes, on the Des Moines
River, near Iowaville, the site of the famous battle where the Sacs
annihilated the tribe of Iowas many years before. Here he had a
comfortable cabin, furnished in humble imitation of the white
settler’s on the frontier. As the whites moved into the country he
formed their acquaintance and mingled very largely in their
pleasures and pastimes with hearty good-will. He occasionally
imbibed too freely of liquor and made himself as merry or ridiculous
as the white man under the same condition, but it must be said in
his favor that when found indulging in spirits it was at the
invitation of his white brother.[278] His usually morose disposition
gradually underwent a radical change, for he was frequently found
receiving the chaff of the whites in a spirit of the utmost jollity
and to the very best of his ability giving it back again, which,
considering the few English words he could master, was said to have
been remarkable.

This feature of “mixing,” which he cultivated, had much to do with
bringing to him during the last years of his life the general
verdict that he was a martyr and a person of ability far above his
actual worth. His travels and the universal interest taken in him
during them led others to seek his acquaintance and to place him in
all sorts of conspicuous attitudes, comical and otherwise. The
following, kindly furnished me by Prof. B.F. Shambaugh of the
University of Iowa, is a fine illustration of that phase of Black
Hawk’s amusement.

                  “TO GENERAL ‘BLACK HAWK.’”[279]

  “Sir:–As there is at present a vacant seat in the council chamber,
  which certainly ought to be filled by some talented and
  influential person, and as you seem to be the theme of men, women
  and children in this place, and your political character well
  known and established, I would, in common with many others of my
  fellow-citizens, beg, with great deference, to bring you upon the
  carpet, by nominating you as a suitable person, worthy of our
  elective franchise, to fill the vacancy in question, conscious as
  I am that, once elected and seated beyond the threshold of the
  Council chamber, there to be installed as one of the councilors,
  in all the privileges and honors connected with that station, that
  your voice and vote shall not be found wanting when any question
  or cause is in agitation involving the rights of the people. Your
  inherent spirit of independence is well known to this community;
  also that your political views and principles are honorable, and
  that you have no earthly connection with that obnoxious and
  diabolical phalanx who would fain exclude (as they have recently
  attempted to do) the people from a voice in the management of the
  territorial affairs. Methinks your system would be more liberal. I
  doubt not but the grand and noble feature of your legislative acts
  will be recognized in the unerring vigilance to protect the
  liberties and rights of the citizens of this young and mighty
  republic, and that you will guard against speculative innovation,
  which, unfortunately, in this our day, sways men’s best judgments.

  “As you are fully alive to the present depressed and truly
  deplorable state of our commercial affairs, which, if some relief
  more than the stay of action upon executions for twelve months is
  not immediately devised, will most assuredly prostrate and render
  our young and enterprising merchants of this territory bankrupts,
  and thus, alas! pave the way to ruin, and bring into active
  operation the machinery of the debtor laws, with their ruinous and
  demolishing consequences.

  “It need hardly be observed that, upon installation in office,
  your actions will be public, so that they need not blush at
  daylight; besides, as you know, privacy is generally hateful, and
  is indeed more worthy and characteristic of nocturnal clubs than
  that of legislative assemblies, and thereby give every facility of
  watching and judging the whole course of your official career for
  your own exoneration and the satisfaction of your constituents.
  You will, in all cases, particularly in the passage of bills,
  laying off county lines and seats of justice, faithfully obey the
  people’s instructions and correspond with them timorously; in
  short, be entirely, as far as consistent, guided by petitions from
  the people, and by so doing you will, in a great measure, get rid
  of responsibility which otherwise you might not, and if your acts
  do not turn out so favorable as have been anticipated, they (your
  constituents) cannot, and will not, justly charge you with
  dereliction of duty. Let it not be heard said of you, as of some
  others, that you legislate for your own and that of your friends’
  private interests, but for the general good of the country.

  “In conclusion, I beg you to be very guarded how and in what
  manner you vote, not voting for the cause one day, and the next
  day jump about from ‘post to pillar,’ like jumping ‘Jim Crow,’ and
  vote differently. These hints may be of some service to you.
  Indeed, were it not that I have special interest in your welfare,
  I should be the last individual in this community to advise you in
  any shape or form. I have the honor to be, with due respect,

                                                 “ONE OF THE PEOPLE.

    “Burlington, Dec. 9, 1837.”

Black Hawk’s constant mingling with the whites taught him another
familiar characteristic; one more likely than any other to get him
into difficulty–that of borrowing money. From Louisiana, Mo., I was
furnished with the copy of one of his financial engagements,
presented herewith, and for which I am under obligations to Mrs.
Fannie Anderson of Louisiana, Mo.

Thus in a tranquil, careless way Black Hawk was passing the
remainder of his days, without responsibilities and with the hearty
good will and esteem of every person who knew him. An old “plug” hat
was his passion; he so dearly loved it that some contend it was
placed upon his head when he was buried. In this and similar
eccentric adornments he one day rode into Fort Madison, by special
invitation, to attend a Fourth of July banquet, and it must be said
that it was a sorry day in his declining years in which he allowed
the whites to inveigle him into a speech. While his animosity toward
Keokuk was as bitter as ever, he had latterly learned to curb it
with discretion. Among the toasts for that occasion was one to which
he was asked to respond: “Our Illustrious Guest, Black Hawk–May his
declining years be as calm and serene as his previous life has been
boisterous and full of warlike incidents. His attachment and present
friendship to his white brethren fully entitle him to a seat at our
festive board.” After the sentiment was explained to him by an
interpreter, he responded as follows, his words being taken down by
two interpreters:

  “It has pleased the Great Spirit that I am here to-day. I have
  eaten with my white friends. The earth is our mother; we are now
  on it, with the Great Spirit above us. It is good. I hope we are
  all friends here. A few summers ago I was fighting against you. I
  did wrong, perhaps, but that is past. It is buried; let it be
  forgotten. Rock River was a beautiful country. I loved my towns,
  my cornfields and the home of my people. I fought for it. It is
  now yours. Keep it as we did. It will produce you good crops. I
  thank the Great Spirit that I am now friendly with my white
  brethren. We are here together. We are friends. It is his wish and
  mine. I thank you for your friendship. I was once a great warrior.
  I am now poor. Keokuk has been the cause of my present situation,
  but do not attach blame to him. I am now old. I have looked upon
  the Mississippi since I was a child. I love the great river. I
  have dwelt upon its banks from the time I was an infant. I look
  upon it now. I shake hands with you, and as it is my wish, I hope
  you are my friends.”

It is to be hoped that on this occasion Black Hawk was intoxicated,
not with liquor, but with pride at his flattering reception, and
that he forgot himself (as he once before did), when he thus
uncivilly spoke of Keokuk, the man who implored him to desist from
entering his disastrous campaign of 1832; the man who urged that
Black Hawk was deceived by liars; the man who, when Black Hawk was
imprisoned, took to him his wife and child and friends to cheer his
fallen spirits; the man who, with all the strength of his mighty
eloquence, urged the old man’s liberation; the man who pledged his
every resource as a guaranty of Black Hawk’s future good behavior
for that liberation; the man who stood at Black Hawk’s side when in
an evil hour he flew into a passion and defied those who were giving
him that liberation on Keokuk’s pledge, and who whispered in the
angry old man’s ear words of moderation, and then who rose and in
the greatness of his heart apologized for Black Hawk’s haste and
begged that it be overlooked; the man who at all times had but the
kindest of words for the old man’s failings and who, to please a
whim of passing envy, actually resigned his chieftainship into the
hands of his tribe to avoid friction, that his exalted position
might no longer wound the false pride of Black Hawk. No sacrifice
was ever demanded that he did not make for Black Hawk.

It was a shame to compromise the old man as he was drifting so
rapidly to the grave, and expose his foibles, then long forgotten.
In the fullness of his eloquence he made himself to speak of “my
towns, my cornfields, and my people,” as though he had been autocrat
of all the Indian tribes, when, in fact, he never had been a chief
and had naught whatever to say more than another about their
disposition or their government; but no blame shall go to Black Hawk
for that speech. Let the reader peruse and remember its concluding
words, which are as sweet and gentle and pathetic as one will find
in all literature, and forget the old man’s follies, for he was
mistaken, as many another has been before and since.

Black Hawk’s cabin stood about one hundred feet from the north bank
of the Des Moines River, a few rods from that of Mr. James H.
Jordan, the agent. Near it, on the sloping bank, stood two large
trees, an elm and an ash, so intertwined as to appear like one tree.
Close by flowed the clear waters of what was known as Black Hawk’s
Spring. Here, during the sultry days of summer, he would sit and
dreamily ponder over the scenes of his, long and turbulent career.
Before him was spread that old battlefield on which his nation
snatched from the Iowas their country and their homes–the same
country then passing to others. Then came a gloomy period of
melancholy, which enveloped him so completely that he said but
little, and that to his few intimates. In the summer of 1838 a party
of Iowas returned on a friendly visit to their old home and Black
Hawk held a friendly council with them at a place about half a mile
from his cabin. On that spot he directed that his body should be
buried. At this time he regarded the usual indifferences of the
Indians as personal slights, and while it may be true that many of
his whilom companions neglected to show him many of the little
civilities which white men might observe, the whites supplied them
with unusual attentions, and he should not have fretted as he did
fret. General Street, observing the same, thoughtfully made the
family a present of a cow, a property very unusual with an Indian.
This pleased him and the family immensely. Madam Black Hawk and her
daughter learned to milk, and during the warm days of 1838 the two
were often seen sitting beside their beloved cow, patiently brushing
away the troublesome flies and other insects. This daughter, though
married, remained with her parents to the time of Black Hawk’s death
and, it may be said, was the mainstay in their domestic affairs; a
model of neatness. It has been said that she and Madam Black Hawk
were so neat that the little yard was swept during the warmer months
once a day. One October day was designated as “ration day” which was
attended by nearly every Indian, leaving Black Hawk almost alone.
Though he had been sick of a fever[280] for many days, nothing
serious was feared. Mr. Jordan was with him to the last moment his
official duties would permit, leaving him, as he supposed, on the
high road to recovery; but the old man took a sudden turn for the
worse and within three hours after Mr. Jordan left his bedside Black
Hawk was dead, after a sickness of fourteen days.



[Illustration: BLACK HAWK’S TOWER.]



During Black Hawk’s sickness his wife, As-shaw-e-qua (Singing Bird),
was devoted in her attentions to him and deeply mourned his death.
Some days before it occurred she said: “He is getting old; he must
die. Monoto calls him home.”

His remains were followed to the grave by the family and about fifty
of the tribe, the chiefs and all others being absent at Fort
Armstrong to receive their rations. He was buried on the spot
selected by him prior to his death, which is best described by James
H. Jordan[281] in a letter to Dr. J.F. Snyder of Virginia, Ill., who
has written the best account of Black Hawk’s burial to be
found,[282] and to whom I am much indebted for points in this work:

                                        “Eldon, Iowa, July 15, 1881.

  “Black Hawk was buried on the Northeast Quarter of Section Two,
  Township 70, Range 12, Davis County, Iowa, near the northeastern
  corner of the county, on the Des Moines River bottom, about ninety
  rods from where he lived at the time he died, and on the north
  side of the river. I have the ground where he lived for a
  dooryard, it being between my house and the river. The only mound
  over the grave was some puncheons split out and set over his grave
  and then sodded over with blue grass, making a ridge about four
  feet high. A flagstaff, some twenty feet high, was planted at his
  head, on which was a silk flag, which hung there until the wind
  wore it out. My house and his were only four rods apart when he
  died. He was sick only about fourteen days. He was buried right
  where he sat the year before when in council with the Iowa
  Indians, and was buried in a suit of military clothes, made to
  order, and given to him when in Washington City by Gen. Jackson,
  with hat, sword, gold epaulets, etc., etc.”

His body was placed on the surface of the ground in a sitting
posture, with his head toward the southeast, the body supported in
position by a wooden slab or puncheon. On his left side was placed a
cane given him by Henry Clay, with his right hand resting on it.
Three silver medals, the gifts of prominent persons in the east,
hung upon his breast.[283] There were also placed in the grave two
swords, a quantity of wampum, an extra pair of moccasins and other
articles of Indian costume, with a supply of provisions sufficient
to last him three days on his journey to the spirit land. Around the
body and the articles buried with him two large blankets were
closely wrapped. On his head was placed a military cap elaborately
ornamented with feathers. Forked sticks were firmly driven at the
head and foot of the grave and across these a pole was placed,
extending over the body. Against this pole split puncheons were laid
to a peak, the gables of the primitive vault being closed with
boards and the whole then sodded over. Near by was a hewn post
inscribed with Indian characters. Enclosing all was a strong
circular picket fence ten or twelve feet high.

One morning about the 1st of July, 1839, Madam Black Hawk, bitterly
weeping, called upon Mr. Jordan and informed him that the grave of
her husband had been opened and rifled of everything within.[284]
Mr. Jordan immediately instituted a search and traced the act to a
Dr. Turner of Lexington, in the County of Van Buren, who had sent
the body to St. Louis, where the bones were cleaned and then removed
to Quincy, where they were articulated. Much contention as to the
details of the body’s pilgrimage has existed, but the letter to be
found on page 10 hereof, written at the time, should conclusively
settle the matter.

At once Governor Lucas, then governor of the Territory of Iowa,
learned of the location of the bones; he sent for and received them
very soon thereafter, but when the sons of Black Hawk called upon
the Governor and found them “in a good dry place,” they concluded it
was best to allow them to remain in storage. Governor Lucas allowed
them to remain in his office for a little while and then deposited
them in the collections of the Burlington Geological and Historical
Society, where they remained until the year 1855, at which time they
were consumed by the fire which destroyed the building and all the
society’s collections. Thus all that remained mortal of Black Hawk
passed away in fire and smoke after the manner of his stormy life.

It was a spectacular finish and one Black Hawk might possibly have
courted in his strenuous days had it been less ignoble; but ignoble
it was and unworthy the man. To Madam Black Hawk and her children it
was an act of inhumanity which can never be forgiven by
civilization. If Black Hawk had faults, they were buried with his
body, which by all rules of decency should have remained sacred.

When the Sac nation was again removed to its new reservation in
Kansas, Madame Black Hawk with her family followed and there
remained until the 29th of August, 1846, when she died at the fine
old age of 85 years.




[Illustration: CAPT. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.]


                            APPENDIX NO. 1.

Little consideration should be given to the great majority of
stories told of Mr. Lincoln’s service in the Black Hawk War. If one
were to believe them all, one would find every man in the army to
have wrestled and vanquished him or otherwise participated in some
undignified frolic wherein he was made to appear ludicrously
delightful. While the age was one of jest and joust, and Mr. Lincoln
was apt at both, yet his career as captain in that war was temperate
and dignified.

In 1832 all of his young companions were strenuous, as were all the
young men of Illinois–itself young and vigorous. They bubbled over
with buoyant animal spirits and paid little heed to formalities. It
was especially an era of independence; discipline being regarded an
evidence of femininity, and formality a certain indication of
snobbishness. In the towns of (then) importance–more mature,
perhaps–that spirit might have been modified; but the times were
essentially of the open air order.

An atmosphere of politics likewise pervaded and the majority of
candidates affected that spirit of contempt for the little amenities
of life and comfort. When, therefore, those young spirits did not
like a command, the first impulse was not to obey it, and in point
of fact very few commands were obeyed, at least to the letter.[285]
To attempt enforcement generally meant disaster, whether the officer
was General or Second Lieutenant. Some scheme was usually found to
counteract the order, if at all distasteful to the volunteers.

While Mr. Lincoln was as stalwart as his generation, he was
self-possessed and handled his headstrong company with consummate
skill and was thoroughly beloved by his men. His known honesty,
fearlessness and prowess and willingness to back the same made it
possible to control his men, and from the most unmanageable in the
army they became at his request tractable. These characteristics
then made him a leader where others failed by swagger and vulgarity.

On the march and in camp stories were told; but Mr. Lincoln’s
stories were not ribald recitals, told only to express a vicious
conclusion. They were droll, quaint, homely perhaps, but full of
humor; new and invariably to the point.

When men congregate it is natural to seek entertainment; the best
adapted to surroundings, story-telling always finding the most
favor, consequently the best story-tellers were soon discovered and
courted. Thus in the camps in Beardstown and Rushville and on the
march to Yellow Banks, the genius of Mr. Lincoln was discovered and
quickly popularized.

At each resting-place diversion was sought in wrestling matches,
horse racing, foot racing and other kindred sports, and quickly
enough came Mr. Lincoln’s reputation as a champion in the manly
sports of the day, notably wrestling, which then, as now in new and
small villages, was made to measure a man’s standing. No one was
above a “match.” If he was, his presence in that locality soon
became a reminiscence. Add, then, the two accomplishments of Captain
Lincoln, and no imagination is required to account for his
tremendous popularity in the army.

At New Salem Mr. Lincoln adapted himself to his surroundings by
accepting the first challenge for a match that Mr. Offutt
unwittingly caused to be sent him by John Armstrong, and
notwithstanding the threatened interference by the “Clary’s Grove
Boys,” he asserted his strength and bravery to such advantage that
he became from that hour a respected leader, and the following year
that same Armstrong became his First Sergeant, while William and
Royal Clary became privates in his company. During the annual muster
in the fall of 1831 those same influences elected him captain of the

Being “out of a job” in the spring of 1832, the Black Hawk war
offered him employment which was at once accepted. On April 21st
sixty-eight men volunteered[286] to serve the state from “Richland,
Sangamon County,” and at the election which followed for captain Mr.
Lincoln was chosen by more than three-fourths of the men. Another,
one William Kirkpatrick, aspired to the same position. He was
pretentious, assumed a prominence in the neighborhood, questioned at
times, but never severely challenged, and when he announced a desire
for the office, he expected to get it. The two candidates were
placed a short distance away and the men were requested to fall in
behind the man they preferred for their captain. The proceeding was
simple, brief and overwhelmingly in favor of Mr. Lincoln, and he was
hilariously declared elected. Enrolling his company for sixty days’
service, he marched at its head to Beardstown to be mustered in.





Captain Lincoln owned no horse and to make that march he was forced
to borrow, a not very difficult matter in those days; but on that
borrowed horse, at the head of his men, he marched into Beardstown,
“forty miles from the place of enrollment,” the proudest man in the
state. On April 28th the company was mustered into the service of
the state of Illinois by Col. John J. Hardin, Inspector-General of
the state and Mustering Officer. Two muster rolls were made out, one
by Colonel Hardin and one by Captain Lincoln, both of which are in
existence and one reproduced herein.

At Beardstown Captain Lincoln’s company was assigned to the Fourth
Regiment, of which his First Lieutenant, Samuel M. Thompson, was
elected Colonel April 30th, and William Kirkpatrick, late candidate
for captain, was made Quartermaster’s Sergeant, both quoted as
coming from “Richland Creek.”

On the 30th the last of the army, including Captain Lincoln’s
company, left Beardstown and encamped four miles north of Rushville.
On Tuesday, May 1st, the march for Yellow Banks, seventy or
seventy-five miles distant, was resumed and about twenty-five miles
covered, the army camping at a point on Crooked Creek in McDonough
County. On Wednesday, the 2d, another distance was made and the army
encamped in a large prairie, two miles from timber or water. The
night was cold and tempestuous.

At about 12 o’clock of Thursday, the 3d, the Henderson River was
reached and crossed, and before night the Yellow Banks in Warren
County was reached, where the army again encamped.[287] There, by
reason of delay in the arrival of the boat with provisions, the army
was compelled to remain the 4th, 5th and 6th, on which last-named
day the provisions arrived. On the morning of the 7th the army moved
for the mouth of Rock River, reaching that point about nightfall.

About Beardstown Captain Lincoln absorbed all the information to be
found concerning tactics and imparted the same to his company to the
best of his ability by frequent drills, stories of which have caused
many a hearty laugh. The best version of one of those celebrated
drills has been told by Ben. Perley Poore and is to be found on page
218 of “Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln”: “I remember his narrating
his first experience in drilling his company. He was marching with a
front of over twenty men across a field when he desired to pass
through a gateway into the next enclosure.

“‘I could not for the life of me,’ said he, ‘remember the proper
word of command for getting my company endwise so that it could get
through the gate, so as we came near the gate I shouted: “This
company is dismissed for two minutes, when it will fall in again on
the other side of the gate!”’” The story was told to picture the
position of someone in debate who could find no tactful way out of a
dilemma he had worked himself into. But Captain Lincoln was proud of
his company and expressed his pride on many occasions. Leonard Swett
obtained the story of that company direct from the lips of the
captain and it is to be found in the book last quoted, on page 465:
“Together with the talk of organizing a company in New Salem began
the talk of making Lincoln captain of it. His characteristics as an
athlete had made something of a hero of him. Turning to me with a
smile at the time, he said: ‘I cannot tell you how much the idea of
being the captain of that company pleased me.’

“But when the day of organization arrived a man who had been captain
of a real company arrived in uniform and assumed the organization of
the company. The mode of it was as follows: A line of two was formed
by the company, with the parties who intended to be candidates for
officers standing in front. The candidate then made a speech to the
men, telling them what a gallant man he was, in what wars he had
fought, bled and died, and how he was ready again, for the glory of
his country, to lead them; then another candidate, and when the
speech-making was ended they commanded those who would vote for this
man, or that, to form in line behind their favorite. Thus there were
one, two or three lines behind the different candidates, and then
they counted back, and the fellow who had the longest tail to his
kite was the real captain. It was a good way. There was no chance
for ballot-box stuffing or a false count.

“When the real captain with his regimentals came and assumed the
control, Lincoln’s heart failed him. He formed in the line with the
boys, and after the speech was made they began to form behind the
old captain; but the boys seized Lincoln and pushed him out of the
line and began to form behind him, and cried, ‘Form behind Abe,’ and
in a moment of irresolution he marched ahead, and when they counted
back he had two more[288] than the other captain.”

The lawlessness of the troops in camp and on the march caused
Governor Reynolds much annoyance and chagrin. When Major Long’s
battalion was ordered down the river the troops were especially
charged not to fire their guns aboard the boat, a charge unnecessary
with most men. So prevalent had that amusement become that the
celebrated order of April 30th was issued just as the little army
was taking up its march for the Yellow Banks. At the Henderson River
a crossing was effected only after great labor and more
inconvenience in the way of wet clothing, and probably to celebrate
so successful an event the firing was resumed, this time by Captain
Lincoln himself, which promptly brought upon his head his first
disgrace by being reprimanded and, as is generally conceded, by
being compelled to wear a wooden sword. That punishment was accepted
in good spirit, but no more firing was charged to his account during
the campaign; in fact, it made him more punctilious and watchful and
more insistent with his men. When off duty, however, he allowed
himself and his men the harmless diversions of camp life without


[Illustration: JOHN CALHOUN.]

[Illustration: WILLIAM POINTER.]



[Illustration: REV. PETER CARTWRIGHT.]

[Illustration: WILLIAM H. LEE.]



Captain Lincoln was magnetic and his men were drawn toward him from
admiration, and not alone because they knew he was a man of courage
and strength. That magnetism drew not only his immediate
acquaintances at New Salem, but his superior officers, and as he
advanced in life, it drew about him the men of influence and power
who later made a new and powerful political party. It attracted John
T. Stuart to invite him to his office to read law; it attracted the
voters of his district to beat Peter Cartwright, then the best-known
man in Illinois probably, for the legislature. That discipline kept
Captain Lincoln vigilant until the mouth of Rock River was reached,
and even the affair there was not one of commission.

During the night of May 9th one Royal P. Green, of the company of
Capt. Thomas McDow of Greene county, entered the officers’ quarters
and, with the assistance of a tomahawk, four buckets and some of
Lincoln’s command, secured enough liquor to enjoy a comfortable lark
and place a large number of Captain Lincoln’s men _hors de combat_.
On the morning of the 10th, the date fixed to begin the march up
Rock River, few were able to answer the roll call and few indeed
were able to take up the march for the Prophet’s town. For this
offense, which had been committed without the knowledge of the
Captain, and to his great surprise and mortification, that officer
was again reprimanded and ignobly compelled to wear for two days the
wooden sword. This he did “for the boys” with grim humor. As the men
sobered up and gradually straggled into camp that night, they
realized what their disgraceful behavior had brought to their
captain. Remorse, or some equally powerful agency, made Captain
Lincoln’s company a model one from that hour.

To claim that sports were not a feature of camp life and that
Captain Lincoln did not participate in them, were ridiculous.
Nine-tenths of that army were Kentuckians or Tennesseeans, every man
of which loved a horse. There were close upon two thousand horses in
camp; some better, some worse, and when off duty no time was allowed
to lapse without a horse race, a foot race or a wrestling match.
Into those contests Captain Lincoln did not obtrude himself, but he
was always counted on as “being ready” and on the spot. His men knew
his prowess and were proud of it, as was Offutt when he got the
Captain into the Armstrong affair. They were alert to advertise that
prowess at all times and willing to stake their last earthly
possession on his success. Such is human nature to-day. The best
foot runner, quoit pitcher, boxer or wrestler in a body of men has
followers constantly boasting the prowess of their favorite and
getting him into business, and many times into troubles. So Captain
Lincoln, to oblige his men, and likely his own inclination, took on
wrestling matches and vanquished his antagonists one after another
to the end of his service as a soldier.

The story of the match with Thompson, the wrestler, is no doubt
true, though difficult to locate. Some authorities have asserted
that Thompson came from Union County,[289] but as Union County
supplied but one company, that of Captain B.B. Craig, in which no
person named Thompson can be found, the Union County portion of it
must be eliminated. This is unfortunate when attempting to locate
the situs. Had Thompson been from Union County his company never
could have met either of the three companies with which Lincoln was
connected, because it did not reach the main army until Lincoln had
been discharged and was on his way home.

The story contains, with all its variations, the reference to his
position as captain, and no loss of prestige with his men; therefore
the event must have occurred at Beardstown, Rushville, Yellow Banks,
Dixon’s Ferry, Ottawa or some one of the camps along that route, and
prior to May 27th, the date of his muster out. At any rate the story
is as follows:

Thompson, a man of burly form, champion of his section, was tendered
to Captain Lincoln for a match in a way that to decline it would
have disgraced his men and his friends. Captain Lincoln was not
given to separating himself from a responsibility at any time, and
without formality accepted the challenge. Up to that date there had
been no pay-day and it is safe to assume that the entire company
could not inventory five dollars in money; but the men had knives,
souvenirs, watches and knickknacks, the last one of which was staked
on the issue of the match. The combatants grappled and it soon
became evident that Thompson was qualified to bear championship
laurels. The tussle was long and uncertain and keyed all the men up
to a high tension, as each contestant was being cheered to a
victory; but Thompson, after a hard battle, secured the first fall.
Lincoln could recognize a worthy antagonist and before taking on the
second bout said to his friends: “This is the most powerful man I
ever had hold of. He will throw me and you will lose your all unless
I act on the defensive.” Accordingly, when the men came together
again, Captain Lincoln played for a “crotch holt,” which Thompson
was able to avoid. Then, as the struggle progressed, the trick of
“sliding away,” was tried. In this Captain Lincoln was more
successful, for in the scramble for advantage both men went to the
ground in a heap, which, according to the ethics of frontier
wrestling, is denominated a “dog fall,” hence a draw. Armstrong
claimed a victory, at which a storm of protest went up from Captain
Lincoln’s backers, and a free fight was imminent. Believing that
trouble was imminent, Captain Lincoln came forward, and in a voice
which compelled attention, exclaimed, “Boys, the man actually threw
me once fair, broadly so, and the second time, this very fall, he
threw me fairly, though not apparently so,”[290] and that settled
the question for all time, though “dog fall” was frequently repeated
during the remainder of the campaign by the Captain’s partisans.
That defeat and the acknowledgment of it in no sense diminished the
influence or standing of Captain Lincoln with his men or those who
were beginning to know and like him.

In later years men took advantage of his prominence to claim many
untrue familiarities in the Black Hawk war. For instance: William L.
Wilson, who was a private in Capt. M.G. Wilson’s company, wrote,
under date of February 3d, 1882: “I have during that time had much
fun with the afterwards President of the United States, Abraham
Lincoln. I remember one time of wrestling with him, two best in
three, and ditched him. He was not satisfied and tried it in a foot
race, for a five-dollar bill. I won the money and ’tis spent long
ago. And many more reminiscences could I give, but I am of the
Quaker persuasion and not much given to writing.” There are some
other qualities belonging to the Quaker persuasion which might have
been regarded with advantage in the manufacture of that story.

A story for which there is no warrant of authority, except constant
repetition, is the one of the drinking contest. At first the scene
was located at Beardstown, but afterward Colonel Strode, having
heard it, appropriated the glory of the contest to himself, at least
one-half of it, and located the same at Dixon’s Ferry. The question
of strength having arisen, Captain Lincoln was quoted as being the
strongest man in the army. Strode challenged the statement by
offering to bet that he and nobody else could raise a barrel of
whisky and drink from its bunghole. The partisans of Captain Lincoln
accepted the challenge, produced the whisky and their favorite, and
Colonel Strode made his boast good by raising the barrel and taking
his drink from the bunghole. The feat seemed impossible, but having
been witnessed by a reputable crowd of men, could not be gainsaid.

Captain Lincoln is said to have then stepped forward, and with much
greater ease swung the barrel to his lips and taken his drink,
thereby besting Strode in his boast.

An addition was made to the story in later years by having Strode
exclaim, “Well, I thought you said you never drank any whisky,
Captain Lincoln!”

“I don’t drink whisky, Colonel Strode,” replied Captain Lincoln, and
forthwith he spat the whisky upon the ground.

At the mouth of the Rock River the company was sworn into the United
States service by Gen. Henry Atkinson. It is but recently that the
author has been able to determine that much disputed point, and it
must be admitted that the discovery was made with pain. From the
days of his earliest boyhood, he had believed that Jefferson Davis
was the mustering officer and that there the two men who later
became so conspicuous, yet divergent, in the eyes of the world, met
for the first time, the one asking the other if he would support the
constitution of the United States and fight for the flag.

For generations that tradition has obtained. It has been repeated by
the highest authorities, even by President Lincoln himself, if we
may believe Ben. Perley Poore and others who have claimed the
distinction of hearing him so state. The point was generally fixed
at Dixon’s Ferry, the birthplace of the author, and for that reason,
steeped with the tradition from his earliest boyhood, it must be
admitted that the discovery of the truth was made with profound
grief. There can be no mistake about the truthfulness of that
discovery. Major Nathaniel Buckmaster was second in command of the
army. He was a careful and conscientious officer. He wrote the fact
in a letter to his wife on the following day, and that letter is
herewith reproduced as evidence. It may be said that General
Atkinson might have sworn in the general officers, while a minor
officer like Lieutenant Davis might have administered the oath to
the captains and men, but it is not conceivable why more than one
officer should be employed for so small a body of men, and it cannot
be imagined why the captains would be separated from the few
officers of the general staff. In fact, if General Atkinson were to
have made a specialty of or distinction, it seems fair to presume
that he would have included the captains with the officers sworn in.

On the 9th General Atkinson issued orders to the troops to march on
the morning of the 10th, which they did, reaching the Prophet’s town
in the afternoon, where camp was established for the night.

The following day, instead of remaining at that point, Reynolds
pushed up the river twelve miles and again camped.

On the morning of the 12th the baggage was abandoned and a forced
march made to Dixon’s Ferry. There Captain Lincoln remained the
12th, 13th and 14th, at which last-named date Stillman was defeated
and his men returned to Dixon’s pell-mell during all hours of the

On the 15th he went up the river, reaching the battlefield just
before dark. After the burial of the dead he camped and next day
returned to Dixon’s, where he remained until the 19th, when he
pushed up the river in pursuit of the Indians. Twelve miles out he
camped until the 20th, when he again marched to Stillman’s
battlefield, at which point Captain Goodan was placed under arrest
for some breach of duty, demonstrating that Captain Lincoln was not
the only officer of that rank to suffer punishment.

On the 21st the army moved over to a point on Rock River, where it
camped until the 22d, moving then over to the Kishwaukee and up the
same about ten miles from its mouth, where camp was established and
the army rested until the following morning.





On the 23d the army moved about twelve miles in a southeasterly
direction to the Pottawatomie village on Sycamore Creek, at which
point, after a consultation with all the captains, it was decided to
march to the mouth of Fox River and there discharge the volunteers.
At the village were found the scalps of Stillman’s men and evidences
of Indians, but no sentiment could move the men to continue the
pursuit of them. Some few articles of Indian property were found at
the village, all of which were confiscated by the men. Much
confusion has in the past been caused by the terms Kishwaukee and
Sycamore Creek, when no such name as the latter can now be found on
the maps, but an explanation can be found in the fact that in those
days many called the stream by both names, interchangeably, while
others especially called the south branch of the Kishwaukee River by
the name of Sycamore Creek. Afterward the latter branch continued by
the name Sycamore Creek until settlements increased, when finally,
to avoid confusion, the present name of Kishwaukee River was given
to both branches. Sycamore Creek meant then the south branch of the

On the morning of the 24th the march was resumed, the army camping
near the “Paw Paw village,” which was also robbed by the men. On the
25th Fox River was reached, most of the day being spent there in
searching men for articles of plunder taken from the two Indian
villages. On the 26th, being very near the end of the journey, the
march was very leisurely pursued for twelve miles, where the last
camp before reaching Ottawa was established, and where the men
remained until the following morning, the 27th, when Ottawa was
reached. On that and the following days the Illinois volunteers were
mustered out by Major Buckmaster.

During that march along Sycamore Creek the story is told of an old
Pottawatomie Indian who came into camp, tired and hungry. His age
should have commanded respect, and probably would under
circumstances at all different, but in that instance the first
chance to kill a supposed enemy was presented and his death was
demanded. The poor old Indian produced from his garments a safe
conduct signed by Gen. Lewis Cass, pleading protection under it.
“Make an example of him,” cried one. “The letter is a forgery,”
cried others, and still others called him a spy, and the poor old
fellow was in danger of death, when Captain Lincoln, “his face
swarthy with resolution and rage,” stepped forward, even between the
cowering Indian and the guns pointed at him, and shouted, “This must
not be; he must not be shot and killed by us,” and the men recoiled.
“This is cowardly on your part, Lincoln,” one man said; to which
Captain Lincoln instantly replied, “If any man thinks I am a coward
let him test it.” Still defiant, another cried, “Lincoln, you are
larger and heavier than we are,” but that miserable objection was
quickly disposed of by the rejoinder from the Captain, “This you can
guard against; choose your weapons.” It is needless to add that no
one chose a weapon and that the Indian departed in safety.

On the 27th, the day Captain Lincoln was mustered out, he
re-enlisted as a private in the company of Elijah Iles, which was
one of the six companies to enter the twenty-day service,[291]
pending the organization of the new levies at Fort Wilbourn. He
remained with the company at Ottawa and in camp on the opposite bank
of the river until the morning of the 6th, when the company marched
for Dixon’s Ferry. The first night out the company camped at a point
a little south and east of what is now Sublette in Lee County, and
reached Dixon’s Ferry the evening of the 7th. On the morning of the
8th the company started for Galena, camping that night about twenty
miles out; the night of the 9th near Apple River Fort, now
Elizabeth, in Jo Daviess County, and in the forenoon of the 10th the
company reached Galena.

On the 11th it started on its return march over the same trail
pursued in going, camping at the same places, reaching Dixon’s Ferry
the night of June 13th, from which point it started on the 14th, and
reached Fort Wilbourn, where, on the evening of the 15th, the
company was mustered out by Lieut. Robert Anderson, and where, on
the following day, Mr. Lincoln was mustered into the company of Dr.
(Captain) Jacob M. Early, along with John T. Stuart and other
ex-captains, majors and minor officers.

On the 20th his company, which was an independent one, reporting
direct to General Atkinson, started for Dixon’s Ferry, arriving
there the evening of the 21st, and remaining at that point until
noon of the 27th, when he, with the second division of the army,
began his final march in pursuit of Black Hawk. Twelve miles out he
camped, and in the afternoon of the 29th once more reached and
camped on Stillman’s battlefield, six miles from Sycamore or
Kishwaukee Creek, as stated by Albert Sidney Johnston at the time.

On the morning of the 30th, he traveled four miles above Sycamore
Creek, to a point on Rock River “which is very narrow at this place,
and continues so.”

July 1st, the journal tells us: “Marched this morning seven miles
from the last encampment. Came to Rock River, which is scarcely one
hundred yards wide at this point. There is in the bluff a remarkably
fine spring, thickly shaded with cedar trees, the first I ever saw.
The bluff is pebbly. About half a mile above, a narrow, rapid creek
empties into Rock River, one mile below Pecatonica, known by the
name of Brown’s Creek. Encamped this evening in the fork of Turtle
Creek and Rock River, above the mouth of Turtle Creek.”

On the 2d he proceeded, after considerable suffering for want of
water, to the mouth of “the river of the Four Lakes,” on the banks
of a large pond.

On the 3d Lake Koshkonong, or “Mud Lake,” was reached, and there the
troops remained the 4th, 5th and 6th, Captain Early’s company doing
constant duty as a spy company or scouting party.

On the 7th the army moved up to Whitewater River and about four
miles up that stream, to which point the divisions of Posey and
Alexander came and camped.

On the 8th a council of war was held, at which it was resolved to
return to the mouth of the Whitewater and operate from that point.
On reaching the point where the troops were encamped on the 7th, the
army halted for the night. From that point Captain Early’s company
was constantly engaged in scouring the country in search of the
fleeing Indians, without any success at all. Many trails were
reported, but on following them up each proved abortive.

Provisions had become scarce. The enemy was as far away as ever. The
necessity of a different campaign became apparent. Captain Dunn, who
had been shot by accident, was recovering and was about to be
returned to Dixon’s Ferry under escort of Col. John Ewing’s
Regiment. Henry and Alexander had been detached to go to Fort
Winnebago for provisions, thus virtually disrupting the army. At
that stage General Atkinson considered it best to dismiss the
independent commands. Accordingly, on July 10th, 1832, the company
of Captain Early was mustered out of the service, and its members,
including Private Abraham Lincoln, started for Dixon’s Ferry with
the detachment of Colonel Ewing, who took with him all the sick and
decrepit men of the army.

The men fell down the river to Dixon’s Ferry, along the same route
pursued by them up that stream, but did not move so rapidly for the
reason that many of the men had lost their horses by death, theft
and one or another cause.

Among those to have lost their horses were Mr. Lincoln and his chum,
George Harrison, but during the march those who had horses cheerfuly
gave up the use of them to the unfortunate, and on the whole a jolly
time of it was had all the way down the river.

On that march up the river Mr. Lincoln’s mess was composed of five
men–himself, his stepbrother, John D. Johnston, G.B. Fanchier,
George Harrison, all privates, and First Corporal R.M. Wyatt, all of
Captain Early’s company. During all of Mr. Lincoln’s service he was
ever ready to march or move upon the phantom enemy. While scouting
up in the swamps around Lake Koshkonong, he was the first to say,
“Let’s go.” He was tireless on the march and overflowing with
anecdote at all times.

The story has been told of him that while returning to Dixon’s Ferry
after his discharge, his shoes were so worn that he preferred going
without them. One morning was particularly chilly, which brought out
the complaint that he was very cold. “No wonder,” replied his
neighbor, “there is so much of you on the ground.” That story may be
truthful, but nevertheless the skeptical listener is forced to
wonder how anyone could suffer to any great extent during the last
few days of July, the hottest of the year. It is also a noteworthy
fact that the story has never been authenticated by the names of

From Dixon’s Ferry Mr. Lincoln, with his companion, George Harrison,
crossed the country to the point on the Illinois River later called
Peru; thence to Peoria, where they bought a canoe in which to paddle
themselves down the Illinois River as far as Havana. While Harrison
supplied the commissary, Mr. Lincoln made an oar or paddle to be
used as motive power–one large enough to endure hard service. Just
below Pekin they overtook two men on a log raft, upon which the two
soldiers were invited. It was meal time, and, western fashion, the
hungry men were invited to join the raftsmen. Cornbread, fish, eggs,
butter, coffee and similar luxuries were lavishly supplied, and from
Mr. Lincoln’s own statements he did justice to the meal.

Arrived at Havana, the canoe was sold without trouble and the two
companions set out overland for New Salem, Lincoln’s long strides
blazing the way and leading poor Harrison a pace he never forgot.

While no military achievement brought glory to Mr. Lincoln, he was
ever after fond of recording his experiences in the Black Hawk War
and relating stories of the ridiculous things which were done in his
campaigns. Repetition by others caused their enlargement, until the
number and variety became very great. Those stories attracted
attention to him in Congress and brought him a considerable
following, and finally a reputation, when he made his celebrated
speech on “Military Coattails,” into which he injected portions of
his Black Hawk War experiences in a way to ridicule the life out of
the military pretensions of Lewis Cass.

Again quoting from Ben. Perley Poore, we find:[292]

“Soon after the presidential campaign of 1848 was opened, Alfred
Iverson, a Democratic Representative from Georgia, made a political
speech, in which he accused the Whigs of having deserted their
financial and tariff principles and of having ‘taken shelter under
the military coattails of General Taylor,’ then their presidential
candidate. This gave Mr. Lincoln as a text for his reply, ‘Military
Coat-tails.’ He had written the heads of what he had intended to say
on a few pages of foolscap paper, which he placed on a friend’s
desk, bordering on an alleyway, which he had obtained permission to
speak from. At first he followed his notes, but as he warmed up, he
left his desk and his notes to stride down the alley toward the
Speaker’s chair, holding his left hand behind him so that he could
now and then shake the tails of his own rusty black broadcloth dress
coat, while he earnestly gesticulated with his long right arm,
shaking the bony index finger at the Democrats on the other side of
the chamber. Occasionally, as he would complete a sentence amid
shouts of laughter, he would return up the alley to his desk,
consult his notes, take a sip of water and start off again.

“Toward the close of his speech Mr. Lincoln poured a torrent of
ridicule upon the military reputation of General Cass, and then
alluded to his own exploits as a soldier in the Black Hawk War,
‘where,’ he continued, ‘I fought, bled and came away. If General
Cass saw any live, fighting Indians at the battle of the Thames,
where he served as aide-de-camp to General Harrison, it was more
than I did, but I had a good many bloody struggles with the
mosquitoes, and although I never fainted from the loss of blood, I
can truly say I was often very hungry. Mr. Speaker,’ added Mr.
Lincoln, ‘if I should ever conclude to doff whatever our Democratic
friends may suppose there is of black-cockade Federalism about me,
and thereupon they shall take me up as their candidate for the
Presidency, I protest they shall not make fun of me as they have of
General Cass, by attempting to write me into a military hero.’[293]

“Mr. Lincoln received hearty congratulations at the close, many
Democrats joining the Whigs in their complimentary comments. The
speech was pronounced by the older members of the House almost equal
to the celebrated defense of General Harrison by Tom Corwin, in
reply to an attack made on him by a Mr. Crary of Ohio.”

                            APPENDIX NO. 2.

In the year 1832, when the State of Illinois was but fourteen years
of age, there was to be found on the south bank of Rock River,
sixty-five miles above its mouth, a frontier post called Dixon’s
Ferry. It was an unpretentious affair, consisting of a solitary
tenement laid east and west, in three sections, and built of logs–a
cozy but rambling affair ninety feet in length.

At this point the great “Kellogg’s trail,” run by O.W. Kellogg in
the year 1827, crossed the river, and John Dixon, from whom the
ferry derived its name and its existence, had lived here with his
family since early in the year 1830, entertaining travelers,
operating the ferry and trading with the “suckers” who journeyed to
and from the mining district and Indians. This famous old trail was
then the route pursued by the argonauts of all the southern country
in search of sudden wealth in the mines. It was the great
thoroughfare from Peoria, then more commonly referred to as Fort
Clark, to Galena, sought by those from the St. Louis country on the
southwest and the old Vincennes country to the southeast, and
followed on northwesterly past Dixon’s Ferry to Galena, where the
crowds dispersed and scattered for the “diggings” over northwestern
Illinois and southwestern Wisconsin, then a part of Michigan
Territory. Later the Government mail route changed the old trail to
a straighter course between Galena and Dixon’s Ferry, thence leaving
it for an easterly direction through DeKalb, Kane, DuPage and Cook
counties the route continued to Chicago.

Famous old days were those in the West and famous men traveled that
trail in those old days! From the miner and prospector to the
merchant; from the mail carrier to the soldier; from the circuit
preacher to the circuit law rider following a peripatetic court.
From Peter Cartwright, the energetic Methodist preacher, who swam
swollen streams and rivers to keep his word, and who, if rumor be
true, brought in more than one obstreperous recruit with a flogging,
to Col. James M. Strode, the then noted but erratic criminal lawyer
of Galena; from Lieut.-Col. Zachary Taylor, who afterward became
President of the United States, and Gen. Winfield Scott, who wanted
to be, to Lieut. Jefferson Davis, who was President of the Southern
Confederacy, and Capt. Abraham Lincoln, who dissolved it, we find
them all associated with the old trail and eating and lodging with
mine host Dixon, singly and together; those who were later to become
Cabinet Ministers, United States Senators, Representatives,
Governors, and soldiers and statesmen without number.



White men and Indians alike made their pilgrimages along that trail,
stopping over with Mr. Dixon to strengthen the inner man and
replenish their stock of supplies. With the Indians he was
particularly popular, insomuch that he became their counselor and
arbitrator, and likewise their banker. In turn, as a recognition of
his many and kindly offices, the Winnebagoes adopted him into their
tribe, naming him Na-chu-sa (long hair white). This affection for
the old patriarch was equally manifested by the whites, and when the
time came to bespeak it there was left no uncertainty respecting the
judgment. His silent influence became so potent that in the year
1840, with Galena the political and commercial power of the
Northwest, he took from her to his own town the United States Land

When the subject of removal was first broached it appeared so
ridiculously impossible that nothing in Galena but laughter
protested, but John Dixon’s tavern was stronger than the politics
and commercial prestige of the giant philistine, and her haughty
pride was humbled. Singly he journeyed on to Washington, and for the
simple asking, the office, the most potential factor in the politics
of that day, was ordered removed to Dixon–the miracle of the century
in Illinois politics.

The man’s venerable personality, his charming sweetness of
disposition, his rugged honesty, and possibly his little account
book, were altogether too powerful for the antagonists of those
rugged days, and before passing that same little account book it may
be well to run hastily over its pages.

Colonel Strode was exceedingly familiar with them; one might say
that he took liberties with them. First we find Colonel Strode
Dr.–To Cash–$10.00, and again Strode was Dr.–To Cash–$5.00;
invariably cash, running clear through from cover to cover.

Col. William S. Hamilton, son of General Alexander Hamilton, whose
business ventures were as varied as they were numerous, was favored
with merchandise to the extent of many pages and many hundreds of
dollars, and so, by the by, was Col. Zachary Taylor, only to more
modest amounts. One entry characteristic of the times is laughable
enough. Here it is: “Col. Z. Taylor–To Md’se. (including a shirt
pattern), $6:50,” and then follows its liquidation in a still more
laughable manner: “Settled by note.”

There is humor for you! The hero of more than one war and President
of the United States settling an account of $6.50 by note of hand!
But the note was paid in due time, we are assured by Miss F. Louise
Dixon, the owner of the little book with such historic credits and

Even the dignity of Gen. Winfield Scott was not above the acceptance
of the hospitality of those friendly pages, for we find entries
which tell of the manner they had obliged him, but the punctilio
observed by him in the discharge of those little accounts was
manifested by the same precision one would expect from the dignified
old soldier, who was nothing if not precise.

Men came and traded, traveled afar off and returned to settle,
sometimes a year from date and sometimes at a still longer date, but
they returned, and the score at Mr. Dixon’s was never forgotten.
Today the debtor was a miner; tomorrow he might be a contractor, and
later he might be a lawyer, but in meeting his obligations he was
always a man.

On one occasion we find this same Colonel Hamilton, who had
contracted two hundred steers to be delivered to the Government
agency at Green Bay, Wisconsin, driving them from Springfield,
Illinois, through Chicago, and thence northward to his destination.
In the same month he was operating “Hamilton’s diggings,” and
subsequently he was defending a noted Mormon at Nauvoo, Illinois,
charged with the commission of a crime, and yet again he was
commanding a band of Menominee Indians in the Black Hawk War; always
strenuous and always unqualifiedly successful.

Backward and forward the people came, forgetting never to stop over
with genial Mr. Dixon. Travel was constant, and in a general sense
men were prosperous, particularly in the mines.

Though freely encroaching on the land of the Winnebagoes, no
troubles had ensued since the “Winnebago scare” of 1827, when Red
Bird was captured for an unwarranted attack upon the whites.

A little riffle was caused in 1831 by Black Hawk, but nothing
serious arose to disturb the tranquillity of the settlements until
the year 1832. Possibly if the affair of 1831 had been more serious
the one of 1832 would have been less disastrous.

In the spring of the year 1832, Black Hawk and his “British band,”
as it was denominated, of the Sac tribe of Indians, disregarding all
former treaties, one of them so late as the preceding summer,
crossed the Mississippi in search of trouble. He had traveled up
Rock River, stopping one day with Mr. Dixon, and then continued to a
point some thirty miles above, where Stillman and his militia in
attempting later to dislodge them, were signally defeated, and in
consequence consternation spread over the entire West.

Then it was the log cabin of John Dixon took on a national
reputation, which its memory has ever since maintained, and which
must stand by it so long as our country endures, and then, indeed,
the account books took on an importance seldom acquired in the
affairs of bookdom. Then the tide turned, too, from lawyers and
“suckers” to soldiers, and the flower and chivalry of the State and
Nation went forth to concentrate at Dixon’s Ferry to contest the
advance of Black Hawk and his mercenaries, who had fought the
Americans at every opportunity from the beginning of the century.

[Illustration: LIEUT. J.J. ABERCROMBIE. U.S.A]

[Illustration: LIEUT. GEORGE WILSON. U.S.A]

[Illustration: COL. NATHAN BOONE.]


  (Copyrighted, as stated in index.)


In addition to those named there were Gen. Hugh Brady, Gen. Henry
Atkinson, Col. Nathan Boone, son of Daniel Boone, Capt. W.S. Harney,
Robert Anderson, Jefferson Davis, N.J. Eaton, Albert Sidney
Johnston, Joseph E. Johnston, Bennet Riley, W.M. Graham, George
Wilson, Kearney, Abercrombie, Gardenier, William Whistler, M.L.
Clark, of the regular army, and of the militia, Capt. Abraham
Lincoln, Gen. Henry Dodge, Gen. George W. Jones, Gov. John Reynolds,
Gen. E.D. Baker, O.H. Browning, John A. McClernand, John Dement,
Harrison Wilson, James D. Henry, Sidney Breese, Jacob Fry, Samuel
Whiteside, Adam W. Snyder and others without number, who became
famous in the history of the country at subsequent periods.

The regulars stationed at Jefferson Barracks (St. Louis) started
under Atkinson up the Mississippi for Fort Armstrong (Rock Island),
from which point the General, with a small detachment, proceeded
further up to Fort Crawford (Prairie du Chien), to secure the
assistance of the troops stationed there under Lieut.-Col. Zachary
Taylor, and those at Fort Winnebago (Portage, Wisconsin) under
Lieut.-Col. Enos Cutler. Those under Taylor returned with Atkinson
to Fort Armstrong to meet the militia of the State of Illinois, then
gathering at Beardstown, preparatory to moving up to the mouth of
Rock River, where a junction was to be formed with the regulars.
Other troops under General Scott were subsequently ordered from
Fortress Monroe. Others under Brady were ordered to Dixon’s Ferry
from Detroit, taking in the Fort Winnebago men, the whole finally
making an army formidable enough to annihilate all the Indians in
the West if Indians could have been drawn into a general engagement.

On the 12th of May, 1832, the militia under Governor Reynolds and
Gen. Samuel Whiteside arrived, almost simultaneously with a company
of troops from the mining district under the intrepid Gen. Henry
Dodge. On the 17th the regulars under General Atkinson arrived, and
on this day Jefferson Davis assisted in mustering into the United
States service the newly-formed Fifth Regiment, of which James
Johnson of Macon County had been made Colonel just before.

In this first campaign of 1832 Lincoln was captain of a company of
militia composed of sixty-nine as intractable and headstrong men as
could be found at that very independent period, extravagantly
opposed to discipline, acknowledging no superior, yet managed with
skill and credit to all by the captain, who, under ordinary
circumstances, chafed under restraint much less severe than that
which military authority imposed and which few western men

The age was one of independence, and that, more than anything else,
was the cause of Stillman’s defeat. Private differences were settled
without the assistance of courts, which were few and far between.
One man was as good as his neighbor, and if anyone disputed the
proposition it generally cost him a sore head. Those men who had
fought in the war of 1812, without the assistance of the general
Government, looked with profound contempt on the gold trappings of
the regular officer and his tedious routine, and Governor Reynolds,
diplomat that he was in handling western character, was put to the
limit of his ability and endurance in smoothing over the
difficulties which were needlessly created by this miserable spirit
of independence. But by appointing officers of the regular
establishment on his personal staff, requesting General Atkinson to
accept some of the militia on his staff,[294] which he cheerfuly
did, and finally instructing others in the gentle art of “mixing” he
was finally able to overcome almost every obstacle which arose.
Officers of the militia were invited to mess with the regulars, and
vice versa, and through the friendly offices of the Governor,
Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis were brought together for the
first time and “messed” at Mr. Dixon’s table.

Albert Sidney Johnston, then a second lieutenant, accompanied the
expedition from Jefferson Barracks and was appointed on the
Governor’s staff with Robert Anderson. Lieutenant Johnston’s
journal, kept regularly during the entire campaign, and which is
fortunately preserved to us at this day, is a valuable and
entertaining document.

When Atkinson was ordered to the front, Lieut. Robert Anderson was
at Jefferson Barracks making an inspection. Asking and obtaining
leave to accompany the expedition, he was appointed Assistant
Inspector-General of the militia, and, as before stated, made a
member of the Governor’s staff, with the rank of Colonel.

Gen. W.S. Harney, then a captain, and Jefferson Davis, then a
lieutenant, were both absent on furlough when Black Hawk crossed the
Mississippi, but on hearing of his purpose, each at once returned,
rejoined his regiment at the mouth of Rock River and continued
throughout the campaign to its close.[295]

The season was unusually rainy, and by the time the troops had
reached Dixon’s Ferry they were nearly exhausted with fording creeks
and towing the unmanageable keel boats up the river, many times
wading waist deep in mire and water to propel them.

Stillman had been defeated on the 14th, and by the time General
Atkinson’s forces reached the ferry the militia and its officers
were a panicky lot.

The War Department at Washington shows that Lieut. Jefferson Davis
applied for a leave of absence and left Fort Crawford to go upon the
same on the 26th day of March, 1832, and that he formally rejoined
his command from leave August 18th, 1832, sixteen days after the
battle of the Bad Axe, the last engagement of the campaign, which
would inferentially indicate that he was absent from duty all the
time between those dates and inferentially not in the campaign.

In a letter written by Mr. Davis on the 8th day of August, 1882,
from Beauvoir, Mississippi, to Gen. George W. Jones of Dubuque,
Iowa, he stated: “In the spring of 1832 I was relieved by Lieut.
I.R.B. Gardenier, as private matters required me to go to
Mississippi, my home. * * *”

So far there is no conflict. But while his official letter
acknowledging his return to his regiment is not dated till August
18th, he was present in flesh and blood from start to finish,
delaying that perfunctory duty until he was once more back to
quarters and relieved of the fatigues and manifold annoyances of a
campaign through swamps and bogs and innumerable privations. And
while touching upon the general subject of war records, I beg to
state that I attended the funeral of an officer killed at the battle
of Shiloh–literally shot to pieces–yet there stands to this day
against his name in the Adjutant-General’s reports this “record:”
“Absent on furlough.” The officer had no opportunity to take the
furlough, and it took the affidavits of half the town to make the
department believe he was not actually alive. The facts in the case
are exactly stated by Col. William Preston Johnston, late President
of Tulane University, in his very interesting “Life of General A.S.
Johnston,” at page 36: “Jefferson Davis, who was with General Gaines
in his operations in 1831, was absent on furlough in Mississippi
when the Black Hawk war broke out, but gave up his furlough, and,
joining his company, served in the campaign.” This was told him by
Mr. Davis himself when Colonel Johnston was writing the book, as
well as many other little incidents, including one of Stillman’s
defeat, and should be regarded as conclusive for all time. But as
various writers, with more regard for revenue than right, have
sought to discredit the truth because a negative inference from the
record gave them the opportunity of avoiding a little labor, I have
collected from various sources a complete detail of Mr. Davis’
movements during the campaign.

On the 17th day of May, when General Atkinson arrived at Dixon’s
Ferry, the militia were discontented, disconcerted and on the verge
of insubordination. Governor Reynolds had on the morning of the 15th
issued a call for two thousand more troops to rendezvous at
Hennepin, and only by the most frantic appeals had he been able to
hold the others together until Atkinson arrived.

It is true the provisions had been exhausted and the volunteers were
living on less than half rations, but it is equally true that this
was due entirely to their own improvidence and wastefulness.

The troops under Stillman, after their defeat on the 14th, had
consented to remain in the service to protect the frontier until a
new levy could be raised. Accordingly, so soon as they returned from
the burial of their dead, on the 16th, the Fifth Regiment was
organized, and on the following day, when the troops under the
commanding general arrived, the regiment was sworn into the United
States service.

On the 15th Strode, who was colonel and commander of the militia of
Jo Daviess County, had been instructed to hasten back to the mines
and organize his forces to protect that very important frontier,
which all recognized as the one to suffer from the attacks of the
Indians at almost any hour. He quickly returned, but, being utterly
unable to manage the intractable spirits of that locality, he had
declared martial law. This act inflamed the people to a high degree
of passion and rumors of its effects had reached the ears of
Governor Reynolds.

General Atkinson was consulted at once on his arrival, and Lieut.
Jefferson Davis and two or three other officers were detailed to go
post haste to Galena and, if possible, bring order out of the chaos
which Strode had precipitated.

The departure of Lieutenant Davis on the 17th and his mission to
Galena have been related to me by Mr. Dixon on more than one
occasion. Fortunately, others remembered the circumstance and
reduced it to writing, making a mistake impossible on that point.
Among the many documents which have come to my attention in
connection with this search is an old yellow letter in the
possession of Gen. John C. Smith of Chicago, written to him years
ago by H. Hezekiah Gear, who was a captain and served throughout the
Black Hawk campaign. Captain Gear was a man of character and
influence in the community and his memory or veracity has never yet
been called into question. This letter details this very visit in a
concise yet luminous fashion:

“I had a partial acquaintance with Lieut. Jefferson Davis. I had a
partial acquaintance with him when this whole domain was under
savage rule, except ten miles square about Galena and western
garrisons. He was, I _think_, at the Winnebago disturbance in 1827.
He was at Fort Winnebago on the Wisconsin River, and in 1832
stationed at Prairie du Chien, in the then Colonel Taylor’s

“He came at the commencement of the Sauk and Fox war to Galena to
counsel with us in relation to defense, with a number of officers,
his superiors, for a day or so.

“At the same time the Governor of Illinois, by proclamation, called
every able-bodied man into the field. Came to Galena on Saturday;
all in commotion. Colonel Strode commanding.

“We held a council of war, yet had no arms. I urged them to have
spontoons forged. He gave me the order to have 250 manufactured, I
remember, and on Monday morning I brought them into quarters, when I
then mounted my horse to go to the diggings, when I was accosted by
the Colonel: ‘Where are you going, Gear?’ ‘To plant my potatoes.’
‘What, leave us here to take care of your family?’ ‘No, I act as a
picket guard,’ having my rifle on my shoulder.

“‘Gear, we cannot spare you.’ ‘Why?’ said I. He said, ‘The Governor
had called every able-bodied man into the field.’ I looked along the
crowd and he had a company of about sixty.[296] ‘Are these all?’ was
my reply. ‘Yes,’ was his answer. ‘Why,’ said I, ‘I can raise more
men at the sound of a whistle. Now there is but one to command and
the balance to obey, Colonel, if we are in such danger. Now would
you dare declare martial law, as General Jackson did at New
Orleans?’ He then said as Nathan said to David, ‘Thou art the man;
make out your order now and I will see it obeyed.’ I dismounted at
once, armed and equipped, shortly reporting at his headquarters,
where his order was handed me, countersigned by the adjutant. I,
reading, replied, ‘It was a good order, but do you suppose a soul
will obey me? No, not one, unless I have a force sufficient to carry
it out. Will you give me a sergeant’s guard?’ ‘I will.’ ‘Will you
give me that fife and drum?’ ‘I will.’ ‘I will see it carried to the
extent of my life.’

“I that day raised 240 recruits, was appointed officer of the day,
had sixty-four to mount for guard; got quarters for my men and
rations and part of their blankets, and refused other blankets that
would not pass muster by me as a soldier’s blanket; put the
commissary in mud in the streets of Galena, for endeavoring to pass
them on my men, and the next day received a pair of blankets for
all. Well, the last round: I told the boys we would have some sport.

“Mrs. Barnes kept a bakery house on Brush street, which was the
quarters of several officers of the United States Army.

“B. Miller, Esq., called the Chesterfield of the bar of Illinois,
was there cracking jokes, and I halted at their quarters,
requesting orders to report. He said to fall into line. ‘What are
you going to do with us?’ ‘The army wants just such men as you.
Now we will find a place for you.’ I then made my bow to Captain
Kearney, or Major Harney, I do not know which. ‘Will you and your
brother officers fall into line? We belong to the United States
Army.’ ‘Well, then, read them the Governor’s proclamation and the
order from Colonel Strode of the Twenty-seventh Regiment declaring
martial law. Now, gentlemen, you know my duty, and if you hail
General Jackson you will march. Now I cannot discharge my duty by
leaving you behind, but the Colonel can dispose of you after you
arrive in headquarters.’ So we all fell into line, and under
double-quick marched to quarters.

“Now their names were as follows, to wit: Captain Harney, Captain
Kearney, Lieutenant Anderson, Lieutenant Gardenier, Lieutenant Jeff

Those companies were formed at Galena on the 19th day of May, and
the presence of Lieut. J.R.B. Gardenier on that day, as mentioned by
Captain Gear, is substantiated by reference to page 138 of a “Record
of the Services of Illinois soldiers in the Black Hawk War,”
published by the Adjutant-General of Illinois in 1882, where it will
be found that Lieut. J.R.B. Gardinier acted as commandant of
Nicholas Dowling’s company from May 19th to July 14th, “by request.”

Captain Gear takes considerable credit unto himself for the
accomplishment of this muster, but that is a latitude allowed every
person who narrates a statement of fact so prominent, and especially
when so successful. He has the detail of Strode’s order a trifle
confused, but that is of no consequence when the story is considered
as a whole. He has given the days of the week with such accuracy
that there remains no reason to doubt the statement of John Dixon,
which it confirms.

Mr. John K. Robison was at the time a resident of Galena.
Subsequently he removed to Dixon, and later removed to Melugin’s
Grove, in the same county, where he passed most of his long and
honored life. He was fourth sergeant in Captain Gear’s company.

In his lifetime I had many conversations with him about the campaign
and his famous comrades, in the course of which he has more than
once alluded to this meeting of Lieutenant Davis and Lieutenant
Gardenier at Galena while they were encountering such trouble with
Colonel Strode and his pig-headed tactics. He also told me of
meeting Lieutenant Davis on several occasions thereafter,
particularly at the time Lieutenant-Colonel Taylor’s troops, with
others, crossed the Wisconsin River on the march to the Bad Axe,
where Black Hawk was overtaken and his band annihilated.

From Galena Lieutenant Davis and his companions, with the exception
of Lieutenant Gardenier, returned to Dixon’s Ferry, where, with the
exception of scouting duty from time to time, and the march up Rock
River, the troops under Taylor remained until the 27th day of June
at 12 o’clock, when the militia under General Henry and the regulars
under Atkinson and Brady started up the east bank of Rock River for
the head-quarters of Black Hawk among the morasses of the river
above Lake Koshkonong.


[Illustration: CAPT. H. HEZEKIAH GEAR.]

[Illustration: SERGT. JOHN K. ROBISON.]

[Illustration: GEN. GEORGE W. JONES.]

[Illustration: GEN. A.C. DODGE.]


It was during that period of over one month at Dixon’s Ferry that
Mr. Dixon became so well acquainted with Lieutenant Davis and his
companions that error was impossible. He with others were guests at
Mr. Dixon’s house. They traded with him, buying his merchandise and
paying for it or “having it charged.” They hunted the wild duck, the
grouse, the squirrel, the deer and the wild bee trees, and they
fished and trapped and enjoyed life with a zest allowed no man of
the present day of dirty pavements, crowded streets and dusty roads.

For weeks they were present, conversing, dining, playing, romping
the prairies like so many schoolboys just dismissed from the
termination of a long and arduous term of school. And thus were the
images of those army officers impressed upon the memory of John
Dixon, who, by the by, continued with them clear through the
campaign, as army guide and contractor, till the battle of the Bad
Axe ended the campaign.

After wearisome efforts around the Koshkonong country to dislodge
the enemy, Henry and Dodge found his trail leading to the west, in a
final effort to escape destruction, which was so surely coming upon

Taylor’s division, including Lieutenant Davis, who was Taylor’s
adjutant, marched immediately for the Wisconsin River and the Blue
Mounds, and thence on to the Bax Axe. After this engagement, the
troops marched to Fort Crawford, their headquarters, and there,
freed from the dangers and fatigue of the campaign, Lieutenant Davis
formally wrote out a letter notifying the department of his return
to duty. From that point the Illinois troops were marched back to
Dixon’s Ferry and mustered out by Capt. Zalmon C. Palmer.

During this period of five weeks, while Taylor remained at Dixon’s
Ferry, he was constantly on the alert, intercepting marauding bands
of Indians, assisting the volunteers who had temporarily offered
their services while the new levy was forming at Hennepin and Fort
Wilbourn, and generally protecting the frontiers, and in this
connection it may be said that the bloodiest and most destructive
skirmishes were made between the Ferry and Galena during this

It may also be recorded that while the little account book was at
all times open to the service of the officers there stationed, Mr.
Dixon always laughingly spoke of the fact that, while he often sold
them bills of goods, yet Lieutenant Davis and Lieutenant Anderson
were always cash customers. In the fullness of time, Mr. Dixon, who
had never taken thought for the morrow, particularly when his fellow
man was in need or distress, came to an age when he felt constrained
to marshal all of his resources and call in his few overlooked
accounts. Among them was a large one against the United States
Government, which of right should have been paid years before, but
being in no immediate need, it had slipped along without attention.
He finally applied for a land warrant for a quarter section of land
to recompense him in a measure for the many and valuable services he
had rendered his country during the Black Hawk War. A bill was
introduced in Congress, passed by the Lower House, and in the Senate
was referred to the usual committee for consideration. This
committee reported adversely on the bill, and when it was reported
to the Senate for final action, Senator Trumbull, who well knew the
merit of the case and greatly desired the passage of the measure,
dispatched a message at once to Dixon to inquire if Mr. Dixon did
not know of some friend in the Senate, as he did in the House, who
would assist in its passage. On a moment’s thought he replied to a
friend, “Why, yes, there is Lieutenant Davis,” whereupon the
attention of Senator Jefferson Davis was called to the bill, and
here is the record of what transpired:

From the Congressional Globe, First Session. 36th Congress.–June
8th, 1860, page 2751:


  “The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, next proceeded to
  consider the bill (H.R. No. 236) for the relief of John Dixon,
  which had been reported adversely from the Committee on Public
  Lands. It directs the Secretary of the Interior to issue a bounty
  land warrant for one hundred and sixty acres to John Dixon, of
  Dixon’s Ferry, in the State of Illinois, for services rendered in
  the Black Hawk war.

  “Mr. Trumbull: I ask that the bill may be put upon its passage. I
  will remark that the Chairman of the Committee on Public Lands,
  with whom I had a conversation on the subject, stated that he
  reported adversely on this bill to grant a land warrant to Mr.
  Dixon, for the reason that the testimony before the Committee did
  not seem to be sufficient of his having rendered any service. He
  was not enlisted in the service, but he performed valuable service
  in the Black Hawk war–furnished supplies and acted as a guide and
  interpreter. He is an old man, over eighty years of age, and is
  now in very reduced circumstances. Some of his friends have made
  this application to get the old man a land warrant, and comes, I
  think, within the spirit of the law. The Senator from Mississippi
  (Mr. Davis), who served in the war, knows him personally, and
  perhaps he would make a statement to the Senate of his knowledge
  of the services for which it is proposed to grant a land warrant
  to this poor old man.’

  “Mr. Davis: ‘As stated by the Senator from Illinois, I do know
  this individual personally and believe him to be a very honest
  man, and I should have great confidence in his statement. He was
  one of the first pioneers in the country near what is now the town
  of Dixon, formerly known as Dixon’s Ferry. He lived there in an
  isolated position when I first knew him. His house was reached by
  crossing a wide prairie country inhabited only by Indians. He was
  of great service in the first settlement of the country. He was of
  service to the troops when they ascended the Rock River in the
  Black Hawk campaign. For some time a post was established at or
  near his house. He was of service at that time in furnishing
  supplies and giving information in regard to the country, and
  afterwards in taking care of the sick. In a liberal spirit toward
  camp followers, we have since that time provided for packmen, for
  teamsters and for clerks, giving them bounty land warrants equally
  with the soldiers who were serving in the same campaign. I think
  the only objection in this case is the want of testimony, but I
  have such confidence in the individual, together with my
  recollection of the circumstances, that I would say that he was
  within the spirit of the law, and I should be glad, because of his
  many services in the first settlement of that country, to see him
  thus rewarded.’”

After a few exchanges of explanations, the bill passed the Senate,
and the recollections of Senator Jefferson Davis of the days he
spent at and about Mr. Dixon’s log cabin saved the day for the bill.

It is not to be considered by any intelligent person that Mr. Davis
would state on the floor of the United States Senate those facts,
“from my recollection of the circumstances,” if he had not been
present in that campaign and witnessed them with the pleasantest of
memories. The little old log tavern-store-house of the 1832 campaign
came back to him with all its memories and Senator Davis saved the
bill, as the record of the proceedings show.

The days when a man of years was young and his associations are
never forgotten, and if any association under Heaven will evoke
assistance from one to another it is an appeal to those early
associations. And so it was with Senator Davis and Mr. Dixon.

Among others of subsequent prominence in the history of the State of
Illinois, who formed the acquaintance of Mr. Davis during that
campaign, and particularly while Taylor was stationed at Dixon’s
Ferry, was Col. John Dement, later a resident of the city of Dixon,
where he died. For fifty years Colonel Dement was one of the
foremost men of Illinois, and whenever he made a statement it
carried conviction. He it was who fought the battle of Kellogg’s
Grove in that campaign, one of the fiercest of the many which
occurred between Dixon’s Ferry and Galena, retiring only after his
clothing had been pierced with bullets and the Indians thoroughly
checked from further molestation of the northwestern frontier.

Colonel Dement many times told me of his acquaintance with
Lieutenant Davis and how it ripened into a strong friendship as the
campaign progressed, and which continued for all time thereafter. He
many times in his lifetime spoke of Lieutenant Davis during that
campaign, in public; and in the form of historical narrative he
reduced the same statements to writing, one of which I have.

At the breaking out of hostilities, Colonel Dement was State
Treasurer, which station naturally carried with it considerable
prestige in more ways than one, as proved to be the case a little
later when he won for his bride the daughter of Gen. Henry Dodge,
later Governor of Wisconsin and United States Senator, and, by the
by, one of the most famous Indian fighters that ever lived.

Lieutenant Davis knew them both, bride and groom, from the early
day, all through life, and at the death of the Colonel wrote to Mrs.
Dement the following touching letter, in which the friendship of
that famous old campaign is alluded to:

                                   “Beauvoir, Miss., Feb. 4th, 1883.

  “My Dear Friend: Of the many who will offer you condolence in your
  recent bereavement, there is not one who sympathizes more deeply
  with you than he who long years ago claimed the privilege of the
  sacred name of friend.

  “Widely and long we have been separated, but your image has not
  been dimmed by time and distance.

  “The gallantry and noble bearing of your deceased husband was
  known to all who, like myself, were on the frontier of Illinois
  during the campaign against Black Hawk, and from your brother,
  Augustus, and your friend, General Jones, I heard of him in after

  “As your husband, he was to me the object of special interest, and
  it was a great gratification to me to learn that he was so worthy
  to be your life companion.

  “If you have preserved enough of the pleasant memories of one
  springtime to care for one who flitted with you over the flowers
  of youth’s happy garden, it will give me sincere gratification to
  hear from you and to learn of the welfare of yourself and

  “With cordial regard for you and yours, and renewed assurance of
  my deep sympathy, I am ever,

                       “Faithfully your friend,

                                                  “JEFFERSON DAVIS.”

The term “garden” is appropriately applied to the spring of the year
1832 and its successor, 1833. The summer of 1831 had been dry, and
crops and vegetation had failed; the prairies had been left parched
and brown, and but for the open-handed manner of the pioneer in
helping his distressed brother, there had indeed been great
suffering. But in 1832, barring the scare of the Indian campaign
then carried on, the people were permitted to revel in a luxury of
vegetation. Rains descended and the foliage of the trees was
beautiful beyond description. The wild grape and cherry and plum,
and the bee tree, laden with honey, were all free to him who cared
to gather. Wild deer, turkeys, ducks, geese, grouse and squirrels
were everywhere present in abundance for the huntsman, while the
streams were plentifully stocked with fish. The wild rose spread out
its blossoms over the prairies, and if man, though never so weary,
could not revel in his surroundings he was sordid enough. The
pathway of the pioneer was hard and coarse, but a thoughtful God
seasoned his toil with many a blessing denied to us of the crowded

General Harney, in the latter years of his life, was very fond of
speaking of those same beautiful days of springtime and the famous
men he soldiered with at Dixon’s Ferry and on through the campaign,
and in all those reminiscences failed never to allude to Lieut.
Jefferson Davis, beginning with him at the mouth of Rock River, when
they began their march up to Dixon’s Ferry. Reavis, in his
biography, makes frequent quotations from those days and events in
which both Harney and Davis took such active and conspicuous parts.
In a recent correspondence with Mrs. John M. Harney of St. Louis I
am told that full reliance can be placed upon the statements made by
Mr. Reavis in that biography, and, furthermore, all statements
contained in the same as emanating from General Harney were made in
the presence of herself and Mr. Harney, and, independently of the
book, Mrs. Harney confirms the presence of Lieutenant Davis in that
campaign from General Harney himself, who in his lifetime so
asserted many times.

Gen. John A. McClernand, the last living member of that famous band
which gathered at Dixon’s Ferry, wrote me, a very short time before
his death, which but recently occurred, that he well knew it to be
true that Lieutenant Davis was present and participated in the
campaign to its close.

Later on, when Lieutenant Davis became Secretary of War, Colonel
Strode, who had then removed to Woodstock, Illinois, and traveled
the circuit from that point, was exceedingly fond of alluding to
Jefferson Davis as his companion in arms during the Black Hawk War,
and upon that point I have the correspondence, confirming the making
of those claims at all times and upon all occasions, from so eminent
an authority as Hon. H.W. Blodgett, for so many years United States
Judge of this District.

Gen. George W. Jones, the first Senator in Congress from the State
of Iowa, was a classmate of Jefferson Davis in their days of young
manhood at Transylvania, and at his death was one of Mr. Davis’
pallbearers. The college days, so dear to every man who has a soul,
brought them together as only college days can bring men together,
and if subsequent events should ever bring them together again,
after separating to start out in life, it can scarcely be said that
either could be mistaken in any material point concerning the
history of the occasion. Certainly General Jones could not, and here
is what he has written above his signature about the presence of
Lieut. Jefferson Davis, his classmate, in the Black Hawk campaign:

                                           Dubuque, Jan. 16th, 1896.

  Mr. F.R. Dixon.

  My Dear Sir: Your letter of the 14th was received yesterday and I
  answer with pleasure.

  My acquaintance with Mr. Jefferson Davis was formed at
  Transylvania University, Lexington, Kentucky, from 1821 to 1824;
  renewed in 1828 after he was graduated at West Point and
  commissioned Second Lieutenant of Infantry, U.S.A, when he served
  under Col. Zachary Taylor, at Fort Crawford, Wisconsin.

  I, as Gen. Henry Dodge’s aid-de-camp, served with Lieutenant Davis
  throughout the Black Hawk war, from its _inception_ to its
  _close_. Later, we were brother United States Senators, and an
  intimate friendship existed between us throughout his life.

  I knew your grandfather intimately, as also Colonel Dement, and
  esteemed them both highly. * * * Trusting that the foregoing is a
  satisfactory reply to your inquiry, I am,

                        Yours very sincerely,

                                                      GEO. W. JONES.

And here is what Gen. A.C. Dodge of Iowa, Senator in Congress with
Jefferson Davis, has written on the subject:

“In 1832 we became associated in the famous Black Hawk war, he
(Lieutenant Davis) as lieutenant of infantry, and I as aid-de-camp
to Gen. Henry Dodge, commanding the militia of Michigan Territory. I
often accepted his invitation to partake of his hospitality, as well
as that of Gen. (then Captain) William S. Harney and Col. Zachary
Taylor, who often divided their rations with me, as we volunteers
were frequently in want of suitable food.

“The regulars were much better provided for than we volunteers were
at the time. They were not only furnished with better rations and
more of them, but they had tents, while we had none; and I shall
never forget the generous hospitality of Lieutenant Davis, Col.
Zachary Taylor, Capt. W.S. Harney and others of my brave and
generous comrades of those days.”[297]

There was no point in the material or political growth of that part
of the then Michigan Territory (now Wisconsin), where Lieutenant
Davis was stationed, that Generals Jones and Dodge were not
identified with and thoroughly familiar. They were on the staff of
General Dodge during the campaign, by reason of which and the
exalted position of General Dodge they were upon terms of intimacy
with the army officers of the war, beginning with Gen. Winfield
Scott, who was chief in command after his arrival at Prairie du

In 1866, after the conclusion of the Civil War, and when the
prominent men on both sides were in the minds of everyone, Rev. W.W.
Harsha, then of Dixon, but later President of the Presbyterian
Theological College at Omaha, Nebraska, was about to take a journey
to New York City, at which point Gen. Robert Anderson was to be
found, recovering from a very severe illness.

Commenting on the proposed trip to Mr. Dixon, the latter expressed a
desire to have Mr. Harsha call upon the General, and, if remembered
by him, to convey to him the very best wishes of Mr. Dixon for his
speedy recovery, and, in view of the prominence of Lieutenant
Anderson, Lieutenant Davis and others who served in the Black Hawk
campaign, recall the incidents of that early day and inquire if
General Anderson remembered them. Mr. Harsha, upon his arrival, true
to his promise, made the call, and the following letter, written at
the time, gives the substance of the interview:

                                          Chicago, April 29th, 1866.

  My Dear Friend: Being recently in New York City on business, and
  finding myself one day in the neighborhood of General Anderson’s
  residence, it occurred to me to call, and, partly on your account
  and partly on my own, make his acquaintance. I did so, and as soon
  as I told the General that I had lived eight years in Dixon, and I
  mentioned your name, he expressed himself greatly pleased to see
  me. He entered immediatly upon a minute and interesting detail of
  his experiences in Illinois and confirmed the statement which I
  had heard from you of his meeting Davis and Lincoln at your house
  at “Dixon’s Ferry.” He was very glad to hear that you were living
  and inquired affectionately after your health and the condition of
  your family. He seemed distressed to learn of your bereavements,
  and showed himself a man of true feeling.

  He is, as you know, very much broken down in health. * * *

  On parting from him the General says: “Tell my old friend, Mr.
  Dixon, that I shall probably not see him in this life again, but I
  hope to meet him in Heaven.” * * *

                             Yours truly,

                                                        W.W. HARSHA.

  To John Dixon, Dixon, Illinois.

Isaac N. Arnold, Lincoln’s friend and biographer, specifically
recalls a conversation with Lincoln, wherein the latter remembers
and mentions the presence of Mr. Davis in that campaign.

Ben Perley Poore frequently heard Lincoln tell of Davis’ presence in
that campaign, and he has particularly told us so on page 218 of
“Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln.”

After leaving Dixon’s Ferry to march up the left bank of Rock River,
the route became one of privation and hardship, particularly after
reaching the bogs and swamps about Lake Koshkonong, where men fell
ill by the score, and where others became so exhausted that they
were sent back to the Ferry, to be later discharged. In many cases,
detachments sent out among the swamps to chase the phantom Indian or
guard some particular settlement against apprehended attack had
nothing but pickled pork and a course dough for subsistence. The
rains made the streams impassable, and many times, as at the
Wisconsin, just before the battle of that name, the entire army,
after making wearisome forced marches without sleep, were compelled
to remain standing all night long before the battle, in a drenching
rain, awaiting the hour in the morning when the attack might be
made. Thus, day after day, the troops marched in clothing soaked
with water, many falling by the wayside, to be carried to the rude
hospitals improvised for the occasion, and even so rugged and
powerful a man as General Henry, who won both the battle of the
Wisconsin and the Bad Axe, sickened and died from the exposures of
that campaign.[298]

Through all these vicissitudes Davis and Anderson and Johnston and
Eaton were cheerful and buoyed up the men with encouraging words
until back once more at Fort Crawford, where a more fearful enemy
than exposure was met–the Asiatic cholera. Anderson and Johnston
were stricken and suffered a long time the frightful agonies of that
dread disease. There at his old and familiar quarters, Lieutenant
Davis performed the duty demanded of him, of formally reporting
himself back with his regiment for duty, August 16th, 1832.

Later, Black Hawk, Neapope, the Prophet and the other Indian leaders
were captured and handed over to Lieut.-Col. Zachary Taylor as
prisoners of war. Robert Anderson, in a letter to Hon. E.B.
Washburne, has stated that he was designated as their custodian to
take them to Jefferson Barracks, but that the fateful cholera
prevented. In that he was mistaken; he took the second installment
of prisoners.

We know from every man who served in that campaign and from every
record that those prisoners were handed by Colonel Taylor to Lieut.
Jefferson Davis to be taken to Jefferson Barracks. Following is from
The Galenian of September 5th, 1832: “September 4th General Street,
the Indian agent at Prairie du Chien, arrived to-day on board the
steamboat Winnebago with about one hundred Sac prisoners, guarded by
an escort of troops under command of Lieut. Jefferson Davis. Among
the prisoners are the celebrated Black Hawk, the Prophet and
La-ce-o-souck (The Thunder), son of Black Hawk; the latter was
delivered on the night of the 3d. The prisoners were brought in by
the Winnebagoes and the Sioux.

“The Winnebagoes came in, as we learn, so late on the night of the
3d with the prisoners, and the steamboat being there in waiting for
them, General Street, instead of delivering them to Colonel Taylor,
as heretofore, delivered them over to the charge of Colonel
Anderson, who went on that commission, and who is now on his way to
Rock Island with them.”[299]

From the Galenian, a paper published in Galena, we find “locals”
noting the presence of the noted prisoners and their guard,
Jefferson Davis, at every point containing a newspaper, at which
they stopped.

No reasonable person can believe that so honorable and responsible a
post would have been given Lieutenant Davis had he not participated
in the campaign with distinction.

With the most frightful epidemic of cholera at Fort Armstrong which
they passed; with cholera about him in the boat, he reached
Jefferson Barracks thoroughly exhausted, and feeling that he was
entitled to the leave of absence which he had given up to enter this
campaign, he applied for another and, receiving it, as he did in due
time, he returned to Mississippi to enjoy it.

The experience gained in that campaign suggested his name for the
command of a regiment of Mississippi troops in the war with Mexico,
where he gained such fame as to bring forth the hearty thanks of
Gen. Zachary Taylor on the field.

In conclusion, I wish to add a conversation which Mr. Aldrich,
Curator of the Historical Department of Iowa, had with Mr. Davis
about two years before the death of the latter.

Mr. Davis, in the course of this conversation, said much about Black
Hawk and that campaign and his participation in it, and here is his
narrative verbatim, of the Battle of the Wisconsin, in which he was
engaged, taken down by Mr. Aldrich at the time: “We were one day
pursuing the Indians, when we came close to the Wisconsin River.
Reaching the river bank, the Indians made so determined a stand, and
fought with such desperation, that they held us in check. During
this time the squaws tore bark from the trees, with which they made
little shallops, in which they floated their papooses and other
impedimenta across to an island, also swimming over the ponies. As
soon as this was accomplished, half of the warriors plunged in and
swam across, each holding his gun in one hand over his head, and
swimming with the other. As soon as they reached the opposite bank,
they also opened fire upon us, under cover of which the other half
slipped down the bank and swam over in like manner. This,” said Mr.
Davis, “was the most brilliant exhibition of military tactics that I
ever witnessed–a feat of most consummate management and bravery, in
the face of an enemy of greatly superior numbers. I never read of
anything that could be compared with it. Had it been performed by
white men, it would have been immortalized as one of the most
splendid achievements in military history.”

Black Hawk in his book, page 107, states the facts of that retreat
pretty much as Mr. Davis did to Mr. Aldrich, excepting only to take
no especial credit to himself or his braves for strategy.

As Black Hawk was taken down the Mississippi by Lieutenant Davis,
the two were in frequent conversation, and naturally each studied
the other more or less, and while Mr. Davis, in after years, always
spoke of his prisoner in the very highest terms, it may be
interesting to know what Black Hawk had to say about his captor when
he came to write his autobiography the following year: “We remained
here a short time, and then started for Jefferson Barracks in a
steamboat, under charge of a young war chief (Jefferson Davis), who
treated us with much kindness. He is a good and brave young chief,
with whose conduct I was much pleased. On our way down we called at
Galena and remained a short time. The people crowded to the boat to
see us, but the war chief would not permit them to enter the
apartment where we were, knowing from what his feelings would have
been if he had been placed in a similar position, that we did not
wish to have a gaping crowd around us.”

Little can be said for the negative of this question and less can be
proven, and with such a unanimity of testimony in favor of his
presence, from those who saw him and there formed his acquaintance
and friendship, it cannot be perceived how an assumption, an
“interpretation” can be allowed to rob him of that honor.



[Illustration: WA-PEL-LO, CHIEF OF THE FOXES.]




  Abercrombie, J.J.,  120
  Account of Manner of Enlistment, 119
  Adair, William (Capt.), 194
  Adair, William (L’t.-Col.), 190
  Adams County, 117, 125
  Adams, John G. (Capt.), 125, 130, 133, 134, 135, 138, 141, 145,
  Adams, John G., Mrs., 135
  Adams, Parker, 140
  Adams, Samuel (Col.), 191
  Adopted Son Story, 43
  Aird, James, 54
  Albany, N.Y., 263
  Aldenrath, Benj. J., 142
  Aldrich, Charles, Introduction and 2d Appendix
  Alexander County, 195
  Alexander, David C., 126
  Alexander, Milton K. (Gen.), 93, 98, 191, 195, 202, 205, 208, 209,
     210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 220, 221, 222, 223, 228, 287
  Alexander, of Russia, 48
  Alexander, T.L., 111, 120
  Allen, William,  200
  Al-lo-tah, 98
  Ament, John L., 192
  American Phrenological Journal, 19
  American Temperance House, 245
  Ames, Orestes, 118
  Amhurstburgh, 68
  An-a-wash-queth, 64
  Anderson, Fannie (Mrs.), 270
  Anderson, George (L’t.), 120
  Anderson, Robert (L’t.), 126, 172, 173, 175, 189, 226, 227, 286,
     293, 294, 299, 304
  Anderson, Stinson B., 190
  Anderson, T.G. (Capt.), 67
  Annoyances, 81
  Annuities of Sacs and Foxes, 84
  An-o-wart, 64
  Appel, Henry, 182
  Apple River, 131, 174, 183, 186
  Apple River Fort, 172, 183, 184, 185,
    (battle) and 186, 187, 286
  A-qua-o-sa, 64
  Arabian Nights, 96
  Archambeau, Mr., 56
  Archer, Col. William B., 191, 224
  Arenz, Francis, 93
  Argyle, 209
  Armstrong, Aaron (Capt.), 193
  Armstrong, Elizabeth (Mrs.), 186
  Armstrong, Gen. John, 66
  Armstrong, John, 278, 281, 282
  Armstrong, Perry A., 59
  Arnett, J.T. (Capt.), 194, 202
  Arnold, John (Capt.), 191
  A-sam-e-saw, 98
  Ashton, Capt. Eliakem, 169
  Asiatic Cholera, 242
  As-shaw-e-qua, 268, 272, 273, 274
  Atkins, A., 93
  Atkinson, Henry (Gen.), 106, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 120,
     121, 127, 141, 142, 145, etc., 157, 161, 163, 169, 171, 172,
     173, 175, 177, 180, 181, 185, 188, 189, 197, 202, 205, 206,
     209, 210, 212, 214, 215, 216, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 225,
     228, 230, 234, 238, 240, 247, 259, 261, 283, 284, 293, 294
  Atkinson’s Report Bad Axe, 228
  Atlas, Ill., 119
  Attack on the “Oliver H. Perry” and Consort, in 1827, 73, 74, 75
  Aubrey, William, 180
  Ausbery, Griffith, 82
  Autobiography of Black Hawk, 19, 31
  Aztalan, 217

  Bache, Hartman (Capt.), 247
  Backus, Electus (L’t.), 189
  Bad Axe River, 20, 73, 223, 226, 227, 295
  Bad Axe Battle, 167, 168, 223, 295
  Bailey, Maj. David, 113, 125, 126, 130, 141, 145, 193, 204
  Bailey, Capt. Alexander, 169
  Bailly, Joseph, 55
  Bain, John L., 82
  Baird, Scipio, 124
  Baker, Daniel (L’t. Col.), 120, 193
  Baker, Edward D. (L’t.), 2d Appendix
  Baker, Mrs. E.B., 176
  Baker, James, 123
  Baldridge, David, 194
  Ball, Azel F. (Capt.), 125, 145, 193
  Ball, Japhet A. (Capt.), 125
  Baltimore, 261, 264
  Band, James B., 200
  Bankson, Andrew (Capt.), 194
  Bannon, Aaron (Capt.), 194
  Banquet at Ft. Madison, 270
  Barker, Thomas (Capt.), 120
  Bark River, 209
  Barlow, L’t. Col. J.W., 191
  Barnes, David W. (Capt.), 125, 135, 145
  Barnes, John (Capt.), 191
  Barnes, Robert (Capt.), 159
  Barney, Benj. (Capt.), 120, 125
  Barnhart, Peter, 159
  Barnsback, Julius L. (Capt.), 124
  Barrel, John, 82
  Barrett’s Ferry, 226, 236
  Barron, Joseph, 30
  Barrott, 55
  Bartlett, Michael, 82
  Batman, M.W. (L’t.), 120
  Battle of 1800, 23
  Battle of the Wisconsin Heights, 218, 221
  Baylor, Dr., 189
  Bays, Capt. John, 190
  Beach, Maj. John, 40
  Beall, Alexander (Maj.), 123, 194
  Beall, Thomas J., 126, 145
  Beardstown, 85, 93, 117, 154, 157, 160, 188, 278, 279, 282, 283
  Beauchamp, 73, 74, 75
  Beauty of Rock Island, 95
  Beckwith, L’t. Col. Daniel W., 169
  Beggs, Rev. S.R., 167
  Belleville, 159
  Bells, Mr., 154, 156
  Beloit, 205
  Beltrami, J.C., 17, 67
  Benett, Louis, 55
  Bennett, Hiram C., 118, 123
  Bennett, Redding, 142
  Bequette, Paschal, 131, 183
  Beresford, James, 203
  Berry, E.C., 94, 116
  Berry, Thomas G. (Col.), 160
  Best, ––, 55
  Biggerstaff, Ardin (Capt.), 190
  Big Indian Creek, 147
  Big Sioux River, 100
  Birch, Benjamin, 124
  Birth of Black Hawk, 17
  Bivens, John, 143
  Black Hawk, Bones, 274
  Black Hawk, Burial, 273
  Black Hawk, Capacities, 20
  Black Hawk, Death, 272
  Black Hawk, Grave Robbed, 273
  Black Hawk, Not a Chief, 21, 80
  Black Hawk, Village, See V. |
  Black, James, 200
  Black, Samuel, 183
  Blackburn, James M. (Col.), 191, 224
  Blackmaars, Mich., 256
  Blackwell, J.A., 123
  Blackwell, John H., 94
  Blackwell, Robert, 124, 139
  Black Snake Hills, 103
  Black Thunder, 87
  Blair, F.P., 230
  Bliss, John (Maj.), 94, 98, 106, 107, 120, 121, 145, 161, 224
  Blondeaux, Maurice, 61
  Blodgett, H.W., 303
  Bloomington, Ill., 159
  Blue Earth River, 101
    and affair there, 102, 103
  Blue Mounds, 143, 153, 154, 180, 183, 212, 219, 220, 221, 236
  Bogart, Maj. Samuel, 193
  Bolen, Hypolite, 30
  Bond, Benjamin, 194
  Bond County, 117, 125, 164, 194
  Bones of Black Hawk, 18
  Boone, Levi D. (Capt.), 125
  Boone, Nathan (Col.), 2d Appendix
  Boston, 263
  Bouchard, Edward D., 183
  Bounty Land Warrants, 77
  Boutillier, Francois., 54
  Bowers, Maj. George, 191
  Bowman, Capt. ––, 130
  Bowman, James (Capt.), 190
  Bowman, Samuel (L’t.), 204, 224
  Bowyer, George P. (Capt.), 190, 191
  Boxley, James, 187
  Boyce, W.M. (L’t.), 120
  Boyd, Col. George, 234, 235
  Boyd, James M. (L’t.), 235
  Boyd’s Grove, 130
  Bracken, Charles, 131, 181, 183
  Bradley, H., 245
  Brady, Gen. Hugh, 120, 181, 189, 193, 195, 202, 203, 209
  Bradford, Abner, 200
  Branson, Dr. Milton K., 194
  Brazhere, William, 82
  Breese, Sidney (L’t. Col.), 194, 211
  Briggs, Josiah S. (Capt.), 194, 205, 206, 218
  Briggs, Benjamin (L’t.), 145
  Brigham, Ebenezer, 143, 181
  Brigham, Sylvester, 192
  Brimberry, Samuel (Capt.), 191
  Brishois, ––, 54
  Bristol, John E., 136
  Bristol, R.C. (Capt.), 244
  Bristow, George, 93
  Bristow, George F. (Capt.), 194
  British, 40, 42, 51, 53, 55, 57, 58, 66, 67
  British Agents, 25, 26, 32, 38, 41, 44, 46
  British Band, 39, 48, 55, 63
    (including Rock River Sacs), 64, 88, 97, 103, 114
  British Flags, 31, 58
  British Indians, 26, 41
  Broken Shoulder, 114
  Brooke, L’t. F.J., 120
  Brooks, Col. Edward, 256, 257, 258
  Brown, A.C., 136
  Brown, Brig. Gen., 254, 256, 257, 258
  Brown, Gust. (L’t.), 243
  Brown, Jacob (Capt.), 120
  Brown, Reuben (Capt.), 195
  Brown, William, 191
  Brown, William G., 93, 123
  Browne, Thomas C., 189
  Browning, O.H., 117, 118
  Browning, O.H., Diary of, 117
  Brown’s Creek, 287
  Bruff, J., 30
  Brush Creek, 170
  Buchanan, L’t., 248
  Buckmaster, Nathaniel (Maj.), 94, 116, 118, 119, 122, 125, 132,
     162, 163, 167, 169, 193, 284, 285
  Buffalo Grove, 131, 142, 169, 176, 200, 202
  Buffalo, N.Y., 242, 243, 263
  Buisson, Louis, 55
  Bunts, Samuel, 183
  Burbank, Sid. (L’t.), 126
  Bureau Creek, 130, 148, 192, 197
  Bureau County, 154, 157
  Burlington Hawk Eye, 19
  Burlington, Iowa, 78, 270
  Burner, Edward, 82
  Burnett, J.P., 226
  Burning of Black Hawk’s Bones, 274
  Burns, James (Capt.), 194
  Burnt Village, 209, 210
  Burr Oak Grove, 156, 176
  Burton, Thomas, 124
  Butler, Nathaniel, 94
  Butler, Peter (Capt.), 193
  Butler, Walter (Capt.), 194

  Cady, Albert (L’t.), 120
  Caldwell, Billy (Chief), 166, 189, 204, 205
  Call of May 15, 139
  Calumet River, 100
  Campaign of 1831, 92
    Closed, 95
  Campbell, John (L’t.), 49, 50, 51
  Campbell, John, His Battle, 49, 50
  Campbell, L’t. Col ––, 190
  Camp Whitewater, 234
  Camp Wisconsin, 219
  Canada, 26
  Cap au Gris, 49, 55
  Carlin, Thomas (Capt.), 93, 125
  Carnes, William, 183
  “Caroline,” Steamboat, 160, 188
  Caron, J.B., 64
    and Caron, 236
  Carondelet, 55
  Carpenter, William, 123
  Car-ra-ma-na, 231
  Cartwright, Rev. Peter, 195, 281, 290
  Case, Jonah H., 82
  Casey, Zadock, 190, 199, 200
  Cas-kup-wa, 64
  Cass County, 154, 157
  Cass, Lewis (Gen.), 100, 106, 238, 255, 265, 285
  Cassell, Henry K., 159
  Cassville, 143, 236
  Castle Garden, 262
  Catch-e-nack-e-seo, 61
  Catlin, George, 84
  Chadwick, Joseph M., 122, 130
  Cha-e-ter, 229, 231, 232
  Cha-go-sort, 61
  Cha-kee-pax-he-pa-ho, 98
  Chapman, Ammyson, 83, 84
  Chapman, Thomas, 124
  Charless, Joseph, 64
  Che-ka-qua, 61
  Cherokees, 22, 23
  Chicago, 38, 42, 167, 169, 193, 242, 243, 254, 256, 257, 258, 290,
  Chicago Historical Society, 244
  Chic-hon-sic, 72, 76
  Chick-a-ka-la-ko, 98
  Childs, Tyrus M., 135
  Chippewa, Battle, 42
  Chippewas, 24, 72, 100, 105
  Cholera, See Scott’s Expedition. |
  Chouteau, Auguste,| 30, 60, 61, 63, 64
  Chouteau, Pierre, 30, 61
  Christy, Samuel C., 93, 94, 116
  Cintajah, 101
  Clament, 103
  Clark, B.A., 190
  Clark, Capt. ––, of Wis., 209
  Clark County, 191
  Clark, I., Jr. (Capt.), 120, 180
  Clark, James N. (Capt.), 190
  Clark, Meriwether Lewis, 120, 189
  Clark, William (Gov. and Gen.), 38, 47, 48, 50, 55, 58, 60, 61,
     63, 64, 80, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 100, 102, 103, 105,
     106, 107, 154, 156, 261
  Clark, Gov. William, Boat, 48, 50
  Clary, Royal, 278
  Clary, William, 278
  Clary’s Grove Boys, 278
  Clay County, 103, 190
  Clay, Henry, 273
  Clay, Henry, The–A Boat, 242
  Claywell, Jesse (Capt.), 194
  Cleveland, Loren, 177
  Clinton County, 194
  Coffey, Achilles (Capt.), 190
  Coles County, 191
  Collins, Charles O. (L’t.), 253
  Collins, James (Col.), 194, 196, 214, 216, 218
  Collins, Thomas, 93
  Columbia, Mo., 160
  Co-mee, 148, 149, 157
  Conditions of Early Settlers, 78
  Congress Hall Hotel, 19
  Connor, James (Capt.), 194
  Conrod, John (L’t.), 120
  Constant, William, 123
  Converse, Daniel, 61
  Cook, Horace, 82
  Cook, William, 124
  Cooke, P. St. George (L’t.), 120
  Cornelius, J.M. McT., 123, 178, 179
  Cornstalk, 20
  Correspondence of 1831, 83 to 89 inc.
  Council of 1831, 92
  Council of Sept. 25, 1831, 107
  Covell, M.L. (Capt.), 125, 137, 145, 159
  Cowen, William (L’t.-Col.), 159
  Cox, Alexander D. (Capt.), 164
  Cox, John, 39
  Craig, B.B. (Capt.), 196, 282
  Craig, Capt. ––, of War 1812, 56
  Craig, Capt. James, War 1812, 190
  Craig, Capt. James, Jo Daviess Co., 142, 184, 215
  Craig, Capt. Jonathan, 142
  Craig, N.B., 184
  Crain, James W., 126
  Cranberry Lake, 215
  Crane, Col, 243
  Crawfish River, 217
  Crawford County, 76, 191
  Crocker, Thomas, 117
  Crooked Creek, 117, 279
  Cross, L’t. ––, 240
  Crossman, G.H. (L’t.), 120, 204
  Crow, David, 118, 125
  Cuivre River, 55
  Cummings, Col. ––, 243
  Cummings, Mr. –– , 167
  Curran, Catherine Buckmaster–Introduction.
  Cutler, Enos (L’t. Col.), | 121
  Cutright, Temperance, 150

  Dad Joe’s Grove, 130
  Dakotas, 72, 73
  Dale, George W., 119
  Dalles of Wisconsin, 229, 231
  Danforth, Joseph, 82, 98
  Danville, 189
  Davenport, George, 110, 259
  Davenport, William (Maj. and Col.), 120, 121, 188, 193, 208, 265
  Davis, Alexander, 150
  Davis, Jefferson (L’t.), 120, 122, 141, 142, 192, 198, 240, 284,
     Appendix, 290
  Davis, Jimmie, 157
  Davis, Maj. ––, 255
  Davis, Robert, 123
  Davis, Thomas, 82
  Davis, William, 147
  Davitts, ––, 221
  Dawson, John, 125
  Day, Hannibal (Lt.), 246
  Deace, Capt, 47
  De Camp, Samuel G.I. (Surgeon), 246
  Decatur, Ill., 159
  Decori, which includes “One-eyed Decori”, 210, 228, 231, 232
  Dee Sulhorst, Justus, 143
  De Kalb County, 130
  De Hart, William C. (L’t.), 243
  De Lassus, Gov., 171
  De Lassus, Pierre C., 171
  Delauney, D., 30
  Dement, John (Maj.), 93, 125, 130, 140, 164, 187, 190, 192, 197,
     198, 208, 209, 301
  Dement, Mrs. John, 302
  Dement’s Battle, 200, 201
  Dennis, John H., 84
  Desertion from British Army, 42
  Des Moines Rapids, 37, 111
  Des Moines River, 37, 38, 54, 57, 100, 268, 272, 273
  Des Plaines River, 167, 188
  Detroit, 42, 254, 256, 257, 258, 263
  Devees’ or Devies’, 183, 209
  Devil’s Creek, 268
  Dewey, Stephen, 84
  De Witt, A.B. (Col.), 123, 146
  Diamond Grove, 143
  Dickson, Joseph (Capt.), 209, 217, 223, 224
  Dickson, Robert, 41, 42, 47, 48, 54
  Dimmick, Ziba, 192
  Disobedience of Officers, 214
  Disorders, 162
  Dixon, Frederick, 185
  Dixon, F. Louise (Miss), 292
  Dixon, John, 129, 140, 174, 176, 222, 290, 300
  Dixon, John (Mrs.), 130
  Dixon Land Office, 140
  Dixon’s Ferry, 35, 113, 114, 116, 118, 119, 120, 125, 126, 127,
     128, 129, 131, 139, 140, 141, 142, 146, 161, 163, 169, 172,
     173, 176, 177, 179, 181, 185, 188, 189, 192, 195, 197, 198,
     200, 202, 203, 204, 205, 211, 247, 248, 282, 283, 284, 286,
     287, 290, _et seq._
  Dobbins, William N. (Capt.), 190
  Dodge, A.C. (Gen.), 78, 304
  Dodge, Henry (Col.), 131, 140, 142, 143, 156, 169, 173, 174, 175,
     180, 181, 182, 183, 201, 202, 206, 207, 208, 209, 211, 213,
     214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 225, 230,
     246, 255, 301, 302
  Dodge, Henry L., 78, 131
  Dodge, Mrs. Henry, 182, 200
  Dodgeville, 143, 236
  Donaldson, Dr., 134
  Door Prairie, 256, 257
  Doris, Martin W., 194
  Dorr, Gustavus (L’t.), 120
  Dorrance, L’t., 248
  Dorsey, Charles S. (Capt.), 159
  Doty, Capt., 160
  Doty, James, 134, 135
  Doty, James D. (Judge), 76
  Dougherty, John, 103
  Douglas, Stephen A., 175
  Dover, 192
  Dowling, Nicholas (Capt.), 120
  Doyle, Edward, 123, 142, 298
  Drakeford, L’t., 55
  Draper, Joseph, 135, 136
  Draper, L.C., 108
  Draper, –– (Capt.), 193
  Drayton, Thomas F. (L’t.), 120
  Drum, R.C. (Gen.), 162
  Drummond’s Island, 67
  Dubuque, 102
  Dubuque Mines, 47, 102, 120
  Dulaney, William H., Dr., 118, 123, 164
  Duncan, Asa, 183
  Duncan, Enoch, 143
  Duncan, Joseph (Gen.), 93-96
  Duncan, Matthew, 124
  Dunlap, Adams, 123
  Dunlap, Samuel, 191
  Dunn, Charles (Capt.), 190, 191, 208, 210, 211, 287
  Dunnivan, William L., 203
  Du Page River, 145, 161, 167, 188
  Du Page Settlements, 191
  Durley, James, 123
  Durley, William, 142, 169
  Durman, Jonathan (Capt.), 190, 191

  Eads, Abner, 125, 133, 137, 145
  Eames, Charles, 183, 184
  Early, Jacob M. (Capt.), 175, 196, 210, 211, 286, 287
  Eaton, John H., 91
  Eaton, Nathaniel J., 111, 120
  Ebey, Jacob, 125
  Eckles, Hon. James H., 149
  Edgar County, 191
  Eddy, Henry (Col.), 116
  Eddy, John M., 123
  Edgerton, Mr., the Phrenologist, 18
  Edwards, Abraham (L’t.-Col.), 258
  Edwards County, 191
  Edwards, Cyrus, 122
  Edwards, Ninian (Gov.), 55, 60, 61, 63, 64
  Eldon, Iowa, 273
  Election, Dodge vs. Posey, 201
  Elizabeth, Illinois, 183, 286
  Elk Grove, 143
  Elkin, William F., 93
  Ellis, Bird W., 135, 136
  English Prairie, 236
  England, 25, 38
  Engle, James (L’t.), 121
  English, Levin N., 123
  English, The, 26, 57
  Epperson, Elijah, 165
  Estes, Capt. ––, 219, 220
  Eubanks, William (Maj.), 191
  Eustis (Col.), 246, 247, 248, 249, 260
  Evans, James (Maj.), 193
  Ewing, John (Col.), 127, 139, 190, 211, 287
  Ewing, W.L.D. (Maj.), 195, 216, 217, 218, 223, 224
  Ewing, Trammel (L’t.), 200, 202
  Exeter, 194, 209

  Fairmount, 262
  Fanchier, G.B., 287
  Fal-sa-voine, 47, 55, 57
  Farnham & Davenport, 251
  Farris, Joseph B., 135
  Fayette County, 125, 195
  Feaman, Jacob (Capt.), 194
  Fevre River, 154
  Field, Alex. P., 193
  Fitch, M.G., 183
  Fitzpatrick, William, 123
  Flack, 185
  Flannagan, Dr. George, 191
  Flood, Wm. G., 117, 125
  Floyd, Aquilla, 169
  Fonda, John H., 108
  Force, George (L’t.), 183
  Ford, Capt. ––, 248
  Ford, Thomas (Gov.), 95, 158, 184, 220
  Forristal, James G., 192
  Forsythe, Thomas, 67, 80, 169
  Fortieth Regiment, 159
  Fortress Monroe, 242-260
  Foster, Amos (L’t.), 121
  Foster, John F., 123
  Four Lakes, 205, 206, 221
  Four Lakes Conference, 143
  Fourth Lake, 217
  Fowler, John, 169, 170, 171, 181
  Fowlers, Phrenologists, 19
  Fox River, Ill., 145, 148, 161, 177, 181, 189, 202, 203, 285
  Fox River, Wis., 27, 35
  Foxes Attacked by Menominees, 102
  France, 24, 25, 58
  Franklin County, 190, 193
  Franks, Jacob, 54
  Fraser, Upton S. (Capt.), 253
  Freeman, Elam S., 117, 118, 123
  Freeman, Jonathan (L’t.), 120
  French and English War, 26
  French, Charles, 82
  Frenchtown, 42
  Fry, Jacob (Col.), 93, 117, 123, 146, 164, 172, 188, 194, 196,
     205, 206, 210, 214, 216, 217, 218, 222, 223
  Ft. Armstrong, 66, 67, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 107, 115, 121, 126,
     141, 145, 166, 171, 238, 239, 248, 249, 263, 264, 265, 273
  Ft. Beggs, 167
  Ft. Clark, 62, 290
  Ft. Crawford, 104, 107, 112, 114, 121, 126, 168, 204, 230, 295
  Ft. Dearborn, 119, 243, 257, 258
  Ft. Dearborn Massacre, 41
  Ft. Defiance, 143, 180, 181
  Ft. Deposit, 140, 188, 189
  Ft. Dixon, 161, 198
  Ft. Gratiot, 242, 243, 247
  Ft. Hamilton, 143, 170, 181, 183, 200, 201, 202, 208, 209, 211
  Ft. Harmar, 32
  Ft. Howard, 55, 56
  Ft. Independence, 52
  Ft. Jackson, 143
  Ft. Johnston, 172, 189, 192
  Ft. Koshkonong, 212, 220, 221
  Ft. Madison, 35, 37, 38, 39, 41, 43, 45, 46, 268, 270
  Ft. Meigs, 42
  Ft. Ottawa, 196
  Ft. Payne, 247, 258
  Ft. Selby, Including Capture and Loss, 47, 48, 51
  Ft. Snelling, 72, 73
  Ft. Stephenson, 42
  Ft. Union, 143
  Ft. Wayne, 38
  Ft. Wilbourn, 140, 159, 172, 188, 189, 194, 196, 204, 205, 286
  Ft. Winnebago, 112, 114, 121, 189, 208, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215,
     235, 287
  Fulton County, 125, 132, 169, 193
  Fulton, Judge A.R., 108
  Funk, Mr. ––, of McLean Co., 198

  Gagnier, Louisa, 76
  Gagnier, Madame, 72, 73
  Gagnier, Registre, 72, 73, 75, 76
  Gaines, Gen. Edmund P., 84, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95,
     96, 238
  Gale, Levin (Lt.), 120
  Galena, 120, 129, 141, 142, 154, 156, 169, 170, 172, 176, 177,
     182, 184, 185, 186, 187, 197, 198, 204, 209, 211, 215, 239,
     247, 286
  Gallatin County, 189, 190, 193
  Galt, P.H. (L’t.), 243, 247, 249, 253
  Gardiner, Thomas, 82
  Gardenier, J.R.B. (L’t.)–This officer’s name has been written
     throughout the work “I.” R.B., because the early prints so had
     it; but by reference to the old army register, “J.” is now
     found to be correct, 120, 142, 204, 295
  Garland, John (Maj.), 260, 261, 264, 266
  Gatewood, Jeff. (L’t.-Col.), 190
  Gear, H.H. (Capt.), 142, 296, 297
  Gentry, James H., 131, 143, 183, 209
  Gentry, Maj.-Gen., 160
  General Order of Gen. Wood, 160
  George, Henry, 148
  Gillespie, Joseph, 94, 164, 177
  Gillham, Isom M., 93
  Gillham, James (L’t.-Col.), 193
  Gillham, John F., 94
  Gillham, William, 93, 194
  Gillispie, Capt. I.M., 169
  Givens, William T. (Capt.), 125
  Goble, Benjamin, 82
  Gooden, Levi W. (Capt.), 125, 184
  Gordon, George, 124
  Gordon, William (Capt.), 194, 205
  Governor’s Call of May 15, 139
  Graham, Duncan, 54, 57, 58, 60
  Graham, John A., 262
  Graham, Mr. ––, 39
  Graham, W.M. (L’t.), 120
  Grand Mascatin, 80
  Grant, Alex. F., 193
  Gratiot, Charles, 30
  Gratiot, Henry (Col.), 90, 91, 114
    (His Rescue), 115, 131, 143, 153, 180
  Gratiot, J.R.B. (Capt.), 143, 180
  Gratiot’s Grove, 114, 129, 143, 153, 180, 181
  Grave Robbed, 273
  Graves, Ward, 159
  Gray Tail, The, 101
  Great Britain, 25
  Great Butte des Morts, 236
  Great Eagle, 18
  Greathouse, John S., 98
  Green Bay, 41, 42, 47, 226, 234, 235, 263, 292
  Green, Emerson, 183
  Green, Royal P., 281
  Green, Sion R., 124
  Greene County, 117, 125, 164, 194
  Greenough, J.K. (L’t.), 94, 120
  Greer, Abner (Capt.), 191
  Gregoire, Marie P., 171
  Gregory, Charles (L’t.-Col.), 118, 123
  Gregory, James (Capt.), 169
  Gridley, Asahel (L’t.), 137
  Griffin, John, 30
  Griffin, Robert (Capt.), 191
  Grigneau Bros. (Grignon meant), 54
  Grignon, Sr., Augustin, 235
  Grignon, Jr., Charles (Capt.), 235
  Grignon, Robert (L’t.), 235
  Grizzly Bear, 236
  Guirano, Guyol de, 65
  Gulf of Mexico, 109
  Gunn, Aaron, 192

  Hackleton, Mr. ––, 132
  Hail, David B., 82
  Haines, Alfred, 130
  Haines, James, 130
  Haines, John, 93
  Haines, Jonathan, 130
  Hale, Ozias (Capt.), 194
  Hale, William, 169, 170, 171
  Hall, Alex. P., 190
  Hall, Edward H., 150, 153, 154
  Hall, Elizabeth, 150
  Hall, Greenbury, 150
  Hall, James (Capt.), 190
  Hall, John W., 149, 150, 153, 154
  Hall, Mary J.R., 150
  Hall, Oliver W., 134, 136
  Hall, Rachel and Sylvia, 149 _et seq._, 180
  Hall, Reason, 153
  Hall, William, 147, 150, 181
  Halsted, C.V., 194
  Hamilton and Bigelow, 158
  Hamilton, Alexander, 132, 205
  Hamilton County, 190
  Hamilton, Thomas (L’t.), 39, 40, 58
  Hamilton, William S., 131, 132, 143, 146, 181, 182, 209, 210, 234,
     235, 291, 292
  Hamilton’s Diggings, 292
  Hancock County, 125, 193
  Hardin, John J. (Col.), 93, 164, 279
  Hargrave, Willis (Col.), 190
  Harney, Mrs. John M., 303
  Harney, W.S. (Capt.), 120, 122, 126, 141, 161, 211, 212, 224, 294,
  Harris, John, 125
  Harrison, George, 287, 288
  Harrison, Jesse M., 124
  Harrison, Thomas, 125
  Harrison, William Henry (Gov.), 26, 27, 29, 33, 38
  Harsha, Rev. W.W., 304
  Hart, Nathan, 194
  Hash-e-quar-hi-qua, 27, 30, 31
  Haskins, Moses, 124
  Hatton, Capt., 248
  Havana, Ill., 288
  Hawley, Aaron, 169, 170
  Haws, William (Capt.), 159
  Hawthorn, John (Sg’t.-Maj.), 194
  Hawthorn, John (Surgeon), 194
  Haynes, John (Capt.), 191
  Hayse, Dr. B.M., 159
  Hazleton, ––, 203
  Headen, William, 124
  Heans, William, 82
  Helena, Wis., 221, 222
  Hempstead, Charles S., 76
  Hempstead, L’t., 53
  Henderson, John and J.H., 147 _et seq._
  Henderson, L’t. ––, 50
  Henderson River, 84, 118, 192, 197, 279, 280
  Henderson, Vawter, 124
  Henry, James D. (Gen.), 79, 93, 123, 125, 127, 141, 164, 173, 174,
     175, 193, 198, 201, 202, 203, 205, 207, 211, 212, 213, 214,
     215, 216, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 225, 228, 287
  Henry, William, 82
  Herclerode, George W., 187
  Hewitt, ––, 118
  Heyl, Serg’t. ––, 244
  Hickman, Benj. F., 193
  Hickory Creek, 167, 188
  Hickory Point, 181
  Hicks, B. (Q.M.), 190
  Higbee, Charles, 94
  Higginbotham, Alex, 169, 183
  Highsmith, William (Capt.), 191
  Hill, Dr. Allen, 183
  Hinman, William, 119
  Hitchcock, E.A. (Capt.), 120
  Hoard, Capt. ––, 143, 181
  Hodges, J., 192
  Hoffman, William (L’t.), 120
  Hogan, John S.C. (L’t.), 119
  Holderman Settlement, 148
  Hollenback, George B., 166
  Hollenback, George M., 166, 167, 202
  Hollenback’s Grove, 167
  Holliday, Joel (Capt.), 190
  Hollingsworth, Samuel, 125
  Holman, Armstead (Capt.), 190
  Holmes R. (L’t.), 120, 189, 204
  Hood, John, 183, and see p. 224
  Hook, Cornelius, 193
  Hook, James H. (Capt.), 120
  Horine, Michael, 124
  Horn, Reddick (Rev. and Maj.), 122, 140, 154, 188, 189, 194
  Horn, W.S., 150, 154
  Horney, Samuel, 123
  Houston, Alex. (Capt.), 191
  How, Mr. –– of Platt, 227
  Howard, Allen, 147, 150
  Howard, Benj., 124
  Howard, Gen., 48
  Howard, Stephen P., 183, 184
  Hubbard, Gurdon S. (L’t.), 169
  Hull, ––, Surrender of, 41
  Hulls, M.S., 82
  Hunt, Richard, 159
  Hunter, Charles W., 65
  Hunter, John T. (Q.M.), 191
  Hunter, Solomon (Capt.), 191
  Huron, Lake, 38
  Hussey, Nathan, 193
  Hustisford, 215
  Huston, A. (Col.), 257, 258
  Huston, James (Maj.), 190
  Huston, Samuel (Capt.), 195
  Hutching, Private ––, 224
  Hutt, Corbin R. (Capt.), 169
  Hutter, George C., 111, 120

  Iles, Elijah (Capt.), 145, 164, 172, 177, 286
  Illinois Rapids, 188, 195, 197
  Illinois River, 26, 27, 35, 62, 77, 111, 116, 139, 140, 146, 148,
  Indian Creek, 146, 148, 202, 203
  Indian Creek Massacre, 119, 146, 149 _et seq._, 160, 167
  Indian Creek, Mich., 256
  Indian Maiden at Fort Madison, 40
  Indiana, 25, 258
  Ingalls, Boone, 65
  Interim Regiment, 164
  Iometah, 236
  Iowa River, 80, 106, 109, 224
  Iowa Village, 103, 269
  Iowa Village, Battle at, 69, 70
  Iowas, 57, 69, 70, 100, 272, 273
  Irwin, Alex. J., 235

  Jackson, Andrew, 57, 58, 60, 193, 212, 242, 260, 261, 273
  Jackson, Capt. ––, 255, 256, 258
  Jacksonville, 194
  James, Benj., 125, 164, 194
  James, John, 124
  James, Thomas (Maj.), 124, 125, 146, 161
  Jarrot, Vital, 122
  Jarrott, Francis, 164, 178
  Jefferson Barracks, 89, 110, 121, 225, 240, 294
  Jefferson County, 190
  Jefferson, Thomas, 27
  Jeffreon River, 32
  Jenkins, A.M. (Capt.), 196
  Jenkins, Thomas, 183
  Jo Daviess County, 19, 140, 142
  Jo Daviess Militia, 131
  Johnson, George (Capt.), 235
  Johnson, James (Capt. and Col.), 125, 126, 145, 157, 189
  Johnson, James F. (Q.M.), 190
  Johnson, John, 38
  Johnson, John W. (Capt.), 61
  Johnson, Seth (Capt.), 246
  Johnston, Albert Sidney (L’t.), 111, 120, 140, 147, 161, 162, 189,
     195, 196, 197, 205, 211, 225, 248, 286, 293, 294
  Johnston, John D., 287
  Johnston, Joseph E., 253
  Johnston, L. (L’t.), 67
  Johnston, Nathan, 178
  Johnston, N.C., 124
  Johnston, N.H., 193
  Johnston, William P. (Col.), 295
  Johnston, William P. (Mrs.), Introduction
  Jones, Armstead, 218
  Jones, C. (L’t.-Col.), 191
  Jones, Edward, 93
  Jones, Gabriel (Col.), 194, 206, 210, 216, 218
  Jones, George W., 170, 171, 187, 208, 209, 295, 302, 303
  Jones, James S. (Maj.), 191
  Jones, Richard, 123
  Jones, Capt. ––, of Randolph Co., 195
  Jonesville, 254
  Jordan, Elias (Capt.), 191
  Jordan, James H., 272, 273, 274
  Jordan, Mr., 69
  Jordan, W., 94
  Jouett, William R. (Capt.), 120
  Julien, Mr. ––, 39

  Ka-non-e-kah, 76
  Ka-ra-zhon-sept-kah, 76
  Ka-ta-ka, 61
  Ka-ka-kew, 98
  Ka-ke-ka-mah, 98
  Ka-ke-me-ka-pes, 98
  Kar-lun-da-wa-na, 263
  Kas-kas-kias, 24, 26
  Kellogg’s Grove, 156, 171, 176, 177, 178, 179, 184, 187, 192, 198,
     199, 200, 201, 204, 208, 300
  Kellogg, O.W., 129, 176, 290
  Kellogg’s Trail, 113, 129, 165, 176, 290
  Ke-me-a-lo-sha, 64
  Kendle, Samuel F., 94
  Kennedy, George F., 94
  Kennedy, Aid-de-Camp, 47
  Kenney, John W., 193
  Kenney, Thomas, 169
  Kent, Erastus, 82
  Kentucky, 25, 48, 58, 77, 78
  Kent Township, 177
  Ke-o-kuk, 20, 23, 44, 45, 79, 80, 81, 88, 107, 108, 112, 113, 228,
     239, 240, 248, 251, 259, 261, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 270, 271
  Ke-o-kuk’s Village, and Scenes There, 109, 110
  Ke-o-sa-tah, 98
  Ke-o-ta-she-ka, 64
  Kee-tee-see, 98
  Kercheval, Gholson, 119
  Kesh-e-yi-va, 32
  Kettle, 102, 108
  Kee-was-see, 158
  Keyes Lake, 217
  Kick-a-poos, 55, 57, 90, 97, 238, 239
  Kickapoo River, 222
  Kincaid, James (Capt.), 194
  Kincaid, Hiram, 94
  Kingsley, Alpha (L’t.), 37, 38
  Kingsbury, J.W. (L’t.), 120
  Kingsbury, Julius J.B. (L’t.), 246
  Kinney, Mr. ––, 127
  Kinzie, John, 114
  Kirker’s Farm, 181
  Kirkpatrick, Wm., 164, 172, 278, 279
  Kirkpatrick, R.H., 183
  Kirkpatrick, ––, at Apple River Fort, 185, 187
  Kish-wau-kee, 131, 205, 284
  Knox County, 193
  Koe-ko-skee, 98
  Kosh-ko-nong, Lake, 205, 206, 208, 209, 212, 287
  Kot-te-ken-ne-kak, 107
  Kreeps, David, 135
  Krupp, John, 94

  La Croix, Cerre M., 65
  La Croix, Joseph, 55
  La Croix, Mitchell, 55
  Lafayette County, 114
  La Gouthrie, Edward, 41, 54, 58
  Lagoterie, 41, 54, 58
  Lake We Live On, 206
  Lake House, 217
  Lamotte, Lieut. ––, 104
  Lamotte, ––, 236
  Land Warrants, 77
  Lane, Levin, 190
  Lane, Will Carr, 111
  Larned, Brig. Gen. ––, 255
  La Saillier, 55
  La Salle, 140
  La Salle County, 159
  Lasley’s, 117
  Lawrence, W. (L’t.-Col.), 66
  Lawrence County, 191
  Lawhead, Benj., 183
  Lay-ow-vois, 27, 30
  Lead Mines, 100, 187
  Leavenworth, Cantonment, 103, 121, 188, 193
  Le Claire, Antoine, 19, 92, 98, 251, 259
  Leech, Levin, 183
  Leech, Samuel (Col.), 190
  Lee County, 130
  Leighton, Jonathan, 124, 164
  Lemonweir Valley, 229
  Lena, 177
  Levers, Thomas (L’t.-Col.), 61
  Lexington, Iowa, 275
  Lieb, Daniel, 94
  Lillard, 117
  Lincoln, Abraham, 125, 140, 164, 173, 175, 196, 198, App., 277
  Linden, H.S.J. (L’t.), 120
  Lindsay, Allen F. (Capt.), 73, 195
  Lipcap, Solomon, 72, 73, 76
  “Little Bear”, 169, 170, 171
  Little, Josiah, 124
  Little Medicine Man, 114
  Little Priest, 114, 180
  Little Thunder, 215, 216
  Little Turtle, 20
  Little Vermilion River, 188
  Lockwood, James H., 103, 105, 108
  Logan, 20
  Logan, Dr. J.B., 194
  Loomis, G. (Capt.), 228
  Long, Edward R. (L’t.), 246
  Long, Thomas (Maj.), 116, 124, 125, 141, 161, 163, 280
  Loraine, John, 94
  Lorton, John, 93
  Louisiana, 24, 29
  Lovell, Michael, 184
  Lovitt, Thomas, 82
  Lowe, Gideon (Capt.), 106, 121, 212
  Lower Cuivre Ferry, 56
  Lower Iowa R., 111
  Lowry, Private ––, 224
  Lucas, Gov. ––, 18, 274
  Lundy, John, 136
  Luziére, 171
  Lynnville, 194
  Lyon, Elijah (Capt.), 253
  Little Mascoutille, 58

  Mackinac or Mackinaw, 47
  Mackinac, Fall of, 41
  Mackinaw Company, 47
  Mackinaw Fencibles, 47
  Mackitee, Andrew, 123
  Macomb, Maj.-Gen. Alex, 228
  Macomb, Ill., 193
  Macon County, 125, 159
  Macoupin County, 125, 194
  Madding, Champion S. (Capt.), 191
  Madison County, 125, 191, 194
  Madison, Wis., 217
  Madam Black Hawk, 268, 272, 273, 274
  Mah-na-at-ap-e-kah, 76
  Ma-ka-tai-she-kia-kiak, 17, 64, 98
  Malden, 88, 238, 258
  Mandeville, Jack, 75
  Manner of Enlistments, 119
  March, Enoch C. (Col.), 93, 94, 116, 140, 188, 193, 195, 212, 222
  March to Rock River Mouth, in 1831, 92
  March to the Wisconsin, 216
  March to Yellow Banks in 1832, 118, etc.
  Marie de Ogee, 128
  Marion County, 190
  Marsh, John, 102
  Marshall, Humphrey (L’t.), 245
  Marshall, Thomas I. or J., 124
  Marsac, Joseph F. (Capt.), 255
  Martin, Capt. ––, 257
  Martin, Philip W., 117, 118, 123
  Ma-sha-she, 64
  Mash-co, 64
  Mason, R.B. (Capt.), 120, 225
  Mason, Stevens T. (Gov.), 254, 256
  Masonic Temple, 35
  Massey, L’t. ––, 55
  Match-e-qua-wa, 64
  Mathews, H., 93
  Mathews, Cyrus (Capt.), 159, 188, 195, 196
  Matthews, Samuel T. (Col.), 193, 196
  Maughs, Milton M. (Capt.), 19, 142
  Mauvisterre River, 194
  Maynadier, William (Capt.), 247
  Mayo, Jonathan (Capt.), 191
  Mayo, Walter M. (Q.M.), 191
  Me-al-es-e-ta, 64
  Meau-eus, or Mee-au-mese, 147, 157
  Me-caitch, 61
  Mecomsen, William B., 177, 178
  Medals, 32, 67
  Men-a-con, 98
  Menard, Peter (Capt.), 159, 164, 177, 205
  Mendinall, Zadock, 135
  Menominees, 67, 100, 102, 103, 110, 230, 235, 249, 259
  Menominees, Murder of, 103, 104, 107, 110, 113, 234 _et seq._
  Merameg River, 22
  Merryman, Dr. E.H., 194, 215
  Messersmith, John, Jr., 183
  Methode, 72, 76
  Mexico, Gulf of, 109
  Michigan Militia in the War, 254
  Military Tract, 77
  Miller, Albert S., 120
  Miller, Col., 58
  Miller, Gov. of Mo., 160
  Miller, G.V., 82
  Miller, Solomon, 94, 159
  Miller, William, 94
  Miller, William (Maj.), 194
  Million, Bennett, 181
  Mills, Benj., 113
  Milton, James, 135
  Milwaukee River, 234
  Mineral Point, Wis., 131, 143, 181
  Miners’ Journal, 76
  Missouri, 58;
    Excitement in, 160
  Missouri River, 44, 60, 61, 100, 103
  Mitchell, E.G. (L’t.), 120
  Moffett, Thomas (Capt.), 195
  Mograine, Noel, 61
  Molansat, 98
  Monroe County, 125
  Montgomery County, 117, 125, 194
  Montreal, 17, 26
  Moore Benj., 130
  Moore, David H. (Q.M.), 195
  Moore, Isaac R. (Col.), 169, 189
  Moore, James, 124
  Moore, James B. (Capt.), 61
  Moore, J. Milton, 124
  Moore, Jonathan, 124
  Moore, Risdon, 124
  Moore, Risdon Marshall, 124
  Moore, William, 94, 124
  Morgan County, 125, 140, 159, 188, 194, 195
  Morgan, Joshua C., 126
  Morgan, Willoughby (Col.), 98, 101, 104, 106, 107
  Morgan, A. Brave, 106
  Morris, Achilles (L’t.-Col.), 93, 123, 172
  Morris, F.M., 183
  Morrison, James, 123
  Morrison, Wm. L.E., 123
  Morrison’s Grove, 180
  Morse, Jedediah, 67
  Mosley, Roland, 159
  Mower, Surgeon Thomas G., 243
  Mud Lake, 205
  Munroe, John (Capt.), 243, 253
  Munson, Gideon, 134, 135
  Munson, William, 150, 154
  Murder of Rev. Adam Payne, 166, 167
  Murder of Rev. James Sample, 166
  Murphy, Wm. C. (Sgt.), 224
  Musick, David (Capt.), 55, 56
  Myers, William, 159
  McAdams, William, 164
  McBride, David, 229
  McCall, Daniel, 126
  McCall, Gentry, 82
  M’Call, George A., 98
  McClure, Robert, 125, 145
  McCormick, Andrew, 218, 224
  McClernand, John A., 190, 303
  McClernand, E.J. (Col.) J., 190
  McConnel, Murray, 123, 193, 215, 218, 224
  McCown, John (Capt.), 191
  McCoy, Charles, 142
  McDonald, John, 186
  McDonough County, 118
  McDow, Thomas, 125, 281
  McDaniel, Benj., 178
  McDuffie, Franklin (L’t.), 243
  McFadden, Geo. (Capt.), 157, 159, 202, 203
  McGill, Hugh, 189
  McGraw, Dominick, 183
  McHatton, A., 123
  McHenry, William (Maj.), 191, 212
  McIlvaine, Caroline M., Introduction
  McIlwaine, Murder of, 181
  McKay, Wm. (Col.), 48, 67, 68
  McKenney, Thomas L., 73
  McLean County, 125, 136, 150, 159
  McLean Hist. Society, 136
  McMillen, Meredith S., 218
  McMurtry, William (Capt.), 193
  McNair, John, 218
  M’Nair, L’t. ––, 55
  McNeil, H., 82
  McRee, Capt. ––, 212

  Nabb, Mr. ––, 39
  Na-chu-sa, 291
  Na-i-o-gui-man, 67
  Na-kis-ka-wa, 98
  Na-ma-che-wa-na, 61
  Na-match-e-sa, 64
  Na-ma-we-nan-e, 64
  Name of Black Hawk, 17
  Na-mee, 98
  Nam-e-qua, 268
  Na-na-ma-kee, 17
  Na-ni-sa, 239
  Na-noch-aa-ta-sa, 61
  Naper, Joseph (Capt.), 157, 167, 188
  Naperville, 247, 257
  Na-pe-ta-ka, 64
  Napoleon, 24, 48
  Napoleon Boat, 258
  Na-sa-war-ku, 64
  Na-she-as-kuk, 18
  Nashville, 58
  Na-som-see, 268
  Neal, Moses, 190
  Neale, Thomas M., 93
  Neapope, 109, 130, 218, 224, 229, 238, 239, 240
  Neepeek, 98
  Nes-se-as-kuk, 268
  Ne-sho-ta, 61
  Neutral Strip, 101
  Newcomb, F.D. (L’t.), 120
  Newhall, Dr. Horatio, 142
  New Salem, 278, 280, 281, 288
  New York City, 262, 263
  Niblo’s Garden, 263
  Nichols, John (L’t.), 120
  Niles, Mich, 256, 258
  Noel, Thomas, 111, 120
  Norfolk, 260
  Norris, Robert, 148
  Norvell, Joshua, 64
  Nott, Royal A. (Capt.), 191
  Nowlin, Bennett (Capt.), 194
  Nute, Levi M. (L’t.), 120
  Nutting, James, 187

  Offutt, Mr., 278, 281
  Ogee, Joseph, 129
  Ohio, 25
  Old Man’s Creek, 132, 137, 138
  Old Mission, 203
  Old Shullsburg, 143
  Oliphant, E.P., 164
  Omahas, 103, 108
  O’Melvany, John, 194
  O’Neal, John F. (Capt.), 143
  Oneidas, 235
  Onstott, John (Capt.), 190
  Order No. 12, 126
  Order No. 13, 126
  Order No. 14, 126
  Order No. 15, 128
  Order No. 16, 128
  Order No. 21, 146
  Order No. 22, 161
  Order Special No. 11, 161
  Order of May 24, 163
  Order No. 26, 172
  Order No. 41, 195
  Order No. 43, 195
  Order No. 44, Defining Divisions and Duties, 203
  Order No. 45, to L’t. Bowman, 204
  Order No. 46, for Subsistence, 204
  Order No. 48, Urging Obedience, 206
  Order No. 49, 209
  Order to Maj. Long, 116
  Order to Maj. Stillman, 131
  Orear, George, 123
  Oregon, Wis., 209
  Organization of Army, 1831, 93
  Orr, Joseph, 194
  Osages, 21, 22, 23, 24, 29, 103
  Oshkahenahniew, 236
  Oshkosh, 236
  Oquawka, 116
  Otoes, 103
  Ottawa, 136, 146, 148, 153, 156, 159, 167, 169, 172, 188, 189,
     193, 194, 202, 203, 204, 282, 285
  Ottawas, 100
  “Otto,” Steamboat, 188
  Ouilmette, Louis, 130, 131, 149
  Out-che-qua-ha, 27, 30, 31

  Palmer, James (Capt.), 169
  Palmer, Zalmon C. (Capt.), 111, 120, 299
  Pa-ma-ke-tah, 98
  Pan-se-na-nee, 98
  Parish, Thomas J., 143
  Parish’s Fort, 143
  Parker, Leonard B. (Q.M.), 191
  Parkinson, Daniel M., 143, 183, 209, 218
  Parkinson, Peter, Jr., 183
  Parrish, Dr. J.J., 191
  Parmenter, Isaac, 191
  Pa-she-ko-mack, 64
  Pa-she-pa-ho, 27, 30, 31, 33, 40, 68, 69, 70, 79, 98, 264, 265,
     266, 267
  Pash-qua-mee, 107
  Patterson, Gershom (Capt.) ––, 194, 204
  Patterson, J.B., 19, 66, 240
  Patrick, Samuel, 183
  Paul, R., 64
  Paul, T., 61
  Pa-we-sheek, 98
  Paw Paw Grove and Village, 130, 285
  Payne, Rev. Adam, 166, 167, 168, etc.
  Payne, Aaron, 168, 224
  Payne, Morgan L. (Capt.), 169, 188, 189, 191, 193
  Pearce, Hosea (Col.), 191
  Pearson, Ed. L., 117
  Pecatonica, 286
  Pecatonica, The, 170, 181, 209
  Pecatonica, The Battle of, 182
  Pekin, 130
  Pem-e-see, 98
  Peoria, 55, 113, 116, 129, 176, 192, 288
  Peoria County, 125, 159
  Pekin, 159, 288
  Perkins, Isaac, 135
  Perkins, L’t. ––, 47
  Perkins, Joseph, 64
  Penrose, James W. (L’t.), 246
  “Perry, Oliver H., The”, 73
  Perry County, 194
  Peru, 77, 140, 288
  Peru Road, 140
  “Petit Boeuff”, 76
  Petition to Gov. Reynolds, 82, 83
  Petty, Elisha, 125
  Petersburg, 194
  Pettigrew, William, 147
  Penn, William, The, 242
  Pe-wau-te-not, 236
  Philip of Pokonoket, 20
  Philleo, Addison, 143, 217
  Phillips Ferry, 119
  Phillips, Elijah, 192, 197
  Phrenological Comments, 18, 19
  Pickett, John (L’t.), 253
  Pierce, Earl (Capt.), 160
  Pierce, Samuel C., 93
  Pike, Benjamin F., 82, 83, 84, 98
  Pike County, 119, 125, 194
  Pike, Zebulon M. (L’t.), 31, 32, 37
  Pillsbury, Samuel, 126
  Pinckney, Ninian (Capt.), 37, 38
  Plainfield, 167, 169
  Platoff, 48
  Platteville, 143
  Plum River, 170, 202, 205, 208
  Po-ca-ma, 61
  Poe-go-nah, 236
  Poin-a-ke-ta, 64
  Polo, 142, 176
  Pontiac, 20, 80
  Poore, Ben Perley, 279, 284
  Pope County, 190
  Poquette, Pierre, 215, 216
  Portage des Sioux, 55, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63
  Portage des Sioux, Treaty of, 60
  Portage, The, Wis., 229, 236
  Posey, Alexander (Gen.), 190, 192, 193, 197, 200, 201, 202, 203,
     204, 205, 206, 208, 209, 210, 211, 220, 222, 223, 225, 228, 287
  Posey, John F., 124
  Pottowatomies, 32, 35, 68, 82, 90, 97, 130, 132, 133, 143, 146,
     147, 205, 238, 239
  Pottowatomie Council at Rock Creek, 166;
    Village, 285
  Powell, Alanson, 195
  Powell, Daniel (Capt.), 191
  Powell, William (L’t.), 235, 236
  Prairie la Crosse, 230
  Prairie du Chien, 41, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 58, 71, 72, 74, 75,
     76, 89, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105, 112, 219, 223, 225, 226, 227,
     228, 231, 237, 240, 249
  Pratt Seth (Capt.), 125, 145
  Prentiss, James (L’t.), James H., 253
  Preuitt, Solomon, 94, 122
  Price, Daniel, 125
  Price, Thomas, 183
  Prickett, David, 122
  Prince, William, 30
  Proclamation Opening Lands Ceded by 1804 Treaty, 79
  Prophet’s Village, 35, 114, 126, 127, 128, 163, 284
  Prosper, Samuel M., 123
  Pryor, Nathaniel (L’t.), 38
  Pugh, Isaac C. (Capt.), 125, 145
  Putnam County, 159
  Py-e-sa, 17, 22, 23
  Pype-gee, 148, 166

  Quash-qua-me, 27, 30, 31, 32, 40, 41, 44, 61, 80, 87
  Quesh-qua-ing, 107, 108
  Quincy, 18, 117, 140, 274

  Ralls, William C. (Capt), 125, 164
  Ramsay, Robert, 57
  Ramsay, Robert (Mrs.), 57
  Randall, Peter, 124
  Randolph County, 194, 218
  Randolph, Marcus, 200
  Rankin, ––, 183
  Rattan, M.E., 124
  Raum, John (Maj.), 190
  Rawlings, Marshall, 190
  Rector, L’t. and Capt. ––, 49, 50, 53, 54
  Red Bird, 72, 75, 76, 77
  Red Cedar River, 100
  Reed, Thomas B., 133
  Reed, Michael, 159
  Remann, Frederick, 195
  Return to Ft. Armstrong, 267
  Revell, Wallace, 138
  Reynolds, John, 81, 82, 85, 86, 88, 89, 90, 93, 96, 113, 116, 118,
     119, 122, 127, 130, 132, 139, 140, 141, 157, 161, 162, 169,
     189, 192, 210, 245, 280, 284, 293, 294
  Reynolds, Gov., Appeal for Troops, 113, 117
  Reynolds’ Proclamation, May 15, 139
  Rhodes, Mr., 156
  Richardson, Asa, 111, 120, 248
  Richardson, John F. (Capt.), 191
  Riggs, Henry S., 194
  Riggs, L’t., 49, 50
  Riley, Bennet, 110, 120, 126, 177, 179, 192, 197
  Rious, Senor, 24
  Ritner, L’t. ––, 226, 228
  Robison, John K., 298
  Robinson, Chief Alex, 166
  Roberts, Milton B., 193
  Roberts, Calvert, 118
  Roberts, Calvin, 123
  Rochelle’s Village, 148
  Rock Creek, 166
  Rock Island, 48, 66, 82, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 95, 194, 230, 232,
  Rock Island County, 193
  Rockport, 94
  Rock Lake, 217
  Rock River, 17, 18, 31, 41, 47, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58,
     61, 80, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 112, 115, 119, 120,
     126, 129, 146, 156, 161, 166, 180, 187, 189, 203, 205, 209,
     211, 212, 214, 238, 248, 271, 281, 283, 290, _et seq._
  Rock River Sacs, 103 and see “British Band.”
  Rogers, Jason, 111, 120, 248
  Roman, Richard, 94, 123, 164, 177, 178
  Rose, Edwin (L’t.), 253
  Ross, Thomas B. (Capt.), 191
  Ross, William, 119, 122, 125
  Roundtree, Hiram (Capt.), 194
  Roundtree, John H., 143
  Rousseau, Gus S. (Lieut.), 120
  Rowland, Isaac (Capt.), 255
  Royster, Thomas J., 111, 120
  Rushville, 117, 278, 279, 282
  Russia, 48
  Russell, William (Col.), 55, 56
  Russell, David B. (Capt.), 190, 191
  Russell, Col. of Mich., 258
  Rutledge, Dr. John B., 164

  Sain, John (Capt.), 193
  Sakaegan Lake, 27
  Sa-kee-too, 64
  Saline, Mich., 256
  Salter, William, 208
  Salt River, 31
  Sample, Rev. James, 165
  Sanders, Hiram, 83, 84
  Sandford, Isaac (Capt.), 191
  Sangamon County, 93, 125, 164, 169, 195
  Sangamon River, 194
  Santeaux, 71
  Sash-au-quash, 158
  Sauk-e-nuk–Black Hawk’s Village, 17, 41, 52, 57, 67, 77, 81, 84,
     94, 95, 101, 130, 165
  Sauk Trail, 165
  Sawyer, James, 65
  Scales, S.H. (Capt.), 142
  Schermerhorn, ––, 203
  Schuyler County, 117-125, 159-164
  Schwankovsky, Julie, 171
  Scott, Benj., 178, 179
  Scott, John, 76
  Scott, John W., 164
  Scott, Moses, 65
  Scott, Winfield (Gen.), 168, 173, 212, 221, 228, 232, 238, 239,
     291, 292, 304
  Scott’s Expedition, 242 _et seq._
  Schwarz, Col., 256
  Searight, Joseph D. (L’t.), 111, 120
  Searles, Murder of, 181
  Semple, James, 94, 122, 164, 177
  Senecas, The, 263
  Sessions, Capt. Holden, 193
  Seven Mile Bluff, 229
  Sevier, Robert (L’t.), 120
  Sha-a-toc, 157
  Sha-bo-na or Shab-bo-na, 20, 133, 147, 148, etc., 157, 166, 189,
  Sha-bo-na’s Village, 128, 130
  Sha-ma-ga, 61
  Shambaugh, Prof. B.F.Introduction and, 269
  Sharp, Powell H. (L’t.-Col.), 194
  Shaw, John (Col.), 254
  Shaw, Nineveh, 191
  Shelby County, 125
  Shelledy, Stephen B., 191
  Shelton, Joseph (Maj.), 190
  Shem-e-non, 157
  Sherman, John (Capt.), 143
  She-she-qua-nas, 98
  Shields, Alexander, 123
  Short, Thomas J., 218
  Simpson, Gideon, 124
  Singing Bird, 268, 272, 273, 274
  Sink Hole Battle, 46, 55, 56
  Sinsinawa Mound, 187
  Sioux, The, 47, 72, 100, 101, 102, 103, 224, 227, 229, 259
  Skinner, Private ––, 224
  Slaughter’s Farm, 217
  Smart, Josiah, 110
  Smith, Adam, 93
  Smith, Alex. (Capt.), 194
  Smith, Brig.-Gen. ––, 58
  Smith, Chester, 167
  Smith, David (Capt.), 191, 194, 195
  Smith, George F. (Mrs.), 135
  Smith, Henry (Capt.), 111, 120, 212, 224, 225, 248
  Smith, Henry B. (Q.M.,) 191
  Smith, James, 142
  Smith, Jeremiah, 125, 194, 214, 215
  Smith, John C. (Gen.), 296
  Smith, Robert R., 224
  Smith, Samuel, 93, 124, 164
  Smith, Theophilas W. (Col.), 193
  Smith, Thomas A. (Gen.), 66
  Smith, Vincent, 142
  Smith, William B., 125
  Snelling, Fort, 72, 73
  Snelling, Josiah (Col.), 72, 75
  Snelling, William J., 75
  Snock-wine, 157
  Snyder, Adam W. (Capt.) | 122, 164, 172, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179,
  Snyder, Dr. J.F., Introduction and, 273
  Solomon, Samuel, 61, 64
  Soulard, James G., 227
  Souligny, 236
  Spafford’s Farms, 230
  Spafford, Murder of, 181
  Spain, 24, 25, 29
  Spanish Father, 23, 24, 26
  Spears, Edward (L’t.), 56
  Speech on Military Coat-tails, 288
  Spencer, J.W., 82
  Spencer, Murder of, 181
  Spotted Arm, 180
  Springfield, 215
  Sprouce, William, 123
  Stahl, Fred. (Serg’t.), 142, 169
  Stambaugh, Col. ––, 226, 235 _et seq._
  Stambaugh’s Expedition, 234
  Stampede at Ft. Winnebago, 213
  Stapp, James T.B., 122, 130
  Stapp, Wyat B., 130
  Starkey, John, 122
  Starr, William E., 122
  Stennett John (Capt.), 159
  Stephenson County, 177, 184
  Stephenson, James W., 127, 131, 141, 142, 143, 180, 181, 184, 187,
  Stephenson, James W., Battle of, 184
  Stephenson, W.J. (Capt.), 190, 191
  Stewart, ––, 74
  Stewart, Dr. ––, 49
  Stewart, Hart L. (Col.), 257
  Stewart, William M. (Capt.), 159
  Stillman, Isaiah, 113, 125, 126, 128, 130, 139, 141, 145, 161,
     199, 284, 292
  Stillman’s Defeat, 119, 125, 132 _et seq._, 143, 163, 183, 201,
     205, 218, 238, 254, 257, 294
  Stillman’s Defense, 137
  Stockbridges, The, 235
  Stockton, Brig.-Gen., 255
  Stoddard, Amos (Capt.), 30, 34
  Stone, Clack (Capt.), 142, 185
  Storm, L’t.-Col. ––, 190
  Stout, Thomas (Capt.), 194
  Strawn, Jeremiah, 159
  Strawn, John (Col.), 159
  Street, Joseph M. (Gen.), 98, 105, 226, 228, 230, 239, 241, 272
  Strode, James M. (Col.), 113, 127, 131, 140, 142, 184, 185, 187,
     283, 290, 296
  Stuart, John T., 93, 164, 175, 281, 286
  Ste. Genevieve, 76
  St. Ange, 24
  St. Charles, 55
  St. Clair County, 93, 159, 164
  St. Joseph, 254, 258
  St. Joseph Island, 38
  St. Louis, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 34, 38, 41, 42, 44, 56,
     140, 154, 188, 266
  St. Peter’s Indian Agency, 101, 102
  St. Peter’s River, 101, 102
  St. Pierre, Ensign, 50
  St. Vrain, Felix, 86, 87, 88, 98, 106, 107, 169, 170;
    Death of, 171, 173, 180, 181, 238, 251
  Sublet, Thomas, 184
  Sublets, Mr., 156
  Sugar River, 183, 209, 236
  Sullivan, John (Capt.), 47, 48
  Summers, John, 124
  “Sun, The”, 76
  Superior, The–-Boat, 242 _et seq._
  Swett, Leonard, 280
  Sybald, Samuel, 123
  Sycamore Bluff, 137
  Sycamore Creek, 137, 139, 156, 161, 162, 204, 205, 238, 285, 286

  Tah-sau-gah-now, 102
  Ta-ko-na, 98
  Taliaferro, Law, 102, 106
  Tate, John, 124
  Tavar, P.G., 65
  Taylor, E.D., 93
  Taylor, James, 178
  Taylor, Zachary, 47, 51, 52, 53, 54, 112, 120, 121, 126, 128, 145,
     161, 162, 172, 173, 179, 192, 197, 198, 200, 201, 203, 223,
     224, 228, 230, 232, 290, 291
  Taylor’s Battle, 53, 54
  Tazewell Co., 113, 125, 159
  Te-cum-seh, 20, 41, 42, 80, 109
  Tennessee, 58, 77
  Ten Eycks, 255
  Te-pa-kee, 32
  Terra Coupa Prairie, 257,
  Terrell, Dr. William H., 194
  Thames, Battle,| 42
  Third Lake, 216, 217
  Thomas, Henry, 165
  Thomas, John (Col.), 122, 146, 164, 177, 179
  Thomas, John B. (Capt.), 169
  Thomas, William (Capt.), 191
  Thomas, William (Col.), 93, 122
  Thompson, Elias (Maj.), 159
  Thompson, James (Capt.), 194
  Thompson, James (Private), 218
  Thompson, Joel, 82
  Thompson, John, 187
  Thompson, J.L., 124
  Thompson, Samuel M. (Col.), 123, 279
  Thompson, The–Boat, 242
  Thompson, the Wrestler, 282
  Thornton, W.A. (L’t.), 253
  Thrall, Dr. Aaron, 191
  Throckmorton, Capt., 222, 227
  Throckmorton’s Report, 227
  Thwaites, R.G., Introduction
  Timms, J.B., 176
  Timms’ Grove, 176
  Ti-or-nay, 107
  To-mah, 104
  To-po-kia, 98
  To-qua-mee, 148, 149, 157, 158
  Townsend, H.S., 183
  Tradition of Rock Island, 66
  Treaty of 1783, 25, 47
  Treaty of 1789, 32
  Treaty of 1804, 21, 27, 31, 34, 60, 61, 62, 63, 71, 80, 100
  Treaty of 1815, 60, 61, 62
  Treaty of 1816, 63, 80
  Treaty of Ghent, 55, 60, 63, 64
  Treaty of 1824, 71
  Treaty of 1825, 71, 100, 106, 107
  Treaty of 1830, 101
  Treaty of 1831, 92, 96
  Treaty of 1832, 250
  Tunnell, Luther, 118
  Turcot, Commissioner, 58
  Turner, Dr. ––, 274
  Turney, James, 122, 193
  Turtle Creek, 205, 287
  Turtle Village, 205
  Twiggs, David E. (Maj.), 120, 243
  Ullman, Capt. —, 257
  Union Co., 282
  Upper Iowa River, 100, 228

  Van Derveer, J.S., 111, 120
  Vandruff, J., 82
  Vandruff, S., 82
  Vandruff’s Island, 94
  Vansburgh, L.P., 142
  Van Swearengen, J., 111, 120
  Van Waggoner, 183
  Vasquez, Burony (L’t.), 39
  Vaughan, James W., 124
  Vermillion County Regiment, 159, 169
  Village of Black Hawk, 17, 41, 52, 57, 67, 77, 81, 84, 90, 94, 95,
     101, 130, 165
  Vincennes, 38

  Wabash County, 191
  Wabash Tribes, 26, 27
  Wabasha Village, 73, 227
  Wa-bo-ki-e-shiek–the Prophet, 87, 89, 91, 109, 112, 114, 130, 229,
     231, 232, 233, 238, 240, 259, 262
  Waddam’s Grove, 184
  Wah-pa-koo-tas, 101, 102
  Wakefield, John A., 127, 139, 195, 208, 209
  Waldron, Thomas R., 164
  Walker, A. (Capt.), 243
  Walker, George E., 158, 166, 204
  Walker, James (Capt.), 160, 167, 193
  Walker, Wilbur, 157
  Wallace, William M., 190
  “Wallace, William,” Steamboat, 118
  Walters, John, 135
  Waniga, 176
  Wa-pa-la-mo, 64
  Wa-pa-mak-qua, 64
  Wa-pa-qunt, 98
  Wa-pel-lo, or Wa-pel-la, or Wau-pel-la, 79, 88, 98, 112, 113, 228,
     264, 265, 266
  War of 1812, 38, 41
  Warnick, William (Capt.), 159
  Warnsing, Dr. John, 194
  War-pa-lo-ka, 64
  Warrell, Vigo, S., 30
  Warren County, 118, 193
  Warren, Daniel and Ezekiel, 203
  Warren, Peter, 125
  Warrick, Montgomery, 124
  Warrior, The–Steamboat, 222, 225, 227, 239, 248
  Wash, R., 61, 64
  Washburne, E.B., 114
  Wash-e-own, 46
  Washington, 259, 261, 265, 268
  Washington County, 194
  Wash-ut, 98
  Was-sek-e-ne-qua, 64
  Waters, G.W., 120
  Watson, John B., 123
  Wau-ban-se, or Wau-ban-see, or Wa-ban-se, 133, 147, etc., 189
  Waukon Decori, 232
  Wau-koo-kah, 76
  Wau-nau-ko, 236
  Wa-wap-o-la-sa, 98
  Wayne County, 190
  Weatherford, William, 94, 123, 193
  Webb, Henry L. (Capt.), 195
  Webb, Stephen H. (Capt.), 202
  Wee-sa-ka, 61
  We-kau, 72
  Welch, Edmund, 185
  Wells, Albert, 82
  Wells, Alexander, 94
  Wells, Asaph, 82
  Wells, Berryman G. (Capt.), 190
  Wells, Eli, 82
  Wells, Huntington, 82
  Wells, Joel, 82
  Wells, John, 82
  Wells, Joseph, 218
  Wells, Levi, 82
  Wells, Samuel, 82
  Wells, Samuel, of Wisconsin, at Pecatonica, 183
  Wentworth, John, 244
  West, A.S., 98
  West, Obediah (Capt.), 190, 191
  West Bureau Timber, 165
  Westerfield Scare, 169
  Wethers, Enoch B., 93
  Wharton, Clifton (Capt.), 120
  Wheeler, Erastus (Capt.), 94, 125
  Wheelock, E.L.R., 118, 123
  Wheelwright, W., 111, 189, 248
  Whipple, Charles W., 257
  Whirling Thunder, 114, 153, 180
  Whistler, William (Maj.), 246, 257, 258
  White, Alexander (Capt.), 164
  White Beaver, 240, 241
  White Cloud, 209
  White County, 191
  White Crow, 114, 152, 180, 209, 230
  White Elk, 68
  White, James, 125, 145
  White. James (Capt.), of Hancock County, 193
  White, John, 218, 224
  White Oak Springs, 143, 153, 156
  White Otter, 260
  White Pawnee, 215, 216
  Whiteside County, 35
  Whiteside, Samuel, 53, 54, 61, 94, 98, 116, 118, 122, 125, 126,
     127, 132, 145, 146, 161, 163, 164, 177, 178
  Whiteside, William B.,| 53, 54, 94
  Whitewater River, 209, 210, 211, 212, 287
  Whitlock, James, 124
  Whittlesey, Col., 198
  Wick-a-up, 81
  Wickliffe, W.N., 120
  Wilbourn, John S., 140, 159, 160, 188
  Willard, George (Sergt.), 224
  Will County, 160, 167
  Williams, J.R. (Gen.), 254, 255, 256, 257, 258
  Williams, J.S., 111, 120
  Williams, William (L’t.), 161
  Willis, George B. (Capt.), 159
  Wilson, Alexander, 190
  Wilson, Bluford (Col.), 190
  Wilson, Harrison (Capt.), 190
  Wilson, H.A. (L’t.), 253
  Wilson, James H. (Gen.), 190
  Wilson, J.M., 258
  Wilson, Moses G., 123, 125, 283
  Wilson, William L., 283
  Winchester, P.H., 94
  Wingville, 143
  Winnebagoes, 35, 38, 39, 46, 47, 55, 57, 73, 76, 82, 91, 97, 100,
     114, 132, 143, 146, 180, 214, 215, 216, 218, 219, 226, 229,
     231, 232, 238, 239, 250, 260
  Winnebago Outbreak, 71, 72
  Winnebago Squaws Debauched, Denied, 76
  “Winnebago, The”–Steamboat, 188
  Winnebago Swamps, 197
  Winneshiek, 226
  Winnette, James (Maj.), 67
  Winona, 73
  Winstanley, John, 124
  Winters, John D., 142
  Winters, Nathan, 125
  Wiota, 143
  Wisconsin, 26, 100, 221
  Wisconsin Bottoms, 218
  Wisconsin Heights, Battle of, 218, 220, 221
  Wisconsin River, 27, 29, 35, 50, 87, 213, 217, 218, 222, 226, 228,
  Witter, Dan S., 98
  Wood, E.K. (Surgeon), 193
  Wood, John D. (Maj.) | 194
  Woodbridge, W.W., 143, 183, 215, 216
  Woodrow, Hugh, 126
  Woodson, Joseph C., 124
  Worth, Joseph S. (L’t.), 120
  Worth, W.J. (Col.), 243
  Wren, Johnson (Maj.), 190
  Wright, David, 94
  Wright, Thomas, 111
  Wyatt, R.M., 287
  Wyatt, William (L’t.-Col.), 191

  Yeizer, Capt., 47, 48, 50
  Yellow Banks, 116, 118, 119, 120, 248, 278, 279, 280, 282
  Yellow River, 184
  Young, Joseph L., 224
  Young, Richard M., 113, 158
  Ypsilanti, 255, 256


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Footnote 276:

  Fulton’s “Red Men of Iowa,” 222.

Footnote 277:

  Annals of Iowa, May, 1902.

Footnote 278:

  Page 164, Vol. 3, Smith’s Wis. Foot note by W.R. Smith, the
  author: “I can vouch myself that I came up the Mississippi in a
  steamboat, on board of which was Black Hawk, his wife and son and
  a number of his warriors, in July, 1837, and that Black Hawk was
  apparently particularly fond of brandy, as he often indulged
  himself with it at the bar on board of the boat; but to this act,
  it must be confessed, he was always invited by the white

Footnote 279:

  Copied from “The Iowa News,” Vol. 1, No. 29, June 6, 1838.

Footnote 280:

  Bilious fever.

Footnote 281:

  The Indian trader, beloved of Black Hawk and his family. Fulton,
  p. 117.

Footnote 282:

  Magazine of American History, Vol. XV, No. 5, p. 494 _et seq._

Footnote 283:

  It has been said these were given him respectively by Pt. Jackson,
  John Quincy Adams, Ex-Pt., and the City of Boston. If the latter
  made such a present it must have been during his last visit east,
  because he did not go to Boston during his first trip.

Footnote 284:

  Fulton, on page 228, insists that the head was first stolen, but
  being frightened, Turner threw it into his saddle-bags and ran
  away to return later and procure the body; but as a discrepancy
  exists as to his dates, it is possible he was mistaken in other

Footnote 285:

  A story has been told that Capt. Lincoln’s first command was
  answered by being told to “go to the devil.”

Footnote 286:

  Another volunteered at Beardstown, April 29th, and another at
  Dixon’s Ferry, May 19, making the total strength of the company
  seventy men.

Footnote 287:

  Journal O.H. Browning.

Footnote 288:

  His strength was full three-fourths of the company.

Footnote 289:

  Nicolay and Hay.

Footnote 290:

  Lamon 110.

Footnote 291:

  Lt. Robert Anderson mustered Private Lincoln into that company.

Footnote 292:

  Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln, p. 219.

Footnote 293:

  Mr. Poore was not exact in his quotations from that speech, but
  near enough the truth to escape the charge of error.

Footnote 294:

  Col. E.C. March and others.

Footnote 295:

  Flagler’s Rock Island Arsenal, p. 21.

Footnote 296:


Footnote 297:

  Jefferson Davis, a memoir by his wife. Vol. 1, p. 133.

Footnote 298:

  He died of consumption incited and accelerated by that exposure.

Footnote 299:

  Robert Anderson did take the second installment as far as Ft.
  Armstrong, where he was compelled to enter the hospital, from


                        Transcriber’s Note:

Minor errors or inconsistencies of punctuation or formatting have
been corrected silently. Where it seems most likely that spelling
errors were made by the printer, they have been corrected as noted
below. Most quoted material is not noticeably lax in this regard,
perhaps because the author made his own corrections.

However, spelling of proper names can vary and are generally allowed
to stand, even where the Index disagrees with the referred text. For
instance, the index entry ‘Blackmaars, Mich.’ refers to the
possessive form ‘Blackmaar’s’ in the text. It is not clear whether
the reference is to a village or merely the residence of a family of
that name. Similarly, the entry for ‘Davitts ——’ refers to
‘Davitt’s’. A less trustworthy entry for ‘Dee Sulhorst, Justus’
refers to 'the farm of Justus DeSeelhorst’. The latter spelling is
borne out by historical records, but the index has not been

The entry for ‘Phillipps Ferry’ (‘Phillip’s Ferry’ in the text), was
considered an error and corrected by removing the redundant letter.

The index entry for ‘Guyol de Guirano’ appears as ‘Guirano, Guyolde’
which has been deemed an error and corrected.

The entry for ‘Na-i-o-gui-man omits the page reference to p. 67. The
entry for Wallace Revell also omitted the reference to p. 138, n.

The entry for ‘Order No. 45, to L’t. Lowman’, refers to a Lt. Samuel
Bowman, and has been corrected.

In the appendix, p. 293 seems to have been missed during the editing
of the original text. On that page, O.H. Browning is listed in the
printed text as ‘O.S. Browning’ (which was hand-corrected in the
text), referring to the future Senator O.H. Browning. The correction
has been retained. Handwritten notes in the text also point out that
a number of references on p. 293 were missed in the compilation of
the index (for Joseph E. Johnson, John A. McClernand, and Capt.
Harrison Wilson). Given that there may be other omissions, these
were not added and are merely noted here.

The caption for the image of Rachael Munson between pp. 154 and 155
misspelled her first name (as ‘Rachel’), which was corrected for
consistency. As noted below this variant appeared also on p. 152.

This table summarizes any corrections which were made to the text.

 p. 32    n. 14      Am. State Papers, V, 689, 690, _Sic._ 693?

 p. 40               sudden[t] halt                 Removed.

 p. 58               gen[e]ral orders               Added.

 p. 101              This forty-mile [s]trip        Added.

 p. 107              [“]‘Chiefs and Warriors of the Added.
                     Sacs and Foxes:

                     “[‘]It becomes our duty,       Added.

 p. 126              General Atkinson is[s]ued      Added.

 p. 131              with ma[ura/rau]ding bands and Corrected.

 p. 145              the foll[o]wing day            Added.

 p. 150              [“]We passed on to the creek   Added.

 p. 152              out of Rach[a]el’s head        Added.

 p. 168              a harm[l]ess child             Added.

 p. 193              sett[t]lers                    Removed.

 p. 204              rat[i]ons per man              Added.

 p. 210              but th[o]roughly discouraged   Added.

 p. 229              [“]For two whole days          Added.

 p. 305              a [course] dough for           _Sic._

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