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Title: Proceedings of the New York Historical Association [1906]
Author: Various
Language: English
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[Illustration: Cover]



                       PROCEEDINGS OF THE

                          * * * * *

                     NEW YORK STATE HISTORICAL
                          ASSOCIATION

                          * * * * *

                   THE SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING,
                    WITH CONSTITUTION, BY-LAWS
                       AND LIST OF MEMBERS.

                          * * * * *

[Illustration: Seal of the Association]

                          * * * * *

                      PUBLISHED BY THE
            NEW YORK STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
                           1906



                   NEWBURGH JOURNAL PRINT.



                 NEW YORK STATE HISTORICAL
                        ASSOCIATION.

                          * * * * *

                          President,
              Hon. JAMES A. ROBERTS, New York.

                     First Vice-President,
             Hon. GRENVILLE M. INGALSBE, Sandy Hill.

                    Second Vice-President,
                Dr. SHERMAN WILLIAMS, Glens Falls.

                    Third Vice-President,
                 JOHN BOULTON SIMPSON, Bolton.

                         Treasurer,
                JAMES A. HOLDEN, Glens Falls.

                         Secretary,
                 ROBERT O. BASCOM, Fort Edward.

                     Assistant Secretary,
              FREDERICK B. RICHARDS, Ticonderoga.



                          TRUSTEES.

                          * * * * *

 Mr. Asahel R. Wing, Fort Edward                 Term Expires 1906
 Mr. Elmer J. West, Glens Falls                       "       1906
 Rev. John H. Brandow, Schoharie                      "       1906
 Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe, Sandy Hill               "       1906
 Col. William L. Stone, Mt. Vernon                    "       1906
 Mr. Morris Patterson Ferris, New York                "       1906
 Hon. George G. Benedict, Burlington, Vt.             "       1906
 Hon. James A. Roberts, New York                      "       1907
 Col. John L. Cunningham, Glens Falls                 "       1907
 Mr. James A. Holden, Glens Falls                     "       1907
 Mr. John Boulton Simpson, Bolton                     "       1907
 Rev. Dr. C. Ellis Stevens, New York                  "       1907
 Dr. Everett R. Sawyer, Sandy Hill                    "       1907
 Mr. Elwyn Seele, Lake George                         "       1907
 Mr. Frederick B. Richards, Ticonderoga               "       1907
 Mr. Howland Pell, New York                           "       1907
 Gen. Henry E. Tremain, New York                      "       1908
 Mr. William Wait, Kinderhook                         "       1908
 Dr. Sherman Williams, Glens Falls                    "       1908
 Mr. Robert O. Bascom, Fort Edward                    "       1908
 Mr. Francis W. Halsey, New York                      "       1908
 Mr. Harry W. Watrous, Hague                          "       1908
 Com. John W. Moore, Bolton Landing                   "       1908
 Rev. Dr. Joseph E. King, Fort Edward                 "       1908
 Hon. Hugh Hastings, Albany                           "       1908



                          PROCEEDINGS
                             Of The

   Seventh Annual Meeting of the New York State Historical
            Association, held August 22d, 1905, at the
               Court House, Lake George, N. Y.

                          * * * * *

At the Seventh Annual Meeting of the New York State Historical
Association, held at Lake George on the 22d day of August, 1905, a
quorum being present, the President, James A. Roberts, called the
meeting to order, whereupon it was duly moved, seconded and carried,
that the reading of the minutes be dispensed with.

The report of the Treasurer, James A. Holden, was read and adopted after
having been approved by the auditors, Dr. Joseph E. King and the Hon.
Grenville M. Ingalsbe.

It was further moved, seconded and carried, that the annual publication
of the society be not sent to those members who are two or more years
in arrears in their dues.

Dr. Sherman Williams, chairman of the committee on historic spots,
reported orally that arrangements had been made for the erection of a
boulder with a bronze tablet at Half-Way Brook, and that arrangements
were in progress for marking other spots in the vicinity of Lake George.
The report was accepted and the committee continued, and the committee
were requested to make a written report with a historic sketch relating
to the spots marked and proposed to be marked, which report together
with a cut of the tablets erected and to be erected shall be published
in the proceedings of the Association.

Mr. Harry W. Watrous, chairman of the committee on Fort Ticonderoga, by
Mr. Grenville M. Ingalsbe reported progress.

Upon the suggestion of the chairman the following committee on Fort
Ticonderoga was appointed for the ensuing year:

Mrs. Elizabeth Watrous, Mr. John Boulton Simpson, Mr. Geo. O. Knapp.

The committee on program made an oral report, which was adopted.

A vote of thanks was extended to Gen. Tremain for his very liberal gift
to the Association reported by the treasurer.

A vote of thanks was extended to the committee on program.

The following new members were elected:

 Alice Brooks Wyckoff, Elmira, N. Y.
 Hon. F. W. Hatch, N. Y. City.
 Hon. Albert Haight, Albany, N. Y.
 Hon. John Woodward, Brooklyn, N. Y.
 Mr. E. B. Hill, 49 Wall Street, N. Y. City.
 Rev. Dr. Thos. B. Slicer, N. Y. City.
 Mr. G. C. Lewis, Albany, N. Y.
 Dr. George S. Eveleth, Little Falls, N. Y.
 George C. Rowell, 81 Chapel Street, Albany, N. Y.
 Mr. James F. Smith, So. Hartford, N. Y.
 Mr. George Foster Peabody, Lake George, N. Y.
 Mr. Grenville H. Ingalsbe, Sandy Hill, N. Y.
 Mr. A. N. Richards, Sandy Hill, N. Y.
 Mr. Irwin W. Near, Hornellsville, N. Y.
 Mr. Archibald Stewart, Derby, Sandy Hill, N. Y.
 Mr. Alvaro D. Arnold, Sandy Hill, N. Y.
 Mr. Richard C. Tefft, Sandy Hill, N. Y.
 Mr. F. D. Howland, Sandy Hill, N. Y.
 Mr. A. W. Abrams.
 Mr. D. M. Alexander, Buffalo, N. Y.
 Mr. Philip M. Hull, Clinton, N. Y.
 Addie E. Hatfield, 17 Linwood Place, Utica, N. Y.
 George K. Hawkins, Plattsburgh, N. Y.
 Dr. Claude A. Horton, Glens Falls, N. Y.
 Dr. E. T. Horton, Whitehall, N. Y.
 Gen. T. S. Peck, Burlington, Vt.
 Myron F. Westover, Schenectady, N. Y.
 Dr. Wm. C. Sebring, Kingston, N. Y.
 Mr. Neil M. Ladd, 646 Fulton Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
 Mr. J. Hervey Cook, Fishkill-on-the-Hudson, N. Y.
 Mr. H. L. Broughton, Sandy Hill, N. Y.
 Daniel L. Van Hee, Rochester, N. Y.
 Edmund Wetmore, 34 Pine Street, N. Y. City.
 Mrs. Lydia F. Upson, Glens Falls, N. Y.
 Mr. Daniel F. Imrie, Lake George, N. Y.
 Mr. James Green, Lake George, N. Y.
 Mr. Edwin J. Worden, Lake George, N. Y.

Dr. Sherman Williams moved that the chair appoint a committee of two to
take into consideration an amendment to the constitution relating to
the payment of dues.

Carried.

Whereupon the chair appointed as such committee Robert O. Bascom and
James A. Holden.

Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe offered the following resolution.

_Resolved,_ That the President be authorized to appoint a committee of
three to investigate and report to the next annual meeting as to the
feasibility of co-operation and of the establishment of a community of
action between this association and the various other historical
societies in the State, which resolution was unanimously adopted.

After some discussion, participated in by various members of the
Association, it was regularly moved, seconded and carried, that a
committee of three be appointed by the president upon membership,
whereupon the president appointed the following committee:

Dr. Ellis C. Stevens, with power to name his associates.

The following trustees were unanimously elected by ballot for the term
of three years:

Gen. Henry E. Tremain, N. Y. City; William Wait, Kinderhook, N. Y.;
Dr. Sherman Williams, Glens Falls, N. Y.; Robert O. Bascom, Fort Edward,
N. Y.; Francis W. Halsey, New York; Harry W. Watrous, Hague, N. Y.; Rev.
Dr. Joseph E. King, Fort Edward, N. Y.; Hon. Hugh Hastings, Albany,
N. Y.; Com. John W. Moore, Bolton Landing, N. Y.

Rev. Mr. Hatch and Rev. Mr. Black presented for the consideration of the
Association the subject of the erection of a museum building. After some
discussion it was moved, seconded and carried, that the thanks of the
Association be tendered to the gentlemen for bringing the matter to the
attention of the Association, after which the meeting was adjourned
until two o'clock in the afternoon.



               August 22d, 1905.--Afternoon Session.

              _Symposium--The Sullivan Expedition._

At the adjourned session held in the afternoon August 22d, 1905, Dr.
W. C. Sebring, of Kingston, read a paper entitled, "The Character of
Gen. Sullivan."

A paper entitled "The Primary Cause of the Border Wars," by Francis W.
Halsey, of New York, was read by the Hon. Grenville M. Ingaslsbe in the
absence of Mr. Halsey.

Dr. Sherman Williams, of Glens Falls, read a monograph entitled, "The
Organization of Sullivan's Expedition."

Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe read by title only a paper entitled, "A
Bibliography of Sullivan's Expedition."

A paper entitled, "An Indian Civilization and its Destruction," by Col.
S. W. Moulthrop, was read by the Rev. W. H. P. Hatch in the absence of
Col. Moulthrop.

A paper entitled, "The Campaign," was read by William Wait, of
Kinderhook, when the meeting adjourned until August 23d, at 10 o'clock
A. M., at the same place.

                                 ROBERT O. BASCOM,

                                       _Secretary._



                       TRUSTEES' MEETING.

                                 August 23d, 1905.

At a meeting of the Trustees of the New York State Historical
Association held at Lake George on the 22d day of August, 1905, a
quorum being present, the following officers were elected:

 President, Hon. Jas. A. Roberts, Buffalo, N. Y.
 First Vice-President, Hon. G. M. Ingalsbe, Sandy Hill, N. Y.
 Second Vice-President, Dr. Sherman Williams, Glens Falls, N. Y.
 Third Vice-President, John Boulton Simpson, Bolton, N. Y.
 Treasurer, James A. Holden, Glens Falls, N. Y.
 Secretary, Robert O. Bascom, Fort Edward, N. Y.
 Asst. Secretary, Frederick B. Richards, Ticonderoga, N. Y.

The printing bill of E. H. Lisk was presented to the Trustees and after
discussion the same was referred to the Treasurer and Secretary with
power to settle the same.

The following committees were appointed:

_Standing Committee on Legislation:_
    Hon. James A. Roberts,
    Gen. Henry E. Tremain,
    Dr. Sherman Williams,
    Morris Patterson Ferris,
    Hon. Hugh Hastings.

_On Marking Historic Spots:_
    Dr. Sherman Williams,
    Frederick B. Richards,
    James A. Holden,
    Asahel R. Wing,
    Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe.

_On Fort Ticonderoga:_
    Mrs. Elizabeth Watrous,
    John Boulton Simpson,
    George O. Knapp.

_On Program:_
    Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe,
    Dr. Sherman Williams,
    Dr. C. Ellis Stevens.

_On Membership:_
    Dr. C. Ellis Stevens.

Bill of the Secretary for postage, express and sundries was thereupon
audited and ordered paid, whereupon the meeting adjourned.

At a meeting of the Trustees it was moved, seconded and carried, that
E. M. Ruttenber, of Newburgh, N. Y., be made an honorary member of the
Association.

                                    ROBERT O. BASCOM,

                                             _Secretary._



                          * * * * *

                     ASSOCIATION MEETING.

                                            August 23d, 1905.

At the adjourned session held August 22d, a paper entitled, "Concerning
the Mohawks," was read by W. Max Reid, of Amsterdam, N. Y., after which
the Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe read certain hitherto unpublished letters
from Gen. George Washington relating to the "Sullivan Expedition," after
which a resolution was adopted requesting that Mr. Ingalsbe furnish the
same for publication in the ensuing volume of the proceedings of the
Association.

An address entitled, "Robert R. Livingston, the Author of the Louisiana
Purchase," by Hon. D. S. Alexander, of Buffalo, N. Y., concluded the
session, and after a vote of thanks to the various speakers, the meeting
adjourned until two o'clock in the afternoon of the same day, at which
session a paper entitled, "The Birth at Moreau of the Temperance
Reformation," by Dr. Charles A. Ingraham, of Cambridge, was read.

The annual address, "The Democratic Ideal in History," by Hon. Milton
Reed, of Fall River, Massachusetts, concluded the literary exercises of
this meeting, and after a vote of thanks to the speakers of the
afternoon the meeting adjourned sine die.

                                        ROBERT O. BASCOM,

                                             _Secretary._



                          * * * * *

                       TRUSTEES' MEETING.

At a meeting of the Trustees of the New York State Historical
Association, held at the Hotel Ten Eyck on the 19th day of January,
1906, in the City of Albany.

Present, Hon. James A. Roberts, President; Hon. Grenville M. Ingalsbe,
First Vice-President; Dr. Sherman Williams, Second Vice-President; Hon.
Hugh Hastings, Trustee; Hon. Robert O. Bascom, Secretary.

The meeting being duly called to order by the President, the semi-annual
report of James A. Holden, Treasurer, was read and adopted.

The report is as follows:

                     SEMI-ANNUAL REPORT
                             of

     J. A. Holden, Treasurer New York State Historical Association,
               From July 1, 1905, to Jan. 18, 1906.

                            RECEIPTS.

 July 1, 1905--Cash on hand                  $194.73
               Received from dues, etc.       390.10
                                                ____
                                                    $584.83

                          DISBURSEMENTS.

 Aug. 5, E. H. Lisk, printing                $200.00
  "   5, R. O. Bascom, postage and sundries    27.50
 Sep. 8, E. H. Lisk, printing                  62.25
 Sep. 7, R. O. Bascom, postage                 23.28
  "   7, Milton Reid, expenses                 15.31
 Nov. 8, E. H. Lisk, printing                  31.75
 Dec. 4, R. O. Bascom, stamps                  10.00
  "  11, R. O. Bascom,   "                     10.00
 Jan. 9, Postage                                5.00
                                                ____
                                                    385.09
                                                    ______
        Cash on hand                               $199.74

                            ASSETS.
                    Cash on hand          $199.74
                    Life Membership Fund   271.40

                          Respectfully submitted,
                                  JAMES A. HOLDEN,
                                          _Treasurer._

The report of the committee on amendments to the Constitution was
read and laid upon the table.

The report of Committee on Marking Historic Spots was read and adopted.
The report is as follows:

                               Glens Falls, N. Y., Jan. 18, 1906.

_To the Trustees of the New York State Historical Association,_

_Gentlemen:_--I beg to report progress in regard to the work of the
committee on marking Historic Spots. A good number of persons have made
contributions ranging from five to fifty dollars each. A marker has
been erected at Half-Way Brook and another planned for at Bloody Pond.
The tablet at Half-Way Brook was made under the direction of W. J.
Scales, who is also to prepare the design for the one at Bloody Pond.
The marker at Half-Way Brook is a large boulder resting upon another
large boulder nearly buried in the ground. The boulders are large and
very hard, and the cost of cutting them to fit was unexpectedly great.
Both boulders were drawn from a long distance. The cost of drawing and
erecting them, and getting them ready for the tablet was about one
hundred and ten dollars. This work was supervised by Mr. Henry Crandall,
who had subscribed fifty dollars toward the work. When it was finished
he said that if I would cancel his subscription he would meet all the
expense of getting the stones in place. As this was more than twice the
amount of his subscription his offer was gladly accepted. The other
expenses to date have been as follows:

 For cutting a smooth face on the boulder and
     fitting tablet to it                                  $25.25
 For photographing the monument                              1.00
 Paid Mr. Scales on account                                 45.00
                                                           ______
                                                     Total  $71.25

In the Spring it will be necessary to meet a small expense to grade the
ground and seed it. We hope to have the marker at Bloody Pond in place
before our next annual meeting.

                           Respectfully submitted,
                                    SHERMAN WILLIAMS,
             _Chairman of Committee for Marking Historic Spots._

 The following new members were duly elected:

 Applegate, Rev. Dr. Octavius, Newburgh, N. Y.
 Atkins, Hon. T. Astley, 73 Nassau Street, N. Y.
 Benjamin, Rev. Dr. William H., Irvington-on-Hudson, N. Y.
 Bunten, Roland, Garden City, N. Y.
 Brooks, James B., 1013 East Adams Street, Syracuse, N. Y.
 Bockus, Dr. Truman J., Packer Institute, Brooklyn, N, Y.
 Banker, Dr. Silas J., Fort Edward, N. Y.
 Cooke, Rev. Jere K., Hempstead, N. Y,
 Coon, Hon. Stephen Mortimer, Oswego, N. Y.
 Clark, Rev. Joseph B., Fourth Ave. and 22d St., N. Y. City.
 Clark, Walter A., 755 Main Street, Geneva, N. Y.
 Donnell, Rev. Dr. William Nichold, 292 Henry St.. N. Y.
 Davis, William Gilbert, 32 Nassau Street, N. Y.
 Davis, Dr. Booth C., Alfred, N. Y.
 de Peyster, Mrs. Beekman, 2345 Broadway, N. Y. (winter),
     Johnstown, N. Y. (summer).
 Draper, Hon. A. S., Albany, N. Y.
 Gunnison, Hon. Royal A., Juneau, Alaska.
 Hopson, Rev. Dr. George B., Annandale, N. Y.
 Horton, Mrs. John Miller, 736 Main St., Buffalo, N. Y.
 Ingalsbe, Franc Groesbeck, Sandy Hill, N. Y.
 Jessup, Rev. Chas. A., Greenport, N. Y.
 Jessup, Morris K., 195 Madison Avenue, N. Y,
 Joline, Dr. Adrien H., 54 Wall Street, N. Y.
 Jackson, Rev. Dr. T. G., 6851 Paul's Place, Brooklyn, N. Y.
 Kirby, Dr. R. M., Potsdam, N. Y.
 Krotel, Rev. Dr., 65 Convent Avenue, N. Y.
 Leavey, Russell H., 147 W. 21st Street, N. Y.
 Lefferts, Marshall C., 30 Washington Place, N. Y.
 Lewis, George C., Albany, N. Y.
 Mace, Dr. William H., Syracuse, N. Y.
 Martin, John, Pittsburgh, N. Y.
 Morton, Hon. Levi Parsons, 681 Fifth Avenue, N. Y.
 Mills, D. O., 634 Fifth Avenue, N. Y.
 Munger, Rev. Dr. R. D., 105 Delaware Street, Syracuse, N. Y.
 Morgan, Rev. Dr. D. Parker, 3 East 45th Street, N. Y.
 Nottingham, William, 701 Walnut Avenue, Syracuse, N. Y.
 Nelson, Ven. George F., 29 Lafayette Place, N. Y.
 Olmsted, Rt. Rev. Chas. Tyler, 159 Park Avenue, Utica, N. Y.
 O'Brien, M. J., 195 Broadway, N. Y.
 Paige, Edward Winslow, 44 Cedar Street, New York.
 Pierce, Rev. Dr. Walter Franklin, 16 S. Elliott Place, Brooklyn.
 Rogers, Howard J., Albany, N. Y,
 Rhoades, W. C. P., 400 Putnam Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y.
 Sill, Dr. Frederick S., 169 Mohawk Street, Cohoes, N. Y.
 Schell, F. Robert, 280 Broadway, N. Y.
 Smith, William Alex., 412 Madison Avenue, N. Y.
 Samson, William H., 420 Oxford Street, Rochester, N. Y.
 Sillo, Dr. Chas. Morton, Geneva, N. Y.
 Seabury, Rev. Dr. William Jones, 8 Chelsea Square, N. Y.
 Stackpole, George F., Riverhead, N. Y.
 Sims, Charles N., Liberty, Indiana.
 Steele, Mrs. Esther B., 532 W. Clinton Street, Elmira, N. Y.
 Stilwell, Giles H., 1906 West Genesee St., Syracuse, N. Y.
 Sheddon, Hon. Lucian L., Plattsburgh, N. Y.
 Silver, Dr. John Archer, Geneva, N. Y.
 Spencer, Dr. Charles W., Princeton, N. J.
 Vanderveer, Dr. A., 28 Eagle Street, Albany, N. Y.
 Waller, Rev. Henry D., Flushing, N. Y.
 Watson, Col. Jas. T., Clinton, N. Y.
 Welch, Miss J. M., 76 Johnston Park, Buffalo, N. Y.
 Willey, Rev. John H., 466 East 18th Street, N. Y.
 Willis, James D., 40 East 39th Street, N. Y.

The thanks of the Trustees were extended to Dr. Stevens for his services
as chairman of the Committee on Membership. The Secretary and Mr.
William Wait, of Kinderhook, were by motion duly carried appointed a
committee on the publication of the Proceedings of the Association. The
edition was fixed at 750 copies and the Secretary instructed not to send
proceedings to persons who were more than four years in arrears, after
which the meeting adjourned.

                                       ROBERT O. BASCOM,
                                               _Secretary._



                   CHARACTER OF GEN. SULLIVAN.

                          * * * * *

                     By Dr. W. C. Sebring.

                          * * * * *

How the mists do gather. With the exception of Greene and Benedict
Arnold, George Washington trusted Sullivan beyond any other general of
the Continental army. Sullivan acquitted himself well on diverse
battlefields and, though defeated, the real worth of the man shows in
this, that defeat added as much prestige to his reputation as his
victories. His greatness like that of Washington throve on defeat, for
it can be fairly said that Washington never won a battle. And yet if
you ask even those who have given time to our history as to General
Sullivan, they will convey to you but the most vague impression of some
minor general who sometime in the revolution made a foray on some
Indians somewhere in this State.

The last scene of a drama is best remembered. The picture as the curtain
falls is stamped most clearly on the memory. Sullivan was not to be an
actor in the war's closing scenes, and the valor that gleams the name
of Marion, the splendor of Greene's military intelligence, and the glory
that is linked with the name of Washington at Yorktown were not his.
Neither had he the methodical madness of Wayne, the pusillanimity of
the self-seeking Gates, the recklessness of Putnam, nor the aestheistic
fatalism of Ethan Allan; none of these things had Sullivan to carve his
picture on men's memory.

It may not be out of place here to give a short chronology of this man's
life.

He was born in Summerworth, N. H., in 1740. His parents were well-to-do
emigrants from Ireland. He studied law and was a member of the first
Congress, 1774. Was made Brigadier General 1775. In 1776 he superseded
Arnold in Canada. Then he succeeded General Greene and was taken
prisoner. He was exchanged in November. In 1777 he took part in the
battle of Brandywine, Germantown, and 1778 he commanded in Rhode Island.
In 1779 he led the expedition against the Indians. He then resigned from
the army and took up again the practice of law. He was a member of the
State constitutional convention, then he was elected a member of
Congress, and in '86, '87, '89 was president of his State. Later, in
1789, he was appointed District Judge, and died in 1795 at the age of
54 years.

His personal characteristics are said to be that he was a dignified,
genial and amiable man. He displayed a fine courtesy to those about him,
both to his soldiers and compatriot generals.

I quote the following paragraph from A. Tiffany Norton, who I believe to
be the one who has written the best account of the Indian campaign, and
it is a wonder to me that one who shows so broad a grasp of history and
its essential principles and the elements that make for historical
research, has never written more than he has.

Norton, in his general description of Sullivan, says: "His eyes were
keen and dark, his hair curly black, his form erect, his movements full
of energy and grace. His height was five feet nine inches, and a slight
corpulency when in his prime gave but an added grace. General Sullivan
was a man of undoubted courage, warmth of temperament and independent
spirit equaled only by his patriotic devotion to his country's cause
and his zeal in all public affairs." Doubtless he was too impatient and
outspoken and may have been deserving of some measure of blame, still
his faults should not have detracted from that meed of praise to which
he was justly entitled. Neither should the jealousies of his brothers in
arms, which prompted them to ridicule his achievements, question his
reports and detract from his hard-earned laurels, have weight with the
historian. Yet such has been, in great degree, the case, and the name of
Sullivan occupies a lesser space in the history of the Revolutionary
struggle, than those of many others whose achievements fell far short
of his in magnitude and importance. Sullivan has been made the victim of
the intrigues and petty jealousies of his times, and while for this his
own indiscretions may justly be blamed, the duty is none the less
incumbent on the present generation to render due homage to one who is
a brave soldier and a devoted, disinterested, self-sacrificing patriot.
As Amory has justly said: "A friend of Washington, Greene, Lafayette,
and all the noblest statesmen and generals of the war, whose esteem for
him was universally known, to whom his own attachment never wavered,
he will be valued for his high integrity and steadfast faith, his loyal
and generous character, his enterprise and vigor in command, his
readiness to assume responsibility, his courage and coolness in
emergencies, his foresight for providing for all possible contingencies
of campaign or battle-field, and his calmness when the results became
adverse."

Could the character of Sullivan be fairly said to be that of a great
man? Does he measure up to "bigness?" Remember a little man seldom does
big things. Briefly, what did he do in this Indian campaign? At the
beginning of the Revolution there was a democracy of six confederate
states within the present boundaries of our own municipality. So strong
had this democracy grown that it dominated the inhabitants of a
territory of more than a million square miles. Their battle-cry was
heard from the Kennebec to Lake Superior, and under the very
fortifications of Quebec they annihilated the Huron.

Their orators were fit to rank with any that we have to-day. Their
legends are the legends of a people whose souls were filled with poetry.
Their military tactics were those of a people trained for war--successful
war. Man to man, they were what no other barbarians have been, a match
for the white man. They held the gateway to the West and their position
made them umpires between the mighty nations of the Old World who were
struggling for the possession of the New. Civilized in a sense they
were, but they were barbarians too, and savages to their very heart of
hearts. Rapacious, treacherous, cruel beyond belief,--they were dreaded
alike by friend and foe. Their home was a _terra incognita._ No colonist
had trodden it. From no peak had trapper looked across the profile of
their land. Their numbers were unknown and could only be guessed at by
their achievements--and these were terrible.

How silly of Gordon to criticize Sullivan for over-manning his
expedition. Darkest Africa is better known to-day than was then the land
of the Iroquois. They were re-enforced by British regulars, by fanatical
Tories; they were led by white men, and one of their leaders was a
thorough Indian and thoroughly educated in the white man's lore.

Among this people and into this _terra incognita_ came Sullivan and
smote them hip and thigh. He conquered them to the uttermost. He broke
down the gateway to the mighty West. With a miserable commissariat, he
invaded an unknown country and forever destroyed a democracy that had
ruled for five hundred years.

The Indians conquered by Wayne were but a frazzle of the Six Nations
united with Indians farther West.

Little men do little things, big men do big things, and great men do
great things. Before Sullivan vanished

      "that savage senate at the Lake,
      By the salt marshes, yonder in the north,
      Dull-visaged butchers, coarsely blanketed
      Squatted in a ring by their dark Council House
      And with strange mumery of pipes and belts
      Decreeing, coldly, death--forever death."

The strongest are the gentlest. It is related that having found an
Indian woman too old and feeble to retreat with her people, that
Sullivan left her with a plentiful supply of provisions, though, as one
of the party writes, "we only had half a ration every other day
ourselves."

It is not my province to put forth a brief for General Sullivan, yet
that one incident cast a side-light on his character that impressed me
more as to the true lovely heartiness of the man than anything I have
found. Constancy to a friend is an attribute to those who approach
greatness. After the Indian war Sullivan was reviled unmercifully for
the devastation wrought by him in the Indian country. Out of his love
for General Washington he suffered in silence, while he had in his
possession General Washington's written instructions to do exactly as he
had done.

Perchance for a good man some would even dare to die. But what of a man
whose friendship holds so strong that he may see that which is dearer
to him than life--his character--filched from him, and lest he should
harm a friend, allow his enemies to do with that character as they
wished.

Probably no historian ever lived who could write more wrong history than
Benjamin Lossing, who accuses Sullivan of carelessness and want of
vigilance as a commanding officer and mentions Bedford and Brandywine.
Nothing could be farther from the truth. At Bedford he withdrew his
forces because the French Navy would not support him, and it was out of
the question to remain in the position he had taken up. We have John
Fiske's word for it that Brandywine was a drawn battle.

Of energy he had a plenty. It is on record that after he and General
Clinton united (and Clinton was no sluggard) his Division time and again
out-marched that of Clinton. At one time he broke road across nine miles
of swamp while Clinton following him had to camp in the middle of the
morass. So difficult was the morass that the Indian spies who had been
watching his advance never dreamed that he would attempt the passage of
the swamp, and withdrew to their camps. So confident were the Tories and
Indians, that when he emerged from the swamp their campfires were still
burning.

Right here is a place to say a word about General Sullivan's veracity.
After his return from conquering the Six Nations he reported that he had
destroyed forty villages, and his detractors could not find but
eighteen. It at last developed that when his subordinates had reported
destroying a group of buildings he most naturally supposed that it was
an Indian village, and so put it down in his report.

It has been said of him that he resigned from the army out of spite.
Well, if he did, he was perhaps blamable. But we should remember that he
was dealing with a Continental Congress of the latter years of the war,
and if you search history for a thousand years you will not be able to
find an aggregation of political castros equal to this same Continental
Congress. The men who had made the primal congresses great had set
themselves to serve the nation in other ways, and Congress had fallen
to those who had some money without brains or brains without principle,
or lacking both, were like our modern ones in that they loved "graft"
and knew how to get it.

Sullivan was not a liar, and he himself says that his health was
failing. If we care to plow through the many diaries kept by officers
under him we can well believe that he told the truth, for with the
spoiling of the provisions sent to the expedition most of the soldiers
did suffer from chronic intestinal troubles, and it would be strange if
the commander who takes the same fare as his subordinates should not
suffer in the same manner.

And to back up this we must remember that even after he retired he never
lost the confidence or the love of the greatest of them all, General
Washington. Much has been written of General Sullivan's fallibilities,
and fallibilities the greatest have.

We should remember that Sullivan was a Kelt. And through the centuries
the Kelts have given us the lordliest orators and golden artists, but
for tenacity of purpose no one has celebrated them.

General Sullivan when he was taken prisoner and fell under the influence
of the British military power, and contrasting them with the meagerness
that he had been accustomed to, for once his heart failed him and his
soul sank within him, and it is no sorrow to his name to say that for
the moment he thought the liberty of mankind in the Western continent
was doomed.

He came from the British to us seeking peace, but after he was exchanged
and in his old environment his true native Keltic courage returned and
his after life was the life of an ardent patriot.

I do not think we give enough credit to the perceptions of the ignorant.

Suppose to ten thousand ignorant people this entirely hypothetical
question should be stated: Around the globe is a people who for three
hundred years had been fighting a tyrannical power and well nigh
achieved success. Would it be right for a republic to step in and take
them away from the power they were in rebellion against, and then this
republic by force of arms prevent them from becoming an independent
republic? State to ten thousand ignorant people this question, and they
will shout with one voice "that it is not right." State this question
to ten thousand college professors, and they will back and fill, debate
and re-debate, and finally be fogged by their very knowledge and at last
come to no conclusion at all.

It has never been sufficiently made clear that the classes fought the
Revolutionary war. The educated, the elegant, the conservative, the
well-to-do, in short the "better elements," were practically all with
the British. While the broken, the ignorant, the discouraged, "the
rabble," were the ones that won our liberty. Every single Tory that
was expatriated could read and write, while I believe if the muster
rolls of my own county, inhabited at that time by the educated Dutch,
not one-third of those who enlisted could sign their names. So coldly
did the wealthy Dutchman look upon the war that it was a common trick
for him to send a slave to serve in the ranks instead of himself.

Sullivan by birth and position belonged among the former class, and yet
in spite of position, broke with his own class and gladly took up the
sword with the ignorant because he saw clearly that all social progress
must from very necessity spring from the discontent of the _Hoi Polloi._
He was a true patriot for he lost his all by giving his attention to
public rather than private affairs, and though respected by all and
honored by his State, his last years were the years of gloom and the
gathering clouds, for his life was beset by heartless creditors. The
last scene is the saddest of all, for at his funeral his creditors tried
to seize his body and would have done so, except that an old army
general drew his pistols and drove off the bailiffs of the law. So was
buried one of America's greatest patriots, a constant friend, a brave
and good soldier, and a man who, take him ail in all, it is not an
exaggeration to call "Great."



                  THE PRIMARY CAUSES OF THE
                         BORDER WARS

                          * * * * *

                     By Francis W. Halsey.

                          * * * * *


General Sullivan's expedition of 1779 was an immediate outcome of the
massacres of Wyoming and Cherry Valley in the summer and autumn of
1778--not to mention those minor incidents of the Border Wars, which,
beginning in the summer of 1777, had converted the valley of the upper
Susquehanna into a land of desolation. It was a most drastic punishment
that Sullivan inflicted, and such it was intended by Congress that his
work should be. "The immediate objects," said Washington, in his letter
of instruction to Sullivan, "are the total destruction and devastation
of the Indian settlements," He added that the Indian country was "not
to be merely overrun, but destroyed." If we have regard for proportions,
greater losses were inflicted upon the Indians by Sullivan than were
ever inflicted upon the settlements of New York by the Indians.

The expedition, however, failed completely in achieving its main
purpose, which was to suppress the Indian raids. Sullivan and his army
had scarcely left the Western country, when the Indian attacks were
renewed and for three years were continued with a savage energy before
unknown. The Indians' thirst for revenge having been thoroughly aroused,
nothing could afterwards restrain their hands. Aside from the burning
of German Flats and the battle of Oriskany (the latter not properly an
incident of the Border Wars, since it was an integral part of the
Burgoyne campaign), the injury done by the Indians to the Mohawk Valley
was done subsequent to the Sullivan expedition.

In their entirety, the Border Wars constitute a phase of the Revolution
of which far too little has been remembered. We may seek in vain for a
territory elsewhere in the United States where so much destruction was
done to non-combatants. In Tryon county alone, 12,000 farms went out of
cultivation; fully two-thirds of the population either died or fled,
While of the one-third who remained 300 were widows and 2,000 orphans.
And yet, as I have said, the losses of the Iroquois were greater still.

But it is with the causes which led to this savage work that I am here
to deal. For quite 100 years, Joseph Brant and the Tories of the Mohawk
Valley, with Col. Guy and Sir John Johnson, and John and Walter Butler,
at their head, were generally accepted as the original and inspiring
forces in all the barbarities committed. The greater offenders, however,
were men of much higher station and more ample powers--men who had never
seen the valleys of the Susquehanna and the Mohawk, but who lived in
London, and as members of the King's Cabinet were in direct charge of
the war in America. One of them was the Earl of Dartmouth, the other
Lord George Germaine; but it is to Germaine that we must ascribe the
chief odium.

The administration of the Province of New York, when the Revolution
began, was completely in the hands of Loyalists. New York was still a
Crown colony, officials holding their appointments directly from London.
Outside the official class, however, there were patriots in plenty; none
of the colonies possessed more; but as New York City was completely
dominated by Tory influences, so was the Mohawk Valley dominated by the
Johnsons and their army of followers, in whom loyalty to England was a
deep-seated sentiment and a fixed principle of conduct. Sir William
Johnson had died just as the Revolution was about to begin. His
successors became not only as great Loyalists as ever he had been, but,
being men of smaller minds and fewer talents. They added to the
sentiment of loyalty an expression of it which took the form of satanic
bitterness and brute savagery. It was these men who, with their
followers, became the hated Tories of the frontier of New York--men of
whom in some instances, Joseph Brant said, they had been more savage
than the savages themselves.

The attitude of the Indians can be best understood if we remember that
they had been practically in alliance with the English of New York for
a hundred years. When war began between the mother country and the
colonies, or between what the Indians called "two brother nations,"
they were lost in amazement and tried in vain to understand it. Their
own history for three hundred years had been one of peace between
brother nations. "No taxation without representation" was a principle
beyond their comprehension. The men who defied British soldiers in the
streets of New York and Boston seemed to them exactly like the French
of Canada who in the older wars had stormed English forts on the
Northern Frontier, since they were engaged in war with the King of
England, and the King was the Indians' powerful friend.

When the Border Wars reached their height, the frontier of New York
should have been in a state of tranquility. With Burgoyne's surrender,
the center of conflict was to pass away from New York and New England,
and was soon to be transferred to Virginia, Georgia, and South Carolina.
Why then, these Border Wars in New York? In one short sentence, the
whole truth may be disclosed. The ministry of George III, after long and
laborious efforts, now at last had won the Indians of New York into
active sympathy with their cause. For three years they had tried in vain
to gain their support, and again and again had held counsels with them,
but the net results had been an essentially neutral stand by the
Indians.

But let us recapitulate. Soon after the battle of Lexington, Col. Guy
Johnson, the official successor of Sir William, convened at his home
near Amsterdam, a conference with the Indians, mostly Mohawks, and
later, after the result at Bunker Hill had alarmed him anew, fled to
Oswego and thence to Canada. Nearly all the Mohawk Indians went with
him, as well as a domestic force of about 500 white men, mainly Scotch
Highlanders, over whom he had placed in command, Col. John Butler. In
July Col. Johnson reached Montreal, Where he had an interview with Sir
Frederick Haldemand, who said to the Indians:

 "Now is the time for you to help the King. The war has begun. Assist
 him now, and you will find it to your advantage. Whatever you lose
 during the war, the King will make up to you when peace returns."

Later in the same month, the Earl of Dartmouth, then a member of the
British Cabinet, wrote from London to Col. Johnson, that it was the
King's pleasure "That you lose no time in taking such steps as may
induce the Indians to take up the hatchet against his Majesty's
rebellious subjects in America." This letter was accompanied by a large
assortment of presents for the Indians, and Col. Johnson was urged not
to fail to use "the utmost diligence and activity" in accomplishing
the purpose. Col. Johnson was joined in Canada in the spring of the
following year by his brother-in-law, Sir John Johnson, the son and heir
of Sir William. Sir John had organized a force known as the Royal
Greens, composed of loyalists from the New York frontier, and mainly
former tenants and dependents of his father's estate.

The Mohawks, who alone of all the Six Nations had gone to Canada, were
slow to yield to the importunities of the English, in so far as taking
an active part in the war was concerned. A topic of far deeper interest
to them was their title to certain lands in the Mohawk and upper
Susquehanna Valleys, concerning which they had failed to secure
adjustments for many years. In November, 1775, Joseph Brant with other
Indian chiefs, sailed for England with a view to accomplishing a
settlement of this dispute. An interview took place with the Colonial
Secretary, who subsequently was in direct charge of the war in America,
Lord George Germaine. Brant made two speeches before Germaine, outlining
the grievances of his people, and it is clear from one of them that
Germaine then secured the adhesion of Brant to the English cause by
promising to redress the Indian grievances after the war, and to keep
for the Indians the favor and protection of the King. Thenceforth the
responsibility for Indian activity in the Revolution rests mainly on
Germaine. It was to him that Lord Chatham referred in a memorable speech
on the American War:

 "But, my lord, who is the man, that, in addition to the disgrace and
 mischiefs of the war, has dared to authorize and associate to our arms
 the tomahawk and scalping knife of the savage? To call into civilized
 alliance the wild and inhuman inhabitants of the woods? To delegate to
 the merciless Indian the defense of disputed right, and to wage the
 horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? My lords, these
 enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment."

When the Burgoyne campaign began, Brant had arrived home. New efforts
were now actively put forth to enlist the Indians in British service. A
considerable company of them started south with Burgoyne, but they
subsequently deserted him before a battle had been fought, or even the
American army was discovered. With St. Leger a much larger force started
for a descent upon the Mohawk Valley. These were in direct charge of
Joseph Brant, and comprised the greater part of the efficient Mohawk
force. At Oswego a counsel had been held a few weeks before, in order
to enlist in British service the other "nations" of the Iroquois, who
were assured that the King was a man of great power and that they should
never want for food and clothing if they adhered to him. Rum, it was
said, would be "as plentiful as water in Lake Ontario." Presents were
made, and a bounty offered on every white man's scalp that they might
take. The Senecas notably, and to some extent the Onondagas and Cayugas,
thus became fired with ambition to see something of the war.

By the time St. Leger arrived at Oswego, about 700 warriors had been
secured. Some of them still remained lukewarm as to fighting, but they
were at last drawn into the campaign under an assurance that they need
not fight themselves, but might sit by during the battle smoking their
pipes, while they saw the redcoats "whip the rebels." The result was,
that when a battle was imminent at Oriskany, the Indian's love of war
was uppermost, and they became the most active participants in the
conflict. They also became proportionately the heaviest losers and
returned to their homes, not only with doleful shrieks and yells over
their losses, but with a determined purpose to revenge themselves on the
defenseless frontier. At what frightful cost to the Mohawk Valley they
secured that revenge, the story of the ensuing four years bears ample
witness.

But, as I have said, the Indians lost more. When the war was over, they
had practically lost everything. Their homes were destroyed and their
altars obliterated. England virtually abandoned them to the men whom
they had fought as rebels, but who were now victorious patriots, the
masters of imperial possessions. Nothing whatever was exacted for them
in the treaty of peace. Not even their names were mentioned. Such, at
the close of the war, was their pitiful state. Everything in the world
that they had, had been given to a cause, not their own--the cause of
an ally across the great waters, with whom they were keeping an ancient
covenant chain. When at last their wide domain, among whose streams and
forests for ages their race had found a home, passed forever from their
control, they might have said, with a pride more just than that of
Francis I., after the battle of Pavia, "All is lost save honor."



                  THE ORGANIZATION OF SULLIVAN'S
                          EXPEDITION.

                          * * * * *

                    By Dr. Sherman Williams.

                          * * * * *


History has not done justice to the subject in telling the story of
Sullivan's expedition. There are few if any equally important events in
our history of which the great majority of our people know so little.
It was the most important military event of 1779, fully one-third of the
Continental army being engaged in it. The campaign was carried on under
great difficulties, was brilliantly successful, and executed with but
small loss of life. It is possible that the movement would have received
more attention from the historians had the loss of life been much
greater, even if the results had been of less importance.

The chief result was the practical destruction of the Iroquois
Confederacy. While the Six Nations were very active on the frontier the
following year, the Confederacy as an organization had received its
death blow.

The massacres at Wyoming, along the New York frontier, especially in
the Mohawk, Schoharie and Susquehanna valleys, had so aroused the people
that the Continental Congress felt called upon to take action and on
the 27th of February, 1779, passed a resolution directing Washington to
take effective measures to protect the frontier.

It was decided to send a strong expedition against the Iroquois
settlements, and utterly destroy their towns and crops, more especially
in the territory of the Senecas and Cayugas. It was no small task to
equip a large force and traverse an almost unknown, and altogether
unmapped, wilderness which was wholly without roads, in the face of an
active and vigilant as well as relentless foe.

The command of the expedition was tendered to General Gates because of
his rank. In reply to the tender of the command General Gates wrote to
Washington as follows: "Last night I had the honor of your Excellency's
letter. The man who undertakes the Indian service should enjoy health
and strength, requisites I do not possess. It therefore grieves me that
your Excellency should offer me the only command to which I am entirely
unequal. In obedience to your command I have forwarded your letter to
General Sullivan."

Washington had evidently anticipated that Gates would not accept the
command as he had enclosed in his letter to him a communication that was
to be forwarded to Sullivan in case Gates declined the service. It was
this letter to which Gates referred in his reply to Washington. No doubt
it was fortunate for the country that the command of the expedition
devolved upon some other person than Gates.

Washington felt somewhat hurt at the tone of the letter he received from
Gates, and in a communication to the President of Congress he said, "My
letter to him on the occasion I believe you will think was conceived
in very candid and polite terms, and merited a different answer from the
one given to it."

In his instructions to Sullivan Washington wrote as follows:

 "Sir:--The expedition you are appointed to command is to be directed
 against the hostile tribes of the Six Nations of Indians, with their
 associates and adherents. The immediate object is their total
 destruction and devastation, and the capture of as many persons of
 every age and sex as possible. It will be essential to ruin their crops
 now in the ground and prevent their planting more."

At this time it was supposed that the expedition would reach the Indian
country in the early summer, but it was not until August that the work
of destruction began. Writing again of the expedition Washington said
the purpose was "to cut off their settlements, destroy their crops, and
inflict upon them every other mischief which time and circumstances
would permit."

The purpose of the expedition was primarily to destroy the crops and
villages of the Indians, after which Sullivan was to move forward and
capture Niagara, if such action should prove to be practicable.

The expedition was to be made up of three divisions. The first was
directly under the command of Sullivan; and the forces of which it was
composed assembled at Easton, Pa., from which point they marched to
Wyoming on the Susquehanna, and from there to Tioga Point. Here they
waited for the second division under the command of General Clinton, who
had sent an expedition into the Onondaga country, after which he was to
assemble his forces at Canajoharie and march across the country to the
head of Otsego Lake and then come down the Susquehanna River to join
Sullivan at Tioga. The third division was under the command of Colonel
Daniel Brodhead, who started from Pittsburgh, Pa. He never directly
co-operated with Sullivan, but no doubt aided him by his movement. He
left Pittsburgh on the 11th of August with a force of six hundred and
fifty men. He followed the Allegheny river and passed up into the Seneca
country, where he destroyed more than one hundred and fifty houses and
about five hundred acres of corn. His presence in the southern portion
of the Seneca country kept some of the Senecas from joining in the
movement to oppose Sullivan and so lessened the Indian force at the
battle of Newtown and possibly somewhat affected the expedition. The
original intention was to have Brodhead join Sullivan at Genesee and aid
in the movement against Niagara, but as for some reason no movement was
made against Niagara there was no occasion for him to do more than he
did, and no further attention need be given his movement as a part of
the Sullivan expedition. Brodhead marched three hundred and eighty
miles, destroyed houses, cornfields, and gardens, and did his part in
destroying the Indian civilization.

Aside from the force of Brodhead, Sullivan's expedition was made up of
four brigades. The first consisted of the First New Jersey regiment
under the command of Colonel Matthias Ogden; the Second New Jersey
commanded by Colonel Israel-Shreve; the Third New Jersey under Colonel
Elias Dayton, and Spencer's New Jersey regiment commanded by Colonel
Oliver Spencer. The brigade was under the command of Brigadier-General
William Maxwell.

Brigadier-General Enoch Poor commanded the second brigade, which was
made up of the First New Hampshire regiment under Colonel Joseph Cilley;
the Second New Hampshire commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel George Reid;
the Third New Hampshire commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Dearborn;
the Sixth Massachusetts under the command of Major Daniel Whiting. The
Sixth Massachusetts was at the outset a part of the fourth brigade, and
the Second New York was a part of the second brigade, but the two
regiments exchanged brigades in August, and from that time till the
close of the expeditions were in the brigades as given in this sketch.

The third brigade was commanded by Brigadier-General Edward Hand and was
composed of the Fourth Pennsylvania regiment under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel William Butler; the Eleventh Pennsylvania under
Lieutenant-Colonel Hubley; the German Battalion under Major Daniel
Burchardt; an artillery regiment under Colonel Thomas Proctor; Morgan's
riflemen under Major James Parr; an independent rifle company under
Captain Anthony Selin; the Wyoming militia under Captain John Franklin;
and an independent Wyoming company under Captain Simon Spalding.

The fourth brigade, commanded by Brigadier-General James Clinton, was
made up of the Second New York regiment under Colonel Philip Van
Cortlandt; the Third New York under Colonel Peter Gansevoort; the Fourth
New York under Colonel Frederic Weissenfels; the Fifth New York under
Colonel Lewis Dubois; and the New York artillery detachment under
Captain Isaac Wool.

It would be exceedingly interesting to trace the movement of each of the
regiments engaged in the expedition from their place of starting to the
various rallying places, but in many instances the writer has been
unable to ascertain the facts after consulting all the works relating to
Sullivan's expedition to be found in the State library, and other
libraries, and after writing to the secretary of some of the state
historical societies. Therefore the assembling of the forces
constituting Sullivan's expedition will have to be treated in rather a
general way.

The New Hampshire regiments apparently wintered at Soldier's Fortune,
about six miles above Peekskill, as diaries of various New Hampshire
officers engaged in the expedition mention marching from that point and
I find no reference to any place occupied earlier. From Soldier's
Fortune the New Hampshire troops, certainly the Second and Third
regiments, and presumably the whole force, marched to Fishkill, a
distance of seventeen miles. At this point they crossed the Hudson river
to Newburgh. From that place they marched to the New Jersey line passing
through Orange county. They took a route leading through New Windsor,
Bethlehem, Bloomgrove Church, Chester, Warwick, and Hardiston. The
distance was thirty-eight miles. From Hardiston the force marched to
Easton on the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware river. It passed through
Sussex State House, Moravian Mills, Cara's Tavern, all these places
being in the state of New Jersey. The distance from Hardiston to Easton
was fifty-eight miles.

On the first of May, 1779, the Second and Fourth New York regiments left
their camp near the Hudson and marched to Warwarsing in the southwestern
part of Ulster county, thence to Ellenville, a few miles south of
Warwarsing, then to Mamacotting (now Wurtsboro) in Sullivan county. The
next day was spent in rest at Bashesland (now Westbrookville) near the
Sullivan and Orange county line; from this point they marched to Port
Jervis. On the 9th of May they crossed the Delaware at Decker's Ferry,
and from there marched to Easton.

The New Jersey brigade had spent the previous winter at Elizabethtown,
New Jersey, from which point they marched to Easton, passing through
Bound Brook.

The forces which gathered at Easton marched from there to Wyoming on the
Susquehanna, a distance of sixty-five miles. Nearly forty days were
required to cover that distance. The way lay through thick woods and
almost impassable swamps. The route took them through Hillier's Tavern,
Brinker's Mills, Wind Gap, Learn's Tavern, Dogon Point, and the Great
Swamp. They reached Wyoming on the 24th of June.

General Sullivan was much blamed but most unjustly so for his tardy
movement. Pennsylvania had been relied upon to furnish not only a
considerable body of troops but most of the supplies, but that
commonwealth did not give the expedition a hearty support. The Quakers
were most decidedly opposed to inflicting any punishment whatever upon
the Indians. Other Pennsylvanians were offended because a New Englander
had been chosen for the command instead of a Pennsylvanian. Troops were
slow in coming forward. Supplies were furnished tardily and reluctantly.
They were insufficient in quantity and poor in quality. The commissaries
were careless and inefficient. The contractors were unscrupulous and
dishonest. The authorities complained saying that Sullivan's demands
were excessive and unreasonable and they threatened to prefer charges
against him. However, all the testimony goes to show that the commissary
department was in charge of men who were either utterly incompetent or
grossly negligent of their duty. On the 23rd of June Sullivan wrote
Washington saying, "more than one-third of my soldiers have not a shirt
to their backs." On the 30th of July Colonel Hubbard wrote to President
Reed saying, "My regiment I fear will be almost totally naked before we
can possibly return. I have scarcely a coat or a blanket for every
seventh man."

On the 31st of July Sullivan's army left Wyoming for Tioga Point. A
fleet of more than two hundred boats and a train of nearly fifteen
hundred pack horses were required to transfer the army and its
equipment. Tioga Point at the junction of the Tioga and the Susquehanna
rivers was reached on the 11th of August. The army had been eleven days
in making sixty-five miles. The route from Wyoming led through
Lackawanna (now Coxton) in Luzerne county; Quialutimuck, near Ransom
Station, Luzerne county; Hunkhannock; Vanderlip's Farm (now Black
Walnut) Wyoming county; Wyalusing, Standing Stone, Bradford county;
Sheshhequin, Bradford county.

While waiting for Clinton Sullivan built a fort which was named in his
honor, between the Tioga and Susquehanna rivers about a mile and a
quarter above their junction at a point where the two streams were
within a few hundred yards of each other. The center of the present
village of Athens, Pa., is almost exactly at this point.

Early in the spring Clinton with the First and Third New York regiments
passed up the Mohawk to Canajoharie. From this point an expedition was
sent out against the Onondagas. About fifty houses were burned and
nearly thirty Indians were killed and a somewhat larger number taken
prisoners.

After this expedition Clinton passed from Canajoharie to the head of
Otsego Lake. This was a laborious enterprise as, for a portion of the
distance, roads had to be cut through an unbroken forest and there was
not a good road any part of the distance. More than two hundred heavy
batteaux had to be drawn across from Canajoharie, a distance of twenty
miles, by oxen.

Otsego Lake, the source of the Susquehanna, is about twelve hundred feet
above tide water, nine miles long with an average width of a mile. The
outlet is narrow with high banks. Here Clinton built a dam and raised
the water of the lake several feet, sufficient to furnish water to float
his boats when the time came for a forward movement.

On the 9th of August Clinton's forces embarked and the dam was cut. The
opening of the dam made very high water, flooding the flats down the
river and frightening the Indians, who thought the Great Spirit was
angry with them to cause the river to be flooded in August without a
rain.

During his passage down the Susquehanna, Clinton destroyed Albout, a
Scotch Tory settlement on the east side of the Susquehanna, about five
miles above the present village of Unadilla; Conihunto, an Indian town
about fourteen miles below Unadilla, on the west side of the river;
Unadilla, at the junction of the Unadilla with the Susquehanna;
Onoquaga, an Indian town situated on both sides of the river about
twenty miles below Unadilla; Shawhiangto, a Tuscarora village near the
present village of Windsor, in Broome county; Ingaren, a Tuscarora
hamlet where is now the village of Great Bend; Otsiningo, sometimes
called Zeringe, near the site of the present village of Chenango, on the
Chenango river, four miles north of Binghamton; Choconut, on the south
side of the Susquehanna at the site of the present village of Vestal, in
the town of Vestal, Broome County; Owegy or Owagea, on the Owego Creek
about a mile above its mouth; and Mauckatawaugum, near Barton.

On the 28th of August Clinton met a force sent out by Sullivan at a
place that has since been called Union because of this meeting. It is
about ten miles from Binghamton.

The two forces having joined, all was in readiness for a forward
movement. The expedition which at this time had its real beginning, all
the previous movements having been in the nature of organization and
preparation, was a remarkable one in that it was to pass over hundreds
of miles of territory of which no reliable map had ever been made,
through forests where no roads had ever been cut, across swamps that
were almost impassable to a single individual, with no opportunity to
communicate with the rest of the world from the time they set out on
their forward movement till their return, no chance to secure additional
supplies, no hope of reinforcements in case of disaster, no suitable
provision for the care of the sick and wounded, no chance of great
glory in case of success, no hope of being excused in case of failure.
It was a brave, daring, almost reckless movement. It was successful
beyond all expectation, yet its story is almost unknown.

                          * * * * *

_Note._--The New Hampshire troops marched from Soldier's Fortune, six
miles above Peekskill, to Fishkill, crossed the Hudson to Newburgh, then
across Orange County, N. Y., and northern New Jersey, to Easton on the
Delaware. Some New York troops who wintered at Warwarsing in Ulster
County, N. Y., passed to Easton also, going through Chester, in Orange
County, and down the Delaware River The New Jersey troops who had
wintered at Elizabethtown, marched to Easton from this point the united
forces marched to Wyoming, on the Susquehanna River. Here they were
joined by some of the Pennsylvania troops and the whole force passed up
the river to Tioga Point, where they awaited the arrival of Clinton, who
had gone up the Mohawk and after destroying some of the Onondaga towns
crossed from Canajoharie to the head of Otsego Lake and down the
Susquehanna to join Sullivan. The united forces then marched into the
Indian country, going to the foot of Seneca Lake, down its east shore,
thence to the foot of Canandaigua Lake, then to the foot of Honeoye Lake
and across the country to head of Conesus Lake, and from there to Little
Beard's Town on the Genesee. From this point the army retraced its
steps. From the foot of Seneca Lake a detachment was sent up the west
shore a few miles to the Indian town of Kershong. Another detachment
under Colonel Dearborn went up the west side of Cayuga Lake and joined
the main body at Catherine's Town, at the head of Seneca Lake. A third
detachment under Colonel William Butler went up the east side of Cayuga
Lake and joined the main army at Kanawaholla, not far from the present
city of Corning. All these movements are indicated on the accompanying
map.



[Illustration: ROUTE OF SULLIVAN'S FORCES.]



                A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SULLIVAN'S
                     INDIAN EXPEDITION.

                          * * * * *

              By Grenville M. Ingalsbe, A. M., LL. B.

                          * * * * *

_Introductory Note_: It is with many misgivings that this paper is
submitted to the Association. When its preparation was assigned, I
assumed that previous compilations had been made, and that my labors
would be confined simply to their continuation. Upon investigation,
however, I found that while Justin Winsor in his Hand Book of the
Revolution, and in his invaluable Narrative and Critical History, and
others in various works, had enumerated many titles which, though
largely incomplete, would aid in the work, no definitive Bibliography
of Sullivan's Expedition had ever been published.

Unfortunately, when these pages shall have been printed, this condition
will still exist. I have not been able to command from the duties of
an exacting profession, the time required for the preparation of a
Bibliography at all satisfactory, even to myself. Moreover, the
attention I have been able to bestow upon it has been that of an
amateur, which in these days of highly developed scholastic
specialization, is very inadequate in results. It is presented, however,
with some confidence that it contains material which will aid some
historical specialist of the future in the preparation of a complete
Bibliography of Sullivan's Expedition.

I have made no attempt to include manuscripts, leaving that for a
supplementary monograph, or to some more competent student. The
location, however, of all known manuscripts relating to the Expedition
is given in the various volumes to which reference is made. Neither
have I included references to the general or school histories of the
United States. Sullivan's Expedition is mentioned in them as an incident
of more or less significance in the struggle for independence. In none
of them is it given the attention to which its importance entitles it.
Indeed, it is a neglected chapter of our revolutionary history. The
Public Library of Boston possesses only fourteen titles referring
directly to this great march into the Indian country, and that is a
larger number than is reported either in the New York Public Library
or in the State Library at Albany.

I desire to tender my thanks to Horace G. Wadlin, Librarian of the
Boston Library, to Victor H. Paltsits, Assistant Librarian of the New
York Public Library, and to Mary Childs Nerney and others of the History
Division of the State Library, for many courtesies which they have
extended to me.


 Adams, Warren D.:
       Sullivan's Expedition and the Cayugas.
       Cayuga County Historical Society Collections. No. 7. 23 pp.
          8 vo. Auburn. 1889.

 Adler, Simon L.:
        Sullivan's Campaign in Western New York, 1779.
        Read before the Rochester Historical Society, January 14th,
          1898. 8 pp. 8 vo. New York. 1898.

 Allen, Paul:
        A History of the American Revolution.
        2 vols. Vol. 2. pp. 276 et seq. 8 vo. Baltimore, 1822.

 Amory, Thomas Coffin:
        Life of James Sullivan with selections from his writings.
          2 vols. pp. 426 and 419. Portrait. Phillips, Sampson & Co.,
          Boston. 1859.

        The Military Services and Public Life of Major General John
          Sullivan of the American Revolutionary Army. 324 pp. Portr.
          8 vo. Wiggin & Lunt, Boston. J. Munsell, Albany, 1868.

        The Military Services of John Sullivan in the American
          Revolution, vindicated from recent historical criticism.
        Read at a meeting of the Massachusetts Historical Society,
          December, 1866. With additions and documents. 64 pp. 8 vo.
          John Wilson & Son, Cambridge. 1868.

        Centennial Memoir of Major General John Sullivan,
          1740-1795.
        Presented at Independence Hall, Philadelphia, July 2d, 1876.
          17 pp. 8 vo. Philadelphia. 1879.

        Same:
        The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography.
          Vol. 2. pp. 196-210.

        General John Sullivan. A vindication of his Character as a
          Soldier and a Patriot. 56 pp. 8 vo. Morrisania, N. Y. 1867.

        Memory of General John Sullivan vindicated.
        Proceedings, Massachusetts Historical Society. Series I. Vol. 9.
          pp. 379-436.

        Sullivan's Expedition against the Six Nations, 1779.
          Magazine American History. Vol. 4. pp. 420-427.

        A Vindication of the Character of General Sullivan as a
          Soldier and a Patriot.
        Historical Magazine. Vol. 10. Supplement VI. pp. 161.

        Same:
        Morrisania, N. Y. 1866.

        General Sullivan's Expedition in 1779.
        Proceedings, Massachusetts Historical Society. Vol. 20.
          pp. 88-94.

 Anonymous:

        An Historical Journal of the American War.
        Collections, Massachusetts Historical Society.
          First Series. Vol. 2, pp. 175-178.

        Master Sullivan of Berwick, his Ancestors and Descendants.
        New England Historical and Genealogical Register. Vol. 19.
          pp. 289-306.

        The Old Sullivan Road.
        Pennsylvania Magazine. Vol. 11. p. 123.

        The Old Caneadea Council House and its Last Council Fire.
        Publications, Buffalo Historical Society. Vol. 6. pp. 97-123.
          8 vo. Buffalo, New York.

        Extracts from letters to a gentleman in Boston, dated at
          General Sullivan's Headquarters.
        The Remembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events for
          the year 1780. Vol. 9. pp. 23-24. J. Almon, London. 1780.

        The Story of Fantine Kill.
        Olde Ulster, vol. 2. pp. 106-107.

 Baker, William S.:
        Itinery of General Washington, with notes.
        Pennsylvania Magazine. Vol. 15. pp. 49-50.

 Bard, Thomas R.:
        Note to Lieutenant Parker's Journal.
        Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. Vol. 27. p. 404.

 Barton, William (Lieutenant in General Maxwell's New Jersey Brigade):
        Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 3-14.

        Same:
        New Jersey Historical Society Proceedings. Vol. 2. pp. 22-43.

 Beatty, Erkuries (Lieutenant Fourth Pennsylvania Regiment):
        Journal of an Expedition to the Indian Towns, June 11, 1779.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 18-37.

        Same:
        Cayuga County Historical Society Collections. No. 1. p. 61-68.

        Same:
        Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. 15. Portr. pp. 219-253.

 Blake, Thomas (Lieutenant First New Hampshire Regiment):
        Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 38-41.

        Same:
        History of the First New Hampshire Regiment in the War of
          the Revolution by Frederick Kidder.
        Joel Munsell. Albany, 1868.

 Bleeker, Captain Leonard:
        The Order Book of Captain Leonard Bleeker in the Early Part
          of the Expedition against the Indian Settlements of Western
          New York in the Campaign of 1779. p. 138. 4 to.
        Joseph Sabin. New York. 1865.

 Board of War:
        Letter to President Reed.
          September 9th. (Report as to progress.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 709.

 Brodhead, Daniel (Colonel Commanding Western Expedition):
        Letter to Major General Sullivan, August 6th, 1779.
        New York Centennial Volume, p. 307.

        Report of the Expedition.
        Pennsylvania Packet or the General Advertiser. Philadelphia,
          October 19, 1779.

        Same:
        Magazine of American History, Vol. 3. pp. 671-673.

        Same:
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 307-309.

 Brooks, Erastus:
        Address.
        American History and American Indian Wars.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 410-423.

 Bruce, Dwight H.:
        Onondaga Centennial. 2 Vols. Vol. I. p. 142. 4 to. Boston, 1896.

 Bryant, William Clement:
        Captain Brant and the Old King. The Tragedy of Wyoming.
        Publications, Buffalo Historical Society. Vol. 4. pp. 15-34.
          8 vo. Buffalo, New York.

 Burrowes, John (Major Fifth New Jersey Regiment):
        Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 43-51.

 Campbell, Douglass:
        Address.
        The Iroquois or Six Nations and New York's Indian Policy.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 457-470.

 Campbell, William W.:
        Annals of Tryon County or the Border Warfare of New York during
          the Revolution. pp. 269. p. 121 et seq. 12 mo. J. & J. Harper,
          New York. 1831.

        The Border Warfare of New York during the Revolution, or The
          Annals of Tryon County.
        Republication of above, pp. 396. p. 149 et seq. Baker & Scribner,
          New York. 1849.

        Lecture on the Life and Military Services of General James
          Clinton.
        Read before the New York Historical Society, February, 1839.

 Campfield, Jabez (Surgeon Fifth New Jersey Regiment):
        Diary of Dr. Jabez Campfield, Surgeon in Spencer's Regiment
          while attached to Sullivan's Expedition against the Indians.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 52-61.

        Same:
        New Jersey Historical Society Proceedings. Second Series.
          Vol. III. pp. 115-136,

        Same:
        Wyoming County (Penn.) Democrat, December 31st, 1873 to January
          28th, 1874. (Five issues.)

 Chapman, Isaac A.:
        Wyoming Valley. A Sketch of its Early Annals.
        Pittston Gazette Centennial Handbook. 1878. p. 25.

 Chase, Franklin H.:
        Onondaga's Soldiers of the Revolution. 8 vo. p. 48. Syracuse.
          1895.

 Childs, A. L.:
        Poem, John Sullivan's March.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 549-552.

 Clark, John S.:
        Sketch of Lieutenant Colonel Henry Dearborn, Commanding Third
          New Hampshire Regiment, and Notes upon his Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 62-78.

        Notes and Maps accompanying the Journal of Lieutenant
          John L. Hardenburgh.
        New York Centennial Volume. pp. 116-136.

        Notes upon the Journal of Thomas Grant.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 142-144.

        Same:
        Publications, Cayuga County Historical Society. No. 1. Auburn,
          1879. pp. 71-72,

        Note upon the Journal of Lieutenant Charles Nukerck.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 213-214.

        Notes upon the Journal of Sergeant Major George Grant.
        New York Centennial Volume, p. 113.

 Clinton, George:
        Papers. Sparks. MSS. No. XII. Harvard College Collections.

 Congress, Journals of American, from 1774-1788.
        4 vols. 8 vo. Vol. III. pp. 212, 241, 242, 346, 347, 351,
          375, 389, 390, 406.
        Washington, Way & Gideon. 1823.

 Cook, Frederick (Secretary of State):
        New York Centennial Volume.

 Conover, George S. (Compiler):
        Journals of the Military Expedition of Major General John
          Sullivan against the Six Nations of Indians in 1779, with
          records of Centennial Celebrations, prepared pursuant to
          Chapter 361, Laws of the State of New York, 1885. pp. 581.
          8 vo. Maps. Portraits. Auburn, New York. 1887.
        (Herein designated as New York Centennial Volume.)

        Early History of Geneva, 60 pp. p. 17 et seq. 12 mo. Geneva,
          New York. 1879.

 Craft, David:
        List of Journals, Narratives, &c., of the Western Expedition,
          1779.
        Magazine of American History. Vol. II. pp. 673-675.

        Sullivan's Centennial Historical Addresses at Elmira,
          Waterloo and Geneseo.
        Centennial Proceedings, Waterloo Library and Historical
          Society, Waterloo, 1879.

        Journals of the Sullivan Expedition, 1779.
        Pennsylvania Magazine, p. 348.

        Biographical Sketch of Major General John Sullivan.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 333-334.

        Address.
        A full and complete History of the Expedition against the
          Iroquois or Six Nations of New York in 1779, commanded by
          Major General John Sullivan, with Appendix, giving Loss of
          Men, Towns Destroyed, Washington's Instructions, and
          Biographical Sketches.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 336-386.

        Same:
        The Sullivan Campaign of 1779.
        Seneca County Sullivan's Centennial, p. 90.

        Biographical Sketch, Major Nicholas Fish.
        New York Centennial Volume, p, 383.

        Biographical Sketch, Colonel Lewis Dubois.
        New York Centennial Volume, p. 384.

        Biographical Sketch, Lieutenant Colonel Frederick Weissenfels.
        New York Centennial Volume, p. 384.

        Biographical Sketch, Rev. Samuel Kirkland.
        New York Centennial Volume, p. 385.

        Biographical Sketch, Rev. John Gano.
        New York Centennial Volume, p. 385.

        Biographical Sketch, Colonel John Harper.
        New York Centennial Volume, p. 386.

        Biographical Sketch, Brigadier General James Clinton.
        New York Centennial Volume, p. 387.

        Biographical Sketch, Colonel Peter Gansevoort.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 479-480.

        Biographical Sketch, Colonel Philip Van Cortlandt.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 537-538.

 Craig, Neville B.:

        The Olden Time.
        Vol. 2. pp. 308-317. Pittsburgh. 1848.

        Same:
        Vol. 1. p. 308 et seq. 8 vo. Robert Clark & Co., Cincinnati.
          1876.

 Dana, E. L.:
        Address.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 445-449.

 Davis, Andrew McFarland:
        Sullivan's Expedition against the Indians of New York, 1779.
          A letter to Justin Winsor. With the Journal of William
          McKendry.
          45 pp. 8 vo. John Wilson & Son, Cambridge, 1886.

        Same:
        Proceedings, Massachusetts Historical Society.
          Second Series. Vol. 2. pp. 436-478. Boston. 1886.

        List of Diaries relating to General Sullivan's Campaign.
        Proceedings, Massachusetts Historical Society. Second Series.
          Vol. 2. p. 436-438.

 Davis, Nathan (Private First New Hampshire Regiment):
        History of the Expedition against the Five Nations commanded
          by General Sullivan in 1779.
        Historical Magazine. Second Series. Vol. 3. pp. 198-205.

 Dawson, Henry B.:
        Battles of the United States.
          2 Vols, Vol. I. p. 533. 4 to. New York. 1858.

 Dearborn, Henry (Lieutenant Colonel Commanding Third New Hampshire
   Regiment):
        Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 63-79.

        Same:
        Cayuga County Historical Collections. No. I. 1879.

        Same:
        Publications, Buffalo Historical Society. Vol. 7. p. 96. 8 vo.
          Buffalo, New York.

 Depeyster, J. Watts:
        Sullivan Centennial.
        New York Mail, August 26th, 1879.

        Celebrating the Anniversary of the Battle of Newtown.
        New York Mail, August 29th, 1879.

        The Sullivan Campaign.
        New York Mail, September 15th, 1879.

 Doty, Lockwood L.:
        History of Livingston County.
          Illustrated, p. 685. pp. 113 and 151 et seq. Edward E. Doty,
          Geneseo.

 Dwight, Timothy, S. T. D., LL. D.:

        Travels in New England and New York. 4 vols. Vol. 4. p. 211.
          New Haven. 1822.

 Edson, Obed:
        Brodhead's Expedition against the Indians of the Upper
          Allegheny. (Contains reference to Sullivan's Expedition.)
        Magazine American History. Vol. III. pp. 647-670.

 Elmer, Dr. Ebenezer (Surgeon Second New Jersey Regiment):
        Memoirs of an Expedition undertaken against the Savages to
          the westward commenced by the Hon. Major General John
          Sullivan, began at Easton on the Delaware (by Lieutenant
          Ebenezer Elmer).
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 80-85.

        Same:
        New Jersey Historical Society Proceedings. Vol. 2. pp. 43-50.

 Elwood, Mary Cheney:
        An Episode of the Sullivan Campaign and its Sequel.
        (The Post-Express Printing Co.) 39 pp. 8 vo. Plates. Maps.
          Rochester, New York. 1904.

 Farmer & Moore's Collections, Historical and Miscellaneous and Monthly
   Literary Journal. Vol. 2. p. 308.

 Fellows, Moses (Orderly Sergeant Captain Gray's Company Third New
   Hampshire Regiment):
        Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 86-91.

 Fogg, Jeremiah (Paymaster and Captain (on roster) Second New Hampshire
   Regiment):
        Journal of Major Jeremiah Fogg of Col. Poor's Regiment,
          New Hampshire, during the Expedition of General Sullivan
          in 1779 against the Western Indians.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 92-101.

        Same:
        News Letter Press, 1879. p. 26. Exeter, New Hampshire.

 Gano, John (Brigade Chaplain General Clinton's Brigade):
        A Chaplain of the Revolution.
        Historical Magazine. First Series. Vol. 5. pp. 330-335

 Gansevoort, Peter (Colonel Third New York Regiment):
        Letter to General Sullivan.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 372-373.

 Gookin, Daniel (Ensign Second New Hampshire Regiment):
        Journal of March from North Hampton, N. Hampshire, in the
          year 1779.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 102-106.

        Same:
        New England Historical and Genealogical Register. Vol. XVI.
          pp. 27-34.

 Gould, Jay:
        Delaware County and the Border Wars of New York. pp. 426. p. 90
          et seq. 12 mo. Roxbury. 1856.

 Gordon, William, D. D.:
        The History of the Rise, Progress and Establishment of the
          Independence of the United States.
        4 Vols. Vol. 3. pp. 307-313. 8 vo. London, 1788.

 Goodwin, H. C.:
        Pioneer History of Cortland County. p. 456. p. 56 et seq. 12 mo.
          A. B. Burdick, New York. 1859.

 Grant, George (Sergeant Major Third New Jersey Regiment):
        A journey of the Marches, &c., completed by the Third Jersey
          Regiment and the rest of the Troops under the command of Major
          Sullivan in the Western Expedition.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 107-114.

        Same:
        Hazard's Register of Pennsylvania. Vol. 14. pp. 72-76.

        Same:
        Cayuga County Historical Collections. No. 1. 1879.

        Same:
        Wyoming Republican. July 16, 1834. Wilkes-Barre. 1868.

 Giant, Thomas (Surveyor):
        Journal.
        General Sullivan's Expedition to the Genesee Country--A Journal
          of General Sullivan's Army after they left Wyoming.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 137-144.

        Same:
        Historical Magazine. First Series. Vol 6. pp. 233-273.

        Same:
        Cayuga County Historical Collections. No. 1. Auburn. 1879.

        Statement of Distances.
        Historical Magazine. Vol. 6. pp. 233-273.

 Gray, Captain William:
        Letter of Captain William Gray of the Fourth Pennsylvania
          Regiment, with a map of the Sullivan Expedition (against The
          Six Nations).
        Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. 15. pp. 286-290.

 Greene, General Nathaniel:
        Letter to Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth.
        Pennsylvania Magazine. Vol. 22. p. 211.

 Greenough, Charles P.:
        Roster of Officers in Sullivan's Expedition, 1779.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 315-329.

 Gridley, A. D.:
        History of the Town of Kirkland, New York.
          New York. 1874.

 Griffis, William Elliot, L. H. D.:
        Address.
        The History and Mythology of Sullivan's Expedition.
        Proceedings Wyoming Commemorative Association, pp. 9-38.
          Wilkes-Barre. 1903.

        New Hampshire's Part in Sullivan's Expedition of 1779.
        New England Magazine, Vol. 23. pp. 355-373.

        The Pathfinders of the Revolution. A Story of the Great March
          into the Wilderness and Lake Region of New York in 1779.
          Illustrated, pp. 316. 12 mo. W. A. Wilde Co., Boston.

        Sullivan's Great March into the Indian Country.
        The Magazine of History. Vol. II. pp. 295-311, 365-378.
          Vol. III. pp. 1-10.

 Griffith, J. H.:
        William Maxwell of New Jersey, Brigadier General in
          the Revolution.
        New Jersey Historical Society Proceedings. Vol. 23. pp. 111-126.

 Halsey, Francis W.:
        Pennsylvania and New York in the Border Wars of the Revolution.
        Proceedings, Wyoming Commemorative Association for the year 1898.
          Wilkes-Barre. 1898.

        The Old New York Frontier.
          Illustrated, pp. 432, p. 220 et seq. 8 vo. Chas.
          Scribner's Sons, New York, 1901.

 Hamilton, John C.:
        History of the Republic of the United States of America.
          2 Vols. Vol. I. pp. 543-544. 8 vo. D. Appleton & Co.,
          New York, 1857.

 Hammond, Isaac W.:
        Rolls of the Soldiers of the Revolutionary War from New Hampshire.
        New Hampshire State Papers. Vol. 15. (War Rolls, Vol. 2.)
          Concord, N. H., 1886.

 Hand, General Edward:
        Letter to Reed. September 25th, 1779.
          (Reports return of Sullivan's command.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 715.

 Hardenburgh, John L. (Lieutenant Second New York Regiment):
        Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 116-136.

        Same, with introductory notes and maps by John S. Clark and
          Biographical Sketch by Charles Hawley.
        Cayuga County Historical Society Collections. No. 1. 8 vo.
          Auburn, New York, 1879.

 Harding, Garrick M.:
        The Sullivan Road.
        Historical Record. Vol. 9. p. 101.

 Hawley, Charles:
        Address, Sullivan's Campaign.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 571-578.

        Biographical Sketch of Lieutenant John L. Hardenburgh.
        Cayuga County Historical Society Collections. No. 1. 8 vo.
          Auburn, New York, 1879.

 Hazard, Eben:
        Letter to Jeremy Belknap.
        Proceedings, Massachusetts Historical Society. Fifth Series.
          Vol. 2. pp. 23-36.
 Holmes, Abiel D. D.:
        Annals of America.
          2 Vols, Vol. 2, p. 301 et seq. Cambridge, Mass. 1829.

 Hoops, Adam (Major. Third Aide-de-Camp to General Sullivan):
        Letter to John Greig.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 310-311.

 Hubbard, John N.:
        Sketches of Border Adventures in the Life and Times of Major
          Moses Van Campen.
        Bath, New York, 1842.

 Hubley, Colonel Adam (Lieutenant Colonel commanding Eleventh
   Pennsylvania Regiment):
        Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 145-167.

        Same:
        Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. XL (Vol. 2 of
          the Revolution.) pp. 11-44.

        Same:
        Miner's History of Wyoming. Appendix, pp. 82-104.
          Philadelphia, 1845.

        Letter to President Reed.
        Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. VII. p. 553.

        Same:
        Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. 3. p. 319.

        Same:
        Miner's History of Wyoming. Appendix, p. 97.

        Same:
        Wyoming, July 14th, 1779.
          As to Expedition.
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 553.

        Same:
        October 1st, 1779.
          (Report of Expedition for August 30th.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 721.

        Same:
        Easton, October 18th, 1779.
          (Announcing arrival and complaining as to want of teams.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 755.

 Hubley, John:
        Letter to Reed. August 24th, 1779.
          (Report as to Expedition.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 667.

 Hunter, Colonel Samuel:
        Letter to Reed. August 4th, 1779.
          (Reports Sullivan started for Wyoming.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 620.

 Hurd, D. Hamilton:

        History of Tioga, Chemung, Tompkins and Schuyler Counties.
          pp. 687. p. 13 et seq. 4 to. Philadelphia. 1879.

 Jenkins, John (Lieutenant. Guide):
        Journal of Lieutenant John Jenkins connected with the Campaign
          of General Sullivan against the Six Nations, 1779.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 169-177.

 Jenkins, Steuben:
        Address.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 451-457.

 Jones, Thomas:
        History of New York during the Revolutionary War. 2 Vols.
          Vol. 2. pp. 332 and 613. 8 vo. New York. 1879.

 Johnson, Crisfield:
        Centennial History of Erie County, New York.
          pp. 512. p. 62 et seq. 8 vo. Buffalo, 1876.

 Keiffer, Rev. Henry M.:
        The Old Sullivan Road.
        Proceedings, Wyoming Commemorative Association for the year
          1897. Wilkes-Barre. 1898.

 Kidder, Frederick:
        History of the First New Hampshire Regiment in the War of
          the Revolution.
        Joel Munsell, Albany. 1868.

 Kirkland, Rev. Samuel (Chaplain Sullivan's Expedition):
        Life of Rev. Samuel Kirkland, by S. K. Lothrop.
        Sparks Library of American Biography. Vol. XV. p. 246 et seq.

 Livermore, Daniel (Captain Third New Hampshire Regiment):
        A Journal of the March of General Poor's Brigade from
          Soldier's Fortune on the Western Expedition, May 17th, 1779.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 178-191.

        Same:
        Collections, New Hampshire Historical Society. Vol. 6.
          pp. 308-335.

 Lossing, B. J.:
        Field Book of the American Revolution.
          Vol. I. p. 271. 8 vo. Harper & Bros., New York.

 Lothrop, S. K.:
        Life of Rev. Samuel Kirkland.
        Sparks Library of American Biography. Vol. 15. p. 246 et seq.

 Mackin, Thomas (Captain Second Regiment New York Artillery):
        Journal of March from Fort Schuyler--Expedition against
          the Onondagas, 1779.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 192-194.

        Distance of places from Eastown to Chenesee Castle, taken
          in 1779.
        New York Centennial Volume, p. 194.

 Maclay, William:
        Letter to Reed. July 26th, 1779.
          (Prospects of Northern Expedition.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 586.

        Letter to Council. July 30th, 1779.
          (As to fall of Ft. Freeland.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 597.

 Marshall, John:
        Life of Washington.
          Vol. 4. p. 105 et seq. 8 vo. Philadelphia. 1805.

 Marshall, Orasamus H.:
        The Niagara Frontier.
        Publications, Buffalo Historical Society.
          Vol. 2. pp. 395-425. 8 vo. Buffalo, New York.

        Historical Writings relating to the Early History of the West.
          500 p. pp. 455-457. 8 vo. Joel Munsell's Sons, Albany, 1887.

 Maxwell, Thompson:
        The Narrative of Major Thompson Maxwell.
        Historical Collections of Essex Institute. Vol. 7. No. 3.

 Miner, Charles:
        History of Wyoming.
          Illustrated, pp. 450. Appendix p. 104. Appendix p. 82 et seq.
          p. 97 et seq. J. Crissy, Philadelphia.

 Moore, Frank:
        Correspondence of Henry Laurens. 2 Vols.
          4 to. Vol. 1. pp. 132-141. Vol. 2. p. 216. New York. 1861.

        Diary of the American Revolution. 2 Vols.
          8 vo. Vol. 2. p. 216 et seq. Charles Scribners, New York. 1860.

 Moore, Jacob B.:
        A List of Manuscript Surveys by Robert Erskine, Geographer
          to the American Army, and Simeon DeWitt, in the Library of
          the New York Historical Society.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 291-292.

 Morgan, Lewis H.:
        League of the Ho-de-no-sau-nee or Iroquois.
          8 vo. Rochester. 1851.

 McIntosh, W. H.:
        History of Ontario County.
        276 pp. p. 9 et seq. Folio. Philadelphia.

 McKendry, William (Lieutenant and Quartermaster Sixth Massachusetts
   Regiment):
        Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 198-212.

        Same:
        Edited by Andrew McFarland Davis. 45 pp. 8 vo.
          J. Wilson & Son, Cambridge. 1886.

        Same:
        Proceedings, Massachusetts Historical Society.
          Series 2. Vol. 2. pp. 442-478. Boston. 1886.

        Same:
        Historical Record. Vol. 1. pp. 37-56.

 McMaster, Guy H.:
        Poem. The Commanders: Sullivan Thay-en-da-ne-gea.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 402-409.

 McNeill, Samuel:
        Journal of Samuel McNeill, B. Q. M. "His Orderly Book," 1779.
        Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. 15. pp. 753-759.
          Harrisburg. 1893.

 Nead, Benjamin M.:
        A Sketch of General Thomas Proctor.
        Pennsylvania Magazine. Vol. 4. p. 454.

 Nesmith, George W.:
        Services of General Sullivan.
        Granite Monthly. Vol. 1. pp. 325-330.

 New Hampshire, State of:
        Rolls of the Soldiers of the Revolutionary War from New Hampshire.
          Compiled by Isaac W. Hammond.
        New Hampshire State Papers. Vol. 15. (War Rolls Vol. 2.) Concord,
         N. H. 1886.

 New Jersey, State of:
        Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in
          the Revolutionary War. pp. 49-57. 8 vo. Trenton. 1872.

 New York, State of:
        New York Centennial Volume.
        New York in the Revolution as Colony and State. Records
          discovered, arranged and classified in 1895, 1896, 1897
          and 1898, by James A. Roberts, Comptroller, Second Edition.
          4 to. pp. 534. pp. 29-59. pp. 63-65. Portraits, Albany. 1898.

 Norris, James (Captain Third New Hampshire Regiment):
        A Journal of the West Expedition commanded by the Hon'ble
          Major General Sullivan, begun at Easton, June 18, 1879.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 223-239.

        Same:
        Publications, Buffalo Historical Society. Vol. 1. pp. 217-252.
          8 vo. Buffalo, New York. 1879.

        Same:
        Jones' History of New York. Vol. 2. p. 613.

        Same:
        Hill's New Hampshire Patriot. September 16th, 1843.
          Portsmouth, New Hampshire.

 Norton, A. Tiffany:
        History of Sullivan's Campaign against the Iroquois, Being
          a full account of that epoch of the Revolution.
          200 pp. Portraits. Map, 8 vo. A. T. Norton. Lima,
          New York. 1879.

 Nourse, Joseph:
        Letter to General Lee.
        Collections, New York Historical Society, Vol, 6, pp. 383-385.

 Nukerck, Charles (Captain Second New York Regiment):
        Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 214-222.

 O'Reilly, Henry:
        Notices of Sullivan's Campaign, or the Revolutionary Warfare
          in Western New York; embodied in the Addresses and Documents
          connected with the funeral honors rendered to those who fell
          with the gallant Boyd in the Genesee Valley, including the
          remarks of Gov. Seward at Mt. Hope. Rochester. 1842.

        Sullivan's Expedition against the Six Nations as far as
          the Genesee in 1779.
        Sketches of Rochester. p. 393 et seq, 8 vo, Rochester, New York.

 Parker, General Ely S. (Do-ne-ho-geh-weh):
        Autobiography.
        Publications, Buffalo Historical Society, Vol, 8. p, 527.
          8 vo. Buffalo, New York.

 Parker, Jennie Marsh:
        A Story Historical.
          pp. 412. p. 20, p. 235, 8 vo. Rochester, 1884.

 Parker, Robert (Lieutenant):
        Journal.
        Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. Vol. 27.
          pp. 404-420. Vol. 28. pp. 12-25.

 Peabody, Oliver W. B.:
        John Sullivan.
        Sparks Library of American Biography. Series 2. Vol. 3.

 Peck, George, LL. D.:
        Wyoming, its History, Stirring Incidents and Romantic Adventures.
          Illustrated, p. 432. 12 mo. Harper Brothers, New York. 1858.

 Peck, William F.:
        Semi-Centennial History of the City of Rochester.
          pp. 736. p. 70 et seq. and p. 134. 4 to. Syracuse. 1884.

        Landmarks of Monroe County.
          pp. 339. p. 29 et seq. 4 to. Boston, Mass. 1895.

 Pettitt, Charles Q. M. G.:
        Letter to Reed. May 21st, 1779.
          (As to impressing, &c.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol, 7. p. 433.

 Pickering, Timothy (for Board of War):
        Letter to Joseph Reed. May 19th, 1779.
          (As to stores.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p, 418.

 Porter, William A.:
        A Sketch of the Life of General Andrew Porter.
        Pennsylvania Magazine, Vol. 4. p. 264.

 Reed, Joseph (President State of Pennsylvania):
        Letter to Sullivan. May 21st, 1779.
          (Ans. Sullivan of 11th.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series, Vol. 7. pp. 427-430.

        Same:
        June 3d, 1779.
          (As to Pennsylvania Troops guarding stores to Wyoming.
          Ans. May 26th and 31st, 1779.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7, pp. 457-8.

        Letter to Colonel Sam. Hunter.
          (As to guarding stores by Ranging Cos.)
        Pennsylvania Archives, First Series. Vol. 7. p. 455.

        Letter to Board of War. May 20th, 1779.
          (As to Sullivan's misapprehension as to what Pennsylvania
          would do.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 424.

        Same:
          August 12th, 1779.
          (Progress of Expedition.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7, p. 640.

        Letter to Washington. July 11th, 1779.
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 555.

        Same:
          September 7th, 1779.
          (As to furnishing Sullivan with supplies.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 684.

        Letter to Council. November 13th, 1779.
        Pennsylvania Archives. Fourth Series. Vol. 3. pp. 739-740.

 Rider, Sidney S.:
        Notes to the Journal of Rev. William Rogers, D. D.
        Rhode Island Tracts. No. 7.

        Same:
        Manufacturers and Farmers Journal of Providence, R. I. 1823.

        Same:
        American Universal Magazine. Vol. 1. pp. 390-399.
          Vol. 2. pp. 86-91.

 Roberts, Ellis H.:
        Address. Sullivan's Expedition and its Fruits.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 425-438.

 Roberts, James A. (Comptroller State of New York):
        New York in the Revolution as Colony and State. Records
          discovered, arranged and classified in 1895, 1896, 1897
          and 1898.
        Second Edition. 4 to. p. 534. pp. 29-59. pp. 63-65.
          Portraits. Albany. 1898.

 Roberts, Thomas (Sergeant Capt. John Burrowes' Company Fifth
   New Jersey Regiment:)
        A Journal of the March from Eleazabeth Town to the Back Woods.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 240-245.

 Rochester:
        A Story Historical, Jennie Marsh Parker.
          pp. 412. p. 20. p. 235. 8 vo. Rochester. 1884.

 Rogers, Rev. William, D. D. (Brigade Chaplain Pennsylvania Line):
        Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 246-265.

        Same:
        Rhode Island Tracts. No. 7. With an introduction and Notes
          by Sidney S. Rider.

        Same:
        Manufacturers and Farmers Journal of Providence, 1823.

        Same:
        American Universal Magazine. Vol. 1. pp. 390-399.
          Vol. 2. pp. 86-91, 200-206.

        Same:
        Pennsylvania Archives. Second Series. Vol. 15. Portr.
          pp. 255-288. Harrisburg. 1893.

 Rogers, William (Sergeant Second New York Regiment):
        Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume, p. 266.

 Ryerson, Egerton, D. D., LL. D.:
        Loyalists of America.
          2 Vols. Vol, 2. p. 108. 8 vo. Toronto and Montreal. 1880.

 Salmon, John:
        Journal.
        A Narrative of the Life of Mary Jemison, otherwise called
          the White Woman, by James E. Seaver.
          Third Edition. Batavia, New York. 1844.

 Sanborn, Frank B.:
        General John Sullivan and the Rebellion in New Hampshire.
        New England Magazine, Vol. 23, p. 323. (Contains an
          interesting study of General Sullivan's Character.)

 Schreve, John (Lieutenant Second New Jersey Regiment):
        Journal.
        Magazine of American History. Vol. 3. pp. 571-572.

 Seaver, James E.:
        Deh-he-wa-mis or A Narrative of the Life of Mary Jemison,
          otherwise called the White Woman. Third Edition.
          16 mo. Batavia, New York, 1844.

        Journal of John Salmon, In above.

        General Sullivan's Expedition to Western New York. In above.
          Appendix p. 182 et seq.

        Removal of the remains of Boyd. In above. Appendix p. 192 et seq.

 Sherman, William T.:
        Addresses.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 439-442.

 Shute, Samuel M. (Lieutenant Second New Jersey Regiment):
        Journal and Notes made contemporaneously.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 267-274.

 Simms, Jeptha R.:
        History of Schoharie County and Border Wars of New York.
          pp. 672. 8 vo. Illustrated, p. 291 et seq. Munsell & Tanner,
          Albany. 1845.

        Frontiersmen of New York (Revision of the History of Schoharie
          County and Border Wars of New York).
          2 Vols. Vol. 2. pp. 239-276. 8 vo. Albany. 1882.

 Stone, William L.:
        Life of Joseph Brant (Tha-gen-dan-e-gea), including the Border
          Wars of the American Revolution.
          Illustrated. 2 Vols. 8 vo. Albany. 1838. 1864. (Different
          editions.)

        The Poetry and History of Wyoming.
          Illustrated, pp. 324. 8 vo. Wiley & Putnam.
          New York and London. 1841.

        Same:
          pp. 406. p. 277 et seq. 12 mo. J. Munsell, Albany, 1864.

        Border Wars of the American Revolution.
          2 Vols. Vol. 1. p. 1 et seq. 16 mo. Harper Brothers,
          New York. 1846.

 Stryker, William S.:
        Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in
          the Revolutionary War.
          8 vo. pp. 49-57. Trenton. 1872.

 Sullivan, John (Major General):
        Report of the Battle of Newtown.
        The Military Services and Public Life of Major General
          John Sullivan, by Thomas C. Amory. p. 121.

        Same:
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 473-476.

        The Chronicle of his Expedition against the Iroquois in
          1779--The devastation of the Genesee Country.
        Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, October 19th, 1779.
          Baltimore, Maryland.

        Same:
        The Military Services and Public Life of Major General
          John Sullivan, by Thomas C. Amory. p. 130.

        Same:
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 296-305.

        Same:
        The Remembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events
          for the year 1780. Vol. 9. p. 158.

        Letter to John Langdon and some comments by George W. Nesmith.
        Granite Monthly. Vol. 3. pp. 153-161.

        Letter to Reed. Easton, May 11th, 1779.
          (Requesting order empowering Quartermasters to Impress
          Waggons, Horses, &c.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 388.

        Same:
        Easton, Pa., May 26th, 1779.
          (Ans. rec'd of 21st inst.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 439.

        Same:
        Easton, Pa., May 31st, 1779.
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 450.

        Same:
        Easton, June 7th, 1779.
          (Lamenting obstructions in Quartermaster's Department.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7., p. 473.

        Same:
        Wyoming, July 21st, 1779.
          (Complaining that Pennsylvania Rangers and Riflemen
          had not joined.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 568.

        Letter to Colonel John Cook.
          Headquarters, July 30th, 1779.
          (Answering requisition.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 593.

        Letter to Colonel Sam. Hunter.
          Wyoming, July 30th, 1779.
          (Acknowledging news of loss of Ft. Freeland.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 594.

        Letter to Reed.
          Easton, October 18th, 1779.
          (Requisition for 100 Waggons.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 756.

        Same:
          Easton, October 23d, 1779.
          (Acknowledging action of Executive Council and declining
          as too late.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 768.

        Letter to the Warriors of the Oneida Nation, &c.
        The Remembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public
          Events for the year 1780. Vol. 9. pp. 25-28.
          J. Almon. London. 1780.

        Address to Troops.
          Same. pp. 24-25.

        Letter to the Congress containing his acct. of his Expedition
          against the Indians.
          Same. pp. 158-166.

        Address to the Inhabitants of Northhampton County.
          Same. p. 166.

        Address to the Officers of the Artillery.
          Same, pp. 166-167.

        Address to the Corps of Light Infantry.
          Same. p. 167.

 Thacher, Dr.:
        Military Journal. Biographical Sketch of Major General Sullivan.
        Farmer and Moore's Collection Historical and Miscellaneous
          and Monthly Literary Journal. Vol. 2. p. 201.

 Treat, Samuel:
        Oration at interment of Lieutenant Boyd of General Sullivan's
          Army.
        History of Buffalo and the Senecas, by Ketcham. Vol. 2.
          pp. 318-340.

 Trist, Elizabeth:
        Letters to General Lee.
        Collections, New York Historical Society. Vol. 6. pp. 381-382.

 Turner, O.:
        Pioneer History of the Holland Purchase of Western New York.
          pp. 666. p. 277 et seq. 8 vo. Jewett, Thomas & Co.
          Buffalo. 1849.

        History of the Pioneer Settlement of Phelps and Gorhams
          Purchase and Morris Reserve. pp. 588. p. 80 et seq. William
          Ailing, Rochester. 1852.

 Van Campen, Moses:
        Memorial to Congress.
        Pritt's Mirror of Olden Time Border Life. pp. 697. pp. 481-491.
          Abington, Va.

        Narrative.
          Same.

 Van Cortlandt, Philip (Colonel commanding Second New York Regiment):
        Autobiography, with Notes by Pierre C. Van Wyck.
        Magazine of American History. Vol. 2. p. 278 et seq.

        Same:
        Elmira Daily Advertiser, February 17th, 1879.

 Van Hovenburgh, Rudolphus (Lieutenant Fourth New York Regiment):
        Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume. pp. 275-284.

        Table of Distances.
        New York Centennial Volume. p. 284.

 Van Wyck, Pierre C.:
        Notes to Autobiography, Philip Van Cortlandt.
        Magazine of American History, Vol. 2. p. 278.

 Washington, General George:
        Instructions to General Sullivan.
        Historical Magazine. Second Series. Vol. 2. pp. 139-141.

        Letter to John Jay, President of Congress.
        Magazine of American History. Vol. 3. p. 142.

        Letter to War Council. July 5th, 1779.
          (As to Sullivan's disappointment as to Pennsylvania's
          assistance.)
        Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 535.

 Webb, Nathaniel (Sergeant Major Second New York Regiment):
        Journal.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 285-287.

        Same:
        Elmira Republican, September 11th and 12th, 1855. Elmira,
          New York.

 Welles, S. R. (M. D.):
        Paper read before the Waterloo Library and Historical
          Society, November 27th, 1877.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 527-535.

 White, Pliny T.:
        Note to History of the Expedition against the Five Nations
          commanded by General Sullivan in 1779.
        Historical Magazine. Second Series. Vol. 3. p. 198.

 Wilkinson, J. B.:
        Annals of Binghamton and of the Country connected with it
          from the early settlement.
          p. 256. 12 mo. Binghamton, New York. 1840.

 Willers, Diedrich, Jr.:
        The Centennial Celebration of General Sullivan's Campaign
          against the Iroquois in 1779. Held at Waterloo, September 3d,
          1879.
          pp. 356. 8 vo. Plates. Portraits. Waterloo, New York, 1880.

 Willett, William M.:
        A Narrative of the Military Actions of Colonel Marinus Willett.
          8 vo. New York. 1831.

 Williams, Rev. Dwight:
        Poem, Sullivan's Centennial.
        New York Centennial Volume, pp. 506-510.

 Winsor, Justin:
        Narrative and Critical History of America.
          8 Vols. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. 1889. Vol. VI.
          pp. 637, 642, 653, 667, 669, 671 and 681. Vol. VIII. pp. 439.

        Handbook of the American Revolution. pp. 206-208. 12 mo. Boston.
          1880.



                  AN INDIAN CIVILIZATION AND ITS
                         DESTRUCTION.

                          * * * * *

                   By Colonel S. P. Moulthrop.

                          * * * * *


No nearer approach to what may be called civilization, if the term may
be applied to a people who left no record, other than the legendary lore
transmitted from father to son, may be found than the Iroquoian
Confederacy, whose form of government was maintained for a greater
length of time than that of any republic which had previously or has
since existed.

Their location, according to their claim, was upon the highest part of
the Continent, from whence flowed the Mohawk, Hudson, Genesee, Delaware,
Susquehanna, Ohio and the St. Lawrence rivers, going in all directions
to the sea. The intersection of lakes and streams, separated only by
short portages, the continuous valleys being divided by no mountain
barriers, offered unequaled facilities for intercommunication.

Their custom of settling on both sides of a river or encircling a lake
made the tribal boundaries well defined.

One of the most interesting features of aboriginal geography was the
location of their principal trails. If we travel either of the great
railways extending through our State, we are upon one of the leading
trails that Lewis H. Morgan stated were used in 1732. They followed the
lines of the least resistance.

The central trail, extending from east to west, intersected by cross
trails which passed along the shores of lakes or banks of the rivers,
commenced at the point where Albany now is, touched the Mohawk at
Schenectady, following the river to the carrying place at Rome, from
thence west, crossing the Onondaga Valley, along the foot of Cayuga
and Seneca Lakes, terminating at Buffalo Creek, the present site of the
city of Buffalo.

This trail was later the route taken by early settlers, because it
connected the principal villages and established a line of travel into
Canada on the west and over the Hudson on the east.

Upon the banks of the Susquehanna and its tributaries, which have their
source near the Mohawk, and the banks of the Chemung, which has its
source near the Genesee river, were other trails, all of which converged
at the junction of these two rivers, forming the southern route, into
Pennsylvania and Virginia. On these footpaths the Iroquois conducted
war parties and became well versed in the topography of the country.

Lakes, hills and streams had significant names, many of which the
Anglicized orthography and pronunciation have robbed of their euphony
and force of accent.

Mary Jemison says that "No people can live more happily than the Indians
in times of peace." Their life was one round of simple sport and
pleasure, in keeping with their free life; their simple wants were
supplied with but little exertion. Following the chase gave them
amusement and served to keep them in good physical condition, as well
as to retain their skill with weapons that were their dependence in
time of war.

The growing youth were taught Indian warfare, becoming experts with the
tomahawk and scalping knife. At such times the squaws were employed
with their simple domestic duties, or industriously tilling the soil.
Apple and peach trees were planted and cultivated about the villages.
To the Jesuit Fathers they were indebted for instruction in the art of
cultivating fruit trees, as well as many of the vegetables which they
raised in abundance; also producing a fine quality of tobacco whence
their original name, IREOKWA.

The reports of Sullivan's officers speak of cornfields exceeding in
quality and quantity anything they had been accustomed to in their
eastern homes. They wrote of ears of corn measuring twenty-two inches
in length, and grass as high as the backs of the horses on which they
rode.

Not only in war and diplomacy did the Iroquois show superiority, but
in their cultivation of crops and housebuilding some were so good as
to be called by General Sullivan elegant Indian homes. The weight of
evidence goes to show that many of them were framed, and of such a
creditable order of architecture as to surprise those who accompanied
Sullivan's expedition. Some of the officers writing home said that the
houses were large and beautifully painted. Many of those who have
considered the Indian as a forest roamer will be incredulous of the
above statement, and yet there is no people who in their primitive state
more religiously respected, or distinctly defined the family ties and
relationship. There is a bright and pleasing side to Indian character.

The ordinary picture of the Indian represents him with war club and
tomahawk. They do not deserve the appellation of savages any more than
kindred terms might be applied to their white successors.

"Bury me with my fathers" was the last plea of the red man. Not until
they had listened to the teaching of the whites did they view death with
terror, or life as anything but a blessing.

In ancient times they had a beautiful custom of freeing a captured bird
over the grave on the evening of burial, to bear away the spirit to the
happy home beyond the setting sun.

The following motto shows that hospitality was the prevailing
characteristic:

 "If a stranger wanders about your abode, welcome him to your home, be
 hospitable toward him, speak to him with kind words, and forget not
 to always mention the Great Spirit."

From a speculative point of view the institutions of the Iroquois assume
an interesting aspect. Would they naturally have emancipated the people
from their strange infatuation for a hunter life? It can not be denied
that there are some grounds for belief that their institutions would
have eventually improved into an advanced form of civilization. The
Iroquois manifested sufficient intelligence to promise a high degree
of improvement had it been directed into right pursuits, although
centuries of time might have been required to effect the change.

But these institutions have a present value irrespective of what they
might have become. Let us render tardy justice by preserving, as far
as possible, their names, deeds and customs, and their institutions.

We should not tread ignorantly upon those extinguished council fires,
whose light in the days of original occupation was visible over half
this Continent. They had planned a mighty nation and without doubt had
the coming of the Europeans been delayed but a century, the League would
have included all the tribes between the Great Lakes and the Gulf of
Mexico.

The first stage in the development of this confederacy was the union of
several tribes into one nation. They mingled by intermarriage. The Chief
ceased to be alone in his power and the government became a Pure
Democracy. Several nations, thus being formed into a confederacy or
league, more perfect, systematic and liberal than those of antiquity,
there was in it more of fixedness, more of dependence upon the people,
and more of vigor and strength.

Their original congress was composed of fifty sachems and it generally
met at the Onondaga Council House. The business of the congress was
conducted in a grave and dignified manner, the reason and judgment of
the Chiefs being appealed to, rather than their passions. It was
considered a breach of decorum for a sachem to reply to a speech on the
day of its delivery, and no question could be decided without unanimous
concurrence. The sachems served without badge of office, their sole
reward being the veneration of their people in whose interest they were
meeting.

Public opinion exercised a powerful influence among the Iroquois, the
ablest among them having a dread of an adverse criticism from the common
people.

Subordinate to the Congress of Sachems were the noted chiefs, such as
Red Jacket, Big Kettle, Corn Planter and others who influenced the
councils with their oratory.

Women were recognized by them as having rights in the government of the
nation, being represented in council by chiefs, known as their
champions. Thus they became factors in war or peace, and were granted
special rights in the concurrence or interference in the sale of lands,
claiming that the land belonged equally to the tillers of the soil, and
its defenders. The equality of rights granted women was one of the
principal factors of strength in their confederacy, or union.

Their orators studied euphony in the arrangement of their words. Their
graceful attitudes and gestures made their discourse deeply impressive.
A straight, commanding figure, with blanket thrown over the shoulder,
the naked arm raised in gesture, would, to use the words of an early
historian, "give no faint picture of Rome in her early days."

A difference existed between the Iroquois and other tribes with respect
to oratory. No others have left records of models of eloquence except
in single instances on rare occasions.

Red Jacket, Logan and Corn Planter were orators, who have by their
eloquence perpetuated their names on the pages of history.

In the happy constitution of the ruling body and the effective security
of the people from misgovernment, the confederacy stands unrivaled. The
prevailing spirit was freedom.

They were secured all the liberty necessary for the united state and
fully appreciated its value.

The red man was always free from political bondage. He was convinced
that man was born free; that no person had any right to deprive him of
that liberty. Undoubtedly the reason for this was the absence from the
Indian mind of a desire for gain--that great passion of the white
man--"His blessing and his curse in its use and abuse."

The hunter wants of the Indian, absence of property in a comparative
sense, and the infrequency of crime, dispensed with a vast amount of
legislation and machinery incident to the protection of civilized
society.

The system upon which the League was founded, as before stated, was a
singularly well chosen one, and is highly illustrative of the
intellectual character of this people. "It was wisely conceived by the
untaught statesman of the forest, who had no precedents to consult, no
written lore of ages to refer to, no failures or triumphs of systems of
human governments to use as models or comparisons, nothing to prompt
them but necessity and emergency."

President Dwight said, "Had they enjoyed the advantages possessed by
the Greeks and Romans, there is no reason to believe they would have
been at all inferior to these celebrated nations." Their minds appear
to have been equal to any effort within the reach of man. Their
conquests, if we consider their numbers and circumstances, were little
inferior to Rome itself. In their harmony, the unity of their
operations, the energy of their character, the vastness, vigor and
success of their enterprises, and the strength and sublimity of their
eloquence, they may be fairly compared to the Greeks.

Both the Greeks and Romans, before they began to rise into distinction,
had already reached the state of society in which they were able to
improve. The Iroquois had not. The Greeks and Romans had ample means
for improvement. The Iroquois had none.

The destruction of the confederacy was necessary to the well being of
the colonists. During the Revolutionary war, harassed as they were by
roving bands instigated by the tribes to massacre and burn, the Colonial
government authorized the Commander-in-Chief to administer punishment
for the horrible atrocities committed at Wyoming and Cherry Valley. To
obtain a complete, detailed account of the manner in which it was done,
one has but to read the record of Sullivan's Expedition in 1779,
compiled by the Hon. George S. Conover for the Secretary of State, 1886.

This remarkable undertaking by General Sullivan has been aptly compared
to some of the most famous expeditions in the world's history. The
boldness of its conception, the bravery of the officers and men, were
equaled on but few occasions during the great Revolutionary struggle.

The writings and researches of historians of the present day attach
greater importance to this expedition than formerly. The collection of
materials during the last centennial celebrations has resulted in
shedding much light upon the pages of Our Country's history, that was
formerly but little known.

In this respect General John S. Clark, Rev. David Craft, Lockwood L.
Doty, Hon. George S. Conover and others have performed a great service
that should receive recognition.

The colonists were particularly concerned regarding the attitude of the
Iroquois, who were considered more dangerous than three times the number
of civilized foes. The strong influence exerted by the Johnsons with
their allies, the Mohawks, was dreaded. Subsequently these fears were
proved well grounded.

When the General Council was held by the Iroquois to consider the
question of joining the British in the war against the colonies, a
division occurred--the Oneidas opposing the alliance, while the Mohawks
were anxious for an alliance with the British.

As unanimity could not be secured, each tribe was by law of the League
free to engage in the war or remain at peace with the Americans. The
sequel shows that the British agents, with presents of gunpowder and
lead, also promises of a bounty to be paid for scalps taken from the
colonists, were successful with all but the Oneidas, who remained true
to their first declaration.

To friendship alone could the colonists appeal. They were not able to
assure the Indians that the rum of the Americans was as plenty as the
water of the lake, as the British had done.

The majority of the Indians concluded that the colonists were too poor
or too mean to make them any gifts. Had the influences been less
powerful the Indians might still have remained the friend of the
settlers as he had been during long years of peace.

The indignation of Pitt in denunciation of the wrong done by the
employment of Indians has made his name immortal. How different the
policy of the American! The offers of the Oneidas were courteously yet
firmly refused. They only shared in the struggle as guides or scouts.

Wyoming in July--Cherry Valley in November, were only on a larger scale
the repetition of recurring events along the entire frontier. The
blood-curdling yell, accompanied by the tomahawk and scalping knife,
were a constant menace to the settler. The demand for decided measures
was imperative. The Wyoming massacre sent a thrill of horror through
the country, and renewed the demand for retaliatory measures.

General Washington was directed to take such measures as he deemed
advisable, for the protection of the frontiers. Realizing the country's
condition and the great need of economy in public expenditures,
Washington's policy for 1779 was to remain on the defensive, except as
might be found necessary to hold the Indians in check.

England's affairs in Europe at this time were such that she would not
be apt to push her operations in America. Washington himself was an
experienced Indian fighter--knew how they could be punished--early
favored an expedition into the heart of the Indian country--having but
little faith in the plan of establishing forts. He wished to carry the
war to their own homes, destroy villages and crops and compel them to
accept peace or depend on the British for sustenance.

The country to be traversed on such an expedition was but little known,
so Washington during the winter and spring devoted a great deal of time
to obtaining information needed and planning for the campaign, which was
subsequently shown to be the most important event of that year, and
furnished a lasting lesson to the hostile tribes of the North.

After the declination of the command by General Gates, Washington
tendered the command, which was promptly accepted by General Sullivan,
whose patriotism and bravery were well known.

Preparations were immediately commenced for the great undertaking.
Hamilton under Washington's direction, drew up a letter of instructions,
which was signed by Washington. The first paragraph is interesting:

 "May 31, 1779. Sir:--The expedition you are appointed to command is to
 be directed against the hostile tribes of the Six Nations of Indians
 with their associates and adherents. The immediate object is their
 total destruction and devastation and the capture of as many persons
 of every age and sex as possible. It will be essential to ruin their
 crops, now on the ground, and prevent their planting more."

Then followed instructions more in detail, showing that Washington had
acquired an almost accurate knowledge of the country not only, but the
people as well. His instructions were carried out almost to the letter
as far as the army proceeded.

Sullivan concluded when he had driven them from the valley of the
Genesee that his mission was fulfilled.

Sensitiveness that is unreasoning may have been shocked at Washington's
policy, carried out by Sullivan. The destruction of forty villages, some
of them extensive, as reported by Sullivan, sixty thousand bushels of
corn, three thousand bushels of beans--in one orchard fifteen hundred
peach trees--seemed harsh treatment, but when we consider that a major
portion of this would have furnished the Tories with sustenance, another
view must be taken.

Humanity, however, dictated the firing of cannon every morning, giving
the Indians an opportunity to retreat, which was in strong contrast with
the savage, cruel manner of Brant and Butler in their attacks upon
peaceful settlers.

When the Senecas returned after peace was declared, their respect for
Ha-na-de-ga-na-ars (destroyer of villages), as Washington was called by
them, was greatly strengthened.

When Horatio Jones, Major Van Campen and others moved into their
territory, they were kindly treated, and gave kind treatment in return.

The record of the Iroquois has been one of unbroken peace and friendship
since then, for their last treaty made with General Washington has been
kept inviolate.



                      SULLIVAN'S CAMPAIGN.

                          * * * * *

                        By William Wait.

                          * * * * *


In the campaign of 1779 it was evident that the British intended to
confine their operations to pillaging expeditions on the frontiers in
the north, and an effort to cripple the Union in the south.

In July of the previous year, Butler and Brant with a force of 1600
Indians and Tories had entered the Wyoming Valley and spread death and
destruction in their path, and in November raided the inhabitants of
Cherry Valley.

Two years before, St. Leger had made his unsuccessful attempt on Fort
Stanwix and the Mohawk Valley, while Burgoyne was attempting to force
his way through our northern frontier.

Nor were these raids upon the valleys of the Mohawk and the Wyoming, and
the inhabitants of Cherry Valley, the only calamities visited upon the
frontiers. By reason of the location and small size of the border
settlements and the great distance between detached dwellings, the
inhabitants, from the very beginning of the Revolutionary struggle, were
subject to constant attack by small bands of Indians, and Tories
disguised as such, who murdered those who fell into their hands and
burned and pillaged their dwellings until none but the most intrepid
dared remain in their homes. The supplicating tears of women and
children, and the wail of helpless babes, were unheeded. The tomahawk
and war-club fell without pity upon the defenceless heads of all alike,
and the scalps of women and children and the silvered locks of the aged
mingled with those of manhood to adorn the belt of the savage, and be
bartered for British gold. Here and there a heap of ashes and a few
putrefying bodies remained to show the location of some unfortunate
settler's cabin or frontier hamlet. Desolation was spread from one end
of the border to the other, and the wail of despair was not to be
resisted by the Congress. That body had received a constant stream of
appeals for aid from the sufferers at the front since the very beginning
of the war. A large part of the documentary remains of that period
consist of such letters to Washington, Governor Clinton, and others in
authority.

On the first of April, 1779, Congress, in response to a letter of March
13th, from the Legislature of New York, passed a resolution authorizing
an expedition against these marauders. The campaign was planned by the
Commander-in-chief. Its execution was first offered to General Gates
because of his seniority, but the offer was made in such a way that it
could not be accepted, and Gates was obliged to decline in favor of
Major-General John Sullivan, whom Washington intended from the first
should be its commander.

General Washington's orders to Sullivan for the conduct of the campaign
were very explicit, and were in part as follows:

 "The immediate objects are the total destruction and devastation of
 their settlements, and the capture of as many prisoners of every age
 and sex as possible. It will be essential to ruin their crops now in
 the ground and prevent their planting more . . . parties should be
 detached to lay waste all the settlements around, with instructions to
 do it in the most effectual manner, that the country may not be merely
 overrun, but destroyed. Make rather than receive attacks, attend with
 as much impetuosity, shouting, and noise, as possible; and make the
 troops act in as loose and dispersed a way as is consistent with a
 proper degree of government, concert, and mutual support. It should be
 previously impressed upon the minds of the men, whenever they have an
 opportunity, to rush on with the war-whoop and fixed bayonet. Nothing
 will disconcert and terrify the Indians more than this."

The forces were gathered in three divisions; the principal and central
one, rendezvousing at Wyoming, was composed of the three brigades of
Maxwell, Poor, and Hand, and proceeded up the valley of the Susquehanna
to Tioga, where it was joined by the right division under Gen. James
Clinton, whose force, consisting of 1,600 men, was gathered at
Canajoharie, and proceeded down the headwaters of the Susquehanna. The
left division, consisting of 600 men, under Col. Daniel Brodhead,
marched up the Allegheny from Pittsburgh, leaving that place the 11th of
August, burned 11 towns, containing about 165 houses, which were for the
most part constructed of logs and framed timber; destroyed more than 500
acres of cultivated land then in full crop, and took loot estimated as
worth $30,000. This division returned to Pittsburgh the 14th of
September, having been too late to join the main body, and never having
come under the direct command of Gen. Sullivan.

The main division began to assemble at Wyoming early in April, but it
was not until the last day of July, in the afternoon, that they finally
began their advance. The artillery, ammunition and provisions were
loaded on 214 boats (this is the number stated by Col. Proctor, who was
in charge of the fleet; most accounts say 120), while 1,200 pack horses
carried the baggage and camp utensils, and 700 beef cattle were driven
along for food. Gordon, and some other British writers, have claimed
that Sullivan demanded much more than he should in the way of supplies.
Some of Sullivan's enemies at home made the same charge; but it is a
notorious fact that the commander had great difficulty in procuring the
amount that he had and that it fell far short of what prudence required.
As it was, some of the pork was packed in barrels made of green staves,
and spoiled. Much of the time the army subsisted on short rations, eked
out by green corn and other supplies taken from the fields of the
Indians which they were destroying.

Tioga was the Iroquois name for the point of land lying between the
Chemung River and the north branch of the Susquehanna. Every name that
an Indian gave to a place or a person was descriptive, and had a
meaning. Most of these as we find them written are corruptions of the
names as they sounded when spoken by an Indian, and therefore we find
the same word in different documents spelled in as many ways as it could
be spelled by illiterate English, Dutch and French settlers, with a few
extra letters thrown in. Tioga is said to mean anything between any
other two things, a gate, the forks of a river, etc. (from Teyaogen, or
Teiohogen). Van Curler in his Journal of 1634 speaks of the Mohawk's
name of their great river as Vyoge. Father Jogues gave Oiogue as the
Mohawk name for the Hudson, in 1646. Ohio is another corrupted form of
the same word, and all seem to be corrupted from the same Iroquois word,
meaning a large stream. Many other Indian place-names occur in the
various journals of the officers engaged in this expedition, and it
would be interesting to take them up and consider their meaning if it
were possible. But in the above case it seems fair to suppose that
Indians coming down the trail from the Chemung Valley should speak of
this spot as Vyoge, or Oiogue, the great or principal river, as
distinguished from the smaller branch above.

However that may be, the time between the 31st of July and the 11th of
August was consumed by the main body of the army in reaching this spot,
selected as the meeting place of the divisions.

On their march for this place after leaving Wyoming, the first night
they encamped at a place called by the Delaware Indians,
_Lechau-Hanneck,_ or Lackawanna, also said to mean the forks of a
stream, and by the Iroquois called Hazirok, with something of the same
meaning. The following night they encamped at a place the Indians called
Quailutimack, meaning, "We came upon them unawares." On the 4th, it is
related, they crossed a small creek, called where it joins the
Susquehanna, _Massasppi_ (missisipu), great river, this being a Delaware
word meaning about the same as the Iroquois Oiogue.

On the 5th the detachment lost three of its men, one soldier dying of
the so called "falling sickness," one of Proctor's artillerymen being
drowned, and Sergt. Martin Johnson dying from heat. Dr. Elmer informs
us in his journal that Johnson was a hard drinker and "his vitals were
decayed by spirituous liquors." On the 8th, Col. Proctor destroyed the
first of the Indian settlements, a place called Newtychanning,
consisting of about twenty houses.

The army arrived at Tioga on the 13th. Here they remained until the
25th, awaiting the arrival of General Clinton's detachment. In the
meantime Fort Sullivan was erected, and a detachment sent up the Chemung
River to destroy an Indian town of the same name, consisting of about
fifty houses, with more than 100 acres of cultivated fields of grain and
other Indian produce. Some of the troops under General Hand, as they
pursued the Indians who were fleeing from the village, fell into an
ambush, whereby six were killed and nine wounded, with slight loss to
the enemy. While destroying the crops, one other man was killed and
three more wounded by some of the enemy who were concealed across the
river. The houses here destroyed were built of split and hewed timber,
covered with bark, and in the center of the town were two large
buildings, presumably council houses. None of the buildings had chimneys
or floors. While herding the stock in the camp at Tioga, the Indians
succeeded in killing and scalping several of the pack-horse men and
wounding some others.

Meantime a detachment under Generals Hand and Poor were sent up the
Susquehanna to meet General Clinton.

Gen. Sullivan had written Clinton from Wyoming on July 30th, "I wish you
to set out on the 9th of next month (marching moderately), as some
allowance is to be made for bad weather, which will probably detain us
some time. On my arrival at Tioga, I will immediately detach a
considerable body of light troops to favor and secure your march."

Previous to this date Clinton had gathered his forces at Canajoharie and
transported them to the shore of Otsego Lake, the level of which he had
raised about two feet by erecting a dam, for the purpose of causing a
flood which would float his expedition in boats over the shallows of the
Susquehanna head-waters.

Breaking the dam, he left Otsego Lake, according to Sullivan's
instructions, on the 9th of August, and proceeding down the river with
little difficulty, destroyed such Indian dwellings and crops as came in
his path.

Lieut.-Colonel Pawling, with a detachment, was marching from Kingston
_via_ Shandakin, under orders to join Clinton on August 16th. at
Annaquaga, which, before it was destroyed by Col. William Butler, in
the fall of 1778, was quite a large Indian settlement, occupying an
island and both sides of the river, where the little village of Onaquaga
now stands. Clinton arrived at this place on the 15th, and remained
there until the 17th, awaiting the arrival of Pawling. In the center of
the island he found the cellars and wells of about sixty houses, also
fine orchards. Most of these buildings had been log houses, with stone
chimneys and glass windows.

Pawling did not arrive, but returned to Kingston on September 1st and
reported his inability to join Clinton, owing to the swollen streams
and bad roads. Proceeding on their way, the Right Division passed
several Tuscarora villages, which they destroyed, with the crops.
Arriving at the mouth of the Chenango Creek, a small detachment was sent
four miles up that stream to destroy the village of Chenango, consisting
of about twenty houses.

On the 19th they joined the detachment of General Poor, burning the
villages of Chukkanut and Owagea, and three days later arrived at the
encampment of the main division at Tioga. On the 23d of August, by the
accidental discharge of a musket, Captain Kimball was killed and a
Lieutenant wounded.

Leaving a garrison to defend Fort Sullivan, at Tioga, the whole army
proceeded, on the 26th, taking the route up the Tioga branch of the
Susquehanna. About sixteen miles up this stream was a village called
Newtown, which they reached on the 29th. Here the light troops, which
were marching ahead, discovered a breastworks, artfully masked by green
bushes, extending for about half a mile, in an advantageous place,
protected by a high mountain on one side, the river on the other, and a
large creek in front, behind which the enemy were entrenched. Here
occurred the most important fight of the campaign. The design of the
enemy appears to have been primarily, an ambuscade. His force of British
regulars, consisting of two battalions of Royal Greens and Tories, was
led by Col. John Butler, with Captains Walter Butler and Macdonald as
subordinates. The Indian forces were commanded by the great Mohawk
chief, Joseph Brant. All the cunning of the Indians, combined with the
trained tactics of the British regulars, were here exerted to check the
advance of Sullivan's invading army. Had the Americans not discovered
the trap in time to avoid it, the story of this campaign would have
ended here in a tale of butchery hardly equaled in the annals of war.
But three companies of Morgan's riflemen, the pride of Washington, were
in advance; veterans of a hundred battles, and in no way inferior to the
enemy in Indian craft; and the ingenious device for drawing our forces
into an ambush was thwarted. For hours the battle waged fiercely. By
skillfully maneuvering his troops Sullivan had nearly succeeded in
surrounding the enemy, when, admirably commanded, and wisely discreet,
the signal for retreat was sounded just in time to escape. The entire
loss to the Americans was three killed and thirty-nine wounded. Twelve
Indians were found dead on the field, but the number of their wounded
is unknown.

The events of the succeeding days during which the expedition was
prosecuting its errand of destruction, were a constant repetition of
each other. The army was almost constantly on the move, searching out
and destroying such settlements as could be found. The Indians skulked
away like a pack of wolves at the approach of the hunter, turning now
and then to snap at their pursuers, and then vanishing. Where once had
stood their pleasant villages surrounded by fruitful fields, was only
left heaps of smouldering ashes and masses of trampled grain and
prostrate fruit trees. They needed no spies to keep them informed of the
progress of the invaders. A trail of smoke by day and a ruddy glow on
the sky at night told it too plainly. The scourge had fallen. Not only
were the frontiers cleared but the doom of the Iroquoian Confederacy was
sealed, and its dominion over the vast territory which it had so long
ruled was destroyed forever. From the mountains of northern
Pennsylvania, through the beautiful valley of the Susquehanna and the
lake region of central New York to the fruitful valley of the Genesee,
no Indian settlement of importance was left. Said Sullivan in his
official report: "The number of towns destroyed by this army amounted
to 40, beside scattering houses. The quantity of corn destroyed, at a
moderate computation, must amount to 160,000 bushels, with a vast
quantity of vegetables of every kind. Every creek and river has been
traced, and the whole country explored in search of Indian settlements,
and I am well persuaded that, except one town situated near the
Allegheny, about 50 miles from Genesee, there is not a single town left
in the country of the Five Nations.

 "It is with pleasure I inform Congress that this army has not suffered
 the loss of forty men, in action or otherwise, since my taking the
 command, though perhaps few troops have experienced a more fatiguing
 campaign. I flatter myself that the orders with which I was entrusted
 are fully executed, as we have not left a single settlement or field
 of corn in the country of the Five Nations, nor is there even the
 appearance of an Indian on this side of Niagara."



            CONTINUATION OF NATHANIEL WEBB'S JOURNAL

                          * * * * *

             As Published in the Elmira Republican
                  of Sept. 11th and 12th, 1855.

                          * * * * *

Note--In the volume containing the "Journals of the Military
Expedition of Major General John Sullivan against the Six Nations of
Indians in 1779," prepared by Frederick Cook, Secretary of State, and
published by the State in 1887, on page 285 et seq, is published part
of the Journal of Nathaniel Webb, and a note says that a portion of the
Journal cannot be found.

In a scrap-book originally kept by Thos. Maxwell, Esq., which was
recently bought in an old book shop in New York, I find the missing
Journal, and give herewith the portion supposed to be lost.

                                            WILLIAM WAIT.

_Note_--In Col. Gansevoort's Journal of the same expedition, the entry
is as follows:

"31st.--Decamped at 8 o'clock,--marched over mountainous ground until
we arrived at the forks of Newtown--there entered on a low bottom,
(Tuttle's flats), crossed the Kayuga branch, (Newtown creek), and
encamped on a pine plain. Much good land about Newtown. Here we left
the Tioga branch to our left."

September 1.--The army moved at 8 A. M. Several defiles and a large
swamp occasioned our Brigade to encamp about three miles in the rear of
the army. The army encamped that night at Catharine's town. The enemy
had all fled from this town the night before and left an old squaw.

2.--Our brigade joined the army at Catharine's town. Lay the remaining
part of the day for refreshment, &c.

3.--We destroyed some five fields of corn and decamped at 8 A. M.
Marched this day about 11 miles. Encamped that night near the banks of
the Seneca Lake. Marched this day through a remarkable country for
timber.

4.--Decamped at 9 A. M. Burnt a small town on this day's march. Encamped
at 7 P. M. The country still remains well timbered.

5.--Decamped at 10 A. M. Marched this day about six miles. Encamped that
night at Conoyah, a beautiful town situated between the Seneca and
Kengah lakes--distance between those lakes 8 miles. (Gansevoort writes
it Kandaiah.)

6.--Lay in encampment. This town is beautifully situated in several
respects--a fine level country--some fine fields of corn, a fine apple
orchard, about twenty houses--situated about twenty miles from Seneca
lake. One white man deserted from the enemy that had been taken prisoner
last summer from Wyoming. Several horses were captured at this town.
Decamped at 4 P. M., moved about 4 miles. Encamped in a beautiful piece
of woods near the Lake. Col. Gansevoort, of our Brigade, was sent to
destroy Kengah town joining Kengah lake, where they burnt several
houses, got about twenty horses, &c.

7.--Decamped. Marched to Kanadesago, a town situated about three miles
from the west end of the lake, the capital of the Senecas. (This was
what is called the old Castle near Geneva.) Crossing the Seneca creek
(or outlet) and several large defiles occasioned our not arriving in
town till some time in the evening. This town consists of about 60
houses. Several large fields of corn. We found a white male child the
enemy had left behind.

8.--The army was employed in destroying corn, beans, fruit trees, &c.
A detachment sent to destroy a town about 12 miles from this town.
(This was Cashong, Kashonguash, on the west side of the Seneca.)

9.--All the sick and lame sent to Tioga. At 11 A. M. we marched,
following the road that leads to Niagara. Marched about 13 miles.
Encamped near a brook that night.

10.--Decamped at 6 A. M. Marched this day about 13 miles--part of the
day through a swampy country, abounding chiefly in beech and maple, some
remarkably large white ash trees--latter part of the day through a
grassy country. Passed the end of Connandockque lake. Encamped near
some fine fields of corn. This town contains about 20 houses.

11.--Decamped at 4 A. M., after destroying the town and vegetables, &c.
Marched this day to Hannayouya (Honeoye). This town is situated at the
end of a small Lake of the same name--contains about 15 houses--a large
flat of excellent land.

12.--The provisions and superfluous baggage of the army were left at
this town, with a guard of about 200 men and two field pieces. The army
decamped at 11 A. M. and marched towards the Genesee flats. Marched
about 10 miles and encamped in the woods--passed this day a small lake
called Konyoughojoh.

13.--Decamped at 6 A. M. Marched about two miles and halted at Adjustah.
This town contains about 26 houses. While we halted at this town,
Lieut. Boyd, with 20 men of the Rifle Corps, was sent to the next town
to reconnoiter the enemy. On his return about 700 of the enemy ambushed
him, killed and took 18 of the party. After the corn, &c., was destroyed
and the town set in flames, we moved off to the next town. Our brigade
marched some miles around to gain the rear of the enemy, but as usual
they had fled before us. This town contains about 18 houses, situated
at the southern end of the Genesee flats, on the banks of a small river
that leads into the Genesee river.

14.--9 A. M. the army decamped, passed the river, entered the Genesee
flats. This flat is judged to contain near 6,000 acres. We passed the
Genesee river. This river runs with a strong current out of a hilly
country. Three miles below where we forded, is navigable to lake
Ontario. We burnt a small town on the bank of the river and marched
that night to Genesee castle. There the body of Lieut. Boyd and one man
was found murdered in a barbarous manner, too horrid to mention. This
town is the metropolis of that nation; contains about 140 houses. Some
fine buildings in it; situated about 40 miles from Niagara, on the
south side of the Genesee river. The soil is exceedingly rich for 10
or 12 miles along the river. In and about this town, it was judged
there were 800 acres of corn, beans, and vegetables of every kind.

15.--The whole army was employed in destroying the corn, &c. Now the
general having completed and fulfilled his orders, after destroying the
corn and setting the town in flames, the army passed the river and
encamped upon the flats. One woman and one child made their escape from
the savages and came to us that evening.

16.--Lay by to destroy corn along the flats. Decamped at 10 A. M.
Encamped at Aojuhtah.

17.--Decamped at gun firing. Encamped at Honeoye.

18.-Decamped at 10 A. M. that day to Canandaigua. Encamped on the east
side of the Lake.

19.--Marched to Connadasago.

20.--A party of 900 men was detached under command of Col. Butler, to
destroy the Kengah tribe, and a party of 100 men under command of Col.
Gansevoort to destroy part of the Mohawk tribe. Decamped at 3 P. M.
and encamped on the east side of Seneca Lake.

21.--A party of 100 men was detached under Col. Dearborn to destroy the
towns on the west side of Kenkah lake. Decamped at 8 A. M., passed
Candiah about three miles and encamped at 4 P. M.

22.--Decamped at 7 A. M. Encamped that night within seven miles of
Catharine town.

24.--(23d.?) Decamped at 7 A. M., passed Catharine town and encamped
near the Big Swamp that night.

24.--Decamped at 5 A. M., passed the swamp and halted some time for
refreshment. Encamped that night at Fort Reed, where we met provisions
and stores for the reception of the Army. Upon our arrival at this
place, (now Elmira), 13 cannon were discharged from the fort and was
returned from one of our pieces 15 times. The latter was discharged in
the space of one minute and a half. Dried provisions, &c.

(Colonel Gansevoort's Journal notes the proceedings of this day as
follows: "Passed the swamp so much dreaded from its badness, without
any difficulty and arrived at the forks of Newtown, where Capt. Reed
with a detachment of 200 men had thrown up a breastwork to guard some
stores and cattle brought forward from Tioga for the army in case of
necessity. Saluted by 13 rounds of cannon from the breast-work, which
number we returned from our artillery.")

Fort Reed was on the west side of the Newtown creek and on the north
bank of the Tioga, where the creek falls into the river. It was a
breast-work and was surrounded by palisades including some three or
four acres. The western line of palisades can be traced on the west side
of the junction canal and on the east side of Water st., a little south
of the Fair grounds. The Journal continues.

25.--All the loaded muskets in the army were discharged at 5 A. M. The
army was drawn up in one line and fired three rounds per man. After the
discharge of 13 cannon, for our new ally the King of Spain, several
oxen were killed for the officers and men.

(Col. Gansevoort's Journal thus describes this affair: "25.--This
morning the small arms of the whole army were discharged at 5 o'clock.
The whole were drawn up in one line, with a field piece on the right
of each brigade, to fire a _feu de joie_--1st. thirteen rounds of
cannon; 2d. a running fire of musketry, from right to left--repeated
twice. Fifty oxen were killed on this joyous occasion, one delivered
to each Brigade and one to the Artillery and staff. This was done in
consequence of Spain having declared war against Britain.")

26.--At 12 A. M., the party under command of Col. Dearborn came in
after destroying a fine country on the west side of the Kengah Lake.
They brought in two squaws with them.

27.--400 men under the command of Col. Courtland, was employed in
destroying corn up the river. 30 boats arrived from Tioga.

28.--All the sick were sent to Tioga. The party under the command of
Col. Butler, returned from destroying the Kengah tribe. They found a
most beautiful country abounding in vast quantities of corn and
vegetables of all kinds; the same party under command of Col. Courtland,
was employed up the river; also, 500 men were employed down the river,
towards Tioga, destroying corn and vegetables on the flats.

29.--Decamped 6 A. M. Encamped that night 3 miles below Chemung and
within 3 miles of Tioga.

30.--Decamped at 6 A. M., arrived at Fort Sullivan at 1 P. M. Upon our
arrival the garrison discharged 13 cannon and we returned the same.
Pitched tents on the ground we occupied before.

October 3.--A party of 500 men turned out to load the boats and demolish
Fort Sullivan. The army drew 6 days' flour to carry them to Wyoming.

4.--Decamped at 6 A. M. Passed the river and encamped that night within
5 miles of Standing Stone, near the river.

5.--All the cattle, stores and horses were sent down to Wyoming. The
whole went on board the boats. The fleet got under way at 6 A. M.

6.--The fleet got under way at 9 A. M. Arrived at evening at Shawney
Flats.

7.--The whole fleet got under way at 9 A. M., and arrived at Wyoming at
2 P. M. When it hove in sight 13 cannon were fired by the garrison and
returned by the fleet. The army encamped near the garrison.

8.--Two hundred men were detached to repair the road from this post to
Easton and to remain there until the army arrives.

10.--Gen. Sullivan set out for Easton, leaving the command to Gen.
Clinton. Decamped at 11 A. M. Encamped that night at Bullock's tavern.

11.--The rear of the army came up to camp at 9 A. M. Marched this day
and encamped between the Shades of Death and the Big Swamp.

12.--Decamped at 7 A. M. Encamped that night at the White Oak Run.

13.--Decamped at 8 o'clock in the morning. The army moved that day to
Brink's Mills.

14.--Decamped at 10 A. M. Passed the Wind Gap and encamped that night
within 12 miles of Easton.

15.--Decamped at 6 o'clock in the morning and arrived at Easton at
2 P. M. Encamped in the Forks of the Delaware on the bank of the Lehigh.

17.--Our Brigade mustered. The Rev. Parson Evans delivered a discourse
to the army in the German church.

In the same volume is given a table of distances as traveled by the
army from Easton to Genesee Castle, as surveyed by Mr. Lodge, Surveyor
to the Western army:

From Easton to Wyoming                          65   miles
       "       Lackawanna                       75     "
       "       Quelutinack                      82     "
       "       Tunkhannock Creek                93     "
       "       Mesupin                         102     "
       "       Vanderlip's Farm                107     "
       "       Wyalusing                       115     "
       "       Wysaching Creek                 129-1/2 "
       "       Tioga                           145     "
       "       Chemung                         157     "
       "       Forks at Newtown                165     "
       "       French Catharines, or Evoquagah 183-1/2 "
       "       Condiah, or Appleton            211     "
       "       Outlet of Seneca Lake           222-1/2 "
       "       Canadesaco, or Seneca Lake      226     "
       "       Canandaigua                     241-1/2 "
       "       Honeoye                         255     "
       "       Adjustah                        267-1/2 "
       "       Gasagularah                     274-1/2 "
       "       Genesee Castle                  280     "



                     CONCERNING THE MOHAWKS.

                          * * * * *

                        By W. Max Reid.

                          * * * * *


I am somewhat at a loss to select a name for the subject of this paper.
I dare not dignify it by the title of a history of the Mohawks, because
a true history of that notable people never has been or never can be
written. It is true that "Colden's Five Nations," "Morgan's League of
the Iroquois," and Schoolcraft's notes are looked upon as authority on
this subject, but Morgan's work is in a great measure legendary and
altogether unsatisfying, and the same may be said of Colden and
Schoolcraft, although the little that Colden has to say about the
Mohawks is accepted as authority as far as it goes.

As to the origin of the Mohawks, it will always remain a mystery.
Conjecture may or may not approach the truth, but from the fact that
they had no written language, no records on stone or parchment from
which we can obtain knowledge of their origin or early history, it is
evident that our only sources of information are the vague traditions
that have been transmitted orally from parent to child or from Sachem
to Sachem.

How unreliable and unsatisfactory these oral traditions are, may be
noted in what is called the "Iroquoian Cosmology," or the "Creation,"
as translated by J. N. B. Hewitt, of the Bureau of Ethnology. Mr. Hewitt
gives three versions of the "Creation," the Onondaga, Mohawk and the
Seneca. They are practically alike, differing only in minor statements.
The Onondaga is the longest and the Seneca the shortest version. I will
give you, however, a condensed rendering of the Mohawk tradition. It
says:

 "In the sky above were man-beings, both male and female, who dwelt in
 villages, and in one of the lodges was a man and woman, who were
 down-fended, that is, they were secluded, and their lodge was
 surrounded by the down of the cat-tail, which was a sign that no one
 should approach them, nor were they allowed to leave this precinct.
 The man became ill and stated that he would not get well until a
 dogwood tree standing in his dooryard had been uprooted. So when his
 people had uprooted the tree he said to his wife, 'Do thou spread for
 me something there beside the place where stood the tree.' Thereupon
 she spread something for him there and he then lay down on what she
 had spread for him, and he said to his wife: 'Here sit thou, beside my
 body.' Now at that time she did sit beside him as he lay there. Then
 he said to her: 'Do thou hang thy legs down into the abyss.' For where
 they had uprooted the tree there came to be a deep hole, which went
 through the sky, and the earth was upturned about it.

 "And while he lay there he recovered from his illness and turning on
 his side he looked into the hole. After a while he said to his wife:
 'Do thou look thither into the hole to see what things are occurring
 there in yonder place.' And as she bent her body to look into the hole
 he took her by the nape of the neck and pushed her and she fell into
 the hole and kept falling into the darkness thereof. After a while she
 passed through and as she looked about her, as she slowly fell, she
 saw that all about her was blue in color and soon discovered that what
 she observed was a vast expanse of water, on which floated all kinds
 of water fowls in great numbers.

 "Thereupon. Loon, looking into the water and seeing her reflection,
 shouted, 'A man-being, a female is coming up from the depths of the
 waters.' The Bittern, answering, said, 'She is not indeed coming up
 out of the depths of the water, she is falling from above.' Thereupon
 they held a council to decide what they should do to provide for her
 welfare.

 "They finally invited Great Turtle to come. Loon, thereupon, said to
 him, 'Thou should float thy body above the place where thou art in the
 depths of the water.' And then as Great Turtle arose to the surface,
 a large body of ducks of various kinds arose from the face of the
 water, elevated themselves in a very compact body, and went up to meet
 her. And on their backs did she alight, and they slowly descended,
 bearing her body on their backs, and on the back of Great Turtle they
 placed her.

 "Then Loon said, 'Come, you deep divers, dive and bring up earth.'
 Many dived into the water, and Beaver was a long time gone. When his
 back appeared he was dead, and when they examined his paws, they found
 no earth. Then Otter said, 'It is my turn.' Whereupon he dived, and
 after a longer time he also came up dead. Neither did he bring up any
 earth. It was then that Muskrat said, 'I also will make the desperate
 attempt.' It was a still longer time that he was under water, but
 after a while he also floated to the surface, dead. In his paws was
 mud and his mouth was full of mud. And they took this mud and coated
 the edge of Great Turtle's shell all around, and other muskrats dived
 and floated dead, but brought up mud, which was placed on Great
 Turtle's back. And the female man-being sat on the back of Great
 Turtle and slept. And when she awoke the earth had increased in size,
 and she slept again, and when she awoke, willows were growing along
 the edge of the water. And then, also, when she again awoke, the
 carcass of a deer recently killed, lay there, and a fire was burning,
 and a sharp stone. And she dressed, cooked, and ate her fill. And
 after a while a rivulet appeared and rapidly the earth increased to
 great size, and grass and herbs sprung from the earth and grew to
 maturity.

 "And after a while the female man-being gave birth to a girl child,
 who grew rapidly to maturity, and not long after gave birth to two
 male man-beings, but the daughter died in giving birth to the twins.
 And the grandmother cut off the head of her dead daughter and hung her
 body in a high place and it became the sun, and the head she placed in
 another place and it became the moon.

 "And when she examined one of the infants she found his flesh was
 nothing but flint and there was a sharp comb of flint over the top of
 his head, but the flesh of the other was in every respect like a
 man-being.

 "It seems that these two were antagonistic from their birth, the
 grandmother clinging to the flint child and driving the other into the
 wilderness; and in his wanderings he came to the shore of a lake and
 saw a lodge standing there. Looking in the doorway he saw a man
 sitting there, who said to him, 'Enter thou here. This man was Great
 Turtle, who gave him a bow and arrow, and also gave him two ears of
 corn, one in the milky state, which he told him to roast and eat as
 food, and the other, which was mature, he should use for seed corn.

 "He also endowed him with preternatural powers. And when he was about
 to depart, he said to the young man, 'I am Great Turtle, I am thy
 parent.'

 "Sapling, which was the name of the young man-being, created animals
 out of earth, and birds by casting handfuls of earth into the air. He
 also formed the body of a man and the body of a woman, and gave them
 life and placed them together. Returning shortly after he found them
 sleeping. Again and again he returned and still they slept. 'Thereupon
 he took a rib from each and substituted the one for the other and
 replaced each one in the other's body. It was not long before the
 woman awoke and sat up. At once she touched the breast of the man
 lying at her side, just where Sapling had placed her rib, and, of
 course, that tickled him. Thereupon he awoke. Awoke to life and
 understanding.'"

As in the Biblical story of Cain and Abel, the two brothers fought and
in the end one was slain. But is was the unrighteous one, the one with
the flint body, who lost his life.

Nearly three hundred years ago, the Jesuits recorded traditions of the
Algonquins and Huron-Iroquois of Canada, which were practically the same
in their main features as the above. (See Jesuit Rel. vol. 10, pages
127-129.)

The Montagnais and Adirondacks of Canada, and in fact all the Algonquin
nations, seem to have some tradition of the deluge, which in some way
is mixed with the Huron-Iroquois tradition of the creation. In fact,
it deals with a re-creation of the earth.

They say that one Messou restored the world when it was lost in the
waters. Their story of the deluge is practically as follows:

 This Messou went a hunting with lynxes, instead of dogs, and was
 warned that it would be dangerous for his lynxes in a certain lake
 near the place where he was. One day as he was hunting an elk his
 lynxes gave it chase even into the lake; and when they reached the
 middle of it, they were submerged in an instant. When Messou arrived
 there and sought his lynxes, who were indeed his brothers, a bird told
 him that it had seen them in the bottom of the lake, and that certain
 animals or monsters held them there. He at once leaped into the water
 to rescue them, but immediately the lake overflowed, and increased so
 prodigiously that it inundated and drowned the whole earth. Astonished,
 he gave up all thought of his lynxes and turned his attention to
 creating the world anew. First he sent a raven to find a small piece
 of earth with which to build a new world. The raven returned
 unsuccessful. He made an Otter dive down, but he could not reach the
 bottom. At last a muskrat descended and brought back some earth. With
 this bit of earth Messou restored every thing to its former condition.

But it is among the Iroquois that Great Turtle plays the principal part
in the creation. In fact it is said that he upholds the earth to this
day. In one of the cases of the "Richmond collection" in the museum of
the Montgomery County Historical Society, is an old rattle which can be
traced back more than a hundred years. We have looked upon it as an
interesting relic of the Senecas, a rude musical instrument. It is made
from a turtle shell and skin, and in the enclosed space has been placed
pebbles for rattles.

But this instrument is interesting beyond all that. Father LeJune, in
his Relation of 1639, makes the following statement in describing a
dance at a feast given for a sick woman: "At the head of the procession
marched two masters of ceremonies, singing and holding the tortoise, on
which they did not cease to play. This tortoise is not a real tortoise,
but only the shell and skin, so arranged as to make a sort of drum or
rattle. Having thrown certain pebbles into it they make from it an
instrument like that the children in France used to play with. There
is a mysterious something, I know not what, in this semblance of a
tortoise, to Which these people attribute their origin. We shall know
in time what there is to it."

It is said that in no Amerind (the word Amerind is a new word coined
by the Bureau of Ethnology to take the place of the three words "North
American Indian." You will notice that it is composed or formed from
the first four letters of American and the first three letters of
Indian) language, could the Jesuit Priests find a word to express the
idea of God or His attributes. Although the most charitable of people
and showing the utmost affection for their children, the Jesuits were
unable, in the Amerind language, to impress upon them or to communicate
to them, the idea of an all-loving and charitable Supreme Being. They
had their Manitou, but they feared them and gave them the character of
the devil, one who should be propitiated by presents, by penances, or
by scourges and feasts.

In the Amerind's mind, each animal had a king, as the Great Turtle, the
Great Bear, etc. The fathers said to them if the animals have each a
Supreme Being, why should not man have a great chief of men, who lives
in the sky; a Great Spirit. This idea they accepted, and although they
did not or could not give him the attributes of the Christian's God,
the Great Spirit became "a distinct existence, a pervading power in the
universe, and a dispenser of justice."

This idea the Jesuits had to accept, although in exceptional cases, they
seemed to impress their idea of God upon some of their converts while
they had them at the missions, but they were sure to become apostates
when they returned to their people in the wilderness. So you will see
that "The Great Spirit" of the Indians is a modern idea received from
the whites and not, as some think, a Supreme Being evolved ages ago
from the Amerind mind.

Parkman says: "The primitive Indian believed in the immortality of the
soul, and that skillful hunters, brave warriors, and men of influence
went, after death, to the happy hunting-grounds, while the slothful,
the cowardly, the weak were doomed to eat serpents and ashes in dreary
and misty regions, but there was no belief that the good were to be
rewarded for moral good, or the evil punished for a moral evil."

So you will see that the writing of a history of the Mohawks would be
an arduous task, a history filled with mystery and superstition
together with kindly deeds and warlike acts, a history of a people
endowed with minds that were able to conceive a union of tribes, states
or nations, call them what you may, and to perpetuate that union for
centuries, the success of which suggested to our forefathers the union
of states, the government under which we now live.

                    L. Of C.
                                                       "HOLLANDER."



                    ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON,

            The Author of the Louisiana Purchase.

                          * * * * *

                    Hon. D. S. Alexander.

                          * * * * *


After signing the treaty ceding Louisiana to the United States, Robert
R. Livingston declared it the noblest work of his life. If one may not
assent to this enthusiastic statement of the speaker, who had been a
member of the committee to draft the immortal Declaration of
Independence, it is easy to admit that his work stands next in
historical importance to the treaty of 1783, which recognized American
independence. It added half an empire to our domain, and, a century
later, gave Edward Everett Hale opportunity to speak of Livingston as
"the wisest American of his time," since "Franklin had died in 1780."

When Livingston signed the Louisiana treaty he was fifty-six years of
age, tall and handsome, with an abundance of hair already turning gray,
which fell in ringlets over a square, high forehead, lending a certain
dignity that made him appear as great off the bench as he did when
gowned and throned as Chancellor. In the estimation of his contemporaries
he was one of the most gifted men of his time, and the judgment of a
later age has not reversed their decision. He added learning to great
natural ability, and brilliancy to profound thought, and although so
deaf as to make communication with him difficult, he came very near
concealing the defect by his remarkable eloquence and conversational
gifts. Benjamin Franklin called him "the Cicero of America." His love
for the beautiful attracted Edmund Burke. It is doubtful if he had a
superior in the State in the knowledge of history and the classics, and
in the study of science Samuel L. Mitchell alone stood above him. He
lacked the creative genius of Hamilton, the prescient gifts of Jay,
and the skill of Aaron Burr to marshal men for selfish purposes; but he
was at home in debate with the ablest men of his time, a master of
sarcasm, of trenchant wit, and of felicitous rhetoric. It is likely
that he lacked Kent's application. But of ninety-three bills passed by
the legislature from 1778 to 1801, a period that spans his life as
Chancellor, and which were afterward vetoed by the Council of Revision,
Livingston wrote opinions in twenty-three, several of them elaborate,
and all revealing capacity for legislation. In these vetoes he stood
with Hamilton in resisting forfeitures and confiscations; he held with
Richard Morris that loyal citizens could not be deprived of lands,
though bought of an alien enemy; he agreed with Jay in upholding common
law rights and limiting the death penalty; and he had the support of
George Clinton and John Sloss Hobart in disapproving a measure for the
gradual abolition of slavery, because the legislature thought it
politically expedient to deprive colored men of the right to vote who
had before enjoyed such a privilege.

In the field of politics, Livingston's search for office did not result
in a happy career. So long as he stood for a broader and stronger
national life his intellectual rays flashed far beyond the horizon of
most of his contemporaries, but the joy of public life was clouded when
he entered the domain of partisan politics. His mortification that
someone other than himself was appointed Chief Justice of the United
States Supreme Court, made Hamilton's funding system, especially the
proposed assumption of State debts, sufficient excuse for becoming an
anti-federalist, and had he possessed those qualities of leadership
that bind party and friends by ties of unflinching service, he might
have reaped the reward that his ambition so ardently craved; but his
peculiar temper unfitted him for such a career. Jealous, fretful,
sensitive, and suspicious, he was as restless as his eloquence was
dazzling, and when, at last, he became the anti-federalist candidate
for governor in 1798, in opposition to John Jay, the campaign ended in
deep humiliation. His candidacy was clearly a dash for the Presidency.
He reasoned, as every ambitious New York statesman has reasoned from
that day to this, that if he could carry the State in an off year, he
would be needed, as the candidate of his whole party, in a Presidential
year. This reasoning reduces the governorship to a sort of springboard
from which to vault into the White House, and although only one man in
a century has performed the feat, it has always figured as a popular
and potent factor in the settlement of political nominations. George
Clinton thought the Presidency would come to him, and Hamilton inspired
Jay with a similar notion; but Livingston, sanguine of better treatment,
was willing, for the sake of undertaking it, voluntarily to withdraw
from the professional path along which he had moved to great distinction.

The personal qualities which seemed to unfit Livingston for political
leadership in New York did not strengthen his usefulness in France. It
was the breadth of view which distinguished him in the formation of the
Union that brought him success as a diplomat. With the map of America
spread out before him he handled the Louisiana problem as patriotically
as he had argued for a stronger national life, and when, at last, he
signed the treaty, he had forever enlarged the geography of his country.

As the American minister to the court of Napoleon, Livingston reached
France in November, 1801. President Jefferson had already heard a rumor
of the retrocession of Louisiana by Spain to France, and had given it
little heed. He had cheerfully acquiesced in Spain's occupation of New
Orleans, and after its retrocession to France he talked pleasantly of
securing West Florida through French influence. "Such proof on the part
of France of good will toward the United States," he wrote Livingston,
in September, 1801, "would contribute to reconcile the latter to
France's possession of New Orleans." But when, a year later, a French
army, commanded by Leclerc, Napoleon's brother-in-law, had devastated
St. Domingo and aroused the hostility of American merchants and
ship-masters by his arbitrary treatment, Jefferson sensed the danger of
having Napoleon for a next-door neighbor on the Mississippi. In a moment
his tone changed from one of peace to a threat of war. "The cession of
Louisianan to France," he declared, in a letter to Livingston, April 16,
1802, "works most sorely on the United States. There is on the globe
one single spot, the possessor of which is our natural and habitual
enemy. It is New Orleans. France, placing herself in that door, assumes
to us the attitude of defiance. The day that France takes possession of
New Orleans fixes the sentence which is to restrain her forever within
her low-water mark. It seals the union of two nations, who in
conjunction can maintain exclusive possession of the ocean. From that
moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation."

In his anxiety the President also instructed Madison, his Secretary of
State, to write Pinckney, the American minister at Madrid, to guarantee
to Spain, if it had not already parted with its title, peaceable
possession of Louisiana beyond the Mississippi, on condition of its
ceding to the United States the territory, including New Orleans, on
the east side. As the year wore on, however, and Leclerc's death
followed his report of his losses, Jefferson became much easier,
advising Livingston that French possession of Louisiana would not be
"important enough to risk a breach of the peace." But before the ink
had time to dry, almost simultaneously with the death of Leclerc, came
the news, through Governor Claiborne of the Territory of Mississippi,
that the Spanish Intendent had forbidden Americans the right to deposit
their merchandise at New Orleans. This was a stunning blow to the
President. The treaty of 1795 stipulated that the King of Spain would
"permit the citizens of the United States, for the space of three years
from this time, to deposit their merchandise and effects in the Port of
New Orleans, and to export them from thence, without paying any other
duty than a fair price for the hire of the stores, and his majesty
promises either to continue this permission if he find during that time
it is not prejudicial to the interests of Spain, or, if he should not
agree to continue it thus, he will assign to them on another part of the
banks of the Mississippi an equivalent establishment." That the three
years' limitation had expired during President Adams' administration
without the right being extended or its equivalent established, did not
help Jefferson out of his difficulty, since the Kentucky and Tennessee
settlers were already cleaning their flintlocks on the theory that it
was easier to drive out a few Spaniards than to dislodge a French army
after it had fortified. This was good reasoning if Louisiana was to be
taken by force. But Jefferson, even when writing threatening letters,
had no thought of war. "Peace is our passion," he wrote Sir John
Sinclair, and in the presence of threatening hostilities he did nothing
to prepare for war. His message to Congress, which opened a few days
after the reception of Claiborne's dispatch, made no mention of the
New Orleans trouble. He talked about everything else, but of what
everybody else was talking about the President said nothing. The
western settlers, vitally interested in a depot of deposit at New
Orleans, resented such apparent apathy, and by resolutions and
legislative action encouraged the federalists to talk so loudly for
war that the President, alarmed at the condition of the public mind,
sent James Monroe's name to the Senate as minister extraordinary to
France and Spain. On January 13, 1803, the day of Monroe's confirmation,
Jefferson hastened to write him, explaining what he had done and why
he had acted. "The agitation of the public mind on occasion of the late
suspension of our right of deposit at New Orleans," said he, "is
extreme. In the western country it is natural and grounded on honest
motives; in the seaports it proceeds from a desire for war, which
increases the mercantile lottery; among federalists generally, and
especially those of Congress, the object is to force us into war if
possible, in order to derange our finances; or, if this cannot be done,
to attach the western country to them as to their best friends, and thus
get again into power. Remonstrances, memorials, etc., are now
circulating through the whole of the western country, and signed by the
body of the people. The measures we have been pursuing, being invisible,
do not satisfy their minds. Something sensible, therefore, is necessary."

This "sensible something" was Monroe's appointment, which "has already
silenced the federalists," continued the President. "Congress will no
longer be agitated by them; and the country will become calm as fast
as the information extends over it."

The better to support Monroe, Madison explained to Pichon, the French
minister in Washington, the necessity for the undivided possession of
New Orleans, claiming that it had no sort of interest for France, while
the United States had no interest in extending its population to the
right bank, since such emigration would tend to weaken the state and to
slacken the concentration of its forces. "In spite of affinities in
manners and languages," said the Secretary of State, "no colony beyond
the river could exist under the same government, but would infallibly
give birth to a separate state, having in its bosom germs of collision
with the east, the easier to develop in proportion to the very
affinities between the two empires."

This explained the true attitude of Jefferson and Madison. They did not
seek territory west of the Mississippi. Their thought centered in the
purchase of New Orleans; it was the "one spot on the globe, the
possessor of which is our natural and habitual enemy;" France's
possession of it "must marry us to the British fleet and nation;" upon
it "every eye in the United States is now fixed;" to gain it Pinckney
was charged "to guarantee to Spain the peaceable possession of the
territory beyond the Mississippi;" in Madison's opinion "the boundary
line between the United States and Louisiana should be the Mississippi;"
according to his theory "no colony beyond the Mississippi could exist
under the same government with that on the east side;" nor did the
United States have any interest in building up a colony beyond the
Mississippi. In other words, Jefferson saw only New Orleans; he wanted
only New Orleans and peace; and to get the one and keep the other,
Monroe was sent to Paris to secure "our rights and interests in the
river Mississippi and in the territories eastward thereof."

In the meantime Livingston had taken a different view. It is not clear
that he appreciated the future value of the great northwest more than
did Jefferson or Madison, but in his argument for the purchase of New
Orleans he had included in his request nine-tenths of the territory now
known as the Louisiana Purchase. Singularly enough Livingston's letter
happened to be addressed to Talleyrand, Napoleon's Minister of Foreign
Affairs, on the very day Monroe's name went to the United States Senate
for confirmation, and although the latter's instructions limited
negotiations to the east bank of the Mississippi, Livingston's argument
included the west bank. "Presuming," he writes Talleyrand, "that the
Floridas are in the hands of France, I shall predicate what I have to
offer upon that presumption. France can have but three objects in the
possession of Louisiana and Florida: The first is the command of the
Gulf; second, the supply of her islands; third, an outlet for the
people, if her European population should be too great for her
territory."

"Having treated this subject more at large in a paper which you have
had the goodness to read," Livingston continued, "I will not dwell upon
it here; but propose what it appears to be the true, policy of France
to adopt, as affecting all her objects, and at the same time
conciliating the affections of the United States, giving a permanency
to her establishments, which she can in no other way hope for. First,
let France cede to the United States so much of Louisiana as lays above
the mouth of the river Arkansas. By this a barrier will be placed
between the colony of France and Canada, from which she may, otherwise,
be attacked with the greatest facility, and driven out before she can
derive any aid from Europe. Let her possess Florida as far as the river
Perdito, with all the ports on the gulf, and cede West Florida, New
Orleans, and the territory on the west bank of the Mississippi to the
United States. This cession will only be valuable to the latter from
its giving them the mouths of the river Mobile and other small rivers
which penetrate their territory, and in calming their apprehensions
relative to the Mississippi. It may be supposed that New Orleans is a
place of some moment; it will be so to the United States, but not to
France. The right of depot which the United States claims and will
never relinquish, must be the source of continued disputes and
animosities between the two nations, and ultimately lead the United
States to aid any foreign power in the expulsion of France from that
colony. Independent of this, as the present commercial capital of New
Orleans is mostly American, it will be instantly removed to Natchez,
to which the United States can give such advantages as to render New
Orleans of little importance. Upon any other plan. Sir, it needs but
little foresight to predict that the whole of this establishment must
pass into the hands of Great Britain, which has, at the same time, the
command of the sea, and a martial colony containing every means of
attack. While the fleets block up the seaports, she can, without the
smallest difficulty, attack New Orleans from Canada with 15,000 or
20,000 men and a host of savages. France, by grasping at a desert and
an insignificant town, and thereby throwing the weight of the United
States into the scale of Britain, will render her mistress of the new
world. By the possession of Louisiana and Trinidad the colonies of
Spain will lie at her mercy. By expelling France from Florida and
possessing the ports on the Gulf, she will command the Islands. The
East and West Indies will pour their commodities into her ports; and
the precious metals of Mexico, combined with the treasures of Hindostan,
enable her to purchase nations whose aid she may require in confirming
her power. Though it would comport with the true policy and magnanimity
of France gratuitously to offer these terms to the United States, yet
they are not unwilling to purchase them at a price suited to their value
and to their own circumstances, in the hope that France will at the same
time satisfy their distressed citizens the debts which they have a right
by so many titles to demand."

These arguments do not read like the letters of Jefferson or the
instructions of Madison. There is no suggestion that the United States
is without interest in the right bank of the Mississippi for fear of a
divided government, or because germs of collision will develop in spite
of affinities in manners and language. New Orleans is minimized, the
great west is magnified. A glance at the map shows that he offered to
purchase half an empire, leaving to France only a small corner in the
southwest bordering on Texas. His argument fixed its limitation. "First,
let France cede to the United States so much of Louisiana as lay above
the mouth of the river Arkansas, West Florida, New Orleans, and the
territory on the west bank of the Mississippi." Talleyrand thought the
rest would be of little value. "I will give you a certificate," he said,
in the course of the discussion, "that you are the most importunate
negotiator I have yet met with." For this and his aid to Robert Fulton,
Edward Everett Hale called Livingston "the wisest American of his time."

Napoleon received Livingston's argument three days after he heard of
Leclerc's death. To a soldier who had entered Italy over the Alps, the
suggestion of an attack from Canada would strongly appeal; with Nelson
on the ocean, he could understand the helplessness of a French army in
New Orleans; and after the failure of Leclerc in St. Domingo, the
presence of yellow fever and other obstacles to success in Louisiana
would not seem improbable. Such a discussion at such a time, therefore,
was certain to have the most profound influence, and from January 10 to
April 10, 1803, Livingston kept his reasons constantly before the First
Consul and his ministers as the only policy to conserve the true
interest of France, to impair the strength of England, and to win the
affection of the United States.

"I have never yet had any specific instructions from you how to act or
what to offer," he wrote Madison on February 18, 1803, eighteen days
before Monroe left the United States; "but I have put into Napoleon's
hands some notes containing plain truths mixed with that species of
personal attention which I know to be most pleasing. The only basis
on which I think it possible to do anything here is to connect our
claims with offers to purchase the Floridas. Upon this subject my notes
turn. I have first endeavored to show how little advantage France is
likely to make from these colonies; the temptation they offer to
Britain to attack them by sea and from Canada; the effect a conquest
of them by Britain would have on the islands; and the monopoly which
that conquest would give to a rival power to the trade of the West as
well as of the East Indies. I have dwelt upon the importance of a
friendly intercourse between them and us, both as it respects their
commerce and the security of their islands; and I have proposed to them
the relinquishment of New Orleans and West Florida as far as the River
Perdito, together with all the territory lying to the north of the
Arkansas, under an idea that it was necessary to interpose us between
them and Canada, as the only means of preventing an attack from that
quarter. For this I proposed an indefinite sum, not wishing to mention
any till I should receive your instructions. These propositions with
certain accompaniments were well received, and were some days under the
First Consul's consideration. I am now lying on my oars in hopes of
something explicit from you. I consider the object of immense importance;
and this perhaps the favorable moment to press it."

While Livingston's letter was being read in Washington, conveying to
Jefferson the first suggestion of a purchase other than that of New
Orleans, the First Consul was making up his mind to accede to
Livingston's request. When the decision did come, it came with
Napoleonic suddenness. For three months he had considered it; but not
until Sunday, April 10, did he make known his intention; then, in a
moment, without warning, he let his desire be known to Talleyrand and
Marbois. "I can scarcely say that I cede it," said Napoleon, "for it is
not yet in our possession. If, however, I leave the least time to our
enemies, I shall only transmit an empty title." Marbois agreed,
Talleyrand dissented, and the trio parted; but at daybreak, on Monday,
Napoleon sent for Marbois, declaring that "irresolution and deliberation
are no longer in season; I renounce Louisiana. It is not only New
Orleans that I cede; it is the whole colony, without reserve. I know the
price of what I abandon. I renounce it with the greatest regret; to
attempt obstinately to retain it would be folly. I direct you to
regulate the affairs. Have an interview this very day with Mr.
Livingston."

Whatever occurred after this belongs simply to the making of a bargain.
The mind of Napoleon had acted. It is not easy, perhaps, to differentiate
the influences that led to such action, but it is not difficult to
measure them. In writing the Minister of Marine, Talleyrand explained
that "the empire of circumstances, foresight of the future, and the
intention to compensate by an advantageous arrangement for the
inevitable loss of a country which was going to be put at the mercy of
another nation--all these motives have determined the Government to
pass to the United States the right it had acquired from Spain over the
sovereignty and property of Louisiana." In brief, Napoleon's sale of
Louisiana, as explained by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, disposed of
a country which he would inevitably lose whenever war occurred with
England. This was the argument Livingston had been urging for three
months, with evident effect. Had he been less earnest or dramatic,
Napoleon's purpose might not then have exploded into an order to sell.
The American Minister knew he was dealing with a man guided by such an
implacable hatred of England, that when he was not fighting her openly,
he was plotting against her secretly; that his one purpose, his one
hope, his great ambition, was her conquest. In his argument, therefore,
Livingston dangled before him a picture to feed his hatred--a picture
of Trinidad and Louisiana forming a base from which England might drive
Spain from Florida, command the islands of the Gulf, and receive into
its ports the riches of the West Indies and the treasures of Mexico.
Thus, Livingston's presence becomes a great factor in the sale. It took
six months to communicate with the United States, but only six days to
do business with the man who was pressing the sale upon him. If more
time had elapsed, the sudden decision might have been changed with equal
suddenness, for Napoleon, aside from his inconstancy, had cause to
shrink from his intended action. It meant the violation of a sacred
pledge to Spain, the death of Talleyrand's pet colonial policy, the
certain disgust, sooner or later, of the French people, and a hot
quarrel with Lucien and Joseph Bonaparte, his brothers.

In the negotiations that followed Livingston ventured to offer twenty
million francs, and Marbois finally suggested sixty millions, with
payment of the American claim to the amount of twenty millions more.
Thus ended the historic midnight conference during which the bargain was
practically made. "It is so very important," wrote Livingston, "that
you should be apprised that a negotiation is actually opened, even
before Mr. Monroe is presented, in order to calm the tumult which the
news of war will renew, that I have lost no time in communicating it.
We shall do all we can to cheapen the purchase, but my present sentiment
is that we shall buy."

Considering the extent of the purchase and the danger of delay,
Livingston would have been justified in closing the bargain then and
there. Had he known the action of Lucien Bonaparte, who had secured the
cession from Spain, and of Joseph's insincerity, upon whom he even
depended to help along the negotiation, he might well have taken counsel
of his fears; but the great real estate dealer enjoyed driving a good
bargain, and so he argued and held aloof, professing that the United
States "had no disposition to extend across the river;" that they "would
be perfectly satisfied with New Orleans and the Floridas;" that they
"could not give any great sum for the purchase;" that "it was vain to
ask anything so greatly beyond our means;" that "true policy would
dictate to the First Consul not to press such a demand," since "he must
know the payment of such a sum would render the present government
unpopular." He minimized the importance of the deal, describing West
Florida as "barren sands and sunken marshes," and New Orleans as "a
small town built of wood, of about seven thousand souls," a territory
"only valuable to the United States because it contained the mouths of
some of their rivers," going so far as to venture a prophecy that "an
emigrant would not cross the Mississippi in a hundred years;" yet,
throughout weeks of dickering, he never surrendered his purpose to buy
whether the price be cheapened or not.

His anxiety was greatly increased by the disclosure of Monroe's
commission, since it contained power only to treat for lands on the
east side of the Mississippi. "It may, if things should take a turn
favorable to France," he wrote Madison, April 17, "defeat all we may do,
even at the moment of signing. . . . You will recollect that I have been
long preparing this government to yield us the country above the
Arkansas, . . . and I am therefore surprised that our commission should
have entirely lost sight of the object."

Livingston's fears proved groundless, and the dickering went on until
April 29, when Marbois' original figures were accepted sixty million
francs to France, and twenty million francs to American claimants; in
all, fifteen million dollars. Three days later, on May 2, 1803, the
treaty was signed.

It is not surprising that Livingston felt proud and happy. Other
treaties of consequence had been negotiated by Americans--the treaty of
alliance with France, the treaty of peace with England, and Jay's treaty
of 1795; but none was more important than Livingston's. Besides, it was
unparalleled in the field of diplomacy, since Louisiana cost,
comparatively, almost nothing.

Perhaps Livingston's pride was only equaled by Jefferson's surprise. A
mother is usually prepared for the coming of the baby that is to enlarge
and illuminate her home. Its clothes are ready, the nursery is
furnished, and everything is waiting its advent; but President Jefferson
was unprepared for the Louisiana Purchase. It was so entirely unsought
on his part that he had given the subject no consideration until half
an empire came tumbling upon him like a great meteor out of the midnight
sky. At first, he thought he would cede a part of it to the Indians in
exchange for their holdings on the east side of the Mississippi, and
"shut up all the rest from settlement for a long time to come." "I have
indulged myself in these details," he writes James Dickinson, August 9,
1803, "because the subject being new it is advantageous to interchange
ideas on it and to get our notions all corrected before we are obliged
to act upon them." Then he raised the question of a constitutional
amendment. "I suppose Congress must appeal to the nation for an
additional article to the constitution approving and confirming an act
which the nation had not previously authorized," he wrote Senator
Breckenridge of Kentucky. "The constitution has made no provision for
our holding foreign territory, still less for incorporating foreign
nations into our Union. The Executive in seizing the fugitive occurrence
which so much advances the good of their country have done an act beyond
the constitution."

When such views reached France, Livingston hurried off several letters
to Jefferson, assuring him "that were the business to do over again it
would never be done. They think we have obtained an immense advantage
over them. Though the appearance of war had some influence, it had much
less than is ascribed to it. I know from a faithful source that the
Spanish government has made the most serious remonstrances against the
cession of Louisiana, and that it is now well understood that, if any
additional clause of ratification should be introduced by the United
States, this government would profit of the circumstance to annul the
whole work."

Jefferson did not need a further hint. "I wrote you on the 12th inst.
on the subject of Louisiana and the constitutional provision which might
be necessary for it," he says to Senator Breckenridge. "A letter just
received yesterday shows that nothing must be said on that subject which
may give a pretext for retreating, but that we should do _sub silentio_
what shall be found necessary. Be so good, therefore, as to consider
that part of my letter confidential. It strengthens the reason for
desiring the presence of every friend of the treaty on the first day of
the session. Perhaps you can impress this necessity on the Senators from
the western States by private letter."

President Jefferson was a strict constructionist. He did not believe the
constitution gave Congress power to acquire additional territory; he
dreaded the concentration of power in the executive, and perhaps his
teachings did more than all other men to inspire the popular mind with
that dread; but when he discovered that the time required to secure a
constitutional amendment, exciting, as it would, a long debate in
Congress, might defeat the Louisiana Purchase by arousing French feeling
against its sale, he did not hesitate to bury his constitutional
convictions, and to force through Congress the necessary ratification.
Nor did he ever attempt any defense of his inconsistency save that the
welfare of the nation demanded such action. Thomas Jefferson was not
afraid of being inconsistent. To a great soul this is not weakness.
There are ages that are creative. At such times two classes of men are
prominent and needed--one shackled to traditions, the other guided by
visions. Thomas Jefferson belonged to the latter. In 1776 the American
people not only broke the bonds binding them to old England, but forged
other bonds which would bind them to a new political, social and
industrial order, and of those who hammered these new ties into harmony
with the longing and aspirations of men, Thomas Jefferson stands among
the foremost Fathers. He got his light from within. He believed in the
people, in the government which they had accepted, and with Gladstonian
enthusiasm he sought to lead the one and mould the other along lines of
stability; but when theory and idealism ran counter to practice and
experience, he did not hesitate to adopt the practical and let theory
wait. This is the secret of his action in 1803. To cling to an abstract
principle would lose an appreciable blessing to his country, and so he
let go the abstract principle. This is the inconsistency of a great
statesman, the contradictoriness of genius.

But commendable as was the part of Thomas Jefferson in that great
transaction, it must not conceal the truth of history. He was not even
the promoter, much less the author of the Purchase. His mind was intent
upon a present need, a single spot, instant relief, made necessary by
the fierce demand of a frontier people claiming a depot of deposit. It
was Robert R. Livingston who had the vision.

The distinguished Chancellor, however, did not prove as careful and
painstaking a lawyer as he was bold and successful as a diplomatist, for
in drawing the claims convention, he neglected to include all claims,
estimated their total much too low, omitted a rule of apportionment,
and, most grievous of all, left the final decision as to what claims
should be selected for payment to the French government. This was the
rock that wrecked him. The legitimate claims of American citizens
amounted to many millions, but Livingston fixed the limit at three and
three-quarters millions, and compelled claimants to secure settlement
through the corrupt Talleyrand and his rascally agents, who took
one-half for their services. Livingston thought he had drafted the
convention "with particular attention," and Monroe, who thought
differently, tried his hand with no better success; then Marbois turned
it to the advantage of the Frenchmen. The Americans needed a careful
lawyer.

The scandal growing out of this convention deepened and cankered until
Livingston quarreled with the American Claims Commissioners, excited
remonstrances from the British government, and nagged the United States
consul at Paris into charging him not only with blind and insatiable
vanity, with hints of corrupt and criminal motives, but with "imbecility
of mind."

"I considered the claims convention as a trifle compared with the other
great object," he explained to Madison, "and as it had already delayed
us many days, I was ready to take it under any form." He was clearly
right in the comparative importance of the treaty and the convention,
but after Marbois had reserved to the French government the right of
final decision in each case, Livingston was inexcusable in omitting a
rule of apportionment, since it excluded all claimants except the
favored few whom the corrupt Frenchman selected because of their
willingness to divide.

But the poisoned arrow that entered deepest into Livingston's soul was
the robbery of his laurels. His successful negotiation of the treaty,
putting him into the class from which Presidents were then drawn, won
him the dislike of Jefferson, the distrust of Madison, and the jealousy
of Monroe, who, considering him a rival, carefully concealed whatever
would reflect credit upon him. His dispatches to Madison became a sealed
book in the Department of State; his letters to Jefferson were not
suffered to shadow the President's halo; his work, practically completed
before Monroe's arrival in Paris, did not reach the eye or the ear of
the American people. The great achievement filled the air, rejoicing the
country as no other event since the treaty of peace with England, but
little praise came to Livingston. The public gave Monroe credit for the
treaty, and Livingston discredit for the claims convention. When,
finally, Monroe admitted that his part in the negotiation amounted to
nothing, he also encouraged the belief that Livingston did as little.
It is impossible to say, of course, just what influenced Napoleon to
give Marbois the order of April 11. It was not war, for war did not come
until a year later; it was not money, for the Prince of Peace would have
given more; it was not anger at Spain, for no real cause then existed;
it was not fear of England, for Bonaparte did not fear an enemy he
expected to crush; it was not St. Domingo, for Leclerc's failure already
belonged to the past, with Corsica and Egypt. Perhaps Napoleon himself
could not have given the real reason. But, however this may be, the fact
is deeply embedded in history that Livingston was the first American to
suggest the acquisition of that then vast and dimly outlined country
which has been known for over a hundred years as the Louisiana
Purchase--stretching west and northwest of the Mississippi, above the
winding Arkansas, beyond the waters of the Missouri, across plains and
flower-covered prairies to the far-away Rockies, where the Yellowstone
leaps from its hiding, and snow-clad summits pierce a summer's sky.



[Illustration: THE FOUNDERS OF TEMPERANCE. (From an Old Print.)]



                   THE BIRTH AT MOREAU OF THE
                     TEMPERANCE REFORMATION.

                          * * * * *

                By Dr. Charles A. Ingraham.

                          * * * * *


History concerns itself chiefly with the fiats of kings, the councils
of cabinets, the enactments of legislatures, the processes and results
of diplomacy and the issues of war. Upon the pages of the world's annals
appears the magnificent pageantry of the past, as with silken banners
and silver trumpets dominion proudly passes in perpetual review. Thus,
as the historian animates his chapters with those dramatic, intellectual
and heroic elements which abound in the court, the statehouse and upon
the field of battle, the high spirit of chivalry is encouraged and an
intelligent patriotism is promoted. But how fares it with that company
of men and women who, frequently in obscure places and by unpretentious
methods, have in the realms of discovery, invention and ethics, also
advanced the prosperity and happiness of society? It must be admitted
that they are too often neglected and that the fruitful lessons which
their lives have to communicate remain too generally unappropriated.
This paper, diverging somewhat from the beaten highway of history, has
for its purpose, to rescue from threatened oblivion the memory of a
noble man and the record of his monumental work.

A few months since, while attending a convention held in one of the
churches of Easton, the discussion having turned to the subject of
temperance, I remarked that it might be proper to state that we were
congregated not far from the place where the world's first temperance
society had its birth. I was afterward surprised and gratified to learn
that in that very neighborhood Dr. Clark, its founder, had dwelt when
a young man engaged in the study of medicine. Not being of a
superstitious turn, I have dismissed from my mind the notion that his
shade was at my elbow prompting me to introduce him to the audience. My
interest having been revived, I consulted the leading reference books
with the result of discovering that, while they all were in substantial
agreement as to Dr. Clark having established the initial temperance
association at Moreau in 1808, there were no biographical accounts of
him, nor details concerning the history of the organization. This, for
so great an event and institution, struck me as being a very remarkable
omission. My curiosity to learn more was now stronger than ever, and the
centennial anniversary of the formation of the association being near,
I resolved to unearth, if possible, the full history of the society and
the life of its founder. Being utterly in the dark as to any authority
upon the subject, I made known my desire for information through the
medium of newspapers circulating in the historic townships, and with
gratifying results.

My principal materials have been these: "The History of the Temperance
Reformation," 1853, by Rev. Lebbeus Armstrong, a member of the society
and intimately associated with Dr. Clark in the establishment of the
same; "A History of Temperance in Saratoga County," 1855, by Judge
William Hay; and an obituary by the late Dr. A. W. Holden, of Glens
Falls, which appeared in the Messenger of that place in 1866. The last
is an admirable elucidation of the life and character, to the closing
day, of the great champion of temperance. The two physicians had been
fellow townsmen, and evidently friends, if we may judge by the
sympathetically appreciative manner with which Dr. Holden writes. Of the
408 pages of Armstrong's and of the 153 pages of Hay's book, but
comparatively few are devoted to Dr. Clark and his work. The authors
boast of him and his achievement, but, living yet in the dim light of
his day, they were evidently unable to perceive fully the grandeur of
the moral movement which he had inaugurated. Hence, their works are
taken up mainly with discussions of the Maine liquor law, which then
agitated much of the country. Armstrong's and Hay's books have become
very rare, but copies of both may be found in the New York State library.

Among every people, in every age, intemperance has been recognized as
an evil, and from ancient times a variety of means have been adopted to
prevent or diminish its desolating influences. Royal decrees have gone
forth commanding the rooting up of vineyards, and parliaments have
legislated against it. The code of Draco even went so far as to visit
the penalty of death upon the drunkard. The milder methods of moral
suasion have, since the earliest recorded days, been with loving
constancy declaimed in the ears of the people, but so imperative is the
demand for strong drink that the cup continues in spite of all
hindrances to hold dominion over multitudes of men.

But beyond all other peoples of the world in love of intoxicating
beverages stand the Teutonic races, among whom it is said distilled
liquors were first substituted for fermented drinks. The classic pages
of Tacitus tell us of the unbridled license which the northern tribes
of Europe gave to their appetites and of the scenes of drunken riot
which characterized their social events. The chase, the battle and the
feast were their delights, and when done with life, their ambition was
to reside in the immortal hall of Valhalla. There, each day having
fought before the palace, and with every trace of their wounds duly
obliterated, they hoped to sit down daily to regale themselves with mead
and meat. The convivial propensities of the Teuton have been inherited
by the Anglo-Saxon race, and it cannot be denied that the English
speaking people are among the heaviest drinking populations of the
earth. Yet, the Germanic family of nations has done more for the
advancement of civilization than perhaps any other race in history. It
has emancipated and exalted woman, and hallowed the home, and fostered
patriotism and religion. It has produced the greatest scholars, the most
brilliant scientists and the profoundest philosophers. But among nations
as among individuals, it is against the intellectually highly organized
that the genius of alcohol particularly directs its malevolent arts.

The latter half of the 18th century saw England almost overwhelmed with
drunkenness and its associated vices. In a sermon entitled, "On
Dissipation," by John Wesley, published in 1788, he opens his discourse
with this statement:

 "Almost in every part of our nation, more especially in the large and
 populous towns, we hear a general complaint among sensible persons of
 the still increasing dissipation. It is observed to diffuse itself more
 and more in the court, the city and the country."

During the close of the same period this country was given over body and
soul to the alluring power of inebriation. Intemperance was the rule
rather than the exception, as it has become in our day. Occasions of
birth, marriage and death were alike considered appropriate to the free
indulgence in liquor, and all classes participated in the drinking, even
clergymen joining in the convivialities with little or no forfeiture of
dignity.

Social distempers, like those of the body, are accompanied by the agency
of restoration. The sick man, debilitated and suffering from the
violence of his symptoms, seeks his bed and calls his physician, thus
placing himself in the most favorable attitude for recovery. Were it not
for the realization of his distress, he might, in default of rest and
medicine, hurry himself into the grave. So, within some of the more
morally sensitive souls of the country, commenced to be experienced an
unhappy sense of our degradation and depth of misery. Cries of warning
and expostulation began to be heard in the land. One of these rose
higher than the others, even echoing down through the years to our own
time. It was that of Dr. Benjamin Rush, of Philadelphia. Standing in
relation to Dr. Clark as of a voice crying in the wilderness, his work
in the field of temperance merits more than a casual remark. It consists
of but a small, thirty-two page pamphlet, but condensed in its limited
proportions is a world of moral dynamite.

It bears the title: "An Inquiry Into the Effects of Ardent Spirits Upon
the Human Body and Mind, With an Account of the Means of Preventing and
of the Remedies for Curing Them," and was published in 1785. So great
had been the salutary influence of this little treatise, that the
centennial anniversary of its issue was duly celebrated at Philadelphia.
It is not a profound essay; indeed, the wayfaring man, though a fool,
may easily grasp its lucid ideas. Neither is it calculated to be very
offensive to any class of readers, for it takes issue only with
distilled liquors, recommending fermented beverages as substitutes.
Moreover, the confirmed toper can read the pamphlet, not only without
umbrage, but with interest; for there is an intensity, a directness of
statement in its style which hold the reader, even to this day, with
the simple art of its literary merit. Besides, there appears running
through its pages a quaint humor, which no doubt had much to do with
gaining its popularity throughout the length and breadth of the land.



[Illustration: From Your Father, B. J. Clark.]



A unique and ingenious feature of the essay is the author's "Moral and
Physical Thermometer," which forms its frontispiece. On the ascending
scale, "Strong Beer" is placed in the lowest and "Water" at the highest
degree, with remarks indicating improving mental and physical conditions
in the rising course. On the descending scale, "Punch" occupies the
highest while "Rum day and night" is found at the lowest place,
accompanied between points by a fearfully intensifying array of vices,
diseases and penalties.

In this connection might be quoted the author's interpretation of a
familiar myth:

 "The fable of Prometheus, on whose liver a vulture was said to prey
 constantly, as a punishment for his stealing fire from heaven, was
 intended to illustrate the painful effects of ardent spirits upon that
 organ of the body."

Here is a curious anticipation of the modern gold cure, as it took form
in the fertile intellect of Dr. Rush:

 "The association of the idea of ardent spirits, with a painful or
 disagreeable impression upon some part of the body, has sometimes cured
 the love of strong drink. . . . This appeal to that operation of the
 human mind, which obliges it to associate ideas, accidentally or
 otherwise combined, for the cure of vice, is very ancient. It was
 resorted to by Moses when he compelled the Children of Israel to drink
 the solution of the golden calf (which they had idolized) in water.
 This solution if made, as it most probably was, by means of what is
 called hepar sulphuris, was extremely bitter, and nauseous, and could
 never be recollected afterwards, without bringing into equal
 detestation, the sin which subjected them to the necessity of drinking
 it."

In this pamphlet was sounded the first effective call for a combined
movement against the evil of intemperance--a trumpet call which
reverberated in the soul of Dr. Clark until, nobly responding, he stood
forth alone before the world, having inscribed upon his banner the word,
Organization. For Dr. Rush had said:

 "Let good men of every class unite and besiege the general and state
 governments, with petitions to limit the number of taverns, to impose
 heavy duties upon ardent spirits, to inflict a mark of disgrace, or a
 temporary abridgment of some civil right upon every man convicted of
 drunkenness. . . . To aid the operation of these laws, would it not be
 extremely useful for the rulers of the different denominations of
 Christian churches to unite and render the sale and consumption of
 ardent spirits a subject of ecclesiastical jurisdiction?"

Such are a few of the characteristic portions of Dr. Rush's famous
essay, a work which revived, not only the moral sense of this country,
but also of England, where it was republished in the following year. But
the giant of intemperance exhibited no signs of weakness, though he had
been undoubtedly pierced in a vital part. The weapon of Dr. Rush had
been slim, but keen--a highly tempered rapier, more effective than in
after years was the broad sword of Lyman Beecher's "Sermons on
Temperance." With an amiable exterior, the skillful reforming fencer had
managed to keep his antagonist off his guard while he transfixed and
permanently crippled him. But another mode of attack was necessary in
order to bring him under control. To indulge yet further in figurative
speech: Dr. Rush had manufactured the ammunition but who was to fire
the gun?

It is always a pleasure to visit the homes of eminent persons who long
since have died. To look upon the scenes that they once beheld; to walk
in the paths that they once trod, is like coming into familiar
intercourse with the intimate friend of the honored dead, and we go
from the places hallowed by such associations with a sense of having
gained almost a personal acquaintance with the great who there have had
a habitation. The native town of Dr. Billy James Clark was beautiful
old Northampton, in Massachusetts. Primitively Nonotuck of the Indians,
it was venerable even on his birthday, January 4, 1778, and then, as
now, it was foremost in culture and intelligence. Here, Jonathan Edwards
had lived and labored, leaving upon the town an ineradicable impress of
his saintly character and heavenly doctrines. Here, David Brainerd the
zealous missionary to the Indians, broken in health, had died under the
roof of Edwards, who had extended to him the loving hand of hospitality.
It was eminently fitting that a life destined to exercise so profoundly
beneficial an influence in promoting the higher estate of the race
should have its beginning in a town so distinguished for its
enlightenment and piety.

Ithamar Clark, when his little son Billy was about six years old, left
Northampton and took up his residence in Williamstown, Massachusetts,
where also was the home of Mrs. Clark's father. For a period of four
years the boy attended the school which afterwards developed into
Williams College, at the end of which time the family changed its home
to Pownal, Vermont. Of the details of the domestic life of the Clarks,
we have no record. Nothing is known of the wife of Ithamar Clark, except
that her maiden name was Sarah Simonds, and that she was a daughter of
Benjamin Simonds, who had been a colonel in the Continental army,
serving in the campaign against Burgoyne. It is probable that the moral
and religious leanings of Dr. Clark were inherited from or instilled by
his mother. His father seems not to have been much interested in the
ideas that his son did so much to advance. Previous to his settling at
Pownal, he had followed agriculture and shoe-making, but now, in the
capacity of tavern-keeper, he began selling liquor.

In Dr. Holden's article it is stated that the tavern was located upon a
farm that Mr. Clark had purchased, one and a half miles from Pownal on
the Bennington road.

Young Billy Clark, standing behind his father's bar and dealing out
intoxicating drinks, was in a position to observe thoroughly the
pernicious effects of dallying with alcohol. His daily occupation was
an open book, as thrilling as lurid chapters of fiction, and the letters
of it remained upon his soul in characters of unquenchable fire. Abraham
Lincoln, when a young man, having gone down the Mississippi as a
flat-boatman, visited the slave market of New Orleans. He was deeply
affected by the harrowing scenes he there beheld, and he registered a
vow that should ever the opportunity present itself, he would strike
with all his power the institution that encouraged such iniquities. Thus
was planted the germ that budded, blossomed and bore fruit in the
Proclamation of Emancipation. No doubt it was the memory of his father's
bar-room, with the evils radiating from it, that urged forward Dr. Clark
to the culmination of his great destiny.

Some writers give the name of Dr. Clark as William J. or W. J. Clark,
but he himself signed it, B. J. Clark, while the best authorities refer
to him as Dr. Billy J. Clark. It is probable that Dr. Clark, becoming
widely known by the more familiar title, found it convenient to
substitute the same for William.

When about fifteen years of age, his father having died, young Clark
returned to Northampton to attend school there for a term of one year.
This experience was probably of great benefit to the youth, not only in
improving his education, but by introducing him to one of the most
refined and intelligent communities in New England. The inspiration of
the life of Edwards was dominant in the society of the old town, and his
books were still treasured and read. It is interesting to reflect that
the living spirit of the great divine may have been a quickening
influence in the heart of this thoughtful youth; that the story of the
heroic life of Brainerd may have appealed to his religious and
enterprising nature; that the memory of one or both of these devoted men
may have contributed to the molding of his mind into the worthy fashion
in which it subsequently displayed itself to the world. Be this as it
may, not long after his return to the farm, he abandoned the bar and
began the study of medicine under Dr. Caleb Gibbs, of Pownal. Still
making his home at the farm, he pursued his studies for the space of two
years, remunerating his preceptor by assuming the care of his horses.
We find him at the end of that period, in 1797, entering as a student
the office of Dr. Lemuel Wicker, of Easton, Washington County, N. Y.,
with whom he remained until March 21, 1799, when he began the practice
of medicine in the town of Moreau. He opened his office not far from
what afterwards became known as Clark's Corners. This historic
neighborhood is situated about three miles in a westerly direction from
Fort Edward, and five miles south of Glens Falls. Here, having married
Joanna Payn, of Fort Miller, and purchased a farm, he made his permanent
residence. The rise of Dr. Clark had been phenomenal; from a bartender
to the dignity of a profession, and all in the space of four or five
years! Dr. Clark was but twenty-one when he came to Moreau. Having
previously satisfied the preliminary requirements, he was advanced to
the full privileges of a physician in a license granted by the judge of
the court of common pleas for Washington County, in the month of June
following his settlement in Saratoga County.

From his home in Moreau, Dr. Clark for thirty-four years went up and
down the long stretches of his rides, ministering faithfully to the
sick. The region was in a primitive condition, with poor roads, and was
but thinly inhabited. Exhausting to body and mind, as must necessarily
have been his labors, he yet had a disposition to employ himself in the
sphere of agriculture and to inform himself upon the political issues
of the day. In 1820 he represented his county as Member of Assembly.
Through his daily visits to the sick, Dr. Clark was afforded exceptional
advantages for observing and studying the effects upon the people of the
prevailing intemperance, which had taken a particularly strong grasp
upon the population among which he had come to dwell.

Armstrong seems to attribute the heavy drinking in Moreau to the leading
industry, stating that "all the towns and counties in the vicinity of
the ever-rolling Hudson were teeming with lumber."

Whatever may have been the predisposing cause of the general and
excessive use of intoxicants in England, it is not difficult to point
out the conditions which contributed to the growth of the same practice
in this country. The lives of the people were laborious, monotonous, and
unmitigated by those social relaxations which in modern times so greatly
lighten the burdens and alleviate the sorrows of life. Books and
periodicals were not plentiful, and the character of the prevailing
literature was not such as to invite the attention of the average
reader. Transportation being by horsepower along the country roads,
public houses, each with its bar, were encountered at every turn, while
the little stores to be found at the cross-roads, also dispensed liquor
to all comers. Add to this the fact that the materials from which
intoxicating beverages are manufactured were abundantly grown within our
borders, and near to our shores, and it will be appreciated how
naturally the people fell into intemperate habits.

For a period of nine years, while Dr. Clark, in all extremities of
weather, rode on horseback to the bedsides of his widely separated
patients, the burden of the drink-evil weighed heavily upon his mind.
He was a man of energy; one who was not easily thwarted in the carrying
out of his plans. But here was a task that seemed too hard for him. What
could one man accomplish in the presence of such indifference and
overwhelming opposition?

The mode of action that Dr. Clark finally adopted was that of
organization--a working together of the friends of temperance for a
common purpose. This now seems like a very natural solution of the
problem of finding his best means of procedure; but Dr. Clark was the
first man to announce and to give the idea practical demonstration,
though it is not probable that he possessed any clearly defined
conception of the lines along which it was to operate, nor of the vast
proportions which the movement was destined to attain. Like a prophet
under the guiding influence of inspiration, scarcely knowing what he
did, he was yet availing himself of a fundamental principle of all
nature. For, investigate wherever one may, from the vilest atom of earth
to the court of high heaven, organization is the law of every upward
step. The ancients, dimly apprehending this sublime truth, conceived of
the universe as a gigantic animal, a cosmic leviathan, whole, complete
and harmonious in all its parts, while philosophy has ever striven,
though in vain, to demonstrate by processes of reason what the higher
authority of intuition has proclaimed in all generations.

Dr. Rush, by reason of a liberal education, supplemented by medical
study in the capitals of Europe, and on account of his high social,
professional and literary standing, greatly outshone his coworker, the
struggling country doctor on the frontier of Northern New York. But
these two greatest factors in the advent of the temperance reformation,
and who, it should be said, were acquaintances through the medium of
correspondence, each performed his peculiar part, and who can determine
which is entitled to the greater honor. Dr. Rush manufactured the
ammunition, but Dr. Clark fired the gun, his match being organization.

The idea of forming a temperance society had perhaps been suggested to
Dr. Clark by his connection with the Saratoga County Medical Society,
the first institution of its kind in this state, and of which he was the
founder. He had attempted early in April, 1808, to interest prominent
men, whom he had met at Ballston Springs at a session of court, in his
projected temperance enterprise. His plan may have been to establish a
central society at the county seat and to encourage the organization of
branches in the surrounding towns; but, to use Dr. Clark's own words,
"they with one accord began to make excuses and brand our scheme as
Utopian and visionary." Previous to this, however, he had taken the
initiative in the work among his neighbors, for he says: "I returned to
Moreau like a bow well bent that had not lost its elasticity, and
resumed the labor there." The determination he exhibited was remarkable,
and one cannot dwell upon the difficulties with which he contended and
meditate upon the unselfish, devoted and humanitarian spirit by which he
was actuated without expressing admiration.

The first successful step in the sublime drama of the temperance
reformation took place in the same month of April, referred to a moment
ago, when Dr. Clark made his memorable visit to his minister. I quote
from Armstrong:

 "After having projected a plan of a temperance organization, the doctor
 determined on a visit to his minister, the author of these memoirs, who
 was then the pastor of the flourishing Congregational church in the
 town of Moreau. The visit was made on a dark evening, no moon and
 cloudy. After riding on horseback about three miles, through deep mud
 of clay road, in the breaking-up of winter, the doctor knocked at his
 minister's door, and on entrance, before taking seat in the house, he
 earnestly uttered the following words: 'Mr. Armstrong, I have come to
 see you on important business.' Then, lifting up both hands, he
 continued: 'We shall all become a community of drunkards in this town
 unless something is done to arrest the progress of intemperance.'"

The poet has sung in soul-stirring numbers of the midnight ride of Paul
Revere. There are, indeed, certain resemblances between it and Dr.
Clark's historic adventure. It was night; there was national peril;
heroes were in the saddle, and the voices of their fervent appeals were
destined to reverberate down the aisles of time--"words that shall echo
forevermore."

Due notice having been given to the people of the towns of Moreau and
Northumberland, a meeting for the purpose of forming a temperance
society was held at the public house of Captain Peter L. Mawney, at
Clark's Corners, on April 13, 1808. Resolutions were adopted, the chief
of which was that "in the opinion of this meeting it is proper,
practicable and necessary to form a temperance society in this place;
and that the great and leading object of this society is wholly to
abstain from ardent spirits." A committee, of which Dr. Clark was
chairman, was appointed to prepare the Bylaws for the organization, and
twenty-three persons enrolled themselves as members.

The following is the list of the signers: Isaac B. Payn, Ichabod Hawley,
David Parsons, James Mott, Alvaro Hawley, Thomas Cotton, David
Tillotson, Billy J. Clark, Charles Kellogg, Jr., Elnathan Spencer,
Asaph Putnam, Hawley St. John, Nicholas W. Angle, Dan Kellogg, Ephraim
Ross, John M. Berry, John T. Sealy, Cyrus Wood, James Rogers, Henry
Martin, Sidney Berry, Joseph Sill, Solomon St. John.

The meeting having adjourned one week, to April 20, at the Mawney house,
a long and comprehensive system of By-laws was then adopted. Article I
stated that "This society shall be known by the appellation of Union
Temperance Society of Moreau and Northumberland." Like Dr. Rush's essay,
the Constitution of the society took grounds only against spirituous
liquors, making exceptions regarding the use of them in circumstances
of religious ordinances, sickness and public dinners.

It was not until 1843 that the society "after a long season of
declension," on a motion put by Dr. Clark, adopted a resolution of total
abstinence.

Col. Sidney Berry, ex-judge of Saratoga county, was chosen president and
Dr. Clark secretary of the new society. As there exists an apparent
contradiction as to the particular roof under which this historic
meeting was held, one account stating that it occurred at the Mawney
house and another at the neighboring school house, it is proper to say
here that this discrepancy is removed by the statement made in Judge
Hay's book, page 22, that the session opened in the Mawney house, but
that "the society completed its organization" in the school house. In
the association, as a coherent institution, coming into existence within
the walls of such a building, may be found a prophecy of what the
temperance movement in the future was to lay particular stress upon--that
is, upon temperance teaching in the public schools. Indeed, it should be
said that the Moreau society itself was an educative organization as
well as a moral one, having a circulating library and maintaining a
lyceum.

But, although it had at its head intelligent, high-minded and
enterprising men, its career was hard and discouraging to its members.
"That little, feeble band of temperance brethren," says Armstrong,
"holding their quarterly and annual meetings in a country district
school house from April, 1808, onward for several years, without the
presence of a single female at their temperance meetings; who were made
the song of the drunkard; who were ridiculed by the scoffs of the
intemperate world; undisciplined in arms of even moral suasive tactics
for warfare, and unable of themselves to encounter the Prince of Hell,
with his legions of instrumentalities . . . were, nevertheless, the seed
of the great temperance reformation."

That Armstrong deplored the narrow ideas which prevailed to the
discouraging of women from fraternizing with the society, is more
explicitly shown in the words which express his gratification in the
great numbers of women who, by their presence and cooperation,
subsequently aided so much in the promotion of the work. Dr. Clark also
protested against the exclusion of women from membership in the
temperance societies. These statements are introduced that it may be
known that the two leading men in the Moreau society would have hailed
with delight the advent of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. That
great institution, not reckoning many others devoted to the same cause,
is of itself alone a glorious monument to the pioneers of Moreau who,
in a tempest of scorn and ridicule, laid its foundations. Wisely the
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, as the name implies, built up its
sublime edifice of the same material--the granite of organization. From
towns, through counties, states, nations and the civilized world, it
carries on systematically its vast and beneficent enterprises. Words
cannot express, nor the mind conceive, the power of the prodigious
engine which, distributed in a diversity of directions, is being exerted
daily, hourly and momentarily by this great association of consecrated
women. And here let me say that not only did the temperance reformation
come into existence within the borders of our commonwealth, but that the
late Frances Elizabeth Willard, the great light in the organization of
which I have been speaking, was a daughter of the state of New York.

Dr. Clark continued in the practice of medicine for a quarter of a
century after the formation of the Moreau temperance society, making his
residence on the farm of his original purchase. Of this long period of
professional labor there remains no memorial, though in common with the
routine duties of medical men, it undoubtedly abounded in elements
which, interesting of themselves, would be all the more so as belonging
to the life of one so distinguished in the annals of reform. Beginning
to experience the physical effects of his protracted devotion to his
profession, and having accumulated considerable property, Dr. Clark in
1833 purchased real estate in Glens Falls and embarked there in the
retail drug business. This successful enterprise engaged his attention
until 1849, when he retired from trade. Two years later, longing for the
quiet life on the farm, he returned to reside at the old home at Clark's
Corners. He was now at the age of seventy-three, but enjoyed, with the
exception of a gradual failing of the sense of sight, an almost
unimpaired mental and physical vitality. But the gloom before his eyes
grew remorselessly thicker and thicker until every familiar scene and
the faces of family and friends faded from his view. In the custody of
this great affliction, the spirit of Dr. dark was not crushed, but
rather purified and exalted, so that he who in earlier years had been
conspicuous as the heroic leader, was now none the less remarkable for
his Christian humility, hope and love. A few years longer he tarried
upon the earth, in order that there might be registered upon the hearts
of men the beauty and nobility of the character that was his. And then,
at Glens Falls, in the home of his son, James C. Clark, the spirit of
the great reformer went to its long home. His death occurred on
Wednesday morning, September 20, 1866. Dr. Holden says: "The
intelligence of his departure was swiftly borne through the place; his
name was on every lip as all, with hushed reverence, bore testimony to
his virtues, and to the usefulness of a life luminous with the light of
a Christ-born principle."

Notwithstanding his portrait, in its severe lines, gives evidence of his
decisive mind and undeviating purpose, he yet possessed elements of
character that endeared him to all. While in terms of affectionate
banter, alluding to his spirit of determination and his practice of
proposing to formulate the mind of public meetings in resolutions, he
was sometimes spoken of as "Resolution Billy," the people knew that
beneath the crust of self-reliant earnestness dwelt the loving
humanitarian and the undying fires of a moral volcano.

Unlike the experience of the most of those who entertain pronounced
ideas and proclaim them in the face of established custom. Dr. Clark
seems to have retained his popularity. Evidently he was a very tactful
man. In 1809, the year following the formation of the temperance
society, he was made supervisor of the town of Moreau, and although his
activity, constant, wide and diversified, was being powerfully directed
against the intemperate habits of the people, he seems to have
maintained their confidence and friendship. He was again chosen
supervisor in 1821. We may derive a hint of his high standing in the
public estimation from the fact that he was chosen in 1848 for the New
York Electoral college, whose choice was Taylor and Filmore.

The funeral address of Rev. A. J. Fennel, of the Glens Falls
Presbyterian Church, has been preserved and appears as a supplement to
Dr. Holden's obituary article. Rev. Mr. Fennel having been Dr. Clark's
pastor, his discourse is of great biographical value. His opening
remarks were particularly well chosen and impressive. He said:

 "I feel, my friends, that Providence calls us to perform no mean office
 to-day. We are to convey to their final resting place the mortal
 remains of one who has been a power in the world for great good to the
 children of men--whose name will enter into history as that of a
 benefactor of the community; and whose influence, as an element in the
 temperance reformation, will run on into future generations. It cannot
 do us any hurt, it ought to do us good, to pause a few moments in this
 habitation now made sacred as the spot whence the earnest spirit of so
 devoted and useful a man took its departure to the heavenly rest, and
 reflect on his life of activity and toil, and observe how Providence
 used him for our good and the good of our children."

With appropriate public demonstrations, the remains of Dr. Clark were
borne to the burying ground of the Union Meeting House, in Moreau, and
placed to rest beside the grave of his wife. There, two miles from the
historic spot where he unfurled the banner of a world-wide moral
movement, his ashes mingled with the soil that his devotion has made of
honorable distinction.

Thus, have I attempted to disentangle, gather up and lead in continuous
discourse the scattered threads which I have found in my study of this
neglected subject. If I have rendered more coherent and tangible the
life and achievement of a universally influential philanthropist, I
shall be pleased; but I hope, besides that good result, the
consideration of the memoirs of a man who had a great mission in the
world and who ably and conscientiously discharged it, will serve to
impress upon us a sense of the power of elevated ideas when duly
championed by even one consecrated soul.

_Acknowledgement._

In expressing my appreciation of the assistance which has been rendered
me in the collection of materials for the preparation of this paper, I
would particularly mention Mr. James A. Holden, of Glens Falls, who has
furnished me, from the library of his father, the late Dr. A. W. Holden,
with most valuable matter, some of which could have been obtained from
no other source. I also duly acknowledge my indebtedness to Hon.
Grenville M. Ingalsbe, of Sandy Hill, who interested himself in my
search for data, and feel myself under obligations to the _Schuylerville
Standard_ and to the _Glen Falls Times_ for gratuitously publishing my
request for information.

_Communications._

From the letters relating to the subject in hand which I have received,
I glean the following. I might say that the discrepancy which appears
in the descriptions of Dr. Clark's person may be accounted for by the
different ages and conditions of health in which he is best remembered
by the several Observers:

From Dr. Albert Mott, Cohoes: "The location of the Union Meeting House
was at Reynold's Corners, about four or five hundred feet from the
corner, directly east. The burying ground was north and across the road
from the meeting house."

From Rev. Dr. Jos. E. King, Fort Edward: "In 1858 the old church (Union
Meeting House) was filled, to enjoy the commemorative exercises of the
50th year since the origin of the temperance cause, and I heard Hon.
Judge McKean, of Saratoga, address the congregation. There was singing,
prayer, a poem by Lura Boies, &c."

Statement of Judge Lyman H. Northrup, of Sandy Hill, w