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Title: The History of the Prince of Wales' Civil Service Rifles
Author: Anonymous
Language: English
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THE HISTORY OF THE PRINCE OF WALES’ OWN
CIVIL SERVICE RIFLES
[Illustration: _TO WILLIAM MANNING ESQ^R. M.P. LIEUTENANT COLONEL
COMMANDANT_,
_The Officers and Privates of the Bank of England Volunteer Regiment_.
_This Print is by permission most respectfully dedicated by their
obedient servant_,
_John Wallis Junior_]
By the courtesy of the Governor and Company of the Bank of England, the
possessors of the original print.
* * * * *
The uniform is similar to that worn by the Somerset House Volunteers of
the period.
_London: Published, August 30th, 1804, by
John Wallis, Jun., 16, Ludgate Street._
_Frontispiece._
THE HISTORY OF THE
PRINCE OF WALES’ OWN
CIVIL SERVICE RIFLES
PRINTED BY WYMAN & SONS LTD., FETTER LANE, E.C.,
FOR P.W.O. CIVIL SERVICE RIFLES,
SOMERSET HOUSE, STRAND
1921
TO THOSE
CIVIL SERVICE RIFLEMEN
WHO LAID DOWN THEIR LIVES
IN THE GREAT WAR
NOTE BY THE EDITOR
These pages have been put together under pressure of the desirability
of placing their contents without further delay in the hands of a
public virtually limited to Regimental members past and present, their
relatives and friends. They do not aim higher than setting on record
the unvarnished chronicles of several generations of volunteers who
have never yielded place to any in their pride and love of regiment.
Before the close of the last century the story of the Regiment’s thirty
years’ existence had been written by the officer who to-day has been
the right hand of the Editor in the task of bringing the record down to
the year of the War. The latter has to thank Colonel Merrick for giving
up much of his time to this object, and for allowing a reprint of the
earlier portion.
Captain Bell was good enough to make himself responsible for the
tale from the year 1909 to 1914. Major Kirkby has kindly given his
supervision in preparing certain tabular statements which are found
as appendices. Yet this book would never have reached the printers’
hands but for the initiative shown by Captain Davenport as regards the
narrative of the first Battalion in War. His achievement prompted the
search for an author who could and would do the same for the widely
ranging story of the movements of the second Battalion. Into this
gap stepped Major Benké who, in a short space of time delivered the
completed task. It will be agreed that both these officers, aided in
some parts by collaborators, have produced a readable and human account
of those events of which they can speak at first hand, made clearer by
the excellent sketch maps which accompany the narratives of operations.
To Major Duncan Lewis, the writer of those pages in which the
necessarily uneventful story of the third Battalion is found, we
express our indebtedness. Captain Doubleday is best fitted to tell
of the beneficent work of the Regimental Aid Fund, and thanks may be
expressed here on behalf of all those who benefited by the activities
of himself and his fellow-helpers. In the very difficult task of
compiling the lists of all ranks who served in the Regiment during war
time, we have to thank Major Ramsbotham--the Adjutant--for his energy
in this and, indeed, in all matters connected with the needs of the
Regiment.
Attention is directed to the statistics relating to the numbers who
served in the Regiment, and who were transfers, which will be found at
the end of Appendix VI.
Nine hundred and sixty-seven commissions were granted from the ranks.
The Dead number 1,227.
CONTENTS
PAGE
NOTE BY THE EDITOR ix
PART ONE
HISTORY OF THE CIVIL SERVICE RIFLE VOLUNTEERS 1
PART TWO
STORY OF THE 1ST BATTALION
INTRODUCTION 53
CHAPTER I. “17th of March Men” 55
CHAPTER II. Givenchy and Festubert 59
CHAPTER III. A “Bon War” 68
CHAPTER IV. Loos and the Spinney 75
CHAPTER V. Winter in the Loos Salient 81
CHAPTER VI. Notre Dame de Lorette 90
CHAPTER VII. Vimy Ridge, 1916 93
CHAPTER VIII. Calonne Ricouart and Souchez 100
CHAPTER IX. The Trek 104
CHAPTER X. High Wood 111
CHAPTER XI. Eaucourt L’Abbé and the Butte de
Warlencourt 118
CHAPTER XII. A Rest Cure in the Ypres Salient 123
CHAPTER XIII. The Salient in Winter 129
CHAPTER XIV. The Moringhem Trek 135
CHAPTER XV. Messines, 7th June, 1917 140
CHAPTER XVI. The Renaissance 147
CHAPTER XVII. Last Days in the Ypres Salient 151
CHAPTER XVIII. Another Rest Cure--Gavrelle and Oppy 158
CHAPTER XIX. Bourlon Wood and the Hindenburg Line 162
CHAPTER XX. The Retreat 177
CHAPTER XXI. Months of “Wind-up” 191
CHAPTER XXII. Intensive Training 197
CHAPTER XXIII. The Great Advance 202
CHAPTER XXIV. Back to the Coalfields 215
CHAPTER XXV. The Armistice 218
CHAPTER XXVI. Home 223
STORY OF THE 2ND BATTALION
PREFACE 227
CHAPTER XXVII. Formation--Training--Irish Rebellion,
1916--Departure for France, June,
1916 228
CHAPTER XXVIII. France, 22nd June, 1916, to 19th
November, 1916--In the Trenches
at Neuville St. Vaast--Battalion
Raid--Journey to Marseilles 237
CHAPTER XXIX. The Voyage to Salonica--Malta--Salonica,
30th November, 1916--Journey
to Katerina--Outpost at
Stipi 248
CHAPTER XXX. Leaving Katerina--Trek to the Doiran
Front--Karasuli Night 259
CHAPTER XXXI. On the Doiran-Vardar Front--The
Advance 267
CHAPTER XXXII. Alexandria, 23rd June, 1917--Ismailia--Belah--
Desert Training--Gambli and Tel el Fara--El
Shaulth--Preparations for the Palestine
Offensive 279
CHAPTER XXXIII. Beersheba, 1917, October 21st to
November 4th--Wadi Welfare 289
CHAPTER XXXIV. Kauwakah and Rushdi Systems--Attack--Sheria--
Muntaret--Huj--Nejileh--and to Gaza via
Sheria 300
CHAPTER XXXV. The March from Gaza Up Country--Enab--The
Capture of Jerusalem--Tel el Ful--Bireh 311
CHAPTER XXXVI. Ibn Obeid--Bethany--Jebel Ektief--Jerusalem--
Mukmas 323
CHAPTER XXXVII. Jerusalem--Mukmas--Jericho--Es Salt--Wadi
el Jib 331
CHAPTER XXXVIII. El Haud--Ain Arik--Surafend--Kantara--
Alexandria--Journey to Italy 339
CHAPTER XXXIX. Journey through Italy and France--Reconstruction--
Moulle--St. Sylvester Cappel--Mont Rouge--Locre--
Dranoutre--Mont Vidagne 348
CHAPTER XL. Neuve Eglise--Messines--Houthem--Wytschaete 357
CHAPTER XLI. America Corner--The Attack--Crossing
the Lys--Bousbecque--Roncq--The
Pursuit to the
Scheldt--Petit Tourcoing--Avelghem--The
Armistice--Courtrai--March
over Devastated
Area--Boesinghem--Base
Duties--The End 363
STORY OF THE 3RD BATTALION
CHAPTER XLII. 373
CHAPTER XLIII. THE RECONSTITUTED BATTALION 379
APPENDICES PAGE
I. Regimental Plate 383
II. Staff 386
III. Members who served in South African War 390
IV. School of Arms 392
V. Annual Strength States 396
VI. Casualty List 394
VII. Decorations and Awards (Officers) 397
“ “ “ (Other Ranks) 401
VIII. Officers who served, 1914-1919 407
IX. Other Ranks who served, 1914-1919 415
PLATES[1]
[1] It might be explained that the photographs here reproduced were
not selective but rather those which were at hand available for
publication. A larger collection of portraits might have been secured
had there been more time.
1804. Volunteer (colour) _Frontispiece_
1871. Wimbledon _Facing p._ 36
1899. Old Deer Park, Richmond “ 36
W. H. Brantom, D.C.M. “ 66
Captain Allen Edward Trembath, D.C.M. “ 66
Lieutenant Robert Chalmers “ 66
Brevet-Colonel A. M. Renny, Ret. Ind. Army “ 72
Bethune Square “ 82
Double Crassier, Loos, 1915 “ 82
Festubert Church, May, 1915 “ 88
Machine-gun Position, Givenchy “ 88
Lewis Gunners of Civil Service Rifles “ 88
Front Trench, opposite Hulluch “ 88
Gare Alley, Loos “ 88
“The Tower Bridge,” Loos “ 88
Captain Leslie Davies “ 112
Captain A. Roberts “ 112
Captain Geoffrey A. Gaze “ 112
Captain W. E. Ind, M.C “ 142
Captain Francis Woodbine Parish, 1915 “ 147
Bourlon Wood from south-west corner, 1917 “ 164
Lieutenant-Colonel W. H. E. Segrave, D.S.O.
(H.L.I.) “ 166
Road to Jerusalem near Bab-el-Wad “ 314
Jebel Kuruntul and Jericho “ 314
Second Lieutenant R. H. Harris, M.C. “ 320
Lieutenant-Colonel T. E. Bisdee, D.S.O., M.C.
(D.C.L.I.) “ 338
Regimental Plate “ 383
SKETCH MAPS
(1ST BATTALION)
PAGE
No. 1. The Ypres Salient, October, 1916 to September,
1917 127
No. 2. France. Cassel--Messines--Houthem, 1918 155
No. 3. 28th November, 1917 to 6th December, 1917 163
No. 4. The first day of The Retreat, 23rd March, 1918 179
No. 5. The second day of The Retreat, 24th March, 1918,
and also the fighting at High Wood, September
and October, 1916 181
No. 6. Last days of The Retreat (March, 1918) and the
battle of Aveluy Wood 187
No. 7. The Civil Service Rifles in the 47th Division
Attack, 22-25th August, 1918 203
No. 8. The movements of the Civil Service Rifles from
1st September to 6th September, 1918 211
(2ND BATTALION)
No. 1. France. Neuville St. Vaast Trench System, 1916 241
No. 2. Salonica. Doiran Front, 1917 268
No. 3. Salonica. Advance on the Doiran Front, 1917 275
No. 4. Palestine. Beersheba to Huj, 1917 293
No. 5. Palestine. Jerusalem and Jericho, 1917-18 335
No. 6. Belgium. America Corner--Wervicq--River
Scheldt, 1918 369
HISTORY OF THE CIVIL SERVICE RIFLE VOLUNTEERS
CHAPTER I
1859-1909[2]
[2] This history, up to the year 1891, was written and published in
that year by Lieut. (now Lt.-Col.) Edward Merrick, C.S.R.V. He has
brought his narrative down to 1909 for the purpose of this volume.
For the purpose of tracing the first authentic record of Volunteers
connected with the Civil Service, it is necessary to call attention to
the raising of the Loyal Volunteers of London in 1798. About that year,
when we were at war with France and Spain, were fighting in India,
and almost all over the world, and the country was denuded of troops,
the rich citizens of London began to get alarmed at their unprotected
state, in the event of rebellion or riot at home. They petitioned the
King, and a charter was granted, authorising the formation of armed
associations in London and the environs.
The “Loyal Volunteers of London,” as they were called, were therefore
raised to uphold the cause of the King and of order. Their motto was
“_Pro Rege et Patria_.”
Among the corps thus raised was that of the “Somerset House
Volunteers.” A picture of one of these gentlemen, as copied from a book
by T. Rowlandson, in the British Museum, may now be seen in the Orderly
Room at the Audit Office.
Somerset House Volunteers, 1798.
The Somerset House Volunteer Association consisted only of two
companies of light infantry, under the command of Walter Sterling,
Major Commandant. The Captains were J. Stewart and W. Harrison. The
corps was not to go out of the district of Somerset House and St.
Mary-le-Strand, but with its own consent.
Bank of England Volunteers, 1798.
Among those who would have cause for anxiety at such a period would
naturally be the Governor and Directors of the Bank of England, and
certainly they showed great public spirit. They headed a voluntary
contribution to the revenue in this year, with a subscription of
£200,000. They also raised from their employés a corps of volunteers,
450 strong, to protect the Bank.
This corps was under the command of Thomas Whitmore, and Rowlandson
tells us that it was presented with colours on 2nd September, 1799, by
the lady of Samuel Thornton, Esq., Governor of the Bank of England, in
Lord’s Ground, Marylebone. A picture of this ceremonial, painted by
Stoddart, is to be seen now in the Bank.
These Loyal Volunteers of London were, however, entirely swamped by the
great volunteer movement, which swept throughout the country in 1802,
caused by the extensive preparations then being made by Bonaparte to
invade England.
Volunteers of 1802.
In this war-scare, which far exceeded in its intensity that of 1859,
420,000 Volunteers were enrolled in a few months--many more, in fact,
than the Government could or ever did arm.
The Civil Service were represented in this body by two corps: the
Excise Corps, which in 1804 was 576 strong, under the command of Lord
George Seymour, and the Customs Corps, about 300 strong.
In the same year (1804), the Bank of England had a corps of 433, under
the command of William Manning, and a supplementary corps of 122, under
the command of Beeston Long.
Some of the records of the last-named corps are still in existence in
the Bank. From them we gather that the parades were usually held at 7
or 8 a.m. The most notable period in their history appears to have been
in 1812, at the time of the assassination of Mr. Percival in the House
of Commons. In the state of public alarm that followed this event, it
was considered necessary that the Bank Volunteers should be under arms
to guard the Bank, night and day.
Disbandment.
At the signing of the general treaty of peace in 1814, the joy of
the country at what it believed to be the conclusion of its long and
exhausting wars, was shown by the haste with which the Volunteers were
at once disbanded.
The Corps of the Civil Service shared with others in votes of thanks
passed to them by both Houses of Parliament, and letters from the
Commander-in-Chief (the Prince Regent) were received, thanking each
corps for its valuable services.
From the records already referred to, we find that a special “march
past” before the Lord Mayor, at the Mansion House, brought the military
duties of the Bank officials of that generation to an end.
We now pass over a space of 45 years, during which the military spirit
of the Service may be said to have lain dormant, until we approach the
event with which the true interest of our story begins, viz., the year
1859, and the birth of the Corps to which we have the honour to belong.
To the Members of the Audit Office (now the Exchequer and Audit
Department), Somerset House, must, without doubt, be assigned the
honour of having founded the Civil Service Volunteer Corps.
General Meeting at Audit Office.
The Volunteer Force of to-day, as everybody knows, sprang into
existence in the year 1859, and was occasioned by the warlike attitude
of the Emperor of the French and the blustering threats of his
generals. The notable circular of the Secretary of State for War to the
Lords Lieutenant, which called the Volunteers into existence, was dated
12th May, 1859, and on the 18th May a meeting, which had been formally
convened “to take into consideration the formation of a Rifle Volunteer
Corps from the Members of the Civil Service,” was held at the Audit
Office. Mr. F. A. Hawker was the prime mover in this proceeding, and he
presided at the meeting.
Now, if everything had proceeded as satisfactorily as the energetic
and spirited action of these early pioneers deserved, the “Civil
Service” would have been one of the first Metropolitan Corps formed,
and its order of precedence would therefore have been far in advance
of what it ultimately became. But, unfortunately, we have here another
example of the old proverb, “the more haste,” &c., for, notwithstanding
the circular of the Secretary of State, the War Office were by no
means ready to respond with any degree of generosity to the crowds of
enthusiastic civilians who at once cried out on all sides to be armed.
The utmost conceded was that Volunteers should be allowed in certain
cases to _purchase_ their own arms and equipment.
First Attempts at Formation.
The desire, however, of the Audit Office Meeting was that special
favour should be shown to Civil Servants, so it was decided to express
the views of the meeting in the following letter, which was despatched,
not to the War Office, but to the Prime Minister himself, Earl Derby:
“Audit Office, 20th May, 1859.
“MY LORD,--I have the honour to transmit to your Lordship
a copy of the Resolutions passed at a meeting of gentlemen
of the Audit Office, held on the 18th instant to take into
consideration the formation of a Volunteer Rifle Corps from the
members of the Civil Service and I beg leave respectfully to
request that your Lordship will be pleased to cause me to be
furnished with replies to the Resolutions in question for the
information of the gentlemen in this office who have signified
their desire to join a Civil Service Rifle Corps.
“The junior members of the Civil Service being generally in
the receipt of small incomes, your Lordship will perceive
that the only difficulty in obtaining volunteers from the
Civil Service is the expense attending their outfit. I would
therefore, venture more particularly to draw your Lordship’s
attention to the 3rd Resolution, in which we request that the
arms and accoutrements only may be supplied to volunteers from
the members of the Civil Service by Her Majesty’s Government;
_and as this is a question which affects nearly the whole body
of the Civil Service, who are anxious to enrol themselves into
a Volunteer Rifle Corps_, I trust that your Lordship will not
think us intrusive in asking you to take these Resolutions into
your favourable consideration.
“We hope your Lordship will pardon us if we have taken any
liberty in bringing this subject under your consideration, but
as Civil Servants of the Crown we are anxious that we should
not be behind others in the present movement in favour of the
formation of Volunteer Rifle Corps.
“I have, &c.,
“F. A. HAWKER.”
The reply to this letter came from the War Office, and affords an
admirable illustration of the amount of official support, which the
Volunteer movement received in its infancy.
“War Office, 31st May, 1859.
“Sir,--I am directed by Secretary Major-General Peel to
acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 20th instant, on
the subject of a Civil Service Volunteer Corps, which has been
forwarded to this office by Lord Derby.
“In reply, I am to inform you that the Government have decided
not to supply arms to Volunteer Corps, either by sale or
otherwise; and that General Peel does not consider the case of
the gentlemen on whose behalf your application has been made to
be one in which he can sanction a departure from the general
rule.
“I am, &c.,
“H. R. DREWRY.”
Thus closed the first act in the attempt to form a Civil Service Rifle
Corps, for this snub appears to have had the effect of quenching the
military ardour of the Auditors to such an extent that several months
elapsed before they recovered from it.
In October, however, roused by events going on around them, they took
heart once more, and returned to the charge. By this time Government
had partially thawed, under the influence of the excitement throughout
the country. Lord Ranelagh’s Committee had sat at the War Office, and
it had been decided to issue arms to Volunteers at the lavish rate of
one rifle to every four men enrolled.
In answer, therefore, to a letter despatched to him by Mr. Hawker, the
Secretary of State for War stated, in a reply dated 7th November, 1859,
that he would be happy to recommend Her Majesty to accept any offer of
the service of a Company or Sub-division of Volunteers, which he might
receive from Mr. Hawker through the Lord-Lieutenant of the County.
Audit Corps Formed.
Forthwith, at a general meeting held in the Audit Office on the 10th
November, it was resolved, “That it was desirable that a Sub-division
of not less than forty effectives be at once formed in the Audit
Office, and that other departments be invited to co-operate by raising
Companies or Sub-divisions with the view of promoting the formation of
a Brigade.”
From this time forward enthusiasm and hard work were the order of the
day. A circular letter to other Government Departments was issued, and
the nucleus of the Corps was at once formed by the immediate election
of forty-six members of the Audit Office.
In a few days the number of effective members enlisted had reached
seventy. Affairs were pushed on with great energy, and on the 25th
November, 1859, at half-past four in the afternoon, the first drill of
the Civil Service Volunteers was held in Westminster Hall--one Sergeant
Chace being the Instructor.
Other Corps Formed.
The Auditors were not to be left long in sole possession of the
military arena of the Civil Service, for Corps were being rapidly
raised in the Post Office, Inland Revenue, Customs, Whitehall, and
Admiralty.
An unsuccessful attempt was made to raise a Corps in the British Museum.
Almost all of these Corps date their origin from the circular issued
from the Audit Office, inviting the co-operation of their department.
So rapidly were they organised, that towards the end of December, 1859,
they appear to have got into fair working order; and in answer to an
invitation from the Audit Office, a Provisional Council, consisting
of two representatives from each Corps, assembled for the purpose of
taking the necessary steps to amalgamate the whole into one Brigade.
First Council Meeting.
This first meeting of the Council was held on the 7th January, 1860.
The following members were present, as the first chosen representatives
of their divisions, and to them may be justly attributed the title of
“The Fathers of the Regiment”:--
Captain F. A. Hawker, Audit Office Corps, in the chair.
Lieutenant Vine, Audit Office Corps.
Captain Harrington, Post Office Corps.
Mr. T. Angell, Post Office Corps.
Mr. W. Willis, Admiralty Corps.
Mr. A. Brady, Admiralty Corps.
Mr. F. B. Garnett, Inland Revenue Corps.
Mr. J. H. Dwelly, Inland Revenue Corps.
Mr. J. H. Lilley, Customs Corps.
Mr. Wybrow, Customs Corps.
Mr. Tom Taylor, Whitehall Corps.
Mr. Richard Mills, Whitehall Corps.
Containing, as this list does, the names of so many men that have since
become eminent in the Service, it affords ample evidence that the
Regiment could have suffered from no lack of talent in the conduct of
its affairs in its early days.
Title of Corps.
The first proceeding of the Council after electing Mr. Francis Taylor,
of the Audit Office, its secretary, was to resolve that the amalgamated
corps (now found to consist of 658 effective and 410 honorary members,
and stated to be “daily increasing”) should be called the “Civil
Service Rifle Brigade.” The Admiralty representatives suggested the
“Crown Rifle Brigade,” but their amendment was not received with favour.
Uniform.
The Council next launched into the important subject of uniform, a
subject of which the details occupied their attention at several
successive meetings, and in regard to which some of the members
displayed great energy. Apparently unmindful of the terrors of a
military tailor’s bill, each attended the meeting in the pattern of
uniform that he individually recommended. Mr. Tom Taylor was one of
these energetic members, and to him it appears that the regiment was
indebted for the pattern of most of the uniform ultimately selected;
for we find that with regard to the full dress of both privates and
officers, the decision of the Council was that “the uniform worn by Mr.
Tom Taylor be adopted.”
The uniform as then fixed was similar in all main points to that
so recently discarded. It was, perhaps, a little more sombre in
appearance, for the royal blue facings, silver lace, and Prince of
Wales’ feathers were added at a later date (1863). The cost, including
chako, was £4 4s.
Affairs were not to remain for long in the semi-amalgamated corps
in a state of perfect harmony. A disagreement, amounting to an open
breach, even occurred on this early question of uniform; for at the
third meeting of the Council, held on the 31st January, a letter from
the Customs Corps was read, stating that “_they declined to adopt the
ornaments on the belts as decided upon by the Council, and that they
would therefore have no participation in the arrangements of the Civil
Service Regiment_.”
Customs Corps Secede.
The Customs had, from the first, shown an inclination to fall off. It
appears that, being a strong corps, they considered they were entitled
to be represented on the Council by more than two representatives.
With an expression of regret for their withdrawal, “more especially
on a matter so trivial,” the Council accepted the loss; and when the
authority for the amalgamation was ultimately received from the War
Office, it referred only to the 27th Middlesex (Inland Revenue),
the 31st (Whitehall), and the 34th (Admiralty), which were to be
amalgamated with the 21st Middlesex (Audit Office and Post Office), the
battalion to be entitled “The Civil Service Corps of Rifle Volunteers,”
with an authorised maximum strength of 800.
Prince of Wales.
At its second meeting, the Council had decided upon the important step
of inviting the Prince of Wales to accept the Honorary Colonelcy of
the Regiment. They were induced to take this step by the hopes held
out to them through Mr. George Alexander Hamilton, Secretary to the
Treasury, to whose influence the success of the application was mainly
attributed; for by the beginning of May an intimation was received
that, with the sanction of Her Majesty and the Prince Consort, His
Royal Highness had graciously consented to accept the post. And from
the honour thus accorded it the Regiment has never ceased to derive the
greatest benefit. To be singled out in these early days as the Regiment
through whom this mark of Royal favour was to be shown to the Volunteer
force, was a distinction which placed it at once in the forefront of
public estimation, whilst the interest which, on many occasions, the
Prince has since exhibited in its welfare has contributed largely to
the prosperity of the corps.
Chaplain.
The first Staff appointment which the Council succeeded in filling
was that of Chaplain, offered to, and accepted by, the Rev. Charles
Kingsley, afterwards Canon Kingsley.
C.O.
The important post of Lieutenant-Colonel or Commanding Officer was not
so easily filled. It was offered first to Sir E. Lugard, and afterwards
to Lord West, but both were unable to undertake the duties. At length,
at a meeting held on the 15th May, on a proposition of Captain Mills,
the Council decided that Viscount Bury be invited to take the command
of the regiment. This application proved more successful, for although
Lord Bury had connected himself to a slight extent with the “Artists’”
Corps, which had just been formed, the impediment was soon removed, and
before the end of June his lordship attended a meeting of the Council,
and a few days afterwards was gazetted Lieutenant-Colonel of the
Regiment.
Lord Bury at this time occupied the official position of Treasurer to
the Royal Household, and, together with Lord Ranelagh, Lord Elcho,
and the Duke of Westminster, was one of the prominent leaders of the
Volunteer movement.
Adjutant.
The appointment of an Adjutant also caused difficulty. A committee
consisting of a few members of the Council was elected to consider
the applications for the post. The choice of this committee fell upon
Captain Ennis, who was a member of the Corps, and Captain-Commandant of
the Inland Revenue Companies. Captain Ennis had at one time been in the
“Hussars.”
The War Office, however, refused to accept Captain Ennis as Adjutant,
on the ground that he was over fifty, and that his service in the army
had been in connection with the Cavalry. The feeling in the Regiment
was very strong against this decision, and grave consequences with
regard to the prosperity of the Corps were said to be likely to ensue
if the War Office refused to appoint so popular an officer.
One of the first tasks which Lord Bury undertook, by desire of the
Council, was to overcome the objection raised by the War Office. In
this he was successful, and Captain Ennis was appointed to the post,
which, however, he held for two years only, when he resigned.
Surgeon.
With the authority for the appointment of Captain Ennis to the
Adjutancy came also that of Dr. Spencer Smith to the post of Surgeon.
This gentleman resigned only a few years ago, after a service of 24
years. In the early days his office was by no means the apparent
sinecure it has since become, for it was the duty of the Surgeon, or
the Assistant Surgeon, to attend at the range whenever target practice
was held, and for the zealous and kind manner in which this duty was
carried out, at great sacrifice of time and convenience, the Commanding
Officer, in regimental orders, expressed the warmest thanks of the
Regiment.
The amount of zeal with which the Surgeons entered upon their work in
those days is exemplified by the following unpleasantly expressive item
in the Regimental accounts of that period:
“To set of Amputating Instruments kept at the
Range £4 4 0.”
Major.
The War Office, at that time, required that Majors of Volunteer Corps
should have served in the Army, so that it was not until April, 1861,
that the post of Major was filled by the appointment of Major Leslie
(late Captain 1st Life Guards).
With this exception the formation of the Regiment may now (June, 1860)
be said to have been complete. It was composed as follows:
A Company (Audit Office) 81 Captain Hawker.
B & C “ (Post Office) 133 { “ Harrington.
{ “ Du Plat Taylor.
D & E “ (Inld. Revenue) 102 { “ Dalbiac.
{ “ Ennis, junr.
F & G “ (Whitehall) 153 { “ Tom Taylor.
{ “ Mills.
H “ (Admiralty) 64 “ Willis.
----
533
----
Composition of Corps.
These numbers scarcely convey a correct impression of the hold which
the corps had secured upon the Civil Service. It must be remembered
that, in addition to the effective strength as given above, there were
at least 500 honorary members including many who occupied leading
official positions. These were individuals who were debarred by age
or other reasons from drilling, but who, nevertheless, were quite as
enthusiastic in advocating the new “movement” as their more active
comrades in the ranks.
Of the latter it may be said that, on the whole, they were men of
more advanced age and position than we are now accustomed to see in
the ranks. Shouldering the rifle amongst them were many men now of
note--Lord Lingen, Sir R. G. C. Hamilton, Lord Teynham, and others.
The name of Mr. Tom Taylor the well known dramatic author, afterwards
editor of _Punch_, has already been mentioned; whilst other literary
and scientific men the corps could then claim were Professor Huxley,
Professor Tyndall, Mr. Anthony Trollope, Mr. W. S. Gilbert, and Mr.
Edmund Yates.
To turn from the doings of the Council to those of the Regiment itself,
we find that the first parade of the combined corps “for the purpose of
drilling as a battalion” was held at Somerset House on the 28th March,
1860.
First Battalion Drill, &c.
This parade was in plain clothes and without arms, but in the following
week the regiment mustered in uniform and under arms. Captain Ennis
(afterwards Adjutant) took the command at these drills.
The following week the regiment was ready for its first “march out.”
This notable event was held at Wimbledon, amidst torrents of rain, and
is commemorated by a sketch made by Captain Angell, a photograph of
which hangs in the Orderly Room. The expense of this march was defrayed
by a collection of ten shillings per man.
From this time, instruction in battalion drill proceeded with great
vigour. The use of the West London Cricket Ground at Brompton was
obtained for the purpose, and the regiment marched there weekly, whilst
other battalion drills and “skeleton drills” for officers were held
almost daily at Somerset House.
Matters proceeded so rapidly on the appointment of a
Lieutenant-Colonel, that Lord Bury considered that the Corps might
be safely exposed to the perils of a sham fight to be held by the
Metropolitan Volunteers at Bromley, on the 14th July. This, however,
did not appear to be the opinion of the regiment itself when the day
arrived. The muster was very small. It was attributed afterwards by
Lord Bury in Orders, to the fact that “many members of the regiment had
resolved not to come on account of the danger to be apprehended from
the inexperience of their comrades in firing drill.”
The members themselves, however, seemed very anxious to remedy this
minor defect on their part, and musketry instruction now became the
rage. To carry this out successfully it was necessary that a staff
of Volunteer Instructors should be raised, who in their turn should
instruct the other members of the Regiment.
Musketry Instruction.
The arduous duties carried out by these Volunteer Musketry Instructors
certainly entitle them to especial mention. At their head was Captain
Du Plat Taylor, assisted by Ensign Campbell and Battalion Instructor
Halliday. The first Company Instructors in the order of merit in which
they passed their examination were:
Sergeant Rule.
“ Powell.
“ Bond.
“ Lockhart.
“ Crispin.
“ Pitt.
Corporal R. G. Hamilton.
“ Churchill.
Sergeant Plaskett.
“ Trickett.
Corporal Hamilton.
Sergeant Cardin.
“ Potter.
Corporal Baker.
Sergeant Pidcock.
“ Jackson.
Every available place in the neighbourhood of Somerset House was
occupied nightly by squads practising “position” and “aiming” drill,
and by August, Captain Du Plat Taylor was able to take his first
squad to the Wimbledon range for ball practice. This was carried out
in the strictest and most methodical manner, for even in those days,
Captain Taylor began to earn for himself the character of the strict
disciplinarian for which he has since been so noted. The following
facts are gathered from the regulations laid down by him in Regimental
Musketry Orders:
“All Target Practice to be performed in Uniform, in Full
Marching Order.
“Members proceeding to Wimbledon for Firing Practice to fall
in in Military Order at the station at Putney, and march to
the range under the command of the senior present. On arrival
at the range they would be delivered over to the Senior
Musketry Instructor. The return to Putney to be conducted in
the same manner. _Strict silence to be maintained in the ranks
throughout the whole of the proceedings._
“With the view of avoiding the heavy expenses incurred by the
hire of Butt Markers, the duties to be undertaken by members of
the Corps; three non-commissioned officers and three privates
being previously detailed on each occasion.
“Should any member so detailed refuse or neglect to attend, he
would be disqualified from competing for Regimental Prizes.”
However necessary these rules may have been at the time, it need
scarcely be observed that before long they were found to be irksome.
Rumour reports that on the occasion of a squad, on its return from
the ranges in the dark, being marched into a ditch, open mutiny broke
out with regard to the obnoxious rules, and that Captain Taylor was
thereupon constrained to relax his discipline until he could find
more tractable material to work upon than the “gentlemen of the Civil
Service.”
Queen’s Review.
Two events of the year 1860 must not be omitted. One was the first
grand Volunteer Review before the Queen, in Hyde Park, when the Civil
Service, under Lord Bury, formed part of a brigade under Lord Ranelagh.
In reference to this event Lord Bury states, “The behaviour of all
ranks on the ground was steady and soldierlike, and the general
appearance presented by the Regiment was all that could be desired.”
Another was the celebration of the Prince of Wales’ birthday by an
inspection at Somerset House, followed by a Regimental Dinner.
CHAPTER II
Eccentricities.
Looking back from the sober routine of the volunteering of to-day, to
this strange period when every one was a recruit, it is only natural
that eccentricities should be apparent on all sides. The enthusiasm
that pervaded all ranks was, of course, immense, and the amount of
drilling done, especially by the Officers and Non-Commissioned Officers
was enormous. A golden age was this for the Army Drill-Instructors.
Elderly recruits of a nervous temperament hesitated to exhibit
themselves in the ranks until they had been privately coached in the
initial mysteries of drill, in the seclusion of their own apartments.
Uniform was worn on every possible occasion, at drill or on the range.
It is said that after one occasion when Lord Bury had appeared at the
range in plain clothes, he received a letter from an indignant private,
expressing a hope that such a slight would not again be cast upon
members of the regiment.
One Rule passed by the Council was that Honorary Members should be
entitled to appear on parade in uniform, with a scarlet sash as a
distinguishing ornament.
Another Rule strikes us as still more eccentric. Privates _when off
parade_ should be allowed to wear a sword similar to that worn by
officers, but in a black leather scabbard. What the privates were
supposed to want to do with their sword when off parade it is difficult
to imagine.
With the close of the drill season the Regiment does not cease to show
signs of interesting activity. Whilst in winter quarters it enlivened
its repose with various festive gatherings having for their main object
the support of the regimental band, which was in want of funds.
Dramatic Performance.
Perhaps the most interesting of these gatherings is an Amateur Dramatic
Performance, held at the Lyceum Theatre, wherein the corps exhibited an
array of talent, of which it might justly feel proud. The performance
was so successful that it was repeated. The following is a copy of the
programme:
PRINCE OF WALES’ OWN
Civil Service Rifle Volunteers.
HONORARY COLONEL, H.R.H. THE PRINCE OF WALES, K.G.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL, VISCOUNT BURY, M.P.
ON WEDNESDAY, MAY 22, 1861,
WILL BE PERFORMED, FOR THE SECOND TIME, AT THE
THEATRE ROYAL LYCEUM,
BY SPECIAL DESIRE,
The original Comedy by CAPTAIN TOM TAYLOR, C.S.R.V.,
ENTITLED:
“A LESSON FOR LIFE.”
LORD GREYSTOKE Lieutenant DEWAR
THE HON. MARMADUKE Undergraduates Captain J. DU PLAT
DACRE of St Barnabas TAYLOR
REREDOSS College, Mr. MILLS.
HORSLEY Cambridge Lieutenant T. ANGELL
CROUCH Lieutenant W. S. GILBERT
STRETCHER Serjeant BAUKE
VIVIAN Captain HOOD
COLEPEPPER (Senior Tutor of St. Barnabas) Captain MILLS
OPPENHARDT (A German Jew) Captain TOM TAYLOR
BASEWITZ (A Swindler) Ensign EDMUND YATES
DR. VIVIAN (A Country Vicar) Private R. MORRISON
MR. GRAY (A Country Attorney) Mr. W. H. LONG
TOPHAM Lieutenant GARNETT
MURCOTT Serjeant WALSHE
LADY VALECRUCIS Mrs. STIRLING
THE HON. MABEL VALECRUCIS Miss ELLEN TERRY
MARY FORD Miss KATE TERRY
(_By kind permission of A. Wigan, Esq., T.R. Saint James’_)
NANNY KETTLEWELL Mrs. STEPHENS
TO BE PRECEDED BY AN ORIGINAL COMEDIETTA, IN ONE ACT,
“IF THE CAP FITS,”
WRITTEN BY
CAPTAIN HARRINGTON, C.S.R.V., and ENSIGN EDMUND YATES,
C.S.R.V.
THE PERFORMANCES TO CONCLUDE WITH
“THE HAPPY MAN,”
A FARCE,
By Private SAMUEL LOVER, of the London Irish Rifle Volunteers.
THE BAND OF THE REGIMENT WILL ATTEND.
Regimental Ball.
A Regimental Ball was also given at Willis’s Rooms, in aid of the same
object. In the list of the Lady Patronesses are the names of:
The Duchess of Manchester.
The Duchess of Wellington.
The Countess Russell.
Viscountess Palmerston.
Viscountess Bury.
Lady Elcho.
Mrs. Gladstone.
Band.
The Band, on behalf of which so much energy was expended, was composed
of 25 members, the greater number of whom were amateurs. It appears to
have been in an excellent state of efficiency, as it gained prizes at
various band contests, which it was then the fashion to hold. It was
under the charge of an energetic and capable bandmaster, Mr. J. Moirato
Davis; but very valuable assistance was rendered to its efficiency by
Mr. W. P. Jones, of the Audit Office. Its annual cost to the regiment
appears to have been about £300.
Subscription Fund.
As there was no Government grant in those days to assist in defraying
the expenses of the corps these had to be met entirely by voluntary
contributions, and the subscriptions of members.
The Council issued a circular asking for assistance from the whole of
the Civil Service. Subscriptions flowed in liberally. In the Inland
Revenue and Whitehall Divisions alone the subscriptions in the first
year exceeded £1,000.
1861. First Easter Monday Review.
The opening of the year 1861 was marked by the first Easter Monday
Review. This was held at Brighton. Some difference of opinion was
displayed by the various Volunteer Commanding Officers as to the
advisability of holding this review. Lord Bury opposed the idea. He
expressed his opinions on the point in a Regimental Order to the
following effect:--
“I do not think the proposed expedition judicious in a
political point of view. I think it inconsistent with the
purely defensive character of the Volunteer movement to make
demonstrations on the coast.”
Of course, under these conditions the Civil Service Regiment refrained
from demonstrating; or, at all events, they joined with a few other
like-minded corps, and so effectually concealed their demonstrations
among the bushes of Wimbledon Common, that they evidently felt
satisfied that not the slightest exasperation could have been felt on
their account by the most bellicose of Frenchmen.
1862.
Little else of importance occurred to mark the year 1861, so we will
pass at once to the second Easter Monday Review, which ushered in the
drill season of 1862.
By this time it would appear that Lord Bury’s views had changed, for
the regiment not only attended the Review, but in a Regimental Order,
in which he praises the steadiness of the battalion on that occasion,
Lord Bury states--“It is an honour to have taken part in such a day.”
Another event of this year was a review by the Duke of Cambridge
at Wimbledon, when we are told that His Royal Highness expressed
his praise on witnessing the advance of the battalion extended as
skirmishers.
To show the satisfactory state of affairs at this period, I cannot do
better than again to quote from Regimental Orders as follows:
“The Lieutenant-Colonel cannot but congratulate the Regiment
on the fact that at the close of their third drill season,
they occupy a most satisfactory position among the Volunteer
Corps of the country: the organisation is complete; the
numbers are increasing; the Officers have passed the ordeal
of a searching examination; the Drill is improved; the
Musketry Instruction, which was from the first the strongest
point in the organisation of the Regiment, has even improved
in efficiency; and the number both of effectives and of
marksmen is fully equal, in proportion to numbers, to any
other Volunteer Corps. The Lieutenant-Colonel need not point
out how much the efficiency of a Regiment depends on its
Non-commissioned Officers. We are fortunate in having a body
of Non-commissioned Officers who thoroughly know their duty.
The Skirmishing Drill of the Regiment is better done, and much
more clearly understood than in former years. _In conclusion,
the Lieutenant-Colonel confidently believes that the utmost
unanimity and good feeling exists throughout the Regiment._”
The last statement appears, in the present day, a rather strange and
superfluous one to put into Regimental Orders; but it is evident that
its meaning was fully understood at the time. Enthusiastic volunteer
as Lord Bury was, and evidently taking a delight in his duties as
Commanding Officer, he must have frequently felt that to rule a body of
gentlemen volunteers, in a very elementary stage of military knowledge
and discipline, was a somewhat formidable and even thankless task.
Every member of the corps--officer, non-commissioned officer, and
private--had an opinion to express on every point, and he expressed it
freely. Plenty of evidence exists of burning questions which agitated,
and sometimes even threatened the unity of the corps; but the great
tact displayed by Lord Bury, his forbearance and kindly courtesy, which
disarmed all opposition, led the corps safely through all.
One incident which occurred about this period, and the explanations
with regard to which occupy the greater part of three Regimental
Orders, was, that a part of the Regiment had expressed unwillingness
to join in a march out with the “Artists’” Corps, owing to what Lord
Bury describes as “an absurd wish attributed to him to bring about an
amalgamation between the Civil Service Regiment and the Artists’.”
But it is not necessary here to go into the details of these almost
forgotten grievances, which, although interesting as showing what may
be called the _morale_ of the Corps at that period, are perhaps best
buried in oblivion.
CHAPTER III
1863. Prince of Wales’ Challenge Cup.
At the commencement of the year 1863, the Prince of Wales showed his
interest in the Corps by presenting it with a Challenge Cup of the
value of 100 guineas. The nominal right to hold this cup for a year is
still annually shot for; but it is customary for the Commanding Officer
to retain it in his own custody.
This was the year of the Prince of Wales’s marriage, and on the
7th March the Regiment took part in the parade of the Metropolitan
Volunteers in Hyde Park, on the arrival of the Princess Alexandra in
London. The “Civil Service” were granted the post of honour on the
right of the line, on this occasion.
The Regiment again attended the Easter Monday Review at Brighton,
and earned golden opinions for itself, receiving, we are told, from
Officers of high rank, great commendation for their steadiness at drill.
In this year (three years after their formation) the Volunteers were
first thought worthy of an annual Capitation Grant by the Government.
£1 was paid for every efficient member who completed three Company and
six Battalion Drills.
Adjutants: Captain Adair, 1862-3. Captain Lombard, 1864-1886.
It has not yet been mentioned that Captain Alexander W. Adair was
appointed to the Corps as Adjutant, in May, 1862. Towards the close of
this year (1863) he resigned, and with the opening of 1864 we form the
acquaintance of one who has left an indelible mark on the history of
the Civil Service Rifles. On the 17th March, 1864, Captain Graves C.
Swan Lombard (late of the 16th Regiment) was appointed Acting Adjutant,
and for the long period of 22 years from this date his name appears at
the foot of Regimental Orders.
There is no doubt but that, from his very first appearance in the
Corps, Captain (afterwards Major) Lombard ingratiated himself into the
goodwill of all its members; and it is little to say, that all who had
the pleasure of serving with him will ever have pleasing recollections
of his kindly manner, his admirable tact, his quiet but firm
discipline. These, with many other excellent qualities, combined to
make him, in the opinion of all the true model of a Volunteer Adjutant.
One of the first Orders signed by Major Lombard was, however, somewhat
unfortunate, containing as it did the following paragraph:--
“The Post Office Companies will proceed to Harrow on Saturday, 24th
inst., to join in a Field Day with the Harrow School and other Corps.
Each member to provide himself with twenty rounds of ball cartridge.”
It is never too late to acknowledge a mistake, so on the 26th inst.
(only _two_ days after the Review was held) the correction comes:
“In the Order of the 17th inst., the words ‘BALL cartridge’ should have
been ‘BLANK cartridge.’”
Let us hope the Harrow boys suffered no inconvenience from the error.
1864.
The year 1864 is noted for two events of importance. The first was a
Review in Hyde Park, when the “Civil Service” formed part of a brigade
under the command of the Prince of Wales. The second was an Inspection
of the Regiment by the Prince on the 15th June, at Somerset House. A
letter from the Prince to Lord Bury was afterwards published in Orders,
in which His Royal Highness stated that both he and the Princess, who
accompanied him, were much gratified by the Inspection.
The events of one year are now found to be so much like those of
another that it is unnecessary to follow each year in detail. We will,
therefore, only refer to the prominent features which mark from this
time the history of the Corps.
Shooting of Period.
A few words about the shooting of the period. “H” Company appears to
have been the best shooting Company at this time, whilst “C” Company
stood by far the lowest in the list of marksmen. Private E. Plasket
was evidently the “crack” shot of the Regiment. Lord Bury’s name also
figures well in Regimental Competitions. In 1865 he headed the 3rd
class scores with 72 out of a possible 80--a score which even in these
days of Martinis would be treated with great respect.
Majors.
In 1865, Members of the Regiment for the first time filled the post
of Major, the two senior Captains, Hawker and Du Plat Taylor, being
promoted.
1866--Bank of England Company.
An important event in the history of the Corps occurred in 1866, in
the formation of a new Company, composed of members of the Clerical
Establishment of the Bank of England. The Bank had as yet taken no
active part in the Volunteer movement; but the Directors, following
the traditions of their predecessors of the last century, were very
favourably inclined towards it. It was with little difficulty,
therefore, that Mr. Kingsmill, to whose energy the formation of the
Company was principally due, succeeded in recruiting a sufficiently
large contingent to make them an acceptable acquisition to any leading
Metropolitan Corps.
An attempt was made to draw them into the ranks of the London Rifle
Brigade. Although not servants of the Crown, however, it was felt
that there were bonds of affinity which drew them closer to the Civil
Service than to any other Corps. Lord Bury’s sanction was readily
obtained, and in July, 1866, they joined, 140 strong, under the command
of one of the Directors of the Bank--Captain J. P. Currie.
To make room for the new Company, the 1st Whitehall, or F Company,
which was then in a weak state, was amalgamated with the 2nd Whitehall,
or G Company, and the Bank took rank after the Admiralty as the K
Company.
Camp at Wimbledon.
In the Orders of 1866 we find the first notice of a Regimental Camp, to
be held at the Wimbledon Meeting. These were the days when Wimbledon
was the _only_ camp--a huge Volunteer “picnic,” suggestive of camp
bonfires and unlimited festivity. It was certainly the first experience
which the Regiment appears to have had in camp life. In the Order
giving details, one of the most prominent paragraphs recommends members
to bring _sheets_ and a _corkscrew_!
Major Du Plat Taylor.
In April, 1868, Major Du Plat Taylor resigned. Major Du Plat Taylor had
from the first been one of the most prominent and energetic officers
of the Corps. He had a strong desire, which he expressed in a circular
issued in 1864, to raise a third Company in the Post Office, and then
to form a separate battalion under his own command. Although not
successful in this very questionable scheme, he now resigned in order
to take command of a new corps (the 49th, now the 24th Middlesex),
raised from the Sorters and Letter Carriers of the Post Office. His
success at the head of this regiment is well known.
The vacancy caused by this promotion was filled by the promotion of
Captain Currie, of the Bank of England, to be Major.
1871.
The next events of importance occur in the year 1871. This was a period
of some military excitement, caused by the Franco-German War. The old
Enfield rifle was called in, and the Snider breechloader issued to
Volunteers.
School of Instruction.
Schools of Instruction for Volunteer Officers were instituted by the
Army authorities. These supplied a want that had been much felt, as
much by the “Civil Service” as by other Corps; for although the more
energetic Officers occasionally obtained permission to be attached to a
Regiment of Regulars for a short period, the instruction thus obtained
does not appear to have been very thorough.
Indeed, the blunders of Commanding Officers, eccentric words of
command, and suchlike, form the staple commodity of the “Volunteer”
humour of the period. It is related that on one occasion, when
the “Civil Service” were marching down Fleet Street, a Field
Officer, rushing to the front, delivered himself of the following:
“Battalion--FOURS RIGHT. No, I mean FOURS LEFT. No--er--er--. D----n
it. _Turn up Fetter Lane._”
Lord Bury was the first Officer of the Corps to take advantage of
the new institution, and in 1871 he attended the School at Chelsea
Barracks, and obtained the “pass” certificate. Since that time it has
been the rule for all Officers to pass the School as soon as possible
after receiving a commission.
Major Hawker.
In this year (1871) Major Hawker resigned. On his resignation he
was entertained by the Regiment at a dinner given in his honour at
St. James’s Hall; and, in a special Regimental Order issued for the
occasion, he was thanked by Lord Bury for the services which he had
rendered the Corps. His vacancy was filled by the promotion of Captain
Mills.
We now approach a period when a greater variety was displayed in the
annual military programme of the Corps. Camps of Instruction were
instituted--the first in 1873. Detachments from the Corps attended the
Autumn Manœuvres of the Army and the Aldershot Summer Drills; but to
these matters we will refer more fully in a subsequent chapter.
50th Middlesex Formed.
In 1875 a new Corps (one of the last formed in Middlesex) was raised
from the porters and subordinate establishment of the Bank of England.
After the disbandment of the Bank Volunteers in 1814, the Directors
still considered it advisable to train a certain number of their
_employés_ to the use of arms, to be employed, if necessary, for
the defence of the Bank. Their porters and messengers were specially
selected with a view to this purpose, and arms and uniform were
provided by the Bank. The year 1875 found them a rather antiquated
body of men, armed with the Brown Bess musket, with which weapon
they made an annual excursion to the butts, and underwent their sole
military exercise, at great peril to themselves and to the surrounding
neighbourhood.
At this period, efforts were made to bring them within the scope of
the Volunteer Regulations. The only difficulty in the way was the
requirement of the Directors to employ them solely for the defence of
the Bank property. After some demur, however, the Government consented
to admit them, and they were enrolled as the 50th Middlesex--afterwards
changed to the 25th.
The Corps consisted of one Company only, about 100 strong, under the
command of Captain Gray, Chief Accountant of the Bank. They chose for
their uniform the dark-green and busby of the Rifle Brigade, and were
attached for drill purposes to the “Civil Service” Corps.
Dramatic Society.
In 1876 a Regimental Dramatic Society was inaugurated with great
_éclat_. Although the Corps was unable to boast of such noted names as
were seen on the programme of its performance of 1861, yet there was
found to be an abundance of dramatic talent in its ranks. Moreover,
some of the celebrities referred to gladly gave their services to their
old Corps. Mr. W. S. Gilbert personally superintended the rehearsals
for the production of one of his own plays, “On Guard,” which was
selected for the opening performance; and the veteran Mr. Tom Taylor
contributed a Prologue for the occasion.
For several years the Club continued to give excellent performances
in St. George’s Hall, and with the funds thus obtained gratuitous
entertainments were provided at the various Camps.
Aldershot, Wimbledon, and the Camps of Instruction owe many a jovial
evening to the efforts of the Dramatic Club. There came a time,
however, when the support given by the general body of the Corps began
to fall off, and it was necessary to discontinue the performances.
Let us hope that it will not be long before the dramatic spirit again
revives in the ranks.
Major Currie.
In 1879 Major Currie resigned. The Regiment had benefited much by Major
Currie’s services. Lord Bury having suffered from bad health about this
period, Major Currie for some time carried out the duties of Commanding
Officer, and earned for himself much popularity in the Corps. His post
was filled by the promotion of a brother Director of the Bank, Captain
A. G. Sandeman, of K Company.
Lord Bury.
Mention should not be omitted of the fact that at this period (1878-80)
the Corps had the gratification of seeing its Commanding Officer
(Lord Bury) occupying the post of Under Secretary of State for War.
In this capacity he presided over a Committee appointed by Government
to investigate and report on the requirements of the Volunteer Force.
There is no doubt that the more generous treatment which the Force has
received from Government of late years is owing in a great degree to
the Report of this Committee.
Title Altered.
In 1880 a scheme for re-numbering the Middlesex Corps was adopted by
the War Office. Many of the Corps formed in 1860 had become defunct or
had been amalgamated with others. The “Civil Service,” from the 21st,
thus became the 12th Middlesex. A few years later, when the territorial
system was arranged, they were classified as the 5th Volunteer
Battalion of the King’s Royal Rifle Corps, but this title has not yet
been adopted.
21st Year.
In 1881 the Volunteer Force celebrated its coming of age, and Her
Majesty marked the event by reviewing her “citizen soldiers.” The
English Volunteers mustered in Windsor Great Park, on the 9th July,
1881, and marched past their Sovereign. A few weeks later the Queen
proceeded to Scotland, and reviewed the Scottish Corps at Edinburgh.
The “Civil Service” decided to celebrate their arrival at maturity
by a grand dinner of past and present members. The Prince of Wales
graciously consented to preside on the occasion, and this necessitated
delaying the festival until the following year. The dinner was
ultimately held at Willis’s Rooms, on the 1st March, 1882. The demands
for admission were many times in excess of the space available, and the
process of balloting for tickets was resorted to in the case of past
members.
A distinguished company of guests were invited to meet the Prince, who,
as Chairman, made several speeches, in the course of which he warmly
complimented the regiment, and expressed his wish to meet it at the
Portsmouth Review the following Easter. This wish was carried out. The
Prince was present at Portsmouth for some days, and appeared in public
on each occasion in his uniform as Colonel of the Civil Service Corps.
At the march past, on the day of the Review, he took command of the
battalion, and marched past at its head.
Her Majesty further complimented the Volunteer Force in this year, by
appointing, for the first time, certain of its commanding officers
Aides-de-Camp to the Queen. Lord Bury was one of the six selected for
this honour.
In 1884 Major Sandeman resigned, and the Honourable Arnold Keppel, the
eldest son of Lord Bury, formerly of the Scots Guards, was appointed
junior Major.
Change of Rifle.
In 1885 the Snider Rifles were called in and Martinis issued to
Volunteer Corps. For a few years before this, a limited number of
Martinis had been lent to each corps for the use of men who shot for
the Queen’s Prize at Wimbledon. (The rifles of the “Civil Service” were
again changed in 1890 for Martinis of a later pattern, with which the
sword-bayonet was issued in lieu of the bayonet of the old type.)
Adjutants.
In 1886 Major Lombard retired from the post of Adjutant, having served
to the full limit of age allowed by the War Office Regulations in force
on his appointment. The Corps now came under the operation of the rule
at present in force, by which an officer on the Active List of the Army
is appointed for five years only, when he returns to his regiment.
Under this rule Captain A. G. S. Beadnell, of the King’s Own Scottish
Borderers, was appointed, _vice_ Major Lombard.
Jubilee Year.
The Volunteer “events” which marked the Jubilee Year of 1887 will ever
make it memorable to those who took part in them. The Civil Service
Corps were fully represented at each of these--The Royal Procession
to the Abbey; the March Past the Queen at Buckingham Palace, when the
Corps had the honour of being led by H.R.H. the Prince of Wales; and
last, but not least, the gigantic Military Review at Aldershot. On the
last-mentioned occasion, in order to parade at the early hour of four
in the morning, the detachment was billeted for the previous night at
Somerset House.
CHAPTER IV
Wimbledon Ranges.
No history of the Corps could be accepted as complete which omitted an
account of the Wimbledon Ranges; for it is around them that, with many
of us, the pleasantest memories of volunteering life will cling--some
of its sweetest triumphs, and also, perhaps, some of its keenest
disappointments. _Here_ we have endeavoured to learn, with more or
less success, how to bear the pride of victory, as well as the sting
of defeat, with that impassive demeanour which is held to become the
well-bred Briton.
Then, too, are they not the more interesting because they are, in
themselves, _glorious_ ranges? Not, perhaps, with regard to their
adaptability to good shooting. They have a fish-tail wind that is
trying, and a semaphore that is--worse. But the grand view! Across
the wide common, with its gorse, heather, and fern, its quiet dells,
its shady copses, and its broad, open, wind-swept plateaux, to the
beautiful glades of Richmond Park, and far, far away to the distant
Surrey Hills. Then, the pure, bracing breeze, coming as it does just
over the top of Leith Hill, straight from the sea, giving more health
and vigour in one short afternoon than any doctor’s tonic taken for a
month.
Every landmark around has been familiar to us for years, and most are
associated with some incident which renders them attractive. Here,
for instance, is the spot where we fired our first shot as a recruit.
(We have never fired at that ridiculous distance since.) How well do
we remember that awful event! How we screwed up our courage to the
sticking-point, firmly resolved to “let off” that dread weapon; but
in our own mind the immediate future was full of vague uncertainty.
With what feelings of utter indifference we received the sergeant’s
congratulations that we had hit the target. It had gone off! We were
alive and well, and the world moved on as before! There was no room in
our mind for anything else.
Well, well! That intense feeling of respect for a loaded rifle very
soon wore off. Let us return to the sober facts of history.
The Wimbledon Ranges have been used by the “Civil Service” from the
very commencement of the Corps. The Sub-Committee appointed by the
Council in 1860 to seek for a Range were not long in discovering
Wimbledon. The Ranges were then in the possession of the 11th Surrey
Volunteers, who rented them from the Lord of the Manor, Earl Spencer,
for the sum of one shilling yearly. They agreed to allow the “Civil
Service” to share the shooting accommodation, on the understanding that
the latter paid three-fourths of the cost of the erection of the Butts.
One feels compelled to remark that the Regimental authorities have
never been very happy in their management of matters connected with
these ranges. Affairs were commenced with a lawsuit, brought by the
contractor who erected the Butts, and the Corps lost the day.
In 1861 the London Scottish, who had opened adjoining ranges, proposed
to build a Shooting House. They invited the “Civil Service” to join
them in the undertaking, and to become joint owners. The Council,
however, did not consider it advisable to do so, but preferred to pay
a yearly rent for a share in the tenancy. In 1864 the Council again
refused an offer to become joint owners, and the result has been that
the Corps has paid in annual rent considerably more than would have
sufficed to build the house, enjoying meanwhile comparatively poor
accommodation, and having no voice in its management.
Matters were considerably disturbed in 1871 by the passing of the
Wimbledon Commons Act, and by the appointment of Conservators to
protect the interests of the Common-holders. The Act went so far as
to recognise the established privileges of the Volunteers in using
the Ranges, although shooting was henceforth restricted to certain
days of the week, and to certain hours of the day. But ever since then
the Conservators of the Common, with their restrictions, protests,
and objections, have been a thorn in the side of the Regimental Range
Committee.
In 1880 a lawsuit was commenced by the tenant of the land bordering the
Common near the Range, on the ground that injury was caused by bullets
falling on his land. The action was brought against the “Civil Service”
only, but had for its object the closing of the whole of the Ranges
in this corner of the Common. After being protracted over a period of
several years, the action resulted in the closing of the 1st class
targets, and the substitution of wooden or canvas targets, instead of
iron, at the 2nd class range.
With this concession the Corps may be said to have established its
title to the use of the Ranges. The War Office have lately instituted
more than one careful inspection, and have decided that they are
“safe,” so that it may be hoped that the Corps will continue to enjoy
possession for many years to come.
The Flagstaff.
A noteworthy object on the Wimbledon Range is the flagstaff. This is
153 feet high, and has the reputation of being the tallest flagstaff
in England of one piece only. It is known as the “Douglas Pine,” and
is the product of Vancouver’s Island. It was presented to the London
Scottish in 1872 by an old member of the Corps, who had settled on that
island and felled it on his own land. The recruit is usually informed
that it took two ships to bring it over; the explanation that one ship
brought it to Liverpool and the other to London being reserved.
It will be noticed that the little stick in question is protected by a
somewhat formidable lightning-conductor, its predecessor having been
destroyed by lightning one afternoon whilst shooting was going on at
the Range.
We must not quit Wimbledon without a passing comment on the Wimbledon
Camp.
Wimbledon Camp.
The “Civil Service” was among the earliest of the Metropolitan Corps
which formed its own private camp at the great rifle meeting, and from
1864 to 1885 the dark blue flag with its Prince of Wales’s Feathers was
always to be seen flying in its own peculiar corner of the enclosure.
This unbroken record of nearly a quarter of a century was not obtained,
however, without some trouble. In the early days, when camping out
was a novelty, and Wimbledon afforded the only means of enjoying that
novelty, there was little difficulty in ensuring a good attendance;
but, with the rise of Camps of Instruction and the Aldershot Camps,
applications for the Wimbledon tents, with their somewhat heavy fees,
began to fall off. For many years it was kept up merely by the efforts
of a small band of enthusiasts, to whom the Wimbledon “picnic,” with
its jovial round of holiday mirth, had a peculiar charm. The support
of the general body of the Corps fell off to such a marked extent that
in 1886, four years before the National Rifle Association removed to
Bisley, the Camp was discontinued.
Shooting.
To pass from Wimbledon and to remark briefly on the shooting records of
the Regiment is an easy digression.
The “Civil Service” has never yet had the good luck to provide the
winner of the Queen’s Prize, and this fact is sometimes thrust forward
by the thoughtless to detract from its merits as a “good shooting
Corps.” A simple computation will show that, with 200,000 Volunteers to
shoot for it, a Corps of 600 strong will have done its duty if it wins
the prize once in 333 years! But members of the Corps have on more than
one occasion run the winner very hard. Lord Bury himself was second for
the prize in 1861.
Others who have been within measurable distance are: Private W. A.
Impey (Audit Office) in 1869, Lieutenant J. Mitford (Post Office) in
1875, and Sergeant W. W. Akhurst (Post Office) in 1885.
Wimbledon honours have also been earned for the Corps by Sergeant J.
P. Wright (Bank of England), winner of the Grand Aggregate in 1874;
Captain H. W. E. Jeston (National Debt Office), winner of the N.R.A.
Challenge Cup in 1869; and teams who have on various occasions won the
Mappin Challenge Cup for running and shooting.
Nor can we in the present year (1891) admit that the shooting of the
Corps shows any sign of declining. In the War Office Returns for the
last two years it stood first of the Metropolitan Corps, and second in
the Home District. The Regimental Team rejoice in an almost unbroken
series of victories in the numerous matches it has shot in the same
period; whilst Private Rothon, Corporal Matthews, and Corporal Clunan
well maintained the credit of the Corps at the first meeting of the
National Rifle Association on Bisley Common. In addition to this,
in Private Rothon the Corps has the winner of the Champion Badge of
Middlesex for 1890, and, having been chosen to shoot in the English
“twenty,” he made the highest score in the International Match of 1891.
A few words about Aldershot.
The Aldershot Drills.
The Aldershot Summer Drills appear to have been instituted when the
Autumn Manœuvres, held in 1872-3, were discontinued. The “Civil
Service” first sent a detachment to Aldershot in 1875, and from that
date, with but few exceptions, they have annually sent a Company. This
Company has been almost always attached to the Provisional Battalion
commanded by Colonel Du Plat Taylor, of the Post Office Volunteers. Of
all the efforts taken to instil a military training into the Volunteer
none perhaps have had so great an effect as the “Aldershot Week.” The
complete change of life experienced by thus suddenly adopting the
soldier’s daily routine and hard fare, the living with and fraternising
with soldiers, the feeling that you are for the time being actually
paid as a soldier, that you are watched by military police lest you
should desert, that the Mutiny Act has been read over you, which
says that if you disobey your officer you shall be shot--all this is
calculated to make the most light-hearted Volunteer feel that he is
in earnest at last. He enters into the spirit of the work, enjoys
the novelty of the situation--knowing that it won’t last long--and
generally comes home, grimy, sunburnt, and, in his own eyes at least,
a soldier to the backbone. The stamp it puts on a man is never
effaced. To say “he is an Aldershot-man” means that he is entitled to
considerable respect as a good Volunteer.
Camps of Instruction.
Aldershot may have been instrumental in giving us a leaven of good
soldiers, but nothing has had so great an effect in changing the
conditions of our Volunteer life as the Camps of Instruction. As the
greater part of Battalion drills are now done in Camp, it is hardly
possible for a member, as was the case in old days, to make himself
efficient by toddling round the quadrangle at Somerset House; and this
change has almost banished from the ranks the individual generally
described as the “old-fashioned Volunteer.”
The first Regimental Camp of Instruction was pitched on Wimbledon
Common on the 12th May, 1873. It lasted three days only, a longer time
being forbidden by the provisions of the Wimbledon Commons Act. The
weather was very cold, with occasional snow. The nightly attendance
averaged about 100.
In the following year, 1874, Major Currie lent a field at Esher for
the purpose. This Camp lasted six days, and was memorable for being
the scene of one of those foolish escapades--a night attack, delivered
with great spirit by a local corps, and repulsed with equal ardour by
the “Civil Service.” In the present day, with increased knowledge of
military tactics, Volunteer officers recognise the absurdity of such
attacks.
In 1875, the Camp was pitched in a portion of Wimbledon Park known as
the Leg of Mutton Field, Southfields. Here also it was located in 1876
and 1877. In the following year, 1878, a very enjoyable Camp was held
in Sandown Park, Esher.
1879 will be for ever memorable, to those who took part in it, as
the year of the _mud_ Camp, held in a small field, or rather swamp,
attached to an empty house near Putney Heath.
Finally, in 1880, was discovered that very acme of positions--a
spot suited above all others for an encampment of Metropolitan
Volunteers--the Old Deer Park at Richmond.
The Old Deer Park.
Here the Corps has encamped every year since,[3] and, indeed, it would
be difficult to find a more advantageous camping-ground. Interesting
in its associations as one of the oldest Royal Parks in England,
originally attached to Richmond Palace, it gives for drill purposes
an extensive area of slightly undulating parkland, ornamented with
picturesque groups of trees, among which are some patriarchs so
venerable as to make one imagine that they might have looked down upon
the grand tournaments held on that spot by the Tudor Kings.
[3] Up till 1898, but not since.
Long may it be before any over-zealous War Office official shall reform
the Richmond Camp of Instruction out of existence. Let us hope that for
many a future generation the Civil Service Recruit may do his lonely
midnight sentry-go, in the quiet seclusion of the Old Deer Park, with
no greater peril to encounter than the ghost of a Maid of Honour!
CHAPTER V
About the year 1888 a considerable decline in the recruiting power
of the Regiment became apparent, owing chiefly to the reduction of
the establishments of many Government Offices in consequence of the
lengthening of the official day to seven hours. There were no new
entrants into the Service, and consequently no material for recruiting.
By many, however, the cause was ascribed to the unattractive uniform.
This idea gained ground, and Lord Bury allowed the opinion of the whole
Regiment to be taken on the matter.
This was not the first time that the members of the Regiment had been
canvassed with regard to a change of uniform. In 1862 a proposal was
raised in favour of _scarlet_; and again, in 1881, when Lord Bury
wished his Corps to take the lead in adopting a recommendation of the
War Office Committee, of which he was Chairman, and change to a uniform
similar to “regulars”; but on both of these occasions a large majority
of the members were found to be thoroughly conservative. The helmet had
been adopted in lieu of the Shako in 1881, but, with this exception,
the uniform remained as it had been fixed in 1863.
Change of Uniform.
Other views now prevailed, and out of 300 who answered the circular
addressed to them, and who expressed any opinion at all in the matter,
220 were in favour of a change. After a considerable time had been
taken in arriving at a decision, it was resolved to discard the dark
grey for a very light grey, retaining the Royal blue facings and the
black belts of the old uniform.
The sanction of the Honorary Colonel and of the War Office having been
obtained, the change was carried out at the commencement of 1890.
Taking advantage of a grant from the Volunteer Equipment Fund raised
by the Lord Mayor (Sir James Whitehead), the Corps at the same time
furnished itself with greatcoats and the full equipment considered
necessary by the War Office; so that at the Inspection of this year the
Regiment paraded in its new uniform, and, for the first time, fully
equipped.
The Inspection of 1890 was also remarkable for another event of
importance. For some time past Lord Bury had been announcing his
intention of shortly resigning the command of the Corps, which he had
now held for thirty years.
A few months before, the officers of the Corps, foreseeing the coming
resignation, had presented Lady Bury with an oil painting of his
Lordship, in the uniform of the C.S.R.V. The portrait, by a rising
young artist of the day, had been exhibited at the Grosvenor Gallery,
and had been very favourably noticed.
Resignation of Lord Bury.
At the close of the Inspection referred to (held in the Camp in the Old
Deer Park, Richmond) Lord Bury, in a few earnest words, regretfully
bade farewell to the Regiment in which he had spent so large a period
of his life, and with which he expressed a hope that his family would
henceforward be always connected. He then formally handed over the
command to his successor, Major and Honorary Lieutenant-Colonel Mills;
and, with an outburst of hearty cheering in his honour, the Civil
Service Corps took leave of its first Commanding Officer.
Staff Promotions.
On the resignation of Lord Bury, and the appointment of
Lieutenant-Colonel Mills to the command of the Regiment, Captain and
Honorary Major J. J. Cardin, of the Post Office, was promoted to the
post of Major; and it is doubtful if in the whole history of the Corps
can be recorded any more popular promotions than these two.
Building of Head Quarters.
There remains now but one more event to chronicle in order to bring
this brief category to a close, viz., the building of a Regimental
Headquarters. Ever since its formation the only apology for a
Headquarters which the Corps possessed consisted of a single room,
kindly lent by the authorities of the Exchequer and Audit Department,
in which the business of the Regimental Staff was conducted. It had
been felt for some time that the satisfactory condition of the Corps
justified an effort being made to provide its members with similar
accommodation to that possessed by most of the London Corps. The chief
difficulty was that of obtaining a favourable site at an outlay within
reasonable limits. This difficulty was at length overcome mainly by the
exertions of Colonel Mills, through whose agency the Government were
induced to lend, under very favourable conditions, a piece of ground
between the two west wings of Somerset House, approached from the
Embankment by what was originally the West Watergate.
It was estimated that a building suitable for the purpose could be
erected on this site for about £3,000. At a meeting of officers, at
which Lord Bury presided, held at the Audit Office on 19th February,
1890, it was decided to attempt to raise this sum by an appeal for
subscriptions addressed principally to the upper ranks of the Civil
Service. H.R.H. the Prince of Wales was graciously pleased to head the
list with a donation of one hundred guineas. The Governor and Directors
of the Bank of England subscribed a like sum, and within a few months
Colonel Mills had personally collected £1,300 from the ministerial
and permanent heads of Departments and others of high rank in the
Government Offices.
1892.
In 1892 the Headquarters Building was formally opened. The Prince of
Wales, as Honorary Colonel, had announced his intention of performing
the ceremony, but was prevented by the lamentable death of the Duke of
Clarence which occurred in January, and the duty was carried out by
H.R.H. the Duke of Connaught. The event was followed by a succession of
“At Homes,” dances, and other festivities to give the Regiment a house
warming in its new home.
The home itself was much appreciated, and at once began to have a
marked effect on the popularity and, consequently, upon the strength
and efficiency of the corps. It had, moreover, the great merit of
having been provided free of all future debt; for it had been the firm
principle of Colonel Mills, to whose efforts the building was due, that
not a brick should be laid until the whole of the money required for
building and furnishing had been deposited in his hands.
Many London Regiments had built themselves fine Headquarters about this
time, but in doing so had left themselves with the burden of a debt
which sadly crippled them for many years. It was not indeed until the
buildings were handed over to the War Office on the formation of the
Territorial Force that many Commanding Officers were relieved of heavy
financial embarrassments on this account.
Colonel Mills having successfully carried out the final task he had
set himself, now retired after thirty-three years of arduous service.
He was then the only member left in the corps who had served in it
from its commencement. In the following year he became Comptroller and
Auditor-General, and received the honour of knighthood.
Major Viscount Bury[4] succeeded to the Command, and the vacant post of
Field Officer was filled by the promotion of Major H. B. H. Tytheridge.
[4] In 1891 the 6th Earl of Albemarle died. He was a Waterloo veteran.
By his death the first Commanding Officer succeeded to the earldom, and
gave his name to the Hon. Arnold Keppel.
1893.
The Regiment now entered upon an era of rising strength and vigorous
efficiency. Officers keen to learn found in Captain Barton an Adjutant
who was as keen to teach. Parties on outpost work, road sketching,
military topography, etc., were soon to be found ranging the outskirts
of London and of any other place where the Civil Service were encamped,
and the result was seen in after years, when the Army List recorded a
far higher list of qualifications in “extra subjects” to the officers
of the Corps than to any other in the country.
Recruiting flourished, until in 1896 the Corps attained its full
strength of 800, and returns were only kept within authorised limits by
ruthlessly striking off would-be non-efficients.
1894.
In 1894 the Earl of Albemarle, the Regiment’s first Commanding Officer,
died, and Colonel Viscount Bury succeeded to the title.
The Corps attended the Easter manœuvres at Windsor in this year, when
its Commanding Officer secured for it the much appreciated privilege of
being quartered at Eton College.
In July, 1894, Lieutenant-Colonel Cardin (Senior Major) resigned after
a period of thirty-four years’ service in the Corps. The vacant post
was filled by the promotion of Captain and Honorary Major J. Mitford.
1895.
On the 25th May, 1895, the Prince of Wales held an inspection of
the Regiment at Chelsea Barracks. The parade strength was 719 Civil
Service, and 93 Bank of England (25th Middlesex). The Prince, who wore
the new light grey uniform of the Corps, presented the first issue of
the Long Service Medal to 40 officers and men. The Officers’ Volunteer
Decoration had been bestowed in 1892 on 17 officers (retired and
serving) of the Corps, with the Prince’s own name heading the list.
The shooting of the Regiment was much restricted this year by the
closing of all but the short (300 yards) range at Wimbledon, owing to
the efforts of the Conservators of the Common, who alleged danger to
the public.
It was not until 1898, that by the opening of the ranges at Runemede,
the Regiment was again able to fire the full musketry course, and the
Wimbledon ranges were finally abandoned.
1896.
In 1896 Captain G. Lamb, Leinster Regiment, was appointed Adjutant in
the place of Captain Barton, whose time having expired, returned to his
regiment. It was with great regret that the Civil Service parted with
this officer.
1897.
1897 was the year of the Diamond Jubilee of Queen Victoria. Unlike the
Jubilee of 1887, when the Metropolitan Volunteers turned out in their
full strength to line the route, battalions were now restricted to two
companies of 25 file each. The Civil Service Companies were commanded
by the two senior captains, Major Miall and Captain Merrick.
At the great Royal Naval Review at Spithead, the “H” (Admiralty)
Company under Captain Danter had the unique experience of providing a
Guard of Honour in the battleship _Empress of India_; perhaps the only
occasion on which the Volunteer Force was represented in a Naval Review.
In this year the Regimental Signalling Party, who for some time had
never failed to secure a high place in the list of those presenting
themselves for official examination, now passed first in the Kingdom.
1898. “Prince of Wales’ Own.”
In February, 1898, the Prince of Wales honoured the officers by
attending a Mess Dinner held at the Whitehall Rooms. Responding to the
toast of his health, the Prince complimented Lord Albemarle on the
efficiency of the Regiment, and spoke warmly of the pleasure it gave
him to remember how long he had been its Honorary Colonel--the oldest
Colonel, he thought, in the Volunteer Force. It was announced shortly
afterwards that the Regiment was to be called “The Prince of Wales’s
Own.”
1899.
Facilities were now being given for Volunteers to do as much training
as possible with regular troops, and the Civil Service took advantage
of this during the Easter period. In 1898 a strong detachment were
quartered at the Albuhera Barracks, Aldershot, and in 1899 the whole
Battalion were accommodated at the Inkerman Barracks, Woking, with the
2nd East Surrey Regiment. In reporting on outpost operations carried
out on the latter occasion, the Brigadier said: “The outpost work was
good. The placing of picquets, groups and supports left nothing to be
desired and reflects great credit on the Company officers.”
An admirable test of the state of efficiency at which the Volunteer
Force had now arrived was afforded this year by the Royal Review of
Metropolitan Volunteers on the Horse Guards Parade, held to commemorate
the fortieth year of the Force. Before midday hardly a uniform was to
be seen in the streets; but by four in the afternoon 30,000 Volunteers
had mustered at their Headquarters, marched to St. James’ Park, and
formed up in Brigades. From thence in rapid succession, after a
complicated and trying movement, owing to the awkwardly confined
space, they marched past in column of double Companies, debouching from
the Park by the gate allotted to them to their respective Headquarters,
and by 8.0 p.m. this little army had vanished back to civilian life.
The steadiness and precision of movement, the quiet, orderly behaviour,
the neat and soldierly appearance of the men made, without doubt, a
great impression on authorities and public alike.
It was well that this was so, for before the year had closed the first
demand of the country for real service was to be made on the Force.
The South African war was straining the powers of our small regular
army to its utmost limit, and in December there was a sudden call
upon the Volunteers for detachments for voluntary service in South
Africa. This call would have been responded to much more readily if the
military authorities had not hampered it with many apparently needless
restrictions. The City Imperial Volunteers raised by the Lord Mayor was
the only body allowed to retain its identity as a Volunteer unit. It
was to this force, therefore, that London volunteers pressed forward,
and for the small quota which the Civil Service were asked to supply,
three or four times the number at once presented themselves for medical
inspection.
The Regiment had the pleasure of seeing its Commanding Officer, the
Earl of Albemarle, chosen for the command of the infantry battalion;
but although several other officers volunteered their services these
posts were almost entirely reserved for members of the City Corps.
The history of the City Imperial Volunteers has been recounted at
length elsewhere. Suffice it to say that the Regiment embarked on the
20th January, 1900, and after a period of preliminary training in South
Africa, joined the 21st Brigade under General Bruce Hamilton. After
continuous marching for about fifty days the Battalion reached Pretoria
on the 5th June, and on the 12th June fought in the battle of Diamond
Hill.
An interesting impression of the effect they produced on that occasion
was furnished in a speech made at a public gathering by an officer
commanding a squadron of the Royal Horse Guards present on the field:
“We were drawn up,” he said, “on the flank of the line at the
foot of the hill, when word came down to us that the City
Imperial Volunteers were advancing to attack. With great
interest we watched through our glasses to see how volunteers
would act in coming into action. They came over the brow of
the hill in excellent formation, pressing forward as steadily
as at a review. ‘Why!’ we exclaimed, ‘You can’t tell them from
Regulars!’”
So impressed was the speaker that he determined then and there that if
ever he had the chance he would command a battalion of Volunteers.
[Illustration:
1871. WIMBLEDON.
_Photo by J. H. Lile & Co._
Sgt.-Major P. Kenny. Q.-M. F. J. Michôd. Major R. Mills.
Capt. G. C. S. Lombard.
Major J. P. Currie. Lt.-Col. Viscount Bury.]
[Illustration:
1899. OLD DEER PARK, RICHMOND.
_Photo by W. S. Stuart._
Major W. Danter. Capt. J. W. Smith-Neill, Major Lamb, Adjdt.
Scots Guards.
Lt.-Col. Tytheridge, V.D. Col. Earl of Abermarie.
To face page 36.]
The officer was the Earl of Arran, afterwards commanding the Civil
Service.
1900.
The City Imperial Volunteers returned home in November, and were given
a tumultuous welcome as they marched through London on the afternoon
of Saturday, the 21st November. The route was lined by all the
Metropolitan Volunteer Battalions; and so enthusiastic was London to
welcome its “heroes” that it was with the greatest difficulty that the
route could be kept clear.
Unfortunately, Lord Albemarle had been attacked with fever at Cape Town
and was unable to embark, thereby missing the welcome accorded to his
Battalion.
The returned warriors of the Civil Service were entertained by the rest
of the Regiment at a great banquet given in their honour in the King’s
Hall, Holborn, on the 10th December.
In all 136 members of the Corps served in South Africa, principally in
the Yeomanry. Of these five were killed or died in hospital.
Trooper A. E. Trembath (Imperial Yeomanry) earned the D.C.M., and was
promoted to rank of Lieutenant for distinguished service in action.[5]
[5] Lieutenant Trembath was killed in 1915 whilst serving with the 1st
Battalion in France.
As the country was denuded of troops in this year the Government
decided to establish Emergency Camps of Militia and Volunteers during
the summer months. Brigade Camps lasting for a month were formed, and
each Corps was requested to keep fifty per cent. of its strength in
attendance for the whole period.
The South London Brigade consisting of
2nd (South) Middlesex
7th Middlesex (London Scottish)
12th Middlesex (Civil Service)
13th Middlesex (Queen’s Westminsters)
20th Middlesex (Artists)
went into camp on Farnborough Common from the 7th July to the 7th
August. The Civil Service was by far the strongest battalion in
attendance, and at its Inspection held on Saturday, the 21st July, the
Battalion, including one Company of the 25th (Bank of England), stood
over 1,000 on parade.
Permission was obtained this year to increase the establishment of the
Battalion by two Companies and the maximum strength to 1,000. The two
new Companies were “F” Company, recruited from the clerical staff of
the London County Council, and “I” Company, formed of cyclists.
1901. Field Army Brigades.
On the 22nd January, 1901, Her Majesty Queen Victoria died. The
Regiment was informed in due course that the King would honour it by
continuing to retain the position of Honorary Colonel.
In April, 1901, the Regiment lost its Commanding Officer by the
promotion of Lieutenant-Colonel the Earl of Albemarle to the command
of the Norfolk Volunteer Infantry Brigade. Colonel Tytheridge, who had
temporarily commanded during the absence of Lord Albemarle in South
Africa, now succeeded to the command.
The experience of the South African war had forcibly impressed the
country with the fact that in the Volunteer Force it possessed an asset
deserving of greater encouragement and development than it had hitherto
obtained. As a result of this feeling, the higher military authorities
issued new and more stringent conditions of efficiency in an endeavour
to bring the backward Corps up to the general level.
Regimental Camps of Instruction were now abolished and replaced by
Brigade Camps. The Old Deer Park, Richmond, where the Battalion had
encamped for nineteen years in succession (1880 to 1898) was to harbour
it no more. Easter Manœuvres, Whitsuntide Marching Columns, Aldershot
Provisional Battalions, Clacton Seaside Engineering Camps all dropped
out; and energies were concentrated on securing a maximum muster at the
Brigade Camp, where it was necessary to maintain an attendance of half
the full strength (500) for the period of fourteen days in order to
earn the War Office grant.
The position in which the Regiment might find itself in the event of a
national emergency had long been a subject of uncertainty and doubt.
The Treasury had firmly expressed themselves on this point in a Minute
issued in 1899 and published in Regimental Orders, as follows:--
“The Volunteer Force was primarily formed for Home Defence, and
there seems special objections to a regiment like the Civil
Service Rifles serving abroad. The men have their public duties
to perform at home, and if they were sent abroad, untried
men must be temporarily employed in their places for the
performance of Civil Service professional work.”[6]
[6] There is no doubt that if it had not been for this attitude adopted
by the Treasury and firmly maintained up to 1914, and the hampering
effect it had upon Regimental authorities, the Civil Service would have
been found in that fateful year among the first of the Territorial
battalions on the field of war.
The Battalion, nevertheless, was selected as one of those to be placed
in the “Field Army Brigades” which were formed under the new scheme of
Home Defence. At first it was placed in the 24th (Volunteer) Brigade,
consisting of 2nd (South) Middlesex, 12th Middlesex (Civil Service),
21st Middlesex, and 4th (Volunteer Battalion) Royal West Surrey
Regiment.
Camp was formed this year at Jubilee Hill, Aldershot, under the Officer
Commanding the District.
1903.
In 1903 Brigades were re-organised, and the Civil Service, with the
Queen’s Westminsters, London Irish and 2nd London formed the 23rd
Brigade under Colonel Jerrard. This officer held training camps as
follows:
1903.--Shorncliffe.
1904 and 1905.--Sway (New Forest).
1906.--Shorncliffe.
About this time the Regiment effected certain changes in its uniform
with the view of making it more suitable for work in the field. The
helmet was altered to a shape which was perhaps less artistic, but
gave greater comfort, and had not the disadvantage possessed by its
predecessor of disabling the wearer from shooting when lying down. The
tunic or jacket was made much looser and contained serviceable pockets.
Puttees were adopted in lieu of gaiters, and enamelled belts were
discarded in favour of dull black leather.
Altogether it now formed a very serviceable yet attractive uniform.
Its invisibility at a distance was remarkable, and was the subject of
frequent remark by distinguished foreign officers attending manœuvres.
1902.
Captain B. J. Majendie, King’s Royal Rifles, was appointed Adjutant
in November, 1902, _vice_ Major Lamb, retired. Captain Majendie’s
experiences in the South African war had been somewhat unique and
unfortunate. Whilst accompanying a troop of cavalry sent out as a
patrol from Ladysmith on the day that war was declared, the party were
surrounded and captured by the enemy and held prisoners in Pretoria
until that place was taken by General Roberts in the following year.
Captain Majendie was the first Adjutant which the Corps had secured
from the regular regiment of which it formed a Volunteer battalion; and
by his efforts and instruction the Battalion became “riflemen,” and
adopted rifle drill and customs. But the fact that officers were always
trained at the Guards’ Schools of Instruction, where the drill of the
rifleman is unknown, was a drawback to this arrangement.
In 1902, Major and Honorary Lieutenant-Colonel Danter, who had been
appointed Major in 1897, resigned through bad health. The Battalion
owed much to Colonel Danter for his hard and brilliant work for many
years. To his energy and leadership in their early years may be mainly
attributed the successes which the Regiment were now securing in its
signalling section and in the School of Arms.
School of Arms.
To the latter institution a word is now due. Ever since the
Headquarters had been opened, the athletic youth of the public offices
in London had been attracted to this excellent training school in
their midst. During the winter months the building was thronged to
overflowing on “School” nights with perspiring youth in flannels, as
class after class followed each other in unceasing relays for hours.
Organising, directing and instructing this untiring energy were Danter,
Brett, W. H. D. Clarke, Whitehurst, Weeks, Bell, Kirkby and others,
ably supported, of course, by the most skilled instructors that the
Guards and Aldershot could supply.
The result had now become apparent in the wonderful series of successes
the School achieved, not only in the Home District Tournaments, but at
the Royal Military Tournaments in competition with the Navy and Army.
A list of winners of Challenge cups and championship and silver
medallists is given in Appendix No. V.
In addition to these successes, the School of Arms obtained 39 second
and 18 third prizes at the R.M. Tournament, and an even greater number
of prizes at the competitions of the Metropolitan Territorial School of
Arms Association.
The most successful period for the Regimental School was during the
first decade of the present century, when those fine all-round athletes
Hobbins, Marsh and Chalke were in the hey-day of their prowess, and
Major Brett, the oldest man in the competitions of 1907, won the
Officers’ Bayonet Challenge Cup.
In the previous year the Regimental Officers’ Team won the
Inter-Regimental Bayonet Fighting Cup, beating the R.M.A., with its
large complement of officers to select from, in the final. This was the
only occasion on which the Cup was wrested from the Regulars or Navy.
The Light-Weight Tug-of-War Team in 1904 became the permanent
possessors of the R.M.T. Cup, which they had won three times in four
years.
“Daily Telegraph” Cup.
In 1902 the Corps secured an honour for which it had striven for
many years, and which, although as a rule honourably placed in the
strenuous competition, it had never yet succeeded in obtaining. This
was the _Daily Telegraph_ Cup for marching and shooting, competed
for at the Home District Rifle Meeting by teams from most of the
battalions of regulars and volunteers in the district. And now, under
the leadership of Captain F. J. Brett, supported by Sergeant W. H. D.
Clarke, it was won four years in succession, a feat never performed by
any other battalion.
1904.
In 1904, Colonel Tytheridge resigned and the Earl of Arran, late
Captain, Royal Horse Guards, was appointed Commanding Officer. Captain
and Hon. Major E. Merrick and Captain R. G. Hayes were promoted Field
Officers.
At the end of 1906 the Field Army Brigades were abolished, as
preparations were then being made for a much greater call upon
volunteers than that entailed by the existing scheme of Home Defence.
Troubled by the incessant cry for economy in military expenditure from
their supporters on one side and the imminence of a European war with
insufficient military strength on the other, the Government turned
again to the Volunteer Force for aid.
The Territorial and Reserve Forces Act, 1907.
The Territorial and Reserve Forces Act was passed in 1907, by which the
Force might at once become an integral part of the Army on a threat of
war.
The Brigade Camp of 1907 held at West Tarring, near Worthing, was
therefore the last camp of the Civil Service Volunteers. Before the
summer training camps of 1908 were formed, the Corps had been disbanded
and re-enrolled, the grey uniform had been discarded, and a new
khaki-clad battalion of Territorial soldiers of the King, 800 strong,
stood ready to ask His Majesty to be again their Honorary Colonel. The
request was granted, and the _London Gazette_ announced that:
“His Majesty the King has been graciously pleased to signify
his royal pleasure that he will continue to remain Honorary
Colonel of the Corps on its transfer to the Territorial Force.”
The transfer throughout the Force was not made without difficulty or
without great effort on the part of its leaders. Much nervousness
existed as to the liabilities to be incurred under the Act, the
additional claim upon a man’s spare time, the suggested penalties in
case of default, etc. The efforts of the leaders were not assisted
by the singularly inept methods of the military authorities. The Act
provided that the Volunteer should be re-attested on entering the new
Force. The Attestation Form at first issued by the War Office contained
a long list of questions to be answered by the recruit. Prominent
across the face of the form was the statement:
“You are hereby warned that if it is found that you have given
a false answer to the following questions you will be liable to
imprisonment with hard labour.”
In this grateful and tactful manner it was proposed to greet the
patriotic citizen on taking the first step towards his additional
burden. But the protests of Volunteer Commanders were loud and the
obnoxious form was quickly withdrawn.
15th (Co. of London) Battalion, 4th London Brigade.
The Battalion, under the title of the “15th (County of London)
Battalion the London Regiment,” was placed in the 4th London Brigade of
the 2nd London Division, the brigade being constituted as before (the
old “Grey Brigade”), and still under the Lieutenant-Colonel commanding
the Scots Guards Regiment.
The first training camp of the Territorial Brigade was held at West
Down, Salisbury Plain, from August 2nd to 16th, 1908, Colonel Inigo
Jones, Scots Guards, in command. The Civil Service were by far the
strongest battalion in the camp; the London Scottish and other
corps having as yet been able to raise but a few companies for the
new Force. This result had been achieved in spite of the fact that
Treasury Regulations had been issued, regarding leave to be granted
to Territorials in Government Departments for camp training, in which
the conditions were much less generous than those formerly accorded to
volunteers by Heads of Departments.
Fortunately, an officer of the Corps, Lieutenant F. H. D. Acland,
having been elected M.P. for Richmond (Yorks), had been given the post
of Parliamentary Secretary to the War Office. By his influence the
Secretary of State for War, Mr. Haldane, commenced a tour of inspection
of Territorials by visiting the camp at Salisbury Plain and lunching
with the “Civil Service.” On his attention being drawn to the new leave
conditions, Mr. Haldane was good enough to attend the Regimental Prize
Distribution at the close of the year and publicly announced that more
generous conditions should be issued.
1908.
In August, 1908, the Earl of Arran found himself compelled, with
regret, to resign the command. Notwithstanding the fact that his former
military experience had been entirely that of a cavalry officer,
Lord Arran had, by his personal efforts, kept up the high standard
of steadiness and efficiency in drill to which the Battalion had
attained, and his popularity as a Commanding Officer had never been
exceeded by any. It was with sorrow that every member of the Corps
heard of his decision to resign.
The command was taken over temporarily for a few months by Major and
Hon. Lieutenant-Colonel Merrick, who, then in his thirty-third year
of service, declined to allow his name to be put forward for further
promotion. In December, 1908, the regiment found in Major the Hon. C.
S. H. D. Willoughby, late of the Scots Guards, a Commanding Officer
admirably qualified to lead it through the period of preparation for
more serious military work which was now before it as a battalion of
the Territorial Force.
In the change from a unit of the loosely-organized mass of Infantry
and Garrison Artillery which constituted the Volunteer Force, to that
of a strictly regulated battalion of the new Territorial Army (with
its Brigade and Divisional Staffs, its due proportion of Cavalry,
Field Artillery and Transport) the Corps had been trimmed and shorn of
many of its former privileged adjuncts. Its establishment of officers
was considerably reduced, and with great regret it lost its Honorary
Chaplain, the Rev. Canon Duckworth. Canon Duckworth had served the
Corps loyally for 23 years. He took great pride in never being a
“non-efficient,” was always on parade at the annual inspection, and
wherever the regiment was encamped its Chaplain never failed to appear
on the middle Sunday to conduct the service and preach his annual
sermon.
The Battalion also lost its two bands, and its company of cyclists was
abolished.
The drills and camp trainings required were not as extensive as those
afforded by the Corps under Volunteer conditions; but this was amply
compensated for by the benefit derived, especially by officers, from
the training given by Brigade and Divisional Staffs.
Instructional tours, in which officers of Cavalry, Artillery, Infantry
and Transport met, took place frequently to important military
positions in the neighbourhood of London. In these the Division
(_minus_ the men) would move by Manœuvre Orders duly issued by
Divisional, Brigade and other Commanders of units, billet or bivouac on
positions previously inspected and reported upon, throw out outposts,
resume column of route, move on to the battle position and engage the
enemy in the neighbourhood of Dunstable, Canterbury or other place
selected. In its early days the 2nd London Division on these occasions
had the advantage of the admirable instruction of Colonel Stanley Maude
(afterwards General Sir Stanley Maude) as chief of the staff.
1910.[7]
[7] From this point to the outbreak of war the annals are continued by
Captain Bell, late Civil Service Rifles.
The commencement of the training year saw the duties of Adjutant taken
over by Captain Fitzclarence of the Royal Fusiliers, an officer of
wide experience and one who had had some previous knowledge of the
working of a force recruited under the voluntary system. From his first
appearance on parade his popularity was assured, and he ably seconded
the efforts made by Colonel Willoughby to bring the regiment up to a
high state of efficiency.
Training during the year followed the usual course. The Easter
training was carried out at Windsor, and the Annual Training Camp
at Minster-on-Sea was of an exceptionally interesting nature. In
the opinion of many it represented the ideal camp training for the
Territorial Force, consisting as it did of practical musketry and field
manœuvres, winding up with an extensive trek through the pleasant lanes
of northern Kent. A most enjoyable fortnight was spent, and the members
of the Battalion returned at the end of it to their everyday avocations
feeling satisfied that they had made some real progress towards fitting
themselves to fulfil the duties for which the Territorial Force was
intended. The Brigadier gave expression to his views on the following
terms:
“The Brigadier wishes to thank all ranks of the Brigade for
their loyal co-operation and unflagging zeal and keenness
during the Annual Camp this year, more especially during the
week’s bivouac and hard marching, which was a severe test to
untrained troops and in which the Brigade acquitted itself to
his entire satisfaction. He attributes this success in a great
measure to the fine spirit and soldierlike pride which has ever
distinguished the Grey Brigade, and has once again successfully
brought it through a trying time. He hopes and thinks that,
though the work has been hard, the results have been great, and
that all ranks are more fitted to take their part in active
service should the necessity arise.”
A Regimental Athletic Club was formed with the twofold object of
securing the best possible representation in the Territorial Sports
and Marathon Race held annually in June and of fostering athletics
from a military standpoint throughout the Battalion. The Committee did
valuable work, and as the result of its labours the Regimental Team was
enabled to take a high place in the Marathon Race.
This year the Regiment had to mourn the loss of its Honorary Colonel,
His Majesty King Edward VII. He had been associated with the regiment
over the long period of fifty years.
Major R. B. Hughes, who had been Quartermaster to the Battalion since
the early nineties, was compelled, much to his regret, to resign his
appointment this year. The regiment felt at his departure a regret
equal to his own. Quartermaster-Sergeant W. H. D. Clark succeeded him,
and the ability and hard work which he put into the arrangements for
the Annual Camp contributed in no small degree to the success of that
outing.
The announcement that the Regiment had been honoured by the appointment
of the Rev. Canon Herbert Hensley Henson, D. D., as its Chaplain was
received with gratification by the Battalion. Canon Henson had been
approached because his church--St. Margaret’s, Westminster--is regarded
as the church of Parliament and the Civil Service.
1911.
The Easter Training this year took place at the Guards’ Depot
at Caterham. The opportunity thus afforded to the officers and
non-commissioned officers of the Battalion to see the course of
instruction through which a recruit of the Regular Army had to pass was
most valuable.
The Battalion was called on to furnish a number of detachments in
connection with the Coronation festivities this year, and acquitted
itself well throughout. The Major-General in command of the Division
expressed his entire satisfaction with the way in which the various
duties were performed. As the personal gift of His Majesty on the
occasion of his coronation, the Coronation Medal was awarded to the
Commanding Officer, the Officers Commanding the detachments, the
Quartermaster, Regimental Sergeant-Major, the senior N.C.O. and senior
Private.
Annual training in camp took place at Dover. The political situation
at home and abroad was not all that might be desired, and amongst all
ranks was the feeling that before the camp terminated the Battalion
might be called on for more serious work than that usually carried out
on these occasions. Not until the Battalion had entrained for return to
London could it be said that the tension had relaxed. The Major-General
in his remarks on the training said that he noticed with pleasure the
very good work done by all units, work which showed a distinct advance
on any previously performed. He referred to the satisfaction given
him by the cheerful way in which hardships, which resulted from the
unavoidable stoppage of railway transport, had been borne by all ranks.
The Regiment furnished a detachment consisting of 1 officer, 1 N.C.O.
and 4 men to attend the investiture of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales at
Carnarvon on July 13th, 1911.
The efforts put forth by the Regimental Sports Club in connection with
the annual Marathon Race only just failed of success, the Battalion
team finishing second.
1912.
This year saw the old pattern Slade-Wallis equipment replaced by the
Mills web equipment. The change was much appreciated and every one
felt that with the supply of the new pack and haversack it was no
longer necessary to rely for essentials on the kit-bag, and that, as a
consequence, the mobility of the Battalion was greatly increased.
A feature of the year was the Whitsuntide outing arranged at Bisley for
the purpose of drill and musketry. The detachment was favoured by good
weather and had the opportunity of firing under the most favourable
conditions all the practices laid down for the annual course.
* * * * *
Colonel Willoughby, who had been in command of the Regiment since
1908, was appointed to the command of the 6th Infantry Brigade on May
14th, 1912, and was succeeded by Major R. G. Hayes. Colonel Willoughby
during his period of command had endeared himself to all ranks, and
the Regiment parted with him with sincere regret. He issued a Farewell
Order in the following terms:
“In relinquishing his official connection with the Regiment,
Colonel Willoughby desires to thank the Officers, N.C.O.’s and
men for their loyal co-operation and constant support they have
so freely rendered him throughout the period that it has been
his privilege to command the Battalion.”
A further loss to the Battalion was that of Major F. J. Brett, who
resigned on April 27th, 1912. “Freddie’s” honours and achievements
in the world of sport would fill a book by themselves. He was the
life and soul of the Regimental School of Arms and his successes in
bayonet fighting, fencing, etc., will long be remembered. His success
in winning, in the year 1907, at the age of forty-six, the individual
Bayonet Fighting Competition at the Royal Military Tournament is one
which it can safely be said will never be equalled.
The practice of having the Easter training at the Guards Depot at
Caterham had now become established, and the welcome which was always
given the detachment there made the outing one to be looked forward
to. The annual training in camp took place this year at Frith Hill,
Aldershot, and was notable for the inclement weather experienced.
The incessant rain may, however, have been a blessing in disguise,
inasmuch as it prevented the rations being smothered with the black
sand peculiar to this locality. Despite the unpleasant conditions, the
troops kept remarkably free from illness. A feature of the training was
Brigade movements in close formation, and it was a matter of no little
astonishment to all ranks to see how easily and without confusion large
bodies of well-organised and disciplined troops could be moved over
rough and uneven ground. On the return of the Battalion from camp, the
following extract from a War Office letter was published in Regimental
Orders:
“The Army Council have expressed their appreciation and that
of the Secretary of State for War for the excellent spirit
which was shown by the Territorial troops in camp this year.
The weather has been most inclement and the soldierly spirit in
which the troops bore their discomforts was most praiseworthy.”
1913.
A review of the London District Territorial Troops by His Majesty the
King took place in Hyde Park on July 5th, 1913. The Battalion was well
represented.
The annual camp was held this year at Abergavenny in South Wales. The
Battalion had never before been called on to proceed so far afield
for its training, and the visit to Wales was looked forward to with
eager anticipation. The Brigade arrived at Abergavenny on Sunday,
July 27th, and soon got to work on the programme laid down. The first
week was devoted to section, company and battalion training, and on
the Monday in the second week all surplus canvas was struck and a
week’s trek commenced. The first day’s march brought the Battalion via
Crickhowell to Glanusk Park, where a bivouac was formed. Many members
of the Battalion were glad of the opportunity thus afforded to renew
acquaintance with Lord Glanusk, an acquaintance first formed while he
was Adjutant of the City Imperial Volunteers and maintained during his
tenure of command of the Guards Depot at Caterham. On the following
day the march was resumed, and the Battalion reached “The Forest,”
via Tretower and Cwm-du. Wednesday saw the Battalion _en route_ for
Tal-y-maes, encountering on its way an opposing force at the Pass of
Rhin Truman. The pass was forced and the troops eventually reached
their camp at Tal-y-maes, situated amongst some of the finest scenery
in Wales. There Battalion and Brigade manœuvres were carried out for a
couple of days, after which the return to Abergavenny was commenced and
the old quarters reached at the end of the week. The Brigade returned
to London on Sunday, August 10th, well satisfied that the military
authorities had succeeded in combining an enjoyable holiday with a
considerable amount of military training. A tribute to the popularity
of the conception can be found in the fact that out of a battalion 779
strong, 735 attended the camp.
1914.
All other events of the year 1914 were dwarfed by the outbreak of the
war with the Central Powers and the embodiment of the Territorial
Force. As every one recollects, the call was sudden. The Battalion was
carrying out the programme laid down for its peace training, and had
actually arrived at Perham Down Camp, Salisbury Plain, for its annual
camp training. Its stay there was but short--in fact, only a matter
of hours--and it found itself back in London within twenty-four hours
of having left it. The mobilization arrangements which had not long
before been tested under the supervision of the Brigadier worked well,
and a time of busy preparation set in.[8] At the outset the Battalion
received with astonishment the news that the Government had decided
that members of the Civil Service called up on embodiment would not be
allowed their civil pay, and would have to depend entirely on their
Army pay of their rank plus the usual allowances. It was felt that a
decision such as this would interfere greatly with the efforts made
to fill up the gaps in the Regiment, and would make difficult the
provision of the necessary reserve of men. Representations were at once
made to the Prime Minister, Captain Parish, the Adjutant, even going so
far as to interview him on the subject before he had breakfasted on the
morning following the announcement. The Prime Minister agreed to have
the matter further considered, and the result was so far satisfactory
that the flow of recruits continued.
[8] “We went to Somerset House and dismissed, but assembled again on
the Tuesday, and on Wednesday we were mobilised. The battalion of 800
odd were accommodated in the corridors of Somerset House, and we fed
à la picnic in the square.”--_Extract from letter dated Feb. 5th,
1915._--ED.
The Battalion commenced its move to its war station in the
neighbourhood of Watford on August 11th, bivouacked at Edgware for
the night, and continued the march the following day. The troops
stood the trying march well. The Battalion took up its quarters in
and around the village of Bedmond and remained there until early in
November, when it moved into billets in the town of Watford. A number
of changes in personnel took place. Colonel the Earl of Arran, a former
Commanding Officer of the Regiment, was given command of the Battalion,
Lieutenant-Colonel Hayes being appointed to the command of the second
line. The news of Lord Arran’s appointment was received with great
gratification, and every one present on parade in the little park at
Bedmond on the day on which he joined the Battalion will remember the
stirring and inspiring words in which he addressed them, winding up his
remarks by stating in a very determined way that, “We have a long way
to go, but we are going to get there.” To the great regret of the whole
Battalion Lord Arran was obliged later on to relinquish the command to
rejoin his old regiment, the Royal Horse Guards. His place was taken
by Colonel Renny, late of the Indian Army, and under him the Battalion
moved to France on March 17th, 1915.
PART TWO
1st Battalion Civil Service Rifles
By CAPTAIN P. DAVENPORT, M.C.[9]
[9] Appointed 2nd Lieut., 11th June, 1915; to France, December 24th,
1915; acting Captain, 1917; Adjutant, 27th June, 1917.--EDITOR.
INTRODUCTION
A few words on the manner in which the story of the 1st Battalion was
written will not be out of place, and may help to explain the delay in
producing the book and the obvious errors of omission which have been
committed.
When the Battalion went to France two diaries were kept at
headquarters--the War Diary, in which were recorded all the military
exploits of the Battalion, and the Regimental Diary, which contained
all the “personal gossip” in the Regiment, as well as accounts of tours
in the front line. This Regimental Diary was started by Capt. Parish,
who was then Adjutant, with the idea that it should be printed and
published at the end of the war. But owing to frequent changes in the
personnel of Battalion Headquarters, the book was not kept up to date,
and there are, in consequence, several big gaps in its pages. It was
finally closed early in 1918, when Colonel Segrave decided that as
the keeping of two diaries entailed a certain amount of duplication
of work, the War Diary should, in future, be a complete record of the
history of the Battalion. From that time, therefore, the War Diary
contained every item of interest to the Battalion, including such
details as the names of the members of football teams and the artistes
at Battalion concerts.
With these two books, therefore, I began in the winter of 1919 to
collect material for a history. A committee was formed, on which
I tried to get a representative of each Company and Specialist
Section, and here I should like to acknowledge my indebtedness to
these gentlemen, each one of whom has taken an active interest in the
preparation of the book:--R. H. Burden, D.C.M., R. G. Callingham, S.
L. Clements, E. Cooke, D.C.M., C. Ibbett, M.M., F. A. Lewis, M.M., R.
H. Maddocks, F. C. Robertson, D.C.M., G. M. Sladden and R. C. Sugars,
D.C.M.
In addition C.S.M. T. P. Brett, M.C., and Sergeant C. M. A. Tucker
were kind enough to place at my disposal a book of notes, letters,
and extracts from private diaries which they had collected, dealing
with the first year of the career of the Battalion in France. Sergeant
Tucker has been most energetic throughout in his efforts to collect
further material and to improve the crude story which I presented to
the committee.
The story was written in instalments and so read to the committee,
who criticised it and amended it, and it was then typed by Sergeant
Tucker. The typed copy was then circulated among different members of
the committee, who suggested further amendments, and the result is
now presented to the Regiment as a simple record of the outstanding
features of life in the 1st Civil Service Rifles in France.
I am fully conscious that there are grave omissions, notably in
respect to paragraphs of appreciation of individuals. There are many
more members deserving of special mention than appear in these pages,
but I have included all who were brought to my notice and who, in my
opinion, played a prominent part in the success of the Battalion. At
the same time there are some whom I have missed, and to avoid doing
these an injustice it was at one time suggested that all references to
individuals should be cut out, but there are some who played such a
big part in our history that no story of the Battalion would be nearly
complete without mention of them.
As to the literary style and arrangement of the book, I am told by one
of my critics that it is dull and lifeless, and that the descriptions
of battles are not sufficiently picturesque. My only reply is that I
have aimed at an accurate description rather than at a highly coloured
style, and I hope my critics will bear in mind that, prior to this
effort, I have never attempted anything more ambitious in the literary
line than a love letter.
In addition to members of the committee the following members of the
Regiment have very kindly written contributions:--G. C. G. Andrews,
C. E. Bassett, E. De Ath, C. N. Burdock, C. Manthorpe, L. C. Morris,
M.C., V. Stewart, J. H. Swain, and W. G. Skillern. To these gentlemen I
should like to express my grateful appreciation.
_February, 1921._ PAUL DAVENPORT.
CHAPTER I
“17TH OF MARCH MEN”
At the annual dinner in London on St. Patrick’s Day the survivors of
those who constituted the original 1st Battalion of the Civil Service
Rifles commemorate the historic day on which the Regiment first sent a
Battalion on active service--the 17th of March, 1915.
It was hardly realised when that Battalion went to France that it would
soon become the highest of distinctions in the Regiment to be described
as a “17th of March man,” but this distinction is fully recognised now,
and he is a much envied man who has the right to attend the Annual
Commemoration Dinner.[10]
[10] This dinner was instituted on the 17th March, 1916, in the Reserve
Battalion Camp at Hazeley Down, Winchester, where already a number of
the originals who had been wounded, had returned. To Captain G. C.
Grimsdale fell the honour of taking the chair at the first of these
functions, which it was decided should be held annually so long as any
“17th of March men” should live to attend them.
There were about 1,100 all ranks who, after eagerly awaiting, during
seven long months of training, the summons to join the B. E. F. in
France, achieved their ambition on St. Patrick’s Day, 1915, and
entrained at Watford in the early hours of the morning. Throughout
their stay in Watford, where they had been billeted since November,
1914, they had received the warmest hospitality, and it is not
surprising, therefore, that their pride in going to the front was
tinged with regret at leaving such good friends.
After a roundabout journey, Southampton was reached at 11.0 a.m., and
the Battalion had to confine itself for the rest of the day to a few
hundred yards of quay, impatiently awaiting embarkation, which was not
carried out till dusk. Four boats were used--the _Balmoral_, _City of
Chester_, _Jupiter_ and _Munich_--boats used in the piping times of
peace for pleasure trips along the coast. There were no bands playing,
no cheering crowds, but just three or four bored officials, embarkation
officers, and dock policemen. Thus the 1st Civil Service Rifles,[11]
under the command of Lieut. Colonel A. M. Renny, left England, having
on board the four boats thirty officers, 1,046 other ranks, and 78
horses.
[11] See Appendix for list of officers.
In addition, Captain H. B. Farquhar had taken a small advance party
some days earlier.
On the whole the Civil Service Rifles were not favourably impressed
with Havre where the battalion disembarked at about 9.0 a.m. on the
18th of March, the chief disappointment, perhaps, being that there were
little or no signs of the Great War. No welcoming crowds of pretty
French girls were there to meet them, and almost unnoticed they marched
through the town and up the hill which led to the camp above Harfleur.
Here the troops, perspiring after the steep climb, in what they thought
was full marching order, learnt that there were many more things for
the unfortunate Infantry soldier to carry in France. Winter clothing
was issued, and although it was very welcome on that bitterly cold
afternoon, the weight of it made everyone look forward with more than
usual keenness to the coming of Spring.
A bitterly cold night was spent in the tents, and at 3.0 p.m. on the
following day, the Battalion made its first acquaintance with the troop
trains of the B. E. F.--the men’s compartments of which bore the now
familiar legend:--
Chevaux (en long) 8
Hommes 37-40
Lieutenant A. Roberts and fifty-nine other ranks had to be left behind
as a first reinforcement--an arrangement made by a thoughtful G. H.
Q. to ensure that the whole of the Civil Service Rifles should not be
wiped out in their first battle.
After a most wearisome journey, lasting twenty-four hours, the
Battalion detrained at the little station of Berguette.
The march from Berguette to the billets in the village of Cauchy a la
Tour was an ordeal never to be forgotten by those who suffered it.
Fifteen miles on pavè roads, in full marching order with a blanket in
addition, tested to the uttermost men who were already fatigued by
the extreme discomfort of the cattle train. But Cauchy was reached,
without loss, at midnight, and to the consternation of all ranks, no
trace could be found of the billeting party or of the billets. This
was indeed a bitter blow to the exhausted troops, who settled down in
the main street, and began to wonder whether they had to march still
further, for there were no signs of life in Cauchy. The situation
was eventually saved by waking up M. le Maire, on whom, it is said,
Lieutenant Carlisle so successfully tried his French that billets were
found after the Battalion had been waiting in the road for two hours.
Some say the straw was clean, others say it was otherwise, but it
mattered little that night. Any place was good enough, provided the
troops could be left to sleep in peace.
It is believed that after the billeting party had left Havre, the
destination of the 47th Division was changed, and the Civil Service
Rifles were already at St. Omer before any message reached the
billeting party, who did not arrive at Cauchy until about twenty-four
hours after the Battalion was billeted.
The Battalion trained, somewhat impatiently, for three whole weeks at
Cauchy a la Tour. The troops, it must be admitted, were bored with it,
as would appear from the following description in a letter home:--
“The village is in the middle of a flat colliery district.
The northern horizon is filled with great hills of slag from
the mines--like Egyptian pyramids, whence comes an eternal
shrill whistle. The well in the market square from which we
draw our water is 100 feet deep, and it is difficult to get
near the bucket for the crush of civilians and khaki. The
women are mostly fat and sans corsets. They sell French papers
and herald their approach with a toot of a horn. Mud carts
are drawn by dogs. Horses can be seen working treadmills. The
constant stream of motor lorries bringing food stores to the
front passes along the highway. We hear the distant boom of big
guns--a famous part of the firing line is 18 miles away. But
the preponderant thought with us all is ‘Where is this bloody
war?’”
On the 22nd of March, the Battalion was inspected by Field-Marshal Sir
John French, accompanied by General Sir Douglas Haig and General Sir
Chas. Munro. The Commander-in-Chief’s remark “The men are splendid” was
afterwards reproduced in large type on the Civil Service Recruiting
Posters in London underneath a photograph of Sergeant G. L. Eager,
looking very much at home in a trench.
The first Civil Service Rifles Sports Meeting in France took place in
a small rough field in Cauchy a la Tour, on the afternoon of the 28th
March. The following account of it is taken from the Regimental Diary:--
“The events included 500 yards--winner, Private L. P. Winter,
of ‘D’ Company; 250 yards (Sergeants)--Sergeant Rathbone
(a dark horse) ‘thrown in’ with 20 yards start; 250 yards
(officers)--Captain and Adjutant F. W. Parish 1st, Captain W.
F. K. Newson 2nd; Second Lieutenant Benké 3rd. Inter-Company
tug-of-war--‘A’ Company beat ‘B’ Company on the third pull.
Officers three-legged race--Second Lieutenants Benké and
Stevens easy winners. Lieutenants Chalmers and Carlisle next.
Inter-Company team race (1 officer, 20 other ranks)--‘B’
Company 1st, ‘D’ Company 2nd. Inspection of Officers’ chargers
and also of transport horses for best turnout; two races of
250 yards for ‘visitors’--the small boys of the village who
also participated in scrambles for small change. Obstacle
race, where one obstacle proved too much for all but six
starters--Lance-Corporal Cocky Oliver 1st; Lance-Corporal
H. Battersby 2nd; Lance-Corporal W. J. Irving 3rd. The
Commanding Officer afterwards distributed prizes to the
winners. Much amusement caused by their nature. We had broken
away from the salad bowl, tea spoon and tobacco cabinets,
etc. and substituted packets of chocolate, tinned fruit, tins
of sardines, box of candles (though Cauchy is illuminated
throughout by electricity), and, for officers, tins of dubbin
and bully beef tin openers.“
It may, perhaps, be remarked that all the winners at this Sports
Meeting mentioned in the Regimental Diary have survived the war--with
the sad exception of Lieutenant R. Chalmers.
The only other incident of note during the training at Cauchy was the
visit to the Division of the Bishop of London, who, according to the
Regimental Diary, was touring the back areas. His Lordship preached to
the 140th Brigade on the 29th of March, but the only comment that can
be found is that “We had to wear our heavy packs and were kept waiting
for some time.”
On the last day at Cauchy, the 6th of April, news was received of the
first death in the Battalion on active service. Private W. E. Little
of “D” Company, who had left the Battalion on the 4th, suffering from
cerebro spinal meningitis, having died in hospital at St. Omer. Thus
the 17th of March men had already lost one man before they reached the
firing line.
CHAPTER II
GIVENCHY AND FESTUBERT
On the 7th of April the Battalion left for Bethune and the forward
area. The villagers gave the men a very hearty send-off, for the Civil
Service Rifles had thoroughly captured the hearts of all at Cauchy, who
had done their best to fête their heroes overnight.
After sleepy Cauchy, Bethune was voted top hole. The shops in the
old town were quite Parisian, and every one indulged in dainty but
unsatisfying gateaux and steaming bowls of hot chocolate. For the _bon
viveurs_ there were excellent dinners in the ancient Hotel du Nord; for
the artistic the delicate traceries in the fine old church.
Bethune already showed some scars of the war, and the building in
which the Battalion was housed, Le College des Jeunes Filles, had
lost most of its windows, but otherwise it made a comfortable billet.
Here Lieutenant A. Roberts arrived with thirty other ranks from the
Base--evidently O.C. Reinforcements thought it was high time the Civil
Service Rifles suffered some casualties. On the following day the Civil
Service Rifles made its first acquaintance with the trenches. “A” and
“B” Companies were detailed for working parties in support trenches,
while to “D” Company fell the honour of being the first Civil Service
Rifle Company to go into the front line. It was the good fortune of the
Battalion to be initiated in the mysteries of trench warfare by the
4th (Guards) Brigade, and the arrangement was that each Company should
go in for twenty-four hours “under instruction” before the battalion
held a section of the line alone. “D” Company accordingly joined the
2nd Coldstream and survived their twenty-four hours without loss, but
the first battle casualties in the Battalion were suffered by “B”
Company, who, with “A” Company, were returning from their working party
at Cuinchy, when Privates W. Bartram and H. H. Russell were wounded
by a rifle bullet, which passed through the thigh of one man and hit
the calf of the other. It is said that the wounded men were deeply
concerned on two accounts--they had seen no Germans either alive or
dead, and it was pay day and they had not drawn their pay!
There is no doubt that this first visit to the front line was
productive of a sense of disappointment. War had, till then, been
regarded as a glorious thing, a thing of bugles and flashing bayonets,
of courage in hand-to-hand encounters, and above all, of excitement.
But this first experience showed it to be a thing of drab monotony,
of dull routine, of the avoidance of being killed, of an invisible
enemy. And so the letters of these days, which were to have been of
enthralling interest, were, instead, just catalogues of the minor
duties and details of trench life. Among them, however, is one
that cannot but prove of subtle humour to the infantryman of later
years--1916 and onwards. An extract is here reproduced.
“You should see the R.E. out in front mending the barbed
wire--and when a flare goes up, dropping instantly and
looking like sandbags, to be up and working like mad as soon
as darkness ensues again--cool beggars they are--odd bullets
flying all the time.”
On the other hand, R. W. Softly’s account of the first journey up to
the line would not make the soldier of 1918 envy the man of 1915:--
“‘B’ Company had come provided with all kinds of
supplies--firewood in abundance--and tied on to most of the
packs was a ‘grand pain.’ Though man may live on bread alone I
defy him to live solely on Army biscuit. We certainly thought
we had reached the limit as beasts of burden, but as we waited
at the first communication trench, some Guardsmen passed
by. Instead of our modest bundles of firewood, they carried
enormous tree branches. Half of them possessed frying pans or
braziers, and many of them carried a pair of rubber trench
boots so hung round the neck that it looked as if they were
carrying on their shoulders a limp individual whose head and
trunk were missing. When I add that they also carried picks and
shovels, you will understand if we were inclined to regard them
as a race of supermen as they filed past us in the setting sun.”
An important event was the taking-over by the whole Battalion, on the
13th of April, of a sector of the line--the real thing at last! Here,
indeed, was an event to set the many scribes of the Battalion busy. Of
all the experiences of the war, probably none made such a vivid and
lasting impression on all ranks in the Regiment, and certainly none was
more fully written up by the members as this first tour in the firing
line of a Battalion of the Civil Service Rifles. In the light of after
events in the war, it was a very quiet and peaceful tour, and probably
much the same as the initial experience of many other Battalions, but
it was none the less the realisation of all that these men had been
training for since the outbreak of war, so it is small wonder that no
detail was omitted, so far as the censorship regulations allowed, from
the hundreds of descriptive letters sent home at this time. Probably
all of them described how the Battalion paraded in Bethune (the names
of places are included here, though they were doubtless suitably
disguised in those letters home) in full marching order, wearing
greatcoats, on the afternoon of April 13th, 1915, and marched via the
village of Beuvry to the La Bassée Canal, the latter part of the march
being by platoons at 100 yards distance. Here was the old familiar
“artillery formation” in real life at last!
Even the landmarks along the side of the Canal received their share
of attention, and mention is made of the two pontoon bridges, between
which at one point the stiff hind legs of a horse stuck out of the
water, of the broken telegraph wires along the Canal bank, and of the
ruined buildings just short of Windy Corner, where the mile-long,
narrow, winding, brick-paved communication trenches were entered. These
had homely names--“Cheyne Walk,” “Battersea Road,” “City Road,” and
the dug-outs had such names as “St. Albans Villa,” “Le Petit Riche,”
“Funland,” and so on.
Of the many trying journeys of an infantry battalion, none is worse
than the “hesitation march” along a communication trench. The floor
of the trench is uneven and is full of holes, there are numerous
obstructions across the top, causing the weary soldier to go down
almost on all fours; there are numerous momentary halts for no apparent
reason, and whenever the party does seem to get moving, sure enough the
cry will come along, “lost touch in rear.” A few muttered curses as the
troops sink down on the bottom of the trench to await the word “all up
in rear” when another start is made. It is now found that they have
lost touch in front, and the leading men are going “all out” to catch
up.
The communication trench leading to the front line at Givenchy was
apparently no exception to the rule, as will be gathered from the
following account:
“It takes half an hour to trudge up to the firing line, and,
if in rear of the platoon, it is exceedingly difficult to keep
in touch. No matter how desperately you strive to catch up,
the pack of the man in front is always just on the point of
disappearing round the corner. Stray shots whizz past from time
to time....”
The perspiring troops, having negotiated the communication trench,
arrived at last in the front line at Givenchy, and the Battalion
relieved the 1st Herts Regiment in the sector known officially as B1,
but better known as the Duck’s Bill.
The frontage held was about 400 yards, and the front line was about
half a mile in front of Battalion Headquarters and the Battalion
Reserve.
Two Companies, “B” and “D,” occupied the front line, and “A” and “C”
were in reserve in the ruined houses of Givenchy on both sides of the
canal. The village post office was used as Battalion Headquarters with
the Signal Station in the cellar.
The tour was a distinctly peaceful and uneventful one, which later
on would scarcely have been mentioned in a letter home, but the
regimental diary describes it in detail and tells how, after a quiet
day, things livened up at night and in the reserve billets “a curious
sound is heard every few seconds--smack, smack, as bullets spend
themselves on the walls around. These are probably fired by the Germans
at our fellows in the trenches, and, going high, hit the houses at
a height of perhaps ten feet from the ground. Others, however, are
probably fired from fixed rifles at gaps where we are supposed to
pass frequently--along the bridge and other places, and a lucky shot
might catch one of us. At nine o’clock we are startled by a tremendous
explosion. It is one of our big guns, nicknamed ‘Little Willie,’ on a
railway mounting. It moves along the railway by the canal, and after
firing four or five rounds it wisely goes home.”
The Companies changed round on the second day, and in the evening of
the third day the Battalion was relieved by the 1st Herts Regiment,
and returned to the college at Bethune. The troops now felt they were
real soldiers, though doubtless some were surprised to find that they
could spend three days in the line without seeing a German. The only
unpleasant feature in an otherwise very satisfactory forty-eight hours
in the line was the casualty just before the relief to Private R.
Pulman, of “D” Company, who was badly wounded in the head by a bullet.
Private Pulman died in hospital in Bethune the following day, and his
platoon attended the funeral.
The only other casualties were also in “D” Company--Sergeant G. F.
Anderson and Private I. Spielman--both wounded.
The novelty of front line trenches had not yet worn off, and having
had a not unpleasant taste of trench life, the troops were quite keen
to go in again. So it is recorded that “We had heard a rumour that
after doing our forty-eight hours in the trenches we were to return to
Cauchy, so we are now pleased when we hear that we are to go again to
the trenches to-day (the 19th of April)”.
The second trip to the line was very much like the first one, but on
the first morning the Battalion lost one who for many years had served
with great distinction. Private A. E. Snellgrove, of “B” Company, who
was killed outright by a bullet through the head, had been a crack shot
in the Regiment as long ago as the Volunteer days. Although he had left
the Regiment some time before the war, he was one of the first men to
rejoin in August, 1914. A quiet, modest and unassuming fellow, Private
Snellgrove had many friends in the Regiment, to whom his death came as
a great shock. He was buried in the Guards’ Cemetery at Givenchy.
The Battalion was holding a section of the line immediately north of
the previous sector, and the area now held included what was known as
the “Keep” at Givenchy. This was an old farm building with a courtyard
in which the Guards had made a flower bed, which they called St.
James’s Park. Here were regimental badges of various Guards Regiments
worked in box or privet hedging. Not to be outdone, the Civil Service
Rifles planted their crest in privet hedging alongside the others.
Two days in this sector, one day’s respite in billets at Le Preol, and
then two more days in the former sector B1, brought to a close the
first experience of the 140th Infantry Brigade in holding the front
line, for on the 24th of April the Brigade was relieved and the Civil
Service Rifles marched via Beuvry, Bethune and Chocques to rest billets
at the village of La Beuvrière--a village a little larger than Cauchy
and a little more pleasantly situated.
The village lay between two well-wooded uplands. Companies were
billeted in small farms by the side of main roads and the men slept
warmly on straw of suspicious character. As often as not there was
a pigsty next door. Battalion Headquarters was in a house in the
square next the grey old monastery--then used as a hospital. The
parade ground was down the hill over the railway, bounded on one side
by a swift-flowing brook good for a dip after a game of football. A
favourite morning’s training was to steer a way by compass through the
thick undergrowth of a wood, six square miles in area, to the east of
the village.
The troops now felt quite familiar with the trenches, and were glad
to have an opportunity of talking over their experiences in the
comparative comfort of the estaminets. As there had been no further
casualties there was a fairly cheerful atmosphere to greet the
remainder of the first reinforcement--twenty-eight N.C.O.’s and men who
joined from Havre on the 27th of April. The Battalion had, however,
lost a good many men through sickness--an outbreak of measles being the
chief cause. Already two officers, Lieutenants Radice and Benké, had
returned to England through sickness, and, in addition, 2nd Lieutenant
F. J. Smith, “A” Company, was so badly injured in a football match at
La Beuvrière on the 2nd of May against the Post Office Rifles, that he
had to return to England. The loss of Frank Smith was keenly felt in
the Battalion, of which he had been a member since 1906. As a sergeant
in “B” Company he was very popular, both with his brother N.C.O.’s
and with the men. He was a thorough sportsman in every way, and his
appointment to a commission in the Regiment only about a month before
was very popular with all ranks.
It was while at La Beuvrière that the Battalion received for each
Company a travelling kitchen. Hitherto cooking had been done in the
camp kettle, or “dixie,” and there had been very little variety in
the meals. After a long march, there was always a tedious waiting for
meals, but the “Company Cooker” was to revolutionise that, for dinners
could be cooked on the march--and what is more, they were. So the
infantryman salutes the inventor of the “Company Cooker.”
After nearly a fortnight’s rest the Division went back to war, and
the Civil Service Rifles, pausing for one night in very dirty reserve
billets at the village of Gorre, found themselves on the 9th of May on
the fringe, as it were, of the battle of Festubert, where they were
holding the intermediate line of breastworks, behind the 6th London
Regiment.
Although Festubert was not a battle of such magnitude as the operations
of 1916 and later, it was an event of no small importance at the time.
The first attack was delivered on the 9th of May with the object,
ultimately, of gaining the Aubers Ridge--which dominates Lille and La
Bassée. The battle went on intermittently for some days and in the end
was not successful.
But although the Battalion held a kind of “watching brief” during this
battle, recollections of Festubert are not by any means pleasant.
The ground was so marshy that it was impossible to dig trenches, and
the line hereabouts was held by a series of sandbagged barricades,
approached by two roads (Willow Road and Yellow Road) devoid of any
kind of cover. Having negotiated these roads, the men of the front line
of barricades were little, if any, better off than those in support at
the so-called Welsh Chapel, while the Reserve Company “billets” between
Welsh Chapel and Le Plantin could not be called healthy.
It was at Festubert that the Battalion first became acquainted with
the realities of war, and although the men were employed practically
throughout in holding the line, burying the dead, and on working and
carrying parties, with a little patrol work thrown in, there were many
gallant deeds done, and at the same time many gallant fellows were lost.
The most vivid impression of Festubert is associated with the enormous
number of dead, who were not only lying about the ground, but in some
places actually formed the barricades. It was often necessary for the
members of burying parties to wear the primitive gas masks, and it
was here that “Paddy” Brett, the C.S.M. of “D” Company, a man in his
forty-third year, smoked for the first time in his life.
The actual number of dead buried by the Civil Service Rifles in this
area is not known, but a very reasonable estimate puts it at 350 in
three days.
The survivors of “B” Company, in particular, have most unpleasant
recollections of the night when they had to crawl over piles of corpses
in order to go forward to occupy an advanced position.
Among other incidents of Festubert, mention should be made of the
scouting and patrolling done almost nightly by 2nd Lieutenants W.
E. Ind and F. F. Trembath, Sergeant B. K. Ware, Lance-Corporal G.
C. G. Andrews, and Privates R. W. Kelley and T. Taylor. The work of
patrolling No Man’s Land was not at this time so simple and commonplace
as it became later on, and the patrolling done by these men is
mentioned specially, not because it was the first time it had been done
in the Battalion, but because more than at any other time it was done
in earnest, and was productive of really useful information.
But although the first day of the battle was uneventful so far as the
Civil Service Rifles were concerned, it must not be imagined that no
fighting at all was done at Festubert. For it was here that the first
decorations for gallantry in the field were awarded to men of the
Battalion. On the night of the 25th of May, eight bombers were sent
to the assistance of the Post Office Rifles in an attempt to clear a
trench. After a stubborn fight the position was captured, but of the
eight bombers only four returned alive, and two of these were wounded.
The excellent work of these four was recognised by the award to each of
them of the D.C.M. These were thus the first members of the Regiment to
receive decorations in this war:--
Private W. H. Brantom, “B” Co.
Private H. Harris, “A” Co.
Private S. Lawrence, “C” Co.
Private S. W. Mills, “A” Co.
The four who were killed were Privates W. S. Curtis, “B” Company; A. J.
F. Tracey, “D” Company; P. A. L. Madell, “D” Company; and A. N. Sharp,
“C” Company.
On the same night Lieutenant R. Chalmers, known affectionately as
“Cissie,” was in charge of a working party of “B” Company digging in No
Man’s Land, when he had occasion to take out a small patrol. He came
across a party of bombers of the Post Office Rifles who were short
of bayonet men. Without a moment’s hesitation, Lieutenant Chalmers
picked up a rifle and bayonet from a man who had become a casualty, and
joining the bombers, rallied them on the parapet to resist an enemy
“rush.” He was soon in the thick of the fight and, while gallantly
leading this party of strangers, he received two bullet wounds which
afterwards proved fatal. Like the unselfish fellow he had always been,
he ordered the stretcher-bearers to attend to the other wounded first.
When he himself was afterwards carried back, he died in hospital at the
village of Chocques.
It is difficult indeed to do justice to Lieutenant Chalmers. He had
only just joined the Regiment when war broke out, but from the first
he proved himself a real enthusiast, thoroughly unselfish, and ever
ready to volunteer for any work--however unpleasant. He became a
great favourite with the N.C.O.’s and men who served under him, and
his death was keenly felt by his many friends in the Regiment. He had
already been commended by the Commanding Officer for good work in the
front line on three occasions, and his behaviour at the time when he
was mortally wounded was typical of one of the bravest fellows any
Battalion could wish for.
The 25th of May was indeed a bad day for the Battalion for, in
addition to Lieutenant Chalmers and the bombers before mentioned, many
of the stalwarts were killed or wounded on that day. Captain A. E.
Trembath,[12] O.C. “C” Company, who had served with great distinction
in the South African War, was killed in helping one of his wounded
officers (Lieutenant F. C. Olliff). It was an unfortunate affair for
“C” Company, who also lost old friends in Lance-Sergeant J. Smith
(killed) and Lieutenant A. C. Bull (wounded) at the same time. “C”
Company having already lost more than their share of old stagers in
this area could ill afford to lose any of these, and another who had
had long service in the Company was Lance-Corporal Battersby--well
known for his football and long distance running--who was so severely
wounded on the 17th of May that he lost an eye.
[12] Captain Allen Edward Trembath, born 22nd October, 1879, joined
12th Middlesex before the Boer War, transferred to Middlesex Yeomanry,
1899. South Africa mentioned in despatches, D.C.M.; later, wounded and
invalided. Granted commission Middlesex Yeomanry; returned to South
Africa till end of war. 1914 rejoined Civil Service Rifles, later
taking a commission.
The “C” Company losses by no means exhaust the Battalion’s chapter of
accidents, for “B” Company lost one of the finest men in the Battalion
in Lance-Corporal G. S. Scarr, who died on the 26th of May in hospital
at Chocques from wounds received on the previous night. Lance Corporal
Scarr was well known throughout the Battalion for many years for his
pure unselfishness and nobility of character. He was a man who always
played for his side and not for himself.
It was at Chocques, too, that Lieutenant H. R. E. Clark, the Battalion
Machine Gun Officer, died of wounds received on the 24th of May. He had
joined the Battalion soon after the outbreak of war, and had quickly
won the confidence and respect of the men whom he led so well. The
loss of Lieutenant Clark was a particularly sad blow for his father,
Lieutenant and Quartermaster W. H. D. Clark, who for many years had
been such an enthusiastic worker for the good of the Regiment. The
hearts of all ranks went out to him in sincere sympathy in his very sad
bereavement.
[Illustration:
(_Photo by Hennigan, Watford_).
W. H. BRANTOM, D.C.M. 1st Batt. Afterwards 2nd Lieutenant 2nd Batt.
Killed in Action at Souchez, 3rd July, 1916.]
[Illustration: (_Photo by Coles, Watford_).
CAPT. ALLEN EDWARD TREMBATH, D.C.M. D.C.M., South Africa, 1900.
Commission Middlesex Yeomanry. In 1914 rejoined Civil Service Rifles
and later took a Commission. Killed in Action at Festubert, 25th May,
1915.]
[Illustration: (_Copy by Plâté_).
LIEUT. ROBERT CHALMERS. Born April 13th, 1894; Died 25th May, 1915, of
wounds received in Action at Festubert.]
_To face page 66._
Amid so many bitter memories it is good to have one incident of an
amusing nature, and the story of the capture by “B” Company, assisted
by a platoon of “D” Company, of what became known afterwards as “Civil
Service Trench,” affords the one note of comic relief in the dismal
story of Festubert. The gallant charge was led at dead of night by
Major H. V. Warrender (who was then commanding “B” Company), ably
supported by the veteran Robb, who was in charge of the Company
Officer’s Mess. Robb, it is said, was armed with a Primus stove, but
it is not known whether this was meant for a miniature flammenwerfer
attack or whether it was to ensure a hot meal for his Company Commander
on arrival at the objective! Any hopes of V.C.’s in the Company were
doomed to disappointment, for the trench when reached was found to be
deserted, save by the few corpses that had been left behind. So at
last an operation was undertaken without a casualty, and shortly after
this the merry (!) month of May came to an end, and the Battalion said
good-bye to Festubert--the land of mud, blood and stench!
CHAPTER III
A “BON WAR”
The inhabitants of the little mining village of Les Brebis displayed
little or no surprise when they were called from their beds in the
middle of the night to greet the Civil Service Rifles on their arrival
from Sailly Labourse--another mining village where a peaceful week had
been spent after Festubert.
The natives of Les Brebis were now quite accustomed to being awakened
at all hours of the night to receive new lodgers, for their houses were
the billets of the Battalion in reserve to the front line at Grenay and
Maroc, near by.
The heat during the day of the 7th of June had been of the real
midsummer variety, and it was little better at night, when the march
from Sailly Labourse took place. It was not a long march, but the
troops were very thankful when it ended, for they found their equipment
very heavy on that hot June night.
Les Brebis had had a most extraordinary experience during the war. Here
was a village only about two miles from the front line, practically
untouched, and fully inhabited with civilians who still went about
their daily round as in pre-war times. The mines were still being
worked, and an excellent bathing place was found under the water tower
of the electric light works.
The men were billeted for the first time in France in close billets,
six men on an average sleeping on the small attic floors of the miners’
cottages. The miners and their families were very friendly disposed
towards the Civil Service Rifles to judge from the scribe who says:
“Mesdames were very good to us and cooked the delicacies we
purchased in the town with the utmost care. There was a barrel
of beer in almost every billet, and veal cutlets, cut thin and
‘done to a turn,’ with pommes de terre frites, egg salad and
stewed fruit made a favourite meal. Indeed, a French housewife,
whose mari was having a hard time in the Vosges on a couple of
sous a day expressed her conviction in a burst of confidence
that ‘English soldat do no work and eat too much.’”
The early months of the summer of 1915 were passed very pleasantly in
this mining district without any event of importance.
The front line was well furnished with various home comforts taken
from the almost deserted village of Maroc, the enemy was some distance
away, there was little shelling and there were very few casualties.
Indeed it was, after Festubert, very much in the nature of a picnic. No
Man’s Land was a field of waving corn, with scarlet poppies and blue
cornflowers to complete the rural scene. New potatoes and other fresh
vegetables, red currants and gooseberries could be picked in abundance
from the gardens near the trenches, and there are men who claim to have
slipped away from the line to a neighbouring estaminet “to have a quick
one” between their turns of sentry duty in the line.
The chief enemy was the ferocious fly, which, according to one victim,
“crawled under our clothes, down our backs, between our eyelids and
into our mouths and ears. Over one dug-out a wit had inscribed Itch Den
(Ich Dien) below the Prince of Wales’s feathers, testifying to the fact
that we were now not only doing our bit but being well bitten in the
process.”
More than one scribbler relieved the monotony of trench routine by
recording this phase of the Great War in his diary:
“‘The chief fatigues,’ according to Loxdale, ‘were
sand-bagging, water fetching and dug-out digging, and the
game in connection with them all was to dodge them. This was
generally effected by never being about when fatigues were
going. Other methods which still worked occasionally were
preoccupation with imaginary duties, profound slumber, or
serious indisposition at the psychological moment.’”
A night fatigue was humorously described by Beatty as follows:
“To the uninitiated who have only witnessed the carrying of
a plank along the King’s highway, plank-carrying may appear,
at first sight, a very humdrum occupation. But when two men
endeavour to negotiate the twists and turns of a tortuous
trench--some alliteration, what!--bearing on their shoulders a
12 ft. plank, the possibilities are endless.
“It was a beautiful summer night: the stars were starring in
the heavens as is their wont: the poppies on the parapet were
gaily popping and Ebo Smith and I were lying in the trench
bottom wrapped in slumber, overcoats and waterproof sheets.
“Suddenly we were rudely awakened by the raucous voice of an
N.C.O. exclaiming, ‘Five men wanted for fatigue.’ We told him
‘Yes,’ and went to sleep again. But it was no use. He kept on
chanting in a dismal monotone:
“‘Five men from No. 2 are wanted for fatigue,’ and we had
perforce to rise and follow him. After wandering for some
distance, we reached a pile of planks which we had to carry,
and this is where the fun started.
“The diabolical malice of things inanimate is well known.
The propensity for bread-and-butter to fall face downwards
on the best Brussels carpet, and the elusive gambols of the
wily collar stud are everyday occurrences; but for absolutely
fiendish cunning commend me to a 12 ft. plank.
“We had not gone more than one hundred yards along the trench
before my rifle got between my legs and the piling-swivel
caught in my puttee. I, naturally enough, leant the plank on
the parapet and bent down to unfasten my leg. This was the
opportunity for which the plank, having lulled us into a false
sense of security by its apparent docility, was waiting. With
diabolical malice it leapt from the parapet and smote me on
the back of the head. As there were no stretcher-bearers in
the neighbourhood I quickly recovered, and we proceeded on our
pilgrimage.
“Ere long we arrived at an exceedingly sharp turn, the
projecting piece being made of sandbags. We were just thinking
of sitting down to discuss the matter when one of the men in
the traverse came to our aid. Poor lad! He didn’t know that
plank.
“‘We’ll shove it over the top,’” quoth he! and, seizing one
end, leapt lightly to the top of the pile of sandbags ere we
could warn him.
“His retribution was swift. The pile of sandbags collapsed,
our good Samaritan was hurled through the air, the plank swung
round and hit him on the head, while the avalanche of sandbags
buried Ebo Smith. I dug Ebo out. We thanked our friend, hoped
we hadn’t upset him, and left him seated and thinking deeply
amidst the debris of this ruined traverse.
“Whether the plank had satiated its lust for blood or whether
it was again a case of the triumph of mind over matter, I know
not, but it gave us no more trouble, and we returned to our
slumber glowing with self-satisfaction at the thought of work
well done.”
These long spells of trench life gave splendid opportunities for
letter writing, and P. J. Tickle, in one of his letters, tells how the
Battalion thus early had experience of the guide who got lost--a bitter
experience which became all too common later on.
“After three days at Le Philosophe we wended our weary way to
the beginning of the small French communication trench, where
we picked up a guide from the battalion we were relieving. Did
I say ‘Guide.’ By all the gods man ever swore by, but he was
_no_ guide. Before reaching the support line there is only one
turning--newly cut by the British and perhaps the narrowest
I have ever cursed about. This guide managed to get us a
mile down it before discovering his mistake. We didn’t half
laugh. It’s an hour’s hard pushing to achieve such a distance
through such a trench in full marching order. Not satisfied
with having lost his way, he endeavoured to make up for lost
time, and finished the course an easy first with the rest of us
breathless and knocked, straggling at wide intervals....”
So the summer wore on, the war being so quiet that it was not uncommon
for the Battalion to remain sixteen days in the front line without
relief. One tour was very much like another, and the following by
Irving is an excellent description of a typical relief and march to
billets.
“24th July, 1915.
“Hurrah! Hurrah!! Hurray!!! I’m clean! clean! clean! Also lice
free! Oh, it is simply great!
“After a second stay of 16 days we left the firing line on the
night of the 22nd in the usual downpour. These affairs are
rather impressive in a way. Let us try to give you an idea.
“First of all, there’s the packing up and the cleaning of the
trench and dug-out for the new-comers. Then the long wait, each
man in his firing position, for the relief. Then the crushing
past the full laden crowds in the narrow trench.
“Then the long winding, never ending, communication trench
with its slippery floor, treacherous holes and deep muttered
oaths in the caressing whisper of the drizzle and the soft
darkness. Till you emerge into the quiet deserted streets of
the cemetery-like town, cross the main road, enter the twisted
iron gates and pass up the dark avenue of trees--a long, black
line of dirty, merry warriors. Now you’re within the shadow of
the ruined church, fit place for poets to weep. There it is
outlined against the flying clouds, its jagged grey tower, its
dead clock always pointing at ten to two--and the huge gaping
black wounds in its sides. As you pass, the edifice is lit up
grotesquely and ghostlike by the pale light of a distant trench
flare, and you catch a fleeting glimpse of the ruined interior
where now the rude winds roar over the heaps of debris and
round the tottering pillars and broken altar making sport of
all these sacred things long held dear by so many--the whole an
eloquent and terrifying protest against the God-defying Hun!
“Then you go out into the wind-swept plain, following the
line of broken telegraph poles, dodging stray wires and shell
holes--the long, dark, single file--trudging, silent and
sodden. Till at last you reach the warm shadows of the village
with its odd lights veiled, and at the far end our farm billet
with its clean straw and a dry and dreamless slumber.
“That was the night before last.
“Yesterday was a good day’s work. I cleaned up everything
I had, equipment and kit, and with wild glee flung myself
into washing all my underclothes, socks and handkerchiefs,
and drying them, for it was a washing day to gladden
Mother’s heart. And to crown all, a starko behind the yellow
stack--free, unfettered and with an unlimited supply of water.
One of God’s most wonderful creations. How we worshipped it
body and soul. Oh, the glory of it! To be clean again is great!
Great!!!! We sang and danced and ran and jumped and shouted and
flung our glad laughter to the blue skies, and were thankful
withal. Oh, Earth and Sky, and Wind and Trees, and Green Grass
and Strength of Man, Glory!”
“W. J. IRVING.”
* * * * *
During the whole of this time the French were making a desperate
struggle in the neighbourhood of Souchez and the Lorette Heights--and
occasional glimpses of this area were to be had, though it was mostly
enveloped in a thick cloud of smoke from the bursting shells. The
efforts of the French, however, may have diverted the attention of the
Boche, for he was certainly very kind to the neighbourhood of Grenay
and Maroc during this pleasant summer weather. In fact, he seems to
have been more severe on the villages of Le Philosophe and Mazingarbe
(where the Battalion was sometimes billeted when in reserve) than he
was on the front line. At Le Philosophe on one occasion a shell hit
Battalion Headquarters, wounding a number of Headquarters Company,
including all the regimental police.
The event of the summer was the granting of leave to England to a small
party of the Battalion. The news was first received on the 4th of July
at Mazingarbe, and the C.O. (Colonel Renny), the R.S.M. (Sergeant-Major
A. Toomey) and Sergeant F. S. Thurston were the first in the Regiment
to enjoy the most coveted privilege of the British soldier in France.
Thereafter the allotment of leave to the Battalion was at the rate of
two officers and four other ranks per week, though this rate was not
kept up for very long.
Colonel Renny, it should be mentioned, did not return from leave, as he
was detained in hospital in England. As Commanding Officer, he was very
popular with all ranks, and for his age his energy was marvellous. The
Battalion was very sorry to lose its “little Indian Colonel,” as he was
called. The men felt they would miss him most in the front line, where
it was a very familiar sight to see him wandering round, indifferent
to danger or discomfort, but determined to see things for himself.
Colonel Renny was succeeded by Major H. V. Warrender, who had hitherto
commanded “B” Company. Major Warrender was gazetted Lieutenant-Colonel
in August, and remained in command until the end of 1916. He thus holds
the distinction of having commanded the Battalion in war for a longer
period than any other commanding officer.
Trench life in the Grenay lines got very monotonous by July and the
popular grouse in the Battalion hereabouts referred to the absence of
the much-advertised Kitchener’s Army. A notice chalked on a billet door
in Quality Street read:
“Lost, stolen or strayed,
Kitchener’s Army.
Last seen in England in early spring.”
and the ditty often sung about this time which ended
“If Kitchener’s Army don’t come out very soon
’Twill be all up with this ’ere blasted platoon.”
gives evidence of the general feeling of boredom which began to
threaten the Battalion.
[Illustration: BREVET COL. A. M. RENNY, Ret. Ind. Army.
Commanded 1st Battalion, November, 1914-July, 1915.
_To face page 72._]
However, a portion at least of Kitchener’s Army appeared in due course
in this area, and during the last two days spent in trenches to the
right of the Double Crassier marked on the map as W-2, the Battalion
shepherded a kilted regiment on its trial trip in the trenches.
They were Scotch right enough (15th Division), both in speech and
character, and one of them, after breakfast on the first day, asked
in all seriousness what time the “char-rge” was. He considered there
ought to be at least one every day. Another canny one, suspecting the
“bona-fides” of his tutor, when asked what port he had embarked from,
replied “Ah’ll no tell ’e.” Yet another youthful Jock when told to go
on sentry immediately climbed out in front and began to march up and
down at the slope.
Their commissariat went wrong and they got no food for twenty-four
hours. Their hosts saw to it that they had enough to eat, and before
dawn had picked sufficient mushrooms for the combined messes, and
by dinner enough young new potatoes, carrots, red currants and
gooseberries for a good meal.
After a few days in trenches at Le Philosophe, the 47th Division moved
into Corps Reserve, the Civil Service Rifles occupying their old
billets at La Beuvrière early in August.
The Battalion now lost a very old friend in Lieutenant and
Quartermaster W. H. D. Clark, who was ordered to England to take up
an appointment in the Ministry of Munitions. Lieutenant Clark had
joined the Civil Service Rifles as a private in 1888, and had served
continuously since that time, rising through the various ranks of
N.C.O. to R.Q.M.S. until he was appointed Quartermaster in 1910.
Mr. Clark had been at all times a most enthusiastic worker for the
Regiment, and his energy knew no bounds. He took away with him the
most cordial good wishes of all ranks. Another old friend in R.S.M. A.
Toomey, a Scots Guardsman who for many years had been on the permanent
staff of the Battalion, succeeded to the appointment of Quartermaster,
and C.S.M. Jolliffe of “C” Company acted as R.S.M. Bernard Jolliffe was
undoubtedly one of the most popular members of the Regiment, and it
was distinctly unfortunate that ill-health compelled him to return to
England a few months after taking up his new duties.
The time at La Beuvrière was spent in Sports (Brigade and Divisional),
Football and Cricket, Inspections and Training.
The Battalion distinguished itself by easily defeating both the 6th
London Field Ambulance and the Post Office Rifles at cricket and the
4th London Field Ambulance at football. As these teams had previously
done well, it was considered a fine performance on the part of the
Civil Service Rifles to beat them all. G. Wright, H. E. R. Warton
and J. H. Hunt of “D” Company shone as batsmen, and Wright and Second
Lieutenant Stevens were the most successful bowlers. Lance-Corporal C.
Palser of “C” Company won the quarter mile at the Brigade Sports, and
Corporal Williams of the Transport Section was second in the High Jump
at the Divisional Sports, where Private W. H. Domoney, an “A” Company
bomber, won the open competition for bomb throwing.
It was not all Sports and Pastimes at La Beuvrière, however, and soon
the numerous parades and inspections began to pall even as trench life
had done. The now historic Brigade Order ordaining that in future the
brass tabs on the equipment and the metal parts of entrenching tool
handles were to be polished caused one of the Regimental scribes to
break into verse, and his effort was a popular item at Company and
Regimental Concerts. It was described as the turn of the evening at
a Regimental Concert held some months later, and attended by the
offending Brigadier himself and the Commanding Officer.
CHAPTER IV
LOOS AND THE SPINNEY
A return was made to the trenches at Maroc on the 1st September, when
it was found that the war had livened up considerably during the three
weeks’ absence at La Beuvrière. The aerial torpedo made its first
appearance to the Battalion, and to judge from the following letter
home from a member of “B” Company, caused some consternation:--
“When we first took these trenches over from the French there
was hardly a shell or a bullet all day. Now Hell is let loose.
The very first morning we were introduced to a novelty in the
shape of a gigantic bomb. The trench trembled and the air
rushing into our dug-outs almost blew us off our seats. We
rushed out to see what damage had been done, and could hardly
believe our eyes when we found that the bomb had exploded about
300 yards in front of the trench. The next one burst not 40
yards away, and after the blinding flash and the crash of the
explosion I felt nothing. The explosion is apparently upward
rather than outward. It is thought that the offending mortar
works on a pair of rails and is whisked back by the force of
the recoil into the side of the slag heap. Smoke rises when
the bomb is fired, but a heavy shelling at this spot failed to
silence it. Now an Artillery Observation Officer watches the
spot all day, and immediately the smoke is observed his battery
fires and tries to catch the mortar before it gets back under
cover.”
* * * * *
Preparations for the big attack at Loos now overshadowed everything
else, and the Battalion was out every night on working or carrying
parties--such light jobs as carrying gas cylinders, digging assembly
trenches and bridging trenches. All who took part in them are agreed
that these gas cylinder fatigues were the most strenuous they ever
had to do. On the first night there were two men to each cylinder.
The cylinder weighed 180 lbs., and the men in addition carried their
rifles and 100 rounds of ammunition in bandoliers. The numerous turns
in the trenches were almost impassable obstacles, and to realise the
difficulty of lifting the cylinders round the corners one must have
done the deed. Arrived at last at the front line, the cylinder had to
be lifted up high and a sort of juggling feat indulged in to get it
into the correct position desired by the critical Royal Engineer.
Fatigues generally in these days were much more difficult than at any
other time of the war. Light railways had not yet been developed, and
it was not realised at this time how great a handicap it was for a man
to have two bandoliers of ammunition swinging round his neck while he
worked.
Apart from the working parties, a happy time was spent at the little
village of Houchin, where there was much cricket and feasting and very
little drill, and it was here that the Battalion first had the use of
motor buses in France.
When the battle eventually took place on the 25th September, the Civil
Service Rifles, as at Festubert, held a watching brief, being in
Brigade Reserve to the 6th and 7th Battalions, and it was thought that
this was the origin of the title of “God’s Own.”
To the Civil Service Rifles the battle of Loos was chiefly a spectacle,
since, with the exception of two platoons of “B” Company, the whole
Battalion looked on from the reserve trenches. The fate of those two
platoons, however, brought home to their friends the realities of
battle.
Soon after the attack started, No. 6 Platoon went forward over the top
as a bomb-carrying party. Starting out twenty-five strong the party
soon suffered heavy losses, and only three men of the party survived
unhurt. No. 8 Platoon went to the rescue, and although their fate was
much better, they, too, had their losses.
The killed included the ever-popular Lance-Corporal Tommy Dodge, a
great personality both in the Civil Service Rifles and in the Civil
Service Rugby Football Club.
Of the survivors, mention must be made of Corporal F. H. Chinn, who had
been sent with five men to establish a bomb store in the second German
trench. As the five became casualties, he made three journeys up the
side of the Double Crassier alone, carrying each time as many bombs as
he could collect.
* * * * *
After Loos there was a short rest at Verquin and Nœux-les-Mines, where,
on the 8th October, the Battalion lost the valuable services of Captain
H. H. Kemble, who became second in command of the 23rd Battalion.
As officer in command of “D” Company, Captain Kemble had won the
admiration and respect of all ranks who served with him, and who were
genuinely sorry to lose him.
The winter campaign of 1915-1916 now set in in earnest, and from this
time onwards there was a long struggle against the rain, mud, and
trenches that were continually falling in.
A fleeting visit was paid to the neighbourhood of Hulluch, where the
Battalion was in reserve during the struggle on the 13th October, and
narrowly escaped the fate which befel a Battalion of the Black Watch
who went down in attempting the impossible feat of cutting their way,
under very heavy machine-gun and artillery fire, through enemy wire of
incredible thickness.
On the 28th October, “A” and “C” Companies had the honour of
representing the Battalion at an inspection by His Majesty the King in
a field near the village of Haillicourt.
Soon after their return the weather went from bad to worse. Everywhere
men were huddled on the firestep with just a ground-sheet rigged over
a couple of rifles placed across the trench--the “shelter” thus formed
carefully collecting and depositing the rain-water down the neck of the
passer by! On every ration fatigue to the “lone tree” you floundered up
to the knees in mud and water. Private Beatty, of “A” Company, soothed
his feelings one night on slipping head first into a slimy shell-hole
with the following impromptu:--
“Mis-ry unspeakable,
Horrible, shriekable,
Groundsheets unleakable,
I don’t think.
Rain never ending,
On us descending,
Simply heartrending.
Gawd----!”
when he fell backwards into another shell-hole, and the rest is
unprintable.
The effect of the incessant rain and water-logged trenches began to
tell on the spirits of all ranks. The days of hot meals in trenches had
not then arrived. Sheepskin coats, leather jerkins and woollen gloves
had not, at any rate, been issued to the Civil Service Rifles, while
gum boots, though sometimes heard of, were seldom, if ever, seen. On
many occasions, too, the only implements available for the work of
baling out the water and thin mud from the trench bottom were picks and
shovels!
It is characteristic of the spirit of the troops that there are so many
good stories told of this period of discomfort. Although it was found
that the working parties increased as the strength of the Battalion
decreased, it was also found that the rum ration increased, and one man
of “A” Company benefited so much by the extra ration that when his next
turn for sentry duty came, he faced the wrong way on the fire step and
called the attention of his platoon sergeant to a wood, which he said
he could swear was not in front of him during his previous turn of
sentry duty!
Another story is told of the same man, who was a Scotsman, during
another of his turns of sentry duty. His platoon commander suspected
him of being asleep, and brought his sergeant along to confirm or
allay his suspicions. The man was resting his head on the parapet and
apparently gazing straight to his front. The platoon sergeant said he
felt sure the man was awake, but suggested to his officer that he might
test him with a franc. The officer thereupon slipped a franc note on to
the parapet in front of the sentry’s face. Without taking his eyes off
his “front,” the sentry promptly opened his mouth and took the bait.
“The franc is yours,” said Lieutenant Bates, whose doubts as to the
alertness of his sentry were now dispersed.
By way of a diversion, the Battalion was inspected during one of the
short rests in support trenches, by a civic dignitary from London,
accompanied by his Press photographer. Of all the discomforts of life
in France few, if any, were more irksome to the British soldier than
being visited by a civilian, looking clean, and fat, and comfortable,
who would return home and have it duly advertised in the Press that he
had just been to the front to see things for himself.
It will always be a mystery to the troops why so many civilians were
allowed to come on these “Cook’s tours” to France at the nation’s
expense, and if the visitors had only thought for a moment what effect
their “patronage” had on the weary soldier, who generally had to give
up a few hours of his well earned rest for an extra parade, there
would not perhaps have been so many photographs in the Press of “Mr.
---- wearing his steel helmet and box respirator while visiting the
troops in France.” The troops would not have minded so much if only the
distinguished civilian had included a visit to the front line in his
“tour of the trenches”!
In addition to the physical strain due to the continuous exposure to
atrocious weather, Companies in turn occupying the “Spinney” trenches
towards the end of the period had their nerves sorely tried by the
eccentricities of enfilade fire. Shells burst against the inside of
the parapet, and there were some parts of the line in this very narrow
salient which appeared to be exposed to fire from the rear as well as
other directions!
There were as many as thirty casualties a day--a high average for a
trench tour. At one place in front of a steep quarry--subsequently
evacuated during bombardments--men were constantly employed in filling
and placing sandbags on the parapet as fast as they were knocked down.
The communication trenches were impassable and consequently the wounded
could not be taken down until night, when a perilous journey had to be
made over the open country, the stretcher bearers picking their way
between shell holes filled with water. There were no roads leading up
to the line, the district seemed to be unusually difficult to explore,
and parties of men were continually going astray.
The wastage in personnel due to the appalling weather and shelling had
so mounted up, that when eventually relief came, the Battalion marched,
or rather dragged itself out only about 300 strong.
The following extract from the diary of a bomber gives a characteristic
description of the close of this extraordinarily uncomfortable period
of the winter campaign of 1915-16.
“We were thankful, I can tell you, to make tracks at last for
the reserve line, but it was raining hard and it damped our
spirits to find our new trench waterlogged. We bombers had not
been in our dug-out an hour before one earth wall collapsed
and buried our equipment and belongings. We were too tired
to grumble, but propping up the fallen corrugated iron roof
to form a side, we slept soundly beneath the ruins. In the
morning, in spite of the rain and liquid mud, we set to and
made a dug-out with groundsheets and one or two pieces of
corrugated. Our new abode was the envy of our comrades. It had
even a covered in hall where we cleaned our boots before being
permitted to enter. Then we won a brazier, collared some wet
coke, charcoal and wood logs and kept up a good fire. I took
off my boots every time I came in from a fatigue and dried my
socks and puttees. We sat round the brazier at night, and by
the light of the glowing and smoking logs--for candles we had
none--told stories and sang songs and were some company. But
our nerves were still strung, and when whizbangs came over
our way we fell down on the floor in strategic positions. The
mud was still awful, and everywhere the trench and ramshackle
shanties were falling in.
“It happened, however, a fine frosty night on that 13th
November, when we were relieved by the 1st Cameron
Highlanders--as fine a regiment of Scotch troops as you could
wish to see. The Highland accent was particularly soothing. We
marched as far as Mazingarbe that night.
“Next morning was the day for Divisional Relief, and as
the Battalion marched out of the village, other troops
were marching in. It was a fine, dry, frosty morning, and
official War Office cinema operators took pictures all along
the route--we with our trench mud still on us, some wearing
sleeping helmets in lieu of caps buried in fallen trenches, a
be-draggled and motley band, hardly able to put one foot before
another--and the incoming troops marching on the other side of
the road spotlessly clean and fit.
“As we neared the railhead at Noeux les Mines the Battalion
found its old self and tried to sing with as much vigour as
trench throats would allow:
‘As we’re marching down the Broadway side,
Doors and windows open wi--de:
We know our manners,
We spend our tanners,
We are respected wherever we may go,
We are the London Bhoys!’”
“It was fine to be in the train again, and to see cows once
more browsing at peace in the fields. We all fell in love with
Lillers and soon forgot our troubles.”
* * * * *
Memories of what was afterwards known as “the 1st Lillers” (for the
Battalion visited Lillers again at the next Corps Reserve) are of
the pleasantest. The billets were good, there were plenty of sports
and amusements, and there was an appreciable increase in the leave
allotment to the Battalion.
CHAPTER V
WINTER IN THE LOOS SALIENT.
The last month of 1915 found the Civil Service Rifles in trenches
in what was justifiably called a “hot corner.” After the holiday at
Lillers, the Battalion went to occupy the well-known Hairpin trench,
near Loos.
Some months previously the general run of the German front trench
had been along the crest of a ridge, the English line being parallel
and about 100 yards below. An attempt to capture the crest had only
partially succeeded, and about fifty yards of the German trench was
occupied by English troops. A trench was dug from each end of this
strip to the English front line, thus forming the Hairpin. On each side
of the captured piece of trench a stretch of about 50 yards was left
unoccupied by either side, but obstructed by the usual block guarded by
bombers.
To connect up their front line again the Germans dug a trench in front
of the captured piece.
It will readily be understood that this was not a healthy spot, and the
advantage of holding the captured 50 yards of German trench was a very
doubtful one, as the occupants came in for a very liberal bombardment.
But _the_ tragedy of the Hairpin came on the night of the 20th
December, when the Battalion was ordered to send all its bombers,
together with some bayonet men from “B” Company, over the top on the
right of the Hairpin to jump into the German trench and bomb along
it, while a party from the 7th Battalion restored a barricade (in the
German front line adjoining the afore-mentioned captured strip of 50
yards) which the Germans had rushed early that morning.
The attack was most gallantly led by the Battalion Bombing Officer,
2nd Lieutenant A. M. Thompson, an officer of the 14th Royal Fusiliers,
attached to Civil Service Rifles, but from the outset there was not the
slightest chance of success. However, 2nd Lieutenant Thompson and the
N.C.O.’s and men with him went to their end unflinchingly, and though
the enemy put down an impenetrable barrier of bombs, rifle grenades and
machine-gun bullets, the tragic scheme went on until all officers and
N.C.O.’s taking part had been put out of action.
There were many most valuable lives lost on that night unfortunately,
as it turned out, to no purpose, for the Germans a few days later blew
up the whole trench and a number of the 23rd London Regiment, who were
holding it, went with it.
Although Second Lieutenant Thompson had only been with the Battalion
a few months, he had speedily won the confidence and respect of all
ranks, for at all times he set a fine example of courage and devotion
to duty. He was buried the next evening in the right leg of the Hairpin.
Of Lance-Corporal L. H. Druett, who died a true hero’s death in that
disastrous enterprise, it is difficult indeed to speak sufficiently
highly. His sterling qualities as a soldier, a companion, and a real
white man, won for him the respect and admiration of the most careless.
Associated for a long time with Lance-Corporal Druett was Private A.
B. Evans, otherwise “Taff” Evans, known to the bombers as “The Bird”
(having a trick of putting his head to one side like a magpie), another
of the stalwarts who lost his life in the struggle at the Hairpin while
going to the assistance of another bomber; and, among others, mention
must be made of Lance-Corporal M. Roach, who was in charge of a large
party of “B” Company bombers and bayonet men, and who was fatally
wounded whilst working on one of the barricades, after doing splendid
work that night, and of Private E. G. Crockett, who, although severely
wounded in the stomach, walked unaided to the Dressing Station over
100 yards away, but it was impossible to save his life, and he died in
hospital nearly a fortnight later. Both were great favourites in “B”
Company, where they had been well known for their good sportsmanship
and cheerfulness.
The bombers were naturally hit harder than other sections in this sad
business, and another who could ill be spared was Private H. M. Nash, a
modest and unassuming fellow, who had only recently become a bomber. It
is said that he threw his bombs like a cricket ball some 45 yards, and,
after his officers and N.C.O.’s had been hit, he performed many deeds
of gallantry before he met his death.
Enough has been written to give an idea of the losses at the Hairpin.
They were all men whose places it was felt could never be adequately
filled, and consequently the Battalion was not in a particularly joyous
mood for Christmas, which was spent in trenches and cellars near the
Water Tower at Vermelles. The conditions did not lend themselves to
a merry Christmas, for there was no chance at all of celebrating
Christmas Day, and it was not until Boxing Day that the Christmas
letters and parcels were received.
In consequence of an alarm, a sudden move had to be made on
Christmas Eve to support positions at Vermelles, and the whole of that
day and Christmas Day were spent in “standing to,” so there was little
opportunity for merry-making. But on Christmas night the alarm died
down and a move was made to huts at Noyelles, where some succeeded in
dining not wisely but too well on parcels from home, puddings from the
_Daily News_, and Army rum. The Battalion canteen managed at this time
by Ibbett, had now got into its stride, and its stock included welcome
barrels of stout, in addition to champagne, port, sherry, whisky and a
few other “dainties.”
[Illustration: BETHUNE SQUARE.]
[Illustration: DOUBLE CRASSIER, LOOS, 1915.
_To face page 82._]
New Year’s Eve was not even as cheerful as Christmas Eve, for the
Battalion was now in the front line at the Hohenzollern Redoubt, and
the artillery on both sides were busy playing the old year out--the
infantry in the front line getting the full benefit of it.
But before the New Year was many hours old, the Battalion had a real
stroke of good luck--a German mine blew up prematurely in front
of them, thus saving them from what was easily the most unpopular
frightfulness of the war!
The New Year was also marked by an act of gallantry which was
afterwards recognised by the award of the Military Medal to the two men
concerned--Corporal P. J. Tickle and Drummer H. Hogwood.
The Hohenzollern Redoubt was not a pleasant spot. There had been a good
deal of fighting in the neighbourhood during the past three months, and
khaki figures still lay stiff and grim in No Man’s Land where they had
fallen. There were therefore no regrets when the Division was relieved
by a Cavalry Division about the middle of January, 1916, and the 47th
Division relieved the 18th French Division in the Loos sector.
The Civil Service Rifles brought to a close its long association with
this neighbourhood by a short spell of trench warfare in the trenches
on the eastern fringe of the village of Loos, and on the famous Double
Crassier. The situation on the Double Crassier was unique in a way, for
both English and German trenches ran across these two big slag heaps.
The troops invariably returned from these trenches looking like so many
coal miners, for there was coal dust floating about everywhere.
The district lived up to its peace-time reputation as a centre of
mining activity, for the hated mine warfare was pursued freely about
this time with the usual accompaniment of minenwerfers. Otherwise
life hereabouts was more or less uneventful, except for a big display
of war-time fireworks on the Kaiser’s birthday, January 27th. It was
thought the great War Lord would celebrate his birthday by making a
big attack, but on the front occupied by the 47th Division he was
apparently satisfied with a heavy bombardment.
There have been numerous poets in the ranks of the Civil Service
Rifles, and there are many creditable effusions which, perhaps through
the modesty of the poet, will never see the light of print. Some,
however, have been saved, including some verses on the exploits of
Private Beatty, a bomber of “A” Company, an odd, scraggy little man,
with a husky voice, known to his intimates as Potgut Woodbine. He is
immortalised by Hanna in his
NEW SONG OF HIAWATHA.
“Came my youngling--Pip. Q. Emma,
She the youngest of my offspring,
She the peardrop of my eyelid--
Grinning, dribbling, gurgling came she.
Thus the buxom Pip. Q. Emma--
‘Say, oh, Father Potgut Woodbine,
Thou who could’st outrun the lithe louse;
Thou who never more wilt form fours,
What did’st thou when on the warpath
Strode the Hare-Hun-Scare-Hun-Willies?’
Breathless paused she for an answer.
Childling, daughter of the prairies,
Born where rushing waters thunder
(Near the Elephant and Castle
Hard against the Old Kent Gas Works)--
Listen how my kinsman Potgut
Put to flight the wily Hun-bird;
Popped it right up Hiawatha,
Fritz von Rudolph Hiawatha
And his spouse, Frau Minen Werfer.
Know you first how Hiawatha
Wooed his buxom Minen Werfer--
Learned the names of all her spare parts,
Learned her--barrel, charge and striker,
Strength of charge and detonator--
Took to parts her complex innards,
At her home, the Trench Mawt Ah Skool.
Skool am Trenchgranatenkruppe
Bureau Bomski vor Vlamingen
Mawt Ah Markwun Star How Itza
Teufel Bligh Mee Mawt Ah Oh Mi.
Took he Minnie to his bosom,
On his deer-skin wore her totem,
Wore he swankily Kross Mawt Ahs,
Token of his life’s gymkhana.
Not that Fritz’s life was one huge joke!
Or as ripe as Methu-Selah’s--
Trained he three moons with his Minnie,
Three moons--no leave--hell’s sweat--oh, hell!
Three months with the Umpteenth Na Poos.
Up the line went Hiawatha
In a truck designed for cattle
Labelled ‘London via Calais,’
By a poor misguided Fun-Man,
Poor, deluded fool Hun-Fun-Man,
Reveller in Herr Wolffe’s Folk-lore--
Grimm, Hans Andersen and Æsop
(Mighty joss-men in invention,
Fertile in imagination).
Westward on his way to Calais
Blithely journeys Hiawatha,
Counts the hours till on the Boulevard
He shall dance with Minen Werfer;
Counts the hours--and in the meantime
Bully beef imbibes--and curses.
To a full stop came the puff-puff,
Is this Calais, guard, or Paris?
Houndsditch, Croydon, Piccadilly?
New Cross Empire or the Abbey?
Tersely came the answer--‘_Hulluch_.’
Up the trench went Hiawatha,
With his jolly old Trench Mawt Ah,
Grunting, sweating, cursing, went he,
Vanished all his former blitheness.
On his side the British Tumai,
Mustered in his front-line trenches,
Mustered. Picked men of the Lun-duns.
From the Base Camps, o’er the Prairies,
Came the Warriors from The Village,
Little Village by The River,
Lun-Dun, homestead of the Cocquenays.
Came the Blackfoot Cee Essah Hipes,
Came the jolly old Westminsters.
Came Loo Eeza’s own Shoshonies,
Came the Choctan Stepney Long-Bows.
Came the Amazon-like Scott Ish,
Sinkers of the raiding ‘Emden,’
Maid-like clad, yet Mighty Warriors.
Never could one say of ‘Minnie’
As of Darling Clementine--
‘Light she was and like a fairy’--
For her Bore was 4·9,
Treble ply in all her braces
(Which were not the same as Fritz’s)
Manners none had Minen Werfer,
Minen Werfer, Strafe-ing Mawt Ah.
Spat she openly with gusto,
Vomited great land-torpedoes--
Spat she rations of contumely
At the grim-faced, grimy Tumai.
In the trench among the Tumais,
Sore-strafed, half-drowned, tortured Tumais,
Was thy kinsman Pot-Gut Woodbine,
Bomber Pot-Gut Bee Tee Woodbine,
Crouching red-faced o’er his brazier,
Puffing, blowing at the embers,
Heeding not the rage of Minnie.
Reckless he of flying fragments
Till a piece dropped in his dixie,
Flopping, dropped right home to Dixie.
Up rose Pot-Gut in his anger,
In his hand he seized a Mills Bomb,
In a loud voice bellowed ‘Pin Out’
(War-cry of the Cee Ess Bombers).
Strong of arm was Pot-Gut Woodbine,
He could throw ten Mills Bombs upward,
Throw them with such strength and swiftness,
That the tenth had left his fingers
Ere the first to earth had fallen.
In the neck, poor Minen Werfer
Got she six of Pot-Gut’s Mills Bombs;
In the neck, or rather barrel,
Other four got Hiawatha,
Got, nor thanked the Lord for sending.
Woke he in the med’cine wig-wam,
Life had ceased to be one Huge Joke,
‘Where is now my Minen Werfer,’
Cried he, and from out the darkness,
Through the noise of many waters
Came the answer, ‘Minnie? Fini!
Fini! Na poo! Compris. Got me?’
Loud his voice raised Hiawatha
In a howling lamentation--
‘Farewell,’ said he, ‘Minen Werfer’
‘Farewell, O my Strafeing Mawt Ah,’
Both my ears are buried with you,
All my hair you’ve taken with you!
Come not back again to labour,
Come not back again to swelter
Up the line with post and rations.
Soon your footsteps I shall follow
To the regions of the cursed.
To the Hell reserved for Hun-men.’
This did I, O Pip. Q. Emma,
In the Great War with the Hun-man,
Thus fought I, your mighty kinsman,
Bomber Bee Tee Pot-Gut Woodbine.
From my knee slid Pip. Q. Emma,
What a liar! Pot-Gut Woodbine!”
It was agreed by all that this gem should not be lost to the world,
and it was reproduced some months afterwards in the _Hazeley Wail_, a
magazine published by the 1st Battalion wounded who had returned to the
Reserve Battalion.
* * * * *
Hopes were now raised by rumours of another period in Corps Reserve and
a return to Lillers, but the Division was not destined to leave without
a little excitement, for in the early hours of the 15th of February,
the last day at Loos was heralded by the blowing of a big mine by
the Germans under the front line held by the 7th London Regiment on
the immediate right of the Civil Service Rifles. A diary of a bomber
describes it thus:--
“This morning I had just fallen asleep, after an arduous night
fatigue, followed by a cold stand-to, when the earth walls of
the dug-out shook with so violent a tremor that I thought we
should have been buried alive. I rushed outside to find the
enemy firing like mad! Rifle grenades, trench mortars, aerial
torpedoes, and death-dealing whiz bangs were falling in all
directions. Some 50 yards to our right a new volcano now reared
its ugly sides to Heaven. The Teutons had got their own back.
The mine was theirs. But before the earth had finished falling,
our Private Sugars (attached 140th Brigade Machine Gun Company)
from the front line trench, about 50 yards from the mine had
turned his machine gun on to the position, and his continuous
stream of lead stopped the German attempts to rush the crater.
Indeed, a heap of slain told the losses of their bold but
fruitless attacks. Alas! a party of the Seventh had met the
fate we so dreaded ourselves! They had gone up with the mine!
Truly our luck was in.
“In half an hour all firing ceased as if by consent, and
we settled down to prepare breakfast. Bulldog Harris, the
C.S.M. of ‘C’ Company, had been issuing rum at the time of
the explosion. With great presence of mind he had saved the
precious liquid from the falling debris with his cap. So we got
our ration. Many of the new draft needed such a pick-me-up, for
we quite thought the strafe was a prelude to a German attack.
The enemy was said to have massed his reserves on this front in
readiness for an offensive.
“Thank God we are to be relieved to-night! To-morrow we should
be on terra firma again, far away from the terrors of mines and
counter-mines. There will be no need to watch the sky for those
fatal rockets or to fall flat on the trench path to escape the
full fury of the nasty tearing Minnie.
“To good old Lillers with its ancient market place and quaint
mediæval images of the saints carved in niches over the
principal shops--a town now flowing with Bass, Worthington and
cheap champagne--snug Auberges, too, where you can dine in
luxury for 1 franc, 75 cents. To Lillers!”
* * * * *
The troops were naturally in the best of spirits on the morning of the
departure for Lillers. The transport had to go the whole way by road,
and started in a perfect blizzard at about 5.0 a.m.
The rest of the Battalion went by rail as usual from Nœux-les-Mines,
and, soon after arriving at Lillers, the welcome news arrived that the
Division had said good-bye to the Loos sector, and on its return to the
front line would try conclusions with the Boche in a new area.
There were many informal “celebrations” of the completion of the first
year in France during a very pleasant fortnight spent in Lillers,
where, in spite of intense cold and much snow, all ranks contrived to
be merry and to forget the war, except for the various alarms, notably
the two days’ stand-to in billets for Verdun.
A typical Company “celebration” held at the Restaurant Picot on the
27th of February has been recorded:--
“Covers were laid for 40. Our spirits were high and our
appetites huge as we tucked into two helpings each of soup,
sardines, tongue, chicken and peas, fruit, blanc mange and
dessert. At 6.0 p.m. we could toast each other in French beer,
cheap champagne and port.
“During some of the courses, Cooper, Lawman and others warbled
sweetly at the piano, and by the time the dessert course
was reached, the fun had become fast and furious. Old Picot
himself, a fat and jovial Frenchman of 50, danced and frolicked
with the youngest.
“There were no speeches made or toasts drunk to those whose
faces we so sadly missed at the festive board, but was it
altogether fancy that made us feel their presence?”
* * * * *
The occasions on which an infantry soldier in France was able to have
a bath were so few and far between in these early days, that the event
was usually recorded in the official Regimental War Diary. In the
mining districts advantage was generally taken of the civilian baths
at the mine heads, but sometimes the Divisional baths were installed
in breweries, electric light works, or, in fact, anywhere near a water
main. The baths naturally could not be near the billets of all units in
the Division, so that a bath was often preceded and succeeded by a long
march in full marching order at a most inconvenient time of day.
These objections were ultimately overcome in the Civil Service Rifles
by Lieutenant-Colonel Segrave, who brought canvas baths
from London, won a Soyer stove or two from Ordnance, and instituted
the Civil Service Rifles baths, which were open daily whenever the
Battalion was out of the line.
[Illustration: MACHINE-GUN POSITION,
GIVENCHY,
April, 1915.]
[Illustration: FESTUBERT CHURCH,
May, 1915.]
[Illustration: FRONT TRENCH, OPPOSITE HULLUCH,
Held and consolidated by Civil Service Rifles after unsuccessful attack
by 1st Division on 13th October, 1915. A Machine-Gun Officer and a Gun
Team in “Cubby Holes” cut in sides of trench.]
[Illustration: LEWIS GUNNERS OF CIVIL SERVICE RIFLES,
Vermelles, Christmas Day, 1915.]
[Illustration: “THE TOWER BRIDGE,” LOOS,
View from Firing Line on Hill 70, February, 1916.]
[Illustration: GARE ALLEY, LOOS,
November, 1915.]
The ceremonies at the Divisional baths generally took place during a
Battalion’s rest in Divisional or Corps Reserve, and a scribe of “B”
Company was so impressed with the baths at Lillers as to write the
following account in a letter home:--
“Platoons went in turns to the brewery for a bath. Imagine,
if it is not too shocking, twelve of us at a time bathing in
a mash-tub, and the unusual spectacle of 24 feet and I don’t
know how many toes meeting in the middle. No wonder somebody
described the atmosphere as ‘foetid.’ You kept on losing the
soap and diving for it under other fellows’ legs.”
At Poperinghe, later on, the baths were run by a hustler who could
now get a lucrative appointment on the District Railway. After three
weeks of trench life, a man was allowed exactly thirty seconds under
the hot spray and was then allowed to dry himself in a strong breeze
while the minions of the Divisional Laundry Officer disinfected his
clothing, which in some baths had to be strung up in a bundle on a hook
to protect him from pickpockets.
* * * * *
The first year in France was rapidly drawing to a close, and though
many gaps had been caused in the ranks by casualties and many by
members of the Regiment being appointed to commissions in other
Regiments, the Battalion as a whole had undergone little change. The
work of the first year could be looked upon with satisfaction, and
although “God’s Own” Civil Service Rifles had not taken part in any big
assault, there had been many little items of “dirty work” done.
The short stay at Lillers passed all too quickly and soon the Battalion
trekked out in the snow, the remainder of the time in Corps Reserve
being spent in training at the villages en route to the new area.
CHAPTER VI
NOTRE DAME DE LORETTE
The new area proved to be the northern end of the famous Vimy Ridge,
which the Battalion approached by easy stages, for although the
Division took over the “Carency Sector” of the line on the 13th of
March, it was not until the 10th of April that the Civil Service Rifles
went into the front line. The interval had been spent in reserve
billets in the French huts in Bouvigny Woods, in the partially deserted
village of Villers au Bois, the wholly deserted village of Carency,
the fully inhabited and rather pretty (for the Pas de Calais) village
of Fresnicourt, and in the support trenches on the hill known as Notre
Dame de Lorette (or Lorette Spur). These trenches had looked down on
the long struggle by the French in 1915 for Souchez, the famous Zouave
Valley, and for a footing on Vimy Ridge.
Lorette Spur was the most popular of all trench areas with the men,
for by day there was no movement allowed and they were thus left
undisturbed. It was here that the first anniversary of landing in
France was spent. What little shelling there was went to Battalion
Headquarters in the ruined village of Ablain St. Nazaire, and by night
the working parties were all in the neighbourhood of the trenches
occupied by the men themselves.
The Lewis Gunners were particularly happy on Lorette Spur, for they had
good dug-outs and little or no work to do. It was in these trenches
where Private Roessli (a Lewis Gunner) distinguished himself as a
sculptor, for he had ample opportunities and much good material in the
chalk with which the dug-outs were lined.
Evidence of the popularity of Lorette Spur is found in Corporal “Paddy”
Guiton’s description:--
“Shortly after this we wended our weary way to the trenches
lying in the valley under one of the spurs of the Lorette
heights. There we relieved a battalion of the Yorkshire
Regiment, ‘the old tin pots.’ I asked one of the outgoing
N.C.O.’s what the place was like. He replied in his quaint
northern dialect: ‘It’s like convalescent whoam, lad.’
“We lived in the so-called dug-outs, or rather surface shanties
in this region, and ‘C’ Company, at any rate, had quite a
‘cushy’ time. There were numerous fatigues, of course, but
the Hun let us alone, and we had great comfort--derived from
the fact that we had fires with real coal as fuel. There was
quite a good fireplace in my lair, which was inhabited by
four other N.C.O.’s, and our picnics here even on rations
(without parcels) were singularly delightful. These fires were
only allowed during the hours of darkness as the smoke might
otherwise be perceived by enemy observers.
“We renewed our coal periodically by making nocturnal visits to
the old sugar refinery at Souchez, nothing of which now remains
but a mass of twisted iron girders and a heap of stones mixed
with coal slack. This ground is that so valiantly won back by
the French during our attack at Loos, and previously in May,
1915, was the scene of the most bitter and desperate fighting.
The ground in the neighbourhood is scarred with the almost
obliterated remains of old trenches and we found an interesting
pastime in reconstructing the scenes and locating the various
trenches held by our allies and the enemy.
“Sometimes in the evening we held sports meetings, of which
an organised rat hunt formed the principal feature. On these
occasions, Sergeant Chick distinguished himself greatly. Even
now I can see his lean figure, leading the chase, a thick stick
brandished in his right hand.
“My enjoyment of the life at Notre Dame de Lorette was too full
to last, and one evening quite unexpectedly, ‘Bulldog’ Harris
warned me to prepare for leaving with the billeting party.
“Good-bye, Loretto! I earnestly hope that all the troops who
are bearing the heat and burden of the day will find the same
calm and contentment that I did under the shadow of your
frowning cliffs.”
* * * * *
The front line trenches on Vimy Ridge were considerably cleaner than
those at Loos, and although there was an extraordinary amount of mine
blowing, there were times in the early spring of 1916 when life even in
the front line was not too bad.
Out at rest, excellent sport was to be had in the nightly rat hunts
in Bouvigny Woods, as well as cricket and football, and the Officers’
Riding School under Lieut. W. H. Craig, the new Transport Officer, who
had originally come to France as Transport Sergeant.
The situation in the front line astride the Souchez River was somewhat
uncommon, for there was no trench at all, the line being held by means
of three breastworks, each holding about a platoon, about 100 yards
apart. The remainder of the Battalion occupied a quarry and an old
trench behind.
It became quite a daily practice of the enemy at this time to blow a
mine at sunrise and sundown.
On the afternoon of the 29th of April, 1916, a mine was blown under the
front line held by the 6th Battalion, on the immediate right of the
Civil Service, who were astride the Souchez River. The 6th suffered
heavy casualties and two sections of bombers and two Lewis Gun teams
were sent from the Civil Service to assist them. Sergeant E. M. Knapp
in charge of the bombers, was conspicuous throughout for his fearless
and untiring work on the crater. He himself organised the bombing
posts, not only of his own men, but also those of the 6th Battalion.
In recognition of his splendid work on this occasion, Sergeant Knapp
was awarded the D.C.M. This gallant conduct was typical of all the
work done by Sergeant Knapp, who was a real tower of strength to the
Battalion bombers. As a leader of men he was unrivalled, and his zeal
and enthusiasm were a constant inspiration to the men he loved so much
and who in turn loved him. As a parade N.C.O. Sergeant Knapp was once
described as a “Ragtime” soldier, but his enthusiasm and sterling work
in the face of danger endeared him to the hearts of all men in the
Battalion. All members of the 1st Civil Service Rifles were justly
proud of “Knappski”--a leader whom the men would follow anywhere.
Other members of the Regiment who distinguished themselves on the 29th
of April immediately the mine was blown were Corporal (afterwards
Sergeant) E. M. Nottingham, attached to the 140th Brigade Trench Mortar
Battery, who gained the D.C.M., and Corporal Smedling, also with the
Trench Mortar Battery, who gained the M.M.
From the time of his arrival in France in March, 1915, to the time of
his death at the battle of Messines in June, 1917, Sergeant Nottingham
had proved himself a man who scorned danger and loved the life of the
trenches. The exploit which won him his D.C.M. was only one of many
such in the life of a most capable leader, who will never be forgotten
by those who served with him.
The month of May, 1916, opened with a pleasant picnic in Bouvigny
Woods, followed by a restful spell in the trenches on Lorette Spur.
Here there was an excellent view one night of the explosion of six
British mines in rapid succession on Vimy Ridge, accompanied by an
unparalleled display of fireworks of all descriptions. As the men
watched the display from a comfortable distance at the top of Notre
Dame de Lorette, not one had the least suspicion that it was very soon
to be the cause of the most severe blow that fortune had so far dealt
to the Civil Service Rifles.
CHAPTER VII
VIMY RIDGE, 1916
On a gloriously sunny afternoon in May, a man was dozing outside his
hut in the pretty little woods at the village of Camblain L’Abbé, where
the Civil Service Rifles were billeted in Brigade Reserve. The Brigade
had just taken over the Berthonval sector of trenches on Vimy Ridge,
and the Civil Service Rifles were to spend a week in what appeared to
be the most delightful village they had visited in Northern France.
It was one of those days when it feels good to be alive. The birds sang
sweetly in the trees, and the delightful natural fragrance of spring
was everywhere.
The afore-mentioned man, like many of his friends, had partaken of a
comfortable dinner, washed down with what was known as Royal Shandy--a
mixture of stout and sweet champagne, and as he settled down to a
comfortable afternoon nap he reflected that, after all, war was not too
bad. Some of the more energetic of his friends had gone for a walk to
the neighbouring village of Aubigny, others were busy writing letters,
but he preferred to have a lazy afternoon of pleasant reflection. There
would be many more opportunities for excursions to Aubigny, as the
Battalion had a whole week before it in these delightful surroundings.
Perhaps in the evening he would visit the local cinema, as he had not
been to see “the Pictures” for some time. However, that could wait too
if he did not feel energetic. How he wished the Division could stay
in this sector for the rest of the war! There had not been much front
line work lately--a Battalion only seemed to get one week in four in
the front line, and when there it was not too bad--a few mines to make
a little excitement, but then these were very regular, as they always
went up at sunrise and sunset in this district, so you knew when to
expect them. Yes, he thought, as he dozed off to sleep, “It’s a bon war
here.” He had just fallen asleep when he was roughly shaken and told
that the Battalion was to “fall in” at once.
“I think they might have left us alone on a Sunday,” he groused as he
quickly got his equipment together. “Who is it this time, I wonder? The
Bishop of London or Horatio Bottomley? And why have we to march to
Villers au Bois to see him? If he wants to preach to us why can’t he
come here? However, perhaps it’s one of these infernal training gags.
Major General wants to see how long it takes to move his reserves about
on a summer Sunday evening. Wonder if we shall get back before the
estaminets close?”
Similar thoughts were expressed by other members of the Battalion, for
the only order was “Battalion will parade at once and march to Villers
au Bois. Dress, full marching order.”
Although the order came round in the middle of tea, the Battalion was
on the road in an astonishingly short space of time, and after a hot
and dusty march a halt was called in a field near the battered old
church of Villers au Bois. Here many of the men took the opportunity to
strip to the waist and rub themselves down with towels. Speculation was
still rife as to what it all meant, but the general opinion was that
it was a training stunt, which was regarded as the very worst taste on
the part of those in authority. Rumours of “dirty work afoot,” however,
began to spread through the ranks, and soon the order came to occupy
what was known as the Maistre Line--a line of trenches that had been
planned as a third line of defence in this sector.
Once outside the village a wonderful sight met the eye. About two or
three miles away, hanging over the area of the front line trenches
on Vimy Ridge, was a dense cloud of bursting shells, and to make the
scene more weird, not a sound could be heard, either of guns or of the
explosion of the shells, although it was a beautiful still evening. The
bombardment, although confined to an area of little more than a square
mile, was by far the most intense yet witnessed by the Civil Service
Rifles.
The Battalion was no sooner in position in the Maistre Line--a trench
about two feet deep, than orders were received to move forward by
Companies.
“B” Company led off, followed by “C” Company, two Lewis guns, two
sections of bombers, Battalion H.Q. and “D” Company, and the remaining
Lewis guns brought up the rear. “A” Company remained behind to bring up
rations and water.
The advance was along a very shallow and narrow communication trench,
and the scene of slaughter was approached through a barrage of tear
gas. Owing to the movement of other bodies of troops progress was very
slow, with the result that the Battalion endured some hours of tear
gas, but the line moved slowly but surely towards the Cabaret Rouge
on the Bethune-Arras Road, the site of a ruined estaminet where the
Brigade Headquarters was now situated, just on the western side of the
Zouave Valley.
In the words of the Regimental Diary:--
“The enemy was indulging in the most intense bombardment we
had witnessed. He must have employed guns of every possible
calibre. The air was just one solid mass of bursting shells.”
* * * * *
“We had little or no information as to what was happening, and
as darkness had now gathered and we were in entirely strange
trenches, there did not seem much chance of finding out.”
* * * * *
The leading Company (“B”), under Captain H. B. Farquhar, reached
Brigade Headquarters at Cabaret Rouge at 10.15 p.m., and was ordered
to report to the Commanding Officer of the Battalion holding the left
of the 140th Brigade Front. After being loaded up with bombs and an
extra 100 rounds of ammunition per man, they staggered forth through
the barrage of the Zouave Valley, where the bombardment raged with
its most intense fury, and arrived almost exhausted at the Battalion
Headquarters of the left sub-sector of what was known as the Berthonval
Sector shortly after 1.0 a.m., on May 22nd. The awful barrage of the
valley had been negotiated almost without loss.
The Company Commander was told on arrival at Battalion Headquarters
that the line of resistance and support line had been lost, and that
his Company would deliver a counter attack at 2.0 a.m. It was then
1.30 a.m., and there was therefore no time to make any reconnaissance,
nor was it possible to get any information at all as to the precise
situation. Captain Farquhar was told that on his right the 6th and
7th Battalions would co-operate, on his left a company of the London
Irish, and with him would be a party of bombers and details of the
Post Office Rifles, but where any of these troops were to be found was
not vouchsafed to him. He was told that one of his flanks would rest
on Ersatz Trench, but as he had never heard of Ersatz Trench, nor was
anyone there to show him where it was, he might just as well have been
told to rest his flanks on the Unter den Linden. He was unable to find
out whether there were any British troops between him and the Bosche,
or how much of the line he was supposed to capture.
However, with these scant particulars, and with the information that
the objective was about 600 yards up the side of the Ridge, Captain
Farquhar was ordered to start his counter attack at 2.0 a.m.
He called his Platoon Sergeants and his only other officer (Lieutenant
B. Scott) together, and acquainted them with the scheme, and arranged
his men in two waves, 6 and 8 Platoons under Lieutenant Scott in the
first wave, and 5 and 7 Platoons in the second wave.
Reports differ considerably as to what exactly happened afterwards, for
it must be remembered that the operations were carried out in total
darkness, save for the fitful glare of the German rockets and Verey
lights, and as it is difficult to get a reliable description of any
battle, even in daylight, it is even more difficult to describe this
scramble in the dark, in country which was strange to the attacking
forces, few, if any, of whom knew where to look for friends or foes.
But there is no doubt that the attack was launched at 2.0 a.m., and
that “B” Company advanced in two waves up the slopes of Vimy Ridge,
with no artillery, machine guns or Lewis guns supporting them, and
that very soon they came under such a murderous and intense fire from
enemy artillery, trench mortars, machine guns and rifles, that very
few survived unwounded. As far as can be gathered from survivors, it
appears that after taking the British front line at 9.0 p.m., the
enemy at once put out a barbed wire obstacle, and the survivors of “B”
Company claim that a number of their men actually reached the wire,
where, of course, they were helpless.
The vast majority of “B” Company having been killed or wounded, the
foremest of the unwounded survivors, finding they were now in a
hopeless position, appear to have decided to take cover in shell holes
and await developments. Here they remained throughout the whole of
the following day in scorching sunshine, looking for the best way of
escape, and at nightfall they were able to make their way back.
So much, and no more, is known of the fate of “B” Company, but “C” and
“D” Companies, who had followed them through the valley, were more
fortunate, for the former, under Captain G. A. Gaze, arriving at the
Battalion Headquarters at 1.50 a.m., were ordered to support the 18th
Battalion (London Irish) at once. As he was unable to get in touch
with the London Irish, Captain Gaze, assisted by a Company of the Post
Office Rifles, formed a defensive flank in Granby Street, where “C”
Company, dog tired as they were, set to work at once to make a decent
position, and at the same time scoured the country around in search of
the wounded, many of whom were rescued. It was in this work of rescue
that C.S.M. R. H. Harris (Bulldog Harris) excelled himself. He went far
afield in his search for his bosom friend, “Kaffir” Howett, who, as
C.S.M. of “B” Company had gone down in the van of the attacking party.
Harris was unable to find his friend who was so dear to him, but he
succeeded in bringing in several others of the wounded, and carried on
his work of rescue untiringly until daylight. It should be remembered
that the whole of this rescue work was done under incessant machine gun
and artillery fire.
Another who accomplished great deeds on this occasion was Sergeant
T. P. Chick, of “C” Company. It was daybreak when his attention was
caught by a wounded man of the Post Office Rifles, who was lying out in
front of the trench. He at once announced his intention of going out
to assist him, if possible, and although it was now fully light, he
persisted in going out once more, and safely reached the wounded man.
Sergeant Chick was crawling back, and was not more than ten yards from
the parapet, when he was shot just over the heart, and died about ten
minutes afterwards.
He died for another, and his end was typical of his life of noble
self-sacrifice in the interests of others.
It became a habit at one time among some troops in the Division to
estimate the amount of work done by a unit by the number of casualties
suffered, but although a heavy casualty list certainly indicates a
“bloody” time, it does not follow that a unit which suffers few or no
losses has done nothing.
Of the three Companies involved in the fighting at Vimy (for “A”
Company took no part in the operations beyond carrying rations), “C”
and “D” Companies appear to have got off comparatively lightly so far
as casualties are concerned, though it was due to the efforts of these
two Companies that a new front line was established so soon.
Under Captain A. Roberts, “D” Company was the last to cross the Zouave
Valley, and on arriving at Battalion Headquarters the Company was
ordered to support “B” Company. Captain Roberts had least time of all
in which to find out anything about the situation, but he led his
men up the slope and they eventually occupied the old Reserve Line
of the Battalion originally holding the sub-sector. This line they
now converted into the British front line, and “D” Company, with a
few remnants of the Post Office Rifles, held it from Granby Street to
Ersatz Trench--the intended flanks of “B” Company’s counter attack.
Prominent among the “D” Company men who helped in the rescue of the “B”
Company wounded was Corporal R. J. B. Beazley, described by his C.S.M.
as one of the best little fellows in the Regiment. He made at least
half a dozen journeys “out in front” always returning with a wounded
man.
A feature of the operations so far had been the entire silence of
the British Artillery--it was afterwards said that the enemy attack
took place in the middle of an artillery relief. But no sooner had
“D” Company dug a decent front line trench than the British Artillery
began to knock it about, and Captain Roberts had to complain of shorts
several times during the day.
The situation became quiet soon after daybreak and “C” and “D”
Companies were able to carry on with their work in peace for a few
hours, but during the day the enemy from time to time put down an
intense barrage, lasting generally for about half an hour, when the
whole valley was filled with smoke, debris and sheets of flame.
Happily, there were few further casualties on this account, and
although the dose was repeated late at night when the Battalion was
relieved by the 24th London Regiment, there was little further loss and
the Zouave Valley was left as it had been found--in a mass of smoke and
bursting shells.
The battle of Vimy Ridge, although not much more than a minor
operation--it is believed to have been the sequel to the blowing of the
six British mines in the vicinity on the night of the 15th of May--has
been described at some length because it was the most important
event so far in the life of the Civil Service Rifles in France.
Hitherto the Battalion had succeeded in preserving more or less its
original identity, but here, in the short space of twenty-four hours,
practically all that was left of the original “B” Company had been
swept away. It is perhaps because of the sudden nature of the operation
that the losses came as such a shock to the surviving members of the
Battalion.
Captain H. B. Farquhar had long been the idol of “B” Company, and a
great favourite in other Companies in the Battalion. He had done what
he could to save his men from the awful disaster, but as a soldier he
had to obey orders, and, having called his platoon sergeants together
and told them all he knew he bravely bade them good-bye, and, like the
rest of his Company, went to his doom without flinching.
Captain Farquhar has often been described as the finest Company
Commander the Battalion ever possessed.
He was keen, energetic and unselfish, a real pattern to his officers,
N.C.O.’s and men. A survivor of the “B” Company of Captain Farquhar’s
day has written an admirable character sketch of “the skipper” and his
henchman, Lieutenant Bobby Scott, who perished with the first wave at
Vimy.
“CAPTAIN FARQUHAR.--The skipper was a strong man. For all his
wit, sometimes sardonic, but always merry, he could be a man of
beaten steel on occasion.
“‘Old’ ‘B’ Company knew him well at Watford, but ‘old’ ‘C’
Company really made his acquaintance in France.
“In the line he ignored danger in a matter-of-fact way that
inspired us as much as the theatrical bravado of a shallower
man would have unsettled us. In those never-ending front line
spells just before the ‘first Lillers’ he heartened us through
many a weary night as no other man I know could have done. To
me, as a hardened and persistent night sentry, he seemed to
be an almost permanent feature of the landscape of ‘No man’s
land,’ strolling serenely up and down as if taking a leisurely
constitutional. He was always on the spot when anything
happened, and I think we got his habit of never shirking any
objectionable job which could possibly be considered ‘up to us’
to do.
“LIEUTENANT SCOTT.--‘An officer and a gentleman’ is probably
the most overworked if not the most misapplied phrase in the
military dictionary. It is too often thoughtlessly bestowed on
any nice-mannered, band-box officer. But it fitted Mr. Scott.
He was a real soldier and he was an instinctive gentleman.”
Captain Farquhar had been ably supported by his C.S.M., F. Howett,
known for many years throughout the Battalion as Kaffir Howett.
* * * * *
The Kaffir had made a name for himself long before the war broke out,
for he was for a long time associated with “Bulldog” Harris as the life
and soul of the Regimental School of Arms. These two inseparables were
also prominent members of the Civil Service Rugby Football Club.
As a soldier, Kaffir Howett had many of the sterling qualities of his
Company Commander. He was a stern disciplinarian and was fearless in
the line, but while, he too, had a subtle sense of humour, he was more
of the “strong silent man” than of the “merry and bright.”
The only consoling reflection about the loss of these more than
gallant fellows is that they could not have died in better company,
but what magnificent deeds would have been done later in the year by
such fellows as Farquhar, Scott, Howett and Chick, and to them must be
added Sergeant A. J. Andrews (Long Andrews or Driver Andrews to his
intimates) another old pillar of “B” Company, who before the war had
made a name on the football field, and Corporal S. Crocombe, a staunch
N.C.O. of “B” Company, who, although rescued on the night of the
battle, succumbed to his wounds five days later.
Besides the killed, a number of the stalwarts of the Battalion were
wounded. In “B” Company alone, these included Sergeants A. W. Hodgson,
who had already been wounded once, and F. Tyler (known as Wat Tyler),
and Corporals H. W. Rowland and F. Plaster, four N. C. O.’s who had
been prominent members of the Company for many years, whilst “D”
Company had to deplore the loss of Sergeant G. Wright, who in addition
to his fine military record, performed great deeds on the cricket field.
The Lewis Gunners also had their losses, the outstanding one being
Lance-Corporal “Cocky” Oliver (wounded) whose ready wit on all
occasions was such a valuable asset to the Lewis Gun Section.
CHAPTER VIII
CALONNE RICOUART AND SOUCHEZ
It will be gathered from the foregoing that, in whatever light the
operation on Vimy Ridge was regarded by the General Staff, to the Civil
Service Rifles it was a battle of some importance, and the loss of
so many of the leading members naturally plunged the survivors into
something approaching deep depression as they trudged wearily back
to Camblain l’Abbé on the morning of the 23rd of May. The Transport
limbers were met at Villers au Bois, and many weary men were thankful
to shed their equipment here, and some of the more exhausted managed
even to secure a lift for the rest of the journey.
The Transport Section, too, had played its part in the battle, for
every available horse and man had been employed during the 22nd of
May carrying bombs and ammunition across the track to Cabaret Rouge
in daylight. Fortunately they had escaped any loss, either of men or
horses.
Camblain l’Abbé was now very different from the quiet little village
that had seemed so far removed from the war two days before. The whole
Brigade occupied the billets recently allotted to the Civil Service
Rifles, and it was here that the news of the counter attack by the
142nd Infantry Brigade was awaited with such keen interest on the night
of the 24th. The attempt, however, like that of another Division a few
days later, was unsuccessful, and the crest of Vimy Ridge remained in
German possession until the Canadian victory of the 1st of April, 1917.
“The feelings of men leaving the danger zone for a period of rest defy
accurate portrayal. Each one has his own individual thoughts, but they
may be summed up in one word ‘contentment.’” Thus writes a well-known
N.C.O. of “C” Company, who went so far as to say that the tension had
been so great for a short period that, on knowing himself to be out
of immediate danger for the time being, he felt as if he could have
marched fifty miles, with full pack and blankets thrown in!
“Every force has a recoil,” he continues, “and most men feel
tremendously bucked on leaving the trenches for a spell out of the line.
“It was thus with feeling of great relief that the Battalion marched
to Calonne Ricouart on the 25th of May, there to forget their sorrows
in the work of training and reorganisation.”
It is pleasing to be able to record the recognition, in the shape of
honours and awards, of some of the many acts of gallantry performed in
the Battalion on Vimy Ridge, and while at Calonne Ricouart it was heard
that the work of C.S.M. R. H. Harris and Second Lieutenant F. Osborne
was recognised by the award of the Military Cross; and Lance-Corporal
Mark W. Hall, the leading stretcher-bearer of “B” Company, Sergeant W.
R. McKinley of “A” Company, Private S. H. Bressey of “D” Company and
Private L. Flanagan of “B” Company were awarded the Military Medal.
Sports Meetings of various descriptions were held at Calonne Ricouart,
and as the billets were good and the weather generally was fine, the
troops soon began to recover their good spirits.
The Transport field was approached by a one-sided rustic bridge over
a stream. On one occasion almost the entire section endeavoured to
make “Onions,” the mascot, mule take a bath from this bridge. The old
lady, however, was proof against all efforts, and the only thing that
happened was that the side of the bridge gave way. Lower down the road
was a picturesque water mill, and next to this an estaminet, “Au Joli
Pêcher,” provided liquid refreshment. Here Mlle. Felicité always had a
roomful of thirsty _soldats_ who required a great deal of la bière to
wash the dust out of their throats.
Large drafts of officers and men began to arrive from England, and very
soon the Battalion became once more up to strength, and to complete the
refitting, short rifles were now issued to all N. C. O.’s and men in
place of the long Lee Metfords with which they had hitherto been armed.
The event of the “rest” was an original revue entitled “Spit and
Polish,” performed on the afternoon of the 10th of June at the Cinema,
Divion. The “leading lady” has given the following account of the
affair.
“The first rehearsal took place in Lieutenant Sharratt’s
billet. After a lot of smoking and talking, but very little
rehearsing, the parts were allotted as follows:--
The Bogus Brigadier Private Teasdale.
Adjutant Private Graham.
Sergeant-Major Private Lloyd.
Colonel Straws, I.D. Private Chisholm.
Real Brigadier Second-Lieutenant W. H. Brantom.
Hon. Lady Lizzie Private C. Cooper.
“The plot was written round the Hon. Lady Lizzie, who, bent on
war work, obtained a situation as typist in the orderly-room
where two Tommies--one disguised as a Brigadier and the other
as an Adjutant--had decided to run the war in their own way.
Eventually the real Brigadier comes on the scene. Lady Lizzie
turns out to be his daughter and marries the bogus Brigadier,
Sir Charles Chaplin!
“The revue was performed four days after the first rehearsal.
Fortunately little memorising was needed as we relied chiefly
on gags. On the morning of the performance Captain Ind came
over to Divion to censor the dress rehearsal. Needless to
say he cut out some of the best things, though, even then,
the show had some ‘kick’ left in it. And perhaps the revue
_was_ a trifle crude in places. But there was no holding a
man like Teasdale. With his quick wit and fertile brain it
required some nimbleness of mind to keep pace with him in
_everything_--especially as I was playing the girl’s part!
“I don’t think anybody who was there will forget the occasion.
The battalion had marched from Calonne, a distance of three
miles, and arrived at the Cinema three-quarters of an hour
before time, thus giving the boys an opportunity for a concert
to themselves.[13] The noise was terrific, the bombers singing
their particular songs and being howled down by the Lewis
Gunners with their own pet ditties, and vice versa. When ‘Posh
Harry’ arrived he was greeted with the refrain:
[13] The pioneers (of whom the lengthy Foote and Ginger Facon were
notorious members) in the meantime prepared the stage, proving
themselves expert stage carpenters.
“I wish I were an R. S. M.
Earning lots of dollars.
Etc., etc., etc.”
“The first half of the programme consisted of single turns
frantically applauded. Then came the revue.
“I won’t attempt to describe it fully, but who will quite
forget the beauty chorus of those thirty nice, smart soldiers,
headed by Knapp, singing in harmony to the tune of ‘Boiled Beef
and Carrots,’ that opening chorus:
“Spit and Polish! Spit and Polish!
Our fathers said in days of yore.
That Spit and Polish would win this war.
Don’t walk about like dirty dogs
Or lads from Eton College,
The only way to win this war
Is--Spit and Polish!”
“Of this chorus, Sidwell, he of the staring eyes, was great as
the man who fainted on actually seeing the kidneys and best
parts of the meat handed to his Company when drawing rations at
the Q.M. Stores!
“The great moment, however, was Teasdale’s entry as the
Brigadier (on a chair with the back for the horse’s head) with
umpteen ribbons on his chest, wonderful top boots--his whole
appearance a thing of joy! He kept the house in a boisterous
thunder of hilarious applause right through to his final
inspection of the beauty chorus when he presented a tin of
Brasso to poor old Knapsky!”
The revue was a happy conclusion to a very enjoyable stay at Calonne
Ricouart, and shortly afterwards a return was made to the front line
trenches known as the Souchez Sector, a little north of the village of
Souchez.
The outstanding features of life in this area were the heavy trench
mortars used by the Bosches in the line, and the very happy days in
Noulette Woods, near the village of Aix Noulette, when out of the line.
Early in July the Battalion was ordered to raid the enemy trenches in
the Bois en Hache, just north of Souchez, but although five officers
and 100 other ranks were specially trained for the event, it was a
dismal failure, and it has long been a forbidden topic of conversation
in Civil Service Rifles circles. Fortunately the casualties were few,
and the Battalion left the area shortly afterwards to return to the
dreaded Berthonval sector on Vimy Ridge.
On this occasion, however, a very peaceful time was spent in the front
line, and it was hard to believe that it was the scene of the big fight
of two months ago.
The thoughts of every one were now turned to the big offensive in the
Somme district, and for some time the distant rumble of guns, heard
daily from morning till night, had given rise to discussions as to when
the 47th Division would move south to join in the fray.
It was therefore no surprise when the Civil Service Rifles marched out
of Camblain l’Abbé on the 26th of July, 1916, after four very happy
days in that pleasant village, to start the great trek to the Somme
district.
CHAPTER IX
THE TREK
During its career in France, the Civil Service Rifles have frequently
moved over long distances by route march--a practice known as
“trekking”--but the great march of 1916 seems so to have dwarfed all
other performances of a similar nature, that it is always referred to
simply as “the trek,” and it is agreed by all who took part in it, that
the trek was one of the most enjoyable experiences the Civil Service
Rifles had during the war.
At the same time the period was one of the most strenuous, the daily
programme of work being sometimes so crowded that it hardly seemed
worth while to go to bed. The Divisional Commander was evidently a firm
believer in early rising, for réveillé was often sounded at the early
hour of 3.30 a.m.
The route from the mining district to the valley of the Somme was
distinctly roundabout, and for the first two or three weeks of the trek
the Division got farther and farther away from its destination, until
eventually it came to rest near the coast in the Abbéville district.
A pleasant march on the first day brought the Civil Service Rifles
to the village of Houdain, where Lieutenant G. G. Bates organised a
very successful Mess Dinner for officers at the Café du Centre, and on
the following day, after a short march, the village of Valhuon, near
St. Pol, was reached, where four enjoyable days were spent in lovely
summer weather. The weather, indeed, was a little too summer-like
on the day of the march from Valhuon to Croisette. Not only was it
so far the hottest day of the year, but the march took place during
the hottest time of the day, and when Croisette was reached at 3.30
p.m. many had fallen by the wayside. Other units of the Division had
similar experiences, and hereafter early rising was the order of the
day, réveillé generally being sounded about an hour before dawn so that
training could be finished before the heat of the day.
A common occurrence during the marches on the trek was the failure to
observe the infantryman’s most valuable charter--ten minutes’ halt in
every hour. The marches were usually by Brigades, and the starting
point was often a mile or so away from the billeting area. For some
strange reason the march to the starting point was wont to be hurried,
and what should have been the first halt was omitted altogether.
Towards the end of the march, again, the leading Battalion, on
approaching the village in which it was to be billeted, would often cut
out the halt as the appointed time was reached, and go straight on to
the billets. The succeeding Battalions on such occasions would follow
like sheep, irrespective of whether they were billeted in the same
village or in another one two or three miles farther on.
In these circumstances it is not surprising that marches which on paper
looked nothing out of the ordinary were found to be very arduous and
trying, and men were frequently guilty of the “crime” of falling out on
the march.
At first early rising was voted a success by all ranks, but when an
afternoon parade was introduced and later an evening parade just to
fill up the day, the troops began to feel that though it was “nice to
get up in the morning,” it was certainly “nicer to stay in bed.”
A day’s rest at Croisette was followed by a march to Fortel, where,
during a four days’ stay, a delightful bathing place was discovered
in the swift-flowing, icy cold waters of the River Canche. “A” and
“D” Companies and the Lewis gunners have happy recollections of this
stream, for the most part of the two hours’ route march by Companies
which formed part of the daily programme was spent in and around the
bathing place.
The 4th of August at Conteville was marred by the sudden introduction
of an evening parade. The move from Fortel had taken place in the
early hours of the morning, and after a very short march Conteville
was reached at about 10.0 a.m. The troops were still congratulating
themselves on their luck when the order came round that all units in
the Division would at once start to practise an attack on a wood or
village.
The wandering life was resumed on the 5th of August, when the Division
moved to the training area near Abbéville, the Civil Service Rifles
being billeted in the little village of Drucat. The Division now
settled down to serious work, and for three weeks the troops trained
strenuously every day. It is interesting to note that the Division
trained for its share in the battle of the Somme near the historic
battlefield of Crécy.
But although there was much hard work and the billets at Drucat were
poor--so poor that in many cases both officers and men slept in gardens
or fields--and the inhabitants inclined to be hostile, memories of
August 1916 are among the happiest of the war.
A great drawback, however, was the scarcity of beer. The estaminets
in the village had none at all, nor did they attempt to get any, for
they were thus able to get rid of their stock of atrocious wines. The
Regimental Canteen eventually came to the rescue by securing a supply
of beer from Abbéville.
The weather at first was all that could be desired, and bathing was
indulged in daily. At the end of the fields occupied by the Lewis gun
section and the Transport lines ran a narrow, shallow stream. The men
of the Transport section, by damming the stream with a wall of filled
sandbags, managed to construct a pool just big enough for a man to
plunge in, and the bathing pool was thoroughly appreciated by officers
and men alike.
A number of N.C.O.’s and men were allowed to go to Abbéville each day,
and a merry day in the old French town usually ended with the hiring of
antiquated “voitures” for the journey home. The said “voitures” were
invariably driven by members of the Civil Service Rifles, the lawful
owners or drivers always being willing to hand over the reins, and many
were the chariot races run on the road from Abbéville to Drucat by
rival parties from the Civil Service Rifles, the winning post being the
Company parade ground, where the races ended just as the Company was on
parade for roll call.
Cricket was played in the Lewis gun field, where, also, an al fresco
concert was given one day by a concert party sent by Miss Lena Ashwell.
The weather was most unkind that day, but the spirits of the concert
party, like those of the troops, were not to be squashed by the rain,
and the artistes, five charming English ladies and two gentlemen,
gallantly stuck it until the deluge became so terrific that the noise
of it drowned the efforts of the whole party to sing “Chalk Farm to
Camberwell Green.”
What testimony to the attractiveness of the party could be more
eloquent than the simple fact that none of the audience left the field!
The appreciation of the audience was not limited to the performance. It
was a rare and refreshing feast to see those five pretty English girls,
especially to those, and they were many, who had not been privileged to
see an English girl for more than a year. Moreover, the Civil Service
Rifles were told that they were the first real fighting troops to be
entertained by these ladies, who had hitherto had to content themselves
with entertaining those whose duties kept them at the Base.
Colonel Warrender thanked the artistes in his most delightful style and
expressed the sentiments of all ranks when he said that it was the most
enjoyable concert that had ever been given to the Battalion.
While at Drucat the Battalion received a consignment of what at first
were thought to be toy bread-carts, such as are used in London suburbs.
But on inquiry it was found that these were the new “Hand Carts, Lewis
Gun,” intended to replace the limbers.
These little carts were first “tried out” on the departure from Drucat
on the 20th of August with disastrous results. The shafts broke before
the first halt, and ere long each team of Lewis gunners was stripped to
the waist, their clothes and equipment piled high on to the carts while
they tugged and pushed at their vehicles, gallantly struggling to keep
up with the Battalion. But in spite of these determined efforts they
were all very badly “tailed off.”
The route march concluded with an outpost scheme, and in the evening
the Civil Service Rifles were billeted in Villers Sous Ailly, a pretty
little village, conspicuous for the excellent spirit of hospitality
shown by the inhabitants--a welcome change from recent experiences. The
only regret about Villers was that the Battalion had to leave the next
morning.
The farce of the Lewis gun handcarts was continued, and in spite of
a great display of inventive genius by the Lewis gunners, they were
quite unable to keep up with the Battalion. Perhaps the best suggestion
was that of the man who said the Lewis gunners should take turns at
carrying the carts on their backs!
It was said the carts had passed a severe test in the courtyard of the
War Office and had been found to run smoothly when empty.
Leaving Villers Sous Ailly, two uncomfortable nights were spent at
Naours and Mirvaux (considered by many to be the most dilapidated
village in Europe outside the “forward area,” and where one man pushed
a whole wall down by simply leaning against it!), and on the 23rd
of August the 140th Infantry Brigade reached Franvillers, near the
Amiens-Albert road. Here there appeared to be a concentration of all
the flies on the Western front, and it was thought that these were to
take part in a new form of attack!
Franvillers and district was used as a kind of “finishing school” for
troops in training for any particular phase of the battle of the Somme
in 1916, and as it was fairly near to the battlefield, it had become
an unusually busy centre. Troops from all parts of the United Kingdom
seemed to have passed through and every available inch of space was
used for billets. The billets, owing chiefly to overcrowding, were very
uncomfortable and very dirty, and the natives were beginning to get
tired of the troops.
The training was of the very strenuous type--drills before breakfast,
attack practice after breakfast, musketry and digging in the
afternoon, and route march in the evening. It was now known that the
attack which was being practised daily over a taped course was to be on
a certain wood, but the name of the wood was so far kept secret.
But in spite of this crowded programme, there were some who found time
for trips to Amiens, and there were many who enjoyed the excellent
bathing in a natural pool in the Ancre at Heilly, a village south of
the Amiens-Albert road.
It was at Franvillers that Sergeant R. F. M. Bigby earned the gratitude
of his comrades by securing an issue of rum for all. According to his
story he was drinking beer in an estaminet, when the Regimental Medical
Officer came in on a tour of inspection, accompanied by the A.D.M.S.
A mild outbreak of enteric in the Division was causing the medical
fraternity some anxiety at the time, and efforts were being made to
discover the cause of it. The A.D.M.S. asked Sergeant Bigby what he was
drinking, but, on being informed, instead of ordering any, as Bigby
had expected, the doctor inquired about the quality of it. The gallant
sergeant assured the medicos that the quality was poor, but that if
followed by a ration of rum there were no ill effects. On the contrary,
a ration of rum at night, especially during bad weather and in bad
billets, had been found to be a pretty sure prevention against enteric,
which complaint, added Bigby--as the medicos were doubtless aware--was
getting rather troublesome at Franvillers. But then, there had not been
an issue of rum so far in that village, so could one be surprised?
When, very shortly after this interview, a ration of rum was issued to
the troops, there were few in the Division who did not acclaim the name
of Bigby!
Early in September it became known that the 47th Division was to
attack the German positions in and around High Wood--positions which
had already been captured by more than one Division, but afterwards
retaken by the Germans, who, throughout six weeks of heavy fighting,
had resisted all attempts to dislodge them permanently. To the Civil
Service Rifles were allotted the first German lines in the wood itself,
with the 7th Battalion on their right and the 17th Battalion on their
left. Henceforth there was a state of suppressed excitement in the
Battalion, and all ranks took the very keenest interest in the full
dress rehearsals over a marked-out battlefield, which occupied the last
days of training at Franvillers. These “shows” were attended by the
whole Division, including Artillery, Trench Mortars, and the contact
aeroplanes attached to the Division, and the attack was practised with
zero at every possible hour of the day or night.
By the time Franvillers was left, on the 12th of September, every man
understood what he had to do and where he had to go in the battle.
A few privileged persons had been to see a demonstration of the great
secret of the war--the Caterpillars, as they were called in those days,
also frequently referred to at this time as the “Hush! Hush!” These
new engines of warfare, which soon became known as Tanks, were to make
their first bow to the public by assisting in the attack on High Wood,
where two of them were eventually allotted to the Civil Service Rifles
in place of an artillery barrage.
After leaving Franvillers, the Battalion took the fine Route Nationale
to Albert, “a city of empty and ruined houses, some occupied by our
troops, others barred and bolted as if a very plague had taken off the
population.” The Civil Service Rifles passed right under the shadow
of the ruined cathedral with the gilded Madonna and Child hanging
face downwards from the top of the steeple. From Albert the Battalion
marched to Becourt Wood and relieved the 2nd Royal Sussex in what
looked like a big rubbish tip, remaining there in reserve until the
14th.
The scene which met the eye after passing through Albert has been
recorded by Corporal De Ath, who was attached to the 140th Trench
Mortar Battery.
“I shall never forget the sight that met our eyes on the other
side of the town,” writes De Ath. “It took us some time to
realise that we were looking on what was to us, an almost
incredible and unheard of thing--a vast armed camp just behind
the trenches and well within shell fire. As far as the eye
could see there were miles of tents, bivouacs, limbers and
horse lines. Huge dumps of supplies and ammunition covered
the ground, and between them, in any old corner, were the big
guns--huge monsters roaring incessantly and devouring the great
piles of shells stacked around. Everywhere were scenes of the
greatest activity, and one could only rub one’s eyes and gasp
at this astounding spectacle. The colossal cheek of that great
camp rather shocked us, but there it was, unconcerned and
undisturbed, thanks to our magnificent aircraft, constantly
patrolling above with never an enemy plane daring to do
likewise.
“We pitched our bivouacs on the crest of a ridge just behind
the old front line, and to the left of Becourt Wood. From that
high point we got a good view of the surrounding country. At
our feet the usual flotsam and jetsam of abandoned trenches
with their tangled heaps of barbed wire. Away behind us was
the wooded country-side which came as a change after the drab
monotonous scenery of the Flemish Flats. Closer at hand the
ruined Cathedral caught one’s eye.
“But away in front, in the wake of the advance, the picture
was entirely different. It was a scene of desolation--a desert
of low ridges, scarred and marked by blurred lines of chalk
trenches and shell holes. Here and there a few jagged tree
stumps stood out, but nearly every feature of the landscape
had been swept away by the furious pounding of our shells.
“All along the sky line our heavy shells and shrapnel were
bursting continually, so that the smoke never ceased. Now and
again it would slacken only to break out again with double
intensity. Behind and around us the ‘Heavies’ boomed and
roared, whilst in front in every little valley and hollow, even
in the open without pretence of cover, our 18-pounders snapped
and barked viciously, alternating with the deeper notes of the
4·5’s and the 60-pounders. Between whiles one heard the heavy
‘crump’ of the Hun shells.
“A confused blur showed where a village once stood, but only
a heap of rubble and dust was left, revealed more often than
not by the junction of several roads. In the dip below lay
Fricourt, to the left Thiepval and Pozieres where bloody fights
raged on July 1st. Further away the green mass of Mametz Wood,
still providing excellent cover in spite of the thinning out
it had undergone. Further on lay Contalmaison, Montauban and
the Bazentins, with Delville Wood to the right, and there on
the crown of the ridge a little bunch of tree stumps marked
the wood that was to be our goal, the key to the desperate
game that we were to play on the morrow. The country seemed
surprisingly difficult. A series of low hills and ridges
plentifully dotted with woods and villages and traversed by
numerous sunken roads, culminated in the ridge which overlooked
the plain of Bapaume. Most of that ridge was already ours, but
in many places the enemy still hung out with stubborn tenacity.
It looked terrible country to fight through--naturally strong
and made almost impregnable by German science and skill.
It was realised that the Civil Service Rifles were about to go through
the most severe test in their history, by the side of which Festubert,
Loos, and even Vimy Ridge would be insignificant. The thorough training
which had just been completed, however, had filled all ranks with
confidence, and the great Somme trek, which ended on the 14th of
September with the relief of the 1st Surrey Rifles in the front line
trenches in High Wood, brought to a close a period of training which
for really strenuous work has never been beaten. Some, in fact, allege
that the Division was overtrained at this time, and that the “finishing
school” at Franvillers had nearly finished them off. But in spite of
these allegations, it is believed that the Battalion had never been
better prepared for battle.
CHAPTER X
HIGH WOOD
What a wonderful scene it was along the New German Road on the
afternoon of the 14th of September--a never-ending transport column
moving along in broad daylight, conveying ammunition and R.E. material
for the big fight. An object of special interest to the Civil Service
Rifles was one of the tanks which was passed on the road. The men
studied it critically and expressed a pious hope that it would turn up
all right on the day.
Although the road was so crowded with traffic, there was little
shelling, and after passing Bazentin-le-Grand the long communication
trench was entered and the front line reached without loss.
High Wood was about the last vantage point that the enemy held along
the ridge. Only a few jagged trees remained and the ground was littered
with broken limbers and pitted with innumerable shell holes which
literally intersected one another. Various trenches ran through the
Wood, of which the greatest part was held by the enemy.
The relief over, it became known that zero for the attack would be
at 5.50 a.m. on the morrow, and thereupon a weird silence fell over
all the area of the assembly trenches, where the men were packed like
sardines in a tin. Many chapters have been written in an attempt to
describe the eve of a battle, but the finest description ever written
falls very short of expressing the feelings and thoughts of the men as
they wait in their assembly trenches for the dawn.
No attempt will be made here to describe the eve of High Wood. Suffice
it to say that it was a very quiet night; that the troops, as they
stood squashed up in Black Watch Trench, fervently hoped that their
fate on the morrow would be better than that of the Battalion whose
name the trench bore; and that the only fellows who got any sleep were
those who crept out into No Man’s Land to lie down in shell holes.
Rum was issued at dawn, and after a sleepless night it was unusually
welcome.
And now zero hour approached, and thoughts turned to the tanks, which
were due to be on the German front line five minutes before zero. The
time drew nearer, but no tanks appeared, and a few minutes before zero,
Company Commanders received a message telling them to send an officer
to guide the tanks, if seen. Thus, the Civil Service Rifles were
handicapped at the start, for the tanks were neither seen nor heard.
Owing to the irregular formation of the assembly trenches, “B,” “C” and
“D” Companies had been instructed to creep out before zero, so that
when the attack started they would be forming a straight line with “A”
Company, who were on the extreme right. These Companies accordingly
began to creep up soon after 5.30 a.m. The fight, therefore, can be
said to have started well before zero, for at once as these men left
their trenches, German rifles opened fire, followed by machine guns,
and by zero hour the three left Companies of the Civil Service Rifles,
together with the Battalion on their left, were already being treated
to a murderous fire from a multitude of machine guns and rifles in
the German front line trenches. At the same time down came the German
artillery barrage on the assembly trenches. As there was no artillery
support whatever, the attack at this point was held up, but not before
about four-fifths of “B,” “C,” and “D” Companies had been either killed
or wounded.
“A” Company, on the right, fared much better. They did not leave their
trenches until zero, and their course led them out of the wood almost
immediately. Consequently, when they started, the German machine guns
were already busily occupied with the other Companies, and “A” Company
carried the first and second German trenches outside High Wood with
comparatively little loss. Arrived at the objective, a certain amount
of hand-to-hand fighting took place, in which Sergeant H. B. Riddell
and Second Lieutenant L. L. Burtt, distinguished themselves, the former
being chiefly instrumental in putting a machine gun out of action,
though he was wounded in the fight.
The Battalion signallers following up “A” Company had established a
station in the captured trench, and as their lines held for some time,
the details of how “A” Company had fared were quickly sent down to
Battalion Headquarters.
“A” Company had already taken a number of prisoners, and they now
proceeded to bomb along the captured trench towards where they expected
to find “B” Company, but it was soon realised that the other Companies
had been held up. The situation with these Companies was very grave.
The Company Commanders of “B” and “D” Companies, Captains Leslie Davies
and Arthur Roberts, had been killed, while Captain Geoffrey Gaze,
commanding “C” Company, was wounded, but refused to go down. Captain
Gaze, in fact, was the only officer in these three Companies remaining
at duty. A good many of the senior N.C.O.’s had also been killed and
wounded, but thanks to the timely efforts of C.S.M. Brett of “D”
Company, C.S.M. Harris of “C” Company, and the surviving N.C.O.’s of
all three battered Companies, the remnants were formed up again in the
assembly positions, ready for another attempt.
[Illustration:
_Photo by Coles, Watford._
CAPT. LESLIE DAVIES.]
[Illustration:
_Photo by Hana Studios, Ltd._
CAPT. A. ROBERTS.]
[Illustration:
_Photo by Coles, Watford._
CAPT. GEOFFREY A. GAZE.
Killed in Action 1916, and buried in one grave at High Wood, 15th
Sept., 1916.
_To face page 112._]
Meanwhile the tanks had not shown up, though one of them later on,
after nearly smashing up Battalion Headquarters, got stuck in a
communication trench, and materially interfered with the removal of the
wounded. Its pilot got out, and, going into Battalion Headquarters,
asked the Commanding Officer where High Wood was. Colonel Warrender’s
reply is not recorded.
The other tank eventually got into action somewhere in front of “D”
Company’s objective, and then caught fire.
At 11.0 a.m. the 140th Infantry Brigade Stokes mortar battery came to
the rescue. Captain Good, who was in command, had had his guns on the
spot overnight, and had been anxious to give the attacking infantry
some support. On the ground that surprise was to be the key-note of the
attack, however, the authorities decided to keep the Stokes guns, like
the artillery, silent. Captain Good and his men responded magnificently
when they were given the permission they sought so eagerly, and for
twenty minutes, “feeding their voracious little pets with bombs until
they grew too hot to touch,” as De Ath says, the battery put down such
an accurate and intense bombardment on the German front line that
“C” and “D” Companies, when they went forward again, carried their
objectives without much difficulty. The trench mortars had fired close
on 800 rounds in twenty minutes--a feat afterwards described by 4th
Army Headquarters as the most brilliant piece of work in the history of
trench mortars.
“C” Company was gallantly led for a second time by Captain Gaze, but he
was killed before reaching the objective.
By noon the whole of High Wood was in British possession, together
with what was known as the Switch Line beyond, and the Civil Service
Rifles had taken many prisoners and machine guns. The price of victory,
however, was terrible, and only 150 of the four Companies reached their
objective.
The foregoing is an attempt at a description of the first phase of the
battle of High Wood, as it appeared to one who was present on the spot.
A well-known war correspondent seems to have had a better view of the
fight, for he related in detail in a London newspaper how the tanks
captured High Wood!
The first stage of the battle was over, but there was much more to
follow. The remnants of the Battalion advanced a little beyond the
trench known as Switch Line and dug themselves in in a new trench, and
the afternoon was spent in hard work in consolidating these positions,
which were, however, subject to considerable shelling by heavy
artillery.
During the day the 6th and 8th Battalions had pushed through to take
trenches some distance beyond, known as the Flers Line (connecting
the village of Flers with Eaucourt L’Abbé), and the Starfish, an
intermediate line.
These operations only partially succeeded, so at 5.30 in the evening
of the 15th of September, the 1st Surrey Rifles, who were in reserve,
were sent out to attack the western half of the Starfish Line and the
strong point known as the Cough Drop. The Civil Service Rifles were
to occupy the Starfish when the 1st Surrey Rifles vacated it. The
latter, however, on emerging from High Wood in artillery formation,
were immediately caught by an intense enemy artillery and machine-gun
barrage, and the attack failed.
A similar experiment was tried at 9.0 a.m. the next morning with the
23rd Battalion, but, although they advanced a considerable distance,
they were unable to reach the Flers Line. The Boches, however, obliged
by withdrawing to the Flers Line, and the 6th and 8th Battalions
occupied part of the Cough Drop and the Starfish Line respectively. The
23rd Battalion included two ex-Civil Service Riflemen in Major Kemble
and Second Lieutenant J. H. Hunt, who lost his life in this attack. As
a sergeant in “D” Company, J. H. Hunt had been exceptionally popular,
and the keenest regret was felt among his many friends when he left to
take his commission.
When darkness fell on the first night of the battle, the melancholy
work of the burial of the dead was begun. The special party told off
for this work dug graves in High Wood itself, and all the dead who
could be found were buried side by side there.
The night of the 15th September presented a very striking contrast to
the previous night, when peace and quiet had reigned in High Wood. The
heavy artillery, with which the enemy was so well supplied, pounded
away continually at the new trenches and at the supporting field gun
batteries on the edge of the wood. Amid the noise of the shells could
often be heard the groans of the wounded who had not yet been brought
in, the shouts of the search party of stretcher bearers, and the
curses of a ration or carrying party who had got lost. But above all
was the ceaseless wail of the field guns, echoing over the wilderness.
Listening to them on that night one could almost imagine that they,
too, were mourning for the gallant fellows who had lost their lives
that day, and who were now being laid to rest. To many who were there
the peculiar echo of the field gun ever afterwards brought back vivid
memories of those terrible nights in High Wood.
There were many incidents and sights at High Wood which left a lasting
impression on the minds of the survivors. The impressions of Corporal
M. J. Guiton, of “C” Company, who lost a leg there, are typical of many
others in the Battalion:--
“That day I saw sights which were passing strange to a man of
peace. I saw men in their madness bayonet each other without
mercy, without thought. I saw the hot life’s blood of German
and Englishman flow out together, and drench the fair soil of
France. I saw men torn to fragments by the near explosion of
bombs, and--worse than any sight--I heard the agonised cries
and shrieks of men in mortal pain who were giving up their
souls to their Maker.
“The mental picture painted through the medium of the eye may
fade, but the cries of those poor, tortured and torn men I can
never forget: they are with me always. I would I had been deaf
at the time.”
* * * * *
The day after the first attack was spent in the new trench, where
the garrison was shelled by heavy guns nearly all day. The Adjutant,
Lieutenant W. E. Ind, who had been full of energy from the start, was
a very frequent visitor, and in the evening he brought the good news
that the Battalion was to go forward to occupy a trench which had deep
dug-outs and which wasn’t shelled. Tired as they were, the troops
jumped at the idea, and were ready in less than no time. The Adjutant
led the way in a pitch black darkness to the expected comfort, which
proved in the end to be a trench two feet deep, which had been started
by the Germans as a cable trench.
It had been reported that the 6th Battalion was holding the Flers Line,
and the Civil Service Rifles were accordingly going to occupy Drop
Alley, a communication trench leading from the strong point called
the Cough Drop to the Flers Line. But on arrival at the Cough Drop,
Lieutenant Ind found that the report was untrue, and he had perforce
to squeeze his small body of men in the western half of the Cough Drop
and the afore-mentioned cable trench which ran out of it. It had been
a long and weary journey, but the men set to work like niggers to
dig a decent trench. There were now only two officers and about 100
other ranks, but these included a good sprinkling of seasoned warrant
officers and N.C.O.’s, and the force made up in quality what it lacked
in quantity. C.S.M. Callingham and Sergeant Irving of “A” Company had
done their comrades a very great service by struggling along with a
jar of rum, which was practically all that turned up that night in the
shape of rations, unless mention is to be made of rations sent up by a
thoughtful Quartermaster for the two officers--a bag of candles!
The process of digging in was no sooner finished than the exhausted
troops had to stand to for about an hour and a half, on information
from the 6th that the enemy was “coming over in large numbers.”
So the day went on with a constant succession of alarms, intense
bombardments and standing to. It was indeed a trying time for all that
was left of the four Companies and Lewis gun teams who, forty-eight
hours ago, had been so full of hope. But they all “stuck it” very
valiantly, and the excellent spirits of the men--prominent among whom
were Lance-Corporal F. A. Coward and his Lewis gun team, Privates
Hundleby, Lynch, and E. H. Lyons--together with the splendid example
set by Paddy Brett and Bob Harris, served to sustain the excellent
morale of the Civil Service Rifles. Special mention should be made of
the excellent patrol work done by Sergeant D. Gooding, of “D” Company,
who went out in broad daylight “to find touch on the left.” The left
flank of the position was exposed, and it was not known whether friend
or foe occupied the country beyond. Sergeant Gooding, with two men,
started off, therefore, without any information and, although under
rifle fire from shell holes and isolated posts, they carried out a
complete reconnaissance of the country which separated the Civil
Service Rifles from the nearest friendly troops, four or five hundred
yards away. Many others of that little band distinguished themselves by
their devotion to duty during a day when there was no communication of
any kind from Battalion Headquarters, and the party in the line became
attached to the 6th Battalion in the Cough Drop.
On the 18th, a small reinforcement arrived in the shape of three
officers--Lieutenants W. L. C. Rathbone, G. M. Hoste, and B. K. Ware,
and fifty other ranks, from the “Non Starters” camp in Bottom Wood,
where a few officers and other ranks had been kept out of the fight in
order to form a nucleus for reorganisation in case of heavy losses.
Before being relieved on the night of the 19th September by the 1st
Battalion The Black Watch, the Civil Service Rifles undertook two more
operations. The first was an advance into the Flers Line on the 18th,
but as the enemy had by now evacuated this trench, the advance passed
off without loss.
But the enemy still held the junction of the Flers Line and Drop Alley,
and that portion of the Flers Line west of the junction. The New
Zealanders had a party in the Flers Line between the Bosches and the
Civil Service Rifles, but the Civil Service Rifles had a small force
under Lieutenant B. K. Ware in Drop Alley. These two forces attempted,
by joint bombing attacks, to dislodge the Bosches, but the attempt
failed. The men were now thoroughly exhausted, for in addition to the
enormous amount of work of the past few days and the excitement of the
fray, the last twenty-four hours had been endured in a pitiless rain,
which caused huge chunks of the trenches to give way. There was mud and
rain everywhere and, as there was no shelter, rifles and Lewis guns
eventually became choked with mud. It was while in this state that the
enemy attempted to drive Lieutenant Ware’s party out of Drop Alley. He
partially succeeded at first, but was afterwards driven back. But at
7.0 p.m. on the 19th, he came again with renewed vigour, and got down
Drop Alley, where the defending troops, with rifles and Lewis guns out
of action, and themselves quite worn out, were unable to dislodge him.
They did not give up without a struggle, however, and Lieutenant Ware
died that night in a plucky attempt to achieve the impossible. Thus
ended the operations of the Civil Service Rifles at High Wood, but it
was indeed a skeleton of a battalion that Lieut.-Colonel Warrender led
down the New German Road to Bottom Wood on the morning of the 20th
September. Round a huge bonfire these remnants threw themselves down
to get their first rest since leaving Becourt Wood, and here a pause
was made to count the cost of what was so far the greatest trial of
the Civil Service Rifles and, at the same time, surely their greatest
achievement.
To this day, High Wood is regarded by many as the finest performance
of the Battalion during the war. But whether this is true or no, it
is certain that this battle was the most distinctive landmark in the
history of the Civil Service Rifles, for it was at High Wood where the
first great changes took place in the personnel of the Battalion. Some
say it was the last of the original Battalion, but such a statement is
open to question.
Many old faces had gone, but the old spirit still remained, and there
were enough old hands left to train drafts in the way they should go,
and to tell them what manner of men they had been whose places these
freshmen had the honour to fill.
There fell during the fighting at High Wood, so many of the real flower
of the Battalion that it is impossible to do justice to them by any
eulogy here, and it would be invidious to single out any in particular
among so many illustrious dead. Their names will all be found recorded
elsewhere. Suffice it to say that they died like the true Englishmen of
tradition, every one gallantly and gamely carrying on against odds. In
the four days the casualties amounted to 15 officers, 365 other ranks.
CHAPTER XI
EAUCOURT L’ABBE AND THE BUTTE DE WARLENCOURT
The so-called camp in Bottom Wood was the essence of discomfort, but
after a meal and a few hours rest, a welcome move was made in the
evening of the 20th September to Albert, where one night was spent in
deserted houses.
The march was continued the following day, and the Battalion arrived at
a tented camp in a wood just outside the village of Henencourt, where
Corps Headquarters was situated in a magnificent château, the grounds
of which were a replica of those of the Palace of Versailles. There
was little to suggest the luxury of Versailles, however, in the camp
occupied by the Civil Service Rifles, for although the Battalion was
depleted, the accommodation was scarce and every one was crowded.
The process of refitting and reorganisation was begun, and to a draft
of one officer and 375 other ranks, who joined at Henencourt was added
a fair sprinkling of officers, N.C.O.’s and men who had missed High
Wood through leave, courses, or other causes. Thus the strength of the
Battalion was restored on paper, but in actual fact it was still but a
shadow of its former self.
The officers spent most of their time at Henencourt Wood in
writing letters of condolence to bereaved parents, and the Company
Quartermaster Sergeants and senior N.C.O.’s were busy packing up and
sending off the personal effects of the killed and wounded, so that on
the whole, the ten days’ sojourn in this camp was not a joyous one.
The Divisional Follies tried to cheer things up by giving a show one
evening, but the proceedings fell flat, and those who wanted a little
diversion while the Battalion was at Henencourt sought it in Amiens.
The last day of the month of September, 1916, found the Civil Service
Rifles once more on the way back to war, for after spending one night
in Albert, they occupied some disused trenches, entirely devoid of
dug-outs, in what was known as the Quadrangle, near Mametz Wood. Here
they waited eagerly for news of the attack by the 141st Brigade on the
village of Eaucourt L’Abbé, for which the 140th Brigade was in reserve.
Numerous contradictory reports reached Colonel Warrender during
the few days spent in the Quadrangle, but at last it became known
definitely that Eaucourt L’Abbé had been captured, and that the 140th
Brigade would go there to relieve the 141st, but would only hold the
line--there would not be any further attack!
The relief which took place on the night of the 4th October, when the
Civil Service Rifles relieved the Poplar and Stepney Rifles in the
Flers Line at Eaucourt L’Abbé, was an ordeal almost as trying as a
battle.
The march from the Quadrangle began at 4.0 p.m. on the 4th, and the
tail of the Battalion reached the Flers Line at dawn the next day. The
event was so unique that no apology is offered for a somewhat lengthy
description:--
All was going well until the corner of High Wood was reached, where,
according to plan, guides would be picked up. There were, however,
several corners to High Wood, and the Lewis gun limbers, mess cart and
medical cart were not taken to the same corner as the one to which the
Battalion went.
After a very long delay, while Lewis guns, etc., were carried
through the wood from the limbers to the Battalion over many awkward
obstacles such as wide trenches and barbed wire, a start was made
by half the Battalion, and about two hours afterwards the remainder
of the Battalion was ready. The way was along a track of sticky mud
of the typical Somme variety. The night was pitch black and the men
slipped about and frequently their feet stuck in the mud. It was often
necessary for two men to pull at another man to get him out of the
mud, and as they got their man out they found themselves stuck in in
turn. At one time Colonel Warrender was heard to tell the M.O. that
a man had fallen down, but he feared it was no use going back to him
“as he must have been trampled in by now.” The progress along the
track, slow as it was, became slower still when one after another the
guides announced that they were lost and had not the slightest idea in
which direction to go. A touch of humour crept into the adventure when
Colonel Warrender, addressing a guide who said he hadn’t the remotest
idea where he was, told him to go back to his Commanding Officer and
report that he was of no use!
After many hours the Cough Drop was reached by the party bringing up
the rear, which included Battalion Headquarters, and here one of the
other Companies was met coming in the opposite direction. They, too,
had a guide who was lost. The Adjutant now took up the running alone
and plunged into the darkness on an exploring tour. He soon came back,
and then led the whole party, now consisting of a good many more than
half the Battalion, through Drop Alley to the Flers Line. The going
now began to tell on the exhausted troops and several there were
who collapsed unconscious in Drop Alley, weighed down by the heavy
loads they were carrying, and did not finish their journey until the
following day.
The Flers Line is chiefly remembered for the number of dead, both
English and German, who were still lying about on the floor of the
trench and on all the firesteps. There were a few hurriedly-made
dug-outs, but these were in such a filthy state as to be unfit to
occupy, and although much hard work was done for the next two days, the
cleaning of the trench was still unfinished when the troops learnt to
their astonishment, on the 7th of October, that they were to attack the
Butte de Warlencourt and the Warlencourt Line--an objective some 2,800
yards distant.
Zero was at 2.0 p.m., and the Companies occupied the same relative
positions as at High Wood, “A” Company again being on the right. The
three Companies on the left were unfortunate once more, for they had to
file through the village of Eaucourt l’Abbé soon after leaving their
assembly trenches and extend into waves again after negotiating the
village. They were caught by the full fury of the German artillery
barrage, and those who got through the village were swept down by a
most intense machine-gun fire. “A” Company on the right made some
little progress, and after crossing the Eaucourt l’Abbé-Le Barque road
dug a new line alongside the remnants of other units of the Division,
all of whom had met a similar fate. Another attempt was made at night
by the 142nd Brigade, but as these troops had not even seen the country
in daylight, their attempt failed so completely that they were all
withdrawn shortly after zero.
The attack on the Butte de Warlencourt failed, like many attacks
subsequently delivered by other Divisions, and the famous Butte did
not fall into English hands until the German retreat from the Somme
battlefield during the winter of 1916-17.
The attack of the 7th of October differed in many respects from that
of the 15th of September. On this occasion there had been no training,
no rehearsal over a marked-out course, and in fact some of the troops
did not even know there was to be an attack until an hour or so
before zero. Even then there were many who were not sure what was the
objective. To this day there are some in the Civil Service Rifles who
talk of it as the attack on Eaucourt l’Abbé. There was an artillery
creeping barrage on this occasion, it is true, but as it moved at the
rate of 100 yards per minute and there were 2,800 yards between the
jumping-off trenches and the objective, the advancing waves of infantry
soon got badly left behind. Tanks were said to be co-operating, but
nothing was seen of them.
There were only two officers per Company present on this occasion, and
the C.S.M. and one or two senior N.C.O.’s of each Company were kept out
of the fight, so the experienced soldier was in a distinct minority.
More than half of the Battalion had never been under fire before, and,
as these had only joined a few days previously, a good many of them
were not known even by name to the older members of their Platoons.
Thus it came about that many men were reported missing on this
occasion, and, as none of the survivors knew them, it was impossible to
say with any certainty where they had last been seen.
The losses on the 7th of October amounted to five officers, 344 other
ranks, and although numerically they are not quite so great as at High
Wood, it should be remembered that on this occasion the Battalion was
not more than 500 strong at the outset.
During the operations around Eaucourt l’Abbé there was one member
of the regiment who added to his already brilliant reputation as
a soldier. The work of Lieutenant W. E. Ind on this occasion was
more than wonderful. Quickly grasping the situation when the attack
failed, by his hard work and resourcefulness he succeeded in restoring
something like order out of chaos, not only in his own unit but also in
several neighbouring units.
The relief by the 7th Seaforth Highlanders on the 9th of October was
a welcome contrast to the previous relief in this sector. The troops
quickly found their way out and before midnight had reached the
transport lines in Bottom Wood.
Three nights were spent in Albert before the Division entrained on the
13th of October for Longpré, near Abbeville, en route for the Ypres
Salient.
Before leaving Albert, the Quartermaster aroused the wrathful
indignation of the C.Q.M.S.’s by the issue of a quantity of clothing
and equipment which had been applied for at Henencourt. Many of the men
for whom it was intended had now become casualties, but that made no
difference to the Quartermaster’s stores of the Civil Service Rifles.
The most important article of clothing was the clean shirt which was
issued just before leaving Albert. The troops had not had a clean shirt
for many weeks, and the one they discarded was naturally somewhat the
worse for wear. One C.Q.M.S. on inquiring at the Orderly Room what
should be done with the old shirts was told by an Orderly Room clerk to
burn them. The clerk was trying to be funny, but the Q.M.S. missed the
point of his humour, and all Companies thereupon threw their old shirts
on the dust heap. When he was demobilised some years later the C.Q.M.S.
was still explaining to the authorities why he had destroyed his ultra
lousy shirts.
The train journey from Albert to Longpré is surely a record even for
the R.O.D. A distance of just over thirty miles was covered in the
astonishingly short time of twenty-six hours, during which time many
men had left the train, dined in Amiens, visited the local cinema,
and still caught the train up again without being recorded as absent.
Indeed, during one part of the journey there seemed to be more men
walking than were riding. At the same time every one seemed conscious
of the fact that he had said good-bye to the dreaded Somme battlefield,
so few felt disposed to complain of the shortcomings of the R.O.D.
After detraining at Longpré, two happy days were spent in the village
of Villers-sous-Ailly. The men received a hearty welcome from the
natives and M. le Maire, who seemed to be the greatest French authority
on the organisation of an English infantry battalion. This worthy
was very popular with the billeting party, for he had his village
completely mapped out, and could tell them whether a particular barn
was big enough to hold a platoon, a section, or a Lewis gun team.
The Battalion returned to Longpré on the 16th of October and entrained
for Caestre, which was reached in the early hours of the following
morning, whence a long and uninteresting march brought the Battalion to
scattered billets outside the village of Boeschepe, and after another
long march on the 19th, the Civil Service Rifles relieved the 16th
Battalion Australian Infantry in support to what was called the Bluff
Sub-sector (or Canal Sub-sector) south of Ypres, and close to what had
once been the Ypres-Comines canal.
CHAPTER XII
A REST CURE IN THE YPRES SALIENT
To those whose memories of Ypres are only associated with thoughts
of mud and slaughter, and who at the mention of the word “Salient”
instinctively think of the horrors of Passchendaele, the Menin Road and
Hooge, it will seem incredible that there was a time during the war
when the Ypres Salient was peaceful and quiet, a place where Divisions,
shattered on the Somme, came for recuperation.
It was in such a state that the 47th Division found the Ypres Salient
in October, 1916, and after what had been endured in the previous
month, it was particularly welcome.
In the Civil Service Rifles reconstruction had only just begun. No
drafts had reached the Battalion, which was very much below strength.
Some Companies had only one officer, the Company Commander, and
practically no N.C.O.’s above the rank of Lance-Corporal. It was well,
therefore, that there was no fighting and the sound of a shell was the
exception rather than the rule.
The Division had had no experience of trench warfare for some months,
and when the Civil Service Rifles on the 24th of October, 1916,
relieved the Post Office Rifles in the front line in what was called
the Ravine, a section of the Bluff Sector, they found several features
of trench warfare which were quite new to them.
In the first place, each Company had a cookhouse in the trenches, and
the Company cooks came in with their Companies and cooked all the meals
on the spot. Rations were pushed up almost to Company Headquarters in
trucks along a light railway, and there was a dump of R.E. material
actually in the Battalion area. These were all amenities of trench life
hitherto unknown, and all helped to convey the idea that the Civil
Service Rifles were making a new start in life. These conditions helped
materially to restore the confidence and fighting spirit of troops who
were rapidly approaching the “fed-up” state.
The trenches were mostly sandbagged barricades such as had been seen
as Festubert, but here they were neatly revetted with expanded metal,
and although there was a good deal of water, all the trench floors
were boarded. There were recesses labelled for bombs and S.A.A., and
although the trench shelters were not by any means shell-proof, the
majority at least were weatherproof.
There were many ambitious schemes for winter comforts. A Brigade gum
boot store with lots of thigh gum boots was already established, and
large shelters were being erected in each Battalion area as drying
rooms, where men would be able to dry their clothes. These shelters,
however, never got into working order. Another novelty was the
precaution taken to prevent trench feet or frost bite. It was arranged
that every man should change his socks and rub his feet with whale oil
every day, the old socks being sent down every night and exchanged at
the Divisional Laundry for alleged clean ones which were brought up
with rations the following night.
Thus it was hoped to combat some of the evils which beset the Army
during the previous winter, and there is no doubt that these measures
bore good fruit, for the losses through sickness during the winter of
1916-17 were less than half those of the previous winter.
But although the prospect at the beginning of winter was very bright,
and the troops were looking forward confidently to a spell of quiet
life, it was not long before things began to liven up, as though the
Ypres Salient had begun to look to its reputation.
The change was first noticeable when, on returning to the front line
after a few days in Divisional Reserve at Ottawa Camp, near the village
of Ouderdom, the Battalion took over a section of the front line in
what was called the Hill 60 Sector, on the 13th of November.
These trenches differed in many respects from those in the Ravine,
in spite of the fact that they were practically adjacent. Mining
activities were carried on here on a very elaborate scale, and there
were several deep tunnels, some, it was said, running as far forward as
the German front line on Hill 60 itself. These tunnels were all being
worked by one of the Australian Tunnelling Companies, to whom working
parties were sent day and night. The main line of the Ypres-Roulers
railway ran through the sector, and the old railway cutting formed
the right boundary of the Battalion front. The trenches had been in
existence for many months, and owing to the continual bombardments,
the ravages of weather, and the quaint ideas of sanitation of former
occupants of the sector, the area could hardly claim to be a health
resort. Large fat rats abounded in and around every trench, and so fat
were they that they had lost their turn of speed, and fell easy victims
to any who could find time to hunt them. Bully beef and Maconochie’s
famous meat and vegetable rations were to be found everywhere. Some men
say that these were often used in place of trench boards.
Those working in the tunnels with the Australians were impressed,
almost awestruck, by the magnitude of the mining operations, which
they felt sure would end one day in a miniature earthquake, and they
fervently hoped they would be at a safe distance when that should
happen. The tunnels were lighted by electricity, the power for which
was produced by a gas engine installed underground. A privileged few
were allowed to explore the wonderful Berlin Sap, a long tunnel which
stretched from some distance in rear of Battalion Headquarters to the
German lines.
But it must not be imagined that the troops enjoyed home comforts
in this area. The Companies holding the left of the Battalion front
had practically no protection from either shell fire or weather, and
those who have occupied the curiously-named Metropolitan Left and
Metropolitan Right will be ready to swear that there was no more
miserable place on the western front. They were, however, little better
off than those who were stowed away in the tunnels of Marshall Walk,
where the atmosphere reduced the occupants, packed in tight, to a state
of coma.
The enemy had now begun to bombard the area fiercely with various kinds
of shells and minenwerfer bombs, but fortunately he was kind enough,
at first at all events, to limit his bombardments strictly to certain
hours of the day. His special effort was always served up during the
two hours after lunch, and strangely enough it was mostly bestowed on
the Marshall Walk area, where the troops were able to squeeze into the
tunnels. The men in other parts of the line had to sit under a ground
sheet or a bit or corrugated iron and hope that nothing would come
their way. In this way five somewhat anxious days were endured with
comparatively few casualties before the Battalion moved into support
in another of the wonders of the Ypres Salient--the Railway Dug-outs.
These were dug-outs formed by tunnelling into the railway embankment
between the village of Zillebeke and Ypres itself. Half the Battalion
was accommodated here, the men occupying wire beds which were erected
in tiers. The atmosphere was thick, to say the least, and fatigue
parties were frequently told off to try to fan the foul air out with
gas fans. The other two Companies were at Battersea Farm and Château
Belge.
The Railway Dug-outs area had its advantages, however, for there was
little shelling and there were opportunities during the day to wander
out into the fresh air, to visit the Brigade canteen, and sometimes
to visit the ruins of the historic city of Ypres. The working parties
at night were employed in pushing trucks of R.E. material along what
remained of the railway line to the ration dump of the front line
Battalion, in the Hill 60 sector. On the whole the five days at Railway
Dug-outs were written down as not too bad, and after five more days in
the front line in Hill 60 sector, the end of November saw the Battalion
in Divisional Reserve in the huts at Ottawa Camp.
The Division had now settled down to a very stereotyped form of
warfare, and as there seemed every likelihood that no move would take
place for some months, an elaborate programme of work for improving the
accommodation both in trenches and camps was embarked upon.
There were two Brigades holding the line and one in reserve occupying
four hutted camps in the neighbourhood of the villages of Ouderdom and
Busseboom. It was arranged that whenever a Brigade was in reserve,
the various Battalions should always go to the same camp. So it came
about that the Civil Service Rifles always went to Ottawa Camp. This
arrangement, it was hoped, would encourage Battalions to work hard at
camp improvements. Works Officers were appointed and pioneer platoons
were detailed in each Company for this purpose, but every time the
Civil Service Rifles returned to Ottawa Camp they swore no work had
been done since they were last there.
Somebody did work in Ottawa Camp, however, for in course of time
it became transformed from the sea of mud, with a collection of
broken-down, draughty huts, into a tolerably comfortable camp--if any
camp in Belgium could be comfortable. The Battalion Mess for sergeants
was revived, and under the stewardship of Sergeant R. F. M. Bigby, a
fairly successful attempt was made to restore the former glory of the
Civil Service Rifles Sergeants’ Mess.
In looking back on the year spent in the Ypres Salient, the average
member of the Civil Service Rifles, full of the bitter memories of the
Menin Road, Hooge and Château Wood, is apt to forget that there was a
time when life was quite enjoyable in Ottawa Camp, with the trips to
Poperinghe, where there was much gaiety.
It is quite true, however, that at first Ottawa Camp was better known
for its discomfort than for anything else, and it was a curious fact
that Halifax Camp, which was the home of one of the Support Battalions
of a Brigade holding the front line, was much more comfortable.
The month of December 1916 is chiefly notable for the formation of what
was known as the “football team”--two officers (Second Lieutenants H.
S. Gosney and C. E. Groves) and fifty other ranks. This team began to
train for a raid on the German trenches, when they hoped to atone for
the ill-luck which had attended previous Civil Service Rifles’ raids.
[Illustration: SKETCH MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE TWELVE MONTHS IN THE YPRES
SALIENT OCTOBER 1916-SEPTEMBER 1917.]
The party was housed in reserve dug-outs in the trenches about Château
Ségard, one of the support positions for the Ravine sector, and in
addition to training in the surrounding trenches after dark, parties
went up to the front line nightly to patrol No Man’s Land and inspect
the enemy wire.
The scheme was entered into with enthusiasm by the whole party, which
was split up into six groups, each with a definite job to do, and they
were all brim full of confidence when, at 5.45 p.m. on the 23rd of
December, they set out from the front line on their adventure--to the
strains of music from a violin in the German lines!
The troops entered the German front line safely enough and worked their
way round the appointed area. The opposition, not very strong, was
quickly overcome, but no prisoners could be brought back. Two Bosches
did get as far as the parapet but there they decided to stay, and as
nothing would induce them to come over, “they had to be disposed of,”
as one of the N.C.O.’s afterwards said in his report.
The return home at the appointed time was carried out successfully and
as numerous identifications were brought back, the object of the raid
had been achieved. The casualties were very few, but unfortunately they
included two killed--Lance-Corporal A. T. C. Geary and Private A. F.
Pearson.
The success of the raid put the whole party in good spirits for
Christmas, which, as in 1915, was spent in the trenches. The Christmas
celebrations duly took place, however, early in January at Ottawa Camp,
when each Company had a Christmas dinner and concert. The festival
lacked nothing on account of the postponement, and in many sections
of the Battalion it was kept up for several days. To celebrate their
success the survivors of the raid were given a dinner at which the
heroes of the evening were Lance-Sergeant H. J. Steele and Corporal J.
H. Swain, who had both been awarded the M.M.
CHAPTER XIII
THE SALIENT IN WINTER
Life in the Ypres Salient could now no longer be described as a rest
cure, for in addition to increased activity on both sides in the line,
the weather was of the real wintry type.
The trenches, where there had been “water, water, everywhere,” had
become ice-bound, and remained so for many weeks. Trench stores were
often taken over by a C.S.M. who could scarcely see them through the
ice, but who was told that he would “find they were all right when the
thaw came.”
To complete the wintry scene, snow had fallen and cast a mantle of
white over the ugly sights of war. The Ravine certainly looked pretty
now, with the feathery snowflakes glistening on the trees, and here and
there an icicle giving the genuine Christmas-card impression. No Man’s
Land, too, has rarely looked more picturesque with the festoons of
barbed wire daintily picked out in white. Yes, it was a beautiful scene
on a moonlight night in January 1917, but the sentry on the firestep
in the front line, with feet frozen, nose, ears and hands feeling as
though they were about to drop off, had no eye for such beauty. His
idea of beauty at the time was a little so-called dug-out, with a
ground sheet or an old post bag (contrary to G.R.O. “XYZ”) hanging
over the entrance, and inside a glorious warm “fug” with three or four
of his pals stewing in the fumes given off by a tiny brazier. It was
so cold on the firestep and the front line trenches were so near to
each other, that he daren’t stamp his feet, for fear of being heard in
the German line. Not that it mattered a great deal about being heard,
thought the sentry, for with his hands in such a frozen state that he
did not know whether he was holding his rifle or not, he couldn’t do
much to stop the Bosche if he did come over to-night. Things would not
be much better when the Battalion was relieved. He supposed it would
be Ottawa Camp again, where it was bitterly cold and the Quartermaster
would never give you any fuel. Why couldn’t he have a job like “Posh
Harry” at the Brigade School, he wondered? At any rate, there would be
a comfortable billet there, and a fire. He must get a stripe, that’s
what it came to, and then if he could not get a job at the Brigade
School or at the Divisional School in Poperinghe, at any rate he might
get sent there on a course. He was fed up with this life, he was sure,
and when his turn of sentry duty was finished and he was promptly put
on an ice-breaking fatigue, he began to think that there was some sense
after all in the peace talk that one read of in the newspapers at this
time. If only they would talk about it seriously! But what could one
expect when the newspaper folk described the peace talk as “an insult
to Tommy in the trenches”?
Meditations such as the foregoing were not uncommon in the early
part of 1917, when the wintry weather was almost the sole topic of
conversation. But what was dreaded more than the frost and snow was the
thaw which would follow, and how every man prayed that his Battalion
would move into Divisional Reserve the day the thaw came!
Before the thaw came, however, the Civil Service Rifles were to have
a little excitement in the front line, for one night in the middle of
January, the Bosche, who had evidently been reading the story of the
escape of Mary Queen of Scots from Lochleven Castle, had attired his
patrols in white raiment and sent them out across the snow. The trick
came off, and the Bosches entered the trench known as Berry Post,
inflicted casualties on the garrison, and got back to their own lines
unhurt.
This feat so impressed the authorities that by the time the thaw had
fairly set in, white patrol jackets were awaiting collection from
ordnance.
Many Transport men have unpleasant recollections of nights on this
sector, where rations were taken up to the front line in trucks
drawn by mules on the light railways from Woodcote Farm. In theory,
loaded trucks were picked up at the Farm and hauled to the Ravine or
elsewhere, there unloaded, and taken back to be ready for use next
day. In practice, the trucks were usually at the wrong end of the
railway to start with; and when obtained they invariably came off the
rails at intervals on the up-journey--to a chorus of curses from the
accompanying fatigue party. Drivers have bitter memories of nights when
shelling occurred while trucks were off the rails. They admit that it
was only human for the fatigue party to go to ground; but they still
cannot see how one man could be expected to manage a distracted mule
and also unload, re-rail and re-load a truck of trenchboards.
It was here that Onions, chief Bolshevik of the Battalion mules was
lost. After the line had been broken by shell-fire, she was sent up at
dawn to bring back stranded trucks. Enemy observers traced her back
to Brisbane Dump and sent out an S.O.S. reporting her presence there.
Onions left hastily with a dislike of barrage fire and a wound in the
head, and was sent forthwith to the Base to be seen no more by the
Civil Service Rifles.
* * * * *
Small drafts were continually arriving during the winter of 1916-17,
and they often included several old N.C.O.’s and men of the original
Battalion, who were coming out for their second trip to France. Such
men were generally given a rousing send off by their companions
at Hazeley Down Camp, Winchester, where the Reserve Battalion was
stationed. The war cry of the returned warriors at the time was
“Everybody once, before anybody twice” and the unofficial flag, known
as the “Twicers” Flag, which was usually carried aloft on the march to
the station, has since been framed, and now hangs in the Civil Service
Rifles’ Club to commemorate the once famous “F” Company of the Civil
Service Rifles Reserve Battalion.
For some unknown reason the officers joining the Battalion belonged to
regiments outside London. There were representatives of the various
Battalions of the Manchester Regiment, the Northern Cyclists and the
Hampshire Regiment. In fact, so many changes had taken place among the
officers of the Battalion, that by February, 1917, not a single one
remained of those who had embarked as officers in March 1915.
An interesting innovation during the early weeks of 1917, was the
starting of a Regimental Drum and Fife Band. The R. S. M. called it a
Corps of Drums, the troops knew it at first as those----tin whistles,
but under the leadership of Sergeant Drummer Harmon, the Regimental
Band became an accomplished fact, and the Civil Service Rifles had
music on the march for the first time since coming to France--except
for the early spring of 1916, when “Mattie” Hull conducted a mouth
organ and tin whistle band among the Lewis gunners.
A change from the eternal round of trench life came about towards the
end of February, when it fell to the lot of the Civil Service Rifles
to act for one month as Works Battalion in the Tenth Corps area. The
Companies were scattered over a very wide area, “A” being at Château
Belge, near Kruistraathoeke, “B” at Coppernollehoek and Poperinghe,
“C” at Pacific Sidings between Busseboom and Poperinghe, and “D” at
Vancouver Camp, close to Vlamertinghe. Battalion Headquarters remained
at Ottawa Camp. The Companies were employed daily on working parties,
chiefly under the Canadian Railway Construction Company, on work
connected with the laying of a light railway from Poperinghe to the
forward area. After the discomforts of trench life, the change was
very welcome, particularly with “B” Company, who had rather wonderful
billets, and “C” Company, who were all under one roof within easy
distance of Poperinghe.
The Companies were still scattered on the 17th of March, so it was
not possible for the Battalion to celebrate the day with a united
gathering, but “C” Company had a very successful show at Pacific Siding
which was attended by representatives from all the other Companies. The
Sergeants held a belated but very hearty celebration on another day,
and a party from “B” Company held a dinner in Poperinghe.
* * * * *
Throughout the first six months of the time spent in the Ypres Salient,
the Transport Lines were established at a typical Belgian farm, and
consequently no gathering of Transport men is now complete without a
few tales of Delanotte Farm.
In addition to the Transport, the Quartermaster and his staff spent a
good deal of their time at Delanotte Farm, where also the Civil Service
Rifles’ dentist, Corporal E. Pitt, was installed with all his stock
in trade. The Civil Service Rifles claim to be unique among Infantry
Battalions in the B. E. F. in that they alone possessed their own
dentist, who, although fully qualified, was primarily an infantryman
and was not one of the R. A. M. C. attached.
During his service in France, Corporal Pitt has attended to a
distinguished clientele, including at least one Brigadier General, but
he showed no class distinctions in his dental chair, and the humble
private was always sure of just as careful treatment as was given to
his Brigadier.
Pitt often had to work amid strange surroundings, but his surgery at
Delanotte Farm was perhaps his best known home, and one of his patients
has recorded his impressions of it:
“In the last great European War the ambitious Emperor who may
be regarded as the Kaiser’s prototype stated that an army
marched on its stomach. But what is a stomach without its
teeth? (vide any advertisements of ‘a complete set from one
guinea upwards’). At any rate the British Army has come to
regard the teeth of its lads as anxiously as the fond mother
regards her little one’s chewing organs. These few remarks will
serve to introduce our hero.
“Imagine a brick farm-house in a part of Belgium where the mud
is too muddy for words. The house nestles in a swamp of green
viscous slime. This was for many months the locale of the C.
S. R. Transport while the boys were disporting themselves in
the ditches (misnamed ‘trenches’) in the Ypres district. _The_
room of the farmhouse was of fairly decent size, with a low
ceiling supported by stout smoke-grimed beams. It was always
well patronised by the lads of the Transport, who would discuss
the inevitable eggs and chips and sip their coffee or beer all
day long. At a large sink by the window the good lady of the
house, assisted variously by a submissive husband, a daughter
(who could by no stretch of imagination be called a coquette!)
and a son, seemed eternally engaged either in preparing a salad
of chickweed and groundsel (or so it seemed), or in counting
the stock of dried haricots. In the other corner by the
window, there was a complete dental establishment installed.
This was the scene of the labours of the indefatigable Pitt,
and there was nothing of the horse-doctor’s methods about
him. I can assure you that he wielded the cocaine-injecting
needle as expertly as the one and only Sherlock himself. Did
you want a tooth scraped or stopped, or filled, or coddled in
any way whatever, our dentist would say ‘right,’ and place
a fresh cigarette in his holder (would that I received a
royalty on the cigarettes he smoked!) Then he would select
some fearsome-looking--but really harmless--instruments from
his plenteous stock, and carry on. His sideline (something
like the ‘making bricks in spare time’ stunt) was treating
cases that would ordinarily fall to the care of the M.O. if
he were available. It was surprising how the fame of Pitt
spread near and far; and many and various were his clients.
The amusing part was the complete nonchalance of the people
of the house. They would carry on their weird and wonderful
culinary processes at the sink while the amateur doctor
extracted teeth and poured away bloody water and rinsed foul
dressings under their very noses. In this atmosphere of eggs
and chips, steaming coffee, stale beer, tobacco smoke, flies,
and sometimes washing, Pitt carried on his labours day by day,
month by month, until the Battalion was sent away to happier
(?) hunting grounds....
“Jolly old Pitt! How many of us had cause to bless the fact
that we could go to him for healing balm in our time of bitter
sorrow!”
* * * * *
The Battalion was reassembled after being employed for a month as Works
Battalion, and on the 21st of March renewed its acquaintance with
the front line trenches in the Ravine. The trenches were no longer
ice-bound, but the official first day of Spring did not live up to its
name, for snow and sleet fell throughout the night. Eight uneventful
days in the Ravine were followed by a similar period in support in
the neighbourhood of Swan Château and Château Segard. Hitherto when
the Battalion had been at Swan Château the chief recreation had been
sliding on the pond in the château grounds. Captain Ind, in fact, made
a nightly practice of leading Headquarter Company in sliding on the
ice by moonlight. On this occasion, however, boating and fishing were
freely indulged in. There was an odd looking craft on the pond, which
was in great demand, and the most popular bait for the fish seemed to
be a Mills bomb--though this bait was not sanctioned by the B. E. F.
Angling Society. It was in fact forbidden by G.R.O., so it naturally
follows that no angler was ever known to use the bait.
Any man who thought the Battalion had come to the Ypres Salient for
boating and fishing, however, was rudely disillusioned when a return
was made to the front line in the familiar Ravine. The London Irish had
just finished a big raid on the German lines when the Civil Service
Rifles relieved them on the night of the 7th of April, and henceforth
things livened up very considerably in this sector, where life had
previously been tolerably quiet. The Bosche now bombarded furiously,
and on the 9th of April (Easter Monday) he raided the Battalion on
the immediate left of the Civil Service Rifles, causing pretty heavy
casualties. The raid took place at 6.30 p.m. and the accompanying
fireworks were kept up throughout the night. As a sample of the
frightfulness that could be served up in the Salient, it was fairly
complete, and the Civil Service Rifles, although not in the raided
trenches, lost thirteen killed and eighteen wounded during the night.
The Division very soon afterwards had to take over a little more of the
line immediately south of the Ypres-Comines Canal, known as the Spoil
Bank Sector, and as it meant giving up the hated Hill 60 Sector, the
change was a very popular one.
Ottawa Camp now came within the area of another Division, and the Civil
Service Rifles, on being relieved on the 12th of April by the First
Surrey Rifles, moved into Divisional Reserve in Devonshire Camp, near
Busseboom.
Early in April rumours of a big Spring offensive began to relieve
the monotony, and the story was passed from one to another in strict
confidence that the Civil Service Rifles would soon attack a château in
a wood just south of the canal, where the Adjutant was of opinion that
“we shall have some interesting wood fighting.”
The next trip to the front line was to the Spoil Bank section itself,
whence rumour had it that the attack would some day be launched, and
amateur tacticians were thus able to study the scheme on the spot. A
preliminary reconnaissance generally ended in the observer hoping he
would be away on leave or on a course when the attack should eventually
take place.
An unsuccessful attempt at a raid by the enemy at 4.30 a.m. on the 25th
April was the only incident of note in a somewhat uninteresting stay in
the front line, where nearly every trench appeared to be open to direct
observation from the Bosche. The mystery about the Spoil Bank sector,
with its trenches so open and devoid of shelter, was that in five days
there were only eight casualties, all of which occurred during the
enemy’s attempted raid. The bombardment during the raid was such as to
make every man look forward with more than usual keenness to the relief
on the following night by the 6th Battalion, when the Civil Service
Rifles moved to Dominion Camp, adjoining Devonshire Camp.
CHAPTER XIV
THE MORINGHEM TREK
A long stay of eleven days in Dominion Lines ended with a return to
the Support positions around Swan Château on the 8th of May, but only
three days were spent here (during which time there were thirteen
casualties, an unusually high number for the comparative safety of
support positions) before the Battalion was relieved by the Poplar and
Stepneys, and moved back to the village of Dickebusch for two days,
before starting on the “Moringhem Trek,” the first affair of its kind
since the memorable trek to the Somme.
The trek began on the 13th of May with a march to the village of Watou,
and the old soldier now knew that he would soon be taking part in an
attack. “They’re not taking us all this way for exercise, or simply for
our amusement” he told the latest joined recruit as they marched along,
“but it’s worth it to get away from the Salient for a few days and to
see the civvies once more without any fear of shelling. And remember,
when we go over the odds are generally about four to one on a blighty,
so don’t worry.”
The billets were good in Watou, but they were even better in the
village of Sercus, where the Battalion, after marching through
Hazebrouck, spent the second night. General regret was felt that only
one night was spent in this village, and on the third day, after
passing through Arques and St. Omer, the training area was reached
and the Companies were billeted in the village of Moringhem and
the neighbouring villages. On the whole the billets were poor and
uncomfortable, besides being scattered. “A” and Headquarters Company
were in Moringhem itself, “B” and “C” were about a mile and a half away
in Petit Difques, and “D” were in the little hamlet of Cuslinghem.
It was announced that about three weeks would be spent in this
district, and a somewhat ambitious programme of sports and recreation
was drawn up. The training was often finished soon after mid-day. An
inter-platoon football competition was started, and preliminary heats
for the Battalion Sports Meeting, to be held on the 20th of May, were
run off during the early days of the “holiday.”
The Brigadier having expressed a wish that officers and men should be
given facilities to visit St. Omer, parties were made up each day for
that purpose. The men generally went in G.S. wagons and limbers, and
the officers usually returned _a voiture_.
A novelty in Regimental Sports was introduced on the 19th of May
at what was reported in the _Financial Times_ as the Moringhem May
Meeting, when the only event was a horse race for officers’ chargers.
The race took place after church parade, and was over a five furlong
course behind the village church. Unfortunately, one or two of the
starters were not quite sure where the course was, and consequently
several horses had to wait at “the tapes” while Battalion orderlies
scoured the village for missing runners and jockeys. More unfortunate
still was the experience of the “bookie” who, at great trouble, had
secured costumes for himself and his clerk, but who spent the morning
wandering about the neighbouring hills, vainly searching for the
course, and cursing his clerk for a fool.
Lieutenant Craig, the Transport Officer, acted as starter to a field
of seven. The Adjutant’s horse, Bunty, was first away, but his jockey
lost a stirrup and could not keep the lead. Entering the straight,
the Medical Officer (Captain C. M. Gozney) on the Boy, was in front,
and, shaking off the challenge by Bunty and Sunshine, he rode a good
race and won by a short head from the former, with Sunshine (ridden by
Captain F. D. Balfour) close up third. The winner started at 5-2, Bunty
at 3-1, and Sunshine at 100-3. The favourite Polly (5-4), ridden by
Captain Bowers Taylor, a heavyweight jockey, was quite unable to give
the weight away to the leaders. The bookie, it should be mentioned,
arrived on the course just in time to “pay out,” as there had been
considerable ante-post betting, and all the placed horses had been well
backed.
The Battalion Sports Meeting on the following day was marred by orders
to send off a digging party of 200 other ranks to dig trenches on the
training ground. The whole Battalion had turned up on the Transport
Field, and cookers were in attendance so that tea could be had on the
ground, but after the departure of the working party, interest in the
Sports died down, and the crowd, somewhat disappointed, filtered away.
Much keener interest was taken in the Inter-platoon football
competition, in the final of which Numbers 5 and 15 Platoons met three
times at Moringhem without being able to come to a decision. Two hours
exciting play on each of the first two occasions failed to produce even
a goal, but at the third meeting, play actually continued until Lights
Out, when the score was two goals all. It should, perhaps, be mentioned
that in these days of summer time it was not uncommon for Lights Out
to be sounded while it was still daylight. The football final was not
decided until after the Battalion had been in the front line. The score
on that occasion, when Number 15 Platoon won by no less than nine goals
to nothing, was an eloquent but sad testimony to what had happened
since the three drawn games at Moringhem.
The stay at Moringhem differed in many respects from the preparation
for the Somme battle in 1916. On this occasion the Division marched
straight to its training ground, which was reached in three days. The
marked out course quickly made its appearance, and it was made known at
the outset that the 140th Brigade was training for the attack on the
German positions around the White Château, just south of the Canal,
near Hollebeke. Moreover, the “non-starters” were selected at the
beginning of the training, and the rehearsals were carried out with the
officers, N.C.O.’s and men who were going to take part in the actual
attack.
The training was nothing like so strenuous as that for the High Wood
battle, and the men thus finished their day’s work with sufficient
energy left for football and other sports in the evening. In one
respect the experience of the Somme preparation was repeated. The
Adjutant, Captain W. E. Ind, M.C., threw himself whole heartedly and
enthusiastically into the work of training the Battalion and had very
quickly mastered every detail of the scheme. It was very largely due
to his efforts that the Civil Service Rifles left Moringhem thoroughly
prepared for their share in the battle and so full of confidence in
their success.
On the whole a very happy time had been spent at Moringhem, and there
was no great anxiety to leave the place on the 31st of May, when the
Battalion returned by train from St. Omer to Poperinghe, where, as they
marched out of the station, the troops were greeted at once with a few
shells--just as a reminder that they were back in the Salient.
The discomforts of the Ypres Salient were rarely more forcibly
illustrated than on the afternoon of the arrival at the so-called
tented camp in Dominion Lines. The march from Poperinghe Station took
place in the afternoon, and the Battalion marched into Dominion Lines
with visions of a comfortable camp and a welcome cup of tea! The men
were doomed to disappointment, for the “camp” proved to be a strip of
waste ground, very dusty, and without even a blade of grass on it.
There were a few bivouac sheets to be issued to each Company, and there
were about three bell tents for officers. Beyond this there was not
a stick of camp equipment of any kind. The disappointment was all the
keener because the Area Commandant was a Civil Service Rifles officer,
and it was thought he might have treated his own Regiment a little
better. The other three Battalions of the Brigade were comfortably
housed in huts.
The country all around presented a very different aspect from that seen
in the autumn of 1916, when the Division came to Ypres for a rest.
On all sides one now saw signs of the coming offensive. The roads
were lined with big ammunition dumps, a few of which were blown up
nightly by Bosche artillery fire, which had increased very considerably
during the past month. The English artillery, too, had increased their
activity, and some wonderful bombardments were witnessed both by day
and night. The Bosche, in fact, could not have had much doubt of what
was in store for him. The only doubt in his mind would be how much
longer he would be allowed to remain in his front line trenches.
A mysterious-looking enclosure, marked “Segregated Area,” attracted
a good deal of attention from the curious among the troops, who,
after reading the notice outside, that no horses could be admitted,
discovered that many tanks were housed there. Members of the Civil
Service Rifles who had been on the Somme heaved a sigh of relief when
they learnt that, although tanks were co-operating in the coming
attack, none were allotted a definite part in the task of their
Battalion.
The 2nd of June was devoted to final preparations for the battle.
Officers got their men together for a little extra talk, and all ranks
eagerly studied maps and aeroplane photographs, of which there was a
generous supply and which showed clearly how thoroughly the artillery
had prepared the way. There was an atmosphere of suppressed excitement
similar to that of the days before High Wood, but on this occasion
there was greater confidence, inspired by the unmistakable evidence on
all sides of the magnificent work of the artillery and the Air Force.
Company Commanders went up to reconnoitre the support positions which
the Battalion was to occupy the next day, and working parties were sent
out along the cross-country tracks, which had been made to ease the
traffic along the roads. These parties were occupied all day in the
pleasant task of filling up the shell holes which the Bosche had made
overnight.
The battle surplus to be left behind when an Infantry Battalion took
part in an attack had by this time been clearly defined by General
Headquarters, and consequently a large party of “non-starters” joined
the Divisional Reinforcement Camp before the Battalion left for the
trenches on the 3rd of June. These included, in addition to two of
the regular Company Commanders, representatives of every platoon and
specialist section in the Battalion-picked N.C.O.’s and men who would
form a worthy nucleus on which to build a new Battalion in the event of
heavy casualties being suffered. The Divisional Reinforcement Camp was
commanded by Lieut.-Colonel Warrender, who had left the Civil Service
Rifles the previous November to command the 47th Divisional School at
Poperinghe.
CHAPTER XV
MESSINES--7TH JUNE, 1917
The Regimental Diary gives a detailed description of the career of the
Civil Service Rifles from the time of leaving Dominion Lines on the
night of the 3rd of June to the return from the trenches after the
battle:--
“Just before we started for the trenches at 10.0 p.m.,
the Bosche dropped a few big shells on the track near the
segregated area, so it was felt that as we had to pass this
point the war had started in earnest. Fortunately the whole
Battalion passed this area without mishap, and the journey to
the trenches was very quiet until we approached Café Belge,
when we received a message that the Bosche was shelling that
spot freely with gas shells. The information proved to be true,
and the Battalion had its first experience of a real gas shell
bombardment--happily without any casualties. We reached the
support positions--trenches in the vicinity of Swan Château
and Château Segard--without any further adventure, and after
relieving the Poplar and Stepney Rifles, spent a quiet night in
very crowded quarters.
“The Battalion spent three days in these trenches, and on the
whole they were very pleasant. The weather was good, and there
were practically no working parties, so the men got plenty of
time for rest. The time was spent in such final preparation for
the attack as issuing bombs, rifle grenades, ground flares,
picks, shovels and chewing gum (one stick between two) and
rations for ‘the day.’ The Company Commanders reconnoitred
the assembly positions on the morning of the 6th, and by that
afternoon everything was ready for the move up to the assembly
trenches. The whole Battalion was in excellent spirit and every
one was full of confidence. The men had taken a very keen
interest in the orders and every man knew the part he had to
play.
“We had a quiet move to the assembly trenches at night, and
although the tracks and back areas were receiving their usual
nightly ration of shells, there were no casualties.
“It was now known that the attack would be delivered at dawn,
and the few hours before zero were spent in comparative peace.
The trenches were those occupied by the Civil Service Rifles
on their last visit to the front line. ‘A’ Company was in the
old Lock House, near the Spoil Bank by the side of the Canal.
The remaining Companies were on their right in West Terrace and
Grenade Trench, in the order in which they were to attack. ‘D’
was on the right, ‘B’ next, ‘C’ next, and for the attack ‘A’
Company came out of the Lock House and formed the left flank.
“Zero for the great 2nd Army attack was at 3.10 a.m. on the 7th
of June, but our Battalion took no part in the first phase.
An hour before zero, all Company Commanders were to report to
Battalion Headquarters to be on the spot if anything went wrong
with the first phase. Battalion Headquarters was in a smelly,
wet dug-out in West Terrace. It had walls of brick and some
attempt at a concrete roof. The party assembled there consisted
of the Commanding Officer, Lieutenant-Colonel H. Marshall
(Hampshire Regiment), the Adjutant, Captain W. E. Ind, M.C.,
and the four Company Commanders--‘A’ Company, Captain A. Bowers
Taylor (Manchester Regiment, attached); ‘B’ Company, Captain
G. C. Grimsdale; ‘C’ Company, Second-Lieutenant P. Davenport;
and ‘D’ Company, Second-Lieutenant G. Hasleham (Manchester
Regiment, attached). The Signals Officer, Second-Lieutenant
R. W. Illing and the Bombing Officer, Second-Lieutenant O. E.
Burden, also hovered about, and there was the usual ‘chorus’
generally found hanging round Battalion Headquarters--servants,
police, pioneers, signallers and runners. Wallis, the ‘head
waiter,’ moved about as unconcerned as ever, with sandwiches
and whisky and soda for the guests. The gathering reminded one
of Bairnsfather’s sketch, ‘An hour before going into trenches.’
Ind tried hard to keep the conversation going; Grimsdale, who
occupied one of the few seats, appeared somewhat subdued,
though he had a few knotty problems to put to the assembly.
Hasleham, who squatted tailor fashion on the floor, went to
sleep, while Bowers Taylor and Davenport spent the time trying
to follow his example--without much success.
“At 3.10 a.m. precisely, the floor, walls and ceiling began to
rock furiously, and we realised that the Australian tunnellers
in Marshall Walk had not boasted idly when they told us last
November that their mine under Hill 60 would one day stagger
humanity. A moment later, another big mine went up at St. Eloi,
and at the same time the most wonderful bombardment there has
ever been known was let loose. Big guns, howitzers and field
guns seemed to be firing from everywhere behind us, and one
could not help feeling overawed by the magnificence of our
artillery. The machine guns joined in the fun, and the whole
thing inspired every one with great confidence. No human beings
could possibly withstand such a bombardment. It was the noise
of the bombardment, so often described as drumfire, which was
mistaken afar off for the noise of the mines, and imaginative
journalists with a keen sense of hearing afterwards wrote tales
of how they had heard the mines in London. The mines actually
made comparatively little noise.
“We had three hours to wait before our time came to jump off,
so we tried to see what was going on in front, where the
7th and 8th Battalions were attacking the White Château and
neighbouring trenches. Little could be seen, however, beyond a
big cloud of dust and here and there a tank toiling over the
shell holes. The Bosche, apparently, had no guns to spare for
us, as he left us entirely alone, and at 5.15 a.m. we moved up
to our jumping off trenches undisturbed.
“The Adjutant, who for many weeks had worked on this scheme
harder than the producer of plays ever worked on a great
masterpiece, came up to see us off, and as the situation was so
quiet we were able to form up in waves outside our jumping-off
trenches. Our new padré, too, came along to wish the ‘dear
lads’ the best of luck, and to distribute a large quantity
of cigarettes. A staunch friend to the troops at all times,
the Rev. Ernest Beattie was surely the most cheery padré a
Battalion could have had. It did one good to see his genial
smile whenever he came round the line.
“The first wave consisted of one platoon of each Company, ‘A’
on the left under Sergeant Steele, then ‘C’ (Second-Lieutenant
Stoneman), ‘B’ (Sergeant G. T. Bachell), and ‘D’
(Second-Lieutenant G. T. Mellett). An additional platoon of ‘B’
under Second-Lieutenant Temple was attached to this wave which,
under the command of the Officer Commanding ‘C’ Company, moved
off at 6.25 a.m. The Battalion scouts, who had previously gone
forward to reconnoitre, had just returned and reported that all
had gone well with the Post Office Rifles, who were holding all
their objectives, and that the stream beyond, which we had to
cross, was practically dry and offered no obstacle.
“The first wave had a good start, and in a line of sections in
single file went unhindered through the three objectives held
by the Post Office Rifles and across the aforesaid stream in
the White Château grounds, until it opened out to two lines
in extended order and halted under the barrage in a hollow
in front of the first objective, Oak Crescent, a trench just
south of the White Château stables. The first wave of the 6th
Battalion, who were attacking the stables on our left, moved
off at the same time. While waiting for the barrage to lift, we
suffered a few casualties.
“The scene in the hollow while waiting for the barrage to
lift was a truly remarkable one. The inevitable mixing up of
waves had occurred, and the 2nd, 3rd and 4th waves, who were
following the first at five minute intervals, here became
merged into one mass, and the scene looked like the field for
a big cross-country race. The mix-up had occurred owing to the
men crossing the rough ground much more quickly than had been
expected. In the background a tank was slowly making its way
across the line of our advance to assist the 6th Battalion at
the stables if necessary. A small crowd gathered round it and
watched it with interest. What was most extraordinary was the
very slight enemy fire, and men were able to sort themselves
out more or less with ease.
“When the barrage lifted, the first wave went forward to
assault Oak Crescent, but the difficulty was not so much to
capture it as to recognise it, for our guns had done their work
so well that it was hard to find the place where the trench
had been--and there was no trace of a Bosche either alive or
dead. The second wave, consisting of one platoon of ‘C’ Company
under Sergeant Glass, and one platoon of ‘D’ Company with
Company Headquarters, arrived to ‘mop up’ the trench, but as
they could not find any trench to mop up, they devoted their
time to trying to dig one instead. About this time the Officer
Commanding ‘A’ Company, Captain A. Bowers Taylor, was killed,
and the Officer Commanding ‘D’ Company, Second-Lieutenant
Hasleham, was wounded, and in addition the Battalion suffered
its most serious loss since leaving England. Lieutenant Ind,
who, in his eagerness to see that everything went well, had
followed the Battalion up to the hollow ground before the
first objective, was hit in the head by a piece of shell, and,
although he was taken down immediately, he was so badly wounded
that he died the same evening without recovering consciousness
in No. 10 Casualty Clearing Station, near Poperinghe. So the
Civil Service Rifles lost the finest Territorial soldier who
ever served with them. Fortunately the news did not get round
for some time, but it had a somewhat depressing effect when it
became known, for needless to say, Lieutenant Ind was loved by
every officer, N.C.O. and man in the Battalion. No man could
have worked harder for the welfare of a Battalion than he did,
nor could anyone be more fearless and unselfish than he was. He
had been with the 1st Civil Service Rifles continuously since
the Foreign Service Battalion was formed, and throughout he had
devoted himself wholeheartedly to the Regiment, whose members
he was ever ready to help in any way he possibly could. He
was a magnificent soldier, a thorough gentleman, and an ideal
friend, and his loss has left a gap in the Battalion which can
never be adequately filled. He had been looked upon for so long
as so essential a part of the Battalion that his many friends
found it difficult to realise that he had been killed.
[Illustration:
_Photo by The Chesterfield Studios Co., Chesterfield._
CAPTAIN W. E. IND, M.C.
Adjutant 1st Batt., 15th March, 1916, till his death in Action,
7th June, 1917.
_To face page 142._
]
“By a strange coincidence, Lieutenant-Colonel H. H. Kemble,
M.C., the Commanding Officer of the 23rd London Regiment (who,
as Captain Kemble, had been Ind’s Company Commander in the
Civil Service Rifles during their first six months in France)
was mortally wounded almost at the same time as his old
friend, and died the same night in the same ward. These two
old comrades were buried side by side in the Military Cemetery
just south of Poperinghe between the railway and the road to
Westoutre.
“Lieutenant-Colonel Kemble’s death was lamented by all who knew
him in the Civil Service Rifles, where he was so well known and
respected as a very gallant Company Commander.
“But although, as has been stated, the loss of Lieutenant Ind
had a somewhat depressing effect, it did not interfere with the
attack, and the third wave, consisting of one platoon of ‘A’
Company (Second-Lieutenant G. W. Ackworth), one of ‘C’ Company
(Second-Lieutenant T. Woods), one of ‘B’ (Second-Lieutenant
Samuel) and one of ‘D’ (Second-Lieutenant Margrett), under the
Officer Commanding ‘B’ Company, moved through the line of what
was once Oak Crescent, and took their objective, Oblong Trench,
with little opposition.
“The fourth wave, also consisting of a platoon from
each Company (‘A,’ Second-Lieutenant L. C. Morris, ‘B,’
Second-Lieutenant C. Stevenson, ‘C,’ Second-Lieutenant C. V.
Marchant, and ‘D,’ Second-Lieutenant Moran), now moved through
Oak Crescent and amalgamated with the first wave. The two
together then moved forward, with an additional platoon of ‘A’
Company (Second-Lieutenant A. Wilson) on the left, and captured
the final objective, Oblong Reserve, where a few tired and
frightened Germans readily gave themselves up.
“About 200 yards beyond the final objective was a ruined
building, known as Delbske Farm, surrounded by a trench.
The instructions were that a patrol was to be pushed out to
the farm, which, if not held strongly, was to be rushed and
captured. A kind of scramble was accordingly made for the farm
by a party consisting of ‘C’ Company Headquarters, and Nos. 9
and 11 Platoons, with Sergeant Steele’s platoon of ‘A’ Company
and any odd men of other Companies who happened to be handy.
The farm and trench were taken with little opposition, and
about thirty prisoners came pouring out of the building anxious
to be shown the way ‘home.’
“In every case throughout the day the objective had been
captured with ease. There were very few Bosches to be found,
and these immediately gave themselves up without a struggle
when we entered their trenches. Indeed, the only infantry
action took place after the trench at Delbske Farm had been
taken, when patrols, going out to right and left, were subject
to rifle fire from Bosche patrols, who later in the morning
seemed to have recovered from their fright sufficiently to
inflict a few casualties on the occupants of the trench outside
the farm. It was here that Sergeant Steele and Corporal
Freeman, of ‘A’ Company, after doing sterling work on patrol,
were shot through the head and killed instantly.
“Late in the afternoon the Bosche began shelling heavily, but
although our aeroplanes twice reported him to be massing for
counter-attack, he was effectively dispersed by our artillery
and did not even leave his trenches.
“The night was fairly quiet except for some desultory shelling;
but the troops were all very tired after their efforts of the
past 24 hours, and it came as a very pleasant surprise when
early on the morning of the 8th, the 2nd Leinsters arrived
and relieved us. The four Companies moved back to Ecluse
Trench--a support trench running south from the canal about
half a mile behind our original assembly positions. It was
quite a comfortable place and the weather was fine and warm.
The tired troops were therefore able to enjoy a solid day’s
sleep, undisturbed by shells. They were all very proud of their
victory, and when they were not sleeping they were all talking
at once, comparing souvenirs and recounting their various
experiences.”
* * * * *
So ended the first phase of the capture of the Messines-Wytschaete
Ridge. It had been a wonderful demonstration of the power of artillery
supported by a thorough aeroplane reconnaissance. From the point of
view of the infantry it had been a “walk over,” at least so far as the
Civil Service Rifles were concerned. Tales were told of hand-to-hand
struggles in the vicinity of the White Château, but the German troops
opposed to the Civil Service Rifles evidently knew whom they had to
deal with and they wisely refrained from indulging in any fighting. The
casualties, happily, were few, and the victory, considering the number
of objectives and the extent of ground covered, was undoubtedly a cheap
one. It was illustrated very clearly, however, how impossible it is,
when advancing over a wide area of rough ground, to arrive at the
distant objective in anything like the waves laid down in the training
pamphlets.
Here were conditions ideal for a model attack--excellent artillery
support, well-trained men, every one of whom was keen and clearly
understood the scheme which had been so thoroughly rehearsed, and a
very weak opposition, and yet the attack became little more than a
scramble after the first objective was passed. At the same time the
troops had taken and held all the objectives allotted to them, and
there was a feeling of satisfaction among the members of the Civil
Service Rifles that the Battalion had done all that it was asked to do
in what was, so far, the greatest British victory of the war.
After two days’ rest in Ecluse Trench a return was made to the front
line, and the 6th Battalion were relieved on the 10th of June in a
trench known as Opal Reserve--on the left of Oblong Reserve, familiar
to the Civil Service Rifles as one of their objectives on the 7th.
Battalion Headquarters was in what was left of the White Château itself.
Although only two days were spent here it was a much more trying
experience than the battle had been, and the casualties suffered were
considerably more than the average for merely holding the line. The
Bosche had now reorganised his artillery, and he was using it to some
purpose on the White Château and its grounds. The first taste of the
trouble was given to No. 9 platoon of “C” Company on their way to the
front line. Starting out with about twenty men under Second Lieutenant
Stoneman, only nine reached the front line in Opal Reserve, four having
been killed, and seven wounded.
The front line trench, which was mostly mud, was held by “B” and “C”
Companies, “A” and “D” being in reserve in a series of German “pill
box” shelters. Second Lieutenant L. L. Burtt was now in command of
“B” Company, and it is said he spent the time in being pulled out of
the mud by his Sergeant-Major (R. H. Burden), and in turn pulling him
out. There was no shelter of any kind for either of the front line
Companies, but “C” Company Headquarters occupied a niche cut out of the
wall of the trench, and there the Company Commander sat with an officer
on each side of him, like statues in the walls of a cathedral.
The time here was spent in clearing the trench of the ever-falling
debris, dodging shells, and digging a jumping-off trench for the 41st
Division, who were shortly to continue the advance. For this purpose
they relieved the 47th Division on the night of the 12th of June, and
the Civil Service Rifles gladly handed over their strip of mud to the
18th Battalion K.R.R., and made their way out to Chippewa Camp, near
Reninghelst, where they arrived at about 6.0 a.m. on the 13th of June,
so tired that they didn’t care a fig who held the Messines-Wytschaete
Ridge.
* * * * *
In accordance with the usual practice after a big battle, the Division
went right back for rest and reorganisation, and after two days’
marching the Civil Service Rifles, on the 16th of June, reached the
village of Ebblinghem, between Hazebrouck and St. Omer.
The twelve days spent in this village were chiefly devoted to preparing
for an inspection by the Divisional Commander, and training for the
Divisional Water Carnival at Blaringhem. An al fresco concert in “D”
Company’s billet on the 23rd of June threatened to fall flat, but the
arrival, at a gallop, of a limber with a large barrel of beer on board
set things moving, and the concert finished very well.
The Divisional Water Carnival was held in the canal at Blaringhem on
the 26th, and the crowd of visitors made one think of a Town Regatta
on the Thames, the fair sex being well represented. The weather was
gloriously fine, and the comic events were well to the fore in the
programme. The Battalion carried off its fair share of the honours, the
chief success being that of the R.Q.M.S., W. B. Hart, who built the
winning boat in the odd craft race, cleverly rowed by R. D. Tidmarsh,
who won an easy victory by a distance. A small lottery was arranged
for the visitors, and Mdlle. Victoria, the fair damsel at the Civil
Service Rifles Headquarters billet, won the first prize. This brought
to a close the holiday at Ebblinghem, for the march back to the war
was begun on the morning of the 28th, and, after staying one night
at Meteren and one night at Voormezeele, the month of July found the
Civil Service Rifles in support in what had been the German front line
immediately south of the Canal.
The weather was bad, the trenches were in a perfectly rotten state of
repair, and the men had no protection against persistent shelling.
Three very unlucky days were spent here, during which time the losses
from shell fire amounted to about forty all ranks, and on the night of
the 3rd of July, after being relieved by Companies from the 21st, 22nd,
and 23rd Battalions, a weary and somewhat fed up Battalion made its way
to Murrumbidgee Camp--a hutted camp near the village of La Clytte.
The chief attraction here was a bathing pond which, although somewhat
“soupy,” was well patronised by the troops.
[Illustration:
(_Portrait by Gabell._)
FRANCIS WOODBINE PARISH, 1915
Captain, King’s Royal Rifle Corps; Adjutant, Prince of Wales’s Own
Civil Service Rifles.
His wound, sustained in action on the Western front, was a contributory
cause of his death in 1921.
_To face page 147._]
CHAPTER XVI
THE RENAISSANCE
Among the prominent events which may be regarded as landmarks or
milestones in the career of the Civil Service Rifles in France, two
have already been passed--Vimy Ridge and High Wood. The third milestone
was one of a different character, but the arrival of Lieut.-Colonel F.
W. Parish, M.C., to take command most certainly marked the beginning
of a new phase in the life of the Battalion. As the pre-war Adjutant,
Captain Parish had played a great part in the training of the Civil
Service Rifles for war, and all who knew him at the time will remember
his keenness. He left the Battalion at the end of October, 1915, to be
G.S.O. III of the 19th Division, and afterwards took command of one
of the Service Battalions of the North Staffords, with whom he was
severely wounded in the Somme Battle of 1916.
It was soon found that he had lost none of his enthusiasm for the Civil
Service Rifles, and although a great many changes had taken place since
he left, there were still a good many who remembered him, and as he
walked along the trenches in Bois Confluent, near St. Eloi, on the 9th
of July, he could not mistake the welcome that was shown to him in the
faces of all his old friends. The Battalion, sad to relate, had become
somewhat stale and had a tired look, and the new Commanding Officer
supplied just the touch of renewed vigour which had been lacking of
late. He took the earliest opportunity to tell the troops that he was
glad to see them all, but that they were not quite the Battalion of
old, and he would not be content until they were. He said they were not
as clean as they might be, and although they had fought well, they were
not so smart, and their discipline was not so good as it should be. All
these things, he said, must be put right, and, as there was no time
like the present, he put his preaching into practice right away in the
support positions in Bois Confluent.
There followed such a craze for cleaning up clothing and equipment as
had not been known for many months, and all ranks entered into the new
spirit with enthusiasm. Ten rough days in front line trenches around
the gates of the White Château grounds on the Hollebeke Road, where
the Germans shelled all day and every day, and where one side or the
other carried out a raid nearly every night, ended in the Battalion
being relieved on the night of the 24th of June by the 18th King’s
Royal Rifles, and moving to Carnarvon Camp, near Westoutre, one of the
most uncomfortable camps occupied by the Civil Service Rifles during
the war.
After one day’s rest the work of “restoration” was resumed, and
vigorous “spit and polish” was indulged in for three days before the
Commanding Officer inspected the Battalion. In a breezy speech he said
he could already see a distinct improvement, and he felt sure a further
improvement would follow.
On the 30th of July the Civil Service Rifles became the envied of all
the other units in the Division as they marched to Wippenhoek Siding
near Abeele, and entrained for St. Omer, whence a short march brought
them to Tatinghem. Here the Battalion was to carry out a training
programme, consisting chiefly of musketry on the 2nd Army ranges near
Moulle.
* * * * *
In his work of revival, there is no doubt that Colonel Parish had
everything in his favour. In the first place he had sole command of the
unit and was not worried by any orders from either Brigade or Division.
The training was to be done entirely under the Commanding Officer’s own
arrangements, the only condition laid down being that every one must
have musketry practice on the range. In the second place the Battalion
was sent to a pleasantly situated training area many miles from the
firing line, and thirdly the billets were excellent--in many cases
better than the men had ever had before in France. Practically every
sergeant, at least, had a real bed in an inhabited house.
In these circumstances it would have been strange indeed if all ranks
had not responded wholeheartedly to the call of their Commanding
Officer, whose enthusiasm quickly spread throughout the Battalion.
It is true the “spit and polish” days of General Cuthbert were put
into the shade by the scrubbing and polishing which were indulged in
from morning till night in the early days at Tatinghem, and all the
time-honoured jokes and gags about Bluebell Metal Polish, Kiwi, etc.,
were literally worked to death. Men groused and joked alternately about
the new craze, and one wag chalked up on a billet door a colourable
imitation of the Regimental crest, beneath which he had substituted
the words “Ich Posh” for the actual motto. Thanks to the inclement
weather, there was no chance during the first few days to do anything
but remain in billets and “clean up,” and when eventually the rain
ceased and Colonel Parish saw his Battalion on parade, he was so proud
of the men that he spent a good deal of his spare time thereafter in
persuading General Officers and others to come and inspect them. The
Civil Service Rifles, in consequence, underwent inspections during
this holiday by General Plumer (twice), Brigadier-General Kennedy, and
Brigadier-General Bailey, in addition to numerous inspections by the
Commanding Officer. The men endured these ordeals with little or no
grousing--for they had now learnt to take a proper pride in their smart
appearance.
The Commanding Officer’s chief worry was lack of a parade ground where
he could drill his battalion, and the Adjutant was ordered to find
one. It was in vain that he said the local farmers objected to their
pasture being ruined by the tramping of army boots, so eventually he
discovered a field without a gate to it, and hoped the farmer would
not turn up during battalion drill. The farmer did not appear himself,
but his wife came on parade and protested so loudly to the Adjutant
that the Commanding Officer exclaimed in a loud voice “Send that woman
off parade. This is not a woman’s battalion.” This brilliant sally,
however, was wasted on the woman, who continued to protest volubly--and
those who have heard a French peasant woman when she is roused will
realise how difficult it was to induce her to leave the field.
The great day of the training was the Regimental Rifle Meeting, run
almost on Bisley lines, which was held on the ranges at Moulle, on the
6th of August. Prizes were offered for the best sergeant and the best
corporal in the Battalion, for the best private in each Company, and
for each member of the Platoon having the highest average. In addition,
all prize winners were to have a day’s leave.
The Prize Meeting was a great success, and the keenest interest was
taken in the competitions, on which there were various sweepstakes,
while, in addition, two members of the Battalion “made a book” on one
of the competitions, their most profitable dupe being the Commanding
Officer himself.
“C” Company appear to have swept the board as far as Platoon averages
went, as two of their Platoons took the first two places, and one
other tied with numbers eight (“B” Company) and thirteen (“D” Company)
for third place. The following received silver wrist watches suitably
engraved for the occasion:--
_Best Sergeant in the Battalion_:
Sergeant H. Salmon - ‘C’ Company.
_Best Corporal_:
Corporal O. L. H. Levey - ‘C’ Company.
_Best Privates_:
‘A’ Company - Privates L. W. V. Wilkinson and H. A.
Vernham, tied.
‘B’ Company - Private W. J. Tuckett.
‘C’ Company - Privates E. A. Honney and A. Strong
tied.
‘D’ Company - Private F. T. G. White.
The Officers’ competition was won by Second-Lieutenant G. E.
Tatum, ‘C’ Company.
Shortly after the Rifle Meeting the Battalion became attached to the
142nd Brigade, and this caused a move to Moringhem, but after two
General Officers’ inspections in four days the Civil Service Rifles,
to their great joy, returned to their old billets, the 140th Brigade
having been sent to the Tatinghem area for training.
The puzzle so far had been the absence of the marked-out or “flagged”
course, and speculation was rife as to how soon the familiar signs
would appear on the training ground, but beyond practising an advance
(through fields of cut corn) in what the Commanding Officer called
lines of “worms,” no very warlike movements were undertaken, nor was
there any mention of a coming operation. So the holiday at Tatinghem
came to an end without any rehearsing of a set piece which had been
such a conspicuous feature of former holidays of this kind.
Just before leaving Tatinghem, a mild interest was taken in the
appearance on parade of a second Colonel, wearing the uniform of a
Scottish regiment, who inspected the Battalion on the 23rd of August,
and thereafter did not miss a parade. There were numerous speculations
as to who was this unassuming-looking fellow in the Scotch cap, and
what did he want, but no one guessed what a great part he was soon to
play in the history of the Regiment.
A seemingly endless column of motor buses and lorries took the 140th
Brigade back to the war on the 24th of August, and the Civil Service
Rifles occupied Vancouver Camp, which seemed dreadfully uncomfortable
after the luxury of Tatinghem. The accommodation was poor, and the
day was cold with a biting wind howling and blowing the dust over
everything. The troops experienced very much the same kind of feeling
as on return to a City office after a month at the seaside or in the
country, and before turning in for the night a rumour went round that
the Division would very soon attack Polygon and Glencorse Woods, beyond
Westhoek Ridge. Pleasant dreams!
CHAPTER XVII
LAST DAYS IN THE YPRES SALIENT
As a sequel to overnight rumours, all officers were taken the next day
to study a ground plan of the country from Passchendaele to Westhoek
Ridge--an excellent model of what had now become the most famous
battlefield on the western front. The parts which specially interested
the Civil Service Rifles were the wood known as Nonne Boschen and
Glencorse Wood. In the afternoon the N.C.O.’s were taken to see the
model, and it was explained to them that they were soon to attack the
positions in the two woods mentioned. These had been captured more than
once during the past week or two, but in each case the captors had been
pushed back by a German counter-attack.
The next step followed at a very early hour the morning after, when
a party of officers boarded a bus outside camp, and long before
daylight were deposited outside the Asylum at Ypres. Crossing the now
world-famous city, they passed out at the Menin Gate and down the
dreaded Menin Road to Hooge, whence they made a general reconnaissance
of the country from Bellewarde Ridge over Westhoek Ridge. The situation
in the front line seemed a trifle obscure, and those holding it did
not altogether cheer their visitors up when discussing the proposed
attack. It certainly surprised the said visitors to learn that one
group of old gun pits, where they were supposed to assemble for their
attack, was being held by the Bosches. This news, however, did not
have any serious effect on the scheme, and the following day a party
of N.C.O.’s accompanied the Adjutant on a similar reconnaissance. Rain
poured in torrents from start to finish, and it is feared that the
party, absolutely wet through to the skin, did not display very great
enthusiasm for their work that day.
There followed a lecture by the Commanding Officer in the Vancouver
Theatre on the coming attack. The Army School lecturer of these days
still laboured under the delusion that the assaulting infantry in an
attack arrived at the objective in waves, in spite of ditches, water
jumps, barbed wire or other obstacles. To hear him talk of the attack
it all seemed so easy, that one could only wonder why it had not been
done before--preferably by the staff of an Army School.
Colonel Parish, who had been an instructor at the Senior Officers’
School at Aldershot earlier in the year, contrived to instil his
optimism into the troops, who entered on the flagged course rehearsals
the next day with considerable enthusiasm. Even the two men of “C”
Company who were detailed to wade through a marsh, said to exist in No
Man’s Land, were heard to joke about their “chances.”
Consequently the troops, although not generally bellicose, were almost
eager for the fray, as there was a distinct feeling among them that
something big should be done to justify the recent holiday. Thus it
came about that members of the Battalion were heard to say that they
were looking forward to the battle. This attitude was certainly a
novelty, for although there was never a lack of volunteers for any
enterprise, however dangerous, nor was there ever any disposition to
“swing it” before a battle, it had for a long time been the practice
to look askance at any man who claimed to be keen on a fight. The
recognised attitude in public circles, both on the part of officers and
other ranks, was that of a pacifist. “Live and let live” was claimed
as their motto by some of the most zealous soldiers, simply because
they hated the idea of being dubbed “fire-eaters,” and often a most
gallant fighter would be one who asserted loudly that he was always
very “windy,” to use popular parlance, or that there was nothing he
dreaded more than going over the top. However, on the occasion referred
to, officers and men were more honest, and most, if not all, readily
asserted their keenness for the difficult and somewhat complicated form
of attack which they were soon to undertake in the neighbourhood of
Westhoek Ridge.
The rehearsals over the marked-out course went on from day to day,
sometimes in the presence of the Divisional Commander, Major-General
Gorringe, and nearly always in the presence of the Brigade Commander,
Brigadier-General Kennedy, with various members of the gilded staff
in the offing. Still, the Civil Service Rifles, equipped with two
Lieutenant-Colonels, and fired with enthusiasm, disarmed criticism,
and the Generals regarded Glencorse Wood and the curiously-named Nonne
Boschen (Nuns’ Wood) as practically captured. They had, however,
reckoned without the weather.
The big offensive which took place in the Ypres Salient from July to
September, 1917, is remembered more by the atrocious weather which
accompanied it throughout--and finally ruined it--than by any other
feature. Hopes had run high, as details of the ambitious scheme leaked
out, that this great push was going to hasten very considerably the
end of the war. The Bosche evidently feared that such might be the
result, to judge from the stubborn resistance he put up, and the number
of big guns he brought to bear on the district, and it was the eternal
shelling during these three months, combined with what was probably a
record in bad weather even for France, which caused men ever after to
speak with bated breath of “Passchendaele.”
To have been through Passchendaele was regarded as having endured the
most severe trial of the war, but “Passchendaele” when referred to in
this connection, included not only the little village of that name and
the ridge adjoining it, but the whole of the devastated area in the
Ypres Salient where the fighting was so keen during the last wretched
months of the so-called summer of 1917. Passchendaele, therefore, can
be stretched to include Glencorse and Polygon Woods and the Westhoek
Ridge, for here the full fury of this terrible battle against the
combined forces of the Bosche and the weather was felt, and as far as
the Civil Service Rifles were concerned, they were knocked out by the
weather before they reached the “starting gate.”
Throughout the last few days of August the rain fell almost
continuously. The marsh referred to, through which two men had to wade,
had now become a pond, and the rest of the country on Westhoek Ridge
had become a sea of mud. The attack, after being postponed from day
to day, was finally abandoned on the 31st of August, when the advance
party, under the Adjutant, was actually on parade ready to start for
the trenches. A limber containing medical stores, signalling equipment,
etc., had already been despatched for the Menin Road, where it was to
await the advance party. The advance party was dismissed, the limber
brought back, and later in the evening it became known that the attack
was definitely abandoned so far as the 47th Division was concerned.
The news created something akin to consternation in the Battalion,
where the men felt the keenest disappointment at the loss of such an
opportunity to prove their worth, but none felt it more keenly than
Colonel Parish. It transpired that he had not recovered from his head
wound received on the Somme in 1916,[14] and he was therefore to return
to England, but he had succeeded in persuading the authorities to allow
him to see this battle through before going away. It thus came as a
very bitter blow to him, who had devoted so much energy and zeal to
improving the fighting spirit, that he should have to leave without
ever having commanded his Battalion in the front line.
[14] This wound contributed to his untimely death on 9th Oct., 1921. He
is buried at Hawarden.
His grief was shared by all ranks in the Battalion, for although he had
only been in command for six weeks, he had worked a wonderful change,
and had inspired every one by his enthusiasm for the Civil Service
Rifles.
There was not an officer, N.C.O. or man who had served under him who
did not feel how very much the Regiment owed to Colonel Parish. It had
been a real pleasure to serve under him in any capacity, and there was
a genuine and universal regret felt at his departure. The benefit of
his six weeks’ command was felt in the Battalion throughout the rest of
the war.
Colonel Parish said good-bye on parade on the 23rd of September, when
he told the men how sorry he was to go, but assured them all that it
was only for a little while, for he would be back as soon as the powers
that be would allow him. He felt sure that when that time came, Colonel
Segrave, to whom he was handing over his command, would be able to tell
him that this was still the finest Battalion in the Division.
This, then, was the explanation of the “quiet, unobtrusive Colonel
in the Scotch cap” who had been living with the Civil Service Rifles
for the past fortnight. He had a difficult task before him, coming as
he did, after one who had become such a hot favourite with all under
his command. Colonel Segrave did not start off with the “new broom”
tactics, for there was very little that he wished to alter, and it was
his desire to continue on the lines of his predecessor. He told the
Battalion, when he took his first parade on the 4th of September, how
proud he was to be given command of the Civil Service Rifles, but it is
safe to say that not even he guessed how great was to be his love for
this Regiment before the end of his régime.
Very soon afterwards the Battalion relieved the 2nd South Lancashire
Battalion in support trenches round about Hooge and Château Wood on
the Menin Road, and here were spent the last seven days of the eleven
months’ sojourn in the Ypres Salient. The experience of these seven
days was a fitting conclusion to all that had been endured in the past
year, for they were days during which the Salient lived up to its worst
reputation.
The relief of the 2nd South Lancashires was carried out in daylight on
the 9th of September, and the Bosches welcomed the change by indulging
in a general bombardment of the area, which caused a few casualties in
“A” Company before they reached their new positions.
The Battalion was disposed round about the site of the village of
Hooge. There were no trenches, although there were several marked on
the map, and the sole accommodation was found in old concrete shelters
which until recently had housed the Germans. “A” Company, however,
occupied part of the Menin tunnel, which had once been a triumph of
German field engineering. This ran underneath the Menin Road, and
inside had been a trench tramway, along which the enemy stores and
rations had been brought up. The main signal lines also ran along, and
it was noticed that these had been neatly pinned into the walls of the
tunnel--in contrast to the English method of laying lines criss-cross
along open trenches in such a manner as to catch the occupants across
the throat. This method of fixing lines, so common throughout the
British area, caused more bad language on a dark night than any other
provocation in France.
[Illustration]
The Menin tunnel may have been a safe refuge in the early days of its
existence, but now it was in a deplorable condition. Daylight was
admitted at very frequent intervals by the huge gaping holes caused by
the heavy artillery of both sides, but in spite of these the atmosphere
inside was almost overpowering, and the protection from shell fire was
purely imaginary.
Gas shells were scattered freely over the area both day and night, and
the casualties increased each day. During the bombardment of the night
of the 11th of September, Lance-Corporal Foote, of the Headquarters
Pioneers, distinguished himself by carrying a wounded man from the
ruins in Château Wood occupied by Battalion Headquarters right down the
Menin Road to the dressing station at the famous Birr cross roads.
The discomforts increased each day, and the bombardments of the
main track to the front line--the Kanwan track, which had formerly
taken place at regular times each day, now became more frequent and
irregular. The whole Battalion made the perilous journey along this
track nearly every day, for huge carrying parties had to be provided
to carry R. E. material and ammunition up to Clapham Junction--the
Headquarters of the front line Battalion. There were many signs of the
recent advance to be seen on the way to Clapham Junction, the most
noticeable being a mass of ruined tanks which looked as though they had
all been put out of action in trying to mount the embankment along a
part of the Menin Road.
On the 15th of September began a series of practice barrages, and the
long-suffering infantry now had to endure the retaliation in addition
to other bombardments. Following one of the practice barrages the 7th
Battalion, holding the front line, sent forward a party and captured
a strong point. “C” Company, under Captain L. L. Burtt, went up at
night to work for them, and their journey along Kanwan Track ranks as
one of the worst experiences of the Company during the war. Misfortune
befell the party from the start, and the intense shelling combined
with the pitch-black darkness of the night caused the journey to
Clapham Junction to degenerate into a scramble. This was practically
the closing incident in the eleven months spent in the Ypres Salient,
for on the following afternoon the 2nd Australian Infantry Battalion
arrived, and the Civil Service Rifles made their way down the Menin
Road, strewn with all the débris of war, with here and there a dead
horse, and so to Château Segard, where one night was spent before
marching to the village of Steenvoorde and saying good-bye for ever to
the hated Ypres Salient.
The departure from the Salient was not without its thrills for the
Lewis Gunners, who had been left with their guns on the Menin Road near
Hooge awaiting the limbers. These had to pass a corner on the Ypres
side of Birr Cross Roads known as Hell Fire Corner, and it so happened
on this evening that the spot was justifying its name, for it had been
shelled so heavily that the dump of R.E. material and ammunition by the
roadside was all ablaze--thus completely shutting off the Transport.
This state of affairs lasted for some hours, but Sergeant Sladden
solved the difficulty by taking his limbers round by a devious route
through Zillebeke, and eventually got the limbers away without loss.
The Transport Section had had many exciting trips along the Menin Road,
and they were proud of the fact that they were able to leave the Ypres
Salient without having lost a horse in that area.
CHAPTER XVIII
ANOTHER REST CURE. GAVRELLE AND OPPY
The long march to Steenvoorde--17 miles--was endured cheerfully by all
ranks, who were overjoyed at leaving Belgium. It was felt that whatever
the new area was like, it would not be worse than the experience of
the past few weeks. What a tremendous change from the haven of rest of
eleven months ago! There were many who would even prefer to go through
the Somme experience of a year ago rather than return to the Menin Road.
Those who had been left out as “non-starters” for the battle which did
not take place rejoined at Eecke, a little village near Caestre, where
two days were spent before the Battalion entrained at Caestre shortly
after midnight on the 22nd of September, and started in the best of
spirits for the Arras front.
After resting for two nights at the delightful village of
Frevin-Capelle, near the source of the Scarpe, a short march in
delightful weather brought the Civil Service Rifles to Aubrey Camp--a
camp of Nissen huts and tents on the Lens-Arras Road near Roclincourt.
A night spent in Aubrey Camp was followed by a march to the front line
at Gavrelle where old friends were found in the Drake Battalion of the
63rd (Naval) Division. This Battalion had been attached to the Civil
Service Rifles for instruction in trench warfare at Souchez in June
1916.
There followed a spell of peace and quiet which compared very
favourably even with the early days at Ypres. The absence of shelling
was very noticeable and the trenches were clean and dry. Moreover there
was an occasional deep dug-out and as the ground was chalky--it was
the southern extremity of Vimy Ridge--more were to be dug by the Royal
Engineers. There were never many deep dug-outs in English trenches, but
whenever the ground was suitable there were always a good many either
under construction or proposed.
There was a good water supply from a well in the trenches, and rations
were brought to within 100 yards of Battalion Headquarters, and the
Battalion held the front line for eight days without showing any sign
of wear. Everyone was happy, except perhaps the energetic Commanding
Officer, who wanted to get on with the war. He had little or no use
for the quiet life of Gavrelle and seemed happier amid the turmoil of
the Ypres Salient.
It was intended that the Division should make a long stay in this
sector, and elaborate plans for a winter scheme of defence were made by
the Divisional Commander. As in the Ypres Salient, a Battalion when out
at rest was always to occupy the same camp--in order to encourage the
men to work on camp improvements. The Civil Service Rifles accordingly
set to work on Aubrey Camp, and Colonel Segrave claims that his men
laid more trench boards per acre than could be found at any other place
on the Western front. He also established the Battalion Baths, so
that henceforth the Civil Service Rifles would be independent of the
Divisional Baths Officer.
Football matches, trips to Arras, and the concerts given by the
Divisional Follies were the chief diversions, and, at the end of
October, a very successful Regimental concert was held in the
Divisional Cinema, the surprise turn of the evening being the R.S.M.’s
rendering of “Take me back to dear old Blighty.”
The good spirits of the troops were further raised by a very welcome
increase in the leave allotment, which for some time had been very
poor, and all leave records were broken on the 6th of November when a
party of sixty other ranks left by the light railway from Roclincourt
en route for “Blighty.”
The Transport and Quartermaster’s Stores were housed in Roclincourt in
the most comfortable billets they had had for some months. It was here
that the Transport Section received a shock in the shape of a comb-out
by the Commanding Officer. Colonel Segrave was a keen student of man
power, and in investigating the strength of his Battalion, he found the
Transport Section considerably overstaffed, with the result that eleven
of them rejoined their Companies in the trenches.
The sectors of the front line held by the Civil Service Rifles were
alternately the Gavrelle Sector, and the posts just south of Oppy Wood.
Of these the Gavrelle sector was much the more popular, though neither
could compare with the support positions in the Railway Cutting and
Roundhay Camp, just by the Arras-Bailleul Road.
It was while at Roundhay Camp that the peaceful life was disturbed
by startling rumours of a move to another front, and on the 15th of
November, weight was given to the rumours by the sudden closing of the
Brigade School. Leave, it was said, was stopped, and amid consternation
groups of men gathered all over the camp to discuss the situation,
those who wanted to be funny talking of ice cream and stilettos--for it
was understood the Division was bound for Italy.
The “holiday” in the Arras district came to an abrupt end on the 18th
of November, when the 13th East Yorks Battalion arrived, and the Civil
Service Rifles left by Light Railway, and after a merry trip in the toy
train, reached a camp of French huts at Ecoivres. There, in spite of
rumours, a party of thirty other ranks went on leave, but speculation
was rife as to whether they would complete their full time.
A few days were spent at Ecoivres, with many football matches, which
included a Rugby trial match on the 20th of November. Interest in the
Rugby match was diverted by the news, which arrived during the game,
of the brilliant success of the 3rd Army near Cambrai. The attack had
been kept secret, and the news came as a great surprise. It was said
the Hindenburg Line was broken, the cavalry and tanks were pursuing
the retreating enemy, and Cambrai itself would soon fall. In fact, the
war would soon be over. Orders received that night for a move on the
morrow gave rise to further speculation as to the destination of the
Division, and at the “calling over of the card” in the Officers’ Mess,
the betting was evens Cambrai, 6-4 Italy, and 100-1 England.
* * * * *
The movements of the Division during the last ten days of November,
1917, were such as would baffle the keenest member of the enemy
Intelligence Department. Units appeared to be moving from one village
to another with no particular object in view, and during the first few
days of the trek from Ecoivres the Battalion Commanders themselves had
no idea whether they were bound for Italy or the Cambrai front. The
Civil Service Rifles started with a succession of short marches, and
as a rule the billets were poor and the villages somewhat squalid.
There was, however, little time to “grouse,” for the order to move
on was usually received before the men had time to look round. After
a night in billets at Hermaville and a night of extreme discomfort
in dilapidated huts at Wanquetin, the village of Gouy en Artois was
reached, where it was learnt that the Division was now in the Fifth
Corps (3rd Army) and it was evident therefore that the move to Italy
was “off.”
On the 24th of November the Battalion occupied a hutted camp in
Courcelles le Comte, a ruined village won from the Bosches during their
winter retreat of 1916. The roads and hamlets in this district were
still clearly marked with the big signboards erected during the German
occupation, and at one end of Courcelles could be seen the remains of a
German cinema or theatre.
The camp itself had been built by English troops, and had at one
time been a well laid out camp of Nissen huts; but now it was the
abomination of desolation. The linings of the huts had been torn off
for firewood, the windows were broken, the doors torn off their hinges,
and every hut was strewn with rubbish. Fortunately only one night was
spent in these conditions, and the march was resumed the next afternoon.
The march to Le Transloy on the 25th of November was unique. For the
first hour everything went well, but from that time onwards the column
was rarely on the move for more than ten minutes every hour. The usual
order of things was thus reversed, and instead of a ten minutes halt in
every hour, there was a ten minutes march per hour. Every road leading
into Bapaume was choked with troops, and a perspiring A.P.M. was trying
to sort out those bound for the front from those coming out into
reserve.
Tea was served in the twilight on the Bapaume Road, and the next halt
found the Battalion in the main street of the town. There were some
there who had hoped to see Bapaume in 1916, but although they had ample
opportunity to admire the ruins in the bright moonlight, they had
now lost all interest in their surroundings, and many passed through
without even knowing the name of the place.
Thoroughly fed up, the troops reached their camp shortly before
midnight, and to crown a very miserable day they were so frightfully
crowded into the huts that they could scarcely find room to lie down.
“Posh Harry” was almost speechless when he saw his billet. “What I want
to know,” he spluttered, “is where did the R.S.M. of the Guards sleep
last night? They say the Guards were here, but I’m sure their R.S.M.
would not sleep in there.”
The discomfort of that camp, however, was eclipsed on the night of
the 27th of November, when the Battalion bivouacked in a field of
rich creamy mud at Doignies, the journey from Le Transloy having been
made by bus to Velu, and thence by route march, each man carrying his
blanket over his arm.
CHAPTER XIX
BOURLON WOOD AND THE HINDENBURG LINE
Two of the most serious checks to the 3rd Army advance on Cambrai were
the villages of Bourlon and Fontaine Notre Dame, respectively at the
north-west and south-east corners of Bourlon Wood. The latter village,
too, was almost at the entrance to Cambrai on the Bapaume-Cambrai road.
Both these villages had been captured towards the end of November, but
were afterwards retaken. The Guards Division, who had preceded the 47th
Division, accordingly attacked them again, and before the Civil Service
Rifles left Le Transloy it was learned that the attack had succeeded,
though the enemy very soon recaptured both villages once more.
It was understood, however, that the English advance was to continue,
and when the Civil Service Rifles reached Doignies, the battle surplus
had already been sent back to the Divisional Reinforcement Camp. As the
situation in the front line underwent such frequent changes, there had
been nothing in the nature of a rehearsal of the coming battle, which
it was expected would be more in the nature of open warfare than had
been any of the previous operations of the 47th Division.
On arriving at Doignies, Colonel Segrave received orders for his
Battalion to occupy part of the Hindenburg Line on the following day
(the 28th), and at a very early hour, he started with his Adjutant,
Medical Officer, Signals Officer and four Company Commanders for the
Headquarters of the front line brigade. The Battalion, in fighting
order, moved off later in the morning and occupied a part of the
Hindenburg Line nearly due west of Graincourt.
At Brigade Headquarters Colonel Segrave learnt that he was to relieve
one of the Cavalry regiments holding the front line in Bourlon
Wood, but the date of relief was not then settled. He therefore
took his party across country, passing within a hundred yards or
so of Graincourt, across sunken roads, to a sugar factory on the
Bapaume-Cambrai road, where it was understood a guide would be found.
Leaving the sugar factory, many signs of the recent advance were
seen, German equipment, rifles and ammunition being scattered almost
everywhere. Derelict English tanks and aeroplanes were also to be seen,
and the landscape generally presented a desolate picture.
The Cavalry Headquarters occupied what had been a pretty chalet in a
delightful spot in the middle of the wood--an ideal place for a summer
picnic. There was no suggestion of a summer picnic about it now,
however, for the bitter fighting of the past few days had left its mark
everywhere, and in and around the chalet were gathered weary warriors,
eagerly awaiting the news of their relief.
[Illustration: SKETCH MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE MOVEMENTS OF THE C.S.R.
FROM 28 NOV. 1917 TO 6 DEC. 1917]
The members of the reconnoitring party had only just thrown off their
equipment for a rest when it was found that they had been brought to
the wrong place, so, dispensing with the doubtful services of a guide,
Colonel Segrave led his officers through the wood in search of some
one willing to be relieved by his Battalion. The right place was found
to be in a small German dug-out in the road leading to the village
of Bourlon along the western edge of the wood, and here the Colonel,
learning that he was to take over that night the positions held by the
2nd Dismounted Cavalry Brigade and the 2nd/5th West Yorks Battalion,
made his dispositions and set off with his Adjutant and Medical Officer
to find his Battalion in the Hindenburg Line. The Company Commanders
remained behind to look round their respective fronts.
On his way back, Colonel Segrave surprised a member of the R.A.M.C.
at a dressing station by begging from him a tin of bully beef and a
biscuit. The spectacle of a Colonel eating bully beef was too much for
the R.A.M.C. man, who stared after the three officers as though he had
seen ghosts.
A long wait for orders in the Hindenburg Line ended in the Battalion
moving off without any at 9.0 p.m. There was a bright moon, and the
night was perfectly quiet at the start, when there was nothing to
suggest the exciting time that was in store for the troops before they
were to arrive at the front line. But on reaching the Relay Post on
the Cambrai road, where the guides and Company Commanders were to have
been, the head of the Battalion became enveloped in a barrage of gas
shells. The rest of the journey was what is known as “windy” in the
extreme. Gas masks had to be worn, and in pushing through the barrage,
some casualties were suffered, one platoon of “C” Company losing very
heavily after passing Battalion Headquarters.
The relief was complete at about 2.0 a.m., and except for gas shelling
the situation became much quieter.
“B” and “D” Companies held the front line, the former, under Lieutenant
C. M. Kilner, being on the left, just outside the southern edge of the
village, and with half a Company on each side of the road leading from
Battalion Headquarters to the village. “D” Company, under Captain R.
Middleton, connected with the right of “B” and held a position inside
the wood and about 300 yards south-east of the village. “D” Company
Headquarters was in a most palatial deep-dug out which had formerly
been the Headquarters of a German artillery brigade. “C” Company, under
Captain T. H. Sharratt, was in support near “D”. Soon after taking up
their positions, both “B” and “D” Companies sent out patrols towards
the village, but although Lieutenant W. E. Hoste took his patrol into
the village, and entered one or two houses, no Bosches were found.
The quiet night was followed by a distinctly noisy day, throughout
which the enemy heavily bombarded the front line positions, the whole
of the wood, and the roads all round the outside of the wood.
In the middle of the morning, the Brigadier arrived with the
news that there would be no further advance, and that the positions
now being held were to be consolidated. “A” Company, who were in
reserve, under Lieutenant L. C. Morris, M.C., round about Battalion
Headquarters, accordingly spent the rest of the day in carrying barbed
wire, pickets, sandbags and ammunition from a dump at the cross roads
known as Anneux Chapel to a forward dump near Battalion Headquarters.
The casualties during the day amounted to one officer and no less than
fifty four other ranks--a pretty heavy toll for a day when no attack
took place!
[Illustration: BOURLON WOOD FROM SOUTH-WEST CORNER, 1917.
_To face page 164._]
In the opinion of those holding the line, the decision not to advance
any further was unnecessary--it was felt that the Battalion might well
be engaged very soon in defensive rather than offensive operations, and
some such idea was in the mind of Colonel Segrave as he went round the
Battalion front that day.
Any remaining doubts as to the enemy intentions were dispersed on
the morning of the 30th of November, which opened with an intense
bombardment from German guns of every calibre. Smoke barrages were
put down on the flanks of the intended attack, and before long the
enemy infantry could be seen advancing in many waves from the country
beyond Bourlon village. The Battalion was not in signal communication
with anybody, either Brigade Headquarters or adjoining units, and the
Commanding Officer had therefore to rely on the services of runners and
four pigeons. According to the rules of the signal service, pigeons had
to be despatched in pairs, so the stock was only good for two messages.
When it is mentioned that it took a good runner well over an hour to
reach Brigade, the state of isolation of the Battalion will be realised.
The battle raged throughout the morning without any infantry engagement
on the front held by the Civil Service Rifles, though S.O.S. rockets
were seen on several occasions on adjoining sections of the line.
Company Commanders reported that the attack appeared to be directed
on the sectors held on each side of them, but up to midday they had
not been interfered with. The waves of enemy infantry had advanced
diagonally across their front, and both “B” and “D” Companies had put
in some excellent work with rifles and Lewis guns. The enemy, however,
was extraordinarily well served by his low-flying aeroplanes, which
seemed to swarm like bees over the Battalion area, and the machine-gun
fire from these caused a good many casualties during the day.
Prominent among the early incidents of the battle was the performance
of Lance Corporal S. Fletcher of the Battalion scouts, and a “D”
Company runner who brought the first report from the front line to
Battalion Headquarters. The distance they had to cover was more than
a mile over very rough country, but in their anxiety to deliver the
result of their observations as quickly as possible they ran the
whole way, although fully equipped, and carrying rifles. The effort
proved too much for the runner, who collapsed on reaching Battalion
Headquarters, and fell unconscious down the stairs of the dug-out
without being able to deliver his message. The N.C.O. was little better
off, but after a time he recovered sufficiently to be able to give a
good account of what was going on.
Soon after midday the S.O.S. signal was seen on the Battalion front,
and it was reported that a gap had been made in the Brigade front on
the left of the line held by “B” Company.
The Support Company, “C,” led by 2nd Lieutenant C. V. Marchant, had by
this time moved up to reinforce “B” and “D” Companies, who had both
suffered heavy losses. The remnants of the left platoon of “B” Company,
finding the line originally held by the Battalion on their left to be
unoccupied, pushed along to try to find touch. Instead of finding their
friends, however, they found Bosches in large numbers, who appeared
to come from all sides, with the result that about ten of the Civil
Service Rifles were taken prisoners.
Lieutenant Kilner, observing the enemy in the left rear of the
Battalion front, gathered the rest of his Company together and formed
a defensive flank in the sunken road on the Western edge of the wood.
Meanwhile, Colonel Segrave formed up the personnel of Battalion
Headquarters and his reserve Company, “A,” and led them in two waves
across the open country outside the wood. Leaving the vicinity of
Battalion Headquarters at about 4.0 p.m., they advanced through heavy
fire from rifles, machine guns, and low-flying aeroplanes, and although
they suffered many casualties, they succeeded before dusk in restoring
the line as originally held, and later in the evening established touch
on the left with the Post Office Rifles, who had come up from Brigade
Reserve to reinforce the line. The example set by their Commanding
Officer inspired the men of the Civil Service Rifles with such
confidence and enthusiasm, that they carried out their advance as at
a Salisbury Plain manœuvre, the Colonel, with a map in one hand and a
whistle in the other, giving his directions by signal.
Colonel Segrave’s prompt action was specially commended in a pamphlet
afterwards published by General Headquarters entitled “The Story of a
Great Fight,” and those who were with him on that day regard it as the
finest example of leadership in the history of the Battalion. There was
nothing theatrical about the affair--it was just done in the calm and
methodical manner in which Colonel Segrave always behaved in the front
line.
[Illustration:
_Photo by Langfier, Ltd._
LT.-COL. W. H. E. SEGRAVE, D.S.O. (H.L.I.)
Commanded 1st Battalion, 3rd September, 1917, to 6th August, 1918.
_To face page 166._]
The effects of the continuous gas shelling during the past three days
had told heavily on the Battalion--particularly the Headquarters
Company and “A” Company. Of the Headquarters Officers, Colonel Segrave
was the only one remaining on the night of the 30th of November, and
during the day he had lost no less than four Adjutants, the last one
being an Artillery Liaison Officer whom he had converted into an
infantryman. The other ranks of Headquarters fared no better, but the
losses in the Companies holding the front line were heavier still, and
when the 1st Surrey Rifles arrived on the night of the 1st of December,
and the Civil Service Rifles moved back into tents at Femy Wood near
Havrincourt, the losses in Bourlon Wood were found to be 12 officers,
278 other ranks. At Femy Wood it was found that the Colonel himself was
badly gassed, and he too left for hospital on the 2nd of December.
Although it is not possible here to pay just tribute to those gallant
fellows individually, special mention must be made of the great loss
the Battalion suffered by the death of three of its members who had
already done great things, and who would have risen to higher rank in
the Regiment before long had they been spared.
C.S.M. Mansbridge, of “D” Company, was as gallant in the front line
as he was smart and efficient on the parade ground. An old member of
the Regiment who thoroughly understood his brother Warrant Officers,
N.C.O.’s, and men, he would undoubtedly have made an ideal Regimental
Sergeant Major for the Civil Service Rifles.
Sergeant H. L. Smith, who was acting C.S.M. of “A” Company, had a
multitude of friends in all Companies. As “Inky” Smith he had been one
of the shining lights of the Lewis gunners, of whom he was one of the
first members. He had fought with distinction at Vimy Ridge, and on the
Somme, and, like Mansbridge, he was a “17th of March man.” Both were
men who quickly won the respect of all who served with them.
Second Lieutenant C. V. Marchant, of “C” Company, was a comparatively
young member of the Regiment. Not yet twenty years old, he had just
completed a year’s service with the Battalion in France, and during
that time he had become very popular with the men of “C” Company, with
whom he had served gallantly in the Ypres Salient, and particularly
at the battle of Messines. He was cool in battle, keen and fearless.
He met his death while leading his Company through the awful barrage
of shells and machine gun bullets, but he faced it unflinchingly. The
Battalion could ill afford to lose such an officer, who in spite of his
youth would soon have made an excellent Company Commander.
“C” Company also lost two valuable members in C.S.M. F. C. Robertson,
D.C.M., who was severely wounded on the 29th of November, and Sergeant
O. L. H. Levey, wounded on the 30th. Both were “17th of March men,” and
Robertson had been a member of the Regiment for many years before the
war. He was a quiet unassuming fellow, who was never found wanting, and
who was never “rattled” even under the greatest provocation and in the
most trying circumstances.
Sergeant Levey was a most enthusiastic member of the Regiment who
had distinguished himself by his skill with the rifle. Fortunately
he recovered sufficiently from his wounds to return to the Regiment
some months later, when he quickly rose to the rank of C.S.M. of his
Company. His prowess in the football field gained him fame not only in
the Battalion, but throughout the Division.
In addition to the fighting portion of the Battalion, the Transport
Section and Quartermaster’s staff suffered casualties in and around
Bourlon Wood, the Quartermaster himself, Lieutenant W. G. Hodge, better
known as “Ben Hodge,” being gassed on the night of the 29th November
while at Battalion Headquarters. On the same night the Transport Column
was heavily shelled on the Bapaume-Cambrai Road, with the result that
several of the most experienced drivers and horses were wounded.
But in spite of the heavy casualties in Bourlon Wood, and the fact
that the enemy bombardment was the most severe and prolonged that the
Battalion was called upon to face during the war, the men of the Civil
Service Rifles could look back with justifiable pride on their share in
the battle, during which they did not yield an inch of ground, although
the Bosches gained considerable success in neighbouring parts of the
line.
The remnants of the Battalion numbered only about 200, all ranks, when
they reached Femy Wood on the 2nd of December with scarcely a kick left
in them after their exertions of the past few days, and it came as a
great surprise when they had to return to the front line on the 4th of
December reinforced by a handful of officers and other ranks from the
“non-starters’ camp.”
In order to cover the withdrawal of the 142nd Infantry Brigade from
Bourlon Wood, a defensive position on either side of the village of
Graincourt was taken up, and there, on the 5th and 6th of December, the
Battalion gave yet another exhibition of splendid fighting qualities in
its second defensive battle within a week.
The officers who had come up included Major H. Marshall, who was in
command of the Battalion, Major H. F. M. Warne, who acted as his
second in command, and Captain L. L. Burtt, who commanded “C” and “D”
Companies, now formed into one Company. “A” and “B” Companies were
amalgamated under Lieutenant L. C. Morris, M.C.
The positions were taken up at dusk, “A” and “B” Companies being on the
left along a sunken road running in a north-westerly direction from
about the centre of the village, and “C” and “D” on the right were
along a similar road which ran due east from the village. The village
itself was not occupied, but posts were established near the cemetery
in the sunken roads north-east of the village. These were withdrawn at
dawn. The 2nd Division was on the left of “A” and “B” Companies, and
the 59th Division was on the right of “C” and “D” Companies.
The troops from the front line in Bourlon Wood passed through as
arranged, the evacuation of the wood having been rendered necessary
owing to the forcing in by the Germans of both arms of the Cambrai
Salient.
The whole front was patrolled throughout the night, but until daylight
nothing was seen or heard of the enemy, whose front line was about two
miles away. Numerous explosions heard in the wood showed that the Royal
Engineers were destroying dug-outs and anything likely to be of use to
the enemy.
The garrison on the right, numbering less than 120, all ranks, after
trying to dig themselves in in the frost bound ground along the side
of the road, moved forward to a well-camouflaged German trench which
started just outside the village and continued almost to the 59th
Division on the right. Leading out of the back of the trench were four
old gun pits with the dismantled 5·9’s still there, and at the village
end was a trench running forward at right angles.
It should be mentioned that at the outset it was understood that the
garrison would be withdrawn after twenty-four hours, but, as after
events show, the troops were doomed to disappointment.
The two halves of the Battalion were not in touch with each other at
all, and as they fought during these few days as separate units, their
experiences are dealt with separately.
At daylight on the 5th of December it was seen from the trench occupied
by “C” and “D” Companies that the Germans had discovered the withdrawal
from Bourlon Wood, for small parties of them were seen wandering about
the deserted front line and in the wood itself, great interest being
shown in a derelict tank, which was subsequently used as a signal
station.
It was not, however, until the afternoon that the enemy approached to
within reasonable distance of Graincourt, but his patrols now became
very active, first coming on in small parties, which were easily
dispersed by rifle and Lewis gun fire, and later in larger numbers,
which were also dispersed in the same way. Some excellent shooting was
indulged in about this time by the gallant little bands on either side
of the village, but although they were able to keep the enemy off while
the daylight lasted, it was obvious that the small force defending
the village would not be able to prevent him from entering Graincourt
during the night. With the coming of darkness it was found that a
considerable number of Germans had reached the village, for patrols and
even ration parties encountered them, both in front and in rear of the
defending garrison. Runners were also involved in small fights, which
were quite frequent during the night on the fringes of the village. In
one of these a German machine gun team was overwhelmed, the gun and one
man being captured, and the rest of the team being killed.
Just as the men of “C” and “D” Companies were expecting to be
withdrawn, Major Warne arrived from Battalion Headquarters to take
command of the garrison on the right, with orders to hold the position
for another twenty-four hours, and, on withdrawal, to occupy a strong
post in the rear.
One must have endured the strain of prolonged fighting in a precarious
position, worn out by constant watching, with little food or water, and
many other discomforts too numerous to mention, in order to realise how
intense was the disappointment of these men who, thinking that Major
Warne came to tell them their work was done and to take them back to
rest, learnt that their job had only just begun.
At about 5.0 a.m. on the 6th, a Lewis gun was posted in the road about
300 yards south of the village with orders to deal with the enemy
there as far as possible, but to withdraw if the opposition became too
strong, to a strong post about a mile further down the road towards the
village of Flesquieres. An enemy patrol soon tried to rush the gun, but
without success, and a wounded prisoner was captured as a result.
At daylight two parties tried to rush the gun. Both were beaten off,
but not before the gun team had suffered two casualties. As other
parties of the enemy were on the move for a further attack, the gun
team was ordered to withdraw to the aforementioned point, where the gun
was soon in action again in helping to repel an attack on the strong
point itself.
Meantime Major Warne’s force was still holding on, and the incidents of
the 6th of December are thus described by Sergeant C. Manthorp, who,
with Sergeant E. Cooke, was conspicuous throughout the operation by
gallantry and good leadership:--
“When dawn broke on the 6th, we were very much on the alert
to see what surprises were in store for us, and directly we
could see any distance we were well rewarded. The whole German
army seemed to be advancing, line after line, crossing the
skyline and coming directly for us. Fortunately for us their
orders were obviously not to attack, for when the front line
got to within 600 or 700 yards from our trench, they started
digging in, or at least making a trench sufficiently deep for
protection from our fire. Whilst the advancing and entrenching
was proceeding, we, of course, indulged in a fair amount of
rifle practice, and not without good results, though, of
course, the distance was rather great for anything sensational.
After digging-in, the Bosche lay quite dormant for some hours,
and we, of course, were on tenter-hooks to know what his next
move would be, for with the little force at our disposal, it
would have been hopeless to expect us to hold off what must
have been thousands of Bosches, should they have chosen to
attack.
“It was early afternoon before the next move came. Then all the
lines of Bosches in front of us attacked, but right across our
front on to the 59th Division, the movement being for them a
half left movement. Then we had all the shooting we desired.
The machine-gunners had a fine time, and so did our riflemen,
who were mostly collected in the four gun pits, which were
higher than the floor of the trench and enabled us to fire over
our camouflage, which was composed of wire netting, turf, etc.,
and made firing from the greater part of the trench impossible.
“By about 3.0 p.m. the Bosches appeared to have gone right
through the position held by the 59th Division, and it looked
to us as if the latter had been compelled to retire by weight
of numbers. Of course this made our position untenable with
the Bosches in our right, rear, and working round us, and the
village between us and the remainder of our Battalion also in
enemy hands.
“About 70 yards in rear of our trench and parallel with it,
ran a sunken road, connecting the village on our left. Parties
of Bosches commenced to approach each way along this road,
and this forced us to withdraw most of our garrison from the
trench and form a semi-circle with each end resting on the
road. Things soon became very exciting, and then those of us
who were out at the back of the trench, received the order to
retire. From the sunken road back to the permanent front line
must have been about 1½ miles, and that journey proved about
the most exciting that any of us had experienced. The party’s
strength was two officers and probably about 100 other ranks,
and the retirement was done in extended order. At the start
off we were received with fire from nearly every direction,
and also a little shell fire which may or may not have been
meant for us. After going about half a mile, we had the best
part of the whole business. We came across at least 100 of
the enemy in more or less close order, and did not actually
discover them until they were within about 100 yards of us,
owing to the folds in the ground. It is difficult to say who
appeared to be the most surprised, they or us, but we did not
give them long to think about it. We flopped and opened rapid
fire on them, and also got our Lewis guns going. Our Lewis
gunners had been cursing about their loads, but we were more
than glad of the guns under the circumstances. This big party
of Bosches quickly took fright and it was laughable to see
them all double off back towards home like a flock of sheep.
It was a marvellous target, only about 200 or 300 yards away.
You simply couldn’t miss, and, of course, our success gave us
great help on our journey, for most of us were nearly done,
owing to the bitter nights we had had with no proper hot
food. Having disposed of this body, we encountered no further
opposition from Fritz except occasional rifle fire, and we
took four stray Germans prisoners along with us. We were then
about three-quarters of a mile from our goal, and came upon a
small cable trench about three feet deep running towards our
lines. Just about this time, one of our own aeroplanes came
upon the scene and indulged in a little machine-gun practice on
us, but quickly discovered his mistake. Still, it all helped
to cheer us on the way. I was about the first to get into the
cable trench, and with the prisoners in front, led the way back
to where the Royal Welsh Fusiliers were holding the permanent
line. They also mistook us for Bosches, possibly because of
the four prisoners in front, and subjected us to rather severe
machine-gun fire. It was not till I had waved my shrapnel
helmet for some time on top of my rifle as high as I could
hold it, that they recognised us as friends. Then one of our
officers, who happened to be with them, got out of the trench
and led us in. It appeared that they had already beaten off one
attack during the afternoon, so one could not be surprised at
their mistaking us for foes.
“After some delay we eventually got the remains of the two
Companies back to Rest Camp, whence we had started off on the
evening of the 4th. There were about 15 of ‘C’ Company who got
out and 40 of ‘D’ Company.
“Those of us who did get through can certainly look back
upon the affair as one of the most strenuous and exciting
experiences we had in France.”
Sergeant Cooke has also written an excellent description of the same
action, which bears out his comrade’s story:--
“Daylight on the 6th found everything quiet, but during the
morning large bodies of troops were observed filing into
Anneux--a village between Graincourt and Bourlon Wood--and
it was evident that an attack from this direction was to be
expected. The arrival of a motor car, which was at first
mistaken for a tank, caused some excitement, but, apart from
this and visits from scouting planes, nothing of interest
happened until about 3.0 p.m. when the attack from Anneux was
launched.
The attack, in the form of several waves of infantry, was
mainly directed against the positions right of Graincourt,
leaving ‘A’ and ‘B’ Companies practically untouched.
The remaining Companies, leaving the gun pits and taking up
positions in the open from which more effective use of the
rifle could be made, opened a steady and accurate fire on the
advancing waves, with the result that the attack on their
immediate front crumpled up.
“Attention was now diverted to the right flank, where the enemy
appeared to be meeting with more success, and it was discovered
that the Battalion on the right had retired earlier in the
day--their withdrawal having been hidden from the Civil Service
Rifles by rising ground between the two positions.
“The situation was now serious, as the enemy had closed round
the right rear of ‘C’ and ‘D’ Companies, whilst at the same
time the left rear of the position was threatened by troops
from Graincourt, and the order was given for the garrison to
cut its way out and make for the strong points in front of
Flesquieres.
“Many casualties from machine-gun fire were suffered in getting
clear of the encircling troops, but about 50 of the two
Companies were left to continue the journey back to the strong
points.
“After numerous encounters with isolated machine-gun posts
this party ran into some 200 or 300 of the enemy in an
organised line of shell holes before the positions in front of
Flesquieres, where the attack had been beaten off earlier in
the afternoon, and, as the line was well supplied with light
machine guns, the chances of getting through seemed decidedly
slender until a Red Cross man advanced making the usual signs
of surrender.
“The effect was remarkable, for no sooner had his action been
seen than, with a yell, the Civil Service Rifles charged down
on the enemy, who, being taken by surprise, hastily crowded off
into a small valley, where they afforded excellent targets for
the remaining ammunition of the riflemen and Lewis gunners.
“A few prisoners were collected, and a fresh start made for the
British lines, but, owing to the gathering twilight the party
was mistaken for the enemy and subjected to heavy machine-gun
fire which caused further casualties.
“Eventually, by working their way down a shallow ditch
originally intended for a telephone cable, the battered remnant
of ‘C’ and ‘D’ Companies managed to get near enough to attract
the attention of a machine-gun officer who guided them into the
Strong Point from which the long and slippery march back to
Havrincourt was commenced.”
* * * * *
When the withdrawal from Graincourt began, the right garrison had been
divided into two parties, the smaller, consisting of Major Warne,
Captain Burtt, Second-Lieutenants Potts and Houslop, with about 20
or 30 other ranks, being in the trench, and the larger party, under
Second Lieutenants Lacy and King, being outside. Second Lieutenant
Lacy was wounded during the withdrawal, and afterwards died of wounds,
whilst Second Lieutenant King was last seen in the rear of the party
as it withdrew, binding up a wounded N.C.O., and was afterwards
taken prisoner. The officers and men in the trench found themselves
surrounded by Boches, and after lying quiet for some time they decided
to try to work their way back to the British lines.
Darkness had now fallen, and they had not gone far on their journey
before they ran into a large body of the enemy, who took them prisoners
and led them back through Graincourt and Bourlon Wood, stopping at the
late “D” Company Headquarters, thence via Cambrai to Le Cateau, where
they were split up into different camps.
Much space has been given to the description of the action of “C” and
“D” Companies because, of the two halves of the Battalion, their task
was much the more complicated. “A” and “B” Companies, on the left of
the village, were in touch with Battalion Headquarters throughout.
The big German attack on the 6th of December moved across their front,
but well away from their positions. They were thus able to put in some
excellent shooting with comparatively little opposition from the enemy.
Their patrols, however, were frequently in contact with enemy patrols,
and fought with great credit in the numerous “street corner” fights on
the outskirts of the village.
The left garrison was withdrawn at 5.30 p.m. on the 6th, and reached
Havrincourt without any serious interruption.
The Regimental Aid Post was withdrawn at 6.0 p.m., all the wounded who
could be found having been sent down.
Battalion Headquarters reached Havrincourt shortly before midnight,
and after a day in tents in Havrincourt Wood, the Battalion moved, on
the 8th of December, to billets in the village of Bertincourt, where
at last there was time to pause and count the cost. The stay in this
village was simply a repetition of the experience in Henencourt Wood
in 1916, with the melancholy writing of letters of condolence and
despatching of “effects.”
After a week spent at Bertincourt, where the remainder of the “battle
surplus” rejoined from the Divisional Reinforcement Camp, the Battalion
moved up to take over a piece of line in front of Havrincourt. The
troops had been hoping to go back for a rest, and the return to the
line came as a not very pleasant surprise, and the statements of
Company Commanders that the Battalion would certainly be back at rest
for Christmas were received with a certain amount of scepticism.
The neighbourhood of Graincourt proved to be a less exciting place on
this occasion, and after six cold but uneventful days the Battalion set
off by train to the back area for a rest, and for what was generally
felt to be a well-deserved Christmas holiday.
Snow lay thick on the ground when the Battalion marched into the
village of Morlancourt, where it was to spend the rest. If the
weather was seasonable, that is more than could be said for most of
the billets, and a good deal of work had to be done in some of them
to obtain any degree of comfort. The Christmas spirit, however, was
abroad, and the troops, after their recent experiences, were not in the
mood to worry about minor discomforts. The place was hardly one “to
write home about,” but the estaminets were plentiful and well stocked,
and as a change from Bourlon Wood or even Bertincourt, the village of
Morlancourt, with all its drawbacks, was appreciated.
Parades were few, and preparations for Christmas festivities were the
order of the day. These were to take the form of plenty to eat, plenty
to drink, and concerts and sing-songs in some of the largest halls and
barns of the village. Time was too short to permit of the production of
a revue or pantomime, though a cynic suggested that the authorities had
some such idea in their minds when they called on the Quartermaster’s
staff to provide a guard one evening.
The Christmas dinners were a great success. No building, of course,
could be found in the village to accommodate the whole Battalion, but
it was found possible for “A” and “B” Companies to sit down to dinner
together in one place, and “C” and “D” in another. All the officers met
together for dinner later in the day.
The fare was varied and plentiful, joints of pork making a welcome
change from the everlasting beef and mutton of the Army menu. Concerts
and other forms of merrymaking passed away the remainder of the day,
and the good spirits of the troops testified to their enjoyment of the
Christmas festivities.
The sergeants were planning a dinner for the New Year, and preparations
were practically complete when a hard-hearted Staff ordered a move to
the neighbouring villages of Ribemont and Mericourt, where the other
Battalions of the Brigade were already stationed. The remainder of the
holiday was spent in these villages, where the Civil Service Battalion,
as last comer, was unfortunate in the allotment of billets, and the men
were spread over a large area.
The postponed sergeants’ dinner, attended by the Commanding Officer and
acting Adjutant, was held at Ribemont.
On the 10th of January the Battalion moved back by train to work,
spending one night at Bertincourt before moving up to support positions
in the village of Ribecourt. Now followed two tours, to the sectors
in front of Ribecourt and Flesquières, during which there is little
outside the ordinary events of trench warfare to record. While in
reserve, the Battalion was stationed at Bertincourt, a dilapidated
village, where some of the billets were Nissen huts and others
damaged houses, and where the chief feature at the time was mud. This
neighbourhood was a favourite one for the operations of the Boche
night bombers. The Civil Service Rifles had had previous experience of
this form of annoyance in billets, and in spite of the extra duties
occasioned by Lewis gun anti-aircraft posts, the troops soon regarded
the nightly visits of the planes as philosophically as the most
hardened Londoner.
At the beginning of February the man-power question was so acute in
the British Infantry that it was decided to reduce Infantry Brigades
from four to three Battalions--“in order to make a Brigade more mobile
and more easily controlled by the Brigade Commander,” said the official
explanation. In the 47th Division the three Battalions to be broken up
in consequence of this order were the 6th, 7th, and 8th City of London
Battalions, who, with the Civil Service Rifles, had till then formed
the 140th Brigade. The 17th and 21st Battalions (Poplar and Stepneys
and First Surrey Rifles respectively) were transferred from the other
Brigades of the Division to complete the 140th. This measure came to
the Battalions broken up as an unexpected and sudden shock, the force
of which will be fully understood and appreciated by every soldier who
knows the strength of the bonds which keep the members of a Battalion
together. The men of the Civil Service Rifles, realising what their own
feelings would have been if it had fallen to their lot to be split up,
were full of sympathy for the fellows who had been their comrades and
their rivals for nearly three years of active service.
A number of officers and other ranks of the 6th Battalion were
transferred to the Civil Service, and, in spite of the soreness which
they must have felt at the loss of the identity of the Battalion whose
high name and fame they had helped to win, they settled down to give
to their new unit the same wholehearted service that they had given to
their own.
One of the results of this reorganisation was the acquisition by the
Civil Service of the brass band of the 6th Battalion. Strengthened by
the inclusion of some of the more expert musicians of the existing
drum and fife band, this band, under the direction of Sergeant W.
H. Blackmore, quickly became one of the most valuable assets of the
Regiment, and remains so to this day, for Mr. Blackmore still has
charge of the Regimental Band, which includes in its ranks the majority
of the men who served with him in France. The Regimental Band is one of
the most successful features of the post-war Civil Service Rifles.
CHAPTER XX
THE RETREAT
Although a big German offensive had been expected for some weeks, and
elaborate preparations to meet it had been made during the winter
months, there were few signs of the eve of a big battle when the Civil
Service Rifles, after a two hours’ train journey from Etricourt,
arrived at Winchester Valley late in the evening of the 19th of March,
and relieved the 1st Berkshire Regiment (2nd Division) in Lincoln
Reserve, the support line on Beaucamp Ridge, near Villers Plouich. The
Poplar and Stepneys and London Irish were in the front line, and the
20th of March passed off very quietly.
It was thought that the Brigade was in for another spell of peaceful
trench warfare, similar to those experienced before the short and
pleasant stay at Manancourt. The rumours of the coming battle, which
had been so strong during the winter months, had, in fact, begun to
die down. The optimistic went so far as to think that the enemy attack
would not take place, whilst the “quietly confident,” thinking of the
days of strenuous digging on those wide trenches behind the Hindenburg
Line--the “Tank traps”--with the miles of barbed wire obstacles which
had been erected all around, felt that, even if the enemy did launch a
big attack, he would not get beyond the Hindenburg Line. Not even the
most pessimistic had imagined the great crisis through which the Allied
armies were to pass before another month was over. Nor was there any
indication in the daily routine that the authorities were anticipating
such a titanic struggle in the near future. Leave, regarded by the
soldier as the most reliable “Military Barometer,” was still being
granted, and the allotment was indeed very much better than at any
other time during the war. Men were actually going home on leave within
six months of their last arrival in France, and in such circumstances
how could one take any but the rosiest view of the future? The German
attack, if it came off at all, would probably be a repetition of
Bourlon Wood, and after that both sides would settle down to another
long spell of trench warfare. It was folly to talk, as the newspapers
were doing, of a decisive battle.
When day broke on the 21st of March, however, it was clear that there
had been some truth in the “big battle” rumours, for the first day of
spring was heralded by such an intense enemy bombardment that there was
no longer any doubt that the Bosche was making a supreme effort, beside
which all his previous attacks faded into insignificance.
The difficulty at first was to find out where the attack was being
pushed home, for in spite of the bombardment, which lasted from 4.30
a.m. until 11.0 a.m., there was no infantry engagement on the 21st of
March on the 140th Brigade front. It was fortunate, too, that this was
so, for the gas shells fell so freely all around that box respirators
had to be worn continuously for six and a half hours.
There have been many attempts to write the story of the great retreat
and, generally speaking, the experience of one battalion was much the
same as that of any other. But it is well-nigh impossible to describe
in detail the career of any unit throughout the most strenuous days
of the fighting--the 21st to the 26th of March. During these days
battalions often became split up into several parties engaged in
different small fights, where none knew how the battle fared with their
comrades in other parts of the field. The war correspondents, it is
true, saw the Allied troops fighting every inch of ground, and killing
thousands of Germans as they fell back, but it was difficult indeed
for those engaged in the fighting to ascertain what the situation was,
and a total lack of information was one of the outstanding features of
the retreat. It was only when they ultimately got back into reserve,
some days after, that the troops were able to learn from the newspapers
that the Germans had been badly beaten all along the line. “Still,”
thought the British Tommy, who had marched in six days across country
covered by two ordnance maps, “I don’t altogether like this new style
of winning the war.”
The story of the Civil Service Rifles during these critical days of
their career in France is told briefly in the official War Diary, which
contains just a simple record of their movements without any comment.
In that record it is told how the Battalion, which was in support in
Lincoln Reserve on the morning of the 21st, became at night the front
line battalion, the 17th and 18th Battalions having been withdrawn. The
second day of the battle was quiet on the Civil Service Rifles’ front,
and the Battalion remained undisturbed in Lincoln Reserve until the
early hours of the 23rd, when, orders having been received to withdraw,
a position was taken up on the Dessart Ridge Switch, on the right of
the Metz-Fins Road. The line was complete by dawn, the dispositions
being “A” Company on the left, with their left flank on the road
and their right in touch with “B,” with “C” and “D” on the right of
“B”: Battalion Headquarters was established in a bank about half a
mile behind. “A” was afterwards, owing to congestion, withdrawn to a
position slightly in rear of the two companies.
[Illustration: SKETCH ILLUSTRATING THE FIRST DAY OF THE C.S.R.
RETREAT--23 MARCH 1918.]
The 23rd of March was the most critical day in the career of the Civil
Service Rifles in France. The official narrative disposes of it in less
than a page, but a whole book could be written on the many situations
which arose on that day, and the many acts of heroism, determination
and devotion to duty performed by different members of the Battalion.
The story of the fighting can be followed more or less from the map on
the opposite page.
Immediately the position on Dessart Ridge Switch was taken up, i.e.,
about 5.0 a.m., “D” Company on the right became engaged with the enemy,
who attempted to rush in from the right flank, which was unprotected,
and by 7.0 a.m. the Battalion was engaging the enemy all along the
line. At 8.0 a.m. the enemy made a determined bombing attack on the
right of “D” Company, and established machine gun posts which enfiladed
the position. Shortly afterwards large numbers of troops were seen
to be retiring, apparently from the position known as Metz Switch.
Colonel Segrave went over and rallied these, and took them forward
with his Headquarters Company to the ridge between Metz and Dessart
Wood (east of the Metz-Fins Road), and took up a position facing east,
and at right angles to the Dessart Switch line. This was done to form
a rallying line for retiring troops and a defensive flank to Dessart
Ridge Switch.
After shelling the whole area for an hour or two more, the enemy gained
a little more ground and established further machine-gun posts, this
time towards the left, south and south-east of Metz. Shortly after
noon, troops on the left retired, leaving the left flank of the Civil
Service Rifles exposed, and the Battalion now held an isolated position
with the enemy working his way round both flanks. The Headquarters
Company was accordingly withdrawn to the Vallulart Wood Line, and the
remaining Companies, in the Dessart Switch Line facing South, continued
the fight in the same position, forming a flank to what had been the
third British system of defensive positions, now occupied by some Civil
Service Rifles and other troops.
This third system and the Dessart Switch Line were abandoned at
about 4.0 p.m., but “D” Company on the right had by this time been
surrounded and was never extricated. The cause of this disaster was the
fact that the Company’s right flank was completely “in the air” from
the time it reached the position. Indeed, this may be said of every
position the Battalion took up during the day. There was not at any
time any support on the right flank, the troops of the 9th Division
(5th Army) having already departed before the fighting began. Many
explanations of these repeated withdrawals have since been made, both
in after-dinner speeches and in statements to the Press. At least one
book has been written on the subject. There was, and apparently still
is, considerable difference of opinion as to the justification for the
action of the troops of the 5th Army. This story is not concerned with
the controversy. The statement is made simply to illustrate how the
Civil Service Rifles, on the right of the 47th Division, felt the full
effect of the rapid withdrawal of the troops on their right.
[Illustration: SKETCH ILLUSTRATING THE SECOND DAY OF THE C.S.R. RETREAT
(24 MARCH 1918) AND ALSO THE FIGHTING AT HIGH WOOD AND EAUCOURT L’ABBE
IN SEPTEMBER AND OCTOBER 1916.]
The movements of the various parts of the Battalion after 4.0 p.m. on
the 23rd are not even now very clear. Battalion Headquarters (less
Headquarters Company) left the third system at 4.0 p.m. and moved to
Rocquigny, when Colonel Segrave collected a party of about fifty and
put them in position along a ridge north of Four Winds Farm, about a
mile and a half south-west of Ytres, where they remained until the
enemy drove them out at dusk.
At this point the official narrative breaks down with the remark:
“By this time the remnants of the Civil Service Rifles were split up
into so many parties, whose movements are too complicated to follow.”
The survivors from those small parties, remembering their night of
wandering in the dark over rough and strange country, and their
inexplicable reunion at dawn, will bear out the truth of the last
sentence.
By 9.0 a.m. on the twenty-fourth, the Battalion had been reduced to a
mere handful of troops, who were worn out by their twenty-four hours’
continuous fighting. The fate of the majority of the absentees was
only too well known, but there were a good many missing whose fate was
uncertain. The survivors, however, gallantly stuck to their task, and,
numbering about 150, they took up a position under Colonel Segrave,
just east of the Bapaume-Peronne road, and about a mile south-east of
Le Transloy. Here they remained in support of a party of the 1st Surrey
Rifles holding the higher ground to the east, until at noon they had to
move back another two miles almost due west, and a position was taken
up about half a mile south of Le Transloy and just off the western
side of the Le Transloy-Combles road. This position was only held for
three hours, when the party, now acting as a rearguard, moved round the
western side of Le Transloy to a line north-east of Gueudecourt, whence
they were withdrawn at 5.30 p.m. by order of the Brigade Commander
through Gueudecourt and Flers to Martinpuich.
It was still light when Martinpuich was reached, and there were a few
of the 150 or so survivors to whom the sight of the ruins of Eaucourt
L’Abbé and the Flers Line recalled their grim struggle of October 1916.
It was by no means a happy coincidence that brought the Civil Service
Rifles back to this battlefield, where, eighteen months previously,
they had paid such a price for the capture of High Wood. On their
previous visit to this area they had been filled with confidence and
the offensive spirit. They had felt they were really doing something
towards winning the war. To retreat across the same country now made
it seem as though all the labours of the past eighteen months had been
wasted--the lives lost in vain. It had been better if this battlefield
had not been reached until darkness had fallen, and perhaps spared
those men the bitter reflections on the autumn of 1916 and all they had
gone through since.
There was little time, however, for reminiscences, for only a very
short stay was made in Martinpuich, and 10.0 p.m. found the Battalion
reforming at Bazentin-le-Petit, where further officers and other ranks
rejoining brought the strength up to about 230 all ranks. An outpost
position was then taken up along the eastern edge of Bazentin-le-Petit
and occupied until 10.0 a.m. on the 25th, when a withdrawal was made to
Contalmaison Ridge, where the Battalion remained until 3.0 a.m. on the
26th.
After the rapid changes of position during the past two days it had
seemed quite a long stay on Contalmaison Ridge, but the troops were not
destined to settle there, and the next move was to Bouzincourt. The
fighting had now ceased for the time being, so far, at least, as the
Civil Service Rifles were concerned, but there was still no rest to be
had, and it was not until after a five hours’ march via Contalmaison,
La Boiselle and thence across country to Aveluy and Bouzincourt, that
billets were reached. The Battalion was now supposed to be resting, but
after eight hours in Bouzincourt, the men were on the march again, and
at 4.0 p.m. on the 26th they trudged along to billets at Louvencourt,
where the night was spent.
At 9.0 a.m. on the 27th the march was resumed and after a rest for
an hour or two at Clairfaye Farm, a move was made to billets at
Toutencourt, where a halt was made for quite twelve hours!
During these marches the Battalion had been in reserve, but now it
began to move back to the front line, but before relieving the 6th
Buffs (12th Division) in Aveluy Wood on the night of the 29th, a very
welcome twenty-four hours’ rest had been enjoyed in billets at Warloy.
While the fighting portion of the Battalion had been having such a
strenuous time in the retreat, the Administrative portion had also
had plenty of excitement, and the men of the transport section and
Quartermaster’s staff had frequently had to think about knocking
the ashes out of their rifles and sharpening their bayonets during
days when they were often in touch with the enemy. For a time they
had to carry on as a separate unit, and the story of their travels
is told in the following narrative contributed by Transport-Sergeant
G. M. Sladden, to whom much credit is due for the withdrawal of the
Regimental transport without the loss of a man or a horse.
“The period of the ‘Great Retreat’ was an arduous one for the
Battalion Transport, entailing conditions vastly different from
the ordered routine incidental to trench warfare. Their lines
were stationed on the 21st March in a field on the Metz-Fins
road, the Quartermaster’s stores being then in Metz, where the
Battalion had been billeted prior to relieving the 2nd Division
in the line. The stores were filled with an unusually heavy
stock of material, including the blankets of the Battalion,
the officers’ valises and the men’s packs. In fact, mobile
conditions did not exist at this time.
“Early on the morning of the 22nd the hostile attack developed
on our part of the front, and it rapidly became apparent that
the attack was making headway, though hitherto no news had been
heard of the great German success on the previous day further
south. To the right was seen an aerial attack in great force on
the 9th Division, of which some details soon began to pass in
retreat by the transport lines. The officers’ mess cart, which
had gone early to Nurlu canteen, returned to report the canteen
shelled out and Nurlu deserted. Soon orders arrived that the
Battalion was to retire after nightfall to the Dessart Switch
line, and the Transport to withdraw to Bus. Accordingly, all
wagons not required to take up rations and move the Battalion
that night were sent off at once with loads to Bus, and orders
to return for a second load as soon as possible. Blankets were
sent first, valises were left for the second journey: but the
congested state of the roads and the rapidity of the enemy
advance upset all calculations. The A.S.C. wagons, which were
to have cleared the Quartermaster stores, were prevented by the
road controls from returning to Metz. Consequently, there are
certain officers who cherish regretful memories of persistent
but futile efforts to induce a harsh War Office to compensate
them for the loss of valuable but non-regulation articles of
kit. Some of the limbered wagons--luckier or perhaps swifter
than the A.S.C. motors--got back to the Transport lines late
that night and picked up second loads. They were none too soon,
for as they finished loading they were fired upon by machine
guns from a patrol which had reached the ridge overlooking
the lines from a few hundred yards away. The wagons, luckily,
were standing in a sunken road and down this they were able
to escape without casualty. Meanwhile, the ration wagons
had gone up to the line, where they found the front line
now withdrawn to the support line and preparing to evacuate
the position. Ammunition dumps--notably the great dump at
Trescault--were being blown up all round: indications of a big
retreat abounded. Having delivered rations, the column waited
to pick up Lewis guns and other equipment, and to take them
back to the new position. Gradually the guns came down until
all but one had arrived; the Battalion was clear and platoons
of other Battalions continued to file by--still no Lewis gun.
Yet orders were definite, to wait till all the guns had come.
But when the last platoon of the last Battalion had passed, it
seemed certain that the missing gun must have gone some other
way. The boy who stood on the burning deck was doubtless noble
but certainly idiotic: moreover, it seemed possible that the
fifteen guns on the wagons _might_ be wanted. So orders were
stoutly disobeyed and away went the wagons. They had been
warned not to go back by the route by which they had come
up, which had been reported occupied by the enemy; so in the
blackness of a pitch-dark night, over unreconnoitred ground,
they made a bee-line for the road between Metz and Trescault.
“Over hill, over dale,
Through bush, through briar,
Over park, over pale,
Through trench, through wire--”
and hit it at last, though once nearly ingulfed in a bog. And
so up the Fins road to the appointed place, where everything
was safely handed over. The next stage was to the Transport
lines, where the trekking loads of the wagons were waiting
to be picked up; but, at a short distance from the lines,
bullets coming from that direction made it appear probable that
the enemy was in possession, and this was confirmed by the
Battalion Intelligence Officer who happened to meet the column
at this juncture. Nothing for it then but to get away and join
up with the rest of the Transport at Bus.
“At Bus the whole of the Brigade Transport was standing by
waiting orders to move; so the tired horses could not even be
unharnessed. There was, however, opportunity to water and feed
both for horse and man before a move was made, which was not
actually until midday. The line of march was by Le Mesnil and
Saillisel to Le Transloy, over by roads much cut up. At one
point the column had to pass over a quaking bog, of which the
thin crust had to be continually reinforced, after the passage
at the gallop of each vehicle, with fascines, bits of plank,
and anything that came handy. The prevailing fine weather was
a god send; without it the column could not have passed this
spot. Night had fallen before the column pulled off the road
on to a shell-riddled stretch of the old Somme battlefield
where wagons and horses could only stand higgledy-piggledy
wherever a spot without a shell-hole could be found. Here the
A.S.C. supply wagons were waiting, and at once rations were
loaded on the limbers and sent off to find the Battalion. This
was successfully done, and meanwhile the remaining horses and
men were able to snatch a little sleep, though standing by
to move at ten minutes’ notice. Orders were hourly expected,
for the front line was falling back fast, and shortly before
midnight part of it--in the shape of ‘A’ Company, which had
lost touch--drifted into the lines in search of the rest of the
Battalion. After they had pushed forward again to take up a
defensive position it was found that other units of the Brigade
Transport had moved off. Assuming that orders had miscarried
(as afterwards was found to be the case), and knowing that if
the column was to get away at all, it must be before dawn, a
move was made without orders. It was found afterwards that the
rest of the Brigade marched via Les Boeufs, where they had some
casualties through shell fire; so the choice of route of the
15th via Saillisel and Combles was a lucky one, for the column
was unmolested on this road except by a little heavy shrapnel
that did no harm. Some trouble was caused at Saillisel, where,
just as dawn began to break, and with the enemy on a ridge only
a short distance away, the road was found to be blocked by
part of an ammunition column. After some difficulty they were
passed--another stroke of luck, for it was heard afterwards
that this column failed to get away. Combles, too, was found to
contain the Divisional Ordnance Depot, where all stores were
being destroyed. A few men were able as they passed to snatch
articles of kit that they had lost: the Battalion saddler still
mourns over his failure to ‘scrounge’ a complete saddler’s
outfit. He found it too heavy to catch the last wagon and stow
it there.
“It took a weary while to reach Bazentin Le Petit that day,
for after Ginchy the road was congested with an enormous mass
of traffic. However, it was done, and horses and men, utterly
weary hoped for a little rest there. But it seemed that the
march would never end, for orders came for the retreat to
continue; and at dusk all (except enough cookers and ration
wagons to supply the Battalion with food that night) moved off
via Albert to a new halting ground. During the afternoon a
slight diversion had been caused by several enemy aeroplanes
that came over and dropped a few bombs intended for the
Brigade Transport; it was, however, a very timid raid of the
tip-and-run variety and did no harm. Of a very different kind
was the relay raid that the column passing through Albert
that night experienced. From dark to light a succession of
machines dropped bombs up and down the main street of Albert
and the main roads approaching the town. The street was full of
moving traffic, and things were made much worse by many motor
transport drivers leaving their lorries standing and taking
cover in houses. It seemed at one time as if the column of the
140th Brigade would be utterly unable to go forward; but the
acting Transport Officer and Quartermaster, Lieutenant A. L.
Mills, did excellent work in sorting out the disorganised mass
of vehicles ahead, and the Brigade column finally got through
with far fewer casualties than might have been expected, and of
these the 15th incurred none. Meanwhile the ration column had
set out with an escort of armoured cars to meet the Battalion
at Bazentin Le Grand. The Battalion was, for the moment, not
holding a position, and it was possible to give every man the
good, hot meal of which he stood in need. The escort proved
unnecessary, and as it was growing light when Albert was passed
on the return journey, the ration column escaped the bombing
that the others had undergone. But the bodies and the wreckage
showed them how much Albert had suffered that night. They
rejoined the rest of the transport in the small hours of the
morning of the 25th, but within four hours the whole column was
on the move again to just outside Millencourt. Here was another
short halt, during which the 15th acquired two ‘buckshee’
horses--one of them an excellent animal, who served them
well until he was killed six months later, the other blind
and vicious: it was easy to guess how he came to be roving
free--and he was soon given his freedom back again. Tired
though every man and beast was, it was necessary to move again
that afternoon, because the unit was said to be on the wrong
side of road. They were sent to a pitch which was also useless
because too soft for wagon or horse lines--involving another
move, unauthorised this time. Rations went up as soon as the
third move had been carried out, and after a long wait at the
rendezvous were sent back to the lines, for the Battalion was
at last coming out of the line. The ration column got back to
the lines just in time to move with the rest of the Transport
to Bouzincourt, where the relieved Battalion was met early
on the morning of the 26th. From which time for a while the
history of the movements of the Transport merges again with
that of the Battalion as a whole.
[Illustration]
* * * * *
A second phase of the fighting opened when the Battalion moved to
Aveluy Wood on the night of the 29th of March.
There had been no time for a proper re-organisation, and the troops
had not yet recovered from their exertions during the retreat. The
casualties since the morning of the 21st of March numbered no less than
350 (all ranks) and as no reinforcements had joined, it was as well
that the second phase opened quietly.
One and a half companies occupied an outpost position in Aveluy Wood,
and the remainder of the Battalion was in a ravine 800 yards south
of Martinsart. The 22nd Battalion was on the left, with a gap of 400
yards between the two units. For three days this position was held,
and except for hostile shelling there was little enemy activity, the
casualties for the three days numbering little more than a dozen.
The 20th Battalion on the night of the 1st of April, relieved the
Civil Service Rifles, who moved into billets in Senlis, and after two
days’ rest and a more than welcome bath, the Battalion, now somewhat
reorganised, returned to the front line and relieved the 1st Surrey
Rifles on the night of the 4th of April. “A” Company held the right,
“C” the centre, and a company of the 1st Surrey Rifles, who were
attached, held the left. “B” and “D” Companies were in support and
Battalion Headquarters was in Bouzincourt. The 9th Royal Fusiliers
(12th Division) were on the right of the Civil Service Rifles and the
142nd Brigade on the left.
The few reinforcements who had joined included Major L. L. Pargiter, of
the Middlesex Regiment, who came to the Battalion on the 4th of April
as second in command.
Such were the dispositions when the battle for Aveluy Wood opened on
the morning of the 5th of April.
As usual, the enemy opened with a heavy bombardment on the front line,
support trenches, and Bouzincourt, gas shells being freely mixed with
the heavier missiles. The bombardment began at 7.0 a.m. and except for
three short intervals of about half an hour each, it continued until
4.30 p.m. Throughout the afternoon the bombardment of Bouzincourt
was particularly intense. The enemy was excellently supported by his
machine guns, which were active all day on the front line and support
trenches with both direct and indirect fire.
When the bombardment began the enemy could be seen along the crest
opposite the front line in twos and threes (total about 150). These
small groups were dispersed by rifle fire, but at about 10.0 a.m.
small groups again began to dribble forward over the crest, and these
advanced in spite of Lewis gun and rifle fire, by using the cover
afforded by huts and sheds, until they reached the trees and broken
ground on the outskirts of Aveluy Wood. It is estimated that roughly
300 of the enemy with light machine guns pushed forward in this way.
The front line held by the Civil Service Rifles was by this time
enfiladed with machine-gun fire and minenwerfers, and under cover of
this fire the parties in the broken ground crept forward to within 100
yards of the British front line. These parties showed up several times
as if about to rush the position, but whenever they appeared, Lewis
gun and rifle fire kept them back, and the intended assault was not
delivered.
In the afternoon the enemy was seen to be digging in on the crest from
which he had doubled forward earlier in the day, and by 6.0 p.m. this
ground was effectually swept by artillery fire, with the result that no
further signs of an advance were seen at that point.
By nightfall the enemy appeared to give up the attempt, at all events
for that day, and the situation became considerably quieter. “D”
Company now relieved the attached Company of the 1st Surrey Rifles
in the front line, and this latter Company moved into support. The
casualties in the Civil Service Rifles numbered fifty (all ranks),
including Colonel Segrave, who was slightly gassed, and who was sent
to the transport lines for a well-earned rest, Major Pargiter taking
command of the Battalion.
The 6th of April was a day of alarms, but although small parties of the
enemy were detected in the early morning moving forward under cover of
the mist, there was no real infantry engagement. The snipers were busy
on both sides and those of the Civil Service Rifles got many targets,
and one of the enemy was captured after being wounded.
Intermittent bombardments were the feature of the day, but the battle
died down for good after 10.0 p.m. with the Germans really well held,
and with this night came to an end the fighting in the great Retreat on
this front, and the Bosche thereafter did not gain any ground at all.
After holding the line for one more day, which was fairly quiet, the
Battalion was relieved on the night of the 7th of April by the 17th
and 21st Battalions, and marched to billets in Senlis. It was not yet
known that the Division was about to move back to a training area, but
the rumour soon began to get round to that effect, and the prospect
of a real rest acted as a splendid tonic to the weary survivors of
the darkest days in the history of the Division. They had been dark
days, indeed, but those who came through could look back on them with
satisfaction in the knowledge that their Battalion had played its part
nobly during a period when a trip to Germany--or elsewhere--had often
seemed to be the most probable end to their career in France.
This story of the movements of the 1st Civil Service Rifles during
the Retreat is based on the official narrative written by Battalion
Headquarters, but it should be borne in mind that the fighting during
the last days of March was of so extraordinary a character that the
description here given will fall very far short of the affair as it
appeared to many of the members of the Battalion. Only those who took
part in it will be able to realise the difficulty of describing a
series of actions in which the Battalion was split up into several
different bodies, each fighting battles of their own, with little or
no knowledge of the whereabouts of their comrades. If this feature of
the fighting is considered, it will help to explain why so many of the
casualties were reported as “wounded and missing” or “missing, believed
killed” without any definite information as to the place where they
occurred.
The casualties among officers, warrant officers and N.C.O.’s were very
heavy, but these serve to emphasise the splendid spirit of the men.
Nothing could illustrate their excellent discipline, determination and
fighting qualities more forcibly than that assembly at Bazentin le
Petit on the night of the 24th of March. In spite of being cut off from
their comrades these several small parties had carried on the fight
for more than twenty-four hours--often without even a Lance-corporal
in charge--and the simple statement that “10.0 p.m. saw the Battalion
reforming at Bazentin le Petit” is in reality a record of the finest
achievement of the men of the 1st Civil Service Rifles during the war.
A good many of the N.C.O.’s and men were decorated for their work
during the Retreat, but every one of those 230 all ranks who refused
to be beaten on the 23rd and 24th of March, 1918, is deserving of the
highest praise. It would have been some small recognition of their
great gallantry and devotion to duty if the names of these men could
have been inscribed on a special Roll of Honour.
CHAPTER XXI
MONTHS OF “WIND UP”
One night in Senlis was followed by a night in Hedauville, and then on
the 9th of April, after a march to Acheux, the Battalion was conveyed
by buses to the back area. The bus journey was pleasant enough at
first, but on arriving at Beauval, where the troops were to have been
billeted, it was found that all the accommodation had been allotted to
other troops.
The bus column halted in the main road outside the village where a
draft of 600 other ranks was waiting to join the Battalion. The draft
had been waiting by the roadside since noon, and the men had had both
dinner and tea in the same spot. But soon after dark the draft received
orders to march to the next village, Gezaincourt, the Battalion
continuing the journey by bus. The speed of the buses can best be
judged by the fact that the draft arrived at Gezaincourt--about three
and a half miles away--more than an hour in front of the Battalion.
The next day at Gezaincourt was spent in re-organising Companies and
sorting out the huge draft, which was found to contain parties from
practically every Battalion of the London Regiment except the Artists
and the Scottish. The Civil Service Riflemen were now in a minority in
their own Regiment.
The journey was continued on the 11th of April, when the Battalion
marched to Domart en Ponthieu, a delightful village, where all ranks
would have been happy to remain for the rest of the war. But it was
not to be, for the troops were on the move again early next day, and
after a fifteen miles’ march the training area was reached, and the
Civil Service Rifles were billeted in the village of Canchy, close
to the historic forest of Crecy. The village was also occupied by
Divisional Headquarters, and the billets allotted to the Battalion were
consequently poor, everything worth having being appropriated for the
use of Divisional Headquarters.
The usual training programme was carried out and drafts continued to
arrive until the Battalion grew to an unwieldy size, being over 1,300
strong. But although numerically it was stronger than it had ever been,
the vast majority of the men were very raw--recruits who had been
hurried out during the panic caused by the Retreat. It was soon found
that the Civil Service Rifles had received more than their share of
these men, and 250 of them were accordingly sent to the 142nd Brigade.
The only breaks in the routine of training were trips to Abbeville,
football matches, and a half-hearted sort of Sports Meeting.
The Divisional Commander visited the Brigade at a Brigade parade at
Forest l’Abbaye, on the 18th of April, when he complimented the Brigade
on its work during recent operations, and hinted darkly at further
“dirty work” in store in the near future.
The concluding sporting event at Canchy was a football match against
the Divisional Train, the holders of the Divisional Company, who were
well beaten by four goals to nil. While the match was in progress
orders were received for the Transport to move early the next day,
Sunday, the 28th of April, and for the Battalion to move by bus on
Monday morning.
Although the programme of training had been arranged for another week,
the sudden orders to move occasioned little surprise, for it was quite
a common thing for a “training holiday” to be cut short, and the
Transport Section accordingly moved to St. Quen without any fuss.
On the last afternoon at Canchy the _entente cordiale_ between the
Civil Service Rifles and the villagers was strengthened by a tea-party
which Colonel Segrave gave to the village children. To entertain them
were engaged the Divisional Cinema, the String Trio and Private Saipe.
The latter’s conjuring brought down the house, and was so popular that
the conjurer, on taking his evening stroll later on, was mobbed by the
villagers, who insisted on his giving them a “second house” in the open
air.
The bus journey to Contay was uneventful, and on leaving the buses, the
Battalion, just over 700 strong, marched to billets in Warloy. A battle
surplus of eight officers and 240 other ranks had been left behind at a
Divisional Reinforcement Camp at Estrées les Crecy.
The German advance had been held up in the neighbourhood of Albert, and
for some weeks now no move had been made on either side, though farther
north the allied lines in the Ypres and Armentieres districts had been
pushed back considerably. It was not, therefore, surprising when the
21st Australian Battalion was relieved on the night of the 1st of May
outside the Albert-Amiens Road that orders were issued to all units to
make every possible preparation to meet an enemy attack, which, to use
the official language, “is likely to develop on our front in the near
future.”
During this tour of the trenches the patrols of “B,” “C,” and “D”
Companies, who were the three front line Companies, all reported that
at 2.0 a.m. on the morning of the 4th of May, a noise resembling that
of steam tractors was heard coming from the vicinity of the railway
south of the Albert Road. As a result, the R.A.F. carried out a special
reconnaissance at dawn and found four enemy tanks hiding near the
railway. These were bombed, two being totally destroyed and the others
disabled. The Brigadier General specially commended the Civil Service
Rifles on the good work done by the patrols.
The discovery of the tanks, however, only served to increase the
warnings of a coming attack, and an otherwise uneventful spell in the
mud and water was frequently disturbed by such orders from Division as
“See that all men have a hot meal immediately: Attack probable this
morning.”
On the night of the 6th of May a somewhat complicated relief, owing
to a reshuffle of Brigades on the Corps front, brought to an end a
surprisingly peaceful stay in the front line. It did not, however,
bring much comfort to the troops.
The Battalion was to move back to support trenches in the neighbourhood
of Millencourt and Henencourt, but the Companies had the greatest
difficulty in identifying their positions, as they turned out to be
mere scratches in the ground. The night was black and the rain poured
in torrents throughout. The relief was accordingly exceptionally slow
and day was breaking ere the support positions were reached.
The Officer Commanding “A” Company found in Millencourt some unoccupied
cellars with plenty of straw, and decided to stow his men away there
and risk the consequences. “B” and “C” Companies found ruined houses
in Henencourt, and “D” moved into a barn in the yard of the château
at Henencourt, which had been Third Corps Headquarters during the
Somme battle of 1916. Battalion Headquarters was at the Grand Caporal
estaminet--a “house” that had been a favourite resort of the men of the
Civil Service Rifles during the rest after High Wood in 1916. But how
the village had changed since those days! In 1916 Henencourt had been
a tolerably clean inhabited village, but now all was desolation, every
house was in ruins, and there was not a civilian to be found anywhere.
By night the Companies occupied their battle positions and tried to
dig trenches there, and by day they kept under cover in their billets.
A search was made for bath tubs, and a bath-house was started in the
Château yard, and apart from occasional shelling of Millencourt and
Henencourt, a fairly comfortable time was spent in these villages.
The next visit to the front line was to relieve the 17th London
Regiment astride the Millencourt-Albert Road, a mile or so east
of the village of Millencourt. The trenches here were new, and so
exposed that no cooking could be done there. All food was cooked at
the Quartermaster’s stores at Warloy and brought up at night, when
the troops had their only hot meal of the day. The tea was sent up in
petrol cans enclosed in packs stuffed with hay--a method which had been
adopted by members of the Transport Section some months previously for
keeping tea hot on a long march.
Digging new trenches and wiring were the nightly tasks of all Companies
during five uneventful days in this sector, and on relief by the 6th
London Regiment--now in the 58th Division--the Battalion moved back to
billets in Warloy, and on the following day the Division moved into
Corps Reserve.
The period in Corps Reserve had generally been spent in tolerably
comfortable billets in inhabited villages some distance from the firing
line, but on this occasion the Division was kept close up, owing to
the possibility of an enemy attack, and it fell to the lot of the
140th Brigade to occupy small woods in the neighbourhood of Warloy and
Bazieux. The accommodation was distinctly poor, the men having to sleep
under bivouac sheets--or trench shelters as they were called officially.
Colonel Segrave accordingly indulged in a little billeting on his own
account and fixed his battalion up in comfortable billets in Warloy,
observing at the same time that as they were nearer to the front line
they were tactically in a better position to meet an emergency. A wordy
warfare with the Divisional Staff ensued, and for a few days the Civil
Service Rifles hung on to their billets, although the Colonel had been
withdrawn to command the 141st Brigade. But soon a move had to be made
to the bivouacs in the Bois La Haut, north of Bazieux, where the days
were spent by the troops in digging cable trenches near Henencourt
Wood, and the nights were often spent in alarms and standing to.
Indeed, a more restless period in Corps Reserve had never been known.
All officers were taken to reconnoitre positions of assembly for
counter-attack, and to each battalion in the Brigade was allotted a
definite objective. It was announced that the attack would be launched
on the 20th, and the officers were taken through a kind of rehearsal of
their counter-attack.
Nightly bombing raids by enemy aeroplanes added to the discomfort,
and on the night of the 18th of May an intense bombardment was heard.
Later, an alarm was sounded in an adjacent wood, and the Battalion
stood to arms at 2.0 a.m. and remained so for about an hour. Thereafter
the troops were made to stand to arms each morning at an hour before
dawn as in the trenches, and the cooks had to “keep up steam” in
readiness to serve a hot meal at once in the event of an enemy
attack on the Corps front. Happily nothing so unpleasant as an attack
developed, but the camp was shelled on the morning of the 22nd, with
the result that the Transport Section lost an old and tried friend in
Corporal Banks, who had been with them continuously since mobilisation.
It was cruel luck that he should be killed while in Corps Reserve,
after surviving such ordeals as the Somme, Ypres Salient, Bourlon Wood
and the Retreat. Two horses were also killed and two others wounded.
The Division moved out of Corps Reserve on the 24th of May, and after
a whole day spent in cable burying in the pouring rain, the Civil
Service Rifles relieved the 7th East Surrey Regiment in quarries near
the Franvillers-Albert road. Here the troops bivouacked amongst guns
and howitzers of all calibres; in some cases the men slept, or rather
spent the night, under the muzzles of the guns. The only good thing the
Battalion got out of this relief was a draft of 10 N.C.O.’s, who had
been wounded on the Somme in 1916, and on their return to France had
been drafted to the East Surrey Regiment. By a strange coincidence they
rejoined the Civil Service Rifles almost on the very ground where they
had been trained for the Somme battle, for the Bois Robert, where many
of the rehearsals for High Wood took place, was within a hundred yards
or so of the bivouacs.
A short stay amid the guns was followed by a move to comfortable but
shell-riddled billets in Baizieux--a village somewhat changed since the
previous Christmas, when it was occupied by Divisional Headquarters.
The 4th Battalion Royal Welsh Fusiliers was relieved in the Lavieville
defences on the 26th of May, and here the Battalion spent four days in
support trenches, during the whole of which time all Companies were
at work with the Royal Engineers on cable burying. At the end of May
1918, the Civil Service Rifles occupied a field surrounded by new and
shallow trenches just north of the Franvillers-Berhencourt road, and
about half a mile west of Franvillers itself. These trenches were the
rear defences of the Lahoussoye system, but the men occupied tents and
bivouacs outside the trenches.
There followed five uneventful days in the front line opposite the
village of Dernancourt, and on relief by the 17th Battalion on the
night of the 6th of June, support trenches astride the Albert-Amiens
road were occupied for three days. The Battalion then relieved the 1st
Surrey Rifles in the front line on the immediate left of the sector
held previously. This particular area was held by the Brigade for
nearly three weeks, the Battalion changing round every four or five
days. Nothing worthy of note happened until, on the 19th of June, the
Division was relieved by the 58th Division, the 6th London Regiment
taking over from the Civil Service Rifles, who had a long march back
to the village of Berhencourt, which was reached at about 5 a.m. After
a few hours’ rest the march was continued to Molliens au Bois, where
a tented camp in a sea of mud was taken over from the Queen Victoria
Rifles. Here the Regimental Brass Band, which had been entertaining
the Commander-in-Chief at General Headquarters for the past six
weeks, rejoined, together with the battle surplus and a draft of
reinforcements from the Divisional Reinforcement Camp.
CHAPTER XXII
INTENSIVE TRAINING
Fortunately only one day was spent at Molliens au Bois, and on the 21st
of June a bus ride took the Civil Service Rifles through Amiens and
then round the country for a few hours, and back to Ferrieres, a little
village about four miles from Amiens. The Battalion then marched to
Guignemicourt, a village without any water supply, a real old-fashioned
out-of-the-way country place, which seemed miles away from the war.
The big château occupied by Battalion Headquarters was the property of
a French “nouveau riche,” who, according to the natives, had made his
fortune out of beer. He had fled hurriedly during the German advance,
leaving all his furniture behind him, but no trace could be found of
the commodity which was alleged to have earned him his francs.
A quaint feature of the village life was the town crier with his
drum, who took up his stand in front of the sentry outside Battalion
Headquarters and made such announcements as the fixed price of coal,
flour, etc., for the ensuing month. His services were utilised by
the Civil Service Rifles at the end of their stay to announce to the
villagers that any claims against the Battalion must be lodged at the
orderly room before the Battalion left the village.
To the members of the Civil Service Rifles who were at Guignemicourt,
however, the name does not revive memories of an old-world village
or of a quaint town crier. The memory that is inseparable from this
village is one of eternal parades. There were not only parades for
work, but also parades for play, the Battalion, after spending the
morning hard at work on the drill ground, being marched to the football
field every afternoon to take part in compulsory football. And for
officers the day’s work was carried on after lights out; for many were
the hours spent in conferences at Battalion Headquarters long after the
men were “between the sheets” in their billets.
The compulsory football took the form of six-a-side games, the
sides being chosen in alphabetical order throughout each platoon or
specialist section. Every able-bodied officer, warrant officer, N.C.O.,
or man, had to play, and the games were on the knock-out principle.
Only four games could be played at a time, and those who were not
playing had to look on, but, as the weather was beautifully fine, the
troops soon tumbled to the idea of bringing their writing-pads, with
the result that when the Corps Commander and many of the gilded staff
drove up to the ground on the afternoon of the 25th of June they found
a few men playing football and the majority of the Battalion squatting
on the grass writing letters. The final was won by a team from “B”
Company.
After the football competition, Major L. L. Pargiter, who was in
command of the Battalion during the absence on leave of Colonel
Segrave, introduced the game of puttocks--a game which “caught on” at
once with the Battalion. Major Pargiter was an enthusiast for sport
as well as for work, and he combined the two on the miniature range,
where shooting took place every evening, the prizes taking the form
of 10 centimes for every bull’s-eye scored. This was apparently too
easy a method of making money, for on some evenings nobody put in an
appearance except the Officer Commanding Range and the marker.
The eternal parades naturally provoked a certain amount of grousing,
but none the less the Battalion had reached a very high standard of
efficiency, when Colonel Segrave returned on the 2nd of July, after a
month’s absence.
On the next day a Divisional water carnival was held at Picquigny,
where R.Q.M.S. Hart improved on his previous year’s success by taking
the first two places in the odd craft race. He had trained on the horse
pond in the village and his craft finished so far in front of the rest
of the competitors that many of the spectators were unaware that he was
in the race at all.
The Battalion won the Divisional water polo championship with the
following team: Colour-Sergeant W. S. Watts, Corporal O. S. Wraight,
and Corporal T. Byron of “B” Company, Lance-Corporal H. G. Terry of “A”
Company, and Privates T. N. Smale, “B” Company, S. Paisley and R. Bull,
Transport Section. Other members of the Battalion who distinguished
themselves were Privates E. Manfield, who was third in the back stroke
race, and Privates F. J. Garnham, “B” Company, and P. A. Pooley,
“D” Company, who with Corporal Wraight and Private Bull gained for
the Civil Service Rifles third place in the Divisional Relay Race.
Altogether it was a good day for the Civil Service Rifles.
On the following day Major General Gorringe presented ribbons to those
in the Battalion who had been awarded decorations for their work during
the Retreat.
A Memorial Service to Civil Servants who had fallen in the war was held
in the Château grounds on the 11th of July, at the same hour as the
service in Westminster Abbey for the same purpose was being held.
The only other incidents worthy of note during the last week at
Guignemicourt were the Battalion Sports Meeting, at which “D” Company
won far more points than any other Company, and the visit of a
photographer from the French Flying Corps. Every Company and Specialist
Section and almost every platoon was photographed, as also were the
Battalion football team and many of the horses.
The Battalion returned to Warloy on the 12th of July and relieved the
First Surrey Rifles in support positions on the Senlis-Henencourt Road
on the 15th.
On the 18th of July the welcome news was received of a successful
French counter-attack on a large scale in the Soissons region. The news
was cheering to all ranks, but no one even suspected that this was the
beginning of the end, and that in four months’ time the Armistice would
be signed.
On the 20th of July the 17th Battalion was relieved by the Civil
Service Rifles in front line trenches due east of Millencourt, and
a company of American Infantry of the 131st Regiment, 33rd U.S.A.
Division, became attached for instruction in trench warfare. The
American troops were of fine physique and were very keen, but what
seemed to appeal to them most was the excellent cooking of the Civil
Service Rifles cooks. Many of them declared that although they were
living in trenches they had not been fed so well since they left home.
Each of the four Companies of the 131st Regiment (1st Battalion)
spent twenty-four hours under instruction with the Civil Service
Rifles, and on the 24th of July, the whole of the American Battalion
became attached to the 140th Brigade and relieved the Civil Service
Rifles who moved back to Contay. Colonel Segrave and his Adjutant,
four Company Commanders and some senior N.C.O.’s remained with the
U.S.A. troops until the following day, when all returned to Contay
except the Commanding Officer and Adjutant, who were attached to the
American Battalion for a further period of two days. In the meantime
the four Company Quartermaster Sergeants were attached to the American
Quartermaster to assist him in rationing his Battalion while it was in
the front line.
After five days at Contay the Civil Service Rifles relieved the 17th
Battalion in support to the front line recently held, where they were
relieved on the 30th of July by the 19th Battalion, and moved back
to the positions on the Senlis-Henencourt Road, now occupied by the
forward Battalion of the Brigade in Divisional Reserve.
The month of August, 1918, was certainly an eventful one, for it
brought with it a general advance on the whole of the Corps front.
There was little in the early days of the month to suggest the
startling changes that were to come over the military situation in the
immediate vicinity of the 47th Divisional front, though as time went
on, the news of advances in various parts of the allied line revived an
enthusiasm that had perhaps been on the wane since the beginning of the
year.
There was as yet no talk of a coming attack by the 140th Brigade, and
on the night of the 5th of August, after spending two days in Warloy,
the Civil Service Rifles relieved the 24th Battalion on the right of
the Divisional front, just outside Albert on the Amiens Road. But
although there had been no special preparation for an attack, it was
thought quite likely that one might soon be made, as the enemy had
withdrawn his line from the position round Albert, and even from the
town itself it was believed.
“B” Company occupied parts of the two old German front lines, and
had sentry groups also along the west side of the railway embankment
overlooking the River Ancre. It appeared to be quite true that the
Germans had withdrawn, for no trace of one was seen on the Battalion
front.
On the 6th of August news was received that Colonel Segrave, who was
at the time Acting Brigade Commander, had been promoted to the rank of
Brigadier General, and he left forthwith to command the 152nd Brigade
in the 51st Division, and the Civil Service Rifles had to part for good
with one who had been to them something far more than a Commanding
Officer.
Although Colonel Segrave’s promotion had been more or less expected for
some time, he received very short notice to depart, and was not even
given an opportunity to say good-bye. It is difficult to say whether
he or the Battalion felt the parting more keenly, for he was loved by
those whom he commanded as much as he loved them--which is saying a
great deal.
No story of the 1st Civil Service Rifles can be complete without an
appreciation of one who is regarded by all who served under him as
the finest Commanding Officer the Regiment ever had. His gallantry in
the field has already been referred to, and it was fortunate for the
Battalion that all its big defensive battles were fought during the
year in which Colonel Segrave commanded, for it was in such battles,
rather than in attacks which had been rehearsed in every detail, that
able leadership meant so much. Both at Bourlon Wood and in the Retreat
the Civil Service Rifles owed a great deal to the guiding hand of their
Commanding Officer.
But it was not only owing to his ability as a leader, nor to his
exceptional bravery under fire, that his presence gave such confidence
to the troops. They always knew that in Colonel Segrave they had a
Commanding Officer who devoted himself wholeheartedly to the welfare
of the Civil Service Rifles. He was a red-hot enthusiast for the
Regiment, and would tolerate nothing that was, in his opinion, likely
to bring it into disrepute. A tireless worker himself, he would have no
idlers among his officers, N.C.O.’s or men.
These are but a few of the qualities in Colonel Segrave which cause
men to speak with genuine pride of the fact that they served under
him. Outstanding among his characteristics was his pure unselfishness.
All that he did was done for his Regiment. He sought no personal
glorification. He indeed “did good by stealth and blushed to find it
fame.” But the splendid work he did for the Civil Service Rifles during
the hardest year of the war can never be forgotten by those who had the
good fortune to serve under Colonel Segrave.
CHAPTER XXIII
THE GREAT ADVANCE
A sensational change came over the military situation on the Divisional
front during August, 1918. When the month opened, the front line
Brigades were still holding the trenches outside Albert, and were
kept in a state of readiness to meet a German attack. It soon became
evident, however, that there would be no German attack from that
quarter, for it became known on the 3rd of August that the Germans had
withdrawn from Albert and the positions around that town, and by the
end of the month the troops of the 47th Division, instead of being on
the defensive, were in pursuit of a broken enemy several miles east of
Albert, and open warfare prevailed once more.
When Colonel Segrave left it was not known who was to be his successor,
but in the meantime Major G. G. Bates, M.C., acted as Commanding
Officer.
The first indication of the coming advance was a big attack launched by
the Allies at 4.0 a.m. on the 8th of August. The Civil Service Rifles
were at that time holding front line trenches just outside Albert, on
the north side of the Albert-Amiens road. No attack was launched in
that area, but there was increased artillery activity throughout the
day. On the following day an attack was delivered by the 58th Division
immediately south of the 47th Division and an Australian Division
further south. Their objectives were the villages of Ville sur Ancre,
Dernancourt, Morlancourt, and the German positions in the vicinity.
In spite of a ground mist, which made it difficult to follow the
operations, the attack was a big success. The Civil Service Rifles were
not affected, though the Battalion scouts were sent as spectators to
a point of vantage to watch for any developments likely to affect the
front held by the 47th Division. It was a curious sight to see a small
crowd on a slope on the left flank of the attack, watching the fight at
fairly close quarters, like a crowd at a football match.
About this time enemy aeroplanes were active at night, bombing
transport lines and billets at Warloy, and the Civil Service Rifles
lost their Acting Quartermaster, Second Lieutenant A. L. Mills, and
their Assistant Adjutant, Second Lieutenant P. J. Spencer, both of
whom were bombed in their billet, which was completely destroyed, the
officers being dangerously wounded.
[Illustration: SKETCH MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE MOVEMENTS OF THE 1^{ST}
C.S.R. IN THE 47^{TH} DIVISION ATTACK 22-25 AUGUST 1918.]
On the 13th of August, after a short stay in support in Baizieux, the
Division moved south of the Albert Road and relieved the 58th Division
in the neighbourhood of Bray. The Civil Service Rifles relieved the
Queen Victoria Rifles in the forward position of the support Brigade.
The trenches occupied were the old British and German front lines west
of Morlancourt. The Transport Section and Quartermaster’s stores moved
to the village of Bonnay, which was visited nightly by enemy bombing
planes.
On the night of the 16th of August the Battalion moved up to the
front line and relieved the 22nd London Regiment on the right of the
Divisional front in the Bois des Tailles, just north of the village of
Bray.
The Bois des Tailles had doubtless been a very pretty wood in peace
time, but it was now strewn with the debris remaining after the German
occupation. It had afforded good natural cover for German guns, and in
the valley which ran through the middle of the wood were some rather
palatial dug-outs. The German guns were still in position, though the
emplacements had been destroyed and the ammunition was scattered about
the ground. Throughout its occupation by the Civil Service Rifles, the
Bois des Tailles was subjected to a steady bombardment, gas shells
being used freely every night. The aforesaid valley became saturated
with gas and the dug-outs were rendered uninhabitable. Casualties were
pretty heavy, and the five days spent in what became known among the
troops as “_toute de suite_ wood” were distinctly unpleasant.
At midnight on the 20th of August the 20th London Regiment took over
the positions in the Bois des Tailles, and the Civil Service Rifles
moved back to support positions in a valley near Marett Wood, close to
Mericourt L’Abbé. Here the new Commanding Officer, Lieut.-Colonel R.
C. Feilding, D.S.O., Coldstream Guards, took over the command of the
Battalion.
Colonel Feilding had not had time to get to know his troops before
he was leading them in battle, for after one day’s rest in support
positions, the 140th Brigade moved up on the 22nd of August and was
the Reserve Brigade in a big attack launched that morning by the 47th
Division, in conjunction with the 12th Division on the left, and an
Australian Division on the right.
The programme for the 47th Division was that the 141st Brigade holding
the front line was to move forward at zero, and capture and consolidate
the first objective, known for this battle as the Brown Line, running
parallel with the Bray-Albert road and about 500 yards east of it. The
142nd Brigade was to pass through the 141st Brigade ten minutes after
zero, and capture and consolidate the second objective (known as the
Green Line.) Corps cavalry and twelve whippet tanks were then to pass
through the 141st and 142nd Brigades, and capture the Blue Line (a
line of defences from Fricourt to the woods known as Great and Little
Bear), the 140th Brigade remaining in Divisional Reserve, ready to move
forward and consolidate the Blue Line when captured.
Soon after 6.0 a.m. on the 22nd of August, the Civil Service Rifles
marched forward from the positions near Marett Wood, and by 7.50 a.m.
the Battalion was in position at the rendezvous--the sunken road
running north and south along the western edge of the Bois des Tailles.
Here a squadron of cavalry, about 80 strong, was waiting its turn to go
forward, and just before 8.0 a.m. this squadron advanced to the attack,
accompanied by tanks, but both tanks and cavalry came dribbling back
about an hour later, having met with serious opposition.
The Companies of the Civil Service Rifles were now disposed in the
fields on either side of the road, awaiting orders. There followed
a long interval without any news, and throughout the whole morning
nothing definite was heard as to how the attack had developed. Late
in the afternoon, however, orders were received as to the part to be
played by the Civil Service Rifles in an attack to be delivered by
the 140th Brigade the following morning upon the Blue Line. Colonel
Feilding had only just explained matters to Company Commanders,
when the order was cancelled owing to the withdrawal of the 142nd
Brigade from the Green Line, under pressure from the enemy, and the
reoccupation by the latter of the Happy Valley (a valley just to the
east of the Bray-Albert road, and about a mile north-north-west of
Bray).
A gap existed between the right of the 141st Brigade and the left of
the Australians, and the Civil Service Rifles were ordered at 7.0 p.m.
to fill the gap. Colonel Feilding sent two of his Companies to the
front line to dig themselves in along a bank where the gap existed, and
two Companies to be in support along the Etineham-Méaulte road, just in
front of the old front line in the Bois des Tailles. He established his
Headquarters temporarily in the old front line north-east of the Bois
des Tailles.
Darkness was falling as the Companies went to take up these positions,
and when Colonel Feilding arrived with his Headquarters Company in
the old front line in the Bois des Tailles he found the Headquarters
of the 141st Brigade close by. He went into these Headquarters to see
what further information he could gather, and learnt that the enemy was
breaking through, and was believed to be coming on in large numbers.
The trench, he was told, should be put in a state of defence, and every
rifle would be needed. Headquarters Company was thereupon ordered to
line the trench and each man had to make himself a good fire position.
Officers’ servants and signallers, who had not used their rifles since
the Retreat, had visions of a repetition of the Bourlon Wood incident,
and every man got to work with his entrenching tool, and made every
preparation for the coming fight. Colonel Feilding pushed off into the
darkness ahead to find out how much truth there was in the story of the
counter-attack. He found all quiet in the front line, which was nearly
two miles ahead, and he decided to take his Headquarters Company and
two support Companies to the foot of a bank close to the front line.
These positions were occupied throughout the next day, when there was
considerable shelling from the enemy.
Early on the morning of the 24th of August, an attack was delivered on
the Green Line and the Happy Valley. The 140th Brigade was on the left
and the 175th Brigade (58th Division) on the right. The Civil Service
Rifles were to move through the Happy Valley behind a Battalion of the
175th Brigade, and deal with the enemy in the many dug-outs in the
valley. After clearing the valley they were to take up positions just
north of Bray and on the east side of the Bray-Méaulte road, in support
to the 17th and 21st Battalions, who were to be by that time in the
Green Line.
The attack began at 1.0 a.m., and by 2.0 a.m. large parties of German
prisoners began to arrive at Battalion Headquarters. The operation had
been entirely successful, the Civil Service Rifles having captured 300
prisoners in Happy Valley, as well as a considerable number of machine
guns and some trench mortars.
After spending the whole day under heavy shell fire in the positions
near the Bray Road, the Battalion moved through the Happy Valley again
at night and assembled for a further attack, which was to commence at
2.30 a.m. on the 25th.
For this attack the 140th Brigade was in front, with the 175th Brigade
on its right. The Civil Service Rifles were on the right of the 140th
Brigade, and the centre of the Battalion’s assembly position was an
old German prisoners-of-war cage on the Bray-Fricourt Road. It was
dark when the men reached the assembly position, and the country was
quite strange to all the attacking forces, none of whom had even so
much as seen it by daylight. The objective was just over 2,500 yards
beyond the assembly position, and was a line of old German trenches on
the western edge of Billon Copse, about two miles south of Mametz. In
spite of the strange surroundings, total darkness, and the fact that no
reconnaissance had been made, the attack went well, and the objective
was reached with very few casualties--not more than thirty-five all
ranks. The opposition was slight, but a thick fog which settled down
before daylight made it very difficult to find even so prominent a
landmark as Bronfay Farm, which was about the southern boundary of
the Civil Service Rifles’ objective. The result was that when Colonel
Feilding reached the front line soon after 4.30 a.m., he found that the
troops were a few hundred yards short of the real objective. However,
he was able to guide them to the so-called old German trench, which “A”
and “C” Companies manned as front line Companies, “B” and “D” remaining
in the railway loop behind in support.
So ended the first stage of the part played by the Civil Service
Rifles in the final advance of the Allies. It had been a long drawn
out battle, and the troops had had little or no rest since leaving the
trenches near Marrett Wood on the morning of the 22nd of August. The
fighting, however, had not been severe, and the total casualties during
the few days were only sixty all ranks, of whom only nine were killed.
The men were, therefore, in very good spirits when they marched back,
on the 26th of August, to the trenches near Marrett Wood, taking with
them one captured minenwerfer, four heavy and ten light enemy machine
guns.
There followed the usual visits from the Brigade Commander and
Divisional Commander, both of whom congratulated the Battalion on its
work during the past few days. They added, however, the news that the
advance would be resumed very soon. Major General Gorringe explained
that there would be no more coming back to rest while the Division was
taking part in this advance. In future the transport lines would move
up to the Battalion after a battle, as the general scheme would be that
Brigades would be continually passing through each other, and so the
front line area of to-day would become the support or reserve position
to-morrow.
On the 29th of August the Civil Service Rifles marched to huts in
an old French brickfield about a mile north of Maricourt, and close
to Montauban. Battalion Headquarters was at Carnoy Craters on the
Carnoy-Montauban Road. These craters were a relic of the Somme battle
of 1916, when the attack often opened with the blowing of a few mines.
The Germans had only recently left this district, and a sharp look-out
had to be kept for “booby traps.”
The 47th Division continued the advance on the 30th of August, the
142nd Brigade being in front, the 141st in support, and the 140th
Brigade in reserve. The Civil Service Rifles moved off from the
Brickfields soon after 7.0 a.m., and after a short cross country
scramble, halted in Maurepas Ravine about midday. Cookers and limbers
followed the Battalion, and soon after halting, the troops received a
pleasant surprise in the shape of hot dinner. A draft of two officers
and 100 other ranks, who had been following the Battalion for some
days, managed to catch it up in Maurepas Ravine during the afternoon of
the 30th of August. It was quite a novelty for a draft to join during
battle.
The Battalion bivouacked in Maurepas Ravine, and spent the whole of the
next day there, but on the morning of the 1st September there began
what proved to be the last battle in which the Civil Service Rifles
were to take an active part. It was a battle worthy of the occasion,
and during the six days while it lasted, the men lived up to the very
best traditions of the Regiment. There were very few indeed among
them who had embarked with the Battalion in 1915, or even of those
who had fought on the Somme in 1916, but the spirit was still there,
and the achievements of the 1st Civil Service Rifles in this great
battle are worthy of a detailed description. The following account of
the operation is founded upon the official report written by Colonel
Feilding when the action was over. The narrative can best be followed
by reference to the map on page 211.
On the 1st September the 140th Brigade, in conjunction with the 141st
Brigade on the right, and the 18th Division (55th Brigade) on the left,
was to advance and capture Rancourt and the line of trench following
the south-west edge of St. Pierre Vaast Wood. The 1st Surrey Rifles
were on the right, the Civil Service on the left, and the Poplar and
Stepneys were to follow up and “mop up” Rancourt and the trenches
around that village.
The assembly position for the Civil Service was a line about three
quarters of a mile south-south-west of Rancourt, between the road
leading from Rancourt to Le Forest and the road from Rancourt to
Marrieres Wood. Battalion Headquarters was at the cross roads about
half a mile east-north-east of Le Forest, with advanced Headquarters in
a shell hole near the assembly position.
A certain amount of shelling was encountered on the way up to the
assembly position, and the Battalion lost, among others, Sergeant
Moore, signals sergeant, one of the few remaining “17th of March men,”
who had been present with the Civil Service Rifles throughout their
stay in France.
The assembly position was reached at 5.0 a.m., and zero was at 5.30 a.m.
Some anxiety was felt when, at three minutes before zero, the 1st
Surrey Rifles had not arrived, but thanks to Second Lieutenant Gray,
the Civil Service Intelligence Officer, touch was established before
zero.
After a five minutes’ “crash” by the artillery, “C” and “D” Companies
moved forward behind a creeping barrage to take the final objective,
followed by “A” and “B” Companies, who were to be in support in
trenches running north and south, quarter of a mile east of Rancourt.
The attack was completely successful, prisoners beginning to come down
within ten minutes of zero.
Lieutenant E. R. Lascelles, commanding “C” Company, was killed early
in the advance, but otherwise the losses were slight, and by 7.30 a.m.
all objectives had been reached, and were being consolidated. Touch was
obtained with the East Surreys (55th Brigade) on the left, but there
was a gap on the right, the 1st Surrey Rifles having been held up.
During the process of consolidation “B” and “D” Companies were shelled
heavily from a German Field Gun Battery which remained in action in the
open, firing over open sights from about 1,000 yards’ range.
An attempt by the enemy to rush through the gap on the right was
prevented by Lewis gun and rifle fire from developing, and this brought
to a close a good day’s work in which the Civil Service Rifles had
taken 150-200 prisoners and ten machine guns.
The battle, however, was by no means over, and at 11.30 p.m. the
Battalion was relieved by the London Irish and marched to an assembly
position on the Rancourt-Peronne road, just S.W. of Bouchavesnes and
300 yards north of the old quarry there, in readiness for a further
attack the next morning. Arrived at this assembly position, the Company
cooks again earned the gratitude of their comrades by producing an
excellent hot meal.
The operation of the 1st of September had been simple and
straightforward, and had been carried out without a hitch, but a much
more complicated attack took place on the 2nd.
The plan was that the 74th Division should attack from trenches
immediately south of Moislains Wood and, after capturing and mopping
up Moislains, should take the village of Nurlu. The 140th Brigade was
to follow them closely, the Civil Service on the left, the Poplar and
Stepneys on the right, and the East Surreys in support. After crossing
the Canal du Nord east of Moislains, the 140th Brigade was to wheel
left, forming a defensive flank on the high ground to the north of
Monastir trench, where they were to join up with the 142nd Brigade,
who were to capture this trench. The order from left to right on the
defensive flank was First Surreys, Civil Service, Poplar and Stepneys.
The 140th Brigade was to follow the 229th, who would also prolong the
defensive flank, facing north as far as Nurlu.
The Battalion was in position at 3.0 a.m. and zero was at 5.30
a.m., but, in order to get well up behind the 229th Brigade “A” and
“B” Companies led off at 5.0 a.m. with “C” and “D” in support and
Headquarters bringing up the rear.
The 140th Brigade was to pass Moislains on the south, and the formation
of the defensive flank therefore presupposed the capture by the 74th
Division of that village.
From the outset the Brigade came under heavy shell and machine gun
fire, and as it moved down the slopes to the south west of Moislains,
under still heavier machine-gun fire directed from the village and from
both flanks.
The casualties caused by this fire were enormous, amounting to more
than half the strength of the Battalion, but the men went forward
without any hesitation, and, as Colonel Feilding said afterwards, as
though they were beating up partridges. The behaviour of the Civil
Service under this sweeping fire was commented on by the Commanding
Officers of other units present, who said they had never seen anything
like it. The determination of all ranks was ultimately rewarded when
they succeeded in establishing themselves in Moislains trench, with
details of the First Surreys on the left, the Poplar and Stepneys on
the right, and an officer and about a dozen other ranks of the North
Devon Yeomanry.
The garrison of Moislains trench now had to fight hard to hold the
position, for the enemy were occupying the same trench to the left
and Quarry trench in the left rear, while they could clearly be seen
moving in Moislains a quarter of a mile in front, and assembling in the
village and around the huts immediately south of it.
Simultaneous counter-attacks were, in fact, developed on the left rear
and on the right front, while the enemy at the same time attempted to
bomb up the trench on the left.
Both parapet and parados were manned, and the attacks across the open
were beaten off, but the bombing attacks continued all day, and, owing
to scarcity of bombs, were with difficulty held up.
It was at once obvious that there were no British troops in front of
the 140th Brigade, though elements of the 74th Division could be seen
in the distance on the right, on a level with Moislains trench. In
the face of the very heavy flank and frontal machine-gun fire, of the
heavy casualties incurred and of the fact that one flank at least was
“in the air,” it did not seem practicable to Colonel Feilding or to
Colonel Dawes, commanding the First Surreys, for their Battalions to
assume the rôle allotted to the 74th Division, and to attempt, without
a barrage, to capture the village, which, as a result of the failure,
or absence, of that Division, was still strongly held by the enemy.
[Illustration: SKETCH MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE MOVEMENTS OF THE C.S.R.
FROM 1 SEPT 1918 TO 6 SEPT 1918]
A small local attack by about two Companies was actually delivered
by the 74th Division on the right, but, though it made some little
progress, and at one point crossed the Canal, it hardly did more than
establish the right flank of the 140th Brigade. With this exception,
there was no indication of any attack having been delivered by the 74th
Division in the vicinity of Moislains. A German Field Gun Battery was,
in fact, in action for some four hours in the open, immediately south
of the village, and less than 1000 yards east of the Canal, firing over
open sights on to the part of Moislains trench occupied by the 140th
Brigade.
Colonel Feilding was able to confirm the foregoing account by a very
careful examination of the battle-field made afterwards. He saw no
British dead either in Moislains or between Moislains trench and the
village. The only dead in the vicinity of Moislains trench were those
of the 140th Brigade and of Germans killed in the counter-attack
previously referred to. Twenty-five men of the Civil Service were found
and buried in an hour in this area alone, and others of the Brigade
were still lying there.
To quote from Colonel Feilding’s report:
“The only dead of the 74th Division whom I personally saw in
the section of ground with which my Battalion was concerned
were lying about 300 yards from our starting point--the
Rancourt-Peronne road. Since these dead were not there when we
originally advanced, I can only come to the conclusion, which
is shared by all who were with me on the battlefield during
the action and after, that here, at least, the 140th Brigade,
instead of being in support, found itself with its flanks
unsecured, and with the barrage so far ahead as to be useless,
carrying out the main attack on a strong enemy position, and
that the 74th Division, so far from being in front of us, was
behind us.”
The position in Moislains trench was held until 10.30 p.m. on the 2nd
of September, when the Brigade Commander withdrew the troops, and the
survivors of the Civil Service Rifles marched back about three miles
and rested in trenches just east of Rancourt.
The Battalion rested here for two days, but even then the fighting was
not over, and, reorganised owing to heavy losses on a two Company basis
each with two platoons, the Civil Service Rifles took part in another
fight on the 5th of September. At 5.30 a.m. on that day, the 141st
Brigade passed through the 142nd, and was followed by the 140th at 8.0
a.m., the Poplar and Stepneys in front with the Civil Service and one
Company of the First Surreys attached in support.
The Civil Service assembled in Pallas trench, south-west of Moislains
Wood, and at noon the two Companies had moved forward and occupied
Sorrowitz trench (a continuation of Moislains trench, north-west of
Moislains) with Battalion Headquarters and the attached Company of the
First Surreys in the sunken road 300 yards behind. Half an hour later,
“A-B” Company under Lieutenant R. Upton, crossed the Canal and occupied
a position facing north-east on the Canal bank in a continuation of
Monastir trench about a quarter of a mile north-east of Moislains. At
the same time “C-D” Company, under Captain L. D. Eccles, crossed the
canal and occupied a trench further south, parallel with the canal and
facing east, formed a defensive flank. The remaining Company was kept
in reserve in and around Sorrowitz trench.
At 7.0 p.m., considerable opposition having been met with from the
enemy, an organised attack was made on the Peronne-Nurlu road by the
Poplar and Stepneys in conjunction with the 141st Brigade and the
12th Division on the left. The right was protected by Captain Eccles’
Company and the operation was entirely successful.
At 6.0 a.m. on the 6th of September the advance was resumed. The 19th
and 20th Battalions (141st Brigade) moved across the Peronne-Nurlu
road, and at 8.0 a.m. the London-Irish and the Civil Service, who had
formed up behind in conjunction with the 12th Division on the left and
the 74th Division on the right, advanced on a position running north
and south, just south of the village of Lieramont.
The Civil Service reached the objective about noon and the men came
under heavy machine gun fire from the left, where the London-Irish had
not yet arrived. In addition, rapid fire from enemy field artillery
raked the men as they appeared over the crest in front of the final
objective. Colonel Feilding accordingly took his men back to the
reverse slope, where they immediately turned and dug in.
This position turned out to be the “farthest east” of the Civil Service
in the advance on this part of the Allied front, for during the night
of the 6th-7th September the Battalion was relieved by the Queen
Victoria Rifles (58th Division) and moved back to bivouacs in a valley
about a mile east of Moislains, close to the position occupied by
Captain Eccles’ Company on the afternoon of the 5th of September.
The fighting, so far as the Civil Service Rifles were concerned, had
come to an end for a time, and the short rest in this valley near
Moislains enabled a thorough search to be made of the scene of the
heavy casualties on the 2nd of September. The bodies of all the killed
of the Civil Service in that battle were buried before the troops left.
There was also an opportunity to count the cost, and it was found that
the casualties suffered during the first six days of September numbered
12 officers and 317 other ranks, out of a total trench strength of less
than 500 all ranks.
It has already been mentioned that Colonel Feilding had not had time
to get to know his men before he was leading them in battle, but what
he saw of them in the battles of August and September filled him with
genuine admiration for and pride in the men whom he commanded and he
at once became fired with the enthusiasm of his two predecessors. The
troops, on their part, were not slow to see that the Regiment had been
fortunate in gaining a worthy successor to Colonel Segrave for in
these final battles Colonel Feilding’s energy knew no bounds. He was
constantly faced with unexpected developments but he was never at a
loss as to how to deal with them. From start to finish he was “here,
there and everywhere” moving about among the Companies seeing things
for himself. What struck the troops most forcibly perhaps was his
coolness, for although on the 2nd of September particularly, he was
faced with difficulties sufficient to put the best soldier “off his
game” he was perfectly calm and unruffled throughout.
CHAPTER XXIV
BACK TO THE COAL-FIELDS
It is a far cry from the battle-field to the coal-field, but after the
events narrated in the last chapter, the 47th Division returned to the
area which it occupied during its first few days in France.
On the 7th of September the Civil Service Rifles went by bus from the
vicinity of Moislains to billets at Heilly, and after two nights in
that once delightful village, entrained in the afternoon of the 9th
for Chocques. The train journey took just over 12 hours, and it was
consequently in the small hours of the 10th of September when the
Battalion reached its billets in Chocques. Two days later, the 140th
Brigade marched to the Auchel area, where it remained until the 27th of
September.
Auchel is not by any means a pleasant village, but after the Somme
battlefield any place was welcome, and the three weeks spent here
were very enjoyable, concert parties and football matches being the
great attraction. The chief excitement at this time, however, was the
prospect of a trip to Italy. Definite orders had been received for
the 47th Division to be transferred to the Italian front, and more
than once during the stay at Auchel the Civil Service Rifles actually
received entraining orders. The last entrainment order was for the
26th, but, like the others, it was cancelled, and on the 27th of
September the Brigade marched to the St. Pol area, the Civil Service
Rifles being allotted some very poor accommodation in Foufflin-Ricametz.
On the 2nd of October the Division was transferred to the 5th Army.
The Civil Service Rifles moved by train from St. Pol to Merville and
marched thence to Lestrem, which was reached at 4.30 a.m. on the 3rd
of October. There the men rested in tents for a few hours and in the
afternoon the march was continued to Fauquissart, where the night was
spent in dug-outs.
On the following day the 47th Division began an advance on to the
general line Beaucamps-Radinghem, with the ultimate object of taking
Lille. The Civil Service Rifles occupied reserve trenches at Le
Maisnil, the advance being carried out by the 141st and 142nd Brigades.
It was no doubt in order to avoid unnecessary casualties, and also
to avoid doing any further damage to the town, that the taking of
Lille was a slow process. There was no determined attack made on it
directly, but one by one the various strategical and tactical positions
were captured, and the Germans were forced to clear out eventually on
the 17th of October. The capture was a somewhat tame affair, and the
first intimation that the British troops had was when a few civilians
timidly came out and announced that the Germans had gone. For some days
afterwards pickets were posted at all the entrances to Lille and only a
privileged few were able to enter the town.
The early part of October was uneventful for the Civil Service Rifles.
It was certainly a change to get back once more to trench warfare, but
it was only for a day or two, and after the short stay at Le Maisnil,
a few days were spent in reserve near Fromelles and on the 14th of
October the Battalion marched to Estaires, thence on the 15th to St.
Venant, thence to Norrent Fontes, where the Battalion trained for ten
days.
Arrangements had now been made for a triumphal march of British troops
through Lille and the Civil Service Rifles entrained at Berguette on
the 26th of October, and after a journey across the devastated area
which had been No Man’s Land for more than three years, detrained at
Perenchies and marched to Lomme, a suburb of Lille, which was reached
at about 7.0 p.m.
The march from the railway station to the factory in Lomme, where
the Battalion was billeted, was a memorable one. On approaching
the suburb the regimental band struck up the Marseillaise and kept
it up throughout the march. The inhabitants--old men, women and
children--threw up their windows or lined up on the roadside to sing
the words they had not forgotten during the four years of German
rule. The kiddies ran by the side of the troops and insisted on
shaking hands. The welcome indeed was so spontaneous that it was more
impressive than the ceremonial affair two days later.
It was appropriate that the 47th Division should have been selected
for the triumphal march through Lille, as it had spent more time in
the front line around this town than had any other Division. Further,
it claimed to have been the senior division in France at the taking of
Lille.
For this, “_L’Entrée Solennelle des troupes Britanniques_,” as it was
advertised in the town, which took place on the 28th of October, “C”
Company was detailed to form part of a cordon round the Grand Place,
and the remainder of the Battalion took part in the long procession
through the gaily decorated streets between the cheering crowds of the
recently liberated populace.
The Battalion proceeded to Hellemes, a suburb on the eastern side of
Lille, and were again billeted in a factory, where German field-post
letters were strewn about the floor and orders to troops still posted
on the walls. In the afternoon nearly every one enjoyed the interest
of a visit to the town, where famine prices prevailed. In several shop
windows the following placard printed in red, white and blue had been
placed:
“HONOUR AND GLORY TO THE 47TH DIVISION.
OUR DELIVERERS.”
“LILLE, le 17 Octobre, 1918.”
The enterprising Canteen Manager of the Civil Service Rifles sought out
the publisher of this poster and secured a batch of posters for sale as
souvenirs in the Regimental Canteen. One of them has been framed and
now hangs on a wall of the dining room in the Civil Service Rifles’
Club.
CHAPTER XXV
THE ARMISTICE
Although the inhabitants of Lille considered the war to be over--as it
undoubtedly was so far as they were concerned--the guns could still
be heard out on the Tournai road, and on the 30th of October the 47th
Division left Lille and continued the pursuit of the enemy. The Civil
Service Rifles marched along the Tournai road and spent the night
at Chereng, continuing the march next day to Froyennes, a suburb of
Tournai, where they relieved the 2/4th South Lancashire Regiment in the
front line under conditions which have surely never existed before in
any part of the front line in any war.
Froyennes is a suburb of convents and magnificent châteaux. One of the
latter had been the Headquarters of Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria when he
commanded a German Army Corps. It now became the Headquarters of a half
of “A” Company of the Civil Service Rifles.
There were no trenches in the front line at Froyennes, the sentry posts
being either in the front room of a house, the back garden or a street
corner. In one street the Germans occupied houses on one side, and the
Civil Service Rifles the houses opposite.
The suburb was pretty freely shelled, mostly with gas shells, but the
houses for the most part were not very badly damaged. In a good many of
them and in most of the convents the civilians had remained. They had
been allowed to do so because it was thought at first that the advance
would soon carry the front line beyond Froyennes.
The advance, however, was held up for some days along this line, which
followed the general line of the River Scheldt hereabouts. The Scheldt
ran through Tournai and outside the eastern and northern borders of
Froyennes.
Tournai was still occupied by Germans at this time, and, as at Lille,
the capture of the town was a somewhat slow process.
The situation in Froyennes remained unchanged for some few days, the
posts, as has been stated, being mostly in houses by daytime. By night,
further posts were held alongside the roads.
The Company Headquarters were all either in châteaux or convents. “A”
Company Headquarters was in the Château Beauregard, the residence of
the Comtesse Thérèse de Germiny, who, although her house had been
knocked about by a shell which came through her drawing room wall,
remained in residence. The Countess was the “Lady Bountiful” of the
village, she having taken under her wing all the poor and homeless who
cared to accept her hospitality. To these she gave not only a home, but
also refuge from shell fire in her cellars.
The Countess spoke excellent English, and by the kindly interest she
took in the comfort of the troops occupying her château, she became
quite a favourite of the men of “A” Company.
The “B” Company Headquarters was in a convent for the aged and infirm.
In this building were nuns, many of whom had been bedridden for years
before the war began. These invalids had all been moved down into a
cellar, which the troops endeavoured to make gas proof.
The front line posts were held by “A” “B” and “C” Companies, “D” being
in reserve. Roughly speaking, “A” Company was responsible for the east
of the village, “B” the south, and “C” the north.
“C” Company’s front, in fact, was right outside the town, the posts
being between the river and the main road running from Tournai to
Courtrai, though by day the men were withdrawn to houses. This front
was much wider than that allotted to the other two Companies and it
was more in the open. The Company Headquarters was in a convent at the
western edge of the suburb. Civilians shared the accommodation with the
troops, and it is said that the children played in No Man’s Land by day.
Between the posts along the road and the River Scheldt was a wide
marsh, and it was the duty of patrols at night to make their way across
the marsh and creep along the river bank.
“C” Company had further excitement on the night of the 3rd of November
when the Royal Engineers tried to bridge the Scheldt, which at this
point is quite a narrow stream. Two platoons, acting as covering party,
got into position on the river bank without any difficulty, but as soon
as the work began, an enemy machine gun across the river opened fire.
The bridging operations were shut down for the night, and the troops
were lucky to get away without casualties.
“D” Company occupied a large building, a convent which had been
deserted, near the “C” Company Headquarters. The men had had many a
worse billet, even when out of the line.
The shelling became more frequent as time went on, and casualties
occurred to several civilians. On the 3rd of November the civilians
were ordered to evacuate Froyennes. Hitherto they had simply been
advised to go, and told that transport would be lent to them to help
them remove their belongings. But it now became necessary to compel
them to go, and on the night of the 3rd a fleet of motor ambulances and
other transport took them all to a place of safety in Lille. It was a
pathetic sight to see the poor old creatures from “B” Company’s convent
being loaded into ambulances, for they had accepted the situation in
the cellar so calmly and philosophically, and they were now loath to
leave what had been their home for so many years. It was almost a
self-supporting convent, for in the gardens vegetables of all kinds
were grown. Many fowls and rabbits were also kept, and the Mother
Superior on her departure presented these to “B” Company. Roast fowl in
the front line was a luxury which surprised the oldest soldier in the
Company.
It should not be thought, however, that life at Froyennes was free from
the horrors of war for, the Civil Service Rifles lost one killed and
ten wounded in the five days spent there. After the assurance from the
people of Lille that the war was over, this was regarded as a heavy
casualty list. Of these casualties, Private G. A. Watson, “B” Company,
who was killed on the 2nd of November, proved to be the last man of the
1st Civil Service Rifles who was killed in action.
The Battalion was relieved on the 4th of November, and marched to
reserve billets in the village of Cornet, just off the main road, and
half-way between Tournai and Lille.
Froyennes had been described as a village of convents and châteaux.
Cornet can only be described as a village of hovels and mud, but the
squalor of this wretched place was forgotten in the excitement caused
by the news that the war was now “all over bar shouting,” and that the
signing of the terms of the Armistice was expected daily.
The Bulgars, the Austrians and the Turks had already accepted terms,
but these had caused no excitement. The only terms that mattered to
the troops in France were those to be imposed on the Bosches. A big
sweepstake was organised in the Battalion at Cornet on the hour at
which the Armistice terms to Germany would be signed. But before the
prize was won the military situation in the immediate vicinity had
undergone a change, and the Civil Service Rifles were pursuing the
enemy in open warfare once more.
News was received on the 9th of November that the Scheldt had been
crossed and the Germans had left Tournai. The Battalion immediately
left Cornet and moved to Froyennes, Companies occupying their old
billets. Pursuit of the enemy was slow owing to the fact that the
pontoon bridge constructed by the Royal Engineers at Froyennes was the
only passage across the river for the whole Division. The arrangement
was for the two Infantry Brigades holding the front line to advance
simultaneously, with the Reserve Brigade following close up.
The 140th Brigade on the right accordingly advanced on Melles, a
village about six miles north-east of Tournai on the main road to Ath.
The Civil Service Rifles, being the Reserve Battalion, did not move
beyond Froyennes on the first day of the advance, but on the 10th
of November the Battalion crossed the river and joined in the hunt.
Although the advance was continued well beyond Melles the Germans had
retreated so quickly that they were not seen even by the advanced
guard, and the 140th Brigade halted for the night in the villages
around Montroeul Au Bois, the Civil Service Rifles being billeted in
the little hamlet of Barberie. The natives gave the troops a warm
welcome, for it was only on the previous night that they had been
compelled to shelter the retreating Bosches.
It was now decided that each Brigade in turn should furnish the
advanced guard for the advance of the Division, and the 140th Brigade
was detailed to act in that capacity on the morrow. The Civil Service
Rifles would be the vanguard, and the details were explained to Company
Commanders late on the night of the 10th. The Battalion scouts, on
bicycles, were to move off at 6.45 a.m. and keep in touch with the
cavalry screen furnished by the 19th Hussars. The Companies were to
move off at 7.30 a.m. and the duty of the Battalion was to advance on
the general line of the river Dendre and seize the bridges over the
Dendre canal on the outskirts of Ath, not far from Brussels.
This would have given the Battalion its first experience of vanguards
in real war, and the troops were eagerly anticipating a visit to
Brussels during the next few days. These hopes, however, were never
fulfilled, for at 2.30 a.m. on the 11th of November, the news reached
the Battalion that the orders for the advance were cancelled. No
explanation was given, and a rumour that the war was over was
strengthened by an order received later in the morning for the
Battalion to march back to Tournai.
The rumour was discredited when the Battalion got on the main road
to Tournai and met a whole Division going in the opposite direction,
but when a low-flying aeroplane appeared, gaily decorated with
coloured ribbons and making a terrible noise with its Klaxon horn,
there could be little doubt that the Armistice terms had been signed.
This was confirmed by a passing officer in a motor-car, and the news
was conveyed to the troops by the Regimental Band, who, by a happy
inspiration of Sergeant Blackmore, the Bandmaster, struck up an air
which had been popular throughout the British Army during the past
four years:
“When this ruddy war is over
Oh, how happy I shall be.”
It should be placed on record that this was the only intimation of
the armistice which reached the Battalion beyond announcements in the
Press. The Civil Service Rifles received no official news that an
armistice had been granted, although a telephone message from Brigade
on the night of the 12th of November gave particulars of the various
armaments, etc., which were to be surrendered.
Tournai was reached in the afternoon of the 11th of November, and the
men were once more accommodated in a convent, where the nuns came out
in a body and expressed their gratitude to the British troops.
So the Civil Service Rifles saw the end of the Great War, and a tamer
finish it is impossible to imagine. There were many whose ambition it
had been to be in the front line on the last day of the war, and many
were the conjectures as to what it would be like, but none ever guessed
that it would fizzle out in such a miserable and uninteresting fashion.
To be left to read of it in the newspapers was about the feeblest
finish that could have happened, and while there were jubilations in
London and elsewhere on armistice night, there was absolutely nothing
in the area occupied by the 140th Infantry Brigade in the nature of a
celebration of so great a victory. The district was very gloomy, and
its name, La Tombe, appeared a very appropriate one.
Things looked up somewhat on the following evening, when a Battalion
concert was held in the Convent, to which the civilians were invited.
They did not understand a word of the concert, but they applauded
everything vigorously, and at the close, when the chairs were cleared
away, the natives went fairly mad with joy at an impromptu dance.
CHAPTER XXVI
HOME
Little remains to be said of the history of the 1st Civil Service
Rifles in France, but before the story is closed mention should be
made of a few incidents which stand out in the last few months before
demobilisation was complete.
After the concert at Tournai the Battalion once more marched out along
the road to Brussels, but this time the route was along the lower road,
and the troops were employed for a time in repairing the railway at
Leuze. They were billeted in the little village of Pipaix, where they
made great friends with the villagers and were very happy. It was hoped
that even yet they would get to Germany, but a bitter disappointment
was in store, for it was decreed that the 47th Division should end its
career in France in the same district where it started, and in less
than a week the Civil Service Rifles left Pipaix for Willems, a village
between Tournai and Lille, where a week was spent before starting
the trek across the devastated area to the mud and squalor of the
coal-fields around Auchel.
It should perhaps be mentioned that to Sergeant Haycock, the Battalion
Pioneer Sergeant, fell the distinction of being the first member of the
Battalion to be demobilised. He left Willems for that purpose on the
23rd of November, 1918.
The journey to the coal-fields began on the 26th of November, and,
after a night in the suburbs of Lille, the interest of the trek,
especially to “the 17th of March man” consisted in a last glimpse at
the ruins of La Bassée and the Double Crassier, dominating the village
and battle-field of Loos, and, later, the brick-fields at Cuinchy he
had fired at so zealously nearly four years ago. The night of the 27th
of November was spent at Bethune, within a stone’s throw of the Girl’s
School where the Battalion had been quartered on its first visit to the
line. Suppers were obtained at small cafés in the suburbs, but those
who looked for the gay patisseries they once knew now found the site
of the old town, including the picturesque church, belfry and Hôtel
du Nord, a desolate waste of charred bricks! The next day a war-worn
and weary Battalion reversed the march described at the beginning of
Chapter II, the journey being extended some two kilometres beyond
Cauchy-a-la-Tour to Ferfay.
In spite of Ferfay having been a Corps Headquarters, the accommodation
at first was poor, but the troops soon settled down, and, making the
most of the wretched conditions, contrived to have a jolly good time
during their last days in France.
A number of N.C.O.’s and men distinguished themselves as educational
instructors at the classes which were held daily, and Sergeant
Blackmore’s “Sunday League Concerts” became quite a popular weekly
function.
A good deal of football was played, and the Battalion got together
excellent teams, both Rugby and Association.
The Association match against the 2nd Battalion Civil Service Rifles,
who were beaten by four goals to three, on the 14th of December, was
the event of the season. The crowd was a record one and included about
100 members of the 2nd Battalion who were billeted about twelve miles
away. In the evening a concert was held in the theatre, the programme
being provided by talent from both Battalions.
After a really merry Christmas the Battalion began to melt away.
Demobilisation began in earnest with the New Year, and parties of
twenty-five or thirty left for England almost daily. Large crowds
assembled outside the Battalion Headquarters to give the lucky ones a
rousing send-off, and the procession through the village was headed by
the Regimental Band, until the day came when the Band played itself out
of the village and left for home.
Before that day came, however, the Band had supplied the orchestra for
a highly successful revue, “Pack up,” which was played in the theatre
by a company of officers, N.C.O.’s and men of the Civil Service Rifles
trained by Corporal Bailey of “B” Company. The “book” was written by
Major D. Young, M.C., second in command of the Battalion, the music
was “put together” by Second-Lieutenant P. H. Small, and the play was
produced by Corporal Bailey. R.Q.M.S. Hart excelled himself with the
wonderful stage effects which he devised.
Of the actors special mention should be made of Private Perrin, Captain
“Florrie” Ford, and the two “girls,” Lance-Corporal Harnett and
Lance-Corporal Flight, and Sergeant Taylor. But the whole Company is
to be congratulated on the best show ever given by a Battalion concert
party. The production got such an enthusiastic reception that it was
given at Auchel and other places for the benefit of other units.
Although demobilisation began just before New Year, it was not until
the 10th of May, 1919, that the last remnants, the “Cadre,” consisting
of about thirty all ranks, reached England.
It should perhaps be mentioned that there was not a single officer,
N.C.O. or man outside the Quartermaster’s staff and transport section
who served with the Battalion continuously throughout its stay in
France.
Included in the Cadre was Sergeant Teasdale, a member of the Regiment
for nearly twenty years. For more than nineteen of his twenty years he
had been a humble private, and as a raconteur at Regimental concerts
he never had an equal. He had been in France with the 1st Civil
Service Rifles as a member of the Quartermaster’s staff ever since the
Battalion landed in 1915. It is said that he accepted his third stripe
owing to the keen demand for his stories in the Sergeants’ Mess.
The two war trophies that had been preserved by the Civil Service
Rifles and brought home also deserve special mention.
One generally expects a war trophy to be some instrument of war, but
the Civil Service Rifles war trophies were an instrument of music,
viz., a piano, and a presidential chair.
The piano was captured at Nurlu during the heavy fighting on the Somme
in the first days of September, 1918, and the Regiment is chiefly
indebted to Major Young for this uncommon trophy. It is also through
the ingenuity of the same officer that the Regiment was represented
in the salving of H.M.S. _Vindictive_ at Ostend, whence came the
“presidential chair,” for it was through his efforts that two pioneers
of the Civil Service Rifles found their way to Ostend in 1918, and
worked on the salved ship, producing out of a piece of teak taken from
the decks, a handsome chair on which the Regimental crest is carved.
Thus it transpired that whereas their keenest rivals in the London
Regiment are said to have sunk the _Emden_, the 1st Civil Service
Rifles can claim to have salved the _Vindictive_.
The home-coming of the Cadre was an even more dismal experience than
the celebration of the Armistice, for the party was taken stealthily
to Felixstowe of all places, and from there the members drifted
away one by one until all that remained were Colonel Feilding and
Colour-Sergeant Chubb, the Orderly Room clerk. These were then
permitted to return to Somerset House.
But although the Battalion had, as it were, been scattered to the four
winds, the spirit of comradeship, which had been so characteristic of
the Regiment in war, still prevailed in peace-time.
Already, before demobilisation was nearly completed, a meeting of
members of the Regiment had been held at Somerset House, and it had
been resolved to proceed forthwith to found a Club as a memorial to
those of the Regiment who had lost their lives in the war, and as a
place of reunion for those who survive. A temporary home was found at
Somerset House, where the School of Arms was converted into a lounge,
and on the 28th of April, 1920, the Club was opened by Major-General
G. D. Jeffreys, G.-O.-C. London District, who congratulated the Civil
Service Rifles on being the first Territorial unit to form such a club,
which forges a link between the old generation and the new in the
Regiment, and where, for many years to come, the new members of the
Regiment will be able to meet those who, in the Great War of 1914-1918,
helped to make history for the Civil Service Rifles.
2nd Battalion, Civil Service Rifles
BY MAJOR A. C. H. BENKÉ.[15]
[15] Major Benké, D.S.O., M.C., acting Lieut.-Colonel, 1919, till
demobilised.--EDITOR.
PREFACE
This brief story of the 2/15th Battalion, London Regiment, is written,
not as a specimen of literary art, but merely as a record of the work
of the Battalion during the War of 1914-1918.
It is compiled from rough notes in my pocket diary, and probably some
of the events in the experience of others have been overlooked, and to
these I offer my apologies.
I have to thank Lieutenants J. L. Hutchinson, M.C., and T. H. E. Clark
for their kindness and assistance in furnishing the notes for the
greater part of Chapters IX and XI, especially the accounts of the
Capture of Jerusalem, the Turkish Counter-Attack at Tel el Ful, and the
journey to Es Salt. In these actions both these officers served with
distinction.
I have also taken the liberty to include extracts from a Brief History
of the 30th Division in France, in writing up the last three chapters
of this book.
A. C. H. BENKÉ.
CHAPTER XXVII
FORMATION--TRAINING--IRISH REBELLION, 1916--AND DEPARTURE FOR FRANCE,
JUNE, 1916
During the early days of August, 1914, the Headquarters of the Civil
Service Rifles at Somerset House was besieged by crowds of younger
Civil Servants; either wishing to re-enlist in their old Battalion, or
to start their military career in the Civil Service Rifles, which had
been mobilised for Active Service. Many of them were able to gain an
entrance into the 1st Battalion, but others were disappointed. From the
latter the nucleus of a second line unit was formed, and eventually
the War Office authorised the existence of a new Battalion, the 2/15th
Battalion, County of London Regiment.
The feeling of a separate existence brought with it great enthusiasm,
and although arms, equipment and stores were slow in coming, every one
worked hard to make an efficient unit. Training was carried out in
the London parks, and each morning the semi-equipped army of recruits
marched out of Somerset House for the day’s work. Indeed, so slow was
the equipping of the Battalion that many of the keener members wondered
whether they would be “too late for the war.”
However, before very long the new unit, under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel R. G. Hayes, T.D., left London for Dorking. This
was, indeed, a pleasant change from the Metropolis, where friends
constantly asked the budding rifleman, “Why aren’t you at the front?”
Training was pursued with more realism in the new area; organisation
improved, and the novelty of “billets” was still prevalent. A word of
appreciation for the kindness of the people of Dorking might well be
included in this book. They did all they could to make the new soldiers
comfortable.
Route marches among the beautiful Surrey Hills and sham fights over the
surrounding country-side soon brought the physique of the men to a high
standard, and the rigors of a cold, wet winter were easily borne. Leith
Hill, the pleasure ground of many a week-end in previous years, became
the training ground of England’s new armies. True, the pack and the
rifle made the climbing stiffer, but keenness and enthusiasm to get
out to fight the Bosche helped one to forget the additional fatigue.
Early in the spring of 1915, drafts were furnished for the completion
of the 1st Battalion at Watford, which had then been ordered to France.
This depleted the ranks of the younger unit, but recruits arrived from
Somerset House, where a third line depot had been established, and
the 2nd Battalion soon recovered its numbers, and shortly afterwards
followed in the footsteps of the 1st Battalion which had then left for
the front.
The move of the 2nd Battalion from Dorking was the first real move as
a unit, and was creditably done. How many hours of worry and labour
it involved does not concern us here, but what a contrast to the 2nd
Battalion of two years later, which moved its home complete within a
couple of hours after the receipt of orders; every one working with the
precision of an automatic machine.
Following so closely on the heels of our 1st Battalion at Watford,
added to the welcome of the people of Hertfordshire. The impression
left by the parent Battalion was exceedingly fine, and the Watford
folk looked upon the 2nd Battalion as part of a regiment they loved;
in fact, they felt a part ownership in the Civil Service Rifles,
and continued to thrust upon us all those wonderful kindnesses they
had so recently bestowed upon the 1st Battalion. Houses were thrown
open for entertainment, baths and meals; and there was no difficulty
in billeting; every one was welcomed into the household. It must be
remembered that at this time the billeting of troops in private houses
was new to the people of Britain. In some parts it was a matter for
misgivings and suspicions. In Watford, however, the whole town opened
their hearts to welcome the Battalion, and, in fairness to the troops,
it must be recorded that they lived up to that splendid standard
expected of them as soldiers and gentlemen.
The stay at Watford was indeed a happy one, and training was carried
out in the local parks at Cassiobury and Munden. Each day areas for
manœuvres were allotted to the various Battalions of the Brigade, now
known as the 2/4th London Infantry Brigade, comprising the second line
units of the Kensingtons, London Scottish, Civil Service and Queen’s
Westminsters.
Musketry was done at Chalk Hill ranges, a few miles from St. Albans,
and by the summer the Battalion was an efficient unit. The earlier
heart-burnings of the “fire-eaters” that they would be “too late” were
dispersed; the war on the continent had developed into a far greater
conflict than many had ever imagined.
In June, 1915, the Battalion, now under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel E. F. Strange, trekked to Saffron Walden, and
encamped in Audley End Park. It was a lovely English summer, and all
will remember the glorious golden carpet of buttercups in the camp;
undoubtedly one of the prettiest camps in England. Being under canvas
was a new experience for many, but the Battalion soon settled down to
its new life away from the home comforts of Watford.
Here the summer of 1915 was passed. Training on similar lines to that
at Watford was continued. Classes were instituted for specialists. Day
after day the same routine was pursued, until rumours furnished the
only excitement; and such rumours too! Was the Battalion to be kept in
England on Home Service? Had the War Office forgotten its existence?
Was not the Battalion good enough? Was it to be a draft-finding unit?
etc., etc.--such were the questions that resulted from these rumours.
Then came the furnishing of a draft of about 100 strong to the 1st
Battalion in France, and this in the minds of many sealed the fate
of the Battalion. Never would the 2nd Battalion take its place as a
fighting unit in the Great War.
However the horizon brightened, and all those men who had only
volunteered for home service were ordered to be transferred to the
3rd line unit. It is not for anyone to comment upon the actions of
others; circumstances alter cases, and during the war to act up to the
dictates of one’s own conscience was the duty of all. Nevertheless, the
departure of the home service contingent was a matter of great relief
to the 2nd Battalion. True, many good friends were lost, and many who
had striven hard for the efficiency and well-being of the Battalion had
to bid farewell; but for those who remained there was that resuscitated
feeling that the 2nd Battalion would some day take its proper place in
the fight on the continent.
Fresh drafts were received, and a large training company was
established where men qualified as trained soldiers and then passed
into their respective companies. New N.C.O.’s had to be found, and
special classes of instruction were organised, and again the Battalion
felt itself to be an independent unit, every one earnest for foreign
service.
This history of the Battalion’s doings at Saffron Walden must contain
a reference to the two treks, the one to Furneaux Pelham and the other
to Braintree and Stebbing. It was during these two expeditions that the
2/15th had their first real taste of campaigning; a day’s marching, an
outpost or an attack, then a night in the open, which was the nearest
approach to the actual war obtainable in England. From a military point
of view the success of these operations was, of course, doubtful;
every one had different views, but as a well-known Brigadier always
said to the 1st Battalion at the end of a day’s operations, “Shot and
shell would tell.” However, there can be no doubt that they proved
conclusively that the spirit of the Battalion was right, and that all
the inconveniences of treks were taken, by all, as part of the game.
By this time winter was approaching, and the canvas camp at Saffron
Walden was becoming a rather cheerless place on wet days. On the 26th
October, 1915, the Battalion proceeded by road to billets at Bishop
Stortford. The whole of the Brigade was billeted in the area, and
memories of the happy days at Watford sprung up. The billets were
good, and the local people made the Battalion welcome. It is true many
billets were crowded, but the size of the town would not admit of so
large a concentration as the Brigade, less the Kensingtons who were
billeted in a village a few miles south. The stay, however, was not to
be a long one, for no sooner had the central cook-houses, miniature
range, etc., been thoroughly established, than orders for a move to
Ware were received.
On the 29th of November the Battalion packed up, and after a long march
of about sixteen miles arrived at Ware. An earnest welcome was given by
the townspeople, and the prospect of Christmas in Ware caused every one
to keep a bright look-out for any good things Ware might produce. The
officers of the Battalion formed a regimental mess in a large, roomy
house at the top of the hill overlooking the town, where most of the
officers were billeted. In the same building an excellent dining-room,
a smoke-room and a card-room had been arranged, all of which proved to
be great boons, more especially as the attractions of Ware in the way
of evening entertainments were few.
The local drill hall was taken over as a central place for battalion
messing, each company marching from its own area for meals. At
Christmas time this hall was used for concerts, and a splendid
Battalion dinner was held on Christmas Day. Some of the less fortunate
members were, however, detailed at that time for aeroplane guards in
the surrounding villages. Ware was on the outer defences of London
against air raids, and pickets were arranged in the Ware district,
armed with mysterious rockets for the purpose of representing
anti-aircraft batteries. However, on no occasion was it necessary to
use these alarming fireworks, and in spite of being on duty, these
outlying posts are believed to have spent a very jovial Christmas.
Leave was freely given, and the proximity of Ware to London was a great
advantage, as was proved within a very short time; for on the 22nd
January, 1916, the Battalion entrained during the night for Salisbury
Plain.
Late in the afternoon of the 23rd, Warminster was reached, and after a
march of about four or five miles a city of comfortable looking huts
appeared. Their apparent comfort, however, quickly disappeared when
the mud of Longbridge Deverill came into evidence. The interior of
the huts so recently vacated by a division which had left for France,
was little better than the filth outside. However, the Battalion was
now becoming accustomed to this kind of thing, and soon settled down.
Improvements were made in the camp, and competition between the various
units of the Division for the smartest camp was soon astir. The whole
Division (now known as the 60th (London) Division) was concentrated
between Longbridge Deverill and Sutton Veny. The divisional R.E.,
A.S.C., R.A.M.C., and R.F.A. appeared in reality, and it was obvious
to all that the Battalion was at last part of a real fighting division
destined at some time or other to go abroad.
Everything was advancing at a pace, and stores and material were
brought up to War Establishment. Training and musketry was being
completed, the Regular Army Course having been fired on the local
range. Manœuvres by the whole Division became daily routine, and
inspections were frequent. Hopes ran high for an early departure for
France, when suddenly, on the 28th April, 1916, the Battalion was
ordered to proceed to Ireland with the rest of our Brigade.
Political events in Dublin had developed into war during Eastertide,
every one was full of the possibility of Dublin; others said that
France was the real destination, and the orders for Ireland were mere
camouflage to deceive the Hun; while others, less optimistic, imagined
a permanent exile in Ireland for the duration of the war.
However, all rumours were soon dispelled during the night of the 29th
April, and the Battalion entrained at Warminster bound for Neyland near
Pembroke Dock.
The following day was Sunday, and the Battalion spent a beautiful
summer day on the grassy slopes facing the sea, awaiting embarkation
to an unknown port, while the officers were kindly entertained by the
Officers’ Mess of the 4th Welsh Regiment, which was stationed a few
miles inland. Late in the evening a large quantity of rations was
issued, and the prospect of a long sea journey arose in the minds of
most of us. The night, however, was without alarms, and not until
the following morning did the Battalion embark. Part of the unit,
together with the transport section, sailed on the _Archangel_, and the
remainder on board the _Rathmore_; both transports leaving the harbour
early in the evening.
Here was real adventure at last, sailing to an unknown destination
through seas frequented by enemy submarines. At daybreak the coast of
Ireland was sighted, and at 4.30 a.m. we were alongside the quays of
Queenstown. The disembarkation was without incident beyond the warning
that we were now in “enemy” country. We proceeded straightway through
the town to Belvelly Camp on Fota Island. No demonstration was made
by the Irish people, and no one could understand why they should be
regarded with suspicion. Smiles greeted the troops, and the unfortunate
Battalion Signalling Officer, who was leading the Battalion on the
march, was severely reprimanded by his superior for talking to some
charming Irish damsels. The B.S.O. excused himself on the grounds that
he was asking the way; a reply which brought forth a still further
admonition for “enquiring of the enemy.” The new camp on Fota Island
was situated in a beautiful Irish park, the property of Lord Ballymore,
and for the next few days the Battalion was engaged on ordinary field
training and not a bloodthirsty battle as many had anticipated.
The weather turned wet, and this fact alone appears to be a sufficient
reason for the “Staff” to order a move with its consequent discomfort.
On the 6th May the Battalion left the camp at Belvelly and proceeded
to Ballincorrig via Cork. The march was performed in the rain, though
while actually passing through the City of Cork the weather became
kinder, and the streets were lined with the citizens, none of whom
appeared to be really warlike. The real sensation, however, was an
officer of the Munsters who passed the Battalion. He wore a steel
helmet, which at that time was unique and rarely seen in the United
Kingdom, and the atmosphere of real war conjured up by that single
steel helmet somewhat counteracted the peacefulness of Cork. Leaving
the town was to leave the finer weather; for the rest of the journey
the downpour was terrific, and when the Battalion reached Ballincorrig
no one was sorry. The Battalion was housed in the local cavalry
barracks, and every one will remember the splendid comradeship of
the artillerymen stationed there, who did all they could to attend
to the needs of the soaked Battalion. The riding school was full of
tired Londoners, but how they welcomed those steaming “dixies” of
tea prepared by the barracks cooks. Tiredness soon disappeared, and
fraternising was the “order of the night”; officers to the officers’
mess, sergeants to the sergeants’ mess, and men to the canteen. The
horrors of the day’s march of 16 miles in the rain were forgotten, and
a pleasant evening was spent. A word of thanks is also due to those
artillerymen who so kindly took over the Battalion transport on arrival
and groomed and fed the horses. Here, indeed, was the brotherly spirit,
which existed so strongly in the British Tommy, illustrated.
The next morning the Battalion was astir early, the march was resumed,
our destination being Coachford. The journey was shorter, about 12
miles, and the Battalion marched through some of the most beautiful
Irish scenery, small villages like Dripsey on the route, with its
tiny hovels sheltering animals and fowls in the living rooms, gave us
an insight into Irish village life. Coachford, a sleepy little Irish
village, was reached in the evening, and tents, which had been conveyed
in advance by motor lorries, were soon erected on the local recreation
ground, and the Battalion nestled down for the night. The next day the
march was continued as far as Macroom, the day was fine and the march
fairly short. Early in the afternoon the town of Macroom was reached,
and the population turned out to welcome the Battalion. The camping
ground was situated on the river banks in the grounds of the ancient
castle of Macroom. By evening time the Battalion had settled down and
every one hoped for a long stay in this glorious spot. The following
day was market day in Macroom, and the town was crowded with people
from the surrounding villages and farms; officers and men were allowed
in the town, a happy release after the restrictions in existence since
our arrival in Ireland. Shops were besieged and luxuries were purchased
to supplement the rations of “active service.” Talking of purchases,
most members of the Battalion will remember the famous small goat
bought by an officer, which although an affectionate animal, became a
nuisance by thrusting its vocal efforts upon that tent in any battalion
camp which should be approached with bated breath, a salute and the
word “Sir.”
Mystery surrounded the first armed party of about 100 strong which left
the camp that night under the guidance of the Royal Irish Constabulary.
However, the following morning all was common knowledge; a few Irishmen
had been arrested, while the farm in which they lived had been
surrounded by the troops to prevent escape. These were the “rebels”
which the Battalion had set out to quell.
The stay at Macroom only lasted a few days, and the Battalion
continued its march inland under the command of Major A. A. Oliver;
our Commanding Officer Lieutenant-Colonel Strange having been sent
to hospital seriously ill. Only a privileged few knew the day’s
destination, but towards dusk the Battalion halted near Mill Street
and turned off the main road into a field where tea was soon prepared
by the company cooks. No tents on motor lorries were to be seen; a
drizzle set in, and every one wondered whether it would mean a night
in the wet with only waterproof sheets, which had already done great
service throughout the day. Several hours passed, no orders were
forthcoming, and every one became pessimistic. Finally, however, an
entraining officer was appointed with the usual complement of N.C.O.’s
and this ended all discussion. The Battalion was to move off by train.
The geography of Ireland had been forgotten since school days and
the names of likely places were confined to the Limerick and Dublin
areas; however, about midnight the Battalion marched to the station
at Mill Street, entrained rapidly and steamed out into the gloom of
a wet, misty Irish fog. Tired by the day’s march of 16 miles over
the moorlands of the Bochragh Mountains every one slept, and no one
troubled about our destination. Great was the surprise, however,
the next morning to wake and find that the train had pulled up on
Rosslare Pier. France was in every one’s mouth, and then the memory
of the Quartermaster Stores and rear details at Warminster dispelled
such ideas. The day was spent on the stone pier of the harbour and
eventually at 7 p.m. the Battalion set sail on the _Connaught_,
reaching Fishguard after a pleasant crossing of four hours’ duration.
Little did one think that within a few weeks the same troopship would
convey the Battalion to France. Within an hour of reaching Fishguard
the Battalion was entrained and started for Warminster, which was
reached about 7 a.m. on the 13th May, 1916. After a short march we
arrived back at our old camp at Longbridge Deverill. The visit to
Ireland soon appeared like a dream, so sudden and so short had it been.
The value of the “Irish stunt,” as it was commonly called, cannot
be discounted, even if actual warfare had not been encountered. The
Battalion had learnt to entrain and detrain; embark and disembark; and
move its home day by day and in general to become a mobile unit. The
experience was invaluable.
Back in Warminster the old question cropped up: “When is the Battalion
going to France?” The slightest alteration in the daily routine was
regarded by the numerous Sherlock Holmes in the Battalion as distinct
clues pointing to an early departure for the front. However, signs
soon became very real when additional Lewis guns, field dressings,
active service pay books, and identity discs, were issued, and soon the
Battalion was complete in regard to stores. A final medical examination
was held and innoculation and vaccination were soon in full swing.
Embarkation leave was granted and one whole day was spent before the
camera; photographs of companies, sections and specialists were taken.
Every one was hopeful.
On the 31st May, 1916, the whole division was inspected by H.M. The
King, and it was a splendid sight to see the troops in review order
on the slopes of the Wiltshire Downs. The 60th Division was fit and
ready for the front; and on the 21st June, 1916, the final orders were
received and the following morning the Battalion, under the Command
of Lieutenant-Colonel C. de Putron, entrained at Warminster for
Southampton. Many of the townsfolk turned out in the early morning and
gave us a hearty send-off.
The following was the list of Officers and Warrant Officers, etc. who
left for France:--
Commanding Officer Lieutenant-Colonel C. de Putron.
Second in Command Major A. A. Oliver.
Adjutant Captain A. W. Gaze.
Medical Officer Captain F. J. Leech, R.A.M.C.
Quarter Master Lieutenant A. A. Joslin.
Transport Officer Second-Lieutenant F. T. Bailey.
Lewis Gun Officer Lieutenant W. S. H. Smith.
Signalling Officer Lieutenant P. W. Thorogood.
“A” Company: Captain F. F. Tarver, Lieutenants C. H. Rimington and H.
F. Rust, Lieutenant B. Peatfield, and Second-Lieutenant L. H. Hart.
Company Sergeant Major H. A. Syrad and Company Quartermaster Sergeant
J. C. Sale.
“B” Company: Captain C. A. Bailey, Captain A. C. H. Benké, Lieutenant
J. H. Randolph, and Second-Lieutenants A. V. James, S. C. Bennett
and H. J. Spencer. Company Sergeant Major H. T. Bassett and Company
Quartermaster Sergeant W. D. Shanahan.
“C” Company: Major H. F. M. Warne, Captain K. A. Wills,
Second-Lieutenants F. J. Smith, E. E. Andrews, F. E. Gearing, and F. W.
Westmore. Company Sergeant Major J. S Oldcorn and Company Quartermaster
Sergeant A. J. Rodd.
“D” Company: Captain F. R. Radice, Captain K. W. M. Pickthorn, and
Second-Lieutenants F. W. Lewis, C. M. Kilner, G. E. Thompson and K. A.
Higgs. Company Sergeant Major H. W. Lovelock and Company Quartermaster
Sergeant F. King.
Regimental Sergeant Major A. H. Freemantle (Scots Guards).
Regimental Quartermaster Sergeant A. C. Gibson.
CHAPTER XXVIII
FRANCE, 22ND JUNE, 1916, TO 19TH NOVEMBER, 1916--IN THE TRENCHES AT
NEUVILLE ST. VAAST--BATTALION RAID--JOURNEY TO MARSEILLES.
The journey to France was without incident; the train from Salisbury
Plain arrived at Southampton Docks about midday on the 22nd of June,
1916, and after a few hours on the quayside the Battalion embarked on
board H. M. Transport _Connaught_, the boat which only a few weeks
before had brought us over from Ireland. Complimentary messages from
the Embarkation Staff on the excellent and business-like behaviour
of the Battalion pleased us. At about 10 p.m. we set sail, and the
calm sea made the journey comparatively comfortable. True, it was
crowded on board, but not to that extent that it reminded one of the
proverbial “sardines in a box.” During the morning of the 23rd of June
the Battalion set foot on the Continent at Havre. Great excitement
prevailed; the novelty of France, the quaint French poilus in their
blue service kit; everything, in fact, seemed to belong to that world
of dreams that had for so long evaded us; while a group of German
prisoners of war on the quayside added spice to our first taste of
foreign service. Rain set in, however, and made the short march to the
rest camp distinctly unpleasant.
Leave was granted to limited numbers, who immediately availed
themselves of the “good things” in the town, and incidentally the
opportunity of airing their French, much of which was of the “primer”
lesson book type, and was neither greatly appreciated nor understood by
the townspeople, who replied in good English. But the French people are
so polite that one is encouraged to persevere.
The Battalion retired to their tents for the night, but an early
réveillé at 2.30 a.m. reminded every one that they were now on “Active
Service,” and soon the whole camp was astir preparing to move. After
a wait of many hours the Battalion left (less “B” Company, which
moved later in the day) for the station, and were entrained in the
famous “8 Chevaux, 40 Hommes” wagons of which we had heard so much.
Any discomfort in travelling in these trucks was recompensed by the
novelty of our new surroundings. The French people by this time had
become serious over the war, and the route was not lined by cheering
crowds as had been the case in the earlier days of the war; though
the French children on the route still made frequent requests for
bully beef, biscuits and cigarettes, in their best “Engleesh.” The
journey terminated on the 25th in the St. Pol area, and the Battalion
soon marched to its billets in the villages of Penin, Averdoight, and
Roellecourt. These were the first billets in France, but every one
managed to settle down comfortably whether in a cottage or in a barn.
The local “vins rouges et blancs” were sampled, and the 2/15th Londons
appreciated the mystic word “estaminet” for the first time. At times
the rumble of heavy artillery could be heard in the distance, and this
brought home to us the fact that we were nearing the firing line.
Orders were received the following day to move forward to Maroeuil,
a few miles north of Arras. The Battalion formed up on the high road
from Penin, and started off gaily enough on a glorious summer evening.
An advanced aerodrome was passed on the way, and the planes in the
air, and the observation balloons in the distance, helped to make the
first part of the marching interesting. Gradually the night clouds
gathered, and a heavy downpour of rain rather “spoilt things.” French
“pavé” roads which up to this time had been traversed unnoticed, became
torture to tired feet, and troops billeted on the line of march were
envied; however, the Battalion plodded along, and by 11 p.m. reached
the battered town of Maroeuil, where a few civilians still remained.
Not realising that the town was close to the firing line, and under the
direct observation of the German lines, the Battalion freely used its
hurricane lamps which reflected their rays on the ruined walls of the
buildings, and there can be no doubt that the salvos of shells that
greeted us on our arrival had been “asked for.”
Only two men were wounded slightly; not forgetting “A” Company’s
cooker, which received a direct hit. However, these incidents were
quite sufficient to make us realise the unpleasantness of war. Billets
were soon found under the able guidance of the “Scotties” of the
51st Division, who apparently knew all the cellars in the town. The
Battalion, after having a hot meal, went to bed feeling tired, but
many spent a restless night wondering when the next strafe was due.
The night was, however, quiet, and the next day, the 27th of June,
was spent in finding our way around the town, and investigating the
few estaminets which remained open, where we were regaled with the
horrible details of war by the men of the 51st Division of Scottish
Territorials who were then holding that part of the front line. The
following morning the Battalion moved a few miles farther north under
the cover of the valley behind the town as far as Bray, which nestled
behind the ridge of Mont St. Eloy, and was out of observation by the
Bosche. The Battalion was housed in large Army huts, similar to those
we had left on Salisbury Plain. Every one was relieved to get away from
the dingy cellars of Maroeuil, our unpleasant reception having given
most of us a bad taste of the village and its cellars. On the 29th of
June, the Battalion left Bray via Maroeuil for the firing line, and by
means of deep communication trenches, which had been dug for a distance
of four to five miles from the front line system as far back as
Maroeuil, the relief was carried out by day. This was a great advantage
to the new Battalion as it became accustomed to that weird feeling of
being in a trench, before the night fell and obliterated all.
The surrounding country was covered with red poppies, and the setting
sun shone gloriously on this carpet of colour. On the way ruined farms
were seen at points of vantage, and near the main road from Arras to
Souchez, with its avenue of trees destroyed by shell fire, we passed
the famous Maison Blanche, a deep dug-out, large enough to hold a
battalion. In nearly every depression in the ground were cleverly
camouflaged battery positions, the sight of which encouraged us in
our new venture. After a long march through communication trenches
the reserve line of the Elbe shelters in a sunken road was reached,
and companies were distributed in the support and reserve areas for
the night. Seven days after leaving England the Battalion was in the
firing line. During the night of the 29th of June, the Bosche raided
the trenches of the “Black Watch” in the front line, and many of the
Battalion who got mixed up in the “Box” barrage will never forget the
terrific local bombardment which lasted for some twenty minutes. The
Battalion was fortunate and sustained no loss, but the “Black Watch”
unfortunately lost about ten men killed and missing, while others were
wounded. For the next few days the Battalion was held in support and
reserve, and tours of duty in the front line were made by officers and
N.C.O.’s, under the instruction of the “Black Watch.” Dug-out life was
studied, and every one became acquainted with the new routine. The
Battalion soon acquired the attitude of the “man in the line,” and very
many thanks are due to those battalions of the Scottish Division which
so kindly assisted us to pick up the threads of trench life. On the
2nd of July, 1916, the Battalion took over the front line, and became
responsible for that part just north of Roclincourt, and in front of
Neuville St. Vaast. The weather was unkind, rain made the trenches
extremely unpleasant, and together with the constant salvos of enemy
trench mortars known as “Grey Pigeons,” “Lead Pencils,” “Oilcans,” and
so on, according to their various shapes and sizes, those first few
nights in the line proved rather trying to the Battalion of novices.
Casualties were few, and the men soon learnt the “unhealthy” spots
in the line, and avoided them whenever possible. This section of the
front which was adjacent to the “Labyrinth” had been held by the French
during the earlier stages of the war, and sad and gruesome relics of
the heavy fighting by our gallant Allies were numerous in the trenches.
The Battalion set to work, and did a great deal to improve them, though
our work was constantly being destroyed by the intermittent bombardment
of the enemy’s trench mortars and minenwerfers. Wiring along the front
was improved, and patrols were sent out each night into “No Man’s
Land,” although the proximity of the Bosche did not allow much latitude
in this respect. At this time the great Somme Offensive had commenced,
and the heavy artillery fire farther south could be distinctly heard;
and although the 2/15th Londons had not participated in the actual
fight, there was a great consolation in the fact that the Battalion
was at last holding part of the line, thereby releasing more seasoned
troops for the offensive and at the same time preparing themselves for
their turn when it should come.
The insertion of a sketch of this sector might prove interesting at
this point, for it was here that the Battalion was destined to spend
its stay in France.
The front held by the 179th Brigade was from the Stone Communication
Trench on the north to the Victoire Communication Trench on the south,
about 2,500 yards in all. Two battalions held the front lines, a third
battalion forming the supports and reserves, while the fourth battalion
of the Brigade was out at rest at Bray. The 2/15th always occupied the
right sub-sector of the Brigade front being relieved by the 2/14th
(London Scottish); while the 2/13th and the 2/16th Battalions shared
the responsibility of the left sub-sector.
The right sub-sector in which the Battalion was located ran from the
Vissec Communication Trench to the Victoire, on the right flank.
This sub-sector was again divided into three company fronts as
follows:--
(1) Vissec C.T. to Bentata C.T.
(2) Biras Sap to Point ‘D.’
(3) Point ‘D’ to Bonnell Avenue at Point ‘A.’
The front line proper ran along the Doublement, MacIntyre Street,
across Argyle Street to Bonnell Avenue. The support line ran parallel
to the front line at distances varying from 70 yards to 150 yards
at the different places, while between the front line and the support
line an intermediate line, chiefly occupied by machine guns and trench
mortars, had been constructed. Forward of the front line an observation
line had been dug, and in the centre of the Battalion front a strong
redoubt known as the Paris Redoubt had been constructed. From the front
line system connection with the rear was maintained by four arterial
communication trenches, the Vissec, Claudot, Douai, and de la Vase.
Many minor trenches made the whole system a perfect maze, and many
disused trenches added to the difficulties of the network.
[Illustration:
_ROUGH SKETCH MAP
SHOWING TRENCHES AT
“NEUVILLE ST VAAST”
ALSO
SKETCH OF THE
NEUVILLE ST AREA._
_SCALE ½" = 100 YDS._]
Three companies of the Battalion held the front line while the fourth
company was in support on the right flank; the left flank support being
furnished by the third battalion in the Brigade. While holding the
line, Battalion Headquarters were situated in the Elbe Shelters, but
when the line was handed over, and the Battalion had become support
or third battalion of the Brigade, Battalion Headquarters transferred
their activities to Maison Blanche.
On the 5th of July the Battalion were taken out of the line for a
“rest,” but the word proved a misnomer. The Battalion was taken back
as far as the Aux Rietz Cave in rear of Neuville St. Vaast and La
Targette. Three companies were located in the cave, while “A” Company
were billeted in dug-outs near La Targette. In the front line the
Battalion had the good fortune to be housed in excellent dug-outs
bequeathed to us by the French, but in no place on the whole British
front could have been more secure from air-raids and shell fire than
the Aux Rietz Cave.
Down wooden steps for over a hundred feet the weary infantrymen
stumbled, and finally a wonderful underground world presented itself.
A large cave capable of holding a thousand men, with hundreds of
small candles lighting its sombre darkness, was the new home of the
Battalion. Down here cook-houses were established, and all were able
to roam about free from bombs, shells and bullets. A hot meal was soon
prepared, and the weary Tommies soon fell asleep, in spite of the
great heat and oppressive “fugginess” of their underground dwelling.
The Battalion had not, however, escaped all the horrors of war, for
the orderly sergeants of companies soon appeared and detailed numerous
working parties, which were sent up the line that same evening to
furnish Royal Engineer mining fatigues. Within a few hours most of
the Battalion was retracing its steps through miles of trenches,
knee deep in mud and water, to the front line, and after about six
or eight hours strenuous work lifting and carrying heavy sandbags
full of clay, they returned to the cave at Aux Rietz. A few hours’
respite was granted, and then the working parties were again paraded
for another tour of duty with the Royal Engineer sappers. In fact,
for several days it was a constant procession day and night of weary
working parties leaving and returning to the cave. No one grumbled at
the actual work with the Royal Engineers, but the long journey to and
from the line provided sufficient for a “grouse”; every one longed for
the front line again. The desire was quickly granted, and the Battalion
were soon back in the trenches, and not until the 4th of August was
it relieved. During this long stay in the line the Battalion became
“old soldiers.” The cook-houses in the Elbe Shelter were thoroughly
organised, and provided a hot meal each day to the men and a cup of
hot cocoa each morning at “stand down.” The daily post and canteen
stores came up with the rations each night, having been brought as far
as Battalion Headquarters by the transport and Quartermaster’s staff;
from which point company ration parties carried them to the front
line. Specialists such as signallers, snipers, and bombers, overcame
the various difficulties of their work. Every man learnt the way round
his own particular sector; names of trenches, saps and craters became
familiar, in fact the whole place became “a home from home.” Friends
were made with the artillery forward observation officers and men, and
the tunnellers on our front became companions in distress. A great deal
of mining was carried on in this part of the British front, and our
tunnellers were extremely busy combating the activities of the Bosche,
and many restless nights were spent wondering whether the constant
tapping underground was that of friend or foe.
Casualties were fortunately not very heavy, although one recollects
with sadness such incidents as the dug-out in Argyle Street being blown
in, burying Sergeant Wigney and his gallant fellows, but on the whole
the Battalion had been lucky.
On the 4th of August the Battalion was relieved and marched back to
Bray, this time for a real rest. The Quartermaster’s staff had prepared
a hot meal, and after this repast was finished every one settled down
for a well-earned rest away from the continual noise of the front
line. The next few days were spent in cleaning up, replacing damaged
equipment and boots, writing letters (not forgetting the censoring)
and attending sundry parades. Dinners and suppers of varying degree
were held either in the huts or in the local estaminets, and every
one appreciated the restful green fields and shady trees near Bray,
which had not been destroyed by the ravages of war. Entertainment was
provided at Acq by the Divisional concert party, and our own Battalion
concert party, “The Plumes” of Warminster days was resuscitated in
an endeavour to add to the gaiety of life. On the 9th of August His
Majesty the King visited the observation posts at Mont St. Eloy near
by, and many of the Battalion were privileged to line the route and
cheer His Majesty who was accompanied by His Royal Highness the Prince
of Wales (our Honorary Colonel) and the Commander-in-Chief, Sir Douglas
Haig.
On the 12th of August, after a week’s rest, the Battalion again
proceeded to the line, and the old life amid the constant “strafes”
of the Hun was resumed. Reliefs between companies were carried out
with precision, and various fatigue parties, sap guards, gas guards,
patrols and wiring parties kept every one busy. Parties of officers and
N.C.O.’s spent a few days with the artillery batteries for the purpose
of instruction. Nothing of importance, however, marked this tour in the
line, and on the 1st September the Battalion was relieved and marched
back to the huts at Bray.
On the 6th of September, we were again ordered up to the trenches. This
tour of duty was to be one of importance. A mysterious section of two
officers and twenty men were left behind to train for a raid on the Hun
lines. The party was under the command of Lieutenant B. Peatfield, with
Second Lieutenant G. E. Thompson as his second in command. The raid
was of considerable importance as information of the exact disposition
of the enemy was urgently required at General Headquarters in order
to ascertain which German Divisions had been withdrawn from the heavy
fighting on the Somme. The raiding party were trained over a facsimile
of the actual ground over which they were to raid which had been dug
near Divisional Headquarters. When the party arrived at the trenches
on the 10th of September, excitement in the Battalion ran high. The
raiders, all of whom were volunteers, were located in a small dug-out
in the Paris Redoubt, and made preparations for the show. Unfortunately
Private Rule, “B” Company, one of the party, was killed by a trench
mortar shell that afternoon, but undaunted the remainder looked forward
to the adventure. The raid was to be launched from the Paris Redoubt on
the night of the 11th September, and was to be supported by covering
fire from our trench mortars and machine guns while the artillery
assisted the operation with a heavy local “box” barrage. Early in the
evening all the officers concerned in the raid gathered together at
Battalion Headquarters in the Elbe, and final instructions were issued,
and watches were synchronised. Just as this party came out of the
dug-out a salvo of shells arrived and caused great consternation, but
no casualties occurred. That evening all sap guards were strengthened,
and in the middle of the night every one “stood to,” when suddenly
the barrage from our lines burst forth with a terrific crash, and the
raiding party with its blackened faces sallied forth. No one but those
who actually took part in the raid can describe the inferno which
reigned for the next few minutes. The Hun soon sent up his S.O.S.
signals and retaliatory fire opened up, but most of this fell in the
“D” Company area on the left flank of the operation, where two lamps
had been specially erected to mislead the enemy as to the actual part
of the line from which the raid had started. Shortly afterwards the
success of the raid was wired to all companies, and a sense of relief
overwhelmed the Battalion. Apparently our fellows had followed closely
to the creeping barrage of our trench mortars and had entered the Hun
trench, killing or wounding the occupants, and bringing back a few
prisoners. Luckily none of our men were killed although wounds were
numerous among the raiders, and unfortunately Private J. F. Small of
“B” Company succumbed later to his severe injuries. Both officers had
been badly wounded but stuck to their job, and inspired the men by
their example. Second Lieutenant G. E. Thompson, together with Private
A. Small, returning to the Hun trench to rescue the latter’s brother
who was found to be missing at the first roll call.
Valuable information had been obtained, and only the death of Private
J. F. Small, who had been so gallantly rescued, marred the operation.
Credit must be given to the artillery, machine gunners, and trench
mortar batteries who so ably assisted in making the raid a success.
The raid placed the Battalion on a high footing, and great credit is
due to all concerned.
On the 25th of September, the Battalion was relieved, and although
nothing of importance happened after the raid, for many nights
afterwards we expected a return visit from the enemy.
The return to Bray was accompanied by the usual luxuries of baths
at Maroeuil, the concerts at Acq, and the refreshments of the
local estaminets. On the 26th, ribbons were presented by the
Divisional General to those members of the raiding party who had
escaped unwounded; while on the following day the Corps Commander,
Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Fergusson, K.C.B., inspected the
Battalion. A few days afterwards, on the 30th September, orders to
return to the line were received, and the march was accomplished
without loss, although the enemy artillery was active on the roads
leading up to the trenches. Nearing the line a great activity on the
part of the enemy machine gunners and snipers was noticed, and it was
learnt that during the night the Germans had exploded two large mines
on our front near the Claudot Sap. The London Scottish were holding
that sector of the line that night, and it is to their great credit
that the Hun made no inroads on our front. How great a fight they had
made was best judged from the heavy casualties they had sustained.
“D” Company of the 2/15th relieved this part of the front, and by dint
of hard digging under considerable fire soon consolidated the new
craters, and linked them up by saps with the observation line. Days of
comparative quiet ensued, although at this time the enemy commenced to
use large trench mortar shells standing some thirty-six inches high,
with a diameter of ten or twelve inches. As a retaliation for this
unwelcome increase in the size of missiles a deep emplacement was made
in rear of “D” company’s sector in the Bessan Redoubt, and in it was
placed a very heavy type of British Trench Mortar, having a projectile
of similar proportions to those introduced by the Bosche. This shell
was nicknamed the “Flying Pig,” and to fire it was only an experiment,
so all the men in the trenches in advance of the emplacement were
temporarily withdrawn lest the shell should accidentally fall short.
The test was successful, and large craters about ten feet deep, and
twenty yards wide were made in the Hun lines. However, the experiment
was not taken by the Hun in the right spirit, and retaliation on
his part for the next few days was very brisk. A strafe of shells
from guns and minenwerfers of all calibres was poured on to the
unoffending infantrymen’s heads. Dug-outs were blown up, but the
resultant casualties were small. “D” Company’s headquarters dug-out was
destroyed, and the signallers were entombed, but several hours work got
them out, and they were rescued little the worse for their experience.
After these few days of continual bombardment a sigh of relief was
breathed when the Canadian Division much depleted in numbers through
heavy fighting on the Somme, marched up to take over the trenches at
Neuville St. Vaast, and the Battalion left this sector for the last
time.
Rumours of transferring our activities to the Somme were soon afoot,
and after a few days rest at Bray, the Battalion made tracks for the
Abbeville area via Hermaville, Frevent, Auxi-le-Château, and Beauvoir
Rivière. Each night billets were arranged in the villages en route,
and pleasant evenings in the local estaminets were spent after the
day’s march. The weather was only moderate but the Battalion was well
seasoned by now, and cared little for the discomfort of the trek
after its long stay in the trenches. The Battalion finally halted at
Francière a few kilometres south of Abbeville, and leave to England was
granted to a privileged few. Preparations for a journey to the East
were made, and these soon dispelled all rumours of fighting on the
Somme.
On the morning of the 15th of November, the Battalion marched to
Longpres and entrained on the familiar “8 Chevaux et 40 Hommes” troop
train bound for Marseilles, leaving Longpres at 4.0 p.m. The journey to
the south of France was most enjoyable, and the route taken was via
Montreau, Dijon, Macon, Pierre Latte to Marseilles. At each of these
places a halt was made when rations for the next stage of the journey
were drawn, and hot tea prepared by permanent staffs stationed on the
route was issued. Although halts sometimes were made in the middle of
the night, most men were lured from their uncomfortable beds in spite
of the cold nights to drink the hot tea.
The weather though cold was bright, and while daylight lasted everyone
drank in the beauty of the French scenery, especially while passing
along the valley of the Rhone, with its wonderful river scenes and
terraced vineyards, which clothed the rugged slopes of the valley.
Marseilles was reached on the 17th of November, after a journey of
just over two days, and the Battalion marched to the Rest Camp on the
western outskirts of the city. Here it poured constantly, and the
whole camp was a veritable quagmire; fortunately the stay was a short
one, for on the 19th November, 1916, half the Battalion marched to the
Docks, and boarded the _Transylvania_, one of the large Transatlantic
liners, at 11.0 a.m., bound for Salonica, while the other half followed
in the _Megantic_, a week later.
CHAPTER XXIX
THE VOYAGE TO SALONICA--MALTA--SALONICA, 30TH NOVEMBER, 1916--JOURNEY
TO KATERINA--OUTPOSTS AT STIPI.
H.M. Troopship _Transylvania_, which was unfortunately sunk by torpedo
a few weeks later, set sail from Marseilles at midnight on the 19th
November. A rough sea was encountered, and it was afterwards learnt
that a tidal wave had swept over the harbour that night, destroying a
great amount of shipping. The next day all was calm, and the officers
and men of the Battalion became accustomed to their new surroundings,
and acquainted with the interior of this huge vessel. Boat drill was
the novelty, but even this soon became a “bore,” and after the first
few parades everybody looked upon the compulsory life-belt attached
to one’s body as a millstone, rather than the reverse. On the 20th,
the islands of Corsica and Sardinia were passed about 4 p.m., and on
the following day the vessel steamed along the north coast of Africa.
During these days the calm Mediterranean lulled all into a sense of
peace and security, and only when the three blasts of the ship’s syren
disturbed the quietness and everyone bustled to their boat stations
did one realise the possibility of enemy submarines spoiling the trip.
It is said that R.S.M. Freemantle gained a handsome monetary reward
for spotting a submarine, but the fact that only the R.S.M. saw it
causes doubts in many minds. Regardless of any submarine reported to
have been seen by the R.S.M., the _Transylvania_ was ordered by its
escort of torpedo boat destroyers to put into St. Paul’s Bay, Malta,
on the morning of the 22nd November, and about midday on the 24th, the
liner proceeded into the harbour of Valetta. This harbour is one of the
most wonderful in the world, and has a very narrow, heavily fortified
entrance leading from the outer bay to the inner harbour, which was
full of shipping, while men-o’-war of all classes were constantly
passing in and out. The town itself is on the high ground around, and
was glistening white under the hot sun of the Mediterranean, which
poured down its rays from a cloudless blue sky. During the night of
the 24th, a slight mishap occurred to the _Transylvania_ and she broke
from her moorings, but the Battalion slept on under the protection of
the submarine-forbidden harbour, unaware of any possible disaster.
It was not until the 27th that the word to proceed was given by the
Naval authorities, and a few days’ stay at Valetta had been thoroughly
enjoyed by those members of the Battalion (officers and N.C.O.’s only,
I am afraid), who were permitted ashore. A route march through the town
had been arranged for the troops, but unfortunately this had to be
cancelled on the receipt of orders to sail.
The journey was continued from Malta without event, and on the 29th
November we passed the islands of the Greek Archipelago, the names of
which were always in dispute and finally were dubbed with nicknames
such as Enos, Kolynos, Thermos, Chaos, and so on. When nearing Salonica
several hospital ships, which had been ruthlessly torpedoed, were
just visible above the water where they had been beached. The next
day, the 30th, the harbour of Salonica was reached, and the Battalion
disembarked on the quay during the morning. From the harbour the
town of Salonica looked very fine, and extends from the green slopes
of the hills on the east along a flat stretch of some five miles to
the low dismal country at the foot of the Greek mountains. The town
is dotted with mosques and oriental churches, and the famous White
Tower on the promenade forms a striking contrast to the low shops
and hotels which line the harbour front. However, all this apparent
beauty was soon dispelled, and the mud and smell of even the main
thoroughfares was simply indescribable. On the quayside hundreds of
troops, French, Serbians, Russians and Greeks, were shouting and
making the harbour a babel of foreign tongues. The route taken by the
Battalion lay through the western end of the town, and the curious
shops with their gaily-dressed, though ragged, merchants caused much
comment among the troops. Slow, lumbering oxen wagons formed the
local method of transport, and these, intermixed with the heavy army
motor lorries, caused considerable congestion. After the jumble of
traffic through streets a foot deep in mud and filth, the Battalion
was relieved to strike the main high road for Dudular. All along
this road were signs of military activity; ordnance stores, A.S.C.
dumps, motor lorry parks, and ammunition depots lined the route, and
a few miles from the town the Battalion passed two extensive canvas
general hospitals. Through this military city, which had sprung up
with mushroom-like growth during the war, a railway had been built,
and it struck one as being extremely humorous to see a green engine
with L.S.W.R. in golden letters on its side puffing along under the
control of the R.E. drivers. What visions of Waterloo and leave
trains! This line was continued as far as Monastir, and troop trains
of French and Serbians constantly passed up and down. The camp was
finally reached after a march of about eight miles, and was situated
on barren, desolate ground, which extended from a chain of hills to
the marshes along the Salonica-Monastir Road. On this plain the whole
Division was concentrated under a huge canvas camp. The ground was
rough, uneven, stony and cut by numerous “nullahs.” Every one pitched
his tent wherever the geographical and geological conditions permitted,
and it is regretted that the beautiful straight lines of tents that
distinguished our camp at Saffron Walden were no longer to be seen.
Natives wandered around the camp and were promptly dubbed “hoojahs,”
a word which was attached to all things Greek for want of a better
descriptive word. These natives presumably desired to sell their fruits
and wares, but judging by their mixed uniform of khaki and native garb
it was doubtful whether “scroungeing” was not their real intention.
On the few more level spots that were available football commenced,
and for the first few days life was enjoyable. Letters were again
allowed, and in spite of drills and parades it was a most restful time
by day. Night time, however, was disturbed by the inroads upon the
tired flesh of the troops by numerous “minor horrors of war,” which
had been encouraged to life by the blankets and conditions generally
on board the transport ship. Changes of underclothes were issued and
washing in the muddy streams somewhat arrested the unpleasantness. This
period was a particularly busy one for the Quartermaster’s Stores, and
stores and equipment peculiar to the East were issued, among which
were bivouac sheets. Each man having been presented, gratis by the
thoughtful authorities, with a small khaki canvas sheet about a yard
square, together with a pole 2 feet 6 inches long, two tent pegs and
a piece of stout cord, bivouac parades were instituted. The erection
of a bivouac was not an easy matter on such stony ground, and even
when erected (sometimes by the aid of bayonets and entrenching tools,
the use of which was soon forbidden) the open end provided little
comfort from the cold winds which blew from the hills at night. To
add to this discomfort, heavy torrential rains poured down on the
8th December, and bivouacs fell down on their occupants during the
night with alarming rapidity, even the bell tents which remained were
rooted from their moorings, and an unpleasant night was spent. The
ground soon became a quagmire, and in the nullahs streams of brown,
muddy water rushed along. The colour of the water used for cooking
and making tea was of the same delightful solidity, and there was
little difference between the tea before and after brewing. However,
the weather improved slightly, and the next item of interest was the
arrival of over 100 mules for the transport section, “straight from the
nest” as it were, and with no decorous idea of military discipline.
The Quartermaster’s Stores was full of pack saddlery absolutely new,
slippery and unpliable, and the following day “Bill Bailey’s Circus”
was in full swing. The transport section, under Second Lieutenant F.
T. Bailey, was supplemented by fatigue parties from the Battalion,
until each mule had nearly a dozen attendants, all of whom were
absolutely necessary. The mules were then dressed in their new kit
by the untiring energies of the transport section and their co-opted
fatigues and paraded for the Commanding Officer’s inspection. This,
however, did not last for many minutes; objections were raised, not
forgetting the hind legs, by the four-footed members of the transport,
and “saddles reversed” was soon performed. It was infectious, and half
the animals soon left the arena with kits incomplete, or at least in
quite the wrong places on their bodies. Finally the parade, or rather
what was left, was dismissed, and then followed the counting of the
mules, several of which had escaped. This, however, did not disturb the
Transport Officer, he calmly remarking, “They will turn up at feeding
time.” The next morning a recount was made, and apparently the mules
had decided with which Regiment in the Brigade they would be billeted.
Exchanges were made and, needless to say, the receiver was never the
chooser. On the following day, after another wet night when the mule
lines had become a horrible mixture of muddy transport men, mules
and saddlery, the Battalion, complete with transport, was ordered to
parade for a route march, apparently not so much for the benefit of the
troops, but as a test for the endurance of “Bill Bailey’s Circus.” The
mules were “dressed up” and the saddles loaded with panniers, etc.,
and after a considerable delay the Battalion started along the road. A
few paces was sufficient to bring about a debacle in the column; packs
slipped, and the men were detailed to fall out and reload the mules.
Every yard of the route was strewn with loads of all descriptions, many
of which had, no doubt, been unevenly weighted. The plain was dotted
with muleteers chasing after mutinous mules which had dispensed with
their encumbrances and taken flight. How many mules finished the march
is not recorded, but sufficient to say the march proved amusing if
nothing else. The next few days were spent in scraping mud and salving
blankets, waterproof sheets, equipment and saddlery, which had been
mislaid in the mud that followed the heavy rain each night. On the
Sunday, 10th December, a Brigade route march was ordered, and we were
inspected by our new Brigadier, General F. M. Edwards, C.M.G., who had
taken the place of Brigadier-General Baird, who had remained in France.
The same afternoon secret orders were received, and by midnight the
Battalion, less its transport, was marching to Salonica Docks. After
a few hours’ wait on the quayside, the Battalion embarked on board
H.M. torpedo boat destroyer _Mosquito_, and set sail for somewhere in
Greece. Accommodation was very limited, and the black smoke from the
funnels of the boat soon covered every one with soot. The officers and
crew of the destroyer did all in their power to secure the maximum
amount of comfort for the troops, and the whole of the Battalion
officers were given an excellent breakfast in the small ward room.
During the afternoon the Greek coast was approached, and in the
distance we could see the snow clad peaks of the Olympus group. The
destroyer anchored a few hundred yards from land, and parties of the
Battalion were sent ashore in the small boats. Great credit is due
to the Naval folk for their handling of these boats, and, with the
exception of a few hasty members who jumped ashore out of the boats
too soon, no mishap occurred, and with a cheer from both arms of the
Service the destroyer left for sea. The Battalion lined up on the beach
at a place called Scala Vromeris. The weather was glorious and the wet
clothes of the unfortunates were soon dried. Small fires were made on
the beach and a frugal meal was partaken. Scala Vromeris consisted of a
few wooden huts, and apparently was the “port,” or rather the landing
place, of the town of Katerina, which lay a few miles inland. Only a
few Greeks were in occupation, and a large party of Maltese, working
under some French soldiers, were housed in the small huts. Orders were
received to march inland, leaving a rear party of about 50 men to await
the arrival of stores from Salonica. The march was along a genuine
“Greek” road, the chief constituents of which were mud, holes, ruts
and large stones, but the route was without steep gradients, and the
town of Katerina was reached early in the evening. This was a typical
Grecian country town, and the natives thronged the streets half in fear
and half in jubilation on the arrival of the troops. On the further
side of the town was a large Turkish barracks, and here the Battalion
was billeted. Men soon made purchases at the shops of very inferior
tasteless cigarettes, but nuts and fruit were of excellent quality,
though the prices were somewhat exorbitant. A party of officers found
their way into a “café,” but when one realises that the plates were
returned three times to the washer-up before they could be accepted for
eating purposes, the quality of this “café” can be better appreciated.
Like the rest of the town and its people it was extremely filthy.
The next day was spent in cleaning up the barracks, which afterwards
reached a state of comparative comfort in spite of the broken windows
and damaged floors. The day was peaceful enough, but when the day’s
rations of bully beef and biscuits had been eaten every one wondered
where the next meal was coming from. Neither the stores from Scala
Vromeris nor the Battalion transport had yet arrived. The town itself
had been practically exhausted of its eatables, and finally the
question was settled by means of “local purchase.” A flock of sheep
was bought by the Brigade, and mutton was issued to the men, but
even fresh killed mutton stewed in mess-tins does not make a very
substantial day’s feed for hungry troops. The Battalion, however,
managed to “scrounge,” and a few additions were obtained privately from
a French Quartermaster’s stores located in one part of the barracks,
and these helped to eke out the meagre rations. It was a couple of days
afterwards before the Battalion transport, which had taken an overland
route from Salonica, arrived, and stores also arrived from the shore,
though in the meantime it had been necessary to eat our “iron rations.”
Both the transport and the stores’ escort had their special adventures.
At Salonica the Battalion stores had been loaded on flat lighters,
which had proceeded to Scala Vromeris in tow of tugs. Heavy seas were
encountered and many of the lighters broke loose and some drifted back
to Salonica, while others, with half their cargo washed overboard,
fought their way to Scala Vromeris. Those that landed back at Salonica
proceeded under better conditions a day or so later, and on arrival
were soon unloaded by the fatigue party we had left on the sea-shore.
Much, however, was lost at sea, including officers’ valises, mess
boxes, cooks’ gear, spare saddlery, Lewis gun panniers, ammunition,
blankets, etc., but what remained was carted from the shore to Katerina
by the aid of local ox-waggons, which lumbered along at a snail’s pace.
The Battalion transport, which had travelled overland from Dudular
Camp near Salonica, left there the same evening as the Battalion, and
had been brigaded with the transport of the other units in the 179th
Brigade, and had been escorted on the route by mounted troops. The
journey was not a happy one, and they had only moved at night for
purposes of secrecy. This fact alone made travelling difficult, but
the wet weather multiplied their troubles threefold. The roads were
heavy and badly made, mere tracks across waste land, and maps were
indistinct and even incorrect. Many of these tracks were built up above
the level of the surrounding country, and so heavy were the floods
that the water covered these roadways, and frequently pairs of mules
were struggling in the water at the roadside sometimes five feet deep.
When the catastrophes happened there was nothing to be done but to cut
off the load and give it a watery grave; no attempt to salve them was
possible or even desirable in the darkness. On one of these occasions,
when mules and muleteer were thrown into the deeper water, an artillery
officer, at great personal risk, dived in and saved the mule driver’s
life, and Private Phillips, of our own transport section, was highly
commended for his assistance, while the officer later received the
Silver Medal of the Royal Humane Society for saving life. However, all
is well that ends well, and the various parties of the Battalion which
had set out from Salonica by different routes reunited at Katerina, but
as a result of their respective adventures huge deficiency lists were
prepared. For the next week the whole Battalion was employed on road
making, and other Battalions assisted the R.E. parties to repair the
embankment of the coastal railway from Salonica to Lharrisa, which had
been washed away in many places. It was not long afterwards that the
deserted railway station we had passed on the way from the coast became
a centre of activity. Ration trains arrived daily from Salonica, and
a large dump of stores and ammunition was formed at Katerina Station.
The Army Service Corps and Royal Engineers did great work, and soon
rations, letters, and stores appeared with unfailing regularity from
the Base. The Brigade soon established itself comfortably at Katerina,
and even the local residents appreciated the situation and replenished
their stores with foodstuffs, wines and cigarettes.
A word must also be said in praise of the N.C.O.’s and men of the
French contingent in this area. They did all they could to welcome
the Britishers, and dinner parties were held nightly in the Turkish
barracks in our honour, probably to the detriment of the French ration
supply, but that was beside the point; “a short life and a gay one”
was their motto. After dinner, songs in English and French were sung,
toasts were drunk and friendships made. These convivial evenings will
live long in the minds of those who participated.
On the 20th December, 1916, the Battalion marched out to Stipi, a few
miles south of Katerina, to take over an outpost line which had been
held by the Queen’s Westminsters since our arrival in this part of
Greece. The march was over rough country, and the additional kit in the
shape of bivouac sheets, waterproofs, blankets, winter clothing and
cardigans, extra bandoliers of ammunition fairly broke the backs of the
men.
“A,” “C” and “D” Companies relieved the outpost line, and “B” Company,
with Headquarters, Transport, and Quartermaster’s Stores were kept
in reserve. The outpost line was along the low ridge of hills which
ran from Stipi to Kundariotisa, and strict orders were issued that
no movement on the skyline should be made by day. Bivouac camps were
therefore erected on the reverse or northern slopes which ran down to
the grassy valley of the River Mavourneri. From the southern slopes
of this ridge the panorama was wonderful, a flat stretch of country
for some twenty miles could be seen in the direction of Lharrisa, so
that observation from the defences was perfect. On the further side
of the plain rose the gigantic chain of snow-capped peaks, of which
Mount Olympus formed a massive centrepiece. This mountain wall cut off
the Katerina area from the rest of Southern Greece. Only by way of the
narrow seashore plain and through the famous Petras Pass on the west
of Katerina could the south be reached. At this time the attitude of
Greece towards the Allies was questionable, and the position taken up
by the Brigade was to secure the base at Salonica from any attack that
might have been made from the south.
The Battalion employed itself now in commencing to dig a defensive line
on the southern slopes of the ridge, and trench-digging in this part of
the world was extremely laborious, as the ground was practically solid
rock.
Barbed wire was not obtainable, and for the purpose of obstacles
thick zarebas of short, stiff, prickly thorn bushes which covered the
hill-side were used for entanglements. In our spare time football was
played, and platoon and company competitions were soon in full swing. A
splendid flat field had been cleared near the river bank, and was the
scene of many exciting struggles. Christmas was approaching, and funds
were collected for additional luxuries. The canteen opened by Brigade
at Katerina was insufficient to supply the extra needs for the festive
season, and Lieutenant Andrew and an able assistant were sent to
Salonica by rail, where a Base Canteen was successfully attacked, and
on Christmas Eve large supplies of Christmas goods arrived; not so much
in quantity as we should have liked, but considering the difficulties
of transport, Lieutenant Andrew was to be congratulated. Chicken and
eggs were purchased from the local villages of Stipi and Kundariotisa,
and altogether a happy Christmas was spent in the bivouacs. Christmas
decorations were numerous and consisted chiefly of grey-back shirts
and underclothing which had become unpleasant to wear and decked the
surrounding thorn bushes.
The festival of Christmas was celebrated by the local residents, and I
had the pleasure of accompanying the Commanding Officer to the village
of Stipi, where the chief man of the village bade us enter his house.
Here we were ushered into the best room and seated on mats on the floor
while the daughters of the house, in gay dresses, waited upon us,
bringing in coffee, aniseed liqueur and apple jelly as refreshments.
Conversation was carried on through the medium of the heir to the
house, who had picked up a smattering of French in Salonica, where he
was employed.
For the men sing-songs were arranged and sports were held, but the
festivities of Christmas soon ceased, and the work on the trenches was
resumed. New Year celebrations were limited to an excellent concert
given in the Turkish barracks at Katerina by the French soldiers, and
those who were privileged to attend thoroughly enjoyed their efforts.
The weather continued fairly fine, though spells of heavy rain, and
sometimes snow, fell, making life in small canvas “bivvies” rather
miserable. The Battalion remained on this outpost line for just over
six weeks, during which time a strong defensive line facing Lharrisa
had been built, and this was continued to the coast on the left flank
by a series of strong points built and manned by the Westminsters.
Road making and bridge building were carried on by the reserve
Company, and I am sure the local Greeks must have appreciated our
efforts, which resulted in the many military roads connecting Katerina
with the surrounding villages. Occasionally field days were held by
the Brigade, the rendezvous always being the Tumulus, which was an
ever-present landmark for miles around our position. Kit inspections
were frequent, and the losses of equipment, etc., resulting from our
journey from Salonica led to lengthy sittings of a Board of Enquiry,
and consequently many entries were made in pay books for loss of kit.
In our spare time we played football after the day’s work, and keen
competitions between platoons and companies resulted. Matches were
arranged with the other Regiments in the Brigade, in which the Civil
Service came through with considerable credit. For the benefit of
officers a riding class, under the Medical Officer, Dr. J. W. Leech
(John Willie to all his friends) was instituted, and the quality of
riding in the Battalion greatly improved. While referring to John
Willie’s equestrian ability, one must not overlook his medical skill.
His sick parade each morning was divided into two classes; one from the
Battalion and the other from the local villages, which brought their
sick for attention. Frequently the Doctor was called out to a village
to attend an invalid, and among the natives his skill was considered
wonderful; not that I infer the Battalion did not appreciate his
efforts, for his droll manner and Irish humour were characteristics we
all loved, and his attention to all ranks was without fault. The only
difference was that the natives presented him with fowls, fruit and
small gifts, whereas the unfortunate recipient of a No. 9 offered his
thanks in words alone. When a man was beyond the curative powers of a
No. 9 or its brother pills he was transferred to the Field Ambulance,
which had been established at Katerina. The country around was rough,
and was only traversed by mule tracks, so that it was impossible to
bring motor ambulances up as far as the Regimental Aid Post. The lying
cases were, therefore, taken to hospital by means of a strange vehicle
drawn by a mule. This vehicle simply consisted of two long poles some
twenty feet in length which were attached to the mule after the manner
of shafts, while the ends dragged on the ground behind the mule. These
two poles were secured to each other in rear of the mule, and the
stretcher was fixed resting between the poles, so that the patient’s
head was higher than his feet. Whether this was a comfortable means of
transit must be left to the judgment of the victims, but undoubtedly it
was the most suitable means in those parts.
No mention hitherto has been made of “Peter,” who was appointed
Battalion interpreter. He was an undersized Greek, who loved the
Regiment, and no doubt worked very hard in the “Grecian way,” and
although no one understood his parleys with the local natives when
we wished to dig up their land for trenches, it is believed that he
coerced them by the authority given to him by the wearing of the Prince
of Wales’s feather in his cap. He loved the Battalion better than his
countrymen.
About the middle of February the Battalion left the outpost line at
Stipi, and two Companies, “A” and “B” proceeded to Katerina barracks
together with Headquarters Company, Transport, and Quartermaster’s
Stores. The other two Companies, under the command of Major A. A.
Oliver, moved to Kolukuri, a few miles west of Katerina, and erected
their bivouacs in Shrine Woods. Here a flank defensive line was held
by night posts. From the 15th of February until the 28th the Battalion
remained in these stations, and the only excitement which broke the
monotony of the life was the visit of a strange aeroplane, which flew
over the square at Katerina barracks. No one understood its mission and
gazed at it curiously, for underneath its wings were two large blue
crosses and not the black Maltese cross used on German aeroplanes.
After it had taken note of everything it flew away; no one fired at
it, and no one to this day knows the meaning of this “mystery” plane.
Orders from Brigade to fire at it came later on, but by that time the
plane was well out of the range of our field guns.
On the 28th of February the Battalion concentrated on the main road
near Kolukuri on the way to the Petras Pass and proceeded up towards
the Pass, where a strong defensive position had been held since our
arrival in December by the London Scottish. The Battalion halted at
Kalivia Miljas for the night, and the most unpleasant night it proved
to be with the heavy rains. The following day orders were received to
return to Katerina, and the Battalion marched back again as far as the
banks of the River Mavourneri, just outside the town. In flood time the
river is over a mile in width, but at other times it dwindles down to a
fast stream only 40 to 50 feet wide. It was on the rough, dry sandy bed
of the river that the whole Brigade was encamped, and here preparations
for a long trek were made. The weather was fine, but the strong winds
that blew and raised sandstorms made it an unpleasant resting place,
and no one regretted the order to move, which was received on the 9th
of March.
Before ending this chapter on our stay in Macedonia, the following
letter, written from Greece, might prove interesting:--
“Macedonia is a lovely country, and the lack of reading matter
a considerable hardship. It is a land of bare treeless valleys,
strongly reminiscent of the Veldt and high snow-clad spurs of
the Balkans. Of the people, the less said perhaps the better.
St. Paul in old time was of the opinion that the Thessalonians
were ‘lewd persons of the baser sort,’ or words to that effect,
and my experience is that they have not improved by keeping
in the interim. A motley mixture of Turks and Bulgars with
a smattering of Greeks, they are undoubtedly picturesque in
garb, more undoubtedly filthy in person and habits, and most
undoubtedly the finest collection of thieves, brigands and
cut-throats that could be brought together. When the brigandage
business is slack, as at present, they apparently fill in
their spare time as herdsmen and shepherds. We are employing
considerable numbers in road making and the other day I heard
the following: A party of Greeks came along towards our
transport, and one bright youth on sighting them lifted up his
voice to his chum, ‘Look out, Jack! Here comes Ali Baba and his
forty ---- thieves.’
“The days are hot and the nights bitterly cold, while at times
a terrifically strong and piercing wind, called the Vardar
blast, blows from the Balkans. Taken altogether the majority of
us heartily wish ourselves back in France.”
CHAPTER XXX
LEAVING KATERINA--TREK TO THE DOIRAN FRONT--KARASULI NIGHT
On the 10th of March, 1917, reveille was at an early hour, and by
eight o’clock in the morning the 179th Brigade had formed up in column
of route together with the Artillery, Royal Engineers, Machine Gun
Corps, and Army Service Corps detachments which had joined it since its
arrival at Katerina in December, 1916. The whole town turned out to bid
us farewell, and the local band played appropriate music in the market
place. Flags decked the low-built houses of the town, and the people
of Katerina were sorry to lose the Brigade which, during its short
stay, poured thousands of “drachmas” into the town coffers, turning
indolence and poverty into business and wealth. The French Commandant
also did honour to the British troops and furnished a strong guard of
honour, which gallantly stood at the “Present” while the Brigade passed
by. The first day of the march was to a place called Tuzla, near the
coast some ten miles north of Katerina, and although ten miles on a
good English road is a small journey, the badly cut-up roads of Greece
and the heavy kit the men were carrying made the journey appear to be
twice its actual distance. Mules were loaded to their fullest capacity,
and many loads slipped off, causing disorganisation on the march.
Eventually, after about five hours’ marching, the Brigade reached the
night’s bivouac area, where a terrific cold wind was blowing from the
sea. However, “bivvies” were erected and a meal prepared, and every one
retired for the night, wondering what the next day would bring.
Every one was astir early the following morning, and after an early
breakfast the camp was packed up. Then the real fun of the day
commenced; this was the loading of the mules. Although I have not yet
described this performance in detail it might interest those who did
not actually participate in the trek. Loads were arranged and specially
lashed with strong ropes. The great art was to prepare loads in pairs,
each of which was of equal weight. Of course, with such articles as
blankets, Lewis gun panniers, ammunition boxes, where an equal number
solved the difficulty it was an easy matter; but when it came to the
question of cooks’ gear, pioneer tools, officers’ valises, and so on,
it developed into a matter of either exceeding great skill or pure
luck. Having thus made up two loads of equal weight and examined the
mule’s girth, the muleteer would stand at the animal’s head and say
nice things to it with a view of taking its attention from the loads.
Two men would then stand on either flank of the beast and lift the
loads, with the intention of hooking them on to the saddle by the
rings attached to the lashing ropes. The loading on both sides had to
be performed simultaneously, or otherwise the weight on one side only
simply twisted the saddle under the mule, annoying the animal to such
an extent that it would immediately kick out and break loose, dashing
about with the load under its stomach. Such escapades on the part of
the mules were all too frequent; the mules hated the loads, and to add
to the difficulties of the performance commenced to dance a “tango” on
the feet of the unfortunate fatigue men trying to persuade it to carry
a couple of heavy side loads. Towards the end of this trek, however,
the men became aware of this side-stepping by the mules, and eventually
experts in each Company developed, and the balancing of the loads, the
synchronisation of the hooking-on process, became matters of skill as
the result of sad experience.
From Tuzla the line of march was to Livanovan, and as a contrast to
the very cold wind of the previous day the sun poured down, and the
journey of twelve miles was over the same badly-made roads, while steep
gradients were also encountered. On the 12th of March the Brigade
proceeded to Gida, a further distance of twelve miles. On arrival a
flat piece of ground was found for the camp. On the march each man
carried a few pieces of stick or wood from ration boxes, and at the end
of the day’s march a supply of wood for fires was immediately ready on
arrival in camp. During this trek great credit was due to the cooks,
both in the companies and the officers’ messes, for the splendid way in
which they immediately set to and prepared meals for their expectant
clients at the end of the day’s march. I know that at Gida, Evison (“D”
Company’s mess cook) and his batman pals had so trained themselves that
on the arrival of their Company Officers from the men’s lines, after
seeing the mules unloaded and the men settled down, a splendid meal of
fried eggs and bacon, biscuits and butter, tea, and Welsh rarebit was
spread on the mess table-cloth. (“D” Company always boasted of this
cloth, regardless of its doubtful snowy whiteness at times.)
The next day, the 13th of March, was very trying owing to the great
heat and the distance covered, just over 20 miles. A midday halt was
made on that part of the road where the transport section had had
such a disastrous time on their journey from Salonica in December,
and the mule drivers regaled every one with the horrible details of
their experiences. The roads were being improved near the town of
Topscin by parties of Bulgar prisoners under French guards. As the
column approached Topscin village the sounds of music greeted it. The
town was in the hands of the French, and their band had turned out to
welcome us. The “Marseillaise” and “God Save the King” were rendered
alternately while the whole Brigade marched by.
Just after leaving Topscin we crossed the Vardar River, and a couple of
miles beyond, the new camping ground was reached; but the rain which
had then set in made the arrival miserable. It was then 6.0 p.m. and
every one was dead-beat, but an issue of rum livened us up a little.
The following morning bivouacs were struck and the march resumed as
far as Amantovo, a distance of 14 miles, and it was during this march
that the first man of the Battalion fell out, and only the excessive
heat caused him to faint, showing how splendidly he had stuck to it.
The camp at Amantovo was on soft, grassy ground, and the pegs of our
bivouacs were driven in with ease, a change after the stony nature of
our previous camping grounds. The last part of the day’s march had been
over grassy downs, and the beautiful weather made it enjoyable. To add
to the happiness, however, there was a surprise in store; a ration of
oranges was issued that night. The next day’s march was to be performed
in two parts. The start was made about 8.0 a.m., and the route lay
through pleasant valleys and over undulating grassland. A few miles
from Amantovo the Battalion marched past the Commander-in-Chief of our
forces in Salonica, General Sir G. F. Milne, K.C.B., and his staff. The
General was greatly impressed with the fitness of the Battalion.
About midday a halt was called and cooking commenced. Plenty of
water, duly chlorinated, of course, was drawn from the local streams.
In the afternoon small card parties were made up in the Battalion,
others slept, while others read novels; each man in some sections
carried a small sevenpenny novel, and by exchanging there was plenty
to read. Just ahead of the Battalion was a tumulus, and from this
point it was said that the “line” could be seen, but of course it
was forbidden ground. The progress of the Battalion having been thus
barred, we settled down to a very pleasant, restful afternoon in the
warm sunshine, little dreaming of the eccentricities of the Macedonian
springtime.
At twilight the order was given to move off, and with darkness came
rain, and such cold rain, too! The wind sprang up and the first few
miles were spoilt by “concertina work” by the column, a most dreaded
thing for infantrymen with a heavy kit. However, after the first halt
the movement of the column settled down and became more tolerable;
but accidents to the mules soon disorganised the column again and
connection in the dark became difficult. The Battalion floundered
on through mud and slush over what must have been ploughed land, I
think. Mules now began to fall out with unfailing regularity and men
were constantly detailed from the ranks to reload them, and a very
straggling column resulted. No one seemed to be certain of the way over
this strange country in the pitch darkness. No one appeared to have a
watch, either, for no halts were called; certainly the ground was too
thick in wet mud for halting purposes, but after three hours marching
over such ground in pouring rain all infantrymen felt the strain.
Onwards the Battalion struggled, mile after mile, through this awful
morass of mud and the pelting rain. Every one longed for a halt, but
this was not to be; not until the Battalion arrived on the outskirts
of Karasuli did that precious whistle break the silence. Then every
one just sat down in the middle of the road. The men had marched for
six hours without a halt or even taking off their packs. Remarkable to
relate, the number of men who fell out was practically nil; there were
no estaminets here, and to fall out would mean a lonely night in the
desolate wilds of northern Greece; and this was an unpleasant prospect.
At Karasuli a fairly long halt was made and spirits revived, but being
under enemy observation no smoking was allowed; this was the last
straw, and the Hun and his Allies had curses heaped upon their heads
that night, if ever. Rumour that the final halt was only a few hundred
yards ahead helped to improve matters, but even this flicker of hope
was damped by the heavy rain that constantly poured down. The whistle
sounded again, and off the Battalion moved, though no one knows the
route taken to this day. Brigade staff certainly did its utmost to sort
out the mixed column of men, mules and transport of all regiments.
The country here was broken by deep gullies or “nullahs” along which
the water rushed in torrents. For over an hour the Battalion staggered
along over the broken ground, one moment stumbling down a steep rugged
bank of a nullah, the next crawling on hands and knees up the slippery
bank opposite, and frequently wading nearly waist deep in water.
About 1.0 a.m. the Battalion halted. Rain had fallen for hours and
the ground was churned up into a quagmire, but a halt, even in these
surroundings, was welcome. Men threw off their packs and, in spite
of their weariness and exhaustion, it was to be admired that all the
mules, which had also struggled through this terrible journey, were
immediately unloaded. Kits, rifles and mule loads had been thrown on
the ground by the overwrought men, and some just lay down from sheer
fatigue; others stood in the bitter cold and awaited the dawn. Some of
the more energetic dared to put up their bivouacs, but soon gave up the
idea of sleeping owing to the terrific cold wind that blew. Those who
were able to move were issued with rum, but I am afraid that owing to
the difficulties of the situation and the fact that many men had fallen
into a delirious sleep it was unequally divided, and in the darkness
it was difficult to discern whether a staggering man was the outcome
of too much marching or too much rum. Towards dawn the downpour ceased
a little, but the shivering troops, mud from head to foot, still stood
in the withering clutches of the Vardar blast, and one man remarked,
looking at the surrounding swamp, “Guess I’m standing in the Blasted
Vardar, too!” Gradually daylight appeared, and what a scene--drenched
men, cold, miserable, hungry and tired. The sick parade was extremely
large that morning. Many had become so exhausted that they had laid
down in the wet mud during the night and the next morning were, of
course, physical wrecks; others had reached a state of delirium and
wandered about bereft of their senses, and mention has already been
made of the third group, the men who had “really” got the rum. The
balance of the Battalion simply felt done up. However, all those who
had not been sent to the field hospitals at Karasuli set to work and
dragged from beneath the mud, rifles, equipment, bivouac sheets and
remnants of the mules’ loads, and sorted them into dumps. The sun shone
and life appeared possible, even if not desirable, in this wilderness
of mud. About midday the Quartermaster’s Stores sent fatigue parties
to an A.S.C. depôt a mile or so away, and fresh meat and rations were
issued. Small fires were soon started and the old “gyppa” was on the
boil. Every one looked forward to a nice hot meal, when orders for an
immediate move were received. One can pass over this scene without
expressing the views of the troops; it can well be imagined how
pleasing it was to see the half-cooked “gyppa” poured away into the
mud, as the cooks’ gear had to be packed on the mules at once.
Soon afterwards the clank of the entrenching-tool handle against the
rifle butt and the rattle of the water bottle and other impedimenta
associated with troops on the march was heard. The Battalion moved off
with Platoons at intervals of 100 yards. The road from Karasuli was in
good condition and had dried up under the warmth of the sun and the
constant wind, but a mile or so from the camping ground to that main
road was covered with deep nullahs and ravines. As we passed over it
we wondered how the Battalion had ever marched over such ground the
previous night. Once on the main road a decent step was taken and the
troops felt the benefit of a good road, and made headway. However,
the wind renewed its violence of the previous evening and blew into
the face of the Battalion so that the benefit of the better road was
soon nullified by the Vardar Blast. Clothing was still saturated with
the rain of the night before, and the cold wind simply pierced us to
the bones. Snow fell and added to the misery of things and soon the
country-side was white; to say nothing of the Father Christmas-like
appearance of the troops. When darkness came things really became
difficult and the march developed into a hopeless plodding along,
fighting against a biting cold head wind the whole while. For the first
nine miles the route was along the main road, and the mules retained
their loads with comparative ease, and not like the previous day’s
march when they slipped and fell over on the treacherous muddy tracks.
So extreme was the cold that after each ten minutes halt it was with
difficulty that men rose from the ground; most of them were frozen
stiff. About 10.0 p.m. the head of the column was seen crossing the
rough ground on the left of the main road. Hopes were raised, and if
even a bivouac in the snow was an unpleasant prospect, the ending of
the march was some consolation. Visions of a new camp were becoming
plain, but when the Battalion followed this column across the rough
ground for over an hour hopes were shattered.
From the roadway onwards men of all regiments in the Brigade lined
the route; floundering over the rough ground after a stiff march had
proved too much for even some of the stalwarts who had braved the
night at Karasuli. Transport limbers and mules blocked the way, either
stuck in the small nullahs that crossed the route or else the animals
had become too exhausted to move. In fact, it was not an uncommon
sight to see dead mules on the ground, having succumbed to the extreme
cold, and when mules “gave up the ghost” it can be well judged how the
men suffered. No one had any fear of being lost this night should he
fall out; the route was well marked by deserted limbers, dead mules
and fallen loads. About midnight the journey ended and the Brigade
halted near the deserted farm buildings which were occupied by the
Headquarters of the Brigade in the line. When the signal to halt
was given every one just sat down exhausted, but the lesson of the
previous night had been learnt, and little sleep was attempted. Small
fires were lighted and mess tins were brought out and tea was made.
“Scroungeing” parties went round and “won” blankets, tarpaulins, etc.,
from wherever possible, regardless of the Battalion or Company to which
they belonged. Some officers, by dint of hard work, had even erected a
bell tent, having a limber pole for its support. Whose tent and whose
pole were never questioned. The night thus passed fairly quickly and
every one made the best of a bad job. The snow had ceased, and it was,
therefore, an improvement on the downpour twenty-four hours previously.
As soon as daylight came every one was astir with the exception of
the favoured few who had confiscated a pile of officers’ valises and
rigged up a temporary shanty. However, their rest was soon disturbed
and orders were given to “fall in.” The day was brighter and this
cheered us a little. The Battalion soon marched off and soon sites
were allotted to Companies in the deep nullahs or ravines about 500
yards from the deserted farm buildings. In the warmth of the sun, the
sheltered positions in the ravines soon made us forget the discomfort
of the night. The debris of the previous night was collected and every
one enjoyed a hot meal which the cooks soon prepared. The afternoon was
spent in rest and sleep.
However, war is war, and there is no rest for the wicked. The writer,
together with another officer and some N.C.O.’s from each Company, were
detailed to go up to the line for reconnaissance purposes that very
afternoon. But even the darkest cloud has its silver lining, and after
a trudge of four miles the party which had come over the skyline in
twos and threes were welcomed by the Headquarters of the London Irish
(2/18th London Regiment), and were soon detailed to Companies for the
night. It was the 17th of March, and the London Irishmen who had been
settled in the part of the line for some weeks celebrated their patron
Saint’s day in the proper style, and the requisite canteen stores and
drinks had been acquired. No one could have been more hospitable, and
the wretched advance party which had left Kolonova that afternoon felt
that the war was not so bad as it might have been. Perhaps it would not
be out of place to mention here that one of the toasts drunk in the
Company dug-out where the writer was so kindly entertained was “To our
1st Battalions, the 1st Civil Service Rifles and the 1st London Irish
Rifles.” These Battalions were serving in France with the 47th Division
and had curiously left England on St. Patrick’s Day in 1915. The 17th
of March is “The day” in the history of our 1st Battalion, but it has
its place in the history of the 2nd Battalion. It was the end of what
is popularly known as the “Karasuli Trek.”
During the past week the Battalion had marched from Katerina, near
Mount Olympus, to Kolonova, on the Doiran Front; a distance of about
100 miles had been covered in seven days. The march was over rough
country the whole way. Extremes of weather had been encountered during
these few days; from the hottest of Mediterranean suns at Livanovan
to the wettest of oriental rains at Karasuli, and to the bleakest
of blizzards and snowstorms that the Balkan Heights at Kolonova can
produce. The man who was able to stick to his guns throughout this
trek can well boast, and only the terrible experiences of the last two
nights of the journey deprived many of the same boast.
CHAPTER XXXI
ON THE DOIRAN-VARDAR FRONT--THE ADVANCE
A short description of the situation on the Doiran-Vardar sector of the
Salonica Front will no doubt assist the reader to better realise the
type of operations peculiar to this theatre of war. A few miles west
of Lake Doiran was a mountainous ridge running north and south, about
five or six miles long, known as “P” Ridge. This chain consisted of a
series of five distinct peaks, the southern one, “Pip 5,” being about
800 feet high, while the remaining four progressively increased in
altitude until “Pip 1” at the northern end reached the height of about
1,700 feet (or 535 metres); this was the famous “535” which dominated
the country for many miles around, in fact on a clear day the peak
could be distinctly seen from the hills at Dudular near Salonica, some
60 miles away. The Bulgar held practically all this ridge of the “Pips”
except at the lowest part at the south, where the British had gained a
footing. The Bulgar was strongly entrenched on all the slopes of the
ridge, and each peak was an almost impregnable fortress in itself.
From the northern end the enemy lines ran due west along a mountainous
chain some 1,000 to 1,200 feet high through the town of Devedzili,
thence south of Paljorca to Pobreg. Just east of Pobreg the line ran
due south for some six miles along another ridge of hills about 600 to
700 feet high which terminated at the “Nose,” a fortified stronghold on
the borders of Serbia and Greece. From the “Nose” the enemy trenches
were situated on the hills just north of Macukova, finally having the
right flank on the banks of the Vardar at a point some four miles from
the “Nose.”
The British line ran from the southern extremity of the “P” ridge in a
south-westerly direction to the village of Bekerli, from which point it
ran practically due west to the Vardar, where our lines were only about
1½ miles from the enemy trenches. The whole of the British line was on
the low hills just north of the Cidemli Dere, a valley through which a
small stream of about 20 feet in width bubbled along.
South of this stream the reserve British positions were situated on
the chain of the Kolonovan Heights (500 feet) which ran along north
of Ardzan, Smol and Karasuli. It will therefore be seen that only on
our flanks were we in close touch with the enemy; on the left flank
near the Vardar for about four miles east of the river banks as far
as Reselli opposite the “Nose” where the enemy line turned north,
and on the right flank at the foot of the “P” ridge at its southern
extremities south of the village of Krastali. Even at these points
the lines were at least a mile apart. The remainder of “No Man’s
Land” consisted of a plain through which the ravine of the Selemli
Dere formed a definite line between the opposing parties. From this
ravine the ground was fairly flat for about 500 yards on each bank,
but it soon developed into a land of hillocks some hundred feet above
the level of the Selemli Dere plain, forming the foot-hills up to the
higher ground held by the two armies. In this part of “No Man’s Land”
were dotted the deserted villages of Dautli, Selemli and Sejdelli. The
enemy had taken up a strong defensive line on the high ground which
overlooked the whole of the lesser hills on the southern side of the
Selemli plain, and his observation on our movements was therefore good.
Any movement by day on our part was restricted, and from the commanding
position of “P” ridge he could practically look into our trenches which
had been constructed on the forward slopes of the small hills north of
the Kolonovan Heights. In daytime these trenches were therefore only
held by a sentry group, while the remainder of the garrison retired to
the small bivouac camps which had been dug in on the reverse slopes.
[Illustration: _ROUGH SKETCH MAP SHOWING APPROXIMATELY THE SITUATION ON
THE ----“DOIRAN-VARDAR” FRONT----_ (_1917_)]
By reference to the sketch map at the commencement of this chapter it
will be seen that no further advance on our part was possible beyond
the Bekerli Village Line, for from “Pip I” the Bulgars could enfilade
any camps that were pushed forward. Not until the whole of the “Pip”
ridge was gained could any advance on the Vardar section be made.
The British Army had therefore to sit content on the line of low
hills, each of which was made into a strong point held by a garrison
at night and a sentry group by day. The whole front was strongly wired
and the ground or dip between these hills held by a Lewis gun post, or
sometimes a Vickers machine-gun section. The wire had been cunningly
arranged so that all these re-entrants formed “culs de sac” into which
heavy machine-gun fire could be poured by the defenders.
During daytime no one disputed “No Man’s Land,” but at night time
strong patrols were sent out by both sides to obtain the mastery, and
prevent raids or surprise attacks on the defensive lines that were
held. Across the centre of “No Man’s Land” was a line of large white
stone pillars at regular intervals, representing the frontier between
Greece and Serbia; an interesting fact, though, of course, having no
bearing on the actual operations in this part of the world.
The British transport lines and ration dumps were behind the
cover of the Kolonovan Heights which ran parallel with the main
Karasuli-Kilindir Road which made communication along the rear of
our positions comparatively easy. From the transport up to the line
the journey was done at night time, except in the case of individual
runners, or perhaps two or three men in a party, but so keen was the
observation of the Bulgar that even these small parties attracted the
unpleasant attention of a “pip-squeak” gun which had the tracks over
the ridge “taped” to a nicety.
On the 19th of March, 1917, the Battalion marched up to the line
from its bivouacs at Kolonova and took over from the 2/18th London
Regiment (London Irish). All reliefs were carried out by night and
under cover of darkness the Battalion left its sheltered camp, by
Platoons at intervals. Every one had been ordered to maintain silence
and no smoking was allowed. All the average man knew was the fact that
somewhere over the ridge at Kolonova was the line, how far or how near
he was never told, and the order for strict silence on the march led
him to believe that the enemy was fairly close to hand, although in
point of fact the Bulgar was comfortably settled in the dug-outs of his
mountain stronghold at least five miles ahead. Knowing this fact the
following incident on the march will be appreciated. A nervous private
recently joined approached his Platoon Commander with a whisper, “Don’t
you think that officer on horseback ought to cover his luminous wrist
watch?” True, Major Oliver was in charge of the Battalion canteen, and
probably had first choice of the luminous Ingersolls that occasionally
came our way, but even the most luminous are not guaranteed to dazzle
the eyes at a distance of five miles. However, such was the keenness of
this rifleman to save his platoon from a strafe by the enemy artillery.
For a whole month the Battalion held the line from Waggon Hill, just
east of Reselli village, to the village of Bekerli. On our left was
a battalion of the 180th Infantry Brigade, while our neighbour on
the right was the Queen’s Westminster Rifles of our own Brigade. The
Battalion front consisted of Waggon Hill, which overlooked the Selemli
Plain and the village of Sejdelli in front, while the ground on the
left flank was low and formed a branch of the Selemli Ravine, and made
a dangerous entrance to the rear of our positions just opposite the
“Nose.” “D” Company occupied this hill, with “B” Company in immediate
support in the valley of the Cidemli Dere. The right of the Battalion
front was on the high ground near the ruined village of Bekerli, and
formed the angle from which the British line ran north-east through
Bastion Hill, Bowls Barrow, Whaleback, Horse Shoe Hill to the foot of
“Pip 5” on the “P” ridge. “A” Company was responsible for the Bekerli
defences, with “C” Company in immediate reserve, while Battalion
Headquarters were farther back at Bekerli Ford, on the Cidemli Dere.
As previously stated, movement was restricted during the daytime,
which was spent in sleep, writing letters and card playing, leavened,
of course, by fatigues and working parties for the improvements of
dug-outs and similar work which could be undertaken by day under cover
of the hills. No movement was allowed beyond an occasional runner
to the support Companies or Battalion Headquarters. At night time,
however, work commenced. The trenches were strongly garrisoned, and
sentry groups were posted along the wire, while still farther out in
“No Man’s Land,” about 500 yards from the wire, standing patrols of
an N.C.O. and 20 men were posted in order to prevent the enemy from
approaching our lines in force.
The support companies furnished large carrying parties to bring
up rations, letters and the _Balkan News_, a newspaper specially
printed in Salonica for British troops; all of which arrived from the
Quartermaster’s stores at Kulonova, about one hour after dark. They
also provided working parties to improve the trenches, which for the
most part had been blasted from solid rock. Communication trenches were
also made up to the forward companies, care being taken to conceal
them in the numerous shallow dips in the ground as any sign of digging
was sure to be strafed the next day. All earth had to be removed, as
the smallest heap of soil above the level of the ground was looked
upon by the Bulgar as the commencement of a new gun emplacement and
consequently bombarded. There is no doubt that the Bulgar took every
advantage of his higher position, and his observers were very keen,
and this together with the wonderful accuracy of his guns made us very
careful to conceal all signs of digging.
The support companies also furnished an officer’s patrol each night
of about 24 men strong. These fighting patrols had orders to approach
the enemy’s wire on the other side of the plain. How different from
the patrols of three or four men on the Neuville St. Vaast front in
France, where movement was very restricted. On the Doiran front it
became a nocturnal route march. A few points were sent ahead and the
main body followed _en bloc_. Although instructions were issued to
reach the enemy’s wire it was rarely accomplished; Bulgar patrols were
always wandering about on the plain at night. In the area allotted
to our Battalion for patrol work were the two villages of Dautli and
Selemli, which were much nearer to the enemy’s advanced posts than our
own. To reach these villages and search them was about the limit of
our adventures. The Bulgars were far too strong at this point, for here
the Selemli Dere could be crossed by tracks which the enemy jealously
guarded. Fortunately, though shots were sometimes exchanged no serious
fighting occurred to the 2/15th London patrols. On the return journey
towards daylight it was considered part of the scheme to halt at the
village of Sejdelli, near our lines, and break down the woodwork in the
houses already damaged by shell fire and bring doorposts, window frames
and so on back into our lines for the cooks’ fire. It was most amusing
to hear the patrols heralding their safe return by loudly hammering on
the woodwork of Sejdelli. Never a Bulgar fell into the hands of our
patrols, but they always returned with plenty of wood.
Although in daytime it was not advisable to wander across “No Man’s
Land,” on one occasion our Intelligence Officer, Lieutenant Andrew,
and his batman, Private Joines, spent a day searching the village of
Dautli. They walked to the village during the night and hid themselves
at dawn in an empty house to watch the movements of the enemy near
the fords across the Selemli Dere near by. Great was their surprise,
however, when a party of eight Bulgars appeared from the other side of
the village carrying some rabbits and hares. Discretion was the better
part of valour and Andrew and his batman decided to keep quiet. After
a few exciting minutes and by quietly sneaking around the houses they
were able to evade the enemy shooting party, and spent the rest of the
day quietly enough locating and sketching the enemy forward posts. They
returned to our lines in the evening.
Life under these conditions was very pleasant and the Battalion
thoroughly enjoyed its stay in this part of the line. The only
interruption beyond the casual shelling of our trenches and camps
was the occasional visit of a flight of enemy aeroplanes which
crossed over and dropped small bombs near our bivouacs. Usually they
passed right over and made targets of the horse lines and dumps in
rear of the Kolonovan Heights, and only when they were driven off
by our anti-aircraft guns did they attempt to expend their efforts
on our small hillside camps. Aerial activity on this front was very
persistent, and practically every day our bombing planes sailed over
and bombed the railways and dumps behind the Bulgar lines.
Occasionally a fight in the air took place, but the commoner sight was
the repeated attacks of the enemy airmen on our observation balloon
at Kolonova. On one or two occasions it was brought down in flames,
but more often the attacker was driven off by our anti-aircraft guns,
and on one occasion a direct hit by an “Archie” shell brought down the
offending airman. The plane fell in flames near our battalion transport
lines, and curiously when the wreck reached the ground the machine gun
was still spitting out bullets and a few men of a neighbouring regiment
were wounded by them.
The enemy infantry troubled us very little, and only an occasional
cross fire between patrols made us aware of their presence, and
fortunately they made no endeavours to reach the Battalion front;
although at Bowls Barrow, a few hundred yards on our right, they made
a determined raid on the 1st of April on a British post and inflicted
casualties.
About the middle of April, however, our artillery became extremely
active, and on the 20th the “Nose” and “P” ridge were heavily
bombarded. This was the opening of an offensive on our part which
was undertaken with a view of capturing the whole of “P” ridge. The
bombardment was continued for three whole days with the intention of
cutting the fields of wire which protected the Bulgar positions and
to destroy his forward entrenchments. On the 23rd of April the volume
of artillery increased considerably and continued until the night of
the 24th, when the 2/20th Battalion of the London Regiment raided
the stronghold of the “Nose.” Under cover of this heavy bombardment
the Blackheath Battalion approached the enemy wire, and although
our artillery had damaged it considerably, it still formed a great
obstacle to the raiders. Heavy machine-gun fire was encountered, and
the front slopes of the “Nose” were heavily barraged by the enemy,
who also used strong search-lights from the crest of the “Nose” which
swept the forward part of the position. Only a few gallant fellows
ever reached the Bulgar trenches and the casualties were very heavy.
For several nights afterwards search parties were out bringing in
wounded. For the actual raid there was little direct success, but it
served its purpose and acted as feint attack which drew a great deal
of the enemy’s artillery fire, and thereby assisted the main attack
which commenced that same night on the “P” ridge. This was successful,
and Pip 4 and Pip 5 were captured after heavy fighting. The Battalion
actually took no part in this general offensive, and fortunately the
enemy’s artillery was so deeply engaged in combating the two serious
attacks on their lines at the “Nose” and on “P” ridge that most of us
were able to look from our trenches and watch the pyrotechnic display
on either side. There can be no doubt that the British suffered heavy
casualties in the minor attacks and counter-attacks which followed this
initial success on the “P” ridge, but any attack on such strongholds as
the “Pips” must of necessity be at great expense. The battle raged for
about four days, but gradually subsided, and on the 27th of April the
Battalion was taken out of the line and marched back to Tetre Verte,
just over the ridge of the Kolonovan Heights, “D” Company remaining
at Mektoub in immediate reserve to the London Scottish, who were
holding the line east of Bekerli. Of all the camps in the Salonican
area Mektoub was undoubtedly the safest, as it lay behind the cover of
the hill, and consisted of tiers of dug-outs built into the very steep
side of the hill. While out of the line the Battalion found fatigues
even harder than in the line, for as far back as Tetre Verte one could
wander about unobserved by the enemy, and, therefore, people who were
seen very little in the front line were now very much in evidence.
On the eighth of May the line from the village of Krastali to Waggon
Hill was slightly advanced in order to straighten the line which had
been pushed forward by the partial success of the forward movement
on the “P” ridge. Of course, this operation amounted to “peaceful
penetration,” and no attack was necessary. The actual advance was made
by the London Scottish and the Westminsters on that part of the line
north-east of the Bekerli village, and was of course continued towards
Krastali by the division on their right. Only “D” Company from Mektoub
was engaged in this operation, having been brought up in support of the
London Scottish as far as Piton 5, in rear of Middle Hill, and not to
be mistaken for Pip 5 on the “P” ridge. On the 179th Brigade front the
movement was performed without obstruction by the enemy, though further
north-west near the village of Krastali strong opposition was met by
the Division advancing from the Whaleback, and heavy artillery support
had to be given to assist this section of the advance. Unfortunately
one of the supporting batteries was firing from the dip in rear of
Piton 5 and inflicted several casualties on “D” Company owing to their
shells bursting at the muzzle of the guns. Lieutenant Miles and Private
Cutchee were badly wounded, while Lieutenant F. W. Lewis and Lieutenant
Martin received minor wounds and remained on duty.
The original line ran from Bekerli village north-west along the forward
slopes of Mamelon Vert, Bastion Hill, Piton 6, Hill 275, Scratchbury
Hill, Bowls Barrow, along Whaleback to Horse Shoe Hill, but after
the advance the new line ran through Pitons 1, 2, 3 and 4, Basin
Hill, Single Tree Hill, Tomato Hill over Krastali Nullah forward of
Whaleback, and on the Pip ridge. After the night’s operation on the
8th, “D” Company returned to Mektoub under the cover of a heavy fog,
the rest of the Battalion having remained at Tetre Verte during the
advance.
The next night, the 9th of May, “D” Company left Mektoub as local
reserve for the Westminsters, who pushed forward on to Goldies Hill,
thus forming a salient in our new line between Basin Hill and Tomato
Hill. The taking of Goldies by the Westminsters was resented by the
Bulgar, who made a strong attack on the position with the assistance
of a heavy artillery preparation. However, the Queen’s Westminsters
held on and drove off the attack after heavy local fighting. On the
10th the Battalion moved from Tetre Verte and took over the new line
from the London Scottish and also Goldies from the Westminsters.
[Illustration: _Rough Sketch Map shewing the Advance in May 1917 on the
DOIRAN-VARDAR front._]
The advance was comparatively a bloodless victory as far as the 179th
Brigade was concerned, nevertheless it was of great importance on our
front. From the new line the Selemli-Dautli plain was now under our
direct observation from Pitons 3 and 4, Basin Hill, Goldies, and these
hills therefore became positions from which an attack on the Selemli
Fords could be attempted. Furthermore, it denied the Bulgar of the
freedom of manœuvre over the captured part of “No Man’s Land,” while
facing north from Goldies and Tomato Hill we were in closer touch with
the enemy’s advanced posts near Devedzili on the slopes of White Scar
and Flat Iron Hills. It had been impossible for the British forces to
push forward before as we had only captured Pips 4 and 5 on the “P”
ridge a few days previously. The capture of these two pips enabled our
men to occupy more advanced positions without being under the direct
observation of the Bulgar. The enemy resented very much the aggression
on our part, and constantly shelled the newly-taken hills.
For the first fortnight of this period in the line the Battalion was
employed in consolidating the new positions, and on the forward slopes
of Tomato Hill, Single Tree Hill and Goldies, trenches were dug and
each night miles of barbed-wire entanglements were erected. All this
work was carried out under the protection of strong fighting patrols
which took up their positions on the ravine in front of Flat Iron Hill.
In daytime the hills were left in charge of a single sentry group and
one signaller, while the remainder of the garrison retired for the day
into the small nullahs on the rear of each hill ready to counter-attack
should a message be received from the sentry group. Throughout the day
the enemy ranged in the new-cut trenches, and with the exception of an
unfortunate shell which wounded Lieutenant Hounsell, our forward groups
had a charmed life. Only a minimum force was left behind the hills
during the day; the remainder of the men returned to the old camps
on Hill 275 and Piton 6. At night time, however, when large working
parties were engaged in consolidating the positions, the enemy’s
artillery became very active and many casualties resulted.
However, the hill which received the greatest strafe at nights was
Goldies; the occupation of this point annoyed the Bulgar very much.
The hill consisted of three distinct peaks one in front of the other,
and were known as Goldies I, II, and III. Trenches were sited on II
and III, while on Goldies I a strong patrol went out each night. For
the first week of our occupation the hill was constantly shelled, and
no less than ten distinct batteries showered their offerings on our
heads. Fire came from White Scar direction in the north, from Pip
1 and 2 on the right, and from the Ouvrage de Trapeze on the left.
In time we became acquainted with the direction of each battery and
special sentries were posted who shouted “No. 6,” and then all the men
on Goldies II bobbed down to the shelter in the shallow trenches, the
occupants of Goldies III taking no notice; but when the sentry shouted,
“No. 4 battery” it was the men on Goldies III who bobbed down while
No. II men carried on with their work as though nothing had happened.
Throughout the night the hill received a constant bombardment, and in
one hour alone 600 shells fell near Goldies II and III.
Like the garrisons of the other hills the night garrison on Goldies
retired for the day to the nullah in rear of the hill, leaving a small
sentry group on Goldies II and III. The only approach to the top of
Goldies from our lines was up a small ravine, and the Bulgars were
apparently aware of its existence, the place was shelled both day and
night, and was christened Pip Squeak Alley. At night, large working
parties were sent up from the support battalion of the Brigade and dug
a communication trench up the rear of the hill, and also one connecting
Goldies II and III, but considerable casualties were incurred while the
work was in progress.
The patrol on Goldies I pushed out scouts at night to the ravine in
front, and one night a patrol, under Lieutenant Lewis, met a strong
force of 20 Bulgars and a short sharp fight ensued. Our losses were
only slight, chiefly wounds from bombs, but several Bulgars were
killed, Lieutenant Lewis gallantly rushing the post and shooting two
of the enemy with his revolver. The next night it was decided to
raid the post with artillery support, but the patrol found that the
Bulgar had fled. A special watch on this ravine was therefore kept,
and Lieutenant Andrew and his batman Joines (“D” Company) spent the
next day hidden in the bushes at the foot of Goldies I. A strong post
of Bulgars came up to the ravine at daylight and settled themselves
comfortably in the ravine, unaware of the watching couple. After a time
a Bulgar N.C.O. wandered away from his comrades and approached the
hiding place of Andrew and his batman, which was only 25 yards from
the enemy. Suddenly the Bulgar’s attention was attracted by a walking
stick on the ground which had been left by Andrew just before dawn when
they took cover in the bushes. The Bulgar picked it up and examined his
souvenir, but before he had taken full details of his find Lieutenant
Andrew and Private Joines rushed at him and captured him. Whether the
other Bulgars near by were struck motionless or whether the N.C.O.
was particularly unpopular it is not known, but in broad daylight and
in full view of the enemy Andrew and his batman chased their prisoner
towards our lines and soon got under the cover of the hill. No attempt
was made to follow them, and the Bulgar N.C.O. was soon on his way to
Brigade Headquarters. It was an amusing adventure, but the brilliant
daring of our two representatives cannot be over-estimated. Surprise
had beaten numbers.
The Battalion held these new positions until the end of May When the
whole Brigade was taken out of the line and concentrated at Dache near
Kolonova. Rumours floated around that Pip 3 on the “P” ridge was to be
our objective, but on the 5th of June orders were received to march
back as far as Hadji Junas, about 10 miles behind the line. The march
was carried out on the night of the 5th of June, and rain poured down
making the route over the soft marshy ground near Lake Ardzan slippery
and treacherous. The Battalion remained here for three days in hot
weather and had an enjoyable rest.
On the 8th of June the march was continued south via Janis and Kukus
as far as Sargol. By this time it was apparent that Salonica was to be
our destination, and on the 11th of June we arrived at Uchanter, not
far from Dudular, our first camp in Salonica, having stayed one day at
Nares and another day at Ambarkoy on the route. This trek from the line
was much pleasanter than the trek to the line in the previous March.
Marching was done at night under the silvery rays of a bright moon,
each night’s journey being about 15 miles. The weather was now becoming
hot and marching at night was far more enjoyable than toiling along
under the hot rays of the midday sun; after leaving Hadji Junas the
roads were good, and I think the march was enjoyed by most of us; even
the company mules behaved themselves and gave a minimum of trouble.
For the rest of the week the Battalion, in company with the remainder
of the 60th Division, spent its time doing what the authorities were
pleased to call “intensive training,” which meant field work from morn
to night. During the night of the 19th of June the Battalion packed up
its home and marched to the docks at Salonica. Great secrecy was made
of the destination, and even the Commanding Officer and his staff who
went down to the ship earlier in the evening were not allowed to return
to the camp in case the news leaked out. On the morning of the 20th of
June the Battalion boarded the _Abbasieh_, and learning that the boat
was one of the Khedival Line, Egypt was soon on every lip. The sea
journey was pleasant, and on the 22nd of June, while at sea, dinners
celebrating the anniversary of our departure from England, twelve
months previously, were held in all parts of the ship.
CHAPTER XXXII
ALEXANDRIA, 23RD JUNE, 1917--ISMAILIA--BELAH--DESERT TRAINING--GAMBLI
AND TEL EL FARA--EL SHAULTH--PREPARATIONS FOR THE PALESTINE OFFENSIVE
Alexandria was reached on the midnight of the 22nd June, 1917, and
every one was pleased to get rid of the ever-present encumbrance on
board troopships--the life belt, which brought back memories of the
_Transylvania_. What a glorious sunrise we witnessed, the harbour
with its white buildings gave us a feeling that we had at last again
reached civilisation after our sojourn in the wilds of Macedonia.
Disappointment, however, was keen when no leave ashore was granted, and
only a few officers on duty were allowed on the Docks. Lieutenant Lewis
and the writer however, under the pretext of purchasing food for the
officers’ messes, spent a pleasant afternoon in the town and honoured
“Groppi’s Tea Shop” with our presence, only to return to the boat to
find a train alongside with half of the battalion already entrained.
Early in the evening the Battalion started on its journey to Ismailia
on the Suez Canal. Every one enjoyed the scenery of the Nile Delta
while daylight lasted, and the beauty of the Egyptian sunset appealed
to all. Descriptions of Egypt are to be found in many books, and I need
hardly spend any time in this short history to describe it, sufficient
to say that the Battalion thoroughly enjoyed the train journey and the
excitement of being in a strange land made us forget the war.
Just after midnight the train pulled up at Ismailia and the desert was
struck for the first time. The moon was bright, making night like day,
and under the leadership of camp guides the Battalion marched through
the heavy sand for about a mile or so and were soon allotted their
lines in a huge base camp. Tea, as usual, was soon made and partaken
of. Every one then retired to their tents and soon fell asleep; here
was a land, at last, where blankets were not absolutely essential.
However, dawn is early in these latitudes, and the sun shone down
with considerable fierceness from about 5 a.m. The oppressive heat of
the tents soon woke every one, to say nothing of the heavy hum of the
aeroplanes from the local aerodrome, which flew so low that they missed
the tent tops by a few feet, much to the dismay of the occupants.
Flying cannot be carried out with such security in the heat of the day
in Egypt, owing to the numerous air pockets, and during our stay at
Ismailia reveille each morning was heralded by the heavy drone of these
planes.
Ismailia, a small town on the Suez Canal, has a considerable French
population, connected with the canal company. The town is very clean,
even in the native quarters, while palm groves and tropical gardens
furnish a relieving contrast to the surrounding desert of yellow sand.
During the war it became the Base of the Australian Imperial Forces and
also contained a large British Ordnance Depot. The main railway line
from Port Said to Suez passed through the town, and on the east lay the
large lakes of Timsah which form part of the Suez Canal. Leave passes
into the town were granted, and this freedom was greatly appreciated by
the men; for since the days of Katerina we had not even been encamped
near a village. Officers were invited as honorary members of the French
Club which provided excellent luncheons and dinners at a reasonable
cost. The place was crowded each evening and jolly times were spent
there. Leave as far as Cairo and Alexandria was granted, and parties
left daily for three days in one of these cities. A certain amount of
training was carried out in the early morning and in the evening. The
men in their pith helmets and “shorts” soon became acclimatised and
accustomed to the terrific heat of the sun. Bathing parades in the
lakes were held daily, and on the whole our stay at Ismailia was most
enjoyable. At the end of July the Battalion moved by road as far as
Kantara.
It was only a few days after our arrival at Ismailia that the Transport
Section, minus horses, limbers, mules, etc., joined us from Salonica.
They had left on board the _Cestrian_, and while at sea had been
torpedoed and landed on the island of Mudros.
The following eye-witness story by the Transport Officer, Lieutenant
T. W. Pearson, gives a short description of the sinking of the
_Cestrian_:--
“The Battalion and part of the transport personnel sailed for
Egypt a few days before the main body of the transport. The
remainder of the transport received orders to load and embark
on the _Cestrian_, on the 23rd of June, 1917. In addition to
ourselves, with our limbers and animals, the Sherwood Rangers
Yeomanry and a Divisional S.A.A. column sailed on the boat; in
all about 980 men and 960 animals.
“While we were loading, a German plane came over, but it flew
at such a height that no one took much notice of it, but
afterwards we thought it may have had something to do with the
loss of the _Cestrian_.
“The Staff Veterinary Officers commented very favourably on the
condition of our animals.
“We eventually sailed about 9.0 p.m. in the evening, under
glorious conditions; all the men and animals having comfortable
berths. We were escorted by two destroyers, and these sailed
on either side. We were about 12 or 13 hours out of Salonica
early on Sunday morning, the 24th June, having just been
dismissed from boat drill, and all was peaceful and the water
as smooth as a billiard table, when suddenly the boat gave a
terrible lurch; the water around was churned up and shot to a
great height on the starboard side. We had been torpedoed right
amidship and the torpedo had struck the boilers, and soon every
one was drenched with the sooty water which had been forced out
of the funnels, and a funny looking lot we were.
“Part of the torpedo was forced on the upper deck. It was a
terrible shock to all, as there was no warning whatever, but
no one lost his head, every one went quietly to his respective
boat station, without any panic. One of the life-boats allotted
to us was broken up by the explosion, and, as an example of
the coolness of our men, one of the fellows calmly produced a
pocket camera and took snapshots of the damage.
“Nobody was allowed to go down below to the animals, though
we could hear them screaming. If the incident had occurred
about half an hour later we should have been below at stables
and probably there would have been many more casualties.
Fortunately, the casualties were confined to the ship’s crew
below. I heard that one had been killed and several seriously
wounded and scalded.
“Within a few seconds, one of the destroyers was alongside
and commenced transferring the men from the wreck aboard her
by means of ropes and rope ladders, and while this was taking
place she was firing at 1,000 yards range at the periscope
of the Hun, and is believed to have made a hit. The second
destroyer was circling around at full speed to keep the
submarine from reappearing. Many of the men jumped overboard
on the port side, but all were saved by the second escort. The
wireless was soon busy, and in a very short time help came
from all directions. The _Cestrian_ did not sink at once, but
was towed to within a few miles of land when she suddenly went
down with all animals on board. It is thought that she would
have been towed in safely except for the fact that so many
port-holes had been left open.
“The men were landed at Mudros, which was one of the islands
used as a base depot during the Dardanelles campaign. We were a
queer-looking crowd when we landed; some with nothing on their
feet; others just in shirts and trousers; I don’t think anyone
was fully dressed. The staff on the island were wonderfully
kind, and did all that was possible to make us comfortable.
Within half an hour of landing at Mudros, all were billeted
and were comfortably housed. The A.S.C. officials were very
prominent and had rations out to the men in a very short time.
During our stay here, the Y.M.C.A. deserves great praise,
they got all manner of things for the men free of charge, and
organised concerts. They did so well that I believe many of
the men wrote home to their parents to send a subscription to
the Y.M.C.A. We were on the island for just a week when we
were picked up by a boat from Salonica proceeding with troops
of our own Brigade (London Scottish) for Egypt. We arrived
in Alexandria minus our transport. I regret to say that the
Battalion never had such good animals again all the time in
the Palestine campaign as those which we had lost on the
_Cestrian_. On arrival in Egypt the Battalion had to have the
‘cast offs’ from the other Battalions in the Division who were
reducing their strength, and, naturally, they handed to us all
their ‘duds,’ and you never saw such ‘clothes racks’ as they
were. How the transport ever kept up with the Battalion on trek
in Palestine I don’t know. As time went on, however, we were
able to make exchanges with the Remount Department and got rid
of some of our worst.”
To return to the doings of the Battalion in Egypt. Their stay at
Kantara, which had by this time developed into an immense base for
the Egyptian Expeditionary Force, was only for a day, and they were
soon on the train bound for the Palestine Front. This desert railway
across the Sinai Peninsula for over a distance of 150 miles was one of
the finest engineering feats of the war. Early in the war the British
garrison had jealously guarded Egypt by means of outposts along the
Suez Canal, and frequent raids on this defensive line were made by
the Turks. It was, therefore, decided to push the line right out into
the desert, and under the pressure of the Australian Mounted units,
the Desert Mounted Corps and certain Infantry Divisions, the Turk was
forced north, and when the Battalion joined the E.E.F. the firing
line was just south of Gaza and running inland to Sheik Nuran on the
south-east, generally speaking along the line of the Wadi Ghuzze. The
whole of this advance from the Canal to Gaza had been made over the
trackless waste of the Sinai Peninsula desert. In order to provide
rations, stores and ammunition to the advancing troops a railway was
laid by the Royal Engineers, ably assisted by working parties of the
Egyptian Labour Corps of natives. The railway was kept up to the
advancing troops at each step forward, and in order to provide water a
pipe line ran at the side of the railway. Dumps and depots were made
at intervals. At El Arish numerous sidings were built and stores and
water were accumulated, and the small oasis of palm groves became a
busy advanced base. From this point the line was pushed forward through
Rafa, and when the Battalion arrived in Egypt the railhead was at
Belah a few miles south of Gaza; where there were large dumps and also
two extensive stationary hospitals. On arrival at Belah the Battalion
detrained and marched through loose sand, ankle deep, and great was
the relief when it pitched its bivouac near the seashore; the pleasure
of sea bathing was shortlived, for in a few days, on the 29th July,
1917, the Battalion marched inland to join the Desert Corps. It was
here at Belah that a new method of transport was introduced in the
shape of the Camel Transport Corps. That fascinating quadruped, the
camel, was substituted for the mule, although a few mule-drawn vehicles
still remained for general purposes. At Belah there were extensive
camel lines; each camel company, which consisted of 600 camels, having
its own area. Ropes were staked across the width of these lines at
regular intervals and to these ropes the camels were tethered a few
yards apart. Each pair of camels had an Egyptian attendant, who was
dressed in a long butcher-blue smock with the letters C.T.C. in red on
the chest. These natives took great pride in their lines and kept them
particularly clean, while the saddles were neatly arranged just in rear
of the camels.
The saddle fitted over the hump of the camel, and at each side near the
top of the saddle were fixed two stout bars of wood, about ten inches
longer than the saddles, on to which the loads were hooked in rope
nets. Water was carried in “fanatis” or copper tanks, which rested on
the sides of the saddle. A certain number of men were detailed as camel
guides from each company and section in the Battalion.
On leaving Belah, on the evening of the 29th July, the Battalion struck
inland in a south-easterly direction along rough-made tracks, but the
sand was loose and made the going very heavy. Although it was evening
time the heat was terrific, and soon the perspiration was rolling down
every one’s face and the dust raised by the column soon formed into
mud on the face and hands. Every one was choked with dust and eyes
and nostrils became extremely painful. No one felt like singing, and
even talking was rewarded with a mouthful of sand, one and all just
blindly followed on through the cloud of dust raised by the four in
front, which could only just be discerned. Water was limited, and it
was practically forbidden to drink it; only a mouth wash or gargle
could be indulged in. After struggling for about nine or ten miles
in this unpleasant fashion the whole column was relieved to move off
the tracks and settle down for a rest. With no movement the dust
clouds disappeared, and in the wondrous beauty of the moonlight of
a warm Egyptian night bivouacs were soon erected, but water was too
scarce to make tea, and doubts arose as to when the next issue would
arrive. Nevertheless, tiredness overcame the Battalion, and it was
soon asleep. The next morning the sun poured down, but the arrival of
the water camels cheered us and the routine of desert life, which was
to be our existence for some time to come, had begun. After a day’s
rest, which included the kicking about of a football by some of the
more energetic, the Battalion moved off again in the evening, about 4
p.m., and plodded its weary way past Sheik Nuran to Gambli on the Wadi
Ghuzze. This was a repetition of the previous night’s march in every
detail, except that the ending was not a simple right wheel on to the
level desert, but as a special treat a descent of the steep cliffs
of the wadi banks had to be negotiated. This descent was difficult
with such appendages as company mules, camels and transport, and was
followed by a mile over the stony bed of the wadi. About midnight the
Battalion halted and settled for the night under the steep banks of the
wadi. The next day the companies went out to take over the line on the
Gambli defences. Reliefs were carried out by day and companies simply
marched over the desert in mass, a most amusing performance after the
communication trenches in France and the careful night reliefs on the
Salonica Front. At this point of the line the Turks were at least
20 miles away, and, therefore, precautions from shelling were not
necessary. This, indeed, was a pleasant part to hold and keep. Strong
points well wired around were held, these being about 150 yards apart.
The right flank of our line curled back so that it actually faced away
from the Turk. The front was protected by night by cavalry patrols
of Australian Light Horse, while to the east the Desert Camel Corps
was operating as a mobile flank guard. Bivouacs were arranged in the
small wadis or fissures in the ground and, of course, movement was not
restricted. To those who were not privileged to see this part of the
war it would be humorous to think of the sentry by day standing in the
trench shewing well above the parapet under the protection of a huge
umbrella-like shade which could be seen for miles around. Although the
war in this theatre lacked shot and shell it had other horrors in the
shape of oppressive heat, limited supplies of water, sandstorms, and
numerous flies. In addition to the ever-present insect life associated
with active service and the trenches, there were centipedes, scorpions,
tarantula spiders and small snakes, which invaded our blankets.
Chameleons were also plentiful and were kept as pets, though we never
committed the atrocity attributed to a man in a Scottish Division on
the Palestine Front who placed a pet chameleon on his tartan kilt and
wondered why the poor little beggar suddenly died.
An average day in these parts was as follows: Early morning company
drill in front of the wire, breakfast, and then utter collapse and
seeking of shade until about 4 p.m. The only joy of the hot day was
the arrival of the camels with water, and even this water was strongly
chlorinated. Water was drawn from the Wadi Ghuzze where, by digging
down for a few feet, pools of water were frequently found. During the
day every one lay down and put pieces of muslin over their faces,
hands and exposed knee caps, so that the flies should not be too
irritating. Each afternoon a hot wind, called the “Khamsin,” blew
regularly and brought with it a sandstorm. Drifting sand found its way
into every nook and cranny; the food was soon covered and things were
generally unpleasant while the storm lasted. It was during one of these
afternoons that a private remarked: “They call this a land of milk
and honey, eh! One tin between 20 men and not a b----bee to be seen.”
However, about 4 p.m. each day the atmosphere cooled a little; letter
writing (not to forget the inevitable censoring), card playing and
dinner were the next items on the programme, only to be marred by the
company drill and exercises that followed.
At night-time sentry groups were posted by each platoon in its
own strong point, and visiting patrols wandered between the posts
throughout the night. It was a short night and no aerial torpedoes or
other types of frightfulness disturbed the tour of duty. Each evening
about 5 p.m. large bodies of Australian Cavalry went out to the front,
sometimes accompanied by Armoured Cars, and took up an outpost line
some five or six miles ahead of the defensive line. But even with this
cavalry screen it was possible for a strong raiding party of Turks to
attack one of our posts. In fact, only a short time before our arrival,
our predecessors had been surprised one morning by a heavy bombardment
with field guns, which some adventurous Turks had brought up under
cover of darkness.
The Battalion, however, remained in undisputed possession of this part
of the line until the 12th August, when it was relieved by the 2/13th
Londons (Kensingtons) and retired to Tel el Fara, renowned as being a
camping ground of Richard Cœur-de-Lion and his Crusaders. Tel el Fara
was a high cliff jutting out into the Wadi Ghuzze and could be seen for
many miles around and was used as an observation post. It was the local
landmark for all who were lost on the desert. It is an easy matter
to be lost on the desert, as each square mile is identical with its
neighbours, and only a feature like Tel el Fara helped the wanderer.
The rest of the month was spent in training and lectures, when the heat
permitted, and was only varied by an occasional route march in the
early morning, not a pleasant outing. The tracks were not watered by
the local borough council and chewing grit was the only occupation of
the silent troops; talking and singing was impossible, and this denial
always added to the monotony of the march. Practice attacks were also
carried out against imaginary enemies.
By the beginning of September the Battalion had moved to El Shaulth,
near Sheik Nuran, and remained there to prepare for the offensive which
was to be made in Palestine. The men had become accustomed to the
heat and no longer was it necessary to reserve parades until evening
time. All day and every day training was carried out with vigour,
until Brigade operations in the way of advanced guards, attacks and
long night marches became frequent. A rifle range was built and field
firing was done. It may be interesting to mention that some of our
tactical schemes were carried out some six or seven miles in front
of the wire of the defences. On one occasion the Brigade set out on
a long night march by the assistance of many luminous compasses and
numerous pacers, the objective being a lone tree standing in the open
desert some ten miles away from our camps. The march was made and by
all the careful calculations we arrived at our destination about two
hours before dawn. A halt was called, but no trace of the lone tree
could be found, and after an energetic search by mounted officers and
a consequent “pow-wow” the verdict, “Lost,” was given, and there was
nothing to do but to wait till dawn. When the sun rose it transpired
that we were in the correct spot, but during the night some Australian
Troop, which had run short of wood, had cut down the tree which had
stood alone in the desert on the previous day, and to all appearances
had stood since the days of the Flood, only to be felled by the hand
of a “Dinkum.” The opinion of the Brigade staff who had arranged this
pleasant little outing is not recorded, but it is thought was not
complimentary to our friends from the Antipodes.
Plans for the great attack were being drawn up about this time, and
officers made reconnaissances towards the Turkish lines. These outings
were no small undertakings. A party of officers and grooms would leave
El Shaulth about 5 a.m. in the morning and ride over the desert to the
more rugged and undulating country to the south of Beersheba, and then
spend some hours in the heat of the day in scouting over the hills on
foot to become acquainted with the ground, and at the same time doing
their best to evade the Turkish patrols which frequented the hills.
The party would then rendezvous at a given time in the early evening
and start on the homeward journey. A halt would be called about ten
miles from the Turkish lines, at which point it was considered safe to
disregard the Turk. Here, under the glorious moonlight, a picnic would
be held and the adventures of the day would be recounted, and after a
smoke the journey would be resumed, camp being reached by about 2 a.m.
the next morning. From the Turkish lines to the Wadi Ghuzze landmarks
were definite enough, but on the other side of the wadi there was
nothing but sand for miles. Everyone knew the most direct route to
the camp, and, of course, this was the beginning of an argument which
often ended in parties of officers going off in different directions.
At different times during the night these parties struck the camp; some
had taken the direct route, some had been misled by lights in other
camps; others found that some camp which had existed when they went
out had moved during the day, and so on. However, on return to camp
there was always a hot meal ready, prepared by our faithful batmen,
who waited up for us. A word here perhaps would not be out of place in
praise of the batmen of the Battalion. Veritable “scroungers,” they
always thought of their officers, and nothing was too hot or too heavy,
not even the Company Commander’s valise. At the end of each day’s trek
or manœuvre they forgot their own fatigue and prepared meals for the
mess, the variety of which was confined to the army rations and the
ever-present issue of sand.
The only excitement of the war at El Shaulth was the daily visit of two
enemy aeroplanes to our camps and a few days’ operations at Hiseia,
on the Wadi Ghuzze, where we tackled the banks of the wadi instead of
trenches dug in the flat sand, and where we had already exhausted the
possibility of taking cover on such ground during the attack.
Besides the shortage of water, fuel was also very limited, and Egypt
was practically denuded of trees to provide fuel for the E.E.F. One
Company cook, however, had different views as to the origin of his
firewood, and after vainly endeavouring to chop a hard piece of olive
wood which had been issued to him, paused, and with much emphasis
consigned the trunk to a far hotter fire than his own, remarking what
he required was “wood and not Adam’s petrified doorposts.”
So far I have only spoken on the warlike side of our stay at El
Shaulth, but among the pleasanter things of life was the leave to Cairo
or Alexandria which had been granted. With what joy those few miles
over the desert to Sheik Nuran were traversed, followed by a scramble
for the leave train and then a long train journey on the Desert Railway
to Kantara, which took about twelve hours. At Kantara a rush was made
for the Divisional Rest Camp, a wash and shave and breakfast and a dash
for the first available train on the Egyptian State Railways and then
a comfortable journey to Cairo or Alexandria. I need hardly describe
either of these cities, for as holiday resorts they hold a world-wide
reputation. The return to the line about nine days later was never so
pleasant. The heat became oppressive again, the meal at the rest camp
at Kantara was adversely criticised, and the desert train journey was
monotonous in the extreme. However, on rejoining the Battalion, tales
of the Continental, Shepheards, the Pyramids, the Sphinx, the Barrage
and so forth were told, while the fellows from Alexandria talked of
nothing but the Majestic, the Regina Palace, the Races, Bathing, and
Groppi’s.
By the middle of October the serious side of the campaign in Palestine
had commenced, and most people had had their leave in Egypt. Leave was
stopped and football and sports in the evenings, and an occasional
Divisional concert party were our only entertainments. The post was
regular and parcels were received, although occasionally a foot-note
in Battalion orders to the effect that the mails from the United
Kingdom on certain dates had been lost at sea through enemy action
made us depressed. Canteen stores were plentiful, as we were near the
railhead at Sheik Nuran, but they soon became less in quantity as
the ration trains were then being employed for war material for the
coming advance. Towards the end of October the attack on Beersheba
was a popular topic, and the hard training was not to be in vain. The
Battalion was fit and strong, although malaria and fever had claimed
their victims, and a fair number were sent down to Base Hospitals.
However, the Battalion was ready and willing to show the Turks the way
to the north.
While at El Shaulth several changes took place in the higher command.
Major-General J. S. Shea, C.M.G., had taken over the Division from
Major-General E. S. Bulfin, C.B., who had been promoted to the command
of the 20th Corps, while Lieut.-Colonel C. de Putron left us to go
to the School of Instruction at Zeitoun, near Cairo, his place being
filled by Lieut.-Colonel T. E. Bisdee (Duke of Cornwall’s L.I.).
Colonel Bisdee was intensely popular with all ranks from the first day
of joining the Battalion, and in the short time he commanded us before
Beersheba he worked wonders. The Company Commanders at this time were
Captains C. H. Rimington, F. W. Lewis, K. A. Wills, and A. C. H. Benké.
CHAPTER XXXIII
BEERSHEBA, 1917 (21ST OF OCTOBER TO 4TH OF NOVEMBER)--WADI WELFARE
The left flank of the Turkish line, which ran south-eastward from Gaza,
formed a stronghold around the south-eastern outskirts of Beersheba.
In the main scheme of the advance in Palestine the 60th Division was
detailed to attack and take those trenches covering the Khalasa Road
which ran from Beersheba on the south-west of the town. On the right
of the Division were the 21st Corps cavalry regiment (½nd County of
London Yeomanry) and they were ordered to make an enveloping movement
simultaneously with the main attack on the Beersheba defences. From
the desert line held by the Battalion near the Wadi Ghuzze at Gambli a
long approach march was necessary. On the 21st of October, 1917, the
Battalion moved from the Wadi Ghuzze, near Gambli, where the 179th
Brigade had been concentrated. The march was not a difficult one, as
the track lay over country of a more solid surface than the desert we
had just left, but some sympathy must be given to “D” Company of the
Battalion, who had marched some additional eight miles at midday across
the desert from Divisional Head Quarters at Shellal, where they had
represented the Battalion at a Divisional Church Parade in the morning
and had been on parade since the early hours of dawn.
In the cool of the evening the column started out full of glee, knowing
that at last a march was to be undertaken without that horrible feeling
that the further one went from camp the further one would have to
retrace one’s steps. The weather was fine and the journey was along
the high ground overlooking the Wadi Shanag, a continuation of the
Wadi Ghuzze, past the peak of Goz Mabrouk and across the Shanag at Bir
Esani to the high ground that lay between the fork of the function of
the Wadis Imalaga and Esani, just south of Rashid Bek. About midnight
the column halted, and the Battalion took up an outpost line reaching
from Rashid Bek, a desolate, empty eastern house standing some 690
feet above sea-level, to the north bank of the Wadi Imalaga. The
remainder of the Brigade extended the line to the north as far as the
Karm-Beersheba Road. The line was taken up on the 22nd of October, and
the Battalion remained here until the 28th of October. During the week
forward reconnaissance work was done, and, under cover of the outpost,
stores and guns were brought up by means of tractors, while large
columns of camels and small white donkeys brought up ammunition, etc. A
large dump of foodstuffs and stores was formed near the Khalasa-Esani
road, and it was amusing to think that this dump was some few hundred
yards in advance of the outpost line, although in front of the dump
there was a cavalry screen of Australian mounted troops. Even if the
Turk had attacked in force the outpost line would have proved a strong
defence, though perhaps the dump and its camel lines would have been
sacrificed. Strict orders were given to the officers in the line that
no one was allowed through the line without strict scrutiny, as small
bodies of nomadic Arabs acting as spies were always wandering about
this neighbourhood. One evening a horseman approached one of our posts
and was promptly halted. He was challenged. He argued in his Australian
twang that he was friendly, but the officer was adamant and ordered him
to advance for further investigation, to which he replied, “Do I look
like a ---- spy with these 400 ---- camels?” and lo! from the darkness
in front loomed a silent column of camels which had lost their way when
returning from the dump and had not used the recognised gap in the line
further to our right flank.
During this week every one wrote letters as it was a doubtful thing
when the post would next be sent, once the advance had commenced. Every
one rested and no movement by day was encouraged. Such relaxation came
as a welcome change after the weeks of hard gruelling, and, to quote
the words of our Commander-in-Chief, Field-Marshal Sir Edmund Allenby,
on the occasion of his admission to the Freedom of the City of London,
when he referred to the 60th Division:--
“Before it attacked Beersheba it was exercising so hard to keep fit
that the G.O.C. ordered his men to eat and drink more and not work so
hard.”
Not only for purposes of rest, however, was this stay made at Bir
Esani. We had left our old line with its water supply many miles away,
and it was necessary for the R.E.’s to develop and exploit wells that
existed at Abu Ghalyun under the cover of the mounted patrols out to
our front.
Our own part of the line was held by “C” and “D” Companies, with “A”
and “B” in support. Fortunately the Turk did not trouble us, although
a short distance further north a skirmish took place between the 74th
Division and the Turk near the Karm-Beersheba road. The enemy was
driven off with loss and gave no further trouble. On Sunday evening,
the 28th of October, the march was resumed as far as Abu Ghalyun,
which lay some seven or eight miles south-west of the Beersheba
defences. The march was only a matter of a few miles and was along
the level though stony bed of the Wadi Imalaga. The Battalion halted
but bivouacs were not erected, and the very minimum of movement was
made. It was a glorious day, and final preparations for the attack
were made; aeroplane maps were studied and final orders were issued.
The Commanding Officer told the Company Commanders, and through the
usual channels the real facts of the case were put before the private
soldier. Arrangements for transport and water were made, but the great
event was the issue of a small bottle of tea and rum to each man.
Rum was not a regular issue in this hot climate, but by this time
(October) the nights were becoming colder and the light kit worn by
the men required something more than keenness to get at the Turk to
cheer the dawn, hence the rum and tea. No sign of the enemy was seen
this day except two Turkish aeroplanes flying at a great height over
the concentration of troops from Karm to Abu Ghalyun, but British air
scouts were soon after them and by great skill drove them down. Later,
when the plates in their cameras were developed at Cairo, a complete
set of photographs showing the concentration of troops was obtained.
Had these planes succeeded in reaching their lines our reception at
Beersheba might have been even warmer.
On the evening of the 30th, before leaving Abu Ghalyun, the Commanding
Officer, Lieut.-Colonel Bisdee addressed the Battalion and in a few
words told us what he expected of us. The result was never in doubt,
and the regiment rose as one man and cheered him. It is safe to say
that at no time previously was the morale of the Battalion so high,
and the morrow augured badly for “Jacko,” as the Turk was called. It
was our first time “over the top,” as a Battalion, and every man from
the Colonel down to the latest-joined private determined to prove that
the 2nd Battalion of the Civil Service Rifles was worthy in every way
to uphold the traditions of the Regiment, which had been so gloriously
upheld in France by the 1st Battalion. The 60th Division had had a
great deal of hard work and a rough time with no prospect of glory, but
that night it was to start a career of much glory equal to that of any
Division in the War.
The first stage of the march towards Beersheba that night was as far as
Wadi Mirtaba, where the R.E.’s had developed an efficient water supply
a little more than two miles from the Turkish positions. Here the whole
of the wheel transport was parked under the cover of the steep banks
of the wadi, and the infantry shed their packs and resumed the march
in fighting kit. From this point we were only accompanied by camels
carrying ammunition and medical and signal stores. A section of the
Machine Gun Corps was attached to the Battalion here, for the actual
attack.
From this point the Khalasa Road ran direct to Beersheba and formed a
splendid guiding line through the wadis and hills on either side. From
aeroplane maps sketches of the wadis had been reproduced, and each wadi
had been allotted a familiar name; the local Arabic names were far too
difficult to memorise. Such names as Service, Scottish, Kensington,
Westminster, St. Pancras and Blackheath were given; while each
Battalion had named the wadis in their own particular sector by popular
names; some of our nicknames were Strand, Dorking, Watford, Walden and
Ware Wadis.
About 3,000 yards from the Wadi Mirtaba the Khalasa Road was joined by
the Wadi Halgon, and from this point right up to the Turkish trenches
they intertwined so much that one could hardly tell whether one was
walking on the road or in the wadi; from this fact the quality of the
“road” can be best judged.
At night-time the Turks sent out patrols to the hills in advance of
the trenches, and from these patrols resistance soon came in the shape
of rifle fire, and after sharp skirmishes they were driven back to
their lines. The only casualty on our side was a camel belonging to
“C” Company. Later machine-gun fire down the road became heavy and the
Companies soon got off the road into their prearranged wadis, where
protection was good. It might be mentioned here that the wadis in this
part were not deep ravines some sixty feet deep, like the Wadis Ghuzze,
Imalaga and Mirtaba, which we had passed, but were simply small valleys
between the hills, where a dried water-course was termed a “wadi” after
the larger variety further south.
The advanced guard was carried out by “D” Company, with orders to reach
Poplar Wadi, about 500 yards from the enemy trenches, and to form a
defensive line on the ridges on the further side of the Wadi; this was
carried out without loss, and strong forward positions were taken up
in advance of Poplar Wadi on both sides of the Khalasa Road. Patrols
went forward nearly to the enemy lines and were able to ascertain
that there were no wire entanglements in front of the enemy position.
This information was invaluable to the artillery, as many rounds of
ammunition were saved, instead of bombarding imaginary wire. From
aeroplane map photographs, definite lines of white spots could be
detected in front of the line of trenches, but that night it was proved
that they were merely white stones cunningly arranged by the Turk.
Throughout the night Turkish machine-gun fire was intermittent and
spattered the whole front with bullets. When dawn broke, any advance
up the Wadi Halgon was impossible, as it was raked by the fire of
two machine guns. Runners kept clear of the road and made their way
to the forward companies by rushing over each ridge into the wadi in
front. One runner, however, unaware of the dangers of the Wadi Halgon,
calmly strolled along in the early morning and of course, drew violent
fire both from machine guns and rifles on to his tracks, and after a
certain amount of dancing about he fell down. Every one thought he
had been hit, but Captain Wills, regardless of his personal safety,
dashed from the cover of the Wadi and ran out to the man. This again
was the cause of a further hail of bullets, and Wills fell down near
the man. Thinking that both of them were dead the Turks ceased fire,
but a moment or two later Captain Wills got up and made a successful
dash for safety in the wadi, and although the Turks reopened their
fire they did not hit Wills, who was no worse for his adventures. The
man, inspired by Wills, got up a few minutes later, and also made a
dash for our wadi, through a hail of bullets. Now comes the amusing
side of the incident. The breathless runner handed us a note, and when
it was opened the following words were exposed: “What time shall the
platoon drink its rum and tea? ----, Lieutenant, Officer Commanding
---- Platoon, ‘C’ Company.” Needless to say no reply was sent to this
request.
[Illustration: _ROUGH SKETCH MAP “BEERSHABA-HUJ” OPERATIONS.
OCTOBER-NOVEMBER --(1917)--_]
So much for the events of the night and early morning in the Wadi
Halgon.
In the general scheme it was arranged that the 181st Brigade on the
left of the 179th Brigade, should attack and capture the strongly
fortified hill known as “Hill 1,070,” which towered up in advance of
the general line of the Beersheba defences. Not until this hill was
captured was the main attack to be made.
As soon after dawn as light permitted, the operation of wire-cutting on
the enemy’s advanced works on Hill 1,070 was commenced by the Artillery
and was continued, with short checks owing to dust clouds, until 8.30
a.m., when the 181st Brigade moved to the attack, which was undertaken
by the 2/22nd and 2/24th Battalions, London Regiment, under cover of an
intense barrage and overhead machine-gun fire.
At 8.42 a.m. the positions were entered and captured, the Artillery
lifting on to the reverse slopes.
During this phase the 179th Brigade, led by the 2/14th and 2/15th
Battalions were gradually moving forward for the attack on the main
positions in conjunction with the 181st Brigade. At 10 a.m. the latter
had reorganised and were reported ready for the next phase, which was
preceded by wire-cutting on the part of the Artillery. This having been
completed by 11 a.m., orders were received from the 20th Corps for the
assault to take place in conjunction with the 74th Division on the left
at 12.15 p.m. By 12.45 p.m. the whole of the enemy main positions were
in our hands, and our left artillery group were left free to assist the
attack of the 74th Division, who were slightly checked on our left.
While the operations against Hill 1,070 were proceeding the Battalion
formed up under cover for their attack; and orders had been previously
issued to “D” Company in the advanced positions that should the Turk
leave his trenches on our direct front, as the result of the attack on
Hill 1,070, he was to be pursued with fire. Odd men had been seen to
retire, and the message came through that the Turks were retiring, and
“D” Company lined their ridge and poured fire into the enemy trenches.
However, the message of the Turks’ retirement which came from a rear
observation post was not quite correct, and was far too sanguine. The
retirement was not so wholesale as had been anticipated, and the Turk
returned strong retaliatory fire. “D” Company stuck to their positions,
and although suffering heavy casualties, continued to fire at the Turks
in the trenches. While this battle of cross fire was proceeding, orders
for the general advance were given, and, under the covering fire of
the advanced company, the attacking Companies “B” and “C,” with “A”
Company in immediate support, rushed the enemy’s line. In spite of
heavy opposition no one hesitated, and the attackers assaulted and
captured the trenches, killing the occupants and pursuing with fire
those who had retired. The Turks fired until the very last moment, and
when our fellows were within bayoneting distance held up their hands
and cried “Kamerad” or “Arab.” They were poorly clad, and apparently
the sprinkling of German N.C.O.’s had kept up their morale until the
sight of our bayonets. By 12.45 p.m. the position was in our hands, and
a line some 800 yards beyond the trenches was immediately consolidated.
Patrols pushed forward, but little was seen of the Turk; only small
groups could be seen in the distance running away as fast as their legs
could take them.
In clearing the trenches to our right flank, Private E. J. Cook, “C”
Company, the last unwounded member of his Lewis gun team, greatly
distinguished himself. Crawling out of the trench he engaged a
German-manned machine gun point-blank, and although the Lewis gun was
hit and he was twice severely wounded, he continued to serve his gun
until the enemy gun was knocked out, whereupon it was promptly captured
by a bombing party.
The cavalry who had worked around the flank from the east of Beersheba
occupied the town that evening, and the Reserve Battalions of the 60th
Division were sent forward to cover our front.
The conclusion of the day’s planned operations was marked by the
concentration of the attacking Brigades in the captured positions,
with outposts pushed out on the high ground overlooking Beersheba.
The 2/13th (Kensingtons) which had been detailed for this duty in our
Brigade succeeded in capturing two 77mm. guns which had been causing us
casualties earlier in the day.
To return to the actual attack by the Civil Service Rifles, the whole
operation had been a great success, and in spite of considerable
casualties the losses could not be considered too heavy. “D” Company,
the advanced Company, had suffered most while giving support to the
attacking Companies. “C” Company had the next highest total, as it
was their misfortune to advance over the machine-gun swept valley of
the Wadi Halgon. The casualties in “B” Company were much lighter, as
they were able to use the cover of the small branch nullahs in their
advance. “A” Company had very few casualties, but this does not reflect
that they did not do their share; it was their fortune. The whole
Battalion had at last been able to display its fighting qualities in a
real attack. The Battalion’s captures included three officers and over
50 men, while more than sixty dead Turks were buried by us afterwards
in their old trenches.
An amusing incident of the final scene of the attack was when the
stentorian voice of one of the sergeants of “C” Company was heard
during the lull in the rifle fire, shouting, “All officers and
sergeants”--an order which had palled on our ears at the close of the
numerous practice attacks during our training on the desert.
The evening was quiet enough and the Battalion was not worried by
Turkish artillery fire, and it was only an hour after the success of
the attack was known, when the Battalion transport under Lieutenant
Pearson and the water camels under Lieutenant Gearing arrived from
their hiding-place in the Wadi Mirtaba, where we had left them the
previous evening. Souvenir-hunting in the Turkish lines was our evening
pastime; but not until search parties had found and collected all the
killed and wounded and every man was accounted for.
The night was cold, but men availed themselves of the protection of
the trenches, and some of the more fortunate succeeded in obtaining
captured tents and bivouac sheets; but these were unpleasant dwellings
and smelt horribly. With the dead Turks lying around, the whole place
was no health resort. The Turk was a filthy fellow, as his trenches
showed, and the whole area was infested with flies. The next day the
dead Turks were collected and buried in their trenches. The British
guns had fired with great accuracy into the trenches, and in one
instance had knocked out a machine gun and its team of eight men.
On the 1st of November the infantry were employed in clearing the
battlefield while the 519 Field Company, R.E., entered the town of
Beersheba soon after dawn for the purpose of water development.
The captures by the 60th Division included two 77 mm. guns, many
machine guns, 15 officers and 193 other ranks unwounded, and 5 officers
and 85 other ranks wounded.
On the morning of the 3rd of November the Battalion moved to the valley
on the south-eastern outskirts of the town. The whole valley was
crowded with British troops and transport. Beersheba as a town appeared
to be of little value, but its importance as a stronghold on the flank
of the Turkish line was considerable. Water was obtained from the wells
which had been quickly repaired by the R.E.; the Turk having blown up
the winding gear before he left. In the town, prisoner of war compounds
were established, while a still larger compound for the natives and
Arabs of the surrounding district was made in the valley outside the
town.
The soil of the valley where there is some moisture is exceedingly
rich and is rudely cultivated by the natives, and in the tracks around
Beersheba the Bedouin find ample pasturage for their flocks and herds
which in the evening assemble around the wells as they did 3,000 years
ago. The desert of Beersheba is very beautiful in spring and early
summer when the surface is carpeted with herbage and flowers; but later
in the year it is parched and desolate in the extreme, not a tree
breaking the monotony of the landscape or the rays of the sun. It was
in the latter state when we arrived.
On the evening of the 3rd of November the Battalion moved again to
Bargut, some two miles or more north of the town of Beersheba, but
were not privileged to pass through the town; passing it on its
western outskirts. At Bargut a bivouac camp was erected, and the
Quartermaster’s Stores and transport sections moved with us. Officers
were allowed the benefit of their valises which had been reduced to 25
lb. in weight, and blankets were issued to the men.
Meals were soon prepared, and a day of complete rest away from the
filth of the Turkish trenches was thoroughly enjoyed by all.
At this time it had become apparent to the Higher Command that the
enemy had been able to anticipate our threat of enveloping his left
flank, by a concentration of his reserves on the high ground in the
neighbourhood of Khuweilfeh. The Corps Commander therefore decided
to throw our whole weight upon the centre of the Turkish defences
represented by the Kauwukah system and a series of works extending some
5,000 yards to the east, and at the same time occupying the enemy’s
left flank by the employment of the 53rd Division and mounted troops at
Khuweilfeh.
Accordingly the 60th Division moved over in the direction of Kauwukah
on the 4th of November, the Battalion moving to Wadi Welfare, a
distance of 7 or 8 miles as the crow flies. This was a most trying
march over sandy desert and the sand was not of that “golden” type
which one associates with the east when reading books, but was of a
dirty black variety, and our memories went back to that first dusty
march from Belah to Abu Sitta some months previously. Every one was
covered with black dust, and eyes and nostrils became unbearable. Water
was limited and the day’s supply had not been received before starting.
The water camels had returned to Beersheba, but here the supply was
insufficient, and they were re-directed to Abu Irgeig, which was about
7 miles in the direction of Gaza, and in quite a different direction to
that taken by the Brigade.
The ground over which we travelled was extremely hilly, and the
Battalion constantly descended into deep wadis and ascended over the
steep ridges for practically the whole of the last four miles. It was
getting dark, and the difficulties were tremendous, and credit is
due to those responsible that the various battalions of the Division
ever found their allotted areas, most of which were in the beds of
deep wadis. The Battalion halted about 10.0 p.m., and an outpost line
covering the Divisional front was taken up by the 181st Brigade. No
water, however, was obtainable. All we knew was that the camels had
gone back as far as Beersheba, and knowing the difficulties of the
march that we had encountered, the possibility of the camels arriving
that night appeared remote. However, shortly after midnight a small
voice was heard on the surrounding heights, “Who is down there?”
“2/15th,” we shouted. “Thank God,” uttered the small voice, “How the
devil do you get down there?” No one could say how we had got down into
this basin-like dip, in the darkness it appeared to be surrounded by
steep cliffs. The small voice was heard no more, but an hour afterwards
the swishing of the water in the “Fanatis” was heard approaching along
a branch wadi, and Lieutenant Gearing appeared, followed by his convoy
of water camels and their weary leaders. How this officer performed
the journey that night from Bargut to Beersheba and thence to Abu
Irgeig--where water was drawn--and eventually across the wilderness
to the Battalion, which was concealed in one of the many holes in the
ground, is beyond imagination. The water camels, with their officer and
his Company guides had dragged over a distance of at least 15 miles
in the dark. Even Gearing himself cannot explain; in fact, he never
attempted, and “Sparrow,” as our tiny water officer was called, simply
grinned and felt pleased. There were heroes in the battle of Beersheba,
but no one was so deservedly popular as Gearing that night. He had done
great things through sheer grit, where thousands would have failed (and
not without reason). Great was the relief on the arrival of the water
camels, and then our minds turned to the transport and Quartermaster’s
stores with its precious rations which had not yet arrived. However,
ere long the voice of Lieutenant Pearson (not a small one this time)
was heard, and we knew that the “gods” were with us. The route taken
by the Battalion had been impossible for wheeled transport, and it
had been diverted some four miles back on to a different track. Even
this second route was extremely difficult, but the transport section
“stuck to their guns,” and after a somewhat lengthy and tedious journey
had struck the Battalion. It was simply a matter of “striking,” too.
Maps were indistinct, and in the darkness every wadi is a replica of
its neighbour; signposts were badly needed in these parts. However,
daylight came, and this put a better complexion on the state of affairs.
Officers were called to Headquarters and given details of our next
attack which was to be against the centre of the Turkish line in
Palestine, at a place called Kauwukah. The rest of the day was spent
in reconnaissance of the ground. Landmarks were few, but all hoped for
the best, and compass bearings were taken. Final preparations were
made in the evening and rations were issued. Water again presented a
difficulty, as the wells at Abu Irgeig had run dry, but it was hoped
that the R.E. would open up a new source during the night.
CHAPTER XXXIV
KAUWUKAH AND RUSHDI
SYSTEMS--ATTACK--SHERIA--MUNTARET--HUJ--NEJILEH--AND TO GAZA VIA SHERIA
The position to be attacked was on the high ground at Khirbit Kauwukah,
just north of the Beersheeba-Gaza Railway and south of Sheria. This
was an extensive stretch of trenches about four miles long, which
faced south-west from near Samarra Bridge to Abu Heirira on the Wadi
Sheria. The left of this trench system was swung round forming a strong
defensive flank facing south-east, and it was against this flank that
the 60th Division was to make its attack. In front of our objectives
stretched an open plain for over a mile and, of course, formed an
excellent field of fire for the defenders.
The general plan of attack consisted of an enfilade assault from the
east to be started by the 74th Division on our right attacking and
rolling up the enemy’s works east of the actual Kauwukah System,
followed by our own Division which was to operate against the main
defences with one Brigade of the 10th Division on our left; each
Division being echeloned back from the right.
Careful arrangements were necessary with regard to the timing of the
advance of each Division in order to safeguard the possibility of
the troops of the 60th and 10th Divisions being enfiladed from the
enemy’s works to be attacked by the 74th Division before the latter had
accounted for them.
By the flanking attack it was hoped that the 10th Division on our left
would reach the Abu Heirira Redoubt, a strongly-fortified mound on the
edge of the Wadi Sheria. In the 179th Brigade the Westminsters and
Kensingtons were to form the attacking Battalions and the Civil Service
were to be in support; the Brigade Reserve being the London Scottish.
A second Brigade of the Division, the 180th Brigade with the London
Irish (21/8th) and the St. Pancras (2/19th) Battalions as attacking
Battalions were to push forward on our right. The 181st Brigade, of
Hill 1,070 fame, being the Divisional Reserve. After the first lines of
the enemy’s works had been captured, it was intended that the 2/15th
and the 2/19th Battalions should continue the advance and take the rest
of the Kauwukah System in enfilade as far as the Rushdi System which
adjoined just on the banks of the Wadi Sheria; while the Battalions of
the 10th Division on our left should concentrate their energies on the
strong redoubt at Abu Heirira, and thus complete the capture of the
Turkish positions from the east as far as the Wadi Sheria.
During the night of the 5/6th of November, 1917, the Battalion moved
from the Wadi Welfare to its position of assembly preparatory to the
opening of the action by the 74th Division on our right at 5.0 a.m. The
position of assembly was some two miles south-east of the left flank of
the Kauwukah System, and under cover of the undulating ground we waited
for the result of the 74th Divisional attack. One thing which worried
us, however, was the fact that our water supply had not yet reached us;
the camels which had left for Abu Irgeig on the previous evening had
not been heard of since. Just as every one gave up hope Gearing and his
camels appeared over the crest in front. Here was another adventure
of our camel officer. Finding no water at Abu Irgeig, and learning
that some was obtainable nearer Beersheba, Gearing trudged back, got
the water, and then made a “bee-line” for the Kauwukah System along
the Beersheba-Gaza Railway line. True, the route was well defined on
the map, but when one thinks of the journey back towards Beersheba
from Abu Irgeig wells is a matter of about eight miles, and after that
a night march of ten miles towards Kauwukah on the return, it was a
grand performance and an exhibition of determination for which Gearing
deserved praise. He had apparently arrived at the position of assembly
just previous to the Battalion, and seeing no Battalion he had pushed
on towards the Turks, and when dawn came, seeing nothing in front of
him, decided to return, and luckily met us at the appointed place.
Water was quickly issued, and every one was relieved for at least 24
hours.
Being in reserve is always a weary job and always one of anxiety; if
all goes well in front it is easy; but should things go all wrong it is
horrible. During the early morning the 74th Division had gained their
objectives, and by 8.0 a.m. it was decided to commence operations on
our Divisional front. An artillery bombardment of the Turkish trenches
was commenced, and the Battalions deployed for the attack. However,
from observation it was seen that much of the strong barbed-wire
entanglements in front of the Turkish lines was still uncut, and it
was decided that two batteries of R.F.A. should go forward and cut the
wire at point blank range. By this time the Westminsters on our direct
front had advanced to the ridge overlooking the plain in front of the
enemy’s trenches, and were suffering many casualties. Suddenly, in rear
of our Battalion large clouds of dust were seen, and from these clouds
came galloping two batteries of artillery. On they galloped through the
extended lines of the Battalion which lay in support near the railway
bridge at Samarra, and over the ridge in front until they gained the
open plain. Here they unlimbered their guns and opened a rapid rate
of fire on the Turkish lines. The battery horses at once returned
back over the ridge for cover from the heavy shower of shrapnel which
was coming from the enemy gunners. The teams returned at the gallop,
but many horses were riderless and teams were often dragging one of
their number either dead or wounded. In front of the ridge, in full
view of the enemy, the two batteries continued to pour fire on the
Turkish entanglements. They were paying for their gallantry, and many
wounded artillery officers and men crawled back over the ridge to
receive medical attention at the advanced dressing station that had
been erected at Samarra Bridge, under cover of the embankment. Only
a few men finally remained with the guns, and under the command of
a corporal--who afterwards received the D.C.M.--they continued to
successfully carry out the cutting of the wire. The whole incident
was an inspiration to the infantry, and the gallantry of our brothers
in the gunners encouraged us in our attack, which commenced to push
forward about midday. The Battalion followed closely on the heels of
the Westminsters, with “D” Company leading. Extended order with lines
about 70 yards intervals in depth was the formation adopted. Once over
the ridge the Battalion came under heavy machine-gun fire and also a
shrapnel barrage. But just ahead we could see the Westminsters pushing
on towards the trench line which was strongly garrisoned, and with a
final rush at 1.0 p.m. they captured their objective. The Battalions on
their flanks had also succeeded, and the first lines were won. Without
a moment’s delay we, together with the 2/19th on our right, pursued
the enemy and captured many lines of trenches without a great deal
of opposition. Occasionally a machine-gun would hold us up for a few
minutes, but it was soon out-flanked and the line advanced again. All
resistance was broken down and the garrisons killed or put to flight.
Not until the whole of the Kauwukah and Rushdi systems were in British
hands did the Battalion halt, and then finally took up a position
overlooking the Wadi Sheria about 2.0 p.m. in the afternoon.
A defensive line in the vacated trenches was made, and in the distance
across the valley of the wadi columns of Turks with their transport
could be seen hurrying to get out of range of our artillery fire. The
whole attack had been successful and our casualties were comparatively
light. Great losses had been inflicted on the enemy, and many prisoners
were captured. The comparative lightness of our casualties was
probably largely due to wide extensions and also to the élan displayed
by all ranks who, once they got in close touch with the enemy, pursued
him relentlessly, giving him no time to develop counter-attacks or
occupy a fresh line of resistance.
The flanking attack of the 60th Division had swept forward over the
trenches and the 10th Division on our left altered their direction
slightly and concentrated on the Heirira Redoubt, which consisted of
a large mound literally honeycombed with trenches and machine-gun
emplacements. On the Battalion front things soon quieted down, but
on the right flank of the Division the Turk had concentrated and was
strongly resisting the British advance towards Sheria Railway Station.
At 3.30 p.m. on the 6th of November orders were received from the XXth
Corps to establish a strong bridgehead across the Wadi Sheria in order
to secure the water supply; the 10th Division being ordered to relieve
the 60th Division in the captured works.
Accordingly the 180th and 181st Brigades were ordered to advance and
form a bridgehead north of Sheria in order to attain that object, and
were supported by the Divisional artillery, the 179th Brigade remaining
in Divisional Reserve. The 74th Division were ordered to operate on our
right, with their left resting on Khirbit Barrata. At 5.30 p.m. one
Company from the 180th Brigade had captured Sheria Railway Station,
securing some prisoners and two machine-guns, while two Battalions
from each Brigade prepared to cross the Wadi Sheria and occupy Tel el
Sheria, the high ground north of the town.
Before evacuating Sheria Station, however, the enemy had succeeded in
firing a large ammunition dump south of the station which commenced
to explode just previous to the launching of the attack. The
conflagration raged for some hours, and so illuminated the country in
the vicinity that further progress was rendered temporarily impossible.
Nevertheless, the ground over which the attack was to be made was
carefully reconnoitred, and at 3.30 a.m. on the 7th the attack was
launched by the 2/17th and 2/20th Battalions of the 180th Brigade west
of the Railway, and the 181st Brigade was represented by the 2/22nd and
2/23rd Battalions east of the railway.
The enemy offered a determined resistance, but by 4.30 a.m. our
objectives were gained. During this part of the day’s operations our
captures included 4 field guns, 4 machine-guns and over 150 prisoners.
The Turks were disinclined to accept their defeat without further
efforts, and at 9.25 a.m. developed a strong counter attack against the
line now held by the 180th Brigade, but this was effectively broken up
by concentrated machine-gun, Lewis gun and rifle fire, assisted by the
supporting artillery, with great loss to the enemy.
During the foregoing operations the 2/15th Battalion in common with
the remainder of the 179th Brigade had handed over their captures in
the Kauwukah and Rushdi systems to the 10th Division and were brought
back a few miles and remained for the night of the 6/7th of November in
reserve near Sammara Bridge. Little rest, however, was possible, as the
weather was extremely cold. The next morning was spent in reorganising
after the previous day’s attack, and in the early afternoon we were
ordered to move to the Wadi Sheria.
About 4 p.m. on the 7th the Battalion, with the London Scottish on its
left, moved forward from a ridge on the eastern side of the valley of
the Wadi, “B” Company under Captain Lewis leading. While moving across
the open we were heavily shelled. After crossing the Wadi, however, the
advance was pressed, and after considerable opposition and stubborn
fighting the enemy was driven back and we established an outpost line
on the high ground west of the Wadi. During this advance “B” Company,
as advance guard, had engaged a considerable force of Turks, but led
by the personal dash of their Company Commander, they pushed forward
and inflicted severe losses on the enemy. The Battalion soon followed
up and passed over a large Turkish camp where “B” Company had captured
an anti-aircraft gun, and the night was spent in digging in. Patrols
pushed forward, but no sign of the Turk was found. Taking up this
line ended the second phase of our operations in Palestine. Beersheba
and Sheria had fallen under the pressure of the 60th Division. The
following summary from Divisional Headquarters on the attacks on
Kauwukah and Sheria defences will no doubt be interesting.
“The total prisoners at the end of this stage amounted to
31 officers and 521 men. During the whole of the day the
Division was engaged in severe local fighting, while at
times the hostile shell fire, especially in the afternoon,
was particularly troublesome, the Turkish command obviously
realising the importance of denying us access to the water
supply in the Wadi Sheria. It afterwards transpired from
prisoners’ statements that picked troops had been hastily
formed into composite units and entrusted with the defence of
the position. The large number of enemy regiments represented
among the prisoners lent colour to these assertions, the
opposing commanders doubtless fully realising the vital
importance of delaying our advance at this point in order
subsequently to secure the exposed flank of the retreating Gaza
garrison.”
On the following morning, the 8th of November, the situation had
sufficiently cleared for an advance to be made upon Huj, a few miles
north-east of Gaza, where it was thought there would be an efficient
water supply. Transport and water camels had joined the Battalion, and
we were complete to move off about 7 a.m. Cavalry patrols were sent
forward to gain touch with the enemy, who was retiring with all speed.
The ground was undulating grassland with an occasional outcrop of
sandy desert, and movement was fairly easy. The 179th Brigade formed
the advance guard of the Division, having the 2/15th Civil Service and
2/14th London Scottish as its leading Battalions and covering a wide
front. Instructions were issued to advance towards the high ground
near Khirbit Muntaret, which was known to be occupied by the enemy.
For several hours under glorious weather conditions the Brigade pushed
forward across the undulating country and found no signs of the enemy
except his numerous dumps which he had left hurriedly behind him. About
10 a.m. cavalry patrols brought in information to the effect that
the enemy was strongly entrenched on the high ground on the north of
the village of Muntaret, and the Battalion was deployed for attack.
There was a considerable force of Turks near Muntaret and they were
well supported by artillery. The Battalion, having “C” Company under
Captain Wills for their advanced guard, opened out into irregular
artillery formation or, in other words, “blobs” of Platoons at 150
yards interval. The approach to Muntaret was over an open stretch of
country, and while going over the ground the Battalion came under
very heavy artillery fire, and suffered considerable casualties. “C”
Company soon opened out into extended order and advanced to the bottom
of Muntaret Hill which was steep and, except for a small ravine a few
feet deep, offered little cover. In spite of the machine-gun and rifle
fire from the trenches, “C” Company crept up the hill for the final
assault, and within a few hundred yards of the enemy the men took
off their packs and prepared for their final charge. Led by Captain
Wills, they captured the position (thus forestalling the cavalry,
whose objective it had been), while the London Scottish on their left
made a flank attack on the position at the same time. The rest of the
Battalion soon followed on to the ridge, having also dumped their packs
at the foot of the hill. However, the Turkish artillery continued to
heavily bombard the captured position, and it was necessary to dig in
and consolidate. Further advance was impossible across the plain west
of Muntaret, and any attempt to cross the plain would mean considerable
casualties from shell fire. The G.-O.-C. Division, Major-General Shea,
came up and ordered the Worcester and Warwick Yeomanry to charge the
Turkish batteries which were holding up our advance. None of us had had
the fortune to see the Balaclava Charge in the Crimean War, but it was
our privilege to see a similar type of gallantry, and I insert here an
account from a newspaper cutting of the charge.
“On November the 8th the Londoners while occupying a ridge less
than two miles from the enemy lines, came under extremely heavy
gun fire. Meanwhile the Yeomanry had come up. The Londoners’
commander, who had seen the whole enemy’s position and their
guns, ordered the Yeomanry to charge them. There were 10 troops
of Worcester and Warwick Yeomanry, commanded by a Colonel,
Master of Hounds.
“He and his men swept over the ridge in successive lines about
2,000 yards from the enemy, raced down the slope across the
flat, partly obscured by a mound in front. Over this rise
the yeomen spurred their chargers, took the final rise at a
terrific pace, the ranks somewhat thinned by gun, machine-gun
and rifle fire, which the enemy switched off the Londoners soon
after trails of dust told of advancing cavalry.
“The cavalry’s target was not so much the infantry as the guns.
Giving full-throated cheers they went straight for the field
and heavy pieces. There were 12 guns in action against these
valiant boys from the Shires--nine German-made field guns and
three 5·9 howitzers. The field guns banged as fast as the
Austrian and German gun crews could load them, but every enemy
artillery man was sabred by his piece. The Londoners heard the
fire of all the guns stop dead almost at the same moment.”
After witnessing this magnificent feat of arms and benefiting by
the resulting “cease fire” from the Turkish guns, a hasty meal was
taken and a short halt was made. Later on in the afternoon under the
protection of the London Scottish as advanced guard, the Brigade
pushed forward in the direction of Huj. The 2/14th breasted the high
ground at Tor Dimrah, near Huj, about 4.50 p.m. in the evening of the
8th of November, and were soon followed by the rest of the Brigade.
It will thus be seen that between 3 a.m. on the 6th of November and
4.50 p.m. on the 8th, the Division marched 23½ miles, in the course of
which advance the Kauwukah and Rushdi systems of defensive works were
captured, the bridgehead at Sheria stormed, a determined counter attack
repulsed, and the Turkish rearguard driven from Muntaret to beyond Huj,
entailing attacks upon three defensive positions on the way.
The total captures by the Division in the whole operations amounted to
12 guns, 26 machine-guns, 51 officers and 907 other ranks.
The following newspaper extract, I think, might be included here
without any shadow of a boast, and summarises our doings from the
commencement of the Palestine campaign.
“The achievements of the London Territorials, who had the
hardest part to do in the thrust from our right flank, will
rank in the deeds of the war. A distinguished officer of my
acquaintance, who has seen nearly three years of war in France
and watched every movement of the London County Territorials
here, told me that he could not speak of these warriors without
a lump rising in his throat. This is his considered judgment:--
“‘These Cockneys are the best men in the world. Their spirits
are simply wonderful. I don’t think any division ever went into
a big show with higher morale. After three years of war it was
refreshing to hear the men’s earnestly expressed desire to get
into action again. These grand fellows went forward with the
full bloom upon them. There never was any hesitation. Their
discipline was absolutely perfect, and their physique, and
courage alike magnificent. Their valour was beyond words. The
Cockney makes the perfect soldier.’”
In eight days the men marched 66 miles and fought a number of hot
actions. The march may not seem long, but Palestine is not Salisbury
Plain.
On reaching Tor Dimrah near Huj on the evening of the 8th of November,
the Battalion was bivouacked on the grassy slopes and waited for water
and rations to be brought up from Sheria. During the evening a large
British bombing squadron of some 30 planes flew over our heads and
no doubt dropped their missiles with great effect on the columns of
retreating Turks fleeing northwards.
Late at night water and rations arrived and these, together with
cigarettes made from dried tea leaves, helped every one to retire for
the night satisfied with the day’s work.
For the next two days we remained here and the Battalion was
reorganised; transport came up from Sheria and fatigue parties were
sent back to Muntaret for the packs which we had dumped just before
the attack; while others had been left as far back as Sheria by “C”
Company who it will be remembered started off from the Sheria Wadi
as an advance guard. Unfortunately the water supply at Huj was not
so promising as expected and the damage done to the wells by the
retreating Turk did not help matters. Horses and mules were sent out in
all directions without finding a sufficient supply and lack of water
became so acute that the Artillery men near by sacrificed their own
limited supply for their horses. The difficulty of our own transport
is best described by the following letter from Lieutenant Pearson, our
transport officer at the time:
“On one occasion we left the lines at 5.30 a.m. with the
animals to go about 10 miles for water, and had to be back
ready to move off at 2.30 p.m. When we arrived at the given
place there were several thousands of Australian Cavalry
horses, artillery horses, and several infantry units, animals
with only one 30-foot long portable trough. The Australians’
horses had not had any water for over 36 hours, so you can
imagine there was no system or order, the horses could not be
held back. We had to return without watering, and arrived back
at 2 p.m. In the meantime, the Battalion had received further
orders to the effect that they would not move until next day.
After feeding the animals, and after the men had had a snack,
we were told there was a well near at hand. We went in search
and found it was about 60 feet deep and had to pull up a
bucketful at a time by means of a long rope; anyway, we arrived
back at 1.30 a.m. The men and animals only having had one meal
at midday between 5.30 a.m. and 1.30 a.m. the next day. We
moved off at 8.30 a.m. the same morning.”
The foregoing incident actually occurred while we were at Tor Dimrah on
November 9th, 1917.
From the heights at Tor Dimrah the result of our recent fighting could
be well appreciated. A few miles to the south-west could be seen the
town of Gaza, the scene of heavy fighting some months previously, while
to the west stretched the coastal plain which ran up country as far as
Jaffa. Frontal attacks on Gaza had proved unsuccessful earlier in the
year, and therefore General Allenby decided to attack from a flank. The
line of attack commenced at Beersheba and was made in a north-westerly
direction, rolling up the Turkish line from the east, and hoping at the
same time to reach the north of Gaza in time to cut off the garrison.
While this flank movement was in progress local frontal raids on Gaza
were made under heavy artillery bombardments from both land and sea.
However, the Turkish leaders were able to thwart the full intention of
the scheme and by their strong resistance, by powerful flank guards
at Kauwukah, Sheria and Muntaret, were enabled to give time for their
troops at Gaza to retire north with minimum losses. However, as soon
as the Gaza front gave way, the XXIst Corps under our old Divisional
Commander, General E. S. Bulfin, relentlessly pursued the Turks as far
as Jaffa.
Except for the 53rd Division, our own Corps, the XXth, was withdrawn
from the pursuit and, in order to assist the advance, much of our corps
transport was lent to the XXIst Corps. The 53rd Division just mentioned
had been kept at Khuweilfeh just north of Beersheba since the beginning
of the offensive, and had fought manfully against repeated attacks and
thereby protected the right flank of our advance across Palestine.
On the 11th of November the Battalion moved a few miles north-east
to the Wadi Jemmemiah where the whole of the surrounding country was
covered with well planned trenches and all the valleys covered with
machine-gun emplacements; but the numerous ammunition dumps round
about signified how hastily the Turk had withdrawn without making a
strong resistance. Only a day was spent here, and on the 13th we moved
still farther north to Nejilah; a pleasant spot after the filth and
dust which existed around Jemmeniah. The route was lined with large
collections of war material which had been left by the retreating Turk
and everywhere was desolate and uninviting. Not until a mile or so
from Nejilah did the scenery improve and then a stretch of undulating
grassland presented itself; a restful change for our tired eyes after
a lengthy stay on the glaring yellow desert. A few flocks of sheep
strayed over the pastureland and the quaintly dressed shepherds, at
last, presented to us a fair representation of Biblical Palestine as we
had imagined it in our youth. This was the first clean, healthy spot,
free from sand and the filth which the Turks always left behind them,
we had struck since our arrival at Belah.
For three days the Battalion remained here on these grassy hill-sides
overlooking a wide plain of pasture land to the north. Just near the
camping ground a stream of crystal clear water flowed and bathing
parades were again indulged in. To give the Britisher his due, he does
love cleanliness and even through the recent advance most of the men
had used a portion of their limited ration for purposes of shaving,
although a proper wash was out of the question. No parades were ordered
and a restful time was spent at Nejilah. However, difficulties arose
with regard to supplies; much of our corps transport having been lent
to the other corps pursuing the enemy. Consequently the Battalion was
ordered to return to Sheria.
As I have already said the Turk revelled in filth and pollution, and
no better illustration could be seen than the Sheria area where he had
apparently had a large base camp since the early days of the war. For
miles around Sheria the place literally stank and flies were present in
their millions. The ground was strewn with dead Turks, camels, horses
and mules, and the presence of these carcasses did not improve the
polluted atmosphere. However, the desert was expansive and camps were
arranged as far from this debris as possible.
While we had been fighting during the past few weeks miracles had been
performed by the A.S.C. and R.E. The former corps had worked well and
supply dumps had been advanced with rapidity; camel and horse transport
working in conjunction with the railways in the captured area. The
latter corps had repaired the Turkish railways and used the captured
rolling stock to good purpose; other sections of R.E.’s had exploited
the wells and obtained good supplies of water in the Wadi Sheria.
November the 17th, just after the arrival in the Sheria area, was known
as “Parcel Day”: it was the first post since our departure from our
desert line on the Wadi Ghuzze. Not only letters arrived but huge bags
of parcels; nearly every man received a parcel. The owners of many,
however, were not to be found; some had given their lives for their
country while others had been sent to base hospitals either wounded
or sick. But each platoon or mess made short work of these and divided
the spoil; it was an unwritten law and not stealing. Luxuries were
plentiful and hundreds of tea parties and dinner parties were held that
evening. Every unit, however, has its “grousers,” not that they mean
any harm, but it is their privilege as British Tommies. They could
not legitimately grouse this night with all the good things around so
they turned their morbid thoughts to treks and predicted a move on the
morrow, when every one would be laden with luxuries. Their prophecies
came true and the following morning camp was struck and the Battalion
marched towards Gaza as far as Muntaret. On the 19th of November the
march was resumed to the outskirts of the town of Gaza. The day’s
march was not a great distance but the downpour of heavy rain in the
evening drenched all. This was the commencement of the rainy season in
Palestine.
CHAPTER XXXV
THE MARCH FROM GAZA UP COUNTRY--ENAB--THE CAPTURE OF
JERUSALEM--TEL-EL-FUL--BIREH.
At Gaza the Battalion bivouacked just to the north of the town. “Town”
was perhaps a complimentary term for Gaza at that time, for it was in
a deplorable state. The proud town of the Philistines and the scene
of Samson’s deathly triumph had been most thoroughly treated to every
type of missile known to the British forces, from rifle bullet to the
12-inch naval projectile, and there was ample evidence of the efficacy
of that treatment. Scarcely a whole wall remained, big gun emplacements
built of concrete and iron rails, though skilfully hidden, had been
utterly destroyed and most of the trenches flattened out. Before these
had stood formidable obstacles in the shape of cactus hedges, which
had proved themselves more efficient than any barbed wire, but what
remained of these was liberally sprinkled with shrapnel holes. In
short, Gaza had been made as unhealthy as it was possible for us to
have made it, and at last the Turk had been made to quit, though not
without a struggle.
Through the centre of the town a clearing had been made and the
broad-gauge railway was being rapidly advanced. The methods of the R.E.
railway construction companies are well worth a short description.
They were the essence of efficiency. First the R.E. officer with a few
satellites carrying the necessary instruments would prospect and decide
the direction of the line, and he was quickly followed by a large gang
of the Egyptian Labour Corps who, armed with a tool similar to an
adze, but without that instrument’s sharp edge, and a bag similar to
a carpenter’s, would immediately set to work to clear the ground and
make the necessary cutting or embankment. The sight of some hundreds
of these natives swarming over the position was exactly like an
overturned ant-hill. Every one seemed to run in different directions,
and to the uninitiated confusion appeared to reign supreme, but the
work was completed at a pace which would have made a “ca’canny” trade
union delegate weep with anguish. When the necessary alteration to the
landscape had been effected more labourers would appear, each carrying
a huge railway sleeper which was dumped roughly in position, later to
be arranged properly and levelled by soldier platelayers. This work was
no sooner completed than lengths of rail were dumped upon and quickly
secured to the sleepers by means of fish-spikes. The rails were then
trimmed, levelled and bolted together and very shortly afterwards
were being used by the construction train, which with its supply of
material, could thus closely follow the quickly moving construction
gangs. The “permanent” way thus made could not, it is true, attempt
to rival that to which we were accustomed, but an adequate supply of
transport was absolutely necessary for the success of the E.E.F. at
that time, and in those days no branch of the Services worked more
quickly or efficiently than the railway construction companies to
maintain the supply line.
After a short rest at Gaza we commenced our march northwards on the
19th of November, 1917. Our actual destination was unknown, but the
“lying jade” had been busy and the magical word “Jerusalem” was ever
on her lips. Private soldiers or humble subalterns do not presume to
understand the ways of an Army Commander. They have, in the famous game
of war, not even the status of a pawn, but nevertheless are for ever
weighing the pros and cons of each and every movement they are required
to make and thus if anyone had, but two short months ago, been rash
enough to suggest that Beersheba was the opening move of a game that
was to end in the capture of the Holy City, they would have suggested
that the unfortunate one had been disobeying divisional orders and by
not wearing his helmet had caught a touch of the sun. But the situation
had rapidly changed since the dreary days of the Gambli defences, and
Jerusalem was in fact well within our reach. True it was that our grip
had not been closed upon it, but the days of the Turk in the home of
Christianity were for ever numbered.
Rain had fallen heavily for a short time during our stay at Gaza and
though its advent had been a welcome change we later had cause to
regret the hot sunny days of the Sinai Desert. The flat coastal plain
which runs north from Gaza has been cultivated land ever since Biblical
times, and is the most fertile spot in the whole of Palestine, and in
consequence the most thickly populated, though the total number in
the whole land, apart from the cities such as Gaza, Jaffa, Ludd and
Jerusalem, would disgrace a small English county. A plentiful crop of
barley which had been grown had been recently cut; indeed rumour had it
that a famous “Scotch” whisky firm had nearly failed owing to the lack
of supplies from Palestine! The course of our march was set through
fields of stubble. When it was hot and dry, there arose stifling clouds
of dust, and when wet the sticky nature of the ground could even bring
a “caterpillar tractor” to a standstill. The change, however, from
endless sand was at first welcome and we found great delight in passing
through the native villages. These were amazing collections of mud
huts, windows were unknown and of sanitary arrangements there were
none; yet the inhabitants though inexpressibly dirty seemed quite happy
and contented with their lot. When opportunity arose we supplemented
our meagre rations by purchasing eggs, figs, nuts and oranges. The
last named were most welcome. We had seen no vegetables for months and
the supply of fruit undoubtedly did much to dispel the ill effects of
this enforced denial of “greens.” The number to be obtained for one
Egyptian piastre (2½d. English) varied, but the native drove a hard
bargain if you failed to obtain at least six magnificent Jaffa oranges
for that small sum. Many indeed did show in their dealings with us
characteristics of the descendants of the twelve tribes with which we
are all familiar, but at least one of them met his match. One famous
youth, noticing that a coloured Egyptian bank note had a remarkable
purchasing power, was smitten with a brilliant idea. Hurriedly quitting
the village market place he produced a gaudy label from a tin of jam
and succeeding in persuading a hoary-headed old extortioner to part
with the whole of his stock of oranges on the understanding that the
aforesaid label was worth untold gold. That youth of course had no
right to be a private soldier “foot-slogging” through the Holy Land; he
had missed his vocation, which was that of a company promoter in the
aeroplane or munition line at home. So many oranges were eaten on that
march that, later on, drafts marching up from Gaza were known to have
followed this trail of orange peel and found their way across Palestine
to Jerusalem.
Marching is a thirsty business in any country and when for the most
part the march is made enveloped in clouds of dust, it becomes even a
still thirstier business. We had had long training in that fine art of
marching from dawn to dusk without having recourse to the water-bottle,
and that training stood us in good stead in those November days. The
supply of water was an ever-present anxiety with the higher command,
and in spite of the exploration of wells by the Royal Engineers, we
were only allowed the meagre amount of one water-bottle full per man
per diem, and this had to be carefully husbanded if the owner desired
to partake of tea ration at the end of the day. He who could not
produce a mugful of water could not draw a mugful of tea, and this was
strictly adhered to.
It was our great good fortune during the whole campaign never to
miss our daily supply of water, and for that great credit is due to
Lieutenant Gearing, who was in charge of the water camels. He had an
uncanny knack of finding his way to us over trackless unknown country,
and wherever we bivouacked for the night he was sure to arrive very
shortly afterwards with his precious convoy of water camels. His
trials cannot here be recorded and their recital on paper would never
convey an adequate impression of his difficulties, and yet no one in
the Battalion ever did better work. Such deeds are not rewarded with
decorations, but perhaps this tardy recognition of his work will in
some way convey to him our appreciation of his excellent work.
Water was not the only difficulty. Rations were very short. We had
been for weeks on what the A.S.C. called “mobile” rations, which was
the official name for four biscuits, one tin of bully beef and a small
ration of tea and sugar for each man every twenty-four hours. This was
occasionally supplemented by jam, but even then it was a wearisome
diet. “Smokes” became very scarce and the old substitute of dried
tea-leaves was often in use. Fuel was conspicuous by its absence, as
also were mails.
However we did not grumble too much when we realised the difficulties
of transport. The railway embankment built over the Wadi Ghuzze had
been twice swept away by floods and all rations, etc., had to be
brought by motor lorry from Gaza, and as there were no roads it was
a trying experience for the A.S.C., particularly as two of the Motor
Transport companies had been but recently formed and rushed up from
the Base and immediately given the task of supplying a rapidly moving
Division over 50-60 miles of trackless country.
In spite of all we pushed on through Beit Hanun, Deir Siniid, Mejdel,
Mesmeyiah, and Junction Station until about the 24th of November when
at Latrun we set foot on the first metalled road we had seen since
leaving Kantara. Latrun is about midway between Jaffa and Jerusalem
and a few miles to the north-east the road enters the Judean Hills at
Bab-el-Wad, and after negotiating two ranges of hills approximately
2,500 feet high it reaches Jerusalem which is set at the top of a third
and higher cluster of hills.
The effect of marching on a hard road after months of sand and soft
soil was soon felt and our feet and footwear quickly began to show
signs of wear. Boots, the leather of which had perished through
exposure and lack of grease, were soon worn through and even the
oldest and best of soldiers suffered from sore feet. The road itself
though labelled “metalled” was not in good condition. The Turk was
ever notorious for the bad state in which he kept his communications
and this one was no exception to the rule. It had not been repaired
since the visit of the Kaiser many years before, and the defects
were soon aggravated by the passage of much transport. It was an
exhausting climb and it lasted for a long time. The road was bounded
on the one side for the most part by a precipice and on the other by
the steep hillside, except for a few places where it ran through deep
cuttings, and one could speculate on the chances of success of any
troops attempting to force such a road against the opposition of a
few well-armed British troops and the result of the speculations was
distinctly unfavourable to the attackers. Yet the Turk had been hurried
from hill to hill with little loss to our troops. As we toiled upwards
we momentarily expected to get our first view of the Holy City. We
knew definitely by that time that such was our objective and with the
words of Holy Writ in our minds--“a city that is set on a hill cannot
be hid,” we eagerly awaited the vision. That moment was however denied
us for many a day, and it is a matter of conjuncture whether in any of
our minds we felt satisfied when that view was obtained. It is rather
ironical, but nevertheless a fact, that the first portion of Jerusalem
we saw was of German origin--the tall tower of the Kaiser’s palace on
the Mount of Olives.
[Illustration: _Crown copyright--by permission Imperial War Museum._
ROAD TO JERUSALEM NEAR BAB-EL-WAD.]
[Illustration: _Crown copyright--by permission Imperial War Museum._
JEBEL KURUNTUL (MOUNT OF TEMPTATION) AND JERICHO.
Occupied by London Troops February 2nd, 1918. The traditional scene of
Christ’s Temptation.
_To face page 314._]
We eventually reached the crest of the first range of hills at Enab,
and descending into the valley on the opposite side we entered an area
which in comparison with the deadly wastes left miles behind seemed
like paradise. The hill sides were pleasantly wooded, the road was
good, fuel and water were in abundance and a little monastery was
discovered to possess a stock of most excellent wine made from the
fruit of the vines for the cultivation of which the hillsides were
terraced. We remained near Enab for some days and enjoyed life. One
company was unlucky and was sent up to relieve a post of the 75th
Division which had been sorely tried in holding what they had gallantly
won but the remainder of the Battalion enjoyed a well earned rest.
The troops were in great need of it, but the animals were in a much
worse condition. Owing to the difficulties of maintaining supplies the
transport animals had for nearly a month been on half rations and had
done a tremendous amount of very hard work. They were tired and worn
and in fact were so hungry that the steady diminution of the size of
the tail boards of the limber and the amount of leather harness eaten
by the animals caused the transport officer (Lieutenant Pearson) many
anxious moments.
The remaining brigades of the Division moved up behind us and the
Division took over the right of the line from Soba through Kushil, Nebi
Samwil to Beit Izza. Nebi Samwil, so called by the reason of its being
the traditional burying place of Samuel, was a distinct thorn in the
side of the Turks.
This high hill overlooked Jersualem and threatened the road to the
north from that city and our presence there was much resented by the
Turks. They made strenuous endeavours to recapture the hill but all
their efforts failed. When the 180th Brigade took over the hill there
was on the top of it a splendid mosque with a graceful minaret. But
Boche gunners with the Turk were no better in their respect for things
religious than their brethren in France and it was not long before the
minaret and mosque were utterly destroyed by a concentrated bombardment
of heavy metal.
The final preparations for the attack on Jerusalem having been
completed, the 74th Division which had by this time come up in rear
took over Nebi Samwil from the 180th Brigade and we concentrated near
Soba. The 179th Brigade were to attack the left of the Turkish position
near Ain Karim, and if possible effect a junction with the 53rd
Division, which was struggling up the Hebron road. The 180th Brigade
were to attack up the main Jaffa-Jerusalem road through Kolonieh and
Lifta while the 181st Brigade were in reserve.
On the night 7/8th December we advanced from Soba, crossed the Wadi
Surar and at 3.30 a.m. on the 8th of December the Brigade attacked
the high ground overlooking the Wadi Surar and south of Ain Karim and
were speedily successful. This operation was a difficult one and its
success was essential to the main operation. The whole brigade with
mountain batteries descended the precipitous hillside in single file.
It was a wretched night with no glimmer of moonlight to assist us and
the rain fell heavily. The whole route was fraught with much danger
to life and limb, but was negociated without a casualty. The main
attack was delivered by the other regiments in the Brigade but we were
called upon to assist. “C” Company who had taken the Jura Heights and
were subjected to three determined counter attacks, the last two of
which “C” Company helped to break up, were sent to the help of the
Kensingtons.
Meanwhile Captain Leech, our medical officer, hearing that our sister
Battalion had sustained over a hundred casualties, came up under heavy
fire from two machine guns which were still holding out in a building
of Ain Karim in our rear. He and our stretcher bearers, particularly
Privates Davey and Eels, rendered most gallant service to our own and
the Kensington wounded for which, and for their timely assistance, “C”
Company earned the grateful thanks of that regiment’s C.O. By 4.0 a.m.
all objectives had been gained and one hour later the main attack up
the Lifta road commenced. Much stubborn resistance was met with, as
the Turk was well dug in and the progress of the attack was retarded
by the fact that our help was not forthcoming as had been expected.
This was not our fault. We had hoped to effect a junction with the
53rd Division, and then advance together, but the 53rd were by then
many miles away fighting hard to come to our assistance. The resistance
they met with delayed them and we in consequence were subjected to much
hostile artillery fire from our right flank and unable to push forward.
The weather was very bad, a high and bitterly cold wind and torrential
rains made conditions extremely uncomfortable. We were clad only in
tropical kit, had been exposed to the elements on hills nearly 3,000
feet high for over twenty-four hours and were by no means in a happy
frame of mind. The Turk was also making himself extremely objectionable
and we were supplied with many gifts in the shape of shells. Our
opinions of Jerusalem at that time are not fit to be recorded here, and
they did not change for many a long day. Near Lifta the Turk was making
strenuous efforts to keep us out, but by 3.30 p.m. he was dislodged by
a gallant bayonet attack, and Lifta was occupied at dusk. We pushed on
to the outskirts of Jerusalem and remained in battle outposts.
That night pandemonium reigned in the Holy City. The Turk was
evacuating as quickly as possible, so quickly that when a patrol of the
180th Brigade advanced from Lifta in the early morning of the 9th of
December it was met by the “Mayor” who proffered the surrender of the
city. Major-General Shea was instructed to accept it and did so at 1.0
p.m., and Jerusalem passed for ever out of the dominion of the Turks.
We were billeted that night in an empty school in a garden named
“Abraham’s Vineyard,” and next day moving out to the north took up an
outpost line at Shafat on the Jerusalem-Nablous (Shechem) road where
we remained till the 15th of December when we returned to billets in
Jerusalem, in the school in “Abraham’s Vineyard.” Jerusalem was the
first town worthy of the name that we had seen since leaving Ismailia
and to many the prospects held out when viewed from afar off was not
fulfilled on closer inspection. The weather was cold and wet, but
we made light of such minor discomforts, being so overcome with the
novelty of being in Jerusalem. The idea seemed so fantastic. This
ancient city which for centuries had been a bone of contention between
East and West was at last in Christian hands and withal in the hands
of the London Division! True it is that our Welsh friends of the 53rd
Division had lent a very helping hand by struggling up the Hebron
road, but nevertheless it was to the London Division that credit was
due for the releasing of this home of Christianity from the hands of
its enemies. Yet withal it was difficult to arouse any real sentiment
concerning this famous city. It was inexpressibly dirty, the people
comprised all the nations and races known in Biblical times and since,
and they like the city were very dirty. Of sanitation there appeared
to be no sign and outside the Jaffa Gate the main water cistern, which
from its accumulation of rain-water provided drink for the greater
part of the city, had to all appearances not been cleansed since the
time of Herod. The railway station, a comparatively modern addition,
was in a state of chaos, although perhaps the R.F.C. were to blame for
that. The fine ancient wall which, with the Temple site--and the water
cisterns--was one of the only original things left from Biblical times,
had been cut into at the request of the Kaiser and a hideous clock
tower crowned with a large clock by “Dents” had been built in the gap
made. Appallingly dirty fellows in charge of a few decrepit animals
attached to a kind of cab stood near the clock tower plying for hire,
but their condition was such that it needed no General Routine Order
to forbid us to use them. Of the Holy Places within the city we were
allowed only a view from the outside until some months later, but we
studiously traversed the whole city armed with the Padre as guide and
a Bible as guide-book. We visited the Temple site, the Church of the
Holy Sepulchre, David’s Tower, and traversed the so-called Via Dolorosa
complete with its sites of the supposed halts of Christ during His
journey with the Cross. The pool of Siloam was an offensively smelling
puddle of dirty water, whilst the Brook Kidron was a mere trickle.
Indeed, the whole aspect of the city dispelled in the minds of most
of us that vision we had often had in our youth and had forgotten of
Jerusalem the Golden. Whatever faith we had in the genuineness of the
Holy Places was sorely tested and it was not long before we came to the
conclusion that one either had to view everything through rosy-tinted
spectacles and believe all that was said, or be convinced that most of
it was sham and accordingly see the castles built up in our boyhood
rudely shattered by a simple historical fact. Nevertheless Jerusalem
possessed a great attraction for us. Outside the old city had grown up
a comparatively new town with many modern buildings, and to the north
was a genuine church of England--St. George’s Cathedral.
The shops began to display their goods openly for the first time for
three years, and the natives offered fruit--figs, oranges, nuts,
etc.--for sale in the market places. And indeed it was an event of some
importance to be able to walk the streets of the famous city Jerusalem
and feel that one was really a Crusader, a descendant of those hardy
people who 800 years ago had borne the heat and the burden of the day
clad not in khaki drill, but in armour. The amount of correspondence
which was handed over to the Army Postal Service was enormous--and
written let it be noted for the main part on German paper by German
pencils--and in many a home in England to-day is treasured a Divisional
Christmas Card for 1917 sent from Jerusalem. We had ideas of being
able to spend our Christmas in the city, but that was not to be, and
on Christmas Eve, 1917, we relieved the 180th Brigade in the line Beit
Hannina--Tel-el-Ful astride the Nablous road. The weather became very
bad and the climatic conditions were by no means pleasant. The line
was held on the west by the Kensingtons in front of Hannain, and on
the east by the Westminsters in front of Tel-el-Ful, and we were in
support. Bivouacs had just been erected and we were settling down for a
wet cold night when the Colonel sent for Company Commanders.
Headquarters was situated in an old tomb cut in the solid rock and
entering we saw the C.O. seated at the head of a roughly made table and
near him his senior officers. When we had all arrived he said, “Just
listen while I read out the Brigadier’s Christmas greetings.”
“... it is expected that the enemy will attack at dawn on
Christmas morning.”
It was an awkward moment, but the Colonel at once relieved the
temporary gloom which had settled on us during the reading of the
message by adding at the end “and England expects that every one will
give the Turk a hearty Christmas greeting.”
Dispositions were soon made. “A” Company moved out in support of the
Kensingtons at Beit Hannina and “D” Company to the Westminsters, who
were holding the line at Tel-el-Ful. The Companies were very weak
and “D” Company was reinforced by No. 11 Platoon of “C” Company, the
remainder of the Battalion moving to a hill behind Tel-el-Ful. It was
midnight before the move was complete and nothing remained but to wait
for dawn. It was a most appalling night; a high wind and torrential
rain make life very unpleasant when one is in bivouacs on top of a hill
3,000 feet high. Our bivouacs were flooded and we were soaked to the
skin, but it was realised if the Turk attacked under such conditions
he would be a hardier man than we expected. Christmas morning broke
and the grey light from the east disclosed one of the most dismal
pictures dawn could ever disclose. Jerusalem almost hidden in driving
rain on Christmas morning! As we expected, the attack did not take
place, though we could not but realise the irony of our dear friends
at home hurrying off to church to sing “Christians awake, salute the
happy morn,” when the dear ones for whom they prayed had just spent the
most miserable night of their existence in waiting for a dawn which
in no circumstances could have been called happy. The rain continued
all Christmas Day until the morning of the 26th when the sun came out
and cheered us. That the attack was imminent we all knew, but the sun
revived our spirits and by midday we were willing to tackle all the
Turks in Asia. We had suffered several casualties from exposure, but a
supply of whale oil for the feet did much to check wholesale sickness.
Information came through that the attack really would take place on
the 27th, and a few minutes after midnight of the 26/27th, the Turks
pushed in an advanced post in front of Tel-el-Ful. The first main
attack came about one hour later, supported by heavy artillery fire on
the Westminsters’ position in front of Tel-el-Ful. Shortly afterwards
the Kensingtons were also heavily attacked to the west of that hill.
The Turk had been reinforced by new troops from the Caucasus and was
making a desperate effort to retake Jerusalem, so the brunt of this
attack fell on our positions which covered the main road, and only
road from the north. Two platoons of “D” Company were soon sent up
under Lieutenant T. H. E. Clark to reinforce the left Company of the
Westminsters and the struggle was intense. Eight attacks in all were
made on the position in front of Tel-el-Ful, and in the heaviest just
before dawn the Turks succeeded in effecting a footing in the main
positions. The situation was grave and Colonel Gordon Clarke of the
Westminsters thereupon ordered the officer in charge of “D” Company
(Lieutenant Hutchison) to take the remainder of his Company and eject
the Turk with the bayonet. This counter attack made by No. 16 Platoon,
“D” Company, and No. 11 Platoon, “C,” under Lieutenant R. H. Harris,
M.C. (“Bulldog” Harris of the 1st Battalion), under the command of
the O.C. “D” Company, in spite of severe shell fire, ejected the Turk
from the main position, though not without sustaining severe losses.
Lieutenant Harris, with a party of seven or eight men, became detached
and was surrounded. They fought to the last and Harris, accounting
for at least three of the enemy himself with the bayonet, was killed.
All the remainder of his party were either killed or were wounded and
taken prisoners. These were the only prisoners we lost in Palestine,
but their loss was due solely to the vigour with which they pushed home
their attack. The remainder of the Company lost heavily and had when
they took over the line from which they had ejected the Turk but 50 per
cent. of their original strength. Junction was made with Lieutenant
Clark and the line was reorganised and held throughout the remainder
of the day in spite of repeated attacks which were supported by heavy
artillery shelling. The following letter received by our C.O. a few
days later gives an appreciation of the value of the work done:
[Illustration:
_Photo by Turner & Drinkwater, Hull._
2nd Lieut. R. H. HARRIS, M.C. Killed in Action, Palestine, 1917.
_To face page 320._]
“Head Quarters, 60th Division,
“_31st December, 1917_.
“MY DEAR BISDEE,
“I visited the post held by the platoons of your Battalion
in front of Tel-el-Ful. The number of dead, their attitude,
their closeness to the parapet, the bomb and shell holes, are
all witnesses to the grim struggle of your splendid men. They
must have inflicted not less than 300 casualties in all. The
fact that they maintained their line intact against heavy odds
and a brave and determined enemy is an incident of which your
Battalion may well be proud.
“I should much like to know who commanded the platoons and how
many casualties they had.
“Accept my warmest congratulations on their courage and
determination.
“Yours sincerely,
“(Signed), A. C. TEMPERLEY, Lieutenant Colonel,
“General Staff, 60th Division.”
On the left in front of Beit Hannina, “A” Company did no less glorious
work. After being in the line in the early morning they were withdrawn
until about midday when the Turk made his final onslaught on our line.
He pressed his attack right up to the stone breastworks which had been
erected, and fought with determination. As on the right in the early
morning, the situation was critical and “A” Company were called up to
assist. In company with the Kensingtons they counter-attacked with the
bayonet, and forced the enemy back. In this action, Lieutenant R. W. G.
Andrews greatly distinguished himself.
A story of the 27th December would be very incomplete without mention
of the gallantry of the other ranks, and particularly the stretcher
bearers. These latter went out time after time under heavy rifle and
machine-gun fire to bring in wounded comrades. Private Martin, “D”
Company, went out with a fellow stretcher-bearer, Ridley, some forty or
fifty yards from cover, and placed a wounded man on a stretcher. Whilst
doing this Ridley was shot through the head, Martin thereupon, in spite
of the fact that he was much the smaller of the two men, got his pal on
his back, and commenced to carry him in. He stopped exhausted half-way,
and after a brief rest shouldered his burden again, and got him under
cover only to find that he was dead. Quite undismayed he again went out
with another man, and succeeded in bringing in the first man safely.
All this was done under aimed rifle and machine-gun fire. Martin
afterwards was awarded the Military Medal although recommended for the
V.C. When told of his reward a few days later all he said was “What
about Ridley, sir, I did no more than he did,” and that epitomises the
self-sacrificing spirit of the stretcher-bearers. (Martin was killed in
France some months later while gallantly attending the wounded under
heavy fire.)
“A” and “D” Companies were withdrawn from the line on the evening of
the 27th December, and joining up with the remainder of the Battalion
followed up the Turkish retirement northward next day, which resulted
from the crushing blow by the 10th and 74th Divisions on the Turks’
right flank.
The importance of the operations near Jerusalem at Christmas, 1917,
were never properly realised at home. They were the result of the one
really determined counter attack that the Turk made during the whole
of the Palestine campaign. Jerusalem, and the crumpling of our right
flank was his objective, and to attain it he brought down several new
divisions from the Caucasus, but the result to him was not a victory
but a real defeat, crushing casualties, and an immediate loss of many
more miles of country.
Referring to our subsequent advance, Mr. W. T. Massey, the official
Press correspondent at General Headquarters said in his dispatch, dated
31st December, 1917:
“The rapid advance in most difficult country is due to the
overwhelming defeat of the Turkish attempt to retake Jerusalem
on December 27th, when, after resisting desperate attacks, the
British delivered a masterly counter-stroke, causing the Turks,
who had suffered tremendous losses, to yield almost impregnable
positions and fall back along the Shechem (Nablous) Road,
leaving in our firm possession points of great strategical
importance.”
General Allenby in his dispatch referring to the same operations says:
“The heaviest fighting took place to the east of
Jerusalem-Nablous Road. Repeated attacks were made against
Tel-el-Ful, a conspicuous hill from which Jerusalem and the
intervening ground can be overlooked. The attacks were made by
picked troops and pressed with great determination. At only
one point did the enemy succeed in reaching the main line of
defence, but he was driven out at once by the local reserves”--
and later referring to the western side of the road where “A” Company
were engaged, he says:
“At 12.15 p.m. the enemy launched an unexpected attack of great
strength against the whole front, in places he reached our main
line of defence, but these successes were short lived, for, in
each case, local counter-attacks carried out immediately were
successful in restoring the line.”
After the defeat of the Turk the Division pursued him, and a couple of
days later were successful in capturing the heights at Bireh about ten
miles north of Jerusalem. While passing through Ram Allah on the way
to Bireh, some of the men we had lost when fighting at Tel-el-Ful were
found wounded, having been left behind by the Turks.
CHAPTER XXXVI
IBN OBEID--BETHANY--JEBEL EKTIEF--JERUSALEM--MUKMAS
The capture of the Bireh Heights, and driving the Turk towards Nablous,
completed the capture of Jerusalem, as far as attacks from the north
of the city were concerned, but on the east and south-east there was
still danger. On the 1st January, 1918, after a night in Jerusalem,
the Battalion was ordered to take up an outpost line to the south-east
of the town from Sur Bahir just off the Bethlehem Road, running in a
north-easterly direction via Khirbit Jubb er Rumm to Abu Dis, just
outside Bethany. The line, therefore, formed a defence about three or
four miles from the city. Sur Bahir was held by “D” Company, Khirbit
Jubb er Rumm by “C” Company, while “A” and “B” were at Abu Dis. The day
was fine when the Battalion marched out of the town during the morning,
but before proper communication could be established along the line,
a heavy rain fell, and the whole countryside was enveloped in a thick
mist. Each company, therefore, had to form its own strong points, and
wait for dawn on the following day. In the darkness and mist it was
impossible to move over the rough hilly country, and patrol work was
limited to a couple of hundred yards. However, the next morning in
brilliant sunshine patrols were pushed out, but no sign of the Turk was
to be seen. Communication with the flank companies was obtained, and
rations and water supplies were sent out to each of the companies in
the line. Every one looked forward to a quiet tour of outpost duty. “D”
Company, however, received orders to push out as far as the monastery
at Ibn Obeid on the Wadi en Naar, which in Biblical times was known as
the Brook Kidron, and was three miles south-east of Sur Bahir. The new
line, therefore, ran from north to south, from Abu Dis to Ibn Obeid,
passing through Jubb er Rumm.
The country over which the line ran was composed of stony hills with
deep wadis in the valleys, sometimes 500 feet below the summit of the
surrounding hills. The monastery at Ibn Obeid which was the southern
terminus of the line stood on the top of the cliffs of the Wadi en Naar
which descended steeply for some 800 feet to the bed of the Wadi.
The monastery had been the scene of some heavy fighting a few weeks
previous to our arrival, in which a battalion of the Middlesex Regiment
had fought with distinction, and had driven off repeated attacks of
the Turks. When “D” Company, however, came upon the scene everything
was peaceful. Only a few monks lived in the monastery, and they were
soon packed off to Jerusalem; in case they acted as enemy spies. On the
10th January, the whole Battalion was relieved by the 2/13th Battalion
(Kensingtons) on this outpost line, and moved to Bethany.
At Bethany three companies were billeted in the local school and a
monastery near by, while “A” Company took up an outpost position at
Sniper’s Post, overlooking the Jericho road, about a mile or so ahead
of the Battalion. Here we reorganised our specialist sections which
had suffered heavy losses in the fighting around Jerusalem during the
latter part of December. A new draft had just arrived from England, and
they were initiated into the art of warfare in the East by constant
training over the local hills. The remainder of the Battalion was
employed on “road making,” or perhaps I should say making cart tracks
through the wadis near Abu Dis, and occasionally a strong force of
about 200 men would reconnoitre the ground in front of the Turkish
positions along the Jericho road; especially towards the Arak Ibrahim
Caves, some four miles away, where the Turk had a considerable garrison.
On the 20th “D” Company relieved “A” Company at Sniper’s Post, but
except for the occasional noise of two captured field guns at Bethany
which were used against the Turks at Arak Ibrahim Caves, there was no
sound of war. Six days later the Battalion moved back to Jerusalem and
billeted in some empty schools in the German part of the city, while
many of the officers were placed in private houses. The journey was
full of interest, and the Mount of Olives, the Garden of Gethsemane,
St. Stephen’s Gate, were passed among other famous sights. On the
way we met a Jewish funeral; we thought that the Macedonian method
of carrying the coffin lid in front of the procession, with the body
exposed to the eyes of the curious, as being a crude method, but this
funeral was even more gruesome. The party rushed along the road at a
great pace, and the corpse wrapped in a blanket was merely suspended
by cord at the head and foot to a long pole, which was carried on the
shoulders of two men, while the body limply swung from side to side as
they hurried along.
During this stay in the city of Jerusalem, parties under the expert
guidance of our Padre (Rev. G. C. Cavalier) were allowed to visit the
Holy Places in the town. I need hardly recite the wonders of the Holy
City as many guide-books will do so far better. As far as the Battalion
was concerned we enjoyed the privilege of seeing these ancient
Biblical landmarks. Souvenir hunting in the shops and the purchasing
of food stuffs (chiefly fruit and bread, which was of a greenish hue
when cut, and of the consistency of gluten) formed the chief amusement
during the day. At night time, however, the two Divisional concert
parties, the “Barnstormers” and “Roosters,” both of which had made
great “hits” in Cairo and Alexandria, were in full swing at their
respective temporary theatres, and provided us with splendid recreation.
Major Grissel from the 74th Division took over command of the Battalion
on the 28th January, our own Commanding Officer, Lieutenant-Colonel
Bisdee, having been granted leave to the United Kingdom.
Danger, however, soon occurred from the epidemics of disease and fever
in the city, and the Battalion was moved out of the town to tents and
bivouacs on the slopes of the Mount of Olives; Headquarters being in
a sheik’s house near by. The camping site was just off the Nablous
Road, overlooking the Garden of Gethsemane, and was on dry, dusty
terraces of barren land which in a few days became a wretched quagmire.
Heavy torrents of rain continually poured down for four days and four
nights without a break, and every one was swamped out and miserable.
Refuge each night was taken in the Divisional theatres, and large
parties would march across the city in the pouring rain simply for the
comfortable shelter of the “theatre.” When the weather had cleared
a little the Battalion was employed on road-making, and one day an
exhibition of “sangar” building was given by a company of Indian troops
who were past-masters in hill-fighting.
It was, however, unhealthy to live in the mud of the camp, and the
Battalion was moved up to Sir John Grey Hill’s house at the top of
the hill. It was a large desolate mansion, overlooking the valley of
the Jericho Road, while in the far distance the Moab Mountains could
be seen. A short stay of two days here and the Battalion was moved to
bivouacs in the wadis of the Abu Hindi Wadi on the 13th of February,
where preparations were made for an attack eastwards over the hills
towards the Jericho Plain.
The Turkish line east of Jerusalem consisted of a line of entrenched
strongholds on the hills some eight miles from the city. The southern
extremity of the line rested on Muntar, a high hill just east of Ibn
Obeid Monastery, and came north via Jebel Ektief, Talat ed Dumm, across
the Jericho Road to the Arak Ibrahim Caves, and thence over Ras el
Tawil to the deep ravine of the Wadi Um Farrar.
The British line ran practically parallel to this line, a few miles
nearer the city, with Ibn Obeid forming the right or south flank, and
ran north via Jubb er Rumm, Abu Dis, Sniper’s Post, on to the Jericho
Road, and thence north over Suffra to Mukmas.
The intention of the attack was to drive the Turk from the high ground
on the west of the Jordan Plain, and thereby render the Holy City
immune from attack from the east. The advance was to be made in three
distinct phases as follows:
(1) The capture of Muntar, Arak Ibrahim Caves and Ras el Tawil.
(2) The capture of Jebel Ektief and Talat ed Dumm.
(3) To advance to the steep cliffs overlooking the Jericho or Jordan
Valley.
* * * * *
The three Brigades of the 60th Division were holding the line in this
sector, and the objectives were allotted as follows:
(a) 181st Brigade, Ras el Tawil.
(b) 180th Brigade, Arak Ibrahim Caves and Talat ed Dumm.
(c) 179th Brigade, Muntar and Jebel Ektief.
* * * * *
In the 179th Brigade, the 2/14th Battalion (London Scottish) were given
the hill of Muntar as their objective, and they concentrated in the
depths of the Wadi en Naar near Ibn Obeid. During the night of the 19th
of February the companies deployed and crept up the hill-side under
cover of darkness. At dawn the trenches were heavily bombarded, and
the attack was pushed home under the artillery support. The hill was
captured, and fortunately the strength and resistance of the enemy had
been over-estimated, with the result that the Scottish casualties were
small. The same morning, the 180th Brigade were successful and captured
the caves at Arak Ibrahim in the centre of the Turkish line with
comparatively few casualties. Further north, however, the 181st Brigade
had met with strong opposition at Ras el Tawil, and after several hours
of heavy fighting gained possession of the hill and put to flight a
strong force of Turks. Casualties, however, on both sides were fairly
heavy.
The first phase of the advance had proved successful, and the
battalions detailed for the second day’s move were able to push forward
and prepare for the assaults on Jebel Ektief and Talat ed Dumm. Like
the first day’s operations the second day’s attacks resulted in the
objectives being taken, although the fighting was more strenuous as the
objectives were surrounded by more difficult country, which provided
the defenders with better cover. The Turk, finding himself overwhelmed
and outmanœuvred, retired over the hills to the Jordan Valley, covering
his withdrawal with machine-gun rear-guards so that the third day’s
work came under the heading of “peaceful penetration.” Thus the 60th
Division was master of the Jordan Valley from the commanding heights on
the west of the plain, and the possibility of an attack on Jerusalem
from the east had disappeared.
To return to the particular part in these operations performed by the
2/15th Battalion it will be remembered that they were in bivouacs in
the Wadi Hindi on the 13th February.
For the few days previous to the commencement of the advance we were
occupied in road-making in the wadi beds to assist the bringing forward
of guns, ambulances and transport for the attack. Reconnaissances were
also made towards the front, and on one of these “stunts” our Brigade
Major, Captain Sherston, was seriously wounded in the leg.
On the early morning of the 19th of February we were awakened by the
artillery fire from Abu Dis, where our heavies were assisting the
attack of the London Scottish on Muntar. A few hours later we learnt
of the success, and realised it was now our turn. During the morning
the Battalion gradually moved along the valley of the Wadi Hindi under
cover of the surrounding heights, “D” Company forming the advance
guard. After advancing some three miles the Battalion was halted as
further advance was impossible by day. Under the cover of an outpost
line the Battalion rested until darkness came, thus making further
progress possible. During the afternoon patrols were sent out and
reconnaissance towards Jebel Ektief was made, and resulted in a sharp
skirmish with the Turkish advanced posts, but no casualties occurred
to our party, although several Turks were seen to be carried away on
stretchers.
About 6 p.m. the order was given to advance to the attack, and three
platoons of “D” Company were ordered to “make good” the high ground
west of the deep ravine in front of Jebel Ektief while a fourth platoon
under Sergeant Cross moved along the wadi bed to a point where the deep
wadi in front of Jebel Ektief branched off to the left. When these
platoons had pushed ahead sufficiently the remainder of the Battalion
marched along the wadi in order to reach the line of deployment before
daybreak.
Probably of all the country over which the Battalion had passed
throughout its stay in both Salonika and Palestine none could compare
with the deep ravines and precipitous cliffs over which the advanced
guard had to pass, and if this statement is accepted, there is no
need for further comment on the difficulty of the advance. To move
forward a matter of three miles occupied a full six hours of hard
climbing over ridges and difficult descents down precipices. The night
was exceedingly dark, and great credit is due to Lieutenants Clark
and Neall, platoon commanders in “D” Company, for maintaining their
direction and reaching their objective; the men behaved splendidly
and struggled along through this wretched patch of the Holy Land.
Fortunately no opposition in strength was met except an occasional
volley of fire from the Turkish advanced posts, but they soon retired
to their main position on Jebel Ektief. Great caution, however, was
necessary as large bodies of the enemy had been seen that afternoon
leaving Jebel Ektief, and advancing towards our lines. When, however,
the advanced guard had reached the limit of their advance, the
Battalion pushed along the bed of the stony wadi, and were supposed
to halt at the junction of the wadi in front of Jebel Ektief and the
main wadi, where they hoped to turn the corner into their place of
deployment. However, the noise had apparently disturbed the Turk, and
he constantly poured machine-gun fire on to this junction corner.
It was therefore found necessary to find another way into the Jebel
Ektief Wadi, and the only way was to climb the steep, precipice-like
sides of the main wadi on to the high ground held by “D” Company. This
was accomplished, but how, no one can tell; when the Battalion with
its Lewis guns, regimental aid post, and signalling mules reached the
crest, dawn was appearing in the east. It was decided, therefore,
to make a hurried descent into the Jebel Ektief Wadi in spite of
the casual fire from the enemy’s snipers and machine guns. Luckily
the going down into the second wadi was easier and more speedily
accomplished than the climb from the first wadi, and just as daylight
arrived the tail of the Battalion disappeared into the bed of Jebel
Ektief Wadi, out of sight of the Turks. Once in the bottom of the
wadi the companies sorted themselves out and prepared for the actual
assault, “A” and “B” being the attacking companies, “C” in support,
and “D” in reserve. It had been arranged that the 2/13th (Kensingtons)
were to assault the position on our left, having approached the wadi
at Jebel Ektief by a night march on a parallel route to the one we had
taken. Unfortunately, the ground over which the Kensingtons had to pass
had proved too difficult, and when daylight came they found themselves
perched on a precipice unable to cross the deep ravine before them.
At seven o’clock on the morning of the 20th February, the artillery
opened up a heavy bombardment on the hill. The advance up the hillside
described officially as “trickling forward” should have taken place
under this barrage, while the assault was timed for eight o’clock when
the barrage was to lift.
Unfortunately little or no progress could be made owing to the fact
that the heavies were shelling the “bench mark” some 1,000 yards behind
the enemy’s forward lines thereby leaving the enemy’s machine guns
undisturbed, while at the same time other machine guns on our left
raked us, those, in fact, which should have been concentrating their
attention on our brother battalion, the Kensingtons, who had been so
unfortunate in their advance march.
At eight o’clock, when we should have assaulted, the attack was
therefore hung up for a while. An hour later a Forward Observation
Officer having come up, a second barrage was fired for fifteen minutes
concentrating accurately on the forward Turkish trenches.
At the same time “C” Company was taken from support, and by means of
quick concealed movement succeeded in moving to our left flank, thereby
taking up the position and rôle in the action which should have been
the Kensingtons’.
“C” Company was able to make some ground and also was able to give
great assistance to “A” and “B” Companies by bringing enfilade fire to
bear on the snipers and machine guns that were holding them up.
As this second barrage lifted, the Battalion assaulted the steep hill
and in spite of heavy frontal fire were successful in capturing the
first line. By this time the two companies of the Queen’s Westminsters
had come up on to our left, and under the gallant leadership of Captain
Flower silenced the machine guns which had enfiladed our attack. When
the first ridge was gained it was found that a valley beyond led to
the second ridge, and here the Turks were again strongly resisting.
After a breather, however, the “Charge” was given, and the men, led
by Captain Wills and Company Sergeant Major Oldcorn of “C” Company,
rushed over the valley and gained the second ridge only to find a
still further ridge strongly held. Machine-gun fire from the flank was
still causing considerable casualties to us, but after a breather, the
Battalion assaulted the third ridge, and thus completed the capture
of Jebel Ektief. The Turks fled down the precipitous slopes, into the
Jordan Valley, and could be seen collecting in small groups as though
preparing for a counter-attack. The Battalion’s casualties in this
action numbered about one hundred.
Further north of Jebel Ektief, the London Irish of the 180th Brigade
had succeeded in capturing Talat ed Dumm after heavy fighting. The
Turk, however, still had isolated machine guns on the hills between
the recently captured positions of Jebel Ektief and Talat ed Dumm, and
these poured a persistent fire into our flank. In the late afternoon
the Kensingtons came up on our left, and soon cleared the ground of
these irritating machine guns, and by the evening everything was quiet
except for an occasional shell from a Turkish battery which could be
seen some couple of miles away across the Jordan Plain, well out of
the range of our guns. Just before dark we had a splendid view of the
Jericho Plain.
No other valley in the world presents such extraordinary physical
features, none other has been the subject of such various theories as
to its origin and character. From our position on the eastern edge
of Jebel Ektief, the ground sloped steeply for about 2,000 feet to
the flat plain below, which stretched for over twenty miles to the
foot-hills of the Moab Mountains. Winding through the plain the river
Jordan could be seen in places where its steep banks were broken by
small branch ravines; while to the south the dismal flat water of
the Dead Sea was visible. The only town on this extensive plain was
Jericho, and as the light failed it appeared as a dead city of mud huts.
The following morning, the 21st February, the London Scottish were
moved on to the plain as far as the white ruins of Neba Musa, and
Australian cavalry patrolled the Jericho area. The Turk had crossed
the Jordan, and all was quiet. About midday, however, four enemy
planes flew over our positions, and, but for a remarkable cloud which
suddenly enveloped the hill, would no doubt have poured bullets into
our bivouacs. When the cloud lifted they were nowhere to be seen. For
two days the Battalion remained on the heights of Jebel Ektief, and
although free from fighting it was a most strenuous business carrying
rations and water from the Quartermaster’s Stores and Transport which
were now in the Jebel Ektief Wadi, from which the attack had started,
some 600 or 700 feet below the summit of the hill.
On the 23rd February, the Battalion was ordered to move as far back as
Jerusalem.
CHAPTER XXXVII
JERUSALEM--MUKMAS--JERICHO--ES SALT--WADI EL JIB
On the 23rd of February the Battalion left Jebel Ektief, and after
some discussion in the wadi near the transport lines, some companies
chose the route via the Wadi Hindi, Abu Dis and Bethany, while others
struck across country over a distinct track, supposed to be the
remains of a pilgrims’ road to the Jordan, and thence along the main
Jerusalem-Jericho Road, via Bethany. Which was the better route has
not been decided, sufficient to say that the troops hated both. Rain
poured down when we were half-way to Jerusalem, and when Sir John Grey
Hills’ house was reached late at night no one had the heart to argue
as to the better way from Jebel Ektief. On the following day (Sunday)
we availed ourselves of the rest. In the evening many attended Divine
Service in the huge chapel of the German Emperor’s Palace, near to
the Mount of Olives. It is a huge structure, and a wonderful view of
the surrounding country could be obtained from the tower. It was used
as a Corps Headquarters during the operations around Jerusalem; not
quite the purpose for which the Kaiser had intended it. The chapel was
wonderfully decorated inside, but the two things which struck one as
being odd, and even profane, were the panelling of the altar, which was
decorated by the crests of each of the Kaiser’s sons; and the ceiling,
which was divided into two parts; one containing a beautiful painting
of the Son of God, while the other contained, equally well painted, a
picture of the Kaiser and his wife sitting on their thrones!
On the 25th of February the Battalion moved from Jerusalem, further
north to Mukmas; the route was along the Nablous Road as far as Er Ram,
a distance of about five miles, and here we struck off the main road
eastwards over the roughly made military roads as far as Jeba. Here the
route became more difficult and was across rough mountain paths making
it necessary at times for the Battalion to march in single file. The
transport could not travel the whole route, and was halted near Mukmas,
from which point camels and mules carried stores and rations. The
Battalion halted on the hills near Umm et Talah, and outposts facing
the Jericho plain were taken up by “D” Company. The distance as the
crow flies from Jebel Ektief to Umm et Talah was about five miles, but
the country was of such a nature that the only route between these
points entailed a long march through Jerusalem, a distance of nearly
twenty miles. Just in front of the outpost position was Jebel Kuruntul,
reputed to be the Mount of Temptation. For nearly a month of delightful
weather all was peaceful on our immediate front. Occasionally patrols
pushed out to the front and explored the deep ravines leading on
to the Jericho Plain, but only once were we fired on by the Turks,
and then from a considerable range, probably 1,000 yards. Acting on
the principle, however, that the Devil finds work for idle hands
to do, that wonderful pastime for tired troops was revived, namely
road-making, and large fatigue parties were so employed. It had been a
source of great interest to some of us that nowhere behind the Turkish
lines, away from the four main roads which run north to Nablous, south
to Bethlehem, east to Jericho, and west to Jaffa from the city of
Jerusalem, could any trace be found of ways of communication, except
an occasional mule track; whereas, behind our own lines, a network
of specially constructed tracks was always to be found. It was a
mystery to us how the Turks ever moved their guns, men and supplies in
sufficient quantity to even replace normal daily wastage, but the fact
that after the repulse of the counter attack on Jerusalem in December,
1917, a Turkish Quartermaster surrendered to one of our posts because
he, a Quartermaster, could not get sufficient food, may indicate
that they suffered from shortages through lack of roads and means of
communication.
We had often gazed at dawn on the gorgeous sunrise over the Mountains
of Moab, and seen the dull silver of the Dead Sea turned to burnished
gold; we had also seen that white streak across the dark plain of
Jericho which denoted the presence of that wonderful stream, the
Jordan, but the thought that the words of the old song “One more ribber
to cross” would ever come literally true never entered our heads. If it
did we gave it no serious thought. We had heard of the Jordan Valley
and its appalling heat in summer (for had not the Turk left in Jericho
a note to the effect that they would return in the autumn to bury us),
and also were familiar with the expression “go to Jericho,” so, indeed,
had no wish to spend any time there. If the shades of the hereafter
are hotter than the scene of Joshua’s miracle they can have no terrors
for the 60th London Division. “Brass hats,” however, have ever since
their creation been seers of visions and dreamers of dreams, but their
decision to give us an Easter holiday in Moab could only have been the
result of a nightmare.
Accordingly, the 21st March, 1918, saw the 60th Division concentrated
with the Anzac Mounted Division in the Jordan Valley, ready to carry
out a raid on a scale unheard of in the annals of the war: that is,
penetrating over thirty miles into enemy territory of the wildest
nature, with the destruction of the Hedjaz Railway at Annam as the
objective. The Civil Service Rifles crossed the river on the afternoon
of the 23rd of March by a pontoon bridge at Makhadet Hajlah, which had
been gallantly constructed under fire by the Engineers, and moved up
the left bank of the river, passing on our way the Commander-in-Chief,
General Allenby, and the Duke of Connaught, who was on a tour of
inspection well within range of the Turkish field artillery. Our object
to the north was to rout out a nest of machine guns which was delaying
the crossing at the El Ghoranyieh Ford some five miles to the north,
but to our delight this particular body had realised the threat to
their rear, and had “impshied.”
We bivouacked for the night in the Wadi Nimrin, near Umm Enkhala, and
at 5.0 a.m. the next day moved out in support of the London Scottish
and the Queen’s Westminsters, who attacked the hill of El Haud which,
held in force by the Turk, barred the second means of approach to Es
Salt--that by way of the Wadi Arsinyet.
A Boche “pip squeak” battery, which endeavoured to hinder us, drew
the attention upon itself of one of our own 4·5 howitzer batteries,
and speedily ceased fire. We were not called upon to assist, and were
fortunate to witness a most successful attack in open order against
an extended position. The sight of lines of London infantry advancing
calmly under a heavy enemy field and machine-gun fire, and also of the
final assault with the bayonet was one to be remembered and treasured.
El Haud was taken with little loss to our forces, and we moved up to
the foot-hills and bivouacked in the Wadi Arsinyet, near El Haud.
The river Jordan at Makhadet Hajlah is 1,200 feet below sea level, and
El Haud is 846 feet above, and the weather changed, becoming steadily
worse. The night was wet and bitterly cold, and we were not sorry to
start at 7.0 a.m. the next day on our advance up the Arsinyet track to
Es Salt (Ramoth Gilead).
In heavy rain up a most slippery, muddy, and stony track, we toiled
upwards and upwards as advanced guard to the Brigade, which, with a
Regiment of Australian Light Horse and Mountain Battery, was soon
strung out in single file. Communication was maintained with the 181st
Brigade on the main Es Salt Road by means of a portable wireless
installation, carried by the Light Horse. After a most exhausting climb
of nearly 3,000 feet, we arrived on the outskirts of Es Salt about
1.0 p.m., thoroughly fatigued and soaked to the skin. The weather was
bitterly cold, and it was felt all the more, for in a little over
twenty-four hours we had moved from the tropical heat of the Jordan
Valley up some 4,800 feet to the climatic conditions in winter of the
top of a mountain higher than Snowdon. The Turk had retired hurriedly,
and offered little opposition, and further progress being impossible
owing to our exhausted state we bivouacked--and slept in inches of mud.
The night was disturbed by much rifle fire from Es Salt, and at dawn on
the 26th, No. 16 Platoon was detailed to reconnoitre the town. Under
Lieutenant Andrew, who was acting as O.C. Company, they entered the
town to find no trace of the Turk, and to receive a tumultuous welcome
from the population who, during the night, had kept up a “feu de joie”
from their house-tops, which noise we had interpreted as hostile
rifle fire. We were the first British infantry to enter Es Salt, for
it was not until some hours later that the 181st Brigade, which had
been moving up the main road from Shunet Nimrin, arrived in the town.
Supplies were lacking owing to the great difficulty of getting the
camels up the slippery mountain track, and an officer was detailed to
proceed to the 181st Brigade and bring back some water camels--water
being the pressing need.
The remainder of the Division moved up the Annam road, and the defence
of Es Salt was left to the Civil Service Rifles. The same evening the
Battalion moved out to the north-east of the town to Kefi Huda (3,597
feet), and took up a position covering the route from the north to Es
Salt.
News came through of a possible attack by some 2,000 Circassian
cavalry, and arrangements were at once made for their proper reception.
Time available was short, but by toiling all night under the protection
of standing patrols of the Australian Light Horse, dawn on the Maundy
Thursday saw the 2/15th snugly settled ready behind stone sangars.
Firing started with the first light of dawn and continued throughout
the day, but no serious attack was attempted by the Turk.
At dawn on Good Friday, under cover of a thick mist, the Turks attacked
with bombs a post in the centre of the Battalion. An energetic reply
with Mills hand and rifle grenades, and a burst of fire from a machine
gun resulted in their speedy repulse. The mist suddenly lifted, and
opposite a neighbouring post was discovered a Turkish captain and his
batman, with their kit complete. He was brought in and it transpired
that he had set out with 200 men to assault the hill under cover of the
mist, but his left flank got too far forward and pressed the attack
before the remainder were ready, and they in consequence--like the
burglar who heard the noise overhead--thought all was lost and fled,
leaving their officer stranded on the hillside. In his pocket was found
a small diagram which showed the relative positions of all our Lewis
and machine guns, and this caused no little searching in the mind, for
we had, as we thought, camouflaged them successfully. However, even
if he, the captain, knew, his snipers apparently did not, for, though
throughout the week-end we were continually sniped, one of our Lewis
guns, though continually in action, had not a shot fired at it.
[Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF OPERATIONS AROUND JERUSALEM]
There were constant alarms, and on the night of the 30th/31st March “D”
Company repulsed four separate determined attacks on their position,
with no loss to themselves. On the right and left “A” and “B” Companies
were troubled slightly, but the brunt of the defence of Es Salt fell on
the centre of the line.
The situation was nevertheless serious, and the 2/14th and 2/16th
Battalions were brought back to Es Salt.
The Battalion was relieved on the night of the 31st of March, and
at dawn moved down to the south side of Es Salt. The Divisional
withdrawal from Annam, the assault on which place had not been entirely
successful, was now in full swing, and the majority of the Armenian
population of Es Salt, terrified at the prospect of the return of
the terrible Turk, was hastily evacuating the town. The road, which
had been churned up by men, horses, guns, and wheeled transport, was
inches deep in liquid mud, and was packed with refugees. Old men and
boys, women and children of all ages, with their household goods in
large bundles on their backs, staggered along obsessed with great fear.
Their flight was terrible, and not a few of us hurriedly realised that
it is not only troops who suffer in war time. We could give little
assistance; our own baggage wagons were already overburdened and our
own loads were heavy, but we did what we could.
At 8.0 a.m. on the 1st of April (Easter Monday), after standing in full
marching order in the mud for a solid hour, we started our retirement,
and though hindered and hampered by the crowd of refugees which surged
and swayed either side of us, we marched steadily until 5.0 a.m. next
day, when we emerged from the hills at Shunet Nimrin, and bivouacked
for a few hours, after which we continued and, crossing the Jordan
River by the Ghoraniyeh Ford, we arrived at a position in the Wadi
Nuemiah about 3 p.m., having covered a distance of about thirty miles
since 8.0 p.m. the previous night.
Every one was footsore, dirty, unshaven, with seven days’ growth of
beard, and thoroughly tired, but we soon settled down to our first
proper night’s rest for nine days, during which time we had experienced
almost the extremes of heat and cold, and had marched about seventy
miles through some of the most atrocious country our army has ever
operated in. The other Brigades had fared even worse than we had, but
the whole Division had covered itself with honour, and had no reason to
be dispirited at the apparent failure of its novel enterprise. Gains
in warfare are not measured by territory alone, and the influence of
this raid--indeed it was almost a campaign--had a far reaching effect
on the strategy of the Palestine campaign.
We were happy, on our return to the Jordan Valley, to welcome back from
leave in England our Commanding Officer, Lieut.-Colonel Bisdee, and the
Battalion, though it had worked well under its temporary Commander, was
delighted to see its Commanding Officer back once again, and it speaks
much for the spirit of comradeship of the Regiment that no one was
perhaps more pleased to be with us again than Colonel Bisdee himself.
After a day’s rest in the valley, we moved once again up towards
Jerusalem, and halted at Talat ed Dumm for twenty-four hours. At Talat
ed Dumm there is a wayside house reputed to be the Good Samaritan Inn
of Biblical times. After this short rest we again pushed up the old
Jericho road, which we had come to know almost as well as the Strand.
On arriving at Jerusalem we were again billeted on the Mount of Olives.
The road from Jericho goes through particularly desolate and wild
country, and no doubt in years to come, many a Civil Service Rifleman,
when questioned by his offspring concerning the man who fell among
thieves, will truthfully say, “If you had seen the road you would not
be surprised.”
It was not a habit in those days to keep us idle, and we were soon
moved on up the Jerusalem-Nablous road via Bireh and Ram Allah to the
Wadi el Jib, where we temporarily relieved the 10th (Irish) Division.
The Battalion was in reserve, and bivouacked on a terraced hillside
which was covered with fig trees and vines. It was very hot, and we
were glad to resume our summer kit. The camping ground was one of the
most pleasant we had experienced in Palestine, and we made the most of
it. There were flowers and plants in great profusion, and botanists
amongst us spent hours collecting specimens; one of them, a botanist by
profession, collected a hundred or so specimens which he had never seen
before, and which he could not name.
Of actual war we saw but little, occasional bombing raids were made by
enemy planes, but our chief enemy was just behind us--a gunner officer
in charge of an 18-pounder battery, whose idea of humour was to give
an order for ten rounds gun fire regularly each night at varying times
between midnight and 4.0 a.m. Our considered opinion of this gentleman
cannot be published here.
A week later we moved back as far as Attara, where we gave a most
sincere and regretful God speed to our Colonel, who left us to take
command of the 2/13th Battalion London Regiment. Colonel Bisdee had
joined us at El Shaulth in September, 1917, and no Commanding Officer
was ever so popular, both with his officers and men. He had instilled
into the Regiment a magnificent spirit, and it is no idle boast to say
that the Regiment would have gone into action anywhere and under any
circumstances with Colonel Bisdee, with no misgivings and fully aware
that, whatever happened, he would be their leader.
[Illustration:
_Photo by Searle, S.W._
LT.-COL. T. E. BISDEE, D.S.O., M.C. (D.C.L.I.) Commanded 2nd Battalion,
9th October, 1917, to May, 1918.
_To face page 338._]
CHAPTER XXXVIII
EL HAUD--AIN ARIK--SURAFEND--KANTARA--ALEXANDRIA--JOURNEY TO ITALY
On the 23rd of April, 1918, the Battalion marched south from Attara
and encamped for the night just north of Ram Allah, near Lake Ballua.
The march was carried out during the evening, and the bright weather
made it enjoyable. On the two following days the journey was continued
towards Jerusalem, and on the night of the 25th we halted at Shafat,
a few miles north of the city. Rumours of another “stunt” across the
Jordan were then confirmed, and on the night of the 27th the Battalion
marched down the Jericho road once more to Talat ed Dumm, arriving
there about 11.0 p.m., where the concentration of transport foreboded
another operation on a large scale. The following evening the Battalion
moved to the Jordan Valley, and crossed over the river at Ghoraniyeh
Ford, which was then held by Indian troops. Although it was only April
the heat in the valley was terrific during the day, and white troops
would, no doubt, have suffered considerable losses from disease had
they been stationed there for any considerable length of time. The
next day was spent amid the thick brushwood on the plain, and every
available piece of shade was used, but even under this protection
the damp heat was nigh unbearable, and only a minimum of clothing
in the shape of drill shorts were worn by most. There was a large
concentration of troops in the area, and preparations were made for an
attack on the foot-hills of the Moab Mountains.
On the 30th the attack was launched by the 179th Brigade, the
Westminsters on the left and the London Scottish on the right, while
the 180th Brigade was operating farther south. Under a heavy artillery
bombardment the troops advanced from their positions of deployment,
which they had taken up during the night. They attacked the first
ridge and, after heavy fighting, obtained a footing. Many prisoners
were captured and casualties were inflicted on the enemy. The 2/15th
were held in reserve at Ghoraniyeh Ford, and when a crowd of over 200
prisoners appeared we felt that the operation was so successful that
we should not be needed; it transpired afterwards, however, that these
Turks were not captured in the actual assault, but had been detailed
to reconnoitre our concentration on the plain, and while coming over
had walked into the London Scottish, who were pushing forward for the
attack. They made no resistance, and were soon sent to the rear as
prisoners.
After the first ridge had been taken it was found that the whole
position was strongly held by the Turk, and that further advance over
deep ravines swept by machine guns would be very difficult. Repeated
attempts were made to push forward, but only heavy casualties resulted.
The actual objective of the 179th Brigade was a steep hill called El
Haud, which lay some six miles east of the Jordan, and formed part of a
continuous line of steep, rocky hills that bordered the Jericho Plain
on the east.
On the night of the 30th April the London Scottish had only been able
to gain the first ridge of El Haud after heavy fighting, and during
the following day held on to the captured ground with the idea of
pressing forward the attack at dawn next morning. In order to support
this second effort “A” and “B” Companies of the 2/15th pushed forward
to the foot of El Haud, to act as local supports. The second attack on
the 1st of May was also unsuccessful, not only at this one particular
spot but along the whole Divisional front. Heavy machine-gun fire swept
each ridge, both from the front and the flanks, so cunningly had the
Turk arranged his emplacements. Throughout the day desultory fighting
took place and small local attacks were made, but no general advance
could be accomplished. During the evening of the 1st of May “C” and “D”
Companies were brought up from the Wadi Nimrin, where they had been
moved the previous night, and during the night of the 1st the Battalion
relieved the London Scottish on El Haud. Orders were received on the
same night to attack at dawn. This meant a busy night in reconnoitring.
“A” and “B” Companies were detailed for the attack, with “C” Company in
support, and just before dawn they deployed for the attack on the right
flank of the hill, from which point it appeared the approach to the
summit was easiest. “D” Company remained in possession of the captured
ridge.
The attack was launched forward with great spirit and dash, but was
met with the same murderous fire that had swept down the London
Scottish in their attempts, and the 2/15th could only push forward
a little way, gaining some 500 yards and a small hill, thus forming
for themselves an unpleasant little salient into the enemy’s lines.
Even then casualties were fairly heavy, and the work of carrying back
the wounded was made more hazardous by the Turk, who fired on every
stretcher with his machine guns throughout the day. Captain Peatfield,
“A” Company, was reported missing, but late at night he returned under
cover of darkness, having lain out all day in the sun, a few yards from
a Turkish machine gun, apparently dead.
At dusk the wounded were collected, and “A” and “B” were withdrawn, “C”
Company staying on the captured ground and hastily organising it for
defence by building sangars.
During the afternoon two platoons of “D” Company, under Lieutenant
K. P. Neall, had attempted to push forward from the main ridge, but
the progress was soon arrested by heavy machine-gun fire, and this
proved conclusively that frontal attacks were impossible. From the
result of this local attack it was learnt that between ourselves and
the Turk was a deep ravine with precipitous banks. The night of the
3rd of May was fairly quiet except for the intermittent machine-gun
and rifle fire from both sides. On the following morning, however, the
Turk made a determined counter attack on our immediate right, against
the London Irish of the 180th Brigade. Curiously, just before this
counter attack took place, four enemy planes flew over our lines and
poured machine-gun fire down at us. They did little actual damage,
and one of them was brought down by our Lewis-gun fire. Every one
was on the alert for a repetition of the aeroplane attack and sought
cover behind the numerous boulders on the hill. However, the planes
sailed out of sight behind the summit of El Haud, and just as every
one thought of coming from their cover a sentry group in front of the
Battalion on our right shouted “they’re coming over,” at which every
one near by took immediate cover, but were soon surprised to find that
no aeroplanes appeared but that a force of Turks about 250 strong
rushed their position and drove them off. The Turkish “coup,” however,
was short lived, and an immediate counter attack by the “Irish” sent
them hurrying back to their lines with loss. However, the incident was
disastrous to that Company of the 2/15th which was holding the little
salient which had been gained during the morning attack of the previous
day, as the Turk was able to pour machine-gun fire into the rear of
“C” Company, causing casualties. The gallant action of Private Freer,
a signaller, in remaining at his telephone though severely wounded
and under close-range rifle fire, materially assisted the “Irish” to
regain their position, for Captain Wills, of “C” Company, was thus able
to send back information which led to the “Irish” receiving adequate
support from our machine guns and eighteen pounders.
Later in the day the enemy aeroplanes returned, but this time devoted
their attentions to the transport lines and A.S.C. dumps near
Ghoraniyeh Ford. For the rest of the day the infantry could make no
progress, and spent their time watching the artillery bombardment of
those places where machine guns had been located. The Turk was clever
in concealing his emplacements, and it was only in the evening when a
slight breeze sprang up were we able to detect one that had been firing
at us throughout the whole day. This machine gun was in a cave in the
hill side, and the entrance to the cave had been cleverly camouflaged
with a blanket of the same colour as the surrounding rocks, and not
until the breeze caused the blanket to move was it realised that the
fire had been coming from an apparently solid rock. However, attentions
were soon upon this spot, and one of our machine guns poured heavy fire
into the cave, tearing the blanket in shreds, and no doubt killing the
enemy gunners.
On the evening of the 4th May orders were received that the whole of
the British Force would be withdrawn to the Ghoraniyeh Bridgehead
as the Turks had sent a considerable force down the Jordan Valley
from the north, and which had been driven back by our cavalry that
afternoon. However, it was realised that should this attack by the
Turk succeed our left flank and our line of retreat would both be
seriously threatened. In the Battalion arrangements were made for “D”
Company to be left as a rear-guard, holding the hill of El Haud until
the rest of the Battalion had got a good start across the plain. “D”
Company kept up an occasional Lewis gun and rifle fire for nearly an
hour and then left the hill to the mercy of the Turks. Every one was
relieved to reach the wire entanglements of the Ghoraniyeh defences
the gaps in which were guarded by Indian cavalry. The amusing part,
however, was that when the Battalion returned to its bivouac area of
a few days previous they found “D” Company there first. Apparently
being a smaller force they were more mobile and certainly they knew the
shortest cut home. Once inside the wire a few hours’ rest was granted,
and at 3 a.m. the withdrawal was resumed as far as Tel el Sultan, a
ruined village near Jericho. We arrived at our bivouac area early in
the morning, and in the glorious warmth of the day every one enjoyed a
thorough rest after the unsatisfactory hard fighting of the past few
days. Before leaving the subject of El Haud a word of praise is due to
the Divisional R.A.M.C. for the splendid manner in which they evacuated
the wounded during the fighting, and had erected a large field hospital
tent well within range of shell fire under the slopes of El Haud.
On the 6th of May the Battalion had the surprise of its life, when
orders were received to pack up and move to Jericho, where motor
lorries were to take us as far back as Jerusalem. Never in its
existence had the Battalion partaken of such luxury, but it is
regretted that we all thought that this kindness to tired troops was
to move them to another part of the front where they were needed in a
hurry.
In the late hours of the afternoon the Battalion boarded the lorries
and the convoy started its journey to Jerusalem, along the new Jericho
road, which is a masterpiece in mountain roads, and was built under
German influence. About half-way home we met several regiments of
Indian cavalry proceeding in the direction of the Jordan Valley, where
they were to hold the line during the summer months. Many of them wore
the Mons Star ribbon, and apparently had seen fighting in France. After
passing these troops rain commenced to fall and those who had greedily
sought the seats beside the driver paid the penalty and were soon
drenched through. The lorries pulled up just north of Jersualem on the
Nablous road, from which point each load of men marched independently
to the camping ground near Shafat, which we had occupied only a week
previously. The writer was detailed to supervise the unloading of the
Battalion, and when they had finally “debussed” he made his way to
Shafat probably about 45 minutes after the first party of the 2/15th
had left their lorry. In spite of the rain and the muddy ground
bivouacs had been erected and each one had a small candle burning
inside. To see the camp from the roadway it would have appeared to a
casual observer that it had been in existence for several weeks, so
expert had the Battalion become in erecting its temporary home. Finding
his bivouac the writer was soon presented with a plate of bread, bully
beef, pickles, cheese and a mug of tea by his batman.
On the 7th, the G.O.C. Division inspected the Battalion and
complimented it on the splendid way in which it had stuck to its
unsuccessful work in the recent visit across the Jordan.
The following day the Battalion moved north a few miles as far as Ram
Allah; the march was not long, the road was fair, and the weather was
glorious, and by 2 p.m. the Battalion had settled down in its new
area, and dinners were being cooked. I have already referred to the
speed with which the Battalion made themselves at home on the night we
arrived at Shafat, but as a further illustration the following true
story may be given. On this day’s march we were followed by the London
Scottish, who were in turn followed by an officer of our own Battalion
and a draft fresh from England who were on their way to join us. Having
missed the Battalion as it left Shafat this new officer attempted to
catch us up. We arrived at our bivouac area and moved off the road to
allow the Scottish to pass to their camp which was farther north. We
immediately put up our bivouacs and commenced cooking. The new officer
and his men followed the Scottish for some two miles only to find that
the encampment he had passed some 25 minutes before was really that of
his own Battalion. It was hard to make him realise that we were only
just ahead of the Scottish on the march and turning off the road had
immediately set to and erected our camp.
Here news of a long rest reached us, and we were told that after the
next day’s march to Ain Arik we should have a complete rest. On the
way to Ain Arik we were inspected by the Commander-in-Chief, General
Allenby, and on the afternoon of the 9th arrived at our new camp. The
camp was situated on the rocky slopes of a deep wadi; little ledges
were however found for “bivvies,” and each company made itself at
home in its particular area. The slopes were covered with many small
trees, and it was undoubtedly one of the prettiest spots in Palestine
that we had visited. Here the Battalion remained for 10 days, and
everything was done to make the rest enjoyable. At the top of the
wadi near the main roadway a few level places were found and football
competitions, both inter-Battalion and inter-company were arranged. A
Brigade Sports Committee was set up and a varied programme of games,
sports and transport competitions was arranged. The final placings were
as follows: 2/15th Battalion, 10 points; 2/14th Battalion, 10 points;
2/16th Battalion, 3 points; and 2/13th Battalion, 3 points. Great
credit was due to the excellent turn out of our transport section, and
also our Lewis gunners in their particular competitions. In the Brigade
football final the London Scottish beat the Queen’s Westminsters after
a hard game. The Divisional Concert Party arrived and gave nightly
performances in a large marquee. In the Battalion itself company
concerts were held, a piano being hired all the way from Jerusalem
through the personal efforts of Lieutenant Phelps. The whist drive held
by “B” Company must also be included in the “mention in dispatches.”
Shooting competitions were held at a small range built at the bed of
the wadi, and Battalion sports, limited to the three-legged, sack,
egg and spoon type of race, were held on the flat bed of the wadi and
proved a huge success. There was no suitable ground for sprinting, and
even the course for the comic races had to be cleared of large stones
by a voluntary fatigue party. One competition of the afternoon which
deserves special mention was a “beauty competition for the best dressed
lady.” The originality of the aspirants was marvellous, and real harem
dresses with the aid of bacon wrappings, etc., were among the prize
winners. Canteen stores were plentiful and “dinner” parties were given
throughout the camp each night. A real happy time was spent here and
the Battalion was loath to leave Ain Arik when orders were issued on
the night of the 19th May.
The Battalion proceeded next morning to Beit Ello by a circuitous route
around the many hills in that part of Palestine. A pleasant camping
ground was found, and after a night’s rest we proceeded the next
morning to Beit Rima, which was near the centre of the British line
in Palestine which then extended from Jaffa, on the west, to a point
just south of Nablous on the east. Here the proximity of the enemy’s
observation posts necessitated us to place our bivouacs under the
numerous olive trees on the terraces round the village. For the next
week or so the Battalion rested by day and each night large working
parties sallied forth north of the village of Beit Rima to dig a system
of trenches for the defence of the hill.
Rumours of France commenced to float about, and these rumours soon
developed into fact. On the 29th of May, 1918, the Battalion, together
with the London Scottish and Queen’s Westminsters of the same Brigade,
bade farewell to the 60th Division.
In France, heavy fighting and the stupendous thrust by the Germans in
the spring of 1918, necessitated that seasoned troops from the East
should proceed to the Western Front. Certain Battalions of the 60th
Division were therefore withdrawn from the Palestine Front leaving on
an average one white Battalion in each Brigade, and filling up their
vacancies with Indian troops.
Leaving Beit Rima the Battalion trekked to the Jaffa area via Ibn
Harith, Amwas, near Latrun, to Surafend, near Ludd, which had then
become the British railhead for the western flank of the British line
in Palestine. The marches were carried out by night as the summer heat
became too trying for any movement by day. The nights were warm and
glorious, a bright moon shone throughout the march, the roads were
in good condition, and every one enjoyed the journey. Only one night
was spent at Surafend, and in the afternoon of the 2nd of June the
Battalion marched to Ludd Station and travelled throughout the night,
reaching Kantara by 5 a.m. on the 3rd. A short march to the rest camp
brought the journey to an end, and here we were met by the advance
party under Lieutenant Neall, who allotted us to our proper lines in
the camp.
At Kantara we were fortunate to be given a part of the Divisional Rest
Camp and were not bothered to erect tents as was the lot of other
battalions in the Division. The camp kitchens, canteens and mess
tents were at our disposal, and this saved a great deal of work and
organisation. Immediately on our arrival large parties were granted
leave to Cairo and Alexandria, and except for morning parades and
ordinary camp duties those who remained took every advantage of the
benefits of life in a base camp. The local cinema huts, concert party
marquees and canteens were packed each night, and every day bathing
parades in the Suez Canal were held. The weather was extremely hot and
the bathing parades were a great boon. Preparations were also made for
an early departure to France.
On the evening of the 15th of June, 1918, the Battalion paraded and
marched to Kantara Station and entrained for Alexandria, which place
was reached by 5 a.m. the following morning. The train ran alongside
our transport, the _Indarra_. As soon as the train stopped on the
quayside we were busy transferring our stores, and for a couple of
hours fatigue parties were constantly up and down the gangways. When
this work was completed the Battalion paraded alongside the boat and
then marched up the gangway, leaving their pith helmets in heaps on the
dock side; it was a pathetic farewell to Egypt, where we had thoroughly
enjoyed ourselves.
The _Indarra_ remained alongside for the day, but no leave ashore
was granted, and the time was spent in allotting boat stations and
issuing life-belts. The following morning we moved to the middle of
the harbour, and during the day bathing from the side of the boat was
permitted, and although a certain amount of flotsam floated around the
ship the warm sea water was most delightful. Non-swimmers were advised
to put on their life-belts in order to gain confidence in case the
journey was ill-fated, and in many cases the men proved to themselves
the efficiency of the belts in actual water. Practice alarms for boat
stations added to the “pleasure” of the day. About midday the _Indarra_
was joined by four other transports, namely, the _Kaiser-i-Hind_,
_Malwa_, _Caledonia_ and _Canberra_. This convoy left the harbour in
the evening in single file and was escorted by armed trawlers and some
naval vessels; to one of which was attached a captive balloon for
purposes of detecting submarines which frequented the area around the
entrance to Alexandria Harbour. Several aeroplanes also flew over the
convoy, and not until we were some 50 miles out to sea did our aerial
escort leave us, when we were handed over to the care of ten Japanese
destroyers and then the trawlers from Alexandria returned.
By the time the Alexandrian escort had left us the transports had lined
up abreast of each other with a distance of roughly 500 yards between
each boat, and this formation was retained throughout the voyage, the
ten Japanese destroyers forming advanced, rear, and flank guards.
The journey across the Mediterranean was without incident, and the
coast of Italy came into view early on the morning of the 21st of June,
and the convoy steamed towards Taranto Harbour. When the boats arrived
within the wide bay just outside the entrance to the inner harbour
every one was relieved, but excitement was intense when the guns of the
escort opened rapid fire on our left. Immediately the Japanese flag was
run up the mast of each of the destroyers and frantic signals were sent
from the Commander’s boat, which was ahead of the flotilla. Three of
the destroyers rushed at full speed to a spot about two miles to the
left of the convoy and immediately commenced to drop depth-charges,
the explosions of which shook the sides of the _Indarra_ even at that
distance. Torpedoes, however, had already been fired by the enemy
submarine, which had apparently been lying in wait in the harbour only
a couple of miles from an Italian Naval Base. One of these torpedoes
came at a terrific speed, leaving a white wake in its trail, and passed
in rear of the _Malwa_ on our left, and only missed the bows of our own
boat by a few yards. The second torpedo passed about 200 yards ahead of
the convoy. The course of the transports was immediately altered and
with a zig-zag route the boats hurried to their berths just outside the
narrow entrance of the inner harbour; while the Japanese destroyers
continued to drop depth-charges around the suspected position of
the German submarine. No official result was published, but it was
reported in Taranto that the submarine was sunk by the explosion of the
depth-charges.
The following day the _Indarra_ moved through the narrow channel
into the inner harbour. So narrow is this entrance that the sides of
our troopship only missed the high walls on both sides by a matter
of five or six yards. In the inner harbour were battleships of all
sizes belonging to the Italian Navy, and one marvelled how our allies
could allow enemy submarines to lie in wait just outside without any
interference, for on our arrival not a sign of an Italian warship was
seen in the outer harbour. In the peacefulness of the still waters of
the inner harbour, which was several square miles in area, we remained
until the early hours of the following morning, and just after dawn
the Battalion disembarked by means of lighters which carried us to the
temporary pier erected on the shallow beach near the British Base Camp.
It was the 23rd of June, 1918. Just a year previously we had landed in
Egypt, and two years practically to the day since we had left England
for France. Once again our feet were on the continent of Europe and we
felt we had left the East for good. We looked forward with no little
anxiety to our coming return to France, though many maintained that we
were bound for the Italian Trentino Front, and arriving at Taranto and
not Marseilles lent colour to this possibility.
CHAPTER XXXIX
JOURNEY THROUGH ITALY AND FRANCE--RECONSTRUCTION--MOULLE--ST. SYLVESTER
CAPPEL--MONT ROUGE--LOCRE--DRANOUTRE--MONT VIDAGNE.
On arrival at the pier at Taranto beach a short march brought us to our
lines in the Base Camp. Only one day was spent here, and the following
evening we entrained for France. During the day canteen stores were
bought for the journey from the large Expeditionary Force Canteen, but
no leave into the town was granted. Orders were issued for entraining
that evening, and an amusing paragraph appeared to the effect that
troops were requested not to refer to our gallant Allies, the Italians,
as “Italianoes,” “Ice-creamoes,” “Chip Potatoes,” etc. The route by
train was along the east coast of Italy, and the train left the camp
siding about 8 p.m. on the evening of the 24th June, 1918.
The first part of the journey was practically along the seashore and
there was nothing of special note about the scenery. Halts were made at
Bari, Foggia, Termoli and Castellammare, which town was reached about
1 p.m. on the 25th. By the following midday we had reached Rimini,
having passed through Ancona and Pesaro en route. As far as Rimini the
scenery had not been above the average of the coastal scenery of Kent
or Sussex, but shortly after leaving the town the railroad branched
inland towards Faenza; and on this part of the journey the scenery was
beautiful, the countryside being rich with summer flowers of bright
colours, while the perfect blue of the sky overhead added to the
richness of the colour scheme. Faenza was reached by 4 p.m. on the 25th
June, and a long halt was made in a siding and men were permitted to
leave the train and stretch their legs a little. Hitherto the halts had
been short and just long enough to permit the issue of hot tea which
had been prepared at wayside cookhouses previous to our arrival. At
Faenza the long halt of several hours permitted officers to visit the
town, where a decent meal was procured at one of the hotels. Time also
enabled many of us to purchase and send home as souvenirs, pieces of
artistic pottery for which the town is noted. Early in the evening the
journey was resumed, and our next halt was made in the large station
of Bologna, just after 8 p.m., when we caught a passing glimpse of the
quaint Cathedral and University in the town. The people on the station
cheered us as the train pulled up; a decided change from the apathetic
gaze which had been our greeting from the southern Italians. While
standing in the station a long ambulance train full of wounded Italian
troops drew up alongside our train and fraternising between the two
armies commenced, cigarettes and souvenirs were exchanged, and when
the hospital train moved out we gave a hearty cheer to our wounded
allies. A short time afterwards our train steamed out of Bologna, and
by dawn the following morning we were passing through the glorious
mountain scenery of Northern Italy. The train wended its way along
deep valleys and pierced through the long tunnels which are numerous
in the Apennines. The route taken was through Novi Liguire, Ronco to
Sampierdarina, just west of Genoa; the railway skirting the city at
this part of the journey. During the afternoon of the 27th we halted at
Savona where an enthusiastic crowd gathered and cheered us; no doubt
thinking that the Battalion was part of the British Forces which had
so materially assisted the Italians in their recent victories on the
Trentino Front. We did not disillusion these kind people and accepted
their flowers, fruits and, cigarettes. From Savona the journey was
continued along the sea shore, and we enjoyed the beauty of the calm,
blue, sunlit Mediterranean on our left, and on the other hand the
steep cliffs covered with bright flowers and dotted here and there
with pretty little towns and beautiful gardens. At 11 p.m. that night
the train pulled up at Ventimiglia, the frontier station where certain
international formalities were gone through by the railway officials.
However, such things did not worry us, and we spent the halt in the
railway refreshment cafés and buffets. Unfortunately, the beauties
of the Mentone-Cannes Riviera were passed at night-time and the only
excitement of the night was the gamble in most carriages while we were
passing Monte Carlo. Early on the morning of the 28th June we reached
the outskirts of Marseilles. The railway ran along the north-eastern
side of the town on high ground, and a splendid view of the harbour
and city was obtained. From this point the route went northwards via
Miramas, Avignon, where we crossed the Rhone to Le Tiel, which town
we reached at 10.30 p.m. that night, and obtained an excellent meal
at the railway buffet. The rest of the beauty of the Rhone Valley,
which many of us had enjoyed some eighteen months previously, was
lost in the darkness. Lyons was passed early the next morning, but it
was sufficiently light to obtain a splendid view of the city and its
bridges, which had been denied us in the outward journey to the East.
After passing through St. Germains au Mont D’or the railway branched
off to the west and a long halt was made at Paray-le-Monial, giving
us the opportunity of exploring the quaint provincial French town for
about an hour, when the journey was again resumed. During the night
we passed through Moulins, Nevers, and Gien, and on this part of the
trip we passed a train containing the London Scottish which had been
delayed owing to a fire breaking out in one of the trucks. During the
morning of the 30th June we arrived near Versailles about 10 a.m., at
which point the network of railways is extremely intricate and hopes
of passing through Paris were high at one moment when we appeared to
be travelling towards the capital, only to be dashed to the ground
the next when the train shot over the points in quite a different
direction. Over this network of railway lines outside Versailles the
train halted, shunted, went forward, moved backwards until we became
quite bewildered as to the real direction of Paris, but when we
eventually passed through the station of Poissy it was settled once
and for all that we were not going near Paris. The day was beautifully
warm and every one was getting tired of this long train journey with
its constant jolting, when the train pulled up miles from nowhere.
Every one descended from the train to the fields alongside and enjoyed
a “leg stretch.” The signal was against us, and in spite of the frantic
whistle of the engine it did not fall. None of the railway officials
could account for the stoppage, so we enjoyed the freedom of the
fields for about two hours. Eventually, however, the shrill whistle
of the engine warned us that the journey was to be continued, and as
the train slowly moved, every one made a dash for their truck. Every
one was present except two officers, and we all worried about their
apparent predicament or even perhaps their desertion. However, about
a mile further up the line the train pulled up and the two truants
appeared. Apparently they had gone off to a village further up the line
in search of luxuries in the shape of eggs, butter, fruit, etc., and
before leaving had made a compact with the driver (no doubt with the
aid of a few francs) to wait for them at a given point if the train was
permitted to pass the signal. After this incident the train crawled
along until the town of Gisors was reached, and here the explanation
of our delay was apparent. The train in front of ours, carrying French
troops and transport, had run into a stationary engine in the station,
and as the result of the collision, several carriages had been smashed
up and the engine derailed, causing casualties among both troops and
horses. After some delay, which allowed us to visit the cafés in the
town near the station, we proceeded on our journey, and early on
the 1st of July we passed through Etaples, where the large British
Cemetery brought back to us the real horrors of war after a pleasant
journey across the Mediterranean and the long and interesting train
ride through Italy and France. From Etaples the journey to Boulogne
was through a particularly dull piece of country, and consisted of a
continuous line of dumps, hospitals, camps, hutments, ordnance depots,
etc.
About midday on the 1st of July, 1918, the Battalion detrained at
Audricques, a large Royal Engineer locomotive repair depot. The
scenery at this place was not particularly pleasing; all railheads
are surrounded by the same old ration and ammunition dumps, but the
W.A.A.C.’s, whom we had never seen before, brightened our lives at
that particular moment. It must be remembered that we had not seen a
real fresh-complexioned English girl for over two years. Not that I am
belittling the beauty of their French sisters or even the particular
charms of the girls of Italy, Macedonia, Egypt and Palestine, but to us
there were none to touch the homely loveliness of the British girl.
Orders were soon issued by the new Divisional Staff which had met us on
our arrival, and we proceeded to billets at Moulle, not an excessive
distance, it is true, neither were the roads dusty and rough like the
tracks we had traversed out East, but after a week in the train it was
a trying march.
Here we were informed that we were to form part of the 30th Division
which had been recently reconstructed and was under the command of
Major-General W. de Williams, C.M.G., D.S.O., and with the London
Scottish and the Queen’s Westminsters we were to form the 90th Infantry
Brigade under Brigadier-General G. A. Stevens, D.S.O.
The other two brigades in the Division were the 21st Brigade,
consisting of the 1/6th Cheshire Regiment, 2/23rd London Regiment and
the 7th Royal Irish Regiment, and the 89th Brigade, containing the 2nd
Battalion South Lancashire Regiment, 7/8th Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers
and the 2/17th London Regiment.
The following extract from a brief history of the 30th Division gives
an idea of the state of affairs on our joining the Division:--
“The various units of the Division were collected together at
the beginning of July, occupying an area around Cassel, where
Divisional Headquarters were. But the Division was hardly ready
to go into the line without some training and preparation. This
was particularly the case since there were indications that the
enemy was going to attack again on the Kemmel-Hazebrouck Front.
The French troops holding the line between Kemmel and the Mont
des Cats had been relieved by British troops at the beginning
of the month, and the defensive systems still required a
good deal of attention, so that during the month of July the
Division was busy enough. The various battalions within the
three Brigades of the Division had to get to know each other.
The various arms of the Division had to learn to work together
for defence and offence, the Palestine Battalions had to
accustom themselves to the warfare of 1918, which had changed
since their departure for Salonica in 1916. While the whole
Division had to prepare for, and practise its rôle as Reserve
Division to the 10th Corps with a series of counter-attack
programmes in the event of an enemy attack taking place. This
involved careful organisation and co-ordination of each arm for
the various situations that might arise, from the piercing of
the line by Mont Rouge, to a thrust on the south-western slopes
of the Mont des Cats.”
From the 2nd of July to the 7th the Battalion was comfortably
billeted at Moulle and carried out intensive field training in the
neighbourhood. Our Battalion organisation was soon revised and
completed, and the Battalion was initiated into the revised methods of
warfare in France in 1918. Leave was granted to the United Kingdom in
limited numbers, it being in most cases the first home leave for two
years.
On the 7th of July the Battalion marched to La Nieppe, between St.
Omer and Cassel, and stayed there for the night. The next morning the
march was resumed as far as Eecke, where the Battalion was billeted
in a couple of large farms between the villages of St. Sylvester
Cappel and Eecke. The Battalion, in common with the remainder of the
Division, became responsible for the defence of the reserve line at
Coq de Paille, south-west of Mont des Cats. Each day reconnaissances
of the various routes from our billets to the position, and also a
complete study of the system itself, was made by officers and N.C.O.’s.
On several occasions the Battalion marched up at night and manned the
trenches for practice purposes, while schemes for counter attacks
from the trenches were worked out and practised. During the day field
training was carried out with vigour, while on those evenings when we
were not detailed to march up to the Coq de Paille defences for the
night, Company concerts, assisted by our own drum and fife band, which
had again been organised, were held. Except for the night time, when
the enemy persisted in shelling a dump of artillery ammunition near our
farms, our stay at Eecke was quite enjoyable. Leave was still granted,
and parties continued to leave each day for the United Kingdom.
On the 13th of July we were inspected by General Plumer, the Army
Commander, who complimented us on our turn out--The usual “splendid lot
of men” business which we all know.
German attacks on our front were threatened to take place on the 18th
of July in the region of Mont Rouge, and the Battalion was accordingly
ordered to move up through Boeschepe and was held in reserve for the
night in the rear of Mont Rouge, with orders to occupy and defend the
line of reserve trenches covering Berthen should the attack develop.
However, beyond the usual artillery fire the night was quiet, and
we returned just after daybreak to our billets near Eecke. Training
was continued for another week, and on the 25th the Battalion moved
up to the line near Mont Rouge and relieved the 17th Royal Scots in
the support trenches on the Locre sector. Nothing of special interest
occurred beyond the usual unpleasantness of trench warfare. Movement
by day was practically impossible owing to the German observation from
Mont Kemmel, on our left front. For five days we remained in this
sector of the line, and were relieved on the night of the 30th by the
2/14th London (Scottish) and marched back towards Boeschepe. We had
suffered a few casualties from shelling, but it was great experience
for the officers and men who had joined the Battalion since its
departure from the French front in 1916. Those of us who remembered
the old line at Neuville St. Vaast were struck by the absence of those
splendid dug-outs which we had occupied during our first visit to
France. On the 3rd of August the Battalion moved back as far as St.
Sylvester Cappel and enjoyed a week’s rest.
At the end of the week the Battalion moved to the line and took over
the Locrehof sub-sector as supports, and were moved up seven days
later to the front line trenches, relieving the London Scottish. Only
two days were spent in the front line, when we were relieved by the
Queen’s Westminster Rifles and returned from the line to Moth Farm,
which lay midway between Boeschepe and Godewaersvelde, and while in
rest here it was arranged that our Division should attack the Dranoutre
Ridge. We overlooked the German lines throughout their length from
the Mont Noir-Mont Rouge Ridge, but the Bosche had the advantage in
the possession of the Dranoutre Ridge, a long spur running down from
Mont Rouge through Locre, with Dranoutre at its tip, which high ground
represented, after successive ebbings and flowings, the mark of the
Hun tide of advance there. This ridge, looking down as it did into our
front trenches, made approach by day almost impossible; and it set
bounds to movement, cooking and life there generally, which only those
who had to live there could properly appreciate. The 35th Division,
whom we had relieved, had long ago made up their minds to take the
ridge, but wet weather set in and their patrols reported the going
across “No Man’s Land” impossible; it was therefore left for us to
accomplish.
The attack was fixed for the night of the 21st/22nd of August. It
entailed an advance of some 300 yards over swampy ground, pocked with
shell-holes, the crossing of the River Douvre here a small stream, the
ascent up through the straggling Wakefield and Mowbray Woods to the
crest, where stood two strongly fortified posts--the old farms of
Romp and Locrehof--a total advance of about 1,000 yards. The going was
really difficult in the last part, where to the usual tangle of rough
grass, shell-holes new and old, odds and ends of trenches and dug-outs
was added the presence of trees and some undergrowth, the navigation
of which even in daylight and without an enemy or the impedimenta of
attack requires a certain care.
The London Scottish represented the 90th Brigade in this show, and that
the attack was carried out with courage and great credit is due to the
2/14th Londons, who showed that the Palestine troops were equal to any
demands that the Western Front might make upon them.
During the night following the attack the Civil Service Rifles relieved
the Scottish in the captured line, which merely consisted of odd shell
holes, and there withstood a determined counter-attack delivered by
storm troops. Under continual heavy artillery, trench mortar, and
machine-gun fire, we helped to consolidate the new front line. Fighting
patrols were pushed forward and great courage was displayed by members
of the 2/15th, particularly Sergeant P. J. Kelly’s patrol, “C” Company,
at Locrehof Farm, and by Lieutenant H. J. Mallett’s patrol, “D” Company.
Wakefield Wood, which was on our front, was heavily shelled with gas
shells, but this did not deter the Battalion, and on the 24th of August
we drove off a determined counter-attack by the Boche. Local fighting
continued until the 26th; but the consolidation of the line progressed,
when the Battalion was withdrawn and retired to the comparative
security of the dug-outs on Mont Rouge, and on the following day
returned to our old billet at Moth Farm for a couple of nights, when a
return to Mont Rouge was made.
On the 1st of September the enemy withdrew from Mont Kemmel, and the
British line was immediately pushed forward as far as Daylight Corner,
and close to Wulverghem. On the night of the 3rd-4th of September
we relieved the London Scottish near Wulverghem, which was merely
indicated by a notice board with “This is Wulverghem,” and a few
chipped and broken tombstones which marked the site of the church.
Our orders were to carry on the same policy of advancing as far as
possible without a full-dress attack. But we were now up against the
outposts of the enemy’s main line of resistance; he held the high
ground, and furthermore the ground was of the worst possible type for
advance under fire. Hardly a yard of it but had been wired at some
time in one direction or another. In fact, it looked exactly as if
the wire had taken root and spread like brambles. What was not wire
was shell-holes or old trenches full, or perhaps only half full, of
water. Any advance at all was creditable. There was, too, from this
time a noticeable increase in artillery fire of all calibres, with a
fair amount of gas from our line back beyond Daylight Corner to beyond
Kemmel. Wulverghem and Daylight Corner succeeded Locre and Canada
Corner as targets, with Kemmel as a substitute for the Mont Rouge
Hills. Thus, though the left company of the 2/15th Londons managed
on the 4th to advance their right about 200 yards and establish new
posts east of Wulverghem, efforts during the night of the 4th-5th
yielded little in the way of progress, but more in the way of heroism
when Private Cleaver stayed by his wounded comrade in “No Man’s Land”
until they were found two or three days later. But even as this
bald outline suggests, there was plenty of work and opportunity for
both leadership and initiative, whether on the part of the Company
Commander, e.g., Captain Andrew, whose bold reconnaissances were of
as great value to his Company as to the Battalion, or on the part of
the Platoon Commanders--Sergeant E. G. Ward, “B” Company, who held
on all day in an isolated position far ahead of the general line, or
Private Shepherd, “D” Company, who specially distinguished himself by
keeping up communication under fire between his own platoon, which was
isolated in front, and his Company. On the night of the 5th-6th we were
relieved by the Queen’s Westminsters and marched back to Donegal Farm,
at the foot of Mont Kemmel, leaving the 2/16th to carry on our work of
“peaceful penetration.” After a couple of days’ stay here we marched
back as far as Mont Vidagne, where our rest consisted of furnishing
strong working parties for road making and clearing up the area near
Westoutre. The Battalion transport and Quartermaster’s Stores moved
up from Nonne Bosch, near Godewaersvelde, which had been their home
since the beginning of August, to a place just west of Westoutre. Not
only had this rear headquarters provided us with rations and letters
regularly while we were in the line, but they had prepared for us a
concert party, a revival of the original “Plumes,” who had worked hard
and got together an excellent programme under the able leadership of
Lieutenant K. P. Neall, our assistant Quartermaster. A full-dress
rehearsal was given in a marquee on the 14th of September on the rear
slopes of Mont Vidagne. Other units of the Brigade were invited and
gave the party a great reception. One must remember that although the
party did not reach the excellence of a London theatre, or even the
“Barnstormers” (one of our Egyptian Divisional concert parties), it was
composed of men of the transport and Quartermaster’s staff who came
up the line each night with rations and shared with the Battalion the
unpleasantness of enemy artillery fire and aerial bombing raids. It was
not a party of selected entertainers who retired from the fray for the
sole purpose of becoming efficient music-hall artists.
On the 16th the Battalion was moved to Mont Noir and Major Benké
assumed command.[16] Working parties still continued to work in the
Westoutre area, while parties of officers were detailed to make a
thorough reconnaissance of the line just beyond Wulverghem and facing
Messines Ridge, with a view of relieving the 6th Cheshire Regiment.
However, this work was in vain, orders for the relief were cancelled,
and we were ordered to move farther south and occupy the support area
on the Neuve Eglise Sector, taking over from the Royal Inniskilling
Fusiliers.
[16] Lt.-Col. Gaze proceeding on leave.
On the 19th of September the Battalion marched from Mont Vidagne over
the captured area as far as Bailleul, which town was now completely
devastated, and then turning east arrived at Neuve Eglise about
midnight. The relief was carried out successfully, although everyone
was tired after their march of some ten or eleven miles.
CHAPTER XL
NEUVE EGLISE--MESSINES--HOUTHEM--WYTSCHAETE
In the Neuve Eglise area the Companies were spread over a considerable
area, the whole of which was under the direct observation from the
German lines on Messines Ridge. “A” Company was in immediate support
to the London Scottish, who were in the line on Hill 63, north of
Ploegsteert Wood, while the remaining three Companies were dotted
along the defensive line of trenches just east of the village of Neuve
Eglise. The Battalion was under orders to garrison this reserve line
should the Bosche make an attack on our immediate front. Movement,
of course, during daylight was restricted, and at the slightest sign
of smoke the enemy would deluge the area with shells, and during one
of these strafes “B” Company had to move its home further back, but
not without suffering a few casualties. “A” and “C” Company were also
unfortunate one night while furnishing working parties in the line,
and several of their men were killed and wounded during an enemy
bombardment of Hill 63. On the whole, however, a quiet time was spent
in this area, and the Battalion was ordered up the line on the 26th
of September. We relieved the 6/7th Inniskillings and took over the
line in front of Messines town from the right of the main road from
Wulverghem to Messines. Headquarters was situated near South Midland
Farm, “A” Company were in the front line on the sector adjoining the
road, and “C” Company on their right, having Stinking Farm as their
right flank. “B” Company provided supports to both front Companies,
while “D” Company were held in reserve behind South Midland Farm. The
intention was that within a few days the Battalion, in conjunction
with other units, should attack and capture Messines Ridge, so that
the first days in the line were spent in reconnoitring our front, from
which it was learnt that the enemy had a plentiful supply of machine
guns. At night-time we were also busy in bringing up and distributing
stores which are peculiar to an organised attack, such as red lights,
Verey pistols and so forth. To recapture the ridge was less an
operation by itself than an operation supplementary to a much larger
attack further north.
The 2/16th Queen’s Westminsters were on our right and the 2/17th
Londons on our left. The main road from Wulverghem to Messines formed
the general line of the direction of our attack. On the Divisional
front the first objectives were some enemy strong points close to our
front line, and directly in front of our Battalion were three such
strongholds, viz., Big Bull Cottage, Boyles Farm and Rome Alley. The
attack was timed for dawn on the 28th, and at 5.30 a.m. our artillery
opened up their bombardment on our front. It was not a creeping
barrage, which had by that time become fairly perfect, but was rather a
treatment of carefully-selected places and areas to cover the advance
of our Companies on their allotted strong points to be attacked. Both
our attacking Companies got well off the mark under this artillery
preparation and possessed themselves of their objectives, the greatest
resistance coming from Big Bull Cottage, where most of the occupants
were killed, and before 7 a.m. the Battalion had claimed seventeen
prisoners and nine machine guns. The Battalion on our left were also
successful in capturing Mortar Farm and Ontario Farm. This clearing
of the way for the advance to the Messines Ridge, though perhaps more
an affair of fighting patrols than a staged attack, called for a good
deal of initiative on the part of Company, Platoon and Subordinate
Commanders in rushing and getting around machine guns when even the
mere covering of the ground alone presented considerable difficulties.
All the enemy strong points to be attacked had the armaments of machine
guns, Captain Peatfield’s Company, “A,” our left attacking Company,
accounting for six, Second-Lieutenant Pittam leading the platoon that
captured them. Lance-Sergeant P. Mason, of “A” Company, mopped up
a post of four with no little dash and skill, helped by the daring
reconnaissances of the previous night, in which Private J. Volke had a
notable share.
“C” Company (Captain F. H. Du Heaume) had also pushed forward and
captured a network of trenches known as Rome Alley, driving off the
garrison and killing a few of the enemy, while their patrols afterwards
pushed towards Gabion Farm, which was strongly held by the enemy.
Against this strong point “C” Company had to form a defensive flank,
as the 2/16th Battalion had not advanced in the first stage of the
day’s operations. No determined counter-attack was made on our front,
although the enemy was active with his snipers and machine guns.
“B” Company moved forward during the attack from their position in
support and occupied our original front line, while “D” Company was
brought up to occupy the support line vacated by “B” Company.
The new front was then held pending the result of the greater attack
taking place further north, while on our right the 2/16th Battalion
(Queen’s Westminsters) assisted during the afternoon on the left
flank of the attack of the 31st Division through Ploegsteert Wood,
which met with considerable resistance, and the Westminsters suffered
considerable casualties. The actual attack took place about 3 p.m.
in the afternoon of the 28th, and turned out to be no easy task. The
element of surprise which had assisted us was of course entirely
lacking, and the progress of the troops on our right was attended
with difficulties, and the Bosche made a determined stand, but under
pressure gradually gave way.
By this time the success of the operations further north had begun to
tell and, pressed on his right flank as well as in front, the enemy
began to withdraw over the ridge in the late afternoon. His passage
over the ridge, which of course was visible, was hastened by our
artillery and machine-gun fire, which the sight of the enemy on the
run in broad daylight naturally provoked. More than that, the Division
could now, while still preserving the role of flanking the attack
further north, push on to the ridge. Orders were accordingly issued for
further patrols to advance over the ridge in the evening and secure
a line east of Messines itself, curving back on the right to keep in
touch with the troops there. This implied following the dip into the
hollow of the Steenbecque River and its steepish rise to the top of the
ridge, the whole way a pitted and torn desolation of the familiar type.
Progress in the dark--it was pitch dark that night--was necessarily
slow over such ground.
During the late afternoon and the evening our advance companies pushed
forward, meeting small resistance from the enemy’s rearguards. “A”
Company on the left were able to push forward past Hospice Mill and
actually entered the ruined village of Messines before midnight. The
advance of “C” Company was necessarily slower as the troops on our
right were held up, and it became necessary for us to form a defensive
flank. Unfortunately, it was found inadvisable to hold the village
of Messines, as the Battalion on our left had also met some strong
resistance, and the salient which we formed became particularly
unpleasant and it was ordered that we should withdraw from the village
itself and occupy Hospice Mill, on the western outskirts, where “B”
Company had pushed out in support of “A” Company during the advance
to the village. In view of the advance being continued the following
day, it was decided that “D” Company should relieve “A” Company in the
front line, and “B” Company should continue as supports and “A” and
“C” Companies be held in Battalion reserve. Great credit is due to all
concerned for the excellent manner in which this reorganisation was
carried out on such a dark night and over strange country covered with
shell-holes, trenches and with entanglements. The first day’s work had
been very successful.
Our casualties were comparatively small when one realises the advance
we had made, and most of them were the result of heavy artillery fire
which had continued all day on our old front line, and, curious as it
may seem, Headquarters suffered most, one unlucky shell killing nine
and wounding five others seriously. Amongst those killed by this shell
was our R.S.M. H. W. Lovelock, well known to both the 1st and 2nd
Battalions.
By daylight on the 29th, however, the ridge was ours for the taking,
and in the heavy mist at dawn parties of the Battalion pushed forward
and by seven o’clock were in the village and over the ridge. Messines,
with its memories of four years’ fighting, passed into British hands
again, and this time for good. There was, indeed, little else than
memories, save the jagged cairn which had been the church, the ruined
houses which had been made into concrete blockhouses, some of them left
intact, or nearly so, and a few broken tombstones on the site of the
cemetery. The Messines Ridge in the chill of a misty, late September
morning, when you have been fighting since dawn the day before, and do
not know where in the mist the enemy is hidden, provides neither time
nor the place for philosophising. The ridge, from being an objective,
became merely a road to the valley of the Lys. Somewhere there, as not
infrequently in the history of Flanders, we might expect a stand to
be made. The task of the Division was to see that it was made as far
east of the ridge as possible--at any rate, as far as the line of the
Ypres-Comines Canal, so well known and so little loved in the Salient
farther north.
In order to carry out this idea the Battalion was ordered to push
forward at dawn and advance as far as Houthem, and if possible make
for the line of the Canal, a distance of over three miles. Except for
constant artillery fire the first mile of the advance on our actual
front was carried out with few losses to ourselves. However, we soon
came under the direct observation of the captive balloons behind the
German lines, and his artillery fire became heavier and well directed.
As no other British troops were to be seen over the ridge it was
decided to halt about 2.0 p.m., and while waiting for further
developments we had the pleasure of seeing one of our airmen bring down
two of the enemy balloons in flames. They were immediately replaced by
another balloon, but its life was short and the airman returned and
downed it. An enemy plane, flying low, came over our position, but
luckily no artillery fire resulted.
Just after 2.0 p.m. we saw a British skirmishing line advance on our
left, and patrols soon got in touch, to find that it was the 2nd
Battalion of the South Lancashires, of the 89th Brigade, who had pushed
through the 2/17th Londons and taken up the pursuit. After consultation
between the two Battalion commanders it was decided to push on together
towards Houthem Church, as the 2nd South Lancashires were in touch with
a Battalion of the 41st Division on their left. On our right matters
were not so clear, and the heavy machine-gun fire confirmed our idea
that the Boche was making a stand. The first part of our advance from
Messines was over ground which had been in our hands the previous
winter, while the latter half was enemy territory and unknown to us.
The “going” down the slope was easier than on the west side of the
ridge, though still a desolation of rank grass and old shell-holes.
Houses, of course, there were none. Remnants of trenches and wire
entanglements still served to remind us of the former British front
line area. The only solid things were the pill-boxes left vacant, and
in many cases intact, by the retreating enemy. By our rapid advance we
were able to materially assist the advance of the 41st Division on our
left by outflanking the enemy machine-gunners.
On our right the advance had been taken up by the London Scottish, and
during the night of the 29th of September they entered Warneton.
After we had linked up with the South Lancashires we were able to
push forward without meeting much opposition, and lost only a few men
wounded. When darkness came we had reached the Ypres-Comines Canal, and
took up a defensive line near the Canal near Houthem, turning our right
flank to face south, as we had not at that time obtained touch with
our troops on the right. We used the numerous pill-boxes as rain began
to fall, and except for intermittent artillery fire and an occasional
burst of machine-gun fire which caused us a few casualties, the night
was quiet. Signal communication by lamp was obtained with Brigade
Headquarters on Messines Ridge. By dawn on the 30th of September our
right flank was secured by the Queen’s Westminsters who arrived during
the night, and the Brigade formed the extreme right of the great
advance which was proceeding successfully from the banks of the Lys to
the north. The River Lys forming a protection to the retiring enemy
made it necessary for a great deal of preliminary work to be done
before any advance in that direction could be undertaken.
Next day brought no further advance on our front, the 30th Division
was flanking an attack rather than making one, and so regulated its
movements to those of the forces on the left where the line went away
north-east towards Gheluwe and onwards. We were free to close up the
tail of the Division behind Messines Ridge, to improve shelter where
there was none--which was practically everywhere--to clear roads, and
to count the spoil. The number of prisoners taken was small, but if
there is a peculiar pleasure in capturing guns which have shelled you
for days and nights together, that pleasure was ours, for the Division
took four 8-inch howitzers, three 5·9-inch howitzers, one 5·9-inch gun,
three 4·2-inch howitzers and a similar number of guns, and 24 field
guns. Any one who cared might possess himself of a trench-mortar or
a machine-gun with sufficient ammunition for a month’s fighting. The
whole battlefield was, in fact, strewn with material from trench boards
to 15-inch “duds”--relics of the British bombardment the previous year.
The only road for transport and guns was the Wulverghem-Messines road.
A very large crater completely demolishing it had been blown just east
of the Steenbecque, where the road ran over an embankment. The enemy
had also placed 36 tank mines across the road. These were all removed
and the crater bridged to take lorry traffic by midday on the 29th of
September. On the morning of the 30th the Divisional front, which had
been gradually lessened in width by the advance from the north of the
41st Division and on the south by the 31st Division, was handed over to
the reserve Brigade (the 21st Brigade) and the Battalion was withdrawn
and marched back to Messines Ridge, and occupied old Hun dug-outs
and pill-boxes near Blauen Mullen, where Colonel Gaze rejoined from
leave. Our rest, however, was soon disturbed, and the area was heavily
shelled, causing casualties, especially among the men of “B” Company,
and after a short and unpleasant stay on this part of the ridge the
Battalion moved to Oosttaverne Wood, a little farther north. The march
proved exciting, as a Boche plane came over our lines and cleverly set
fire to five of our observation balloons in such quick fashion that no
less than ten airmen were parachuting to earth at the same time.
Oosttaverne Wood proved a very desolate spot, and it was with great
difficulty that the Battalion obtained sufficient cover from the cold
weather. Most of the dug-outs and pill-boxes in this devastated wood
were under water. However, being free from enemy observation and the
consequent artillery fire made up a great deal for the discomfort. A
few days later the Battalion went farther back towards Wytschaete,
where a fairly clean area was found and better accommodation was
discovered. It was a restful time and some of the more energetic
members of the Battalion journeyed to Ypres to see the “sights.”
Lieutenant-Colonel A. W. Gaze, M.C., left the Battalion for a Senior
Officers’ Course at Camberley, and the command of the Battalion was
given to Lieutenant-Colonel A. C. H. Benké, M.C.
CHAPTER XLI
AMERICA CORNER--THE ATTACK--CROSSING THE LYS--BOUS--BECQUE--RONCQ--THE
PURSUIT TOWARDS THE RIVER SCHELDT--PETIT TOURCOING--AVELGHEM--THE
ARMISTICE--COURTRAI AREA--MARCH OVER DEVASTATED AREA VIA
ARMENTIERES--BOESINGHEM--BASE DUTIES--THE END.
On the 11th of October, 1918, the Battalion left their camp near
Wytschaete and marched to take over the line at America Corner, about
1½ miles north of Wervicq. This relief entailed a long march of about
12 miles. The first part was done during the morning, when a halt was
made under the cover of a small ridge about a mile west of Houthem. The
weather was fine and the enemy artillery did not bother us on this part
of the journey. On the way we passed two derelict British Tanks, relics
of our advance in 1917. From the halt advance parties of an officer and
a few N.C.O.’s from each Company went forward, but it was not until
dusk that the Battalion was able to continue their march over the canal
bridge at Houthem and thence via Tenbrilen. The roads were difficult,
and as the country had been in enemy hands many new tracks and roads
had been made, and, together with the darkness and the inevitable
rain which accompanies most marches, attacks and reliefs, the latter
part of the journey became very trying. The advance parties who left
earlier in the day came under very heavy artillery fire near their
destination, and were met by large parties of British troops who had
been “gassed”--an unpleasant omen. The whole area near America Corner
was soaked with gas, and the place was littered with dead horses. The
Headquarters of the Battalion we were to relieve had been reduced to
the Commanding Officer, who lay on the floor of the dug-out blinded by
the gas, while practically all the remainder of Headquarters Company
had suffered from the gas shells and had been evacuated. The R.A.M.C.
men, who were busy in this gas-stricken zone, which was still being
shelled when the advance parties of our Battalion arrived, deserved the
highest praise for their devotion to duty. Here, indeed, was a pleasant
outlook, and before the Battalion had arrived some of our own advance
party had suffered and had to be evacuated, including Acting R.S.M.
Dyer, who, unfortunately, was killed later on in the day, an enemy
shell landing right on the ambulance car in which he was travelling
some six miles farther back. In the evening heavy rain fell, and the
Battalion struggled in the dark along the shelled roads which were now
covered in thick mud. About 11 p.m. the Battalion arrived at America
Corner, and fortunately at that time when the shelling had diminished,
only to learn that the Battalions in the line on both flanks were just
about to raid the Boche lines. Before the Companies could form up under
their guides, a heavy artillery duel opened up, and, of course, every
one took immediate cover wherever possible. Luckily only a few minor
casualties resulted, and the relief was continued. The Battalion,
however, had practically no time to learn anything of their new
surroundings before daybreak, as the enemy continued to shell the area
throughout the night. When dawn came it was found that we were under
observation from the Boche trenches, and that Battalion Headquarters
was only a matter of 250 yards from the front enemy trenches, and
overlooked by Wervicq Church, where the enemy had an Observation Post.
Not that there is anything particularly daring about this fact, but
Battalion Headquarters is always the centre of attraction for thousands
of runners from rear authorities, asking for the quantity of jam, etc.,
when the real thing to be considered is the enemy artillery and the
preparation for the coming attack. Besides, constant callers always
make a place conspicuous, even if that place is in a quiet suburban
street, and with the perfect observation of the enemy we had no desire
to become conspicuous. Throughout the day the enemy continued to shell
the area, devoting much of his “gaseous” attentions on America Corner.
Two days were given to us to acquaint ourselves with this sector, and
as no movement was possible by day it meant a great deal of night work
and practically no rest.
The night before the attack rations were brought up on pack mules
by our Quartermaster, Captain Joslin, and his assistant, Lieutenant
Wright. Both these officers found great difficulty in persuading the
mules to come up with the rations, and the prospect of being heavily
shelled on the return journey while in charge of these stupid animals
was not encouraging for them. However, they were soon relieved; an
orderly put his head into the pill-box entrance and gravely informed
them that a shell had just arrived and disposed of their four-footed
friends. Wright had a leave warrant for England on the morrow in his
pocket, yet he came up to this inferno just to wish us “Cheerio and
Good Luck,” although his attendance was not officially necessary.
The attack was ordered for dawn on the 14th of October, and the
artillery opened up a most terrific barrage at 5.30 a.m., and after
a four minute bombardment of the enemy front lines the attack was
launched under the same heavy volume of artillery fire which gradually
crept forward. “Jumping-off” lines had been laid out the previous
night, and from these the Battalion advanced close on the creeping
barrage in which a great number of smoke shells were used. Within 30
minutes of the commencement of the attack, German prisoners poured into
our lines; apparently under this fierce artillery fire they had made
very little resistance in the front line. No less than 313 prisoners,
including 9 officers, passed through our Battalion Headquarters within
a half-hour.
The 2/14th attacked on our left and with us were successful in reaching
the first objectives near the railway line from Wervicq to Menin.
Some individual cases of gallantry reported were: Sergeant B. Coultard,
“B” Company, who, with his Platoon, did yeoman work, and rounded up 45
of the enemy; Corporal C. D. Lodge, “C” Company, with his men cleared
the wire defences of a strong point and carried it; Private Oakes,
“D” Company, single-handed rushed an enemy pill-box, put 14 of the
enemy out of action, with rifle and bombs and then took 10 prisoners.
Lance-Corporal J. Barnsfather, “B” Company, and Corporal W. J. Mash,
“D” Company, were not far behind in their performances.
All along the line the first rush had succeeded, and under cover of
a barrage from our artillery the Battalion halted and consolidated
in preparation for a counter-attack. While the attack was proceeding
all occupied areas behind the Boche lines were bombarded with a great
number of gas shells. Although the resistance from the Boche troops
was small, their artillery was not slow in replying to our fire, and a
heavy bombardment of the British lines was soon in full swing.
The next step was to exploit this initial success and to push on up to
and, if possible, across, the River Lys, whilst the enemy was still
disorganised and his guns on the move. On the right this involved the
clearing of Wervicq, in whose narrow streets and half broken-down
houses there were still a good many machine-guns and snipers. By
this time the mist and smoke had gone, and the advance was entirely
uncovered in any way, for there was practically no ground cover here.
Patrols pushed out towards the Lys as soon as the first objective was
gained were held up by machine-gun fire, and, in part, by the old wire
that still remained.
From the newly-captured position the ground on our direct front sloped
gradually to the River Lys, and it was devoid of all cover; in daylight
it was impossible to push forward without incurring unnecessary
casualties. In the dusk, however, patrols pushed out and found that the
enemy had retired to the farther bank of the river, but had destroyed
all the bridges by fire. About midnight, however, “A” Company, under
Captain Du Heaume, were able to make a crossing by a bridge which had
not been quite destroyed, just to the right of our direct front, and
afterwards he was able to take his Company along the farther bank and
form a bridgehead near Bousbecque. Under cover of this bridgehead the
Sappers, under Major Atkinson, R.E., placed a pontoon bridge across
the river, though during the whole of its construction the work was
hindered by artillery and machine-gun fire. Just after dawn the
remainder of the Battalion crossed the river and occupied Bousbecque, a
village which had been badly damaged by our artillery.
We cleared the village and in the early morning were able to form a
defensive line on the far outskirts. It was, however, impossible for
us to push on any farther, as we were held up on our direct front
by a heavily-wired line of trenches known as the Linselles Switch.
Furthermore, on our right the situation was not quite clear and heavy
fighting was in progress, while the London Scottish on our left were
unable to effect a crossing of the Lys owing to the flat nature of the
ground to their front, which was swept by machine-gun fire from the
high factories on the farther bank nearer Menin. Later in the day,
however, the 14th Division had forced a crossing near Wervicq, and were
able to push up on our right, and on this flank the enemy gradually
withdrew. During the afternoon the London Scottish came over to their
right and crossed our pontoon bridge and came into Bousbecque. By this
time the enemy had left the Linselles Switch under our pressure, and we
were able to occupy the high ground east of the village of Bousbecque
from Mont D’Halluin to Roncq. The line was continued on our right by
the 31st Division which had then pushed through the 14th Division,
while on our left the 2/16th Londons (Queen’s Westminsters) continued
the line north-east as far as Reckem, having experienced some hard
fighting in crossing the Lys just south of Menin by means of rafts made
from old doors, duck-boards, etc. In the evening the London Scottish
moved from Bousbecque to Roncq for the night, when they were ordered to
continue the pursuit next morning after their night’s rest.
During the night of the 17th of October the Battalion held the Mont
D’Halluin--Roncq outpost line, but as the Boche was retreating fast
and was not expected to make a real stand until he reached the River
Scheldt, the night was peaceful, and the civilians in the neighbourhood
gave our men a hearty welcome. In the farm occupied by Battalion
Headquarters the Hun had left his playing cards on the table in the
middle of a game, while at the piano were fragments of German songs.
The next morning the London Scottish continued the pursuit on the
Brigade front, while the 2/15th and 2/16th followed in their wake in
column of route, as far as Kruistraat. Not until passing this village
did the 2/14th meet any opposition, but on the ridge a couple of miles
beyond were many well-placed and concealed enemy machine-guns which
arrested their progress. According to plan the Scottish were to have
passed over this ridge that day, but in view of this enemy rear-guard
were unable to do so. In spite of this temporary hold-up, however, our
own Battalion was ordered to billet in farms practically in the firing
line. Remarkable as it may seem, the London Scottish support Company
was actually behind our Battalion Headquarters, where we were enjoying
a nice hot meal, and slept in comfortable beds.
During the night while we slept, however, the 2/14th pushed over the
ridge, and the next day we resumed our march forward. Except for the
visit of a Boche plane which flew over our column and was brought
down by Lewis gun fire, the journey to Aelbeke was without incident.
That night we were in comfortable billets in private houses and farms
near the town which had been untouched by the ravages of war. The
stationmaster where the writer was billeted produced an English Grammar
which he had studied for this “day” when British troops should arrive,
and consequently spent the evening in questioning us in his laboured
English.
On the following days the advance was continued by the 2/14th and
2/16th Battalions, and except for a slight check at Rollinghem, where
the enemy had two field guns firing from the market place, little
opposition was met. On the 20th these advance Battalions had reached
the high ground at St. Genois overlooking the Scheldt, the patrols
of the London Scottish actually reaching the banks of the river that
night. However, the enemy resistance showed signs of increase, and
heavy artillery fire from the farther banks of the river informed us
that the Boche was making a stand here. On the same night the Battalion
moved forward towards Petit Tourcoing, and were billeted in the
farm-houses just behind the St. Genois Ridge.
The advance being held up by the German defences on the east bank of
the Scheldt, the Brigade was withdrawn from the line and remained
in billets in the Petit Tourcoing area until the end of the month.
As much rest as possible was given to the troops, and in the fine
autumn weather sports and football were indulged in. The countryside
had not been destroyed by war, and looked very clean and beautiful
after the desolation of the Messines area, where the ebb and flow of
the fighting had destroyed nature for miles around. During our stay
here the 30th Divisional Concert Party (“The Optimists”) gave us an
excellent evening’s entertainment in one of the large barns, and except
for a few practice attacks over the open we had a restful time. The
appearance of home-made rafts on a local pond at the end of the month,
however, made us think seriously of watery graves in the Scheldt.
On the 1st of November we were ordered to take over the line at
Avelghem on the Scheldt, and after a trying march we relieved a
Battalion of the King’s Royal Rifles. Although our approach march was
disturbed by enemy shelling we suffered no casualties. Avelghem itself
was on the banks of the Scheldt and was overlooked by the Mont D’Enclus
(150 feet) on the farther bank. Previous to our recent advance the town
had been a peaceful market town, but now it was battered to the ground
by the German artillery, and the last few civilians were leaving in
haste when we arrived. The line held by the Battalion was on the bank
of the river in front of the town and extended north as far as Rugge,
where a bridgehead on the farther bank had been established.
The care of the bridgehead was entrusted to “B” Company, under Captain
Lewis, while the remaining Companies occupied cellars in the town
and in the farm-houses near by. Our days were spent underground, as
the Boche had complete observation of our lines, but at night our
transport brought up rations, and we prepared ourselves for the next
day under the ground. Each morning just before dawn the enemy barraged
our position with a heavy artillery “strafe”--no doubt anticipating a
further attack from us.
On Sunday, the 3rd of November, the Boche concentrated his attentions
on Avelghem Church, and in about six hours of constant shelling
reduced a most beautiful building into absolute ruin. The following
day the Battalion was relieved, and returned as far as Knocke, about
four miles farther back. After a night’s rest here a further move was
expected and in the evening orders were actually received from Brigade.
Billeting parties left for the new area and commenced their work. The
Battalion soon followed, accompanied by the inevitable rain, only to be
turned back on reaching the new area to find that the change had been
cancelled. When we returned to our former homes we found another unit
occupying the best places, and it was with difficulty that we found
accommodation. However, this crowding only lasted for one night, and
the next morning we moved still farther back, a distance of about six
miles, just to the north of Belleghem.
On the 9th of November the enemy evacuated Mont D’Enclus, and the
next day we were brought forward towards the Scheldt as far as
Heerstert, just west of Avelghem. On arriving in the village we found
it full of troops and heard rumours that British cavalry had passed
through earlier in the day. At the same time, however, a German Taube
was hovering overhead, and we anticipated a bombing raid that night.
We realised that the Boche had retired so far that his artillery was
unlikely to trouble us, but we hated this inquisitive ’plane circling
overhead.
[Illustration]
That night rumours of an Armistice became prevalent. Every one turned
out of his billet and, led by our Drum and Fife Band, we paraded up and
down the main street of the village. In the midst of this excitement,
however, news came from Brigade that no official news had been received
confirming the rumoured cessation of hostilities, and this so depressed
us that we gradually faded away one by one to our billets. The next
morning ordinary routine was pursued, and no one dared to utter the
word “armistice” without receiving disparaging remarks from his hearers.
About 9.0 a.m., however, the official telegram came through and the
rumour of the previous night was confirmed. All the excitement of an
armistice, however, had been squashed the previous night; the sting had
gone. During the afternoon a thanksgiving service was held in the local
church. The Battalion remained at Heerstert until the 15th November,
and many took advantage of the opportunity of visiting the enemy
defences on the banks of the Scheldt under more peaceful conditions
than anticipated. A couple of large fatigue parties were furnished for
work at Escanaffles on the east of the river, but difficulty arose with
regard to the supply of rations, etc., and the Battalion was withdrawn
and marched back to the St. Annes Area, south of Courtrai, which had
now become an important railhead.
The rest here was much appreciated, and beyond the passing of military
transport there were no signs of war. Parades were held in the morning,
but the remainder of the day was devoted to games, chiefly football.
Passes to Courtrai were freely granted.
A ceremonial parade for the presentation of medal ribbons was held on
the 26th of November on the local aerodrome, and beyond the preparation
for this parade little demand was made on the energy of the troops.
On the 30th of November orders were received to move back still further
to the St. Omer area, and this necessitated a five days’ trek. The
first day’s halt was made at Linselles, where we saw the terrible
effect of the British artillery fire during the attack over the River
Lys in October, and also the wanton destruction of the Hun hordes, who
had deliberately broken furniture and mirrors, and had slashed the
covering from upholstered furniture. The night’s billets were very
uncomfortable, but as it was for one night only no one troubled. The
next day we proceeded to Verlighem, and here we were quartered in an
extensive hut encampment which the Germans had cleverly concealed from
aerial observation, in a thick wood. A comfortable night was spent
here in the bunks so recently vacated by our enemies. All along the
route to this point were signs of the hurried retreat of the Boche,
and we wondered why he had left such strongly-defended points with so
little real resistance. In places the wire entanglements were 30 yards
in depth, through which no troops could advance without a terrible
massacre. The third day’s journey took us to Armentieres, and it was
appalling to see this great town practically razed to the ground.
Undoubtedly the retiring Hun had blown up many of the fine buildings
and churches by mines, and except for a few French troops wandering
about the ruins, there was no sign of human habitation. The day’s
march ended at Sailly-sur-la-Lys, and here in absolute desolation the
cover of dug-outs and tumble-down buildings, the Battalion rested for
the night. Opposite Battalion Headquarters on the main road was a
huge German cemetery containing no less than nine thousand numbered
graves; a grim relic of the heavy fighting in this area in March, 1918,
the dates on the crosses being evidence of the period. Many French
peasants were wandering aimlessly over the fields, looking for their
lost treasures, and it was pathetic to see them building temporary
homes with the old material, such as ammunition boxes, corrugated
iron, biscuit tins, and so forth, which littered the old battlefield.
The following morning the march was continued through Estaires and
Merville, and the same devastation greeted us all round. It was not
until evening time, when approaching St. Venant, that we met occupied
farms where the occupants carried out their daily toil regardless of
the adjoining desolation. A short journey on the 4th of December just
south of the Nieppe Forest brought us to our destination at Boesinghem,
a few miles north-east of Aire, when Lieutenant-Colonel Gaze rejoined
from England, and again took over the command. Billets were soon
arranged, and improved on our acquaintance--combined with hard work and
cleaning, which did a great deal towards this improvement. Arrangements
were immediately made for Christmas time, and when the 25th of December
arrived everything was carried out with great success, although doubts
were entertained until the very last minute as to whether the goods
would arrive in time. At Boesinghem touch with our 1st Battalion in the
Lillers area was obtained, and inter-Battalion football matches were
arranged.
From this time the Battalion commenced to fade away. The fighting over,
demobilisation set in, and every day some familiar faces left the
Battalion to re-enter civil life. Early in January the Battalion moved
to Etaples, where, after a stay of about nine days, they entrained for
the Dunkirk area and encamped at Mardyck. In February the Battalion,
much depleted in strength, developed into a “General Purposes”
Battalion, and carried out Base duties. In the following month they
were relieved of these duties, and moved to Pont de Petite Synthe, only
to be moved again by train to the Etaples area, first staying at Dannes
and then at St. Cecile Plage.
From here “C” and “D” Companies were detailed for duty at a Prisoner of
War Camp near Boulogne.
In May a further move was made towards Abbeville, and a new home was
found in the Ciquier Area. Demobilisation increased at a great pace,
and by September only 155 other ranks remained. Canteen stores were
sold to another regiment, and without canteen stores no regiment can
exist.
3rd Battalion Civil Service Rifles
BY MAJOR H. DUNCAN LEWIS
The 3rd, subsequently the Reserve, Battalion, was raised in May, 1915,
for the purpose of furnishing drafts to the 1st and 2nd Battalions.
Lieutenant-Colonel R. C. Hayes, T.D., relinquishing the command of
the 2nd Battalion, was appointed Commanding Officer, and retained the
position until he was disabled by an unfortunate accident during a
Madsen gun demonstration on the miniature rifle range at Wimbledon in
May, 1918. He was succeeded by Lieutenant-Colonel C. M. Mackenzie,
D.S.O., who commanded the 2nd Battalion of the Kensingtons in France
and Palestine. Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie remained with the Battalion
until it was broken up shortly after the Armistice, when he was
appointed Commandant of the Demobilisation Camp at Wimbledon.
The men were at first billeted at their homes and assembled daily at
Somerset House for preliminary organisation, drill and route marching.
Richmond Park.
After a short period the Battalion went into camp at Richmond Park
with other third-line units of the 1st and 2nd London T.F. Divisions,
under Brigadier-General C. S. O. Monck. Living together in camp made
it possible to commence instilling into the men that sense of military
discipline which is the first qualification of a soldier, and progress
in this direction soon became apparent. At first the training was
necessarily on somewhat elementary lines owing to various causes,
such as the want of experienced officers and N.C.O.’s, lack of arms
and equipment, etc., but in the course of time, as these disabilities
became gradually less and the syllabus of training more systematised,
there followed marked improvement.
An early difficulty felt by the Commanding Officer was in regard to
senior officers. A number of smart and promising junior officers
had been posted to the Battalion, many of whom later on served with
distinction at the Front, both in France and Palestine, but at the
time they were new to military duties. This difficulty was met to a
great extent by the transfer, first, of Major G. W. Turk from the
101st Provisional Battalion, and shortly afterwards, of Major H. D.
Lewis from the 2nd Battalion. In August, 1915, when the latter officer
was transferred, the organisation of the Battalion consisted of two
companies of six strong platoons each.
Captain C. J. Bowen was gazetted as Adjutant, which post he held until
August, 1917, when he was seconded for service in East Africa. He was
succeeded in turn by Captains R. F. Guyton, W. L. C. Rathbone, M.C.,
A.M., and F. C. Olliff. The important post of Quartermaster was filled
by the appointment of Captain W. G. Hodge, late Quartermaster-Sergeant
of the 2nd Battalion, and, except for a period of ten months, when
he exchanged duties with Captain A. Toomey, of the 1st Battalion,
he remained with the Battalion until the end. It is difficult to
overestimate his services: his untiring zeal and efficiency, combined
with firmness and tact, have given him a place in the front rank of
those officers who have served the Regiment in a similar capacity. He
was ably assisted by Regimental Quartermaster-Sergeant J. S. McIntyre,
until the latter went overseas early in 1918.
The Battalion was very fortunate in its Medical Officer, Captain F. M.
Hughes. He endeared himself to all ranks by his kindly interest in, and
attention to, all his patients, and when he left for France the whole
Battalion turned out to give him a send off. Every one learnt with
gratification that he was the recipient later of the Legion of Honour
for gallant conduct.
Sergeant-Major G. Weaver was appointed Regimental Sergeant-Major, and
was succeeded in 1917 by Sergeant-Major B. J. Jolliffe, from the 1st
Battalion.
Barnes.
The Battalion remained under canvas in Richmond Park until the 20th
November--the last few weeks under trying conditions of cold and
wet--and was then transferred to billets in Barnes. Here training was
continued for six weeks under the disadvantages consequent upon the
separation of the men at the close of each day’s work.
Hazeley Down.
Early in January, 1916, the Battalion was moved to Hazeley Down, 3½
miles to the south of Winchester, where a camp of considerable size
was formed, consisting mainly of third-line units of the 2nd London
T.F. Divisions, including at first the Kensingtons and the Queen’s
Westminsters and later, when these two Battalions left, the London
Scottish--the three other Battalions of the 4th Reserve London Brigade.
The camp was situated in an ideal position on the southern slope of one
of the many downs in the neighbourhood: with stretches of well-wooded
country, intersected by good roads, it formed altogether a most
suitable region for military training. There was a range close by, at
Chilcomb; there were trenches on Fawley Down, about a mile away, and
at the camp there was plenty of space for digging, and bombing, and
assault courses, as well as a good miniature range.
For two years--the greater part of its life--the Battalion made its
home at this camp, and from here draft after draft was sent out, mainly
to the 1st, partly to the 2nd Battalion, and occasionally to other
units at the respective Fronts. The drafts had been trained, thanks
very largely to the efforts of the disabled officers and N.C.O.’s from
Overseas, as far as possible in the limited time at disposal.
When leave was given at the beginning of 1917 to enrol boys of 18,
the strength of the Battalion mounted rapidly, and for some months
stood at a total of about 2,400. These lads were of an excellent
type, and as it was possible to give them a much longer training than
the other recruits, they became quite good soldiers and many of them
proved suitable for, and were given, commissions. Under the special
recruiting system, admirably worked by Lieutenant C. E. Doubleday,
Officer Commanding Depot, the ranks of the Battalion were reinforced by
much the same class of man as joined the Regiment in pre-war days. When
that system ceased, in 1918, the Battalion had to accept whatever men
were sent to it by the Recruiting Officer, but particular pains were
taken, and with great success, to imbue them with a sense of the best
traditions of the Regiment. Indeed, throughout its career, whether on
or off duty, both in billets and in camp, the conduct of the Battalion
was worthy of the regimental badge.
While at Hazeley the Battalion was organised in six companies as
follows:--
“A.” Major G. W. Turk.
“B.” Major H. D. Lewis.
“C” and “D.” Various officers, mostly from Overseas, amongst others:
Majors F. M. Warne and E. W. Neales, Captains A. C. Bull, L. D. Eccles,
D. H. Miall, W. L. C. Rathbone, M.C., A.M.
“E.” Captain G. H. Stone.
“F.” (Men from Overseas.) Various officers from Overseas.
Attached to “B” Company were Machine Gun and Signalling Detachments
under the command of Lieutenants A. E. Smith and O. H. Mattison,
respectively.
The gradually increasing number of experienced officers and N.C.O.’s
returning from Overseas, either from partial disablement or for periods
of rest, rendered most valuable service by furnishing the Battalion
with instructors in all branches of training. Exceptionally good was
the work of the Musketry Staff, in charge, successively, of Captain
H. A. Berry, Lieutenants J. A. G. Falkner and C. S. McKay; and of the
Physical Exercises Staff, under Captain H. G. Edney.
As regards messing, the men were well looked after, as was always the
case in the regiment, which has been particularly fortunate in its
Quartermasters. The food was good and varied, and the arrangements
generally were on several occasions the subject of most favourable
comment on the part of Inspecting Officers. Sergeant T. V. Weaver
rendered valuable service with this work.
The Regimental Institute, which had been started in Richmond Park, with
Major H. D. Lewis as P.R.I., was much developed at Hazeley and, as
there were plenty of funds forthcoming from the rebate on the canteen
money, everything was done to make the Institute attractive. The G.O.C.
Southern District, on the occasion of a visit to it in 1917, said that
it was one of the best he had seen in the command. Liberal grants were
made for the purpose of adding to the men’s comfort and towards meeting
the expenditure on games and sports.
Shortly before leaving Richmond permission had been given to form a
band, subject to the proviso that fit men were not withheld from draft,
and while at Barnes and during the first year at Hazeley the Battalion
possessed a really good Brass Band; but as the men composing it were
gradually dispersed, its place was taken by quite a fair drum and fife
band.
Close touch was kept with the 1st Battalion in France, and while at
Hazeley visits which were much appreciated in the Battalion were paid
by Lieutenant-Colonel W. H. E. Segrave, D.S.O., and by the late Major
F. W. Parish, D.S.O., M.C., both of whom had endeared themselves to the
Regiment.
Wimbledon.
On Saturday, December 22nd, 1917, the Battalion said good-bye to
Hazeley Down, and entrained for Wimbledon, where it went into camp with
the third-line units of the Queen’s Westminsters and the 17th London,
and where it remained until disbanded at the end of 1918.
Here the work of training was carried on as earnestly as at Hazeley,
varied with occasional air-raid alarms, culminating in that of
Whit-Sunday.
In May, 1918, occurred the serious accident to Colonel Hayes, which
caused his retirement from the command, and about the same time another
change also took place. Brigadier-General H. P. Burn, C.M.G., D.S.O.,
of the Gordon Highlanders, from the famous 51st Highland Division,
succeeded Brigadier-General C. S. O. Monck in command of the Brigade.
In October, Major H. D. Lewis was appointed Officer Commanding Depot,
and was followed in the command of “B” Company by Lieutenant L. C.
Morris, M.C., a young officer, who distinguished himself while in
command of a Company of the 1st Battalion in the fighting at Bourlon
Wood.
Shortly after the Armistice the Battalion was broken up, most of the
men not due for demobilisation being transferred to the 6th London
Regiment at Blackdown, and the officers to the 9th London, also in the
Aldershot Command.
The number of recruits that passed through the 3rd Battalion was
approximately 6,000.
Regimental Aid Fund.
In July, 1916, Sir John Lithiby, a former member of the Regiment,
inaugurated a Fund with the object of providing comforts for the men
at the front, food and other necessaries for the prisoners of war, and
temporary help, where needed, for the widows and dependents of men
killed.
An influential Committee, representative of almost all the Government
Departments, was formed; with an Executive Committee, consisting of
past and present Officers of the Regiment, with Sir H. J. Gibson,
K.C.B., as Chairman, and Sir John Lithiby as Honorary Secretary.
The appeal for subscriptions met with a ready response. £2,850 was
received for the general objects of the Fund, chiefly from the Public
Offices and the Officers and men of the Regiment; while a further
£5,000 was subscribed for the prisoners of war, by the Regiment, the
Public Departments, the Central Prisoners of War Committee, and the
relatives and friends of the men themselves.
The comforts most appreciated by the Battalions overseas seemed to be
luxuries wherewith to supplement the ordinary rations, and consignments
of various kinds were, from time to time, sent out from home both
to France and Palestine. In addition, the Commanding Officers were
supplied with funds to use at their discretion in brightening the
sombre monotony of trench life whenever opportunity offered.
The appeals from widows and dependents were fewer than had been
expected, but many necessitous cases were helped in a quiet and
unobtrusive way.
The chief activities of the Fund were connected with the care of the
prisoners of war, of whom there were about 210 at the date of the
Armistice, scattered throughout the various prison camps in Germany
and Palestine. Each man was provided at intervals with a complete
outfit of clothing, and three food parcels with bread, tobacco and
cigarettes were sent to him every fortnight. This work was carried out
at the Depot under the direction of the Officer Commanding, Captain C.
E. Doubleday. Most of the parcels reached their destination safely,
and the men, on their return after the Armistice, expressed great
appreciation of what had been done for them. Only a few, happily, had
to complain of exceptionally harsh treatment at the hands of their
German captors.
In accordance with its rules the Aid Fund was closed early in 1921, and
the General Committee, with the approval of the Charity Commissioners,
disposed of the unexpended balance of £1,929, by presenting £1,500
to the Old Comrades’ Association, and the remainder to the Officer
Commanding the Regiment to be applied to the erection of a Memorial to
the officers and men who had fallen during the War.
C. DOUBLEDAY,
CHAPTER XLIII
THE RECONSTITUTED BATTALION
The first step towards securing the future of the Battalion may be said
to have been taken when friends of the Regiment in 1918 approached
authority with a view to the Prince of Wales assuming the Honorary
Colonelcy, so long held by his grandfather, but it had been considered
advisable to wait the termination of hostilities. In 1919, however, a
letter was received from the Controller to his Royal Highness, stating
that the Prince of Wales would accept the position. The appointment
which followed in due course was received with unbounded delight in the
Regiment.
Many months of delay on the part of the Army Council in forming
their post-war policy in regard to the Territorial Force had a most
deleterious effect, and thus when the task of reconstituting the
Regiment was commenced many difficulties were experienced, the bands of
comradeship had loosened, and there was a marked disinclination among
the greater part of those who had worn khaki for so long in war to put
it on again in peace, whilst the absence of a “young entry” into H.M.
Civil Service destroyed our main source of recruits.
The command of the Regiment was offered to Major Viscount Bury,
M.C., Special Reserve Scots Guards, who accepted and was appointed
Lieutenant-Colonel in February, 1920. He was thus the third of his name
to have the honour of commanding the Regiment. A letter was received
on behalf of Lord Grenfell, Colonel of the King’s Royal Rifle Corps,
pointing out that during the war the Civil Service Rifles, among other
battalions, had been affiliated by Army Council instructions to the
regiment of which he was Chief, and requesting that the feeling of the
Regiment as to the continuance of the connection should be made known
to him in reply. Answer was accordingly made that though the Regiment
highly appreciated the honour of having been linked to the tradition
of so distinguished a Corps, yet they now felt that they would like to
stand on the merits of their war record rather than to shelter under
the magnificent reputation in the making of which they had not taken
part. It was added that the Regiment had for years carried out line
drill and had only for a short period drilled as riflemen.
The Commanding Officer was fortunate in securing as Adjutant, Captain
(Brevet Major) W. H. Ramsbotham of the West Yorkshire Regiment (Prince
of Wales’s Own). He also applied successfully to the Coldstream Guards
for a Regimental Sergeant-Major in the person of C.S.M. Stevens,
D.C.M., and later, through the instrumentality of General Jeffreys, two
Sergeant Instructors were obtained from the same regiment. Captain A.
A. Joslin was appointed Quartermaster, a position he held in the Second
Battalion throughout the war. Captain A. E. Evans, R.A.M.C., who had
served in that capacity with the 1st Battalion in France, was appointed
Medical Officer. The following Officers and N.C.O.’s were appointed to
the various companies:--
“A” Company.--Major H. F. M. Warne, Captain G. E. Thompson,
D.S.O., Lieutenant F. W. Hounsell, C.S.M. Hyder, C.Q.M.S.
Lewis, M.M.
“B” Company.--Captain R. J. S. Gold, Captain P. Davenport,
M.C., Lieutenants S. A. Seys, M.C., J. L. Hutchison, M.C.,
C.S.M. Torbell, C.Q.M.S. F. Trout.
“C” Company.--Captain L. D. Eccles, Captain H. M. Blomfield,
(from 5th Buffs), Lieutenant P. E. Beddow, Second-Lieutenant
J. S. Oldcorn, D.C.M., C.Q.M.S. Ibbett, M.M., and Sergeant
(A/C.S.M.) A. C. Ridlington, M.C.
“D” Company.--Captain T. N. Sharratt, Lieutenant W. D. Hooper,
Lieutenant P. H. Hall, C.S.M. Callingham, C.Q.M.S. Sale.
Recruiting started slowly and by midsummer some eighty members had
joined, to which number was added the Band of twenty-four members,
under Band-Sergeant H. W. Blackmore. The Band had all served in this
capacity on the Western Front with the 1st Battalion.
It was felt that there was no better way of influencing recruiting
than by reviving the Annual Midsummer Camp. This battalion, alone of
the 2nd London Division, was fortunate in obtaining leave for this,
and a contingent of the Regiment, under command of Major Warne, spent
a happy fortnight at St. Martin’s Plain, Shorncliffe. R.S.M. Stevens
at this camp earned the commendation of the G.O.C. London District,
General Jeffreys, for the remarkable progress made by recruits under
his zealous teaching.
After camp recruiting began to quicken in pace. The Sergeants’ Mess
was re-established. The custom of holding two yearly dinners of the
Officers’ Mess had been revived, and the first of these was held
in November. Among the guests was the newly-appointed Commander
of the 4th (Grey) London Infantry Brigade, Colonel F. G. Lewis.
Subsequently, H.R.H. the Prince of Wales was approached and he honoured
the Regiment by attending the Mess Dinner held in the Alexandra Room
of the Trocadero on the 4th April, 1921. There were also present
Sir Warren Fisher, K.C.B. (Secretary to Treasury); Sir Henry Gibson
(Auditor-General); Major-General Jeffreys (G.O.C. London District);
Sir Neville Smyth, V.C. (G.O.C. 47th (2nd London) Division); Colonel
F. G. Lewis, Holland Martin, Esq., C.B.E. (Chairman County of London
Territorial Force Association); and many old commanding officers of the
Regiment, including Colonel A. M. Renny, Lieutenant-Colonel Segrave,
Lieutenant-Colonel R. Fielding, Lieutenant-Colonel W. F. K. Newson,
Lieutenant-Colonel A. W. Gaze, Colonel R. G. Hayes, T.D., Major A. C.
H. Benké, Sir John Lithiby and Sir Charles Walker, K.C.B.
A third dinner, held in November, 1921, at the Civil Service Rifles’
Club, was honoured by the attendance of Lieutenant-General Sir Francis
Lloyd, G.C.V.O., who in an admirable speech gave encouragement to those
who are working hard for the continued existence and future of their
Regiment.
During the time which had elapsed since the Armistice, the activities
of the Regiment had been kept well in the public view. The Regiment had
taken part in the processional march of the London troops in 1919, when
the representatives of the 1st and 2nd Battalions were led respectively
by Lieutenant-Colonel Feilding and Lieutenant-Colonel Gaze; at the
unveiling by the Duke of York of the memorial to London troops erected
in front of the Royal Exchange, and on the occasion of the presentation
of colours to battalions of the 56th Division at the Horse Guards’
Parade by H.R.H. Princess Mary it had helped, in company with other
troops of the 47th Division, to line the parade ground. The Regiment
also sent detachments to the unveiling of the memorial to King Edward
VII, and also to the unveiling of the memorial to those men of the Post
Office (many of whom served in the Regiment) who fell in the late war.
At Easter, 1921, the pre-war custom of a visit to the Guards Depot at
Caterham was revived, and over 100 other ranks received the traditional
hospitality and welcome from all ranks of the Depot. This was a great
success and had much influence on recruiting. After this camp great
efforts were made by members of the Regiment, and the effects were
just beginning to be shown, when an event disastrous to the Regiment,
as far as recruiting was concerned, occurred. For the month previous
to April, 1921, recruits had been coming in at the rate of twelve to
fifteen per week, and had that rate of increase been maintained a
satisfactory increase of strength would have been seen by midsummer.
In April, 1921, the Defence Force was formed. Members of H.M. Civil
Service were forbidden to join. The Headquarters Staff were taken
away and Headquarters given up to a force which had nothing in common
with the Regiment. With the exception of shooting, all its activities
were suspended. For over three months this state of affairs continued
and had a blighting effect on the regimental prosperity. The other
regiments of the Division on the disbandment of the Defence Force
secured a large number of recruits from those who had served in the
Defence Unit bearing their names, whilst the Civil Service Rifles,
through no fault of their own, lost not only those who would have
joined had not the Defence Force been formed, but received merely a few
individuals as recruits from among all those who had enlisted in the
Defence Force. In spite of these difficulties the task was resumed. The
Regimental Shooting Programme, seriously curtailed, was carried out,
while in July, 1921, at the first post-war camp of the Grey Brigade
at Shorncliffe, over 200 other ranks attended. The Regiment there
maintained its reputation for efficiency, and the Battalion signallers
under Sergeant Maddocks earned commendation by the Inspecting Officer
of being the best trained signallers in the Division, whilst the band
by their excellent performances on the Leas at Folkestone and in Camp
brought themselves into deserved prominence.
In the world of sport the Battalion team reached the semi-final of
the Divisional Football Championship, whilst the Civil Service Rifles
Harriers gained second place in the Cross Country Championship. The
season’s shooting at Bisley was crowned by winning the Middlesex Cup
on 10th September, 1921; this cup conferring the primacy for the year
on the Regimental team over those from all Territorial units in the
six Home Counties. Relative to the winning of this Trophy a letter
was received from the Secretary to the Prince of Wales expressing his
Royal Highness’s pleasure. Accompanying the letter was a large signed
photograph of H.R.H., which, sent as it was on the eve of the departure
of H.R.H. on his visit to India gave to all ranks highest gratification
as evidence of the support and interest felt for his own Civil Service
Rifles by the Prince of Wales.
[Illustration: _To face appendix I._]
[Illustration: _To face appendix I._]
APPENDIX I
REGIMENTAL PLATE
------+------------------+-------------+------+--------------+---------------
SERIAL| REGIMENTAL PLATE.| BATTALION OR| YEAR | BY WHOM. |WHAT PURPOSE.
NO. | | COMPANY CUP.|GIVEN.| |
------+------------------+-------------+------+--------------+---------------
1 |Prince of Wales |Battalion |1863 |H.R.H. Albert |Best Shot.
| Cup | Cup | |Edward Prince |
| | | |of Wales |
| | | | |
2 |Lord Bury Cup | “ “ |1862 |The Viscount |Best Shooting
|(Replica of | | |Bury (First | Company.
| Rifleman) | | |Commanding |
| | | |Officer) |
| | | | |
3 |Lord Albemarle Cup| “ “ |1896 |Lord Albemarle|Company
| | | | (Eighth Earl)| General
| | | | | Efficiency.
| | | | |
4 |Lord Arran Bowl | “ “ |1908 |Lt.-Colonel |Shooting.
| | | | Earl ofArran |
| | | | |
5 |_Daily Telegraph_ | “ “ |1902 |Proprietors, |
| Cup (1902) | | | _Daily |
| | | | Telegraph_ |
| | | | |
6 | “ “ “ (1903) | “ “ |1903 | |All troops
| | | | | in London
| | | | | District.
| | | | |
7 | “ “ “ (1904) | “ “ |1904 | |
| | | | |
8 | “ “ “ (1905) | “ “ |1905 | |
| | | | |
9 |Harris Inter- | “ “ |1899 |Private L. |Tug-of-War.
| Company Cup | | | Harcourt |
| | | |Smith (Harris)|
| | | | |
10 |Sway Ambulance Cup| “ “ |1905 |Inhabitants of|Inter-Battalion
| | | | Sway |Competition in
| | | | |23rd Field
| | | | |Army Brigade.
| | | | |
11 |Royal Military | “ “ |1901, |Royal Military|Won outright
| Tournament | |1902, | Tournament | in 1903.
| Tug-of-War Cup | |1903. | |
| | | | |
12 | Wolsley Cup |“I” (Cycl- |1904 |Proprietors, |Competition in
| | ists) Coy. | | _Daily | Southern
| | | | Telegraph_ | District.
| | | | |
13 |Audit Challenge |“A” (Audit) |1873 | -- |Inter-Company
| Cup | Coy. | | | Shoot.
| | | | |
14 |Battalion Match |Battalion |1894 |Battalion |Shooting.
| Challenge Cup | Cup. | | |
| | | | |
15 |Lombard Cup |“A” (Audit) |1876 |Mrs. Lombard |Drill.
| | Coy. | | |
| | | | |
16 |Jeston Bowl |“A” (Audit) |1884 |Captain |Shooting.
| | Coy. | | Jeston |
| | | | |
17 |Trendall Cup |“H” (Admir- |1907 |Captain |Shooting.
| (gilt, 1918) | alty) Coy. | | Trendall |
| | | | |
18 |Challenge Cup |“A” (Audit) |1912 | -- |Sectional
| | Coy. | | | Efficiency.
| | | | |
19 |Edmund Yates Cup |Post Office |1871 |Edmund Yates |Shooting.
| | Companies | | |
| | | | |
20 |Battalion |“C” Coy. |1883 |Battalion |Shooting (Inter-
| Challenge Cup | Post Office)| | | Company).
| No. 8 | | | |
| | | | |
21 |Battalion |“D” (Inland |1894 |Battalion |Shooting (Inter-
| Challenge Cup |Revenue) Coy.| | | Company).
| No. 14 | | | |
| | | | |
22 |Laboratory Cup |“E” (Inland |1895 |Government |Marching and
| |Revenue) Coy.| | Laboratory. | Shooting (Inter-
| | | | | Section).
| | | | |
23 |Old Members’ |“E” (Inland |1902 |Old Members |Most Efficient
| Bowl |Revenue) Coy.| | of “E” | Member.
| | | | Company. |
| | | | |
24 |Du Cros |“H” (Admir- |1898 |Harvey Du |Shooting.
| | alty) Coy. | | Cros |
| | | | |
25 |Marriott Cup |“H” (Admir- |1909 |Corporal |Shooting.
| | alty) Coy. | | Norman J. |
| | | | Marriott. |
| | | | |
26 |Acland Cup |“I” (Cycl- |1905 |Lieutenant F. |Sectional
| | ists) Coy. | | (afterwards | Efficiency.
| | | | D. Acland |
| | | | Under- |
| | | | Secretary |
| | | | of State for|
| | | | War). |
| | | | |
27 |McKay Challenge |“H” (Admir |1885 |McKay |Shooting.
| Cup | -alty) Coy. | | |
| | | | |
28 |Austen Chamberlain|“H” (Admir |1900 |The Right |Shooting.
| Bowl | -alty) Coy. | | Honourable |
| | | | Austen |
| | | | Chamberlain. |
| | | | |
29 |Lamb Bowl |Sergeants’ |1902 |Major and |
| | Mess. | | Adjutant |
| | | | G. Lamb. |
| | | | |
30 |Old Boys’ Bowl |“B” (Savings |1909 |Past and |Team
| | Bank) Coy. | | Honorary | Competitions.
| | | | Members. |
| | | | |
31 |Campbell Snuff |“A” (Audit) |1862 |J. D. |
| Box in Case | Coy. | | Campbell. |
| | | | |
32 |Woods Cigarette |“A” (Audit) |1892 |Captain R. |
| Box | Coy. | | Lennox Woods.|
| | | | |
33 |Dickson Cigarette |Battalion |1910 |Surgeon-Major |Officers’ Mess.
| Box (wood) | Cup. | |T. H. Dickson.|
| | | | |
34 |Baillie Hamilton |“A” (Audit) |1870 |J. B. Baillie |
| Spirit Lamp | Coy. | | Hamilton. |
| | | | |
35 |Eccles Hammer and |“A” (Audit). |1888 |Major Dorset |
| Stand | Coy | | Eccles. |
| | | | |
36 |Middlesex Cup (for|Challenge |1860 |London and |Inter-Battalion
| the year 1921/2) | Trophy. | | Middlesex | Team Shoot.
| | | | Rifle |
| | | | Association. |
| | | | |
37 |Hayes Cup |3rd | -- |Brevet-Colonel|
| | Battalion. | | R. G. Hayes. |
| | | | |
38 |Plain two-handled |No details. |No de-| |
| Silver Cup | |tails.| |
APPENDIX II
STAFF.
Commanding Officers.
Colonel William Coutts, Viscount Bury,
K.C.M.G., V.D., A.D.C. 1860-1890.
Colonel Richard Mills, C.B., V.D. 1890-1892.
Colonel Arnold Alan, Viscount Bury
(became 8th Earl of Albemarle in 1894) 1892-1901.[17]
Lieutenant-Colonel H. B. H. Tytheridge,
V.D. 1900-1904.
Lieutenant-Colonel The Earl of Arran, K.P. 1904-1908.
Lieutenant-Colonel The Hon. C. S. H. Willoughby 1908-1912.
Lieutenant-Colonel R. G. Hayes, T.D. 1912-1914.
[17] In command of Infantry C.I.V., South Africa, 1900.
THE GREAT WAR.
1/15 Bn. London Regiment.
Lieutenant-Colonel The Earl
of Arran October, 1914-November, 1914.
Colonel A. M. Renny November, 1914-July, 1915.
Lieutenant-Colonel H. V.
Warrender, D.S.O. July, 1915-November, 1916.
Major (acting Lieutenant-Colonel)
W. F. K. Newson December, 1916-January, 1917.
Captain (acting Lieutenant-Colonel)
H. Marshall, M.C. February, 1917-July, 1917.
Lieutenant-Colonel F. W.
Parish, D.S.O., M.C. July, 1917-September, 1917.
Lieutenant-Colonel W. H. E.
Segrave, D.S.O. September, 1917-August, 1918.
Lieutenant-Colonel R. C.
Feilding, D.S.O. August, 1918-March, 1919.
2/15 Bn. London Regiment.
Colonel R. G. Hayes, T.D. October, 1914-May, 1915.
Lieutenant-Colonel E. F.
Strange, C.B.E. May, 1915-May, 1916.
Lieutenant-Colonel C. de
Putron May, 1916-October, 1917.
Captain (acting Lieutenant-Colonel)
T. E. Bisdee, D.S.O., M.C. October, 1917-May, 1918.
Lieutenant-Colonel A. W.
Gaze, M.C. May, 1918-1919.
Major (acting Lieutenant-Colonel)
A. C. H. Benké ----, 1919-April, 1919.
3/15 Bn. London Regiment.
Colonel R. G. Hayes, T.D. May, 1915-July, 1918.
Lieutenant-Colonel C. M.
Mackenzie, D.S.O. August, 1918-March, 1919.
AFTER THE WAR.
Lieutenant-Colonel Walter,
Viscount Bury, M.C. February, 1920-December, 1921.
Adjutants.
Captain W. Ennis 1860-1862.
Captain A. W. Adair 1862-1863.
Major G. C. S. Lombard 1864-1886.
Major A. G. S. Beadnell 1886-1891.
Captain N. A. D. Barton 1891-1896.
Captain G. Lamb 1896-1902.
Captain B. J. Majendie 1902-1905.
Captain E. F. Ward 1905-1907.
Captain H. T. Manley 1907-1909.
Captain C. Fitzclarence 1909-1913.
Captain W. F. Parish 1913-Aug, 1914.
THE GREAT WAR
1/15 Bn. London Regiment.
Captain F. W. Parish August, 1914-October, 1915.
Captain J. C. D. Carlisle,
D.S.O., M.C. October, 1915-January, 1916.
Lieutenant A. M. Lester January, 1916-March, 1916.
Captain W. E. Ind, M.C. March, 1916-June, 1917.
Captain P. Davenport, M.C. June, 1917-April, 1919.
2/15 Bn. London Regiment.
Captain A. W. Gaze, M.C. October, 1914-March, 1918.
Captain S. C. Hall March, 1918-March, 1919.
3/15 Bn. London Regiment.
Captain C. J. Bowen May, 1915-November, 1917.
Captain F. C. Oliff November, 1917-December, 1918.
AFTER THE WAR.
Captain and Brevet Major
W. H. Ramsbotham May, 1920-December, 1921.
Regimental Sergeant-Majors.
R.S.M. G. Stevens 1860-1868.
R.S.M. P. Kenny (11th Regiment) 1868-1886.
R.S.M. T. Winscombe (Grenadier Guards) 1886-1896.
R.S.M. W. Wilson (Grenadier Guards) 1896-1905.
R.S.M. J. Pride (Grenadier Guards) 1905-1907.
R.S.M. A. Toomey (Scots Guards) 1907-1914.
THE WAR.
1/15th Battalion London Regiment.
R.S.M. A. Toomey August, 1914-August, 1915.
A./R.S.M. B. J. Jolliffe August, 1915-December, 1915.
A./R.S.M. R. H. Haylett January, 1916-March, 1916.
R.S.M. W. Richards March, 1916-February, 1918.
A./R.S.M. W. F. Torbell May, 1918-December, 1918.
2/15th Battalion London Regiment.
R.S.M. A. Freemantle April, 1915-October, 1917.
R.S.M. H. W. Lovelock October, 1917-September, 1918.
A./R.S.M. R. Dyer September, 1918-October, 1918.
R.S.M. D. C. L. Edwards, D.C.M. October, 1918-December, 1918.
3/15th Battalion London Regiment.
R.S.M. G. Weaver April, 1915-August, 1917.
R.S.M. B. J. Jolliffe September, 1917-April, 1919.
After the War.
R.S.M. F. Stevens (Coldstream Gds.) May, 1920-November, 1921.
APPENDIX III
MEMBERS WHO SERVED IN SOUTH AFRICAN WAR.
Imperial Yeomanry.
Trooper G. H. Addison.
Trooper C. S. Anderton.
{18}Sergeant E. Baldrey.
Corporal W. Bartholomew.
Trooper F. R. Bell.
Corporal J. Bird.
Trooper E. Bryant.
Lieutenant A. C. Carey.
Lieutenant R. W. Cousins.
Trooper K. V. Cowie.
Trooper N. B. Cowie.
Trooper W. R. Cunningham.
Trooper R. H. Dailley.
{18}Trooper W. P. Dean.
Lieutenant D. Dewar.
Lieutenant T. C. Fryer.
{18}Sergeant H. S. Greensill.
{18}Trooper D. Jervis.
Sergeant S. Lloyd-Jones.
Trooper R. McGregor.
Lieutenant R. G. S. Miller.
Quartermaster-Sergeant T. Moran.
Trooper C. Morgan.
Lieutenant F. G. Morley.
Trooper V. H. Morshead.
Trooper D. J. Mosses.
Lance-Corporal R. B. Newson.
Trooper W. S. Nunn.
Trooper S. M. Page.
Trooper W. H. Parker.
Trooper F. M. J. Ross.
Trooper J. A. Rowan.
Trooper E. A. Rutherford.
Trooper R. O. Sage.
Trooper C. E. Savage.
Staff-Sergeant S. H. Schneider.
Trooper E. G. Seymour.
Corporal E. A. Streatfield.
Trooper P. A. Stuchbury.
Trooper H. C. Sword.
Trooper E. C. Todd.
Lieutenant A. E. Trembath.
Trooper E. H. Turff.
Corporal A. H. Walker.
Corporal A. P. Ward.
Sergeant W. W. Watson.
Trooper H. Whitaker.
Sergeant-Major J. A. Williams.
[18]Trooper F. W. Young.
[18] Died in the War.
C.I.V.
Lieutenant-Colonel A. A. C. Earl of Albemarle.
Sergeant F. G. Ager.
Sergeant H. J. Allen.
Private C. O. Boot.
Private T. P. Brett.
Private S. W. Briggs.
Private R. H. Buckland.
Driver R. Burgess.
Private E. D. L. Churton.
Corporal A. S. Collard.
Private G. L. Crampton.
Private E. C. Crick.
Private F. R. Cripps.
Private R. A. Daws.
Private A. J. Firth.
Private H. Fisher.
Private L. Franzmann.
Private J. E. Gerahty.
Private A. W. Gough.
Private G. C. Grimsdale.
Private A. G. M. N. Harper.
Corporal A. E. Harris.
Private W. B. Hart.
Private W. Hatchard.
Private R. H. Haylett.
Private F. Henderson.
Private W. Hildred.
Driver R. H. Hutchinson.
Private B. J. Jolliffe.
Bombardier H. S. Law.
Private D. M. M. Kenzie.
Private H. H. Mears.
Private A. D. Mellish.
Private E. J. Miller.
Private S. Moore.
Private W. F. K. Newson.
Sergeant A. A. Oliver.
Private H. N. Page.
Lance-Corporal G. E. Pitcairn.
Private J. W. Reading.
Bugler W. Reed.
Private E. F. Rolls.
Private J. A. Ross.
Private R. J. Sparks.
Private H. A. D. Stephens.
Private H. C. Tebbutt.
Private F. R. Thomas.
Private F. T. F. Watts.
Private F. W. Wheeler.
Lance-Corporal W. E. Wood.
Corporal J. L. Worsfold.
Royal Irish Rifles.
Private E. A. O. Barnes.
Private A. A. W. Buckstone.
Private E. V. Chubb.
Private S. Harper.
Private E. W. H. Harrald.
Private L. H. H. King.
South African Constabulary.
Private G. B. Anderson.
Private R. A. Kelly.
Private D. W. Prout.
Royal Engineers.
Sapper H. A. Mann.
Lance-Corporal J. H. Reeves.
Lieutenant P. Warren.
Lieutenant W. J. Woolley.
Army Service Corps.
Private H. T. Bassett.
Special Service.
G. R. H. Nicholls.
Field Hospital.
Corporal T. L. Adamson.
Private M. Cunningham.
Private A. W. Haigh.
Private E. B. Luck.
Staff-Sergeant J. E. Newell.
Corporal H. C. Robson.
APPENDIX IV
SCHOOL OF ARMS.
Royal Military Tournament Challenge Cup Winners.
1901 Second-Lieutenant T. P. Hobbins (Foils).
1902 Lieutenant T. P. Hobbins (Sabres).
1907 Major F. J. Brett (Bayonets).
1909 Captain W. T. Kirkby (Foils).
1898 Physical Drill with Arms.
1900 Physical Drill with Arms.
1900 Bayonet Exercise.
1901 Tug-of-War (110 stone).
1903 Tug-of-War (110 stone).
1904 Tug-of-War (110 stone).
1906 Officers’ Bayonet Fighting Team.
Royal Military Tournament (Army and Navy Championship Medals).
1907 Lance-Corporal A. P. Chalke, 3rd (Bayonets).
1908 Sergeant A. P. Chalke, 2nd (Bayonets).
1908 Private W. W. Marsh, 3rd (Sabres).
Royal Military Tournament Silver Medallists.
1895 Corporal C. W. Whitehurst (Bayonets).
1896 Sergeant C. W. Whitehurst (Bayonet and Lance).
1897 Sergeant C. W. Whitehurst (Sabres).
1897 Private T. P. Hobbins (Bayonets).
1897 Private T. P. Hobbins (Bayonet and Sword).
1898 Private T. P. Hobbins (Bayonets).
1899 Lance-Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Foils).
1899 Lance-Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Sabres).
1899 Lance-Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Bayonet and Sword).
1900 Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Foils).
1900 Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Sabres).
1900 Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Bayonets).
1900 Sergeant A. D. Bell (Bayonet and Lance).
1902 Sergeant A. D. Bell (Sabres).
1903 Private W. W. Marsh (Sabres).
1903 Private W. W. Marsh (Bayonet and Sword).
1905 Private A. W. Horley (Foils).
1905 Lance-Corporal A. P. Chalke (Bayonets).
1906 Private W. W. Marsh (Foils).
1907 Ambulance-Sergeant F. C. Reynolds (Foils).
1907 Lance-Corporal A. P. Chalke (Sabres).
1908 Private C. L. Harley (Foils).
1909 Private J. F. McLaughlin (Foils).
1909 Lance-Sergeant E. A. Lippold (Bayonets).
Amateur Championships.
1899 Lance-Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Sabres).
1900 Corporal T. P. Hobbins (Foils).
1901 Second-Lieutenant T. P. Hobbins (Sabres).
1902 Lieutenant T. P. Hobbins (Sabres).
1908 Private W. W. Marsh (Sabres).
1909 Private W. W. Marsh (Sabres).
APPENDIX VI
CASUALTY LIST.
K. in A. = Killed in Action. D. of W. = Died of Wounds. D. P. =
Missing; Death Presumed. Illness = Died of Illness. As P. of W. = Died
Prisoner of War.
---------------------+---------------+----------------
| | 1915. | 1916.
| |---------------+----------------
| |K.|D.|D.|Ill|As|K. |D.|D.|Ill|As
| |in|of|P.|ne |P.|in |of|P.|ne |P.
| |A.|W.| |ss.|of|A. |W.| |ss.|of
| | | | | |W.| | | | |W.
---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--
JANUARY |1st Line | -| -| -| -| -| 4| 4| -| - | -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -
---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--
FEBRUARY |1st Line | -| -| -| 1| -| 2| 5| -| - | -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -
---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--
MARCH |1st Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| 1| -| - | -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -
---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--
APRIL |1st Line | 1| 1| -| 1| -| 1| -| -| - | -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -
---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--
MAY |1st Line |19| 7|18| -| -| 23| 8|10| - | -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -
---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--
JUNE |1st Line | 1| -| -| -| -| 6| 3| -| 1| -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--
JULY |1st Line | -| 4| -| -| -| 3| 3| -| 1| -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 7| 3| -| -| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--
AUGUST |1st Line | 1| -| -| - | -| 1| 1| -| -| -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| - | -| 4| 3| -| -| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| - | -
---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--
SEPTEMBER|1st Line |14| 1| -| 1| -|129| 4|21| -| -
|2nd Line | | -| -| -| -| 5| 4| -| -| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--
OCTOBER |1st Line | 6| 3| -| -| -| 62|28|39| -| -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 9| -| -| -| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--
NOVEMBER |1st Line |11| 2| -| -| -| 12| 2| -| -| -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--
DECEMBER |1st Line |15| 4| 3| -| -| 4| 1| 2| -| -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
---------+-----------+--+--+--+---+--+---+--+--+---+--
TOTALS | |69|22|21| 2| -|272|70|72| 2| -
------------------------------------------------------
---------+-----------+----------------+----------------
| | 1917. | 1918.
| |----------------+----------------
| |K. |D.|D.|Ill |As|K. |D.|D.|Ill
| |in |of|P.|ne |P.|in |of|P.|ne
| |A. |W.| |ss. |of|A. |W.| |ss.
| |W. | | | |W.| | | |
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
JANUARY |1st Line | 6| 2| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 1| -| 1| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
FEBRUARY |1st Line | 3| 2| -| 1| -| -| -| -| -
|2nd Line | 2| 1| -| 9| -| 19| 3| -| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -| 1| -| -
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
MARCH |1st Line | 2| 1| -| -| -| 20| 2| 1| -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 1| 1| -| 3
|Attached To| | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 8| 2| -| -
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
APRIL |1st Line | 17| 5| -| 1| -| 13| 1| -| -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| -| -| -| 1
|Attached To| | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 4| 1| -| -
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
MAY |1st Line | 4| 1| -| -| -| 2| 1| -| 1
|2nd Line | 4| 3| -| -| -| 3| 1| -| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | |
|other Units| 4| -| -| -| -| -| 1| -| -
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
JUNE |1st Line | 38| 7|14| -| -| 2| 2| 1| -
|2nd Line | 1| 1| 1| -| -| -| -| -| 1
|Attached To| | | | | | | | |
|other Units| 13| 1| -| -| -| 1| -| -| -
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
JULY |1st Line | 18| 5| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
|2nd Line | -| -| 1| -| -| 1| 1| -| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| 3| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
AUGUST |1st Line | 7| 2| 3| -| -| 15|15| -| -
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 11| -| -| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | |
|other Units| 8| 2| 1| -| -| 7| 4| 1| -
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
SEPTEMBER|1st Line | 7| 3| 4| -| -| 27|18| -| -
|2nd Line | -| -| 1| -| -| 23| -| -| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | |
|other Units| 4| 5| -| -| -| 6| 1| -| -
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
OCTOBER |1st Line | 4| 1| -| -| -| -| 1| -| -
|2nd Line | 15| -| 1| -| -| 5| 6| -| 7
|Attached To| | | | | | | | |
|other Units| 4| -| 2| -| -| 6| 1| -| 1
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
NOVEMBER |1st Line | 32|13| 4| -| 2| -| -| -| -
|2nd Line | 2| 7| -| -| -| -| -| -| 1
|Attached To| | | | | | | | |
|other Units| 9| 3| 3| -| -| -| -| -| -
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
DECEMBER |1st Line | 16|19|17| -| 1| -| -| -| -
|2nd Line | 24| 5| 1|16[19]| 1| -| -| -| -
|Attached To| | | | | | | | |
|other Units| -| 1| -| -| -| -| -| -| -
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
TOTALS | |244|93|53| 19| 4|174|67| 3| 16
---------+-----------+---+--+--+------+--+---+--+--+---
---------------------+---------------+------
| | 1919. |
| |---------------+------
| |K.|D.|D.|Ill|As|TOTALS.
| |in|of|P.|ne |P.|
| |A.|W.| |ss.|of|
| | | | | |W.|
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
JANUARY |1st Line | -| -| -| -| -| 16
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 2
|Attached To| | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| -
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
FEBRUARY |1st Line | -| 3| -| -| -| 17
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 26
|Attached To| | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 1
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
MARCH |1st Line | -| 8| -| -| -| 37
|2nd Line | -| -| -| 4| -| 9
|Attached To| | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 10
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
APRIL |1st Line | -| -| -| -| -| 41
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 1
|Attached To| | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 8
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
MAY |1st Line | -| -| -| -| -| 95
|2nd Line | -| -| -| 5| -| 16
|Attached To| | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 5
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
JUNE |1st Line | -| -| -| -| -| 75
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 4
|Attached To| | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 15
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
JULY |1st Line | -| -| -| -| -| 34
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 13
|Attached To| | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 3
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
AUGUST |1st Line | -| -| -| -| -| 45
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 18
|Attached To| | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 23
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
SEPTEMBER|1st Line | -| -| -| -| -| 229
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 33
|Attached To| | | | | |
|other Units| -| 1| -| -| -| 17
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
OCTOBER |1st Line | -| -| -| -| -| 144
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 43
|Attached To| | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 14
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
NOVEMBER |1st Line | 78
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 10
|Attached To| | | | | |
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 15
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
DECEMBER |1st Line | -| -| -| -| -| 82
|2nd Line | -| -| -| -| -| 47
|Attached To|
|other Units| -| -| -| -| -| 1
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
TOTALS | | -|12| -| 9| -|1,227
---------------------+--+--+--+---+--+-----
[19] Drowned on H.M.T. _Aragon_.
Transfers to other units (including re-enlistments
into Regular Army) 4,088
Transfers to the 15th Battalion London
Regiment 261
Commissions granted from ranks of the
15th Battalion London Regiment 967
Total Mobilized on 5th August, 1914 869
Total Enlisted since 5th August, 1914
(direct into the Regiment) 8,588
Total served overseas (including those subsequently
transferred to other units and
those transferred to the Regiment) 7,002
Total served at home (including those subsequently
transferred to other units, and those transferred
to the Regiment) 2,716
Prisoners of War--(1) Germany 213
(2) Turkey 4
APPENDIX V
A Statement of the strength of the Corps at the end of each year from
1860 to 1914.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
Year.|A |B |C |D |E |F |G |H |I | K Co. |Band.|Staff.|Total.
|Co.|Co.|Co.|Co.|Co.|Co.|Co.|Co.|Co.| | | |
-----+---+-------+-------+-------+---+---+-----------+-----+------+------
1860 | 81| 133 | 102 | 153 | 64| --| -- | -- | -- | 533
1861 | 72| 117 | 102 | 138 | 62| --| -- | -- | -- | 491
1862 | 72| 99 | 88 | 125 | 56| --| -- | -- | -- | 440
1863 | 79| 102 | 89 | 118 | 65| --| -- | -- | 11 | 464
1864 | 60| 149 | 81 | 83 | 73| --| -- | -- | 10 | 456
1865 | 61| 165 | 95 | 82 | 67| --| -- | -- | 9 | 479
1866 | 51| 70| 77| 66| 61| --| 73| 63| --| 140 | 20 | 12 | 633
1867 | 49| 71| 73| 52| 55| --| 61| 67| --| 149 | 23 | 11 | 611
1868 | 55| 59| 64| 48| 60| --| 61| 63| --| 105 | 20 | 10 | 545
1869 | 63| 44| 47| 38| 53| --| 59| 57| --| 106 | 21 | 10 | 498
1870 | 59| 35| 41| 32| 54| --| 60| 54| --| 115 | 24 | 14 | 488
1871 | 59| 36| 45| 40| 65| --| 61| 56| --| 112 | 24 | 15 | 513
1872 | 51| 31| 39| 67| 63| --| 42| 51| --| 99 | 24 | 14 | 481
1873 | 46| 31| 52| 81| 57| --| 40| 41| --| 85 | 24 | 13 | 470
1874 | 68| 29| 56| 78| 55| --| 40| 42| --| 72 | 27 | 13 | 480
1875 | 71| 28| 57| 70| 62| --| 37| 51| --| 83 | 25 | 10 | 494
1876 | 68| 22| 50| 56| 50| --| 44| 52| --| 81 | 28 | 10 | 461
1877 | 75| 28| 53| 54| 55| --| 48| 44| --| 110 | 15 | 13 | 495
1878 | 66| 32| 55| 54| 60| --| 39| 43| --| 101 | 23 | 12 | 485
1879 | 56| 29| 52| 53| 57| --| 60| 40| --| 100 | 21 | 13 | 481
1880 | 62| 20| 47| 50| 41| --| 71| 40| --| 97 | 21 | 12 | 461
1881 | 57| 19| 62| 48| 50| --|100| 45| --| 100 | 24 | 13 | 518
1882 | 55| 15| 78| 51| 53| --|108| 46| --| 100 | 22 | 14 | 542
1883 | 55| 12|105| 60| 79| --|105| 44| --| 111 | 27 | 12 | 610
1884 | 50| 5|121| 60| 74| --| 91| 37| --| 107 | 27 | 11 | 583
1885 | 55| --|122| 64| 79| --| 89| 39| --| 106 | 26 | 12 | 592
1886 | 56| --|127| 69| 79| --| 86| 53| --| 99 | 23 | 10 | 602
1887 | 53| --|112| 53| 61| --| 78| 52| --| 87 | 34 | 11 | 541
1888 | 50| --|115| 49| 50| --| 64| 49| --| 64 | 30 | 11 | 482
1889 | 51| --|107| 45| 45| --| 48| 44| --| 65 | 35 | 11 | 451
1890 | 66| --| 94| 51| 59| --| 53| 34| --| 71 | 36 | 11 | 475
1891 | 70| --|102| 56| 75| --| 52| 39| --| 77 | 39 | 11 | 521
1892 | 82| 110 | 64| 88| --| 64| 48| --| 80 | 40 | 10 | 586
1893 | 86| 42|130| 65| 92| --| 77| 55| --| 88 | -- | 11 | 646
1894 |108| 63| 87| 67| 94| --| 90| 65| --| 88 | 36 | 11 | 709
1895 |110| 80| 90| 90| 97| --| 99| 80| --| 79 | 40 | 11 | 776
1896 |114| 82| 99|102|112| --|107| 79| --| 62 | 42 | 10 | 809
1897 |101| 84|103|100|106| --| 94| 74| --| 60 | 60 | 11 | 793
1898 | 84| 86| 97| 92|101| --| 86| 63| --| 60 | 67 | 11 | 747
1899 | 82| 98|106| 85|106| --| 83| 66| --| 63 | 69 | 11 | 769
1900 | 81| 90|115| 95|119| 55|104| 93| 40| 56 | 68 | 10 | 926
1901 | 73| 96|120| 97|119| 63| 99|102| 57| 58 | 62 | 10 | 956
1902 | 60| 79|114| 90| 96| 61| 90| 79| 59| 36 | 61 | 10 | 835
1903 | 53| 72| 99| 83| 77| 61| 89| 78| 63|{33K. }| 60 | 10 | 812
| | | | | | | | | |{34 Cadets}| | |
1904 | 45| 68| 96| 77| 71| 50| 79| 61| 76| 36 | 58 | 12 | 729
1905 | 47| 65| 99| 69| 79| 50| 77| 58| 70| 47 | 69 | 12 | 742
1906 | 57| 82| 95| 73| 75| 69| 67| 56| 63| 57 | 68 | 12 | 774
1907 | 57| 88| 92| 70| 73| 80| 69| 64| 64| 57 | 69 | 12 | 795
1908 | --| --| --| --| --| --| --| --| --| -- | -- | -- | --
1909 |116| 93|136| 87| 81| 87| 98| 85| --| -- | 21 | 10 | 814
1910 |124| 91|116| 93| 79| 85|108| 75| --| -- | 27 | 11 | 809
1911 |124| 84|107| 93| 79| 81|112| 77| --| -- | 26 | 7 | 790
1912 |126| 83| 93| 84| 67| 73|108| 66| --| -- | 25 | 3 | 728
1913 |129|100|105| 87| 72| 72|104| 81| --| -- | 19 | 4 | 773
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
=“KEY.”=
List of Companies, showing Departments and Offices from which they
recruited.
“A” Company Bank of England.
Metropolitan Water Board.
Inland Revenue.
“B” Company Post Office Savings Bank.
“C” Company General Post Office.
“D” Company Inland Revenue.
“E” Company Customs.
Inland Revenue.
“F” Company L.C.C.
Insurance Offices.
“G” Company Whitehall.
“H” Company Admiralty.
“I” Company Cyclist Company.
“K” Company Bank of England (before
it was amalgamated with
“A” Company).
APPENDIX VII
DECORATIONS AND AWARDS: OFFICERS.
Distinguished Service Order.
---------------+-------------------------+-------------------
RANK. | NAME. | BAR.
---------------+-------------------------+-------------------
Major | Benké, A. C. H. |
Major | Carlisle, J. C. D. |
Lieut.-Colonel | Segrave, W. H. E. | Bar to D.S.O.
“ | “ | 2nd Bar to D.S.O.
Capt. | Kemble, H. H. |
Capt. | Thompson, G. E. |
Lieut.-Colonel | Warrender, H. V. |
---------------+-------------------------+-------------------
Military Cross.
---------------+-------------------------+-------------------
RANK. | NAME. | BAR.
---------------+-------------------------+-------------------
Major | Andrew, R. B. W. G. | Bar to M.C.
Capt. | Balfour, F. D. |
Capt. | Barnes, B. |
2nd-Lieut. | Barnett, C. E. |
Capt. | Bates, G. G. |
Major | Benké, A. C. H. |
2nd-Lieut. | Booth, T. J. |
Lieut. | Burtt, L. B. |
Major | Carlisle, J. C. D. |
Major | Coles, E. A. |
Lieut. | Crofts, S. W. F. |
Capt. | Davenport, P. |
Capt. | Fallon, P. |
2nd-Lieut. | Foot, W. V. |
Lieut. | Fraser, J. A. T. |
Lieut.-Colonel | Gaze, A. W. |
Lieut. | Goldsworthy, R. O. W. |
Capt. | Gozney, C. M., R.A.M.C. | M.C. and Bar.
2nd-Lieut. | Gray, F. |
Lieut. | Hoste, W. E. |
Lieut. | Hutchison, J. L. |
Capt. | Ind, W. E. |
Lieut. | Ivey, W. L. |
Capt. | Kemble, H. H. |
Lieut. | Lewis, F. W. |
Lieut. | Knox, A., R.A.M.C. |
| (attached) |
Capt. | Martin, G. B. |
Capt. | McSweeny, D. L. |
Capt. | Middleton, R. |
2nd-Lieut. | Moore, R. V. |
Lieut. | Morris, L. C. |
Lieut. | Osborne, F. |
Capt. | Peatfield, B. | Bar to M.C.
2nd-Lieut. | Pittam, A. P. |
Capt. | Rathbone, W. L. C. |
Capt. | Roeber, W. C. |
2nd-Lieut. | Samuel, T. A. J. |
2nd-Lieut. | Sanger, A. W. |
Lieut. | Seys, S. A. |
Lieut. | Smither, S. T. | M.C. and Bar.
Lieut. | Whitting, A. |
Capt. | Wills, A. K. |
2nd-Lieut. | Wilson, A. |
---------------+-------------------------+-------------------
Other Decorations.
---------------+-------------------------+----------------------
RANK. | NAME. | DECORATION.
---------------+-------------------------+----------------------
Capt. | Burnett, L. T. | O.B.E.
Lieut.-Col. | De Putron, C. | Legion of Honour.
“ | “ | Croix De Guerre.
Capt. | Gold, R. J. S. | Order Du Merite
| | Chevalier.
2nd-Lieut. | Mallet, H. J. | Croix De Guerre.
Capt. | Matthews, C. N. | M.B.E.
Capt. | Rathbone, W. L. C. | Albert Medal (2nd
| | Class).
Capt. | Roeber, W. C. | O.B.E., St. Stanislas
| | with Swords, 2nd
| | Class, St. Anne
| | with Swords, 3rd
| | Class.
2nd-Lieut. | Settle, H. D. | Belgian Croix De
| | Guerre.
Major | Stokes, G. E. | O.B.E. (Mil. Div.)
Capt. | Thorogood, P. W. | O.B.E.
---------------+-------------------------+----------------------
Mentioned in Despatches.
---------------+-------------------------+-------------------
RANK. | NAME. | TIMES MENTIONED
| | IN DESPATCHES.
---------------+-------------------------+-------------------
Lieut. | Andrew, R. B. W. G. |
Capt. | Barnes, B. | Three times.
Capt. | Bowen, C. J. |
Capt. | Branthwaite, R. W., |
| R.A.M.C. |
Lieut. | Brasher, W. H. |
Lieut. | Burtt, L. B. | Three times.
Major | Carlisle, J. C. D. | Three times.
Lieut. | Chalmers, R. |
Lieut. | Clark, T. H. E. |
Lieut. | Craig, W. H. | Twice.
Capt. | Crofts, H. M. |
Capt. | Coles, E. A. |
Capt. | Davenport, P. | Three times.
Capt. | Dobrantz, A. G. |
Lieut. | Du Heaume, F. H. |
2nd-Lieut. | Fallon, P. |
Lieut.-Col. |Gaze, A. W. | Twice.
Capt. | Gold, R. J. S. | Twice.
2nd-Lieut. | Hale, G. L. |
Capt. | Hall, S. C. |
Colonel | Hayes, R. G. |
Capt. | Ind, W. E. | Twice.
Capt. and Qmr. | Joslin, A. A. |
Capt. | Kemble, H. H. | Twice.
Capt. | Lewis, H. T. | Twice.
Capt. | McSweeny, D. L. | Twice.
Lieut. | Morrow, A. |
Major | Oliver, A. A. | Twice.
Capt. | Olliff, F. C. |
Lieut. | Pearson, T. W. |
2nd-Lieut. | Pickhard, L. W. |
Lieut.-Col. | Segrave, W. H. E. | Twice.
Lieut. | Seys, S. A. |
Lieut. | Smith, F. J. |
Major | Stokes, G. E. | Twice.
Lieut.-Col. | Strange, E. F. |
Capt. | Thompson, G. E. |
Capt. | Thorogood, P. W. |
Capt. and Qmr. | Toomey, A. | Three times.
Lieut.-Col. | Warrender, H. S. | Four times.
Capt. | Wills, K. A. |
---------------+-------------------------+-------------------
DECORATIONS AND AWARDS: OTHER RANKS.
Military Cross.
--------+--------------
RANK. | NAME.
--------+--------------
C.S.M. | Brett, T. P.
--------+--------------
C.S.M. | Harris, R. H.
--------+--------------
Distinguished Conduct Medal.
Cpl. | Amsden, C. S.
C.S.M. | Bailey, W.
L.-Cpl. | Barnfather, J. D.
Sgt. | Bowman, H. E.
Pte. | Branton, W. H.
C.S.M. | Burden, R. H.
Sgt. | Carroll, P. J.
Pte. | Castell, E. C.
Sgt. | Christey, F.
Sgt. | Cook, E.
Pte. | Cook, E. J.
L.-Cpl. | Coney, H. R. H.
Sgt. | Coulthard, R.
C.Q.M.S. | Crick, E. C.
L.-Cpl. | Douglas, W. M.
Sgt. | Eager, G. L.
Sgt. | Edwards, B. C. H.
C.S.M. | Eggleston, T. H.
A./L.-Cpl. | Foot, G. B.
Pte. | Harris, H.
R.Q.M.S. | Hart, W. B.
Sgt. | Hodges, S. H.
Sgt. | Hundleby, H. S.
Pte. | Hutt, F.
A./R.S.M. | Jolliffe, B. J.
Sgt. | Jones, T. W.
C.S.M. | Kidd, A. T.
Sgt. | Knapp, E. M.
Sgt. | Lawrence, S.
Pte. | Leigh, A. B.
C.S.M. | Levey, O. S. H.
C.S.M. | Lord, F.
R.S.M. | Lovelock, H. W.
Cpl. | Mackenzie, A. D.
L./Sgt. | Mason, P.
Sgt. | Moore, W. H.
L.-Cpl. | Mills, S. W.
Sgt. | Neil, J. J.
Sgt. | Nottingham, E. B.
C.S.M. | Oldcorn, J.
Cpl. A./Sgt. | Pritchard, W. C.
Sgt. | Riddle, H. B.
C.S.M. | Robertson, F. C.
C.S.M. | Salmon, H.
L.-Cpl. | Seeley, G. J.
Sgt. | Smith, G. B.
Sgt. | Strong, F. G. L.
A./Sgt. | Sugars, R. C.
“ | “ and Bar.
Sgt. | Thomas, H. D.
A./Sgt. | Tom, G. A.
Cpl. A./Sgt. | Tuck, W. G. M.
Pte. A./L.-Sgt.| Wakelin, S. J.
Sgt. | Williams, F. G.
Military Medal.
----------------+--------------------
RANK. | NAME.
----------------+--------------------
Pte. A./L. Cpl. | Adlington, S.
Pte. | Amey, H. J.
Sgt. | Andrews, J. G. C.
L.-Cpl. | Angel, R. L.
Pte. | Armfield, H. L.
L.-Cpl. | Armstrong, L. F.
Pte. | Armstrong, J. S.
Sgt. | Arnold, S.
Pte. | Arthur, R. J.
Pte. | Ashdown, A. G.
Pte. | Auty, H. A.
Pte. | Axford, E. W.
Pte. | Ayling, F. W.
Pte. | Ayres, A. E.
Sgt. | Bachell, G. T.
Pte. | Baker, K. L.
Pte. | Ball, J. T.
L.-Cpl. | Barnes, R. J.
“ | “ and Bar.
Pte. | Baston, E.
Cpl. | Bazley, R. J. B.
Pte. | Beadle, C. W.
Pte. | Bell, D. M. P.
Cpl. | Bellingham, F. S.
Pte. | Benstead, L.
Cpl. | Bishop, H. C.
Cpl. | Blackaby, E. W.
Pte. | Bott, G. A.
Pte. | Bowes, G. R.
Sgt. | Bowman, H. E.
Pte. | Boydell, J.
L.-Cpl | Bradford, M. E.
Pte. | Bradley, A. F.
Pte. | Bradshaw, D. G.
Pte. | Branch, L. H.
Pte. | Breckon, H. W.
Cpl. | Bressey, S. H.
Pte. | Brown, F.
Sgt. | Brown, G. L.
Sgt. | Browning, F. E.
Pte. | Bullock, C. F.
Pte. | Chamberlain, V. N.
Pte. | Church, T. D.
Pte. | Cleaver, E. G.
Pte. | Connor, E. C. G.
Sgt. | Cox, A. T.
Sgt. | Cronin, J. B.
Pte. | Crossley, W. G.
Pte. | Cutting, R.
Pte. | Cutts, E. F.
L.-Cpl. | Darmody, J. F.
Pte. | Davey, F. R.
L.-Cpl. | Davis, W. E.
Pte. | Dawson, V. L.
L.-Sgt. | Donald, A. D.
Pte. | Durrad, W. H.
Pte. | Edgley, E. E.
Pte. | Edwards, L. D.
Pte. | Eels, P.
A./Cpl. | Emler, H. J.
Sgt. | Feesey, R. W.
Pte. | Flanagan, L.
Cpl. | Fletcher, S.
Pte. | Folds, C. E.
Pte. | Foster, H.
Sgt. | Fowler, G. E.
Pte. | Freemont, L. T.
Pte. | Freer, W. B.
Sgt. | Galen, J. J.
Sgt. | Gallant, N. E.
Sgt. | Galloway, J. M.
Cpl. | Garner, W. J.
Sgt. | Gooding, D.
Sgt. | Gray, F.
Cpl. | Greig, T. P.
Sgt. | Hague, P. S.
Pte. | Hales, A. C.
Sgt. | Hall, M. W.
Cpl. | Hanna, C. H.
Sgt. | Hare, A. W. E. W.
Pte. | Harris, W. R.
Pte. | Hatton, G. L.
Sgt. | Haycock, T. F.
A./L.-Cpl. | Hearn, S. W.
Pte. | Hicks, H. E.
A./Sgt. | Hiscocks, P. C.
Pte. | Hockley, H. J.
Pte. | Hogwood, H.
Pte. | Holmes, A.
Pte. | Holt, T.
Pte. | Hooart, F. N. G.
Sgt. | Hughes, E. F.
“ | “ and Bar.
L.-Cpl. | Hull, B.
L.-Cpl. | Hutchinson, L. R.
Sgt. A./C.S.M. | Ibbett, C.
C.Q.M.S. | Irving, W. J.
A./Cpl. | Irwin, W. L.
Pte. | Jenkins, J. H.
Pte. | Joines, H. E.
“ | “ and Bar.
Sgt. | Jones, C. F.
Cpl. | Jones, T. I.
Sgt. | Jones, T. J.
Pte. | Judson, E. F.
L.-Sgt. | Kelley, P. J.
L.-Sgt. | Kelly, P. J.
A./Sgt. | Kelsey, H. G. R.
“ | “ and Bar.
Pte. | Kindell, R.
Sgt. | Knight, N. G.
“ | “ and Bar.
Pte. | Knott, G. E.
Cpl. | Lehan, W. C.
Sgt. A./C.S.M. | Levey, O. L. H.
Pte. | Lewis, A. J.
C.Q.M.S. | Lewis, F. A.
A./Sgt. | Lichfield, H.
Pte. | Linnell, H. J.
Cpl. | Lodge, C. D.
Sgt. | Mallett, W.
Sgt. | Manthorp, C.
Pte. | Martin, R.
Cpl. | Mash, W. J. R.
Cpl. | Mason, A. J.
Pte. | Matheson, F. E.
Sgt. | McKinley, W. R.
L.-Cpl. | Milner, M. G.
Pte. | Milroy, D. J. H.
Pte. | Molony, J. L.
Sgt. | Moritz, H. C.
Sgt. | Morris, L. G. P.
L.-Cpl. | Myatt, A. F. W.
Sgt. | Neil, J. J.
L.-Cpl. | Nelson, C. W.
Cpl. | Newton, N.
Pte. | Nicholas, R. E.
A./Cpl. | Nicholas, R. E.
Cpl. | Pattison, S.
Pte. | Pearce, A. E.
Pte. | Pett, E. J.
L.-Sgt. | Pilgrim, K. F.
Sgt. | Pinder, H. F.
L.-Cpl. | Plastow, H. A.
A./Sgt. | Portch, W. G.
L.-Sgt. | Rapps, F. T.
Pte. | Reed, T.
Pte. | Reuss, W. H. L.
Cpl. | Ritchings, A. A. W.
L.-Cpl. | Roylance, W. G.
Sgt. | Russell, J.
Cpl. | Sanderson, W. K.
Pte. | Scott, F.
Pte. | Scott, F. L. G.
Pte. | Shephard, W. H.
L.-Cpl. | Shirley, R.
“ | “ and Bar.
Pte. A./Cpl. | Skinner, F. C.
L.-Cpl. | Small, A.
Pte. | Smedley, H. L.
Pte. | Smith, S. A.
L.-Cpl. | Snelling, W.
Pte. | Sparham, A. G.
Pte. | Spicer, F.
A./Cpl. | Stanton, W. S.
Sgt. | Steele, H. J.
Pte. | Strugnall, E.
Pte. | Surridge, A. J.
Sgt. | Swain, J. H.
L.-Sgt. | Taylor, A. C.
Pte. | Taylor, J. E.
L.-Sgt. | Tickle, S. J.
Sgt. | Tickle, F.
Cpl. | Titterell, F. A.
Sgt. | Treves, H. G.
C.S.M. | Tubb, H. C.
C.S.M. | Turner, T. E. F.
L. Cpl. | Underwood, E. G.
Cpl. | Underwood, A. E.
Pte. | Vernhan, H. A.
Pte. | Vernon, P. H.
Cpl. | Wallace, J. A.
Sgt. | Ward, E. G. C.
L.-Cpl. | Wearn, C. E.
Sgt. | Webber, A. J.
Cpl. | White, F. T. G.
Pte. | Wighton, W.
Cpl. | Williams, W. A.
Pte. | Wilson, C. H.
Sgt. | Wright, H. F.
Pte. | Wright, W. S.
Other Decorations.
--------+-------------------+----------------------
RANK. | NAME. | DECORATION.
--------+-------------------+----------------------
Pte. | Ashdown, A. G. | Medaille d’Honneur
| | Avec Glaives en
| | Bronze.
Pte. | Brotherton, E. A. | Belgian Croix de
| | Guerre.
Pte. | Castell. E. C. | Ditto.
Sergt. | Cross, C. G. O. | Medaille, Barbatie
| | Si Credinta.
L.-Cpl. | Fletcher, S. | Belgian Croix de
| | Guerre.
Pte. | Gunton, B. | French Croix de
| | Guerre.
Cpl. | Hammer, C. F. | Ditto, and Decoration
| | Militaire.
Sergt. | Manthorp, C. | Italian Bronze
| | Medal.
Pte. | Mills, S. J. | French Croix de
| | Guerre.
Sergt. | Nottingham, E. B. | Italian Bronze
| | Medal and Silver
| | Medal for Mil.
| | Valour.
Pte. | Pegler, H. W. | Medaille d’Honneur
| | Avec Glaives en
| | Bronze.
Sgt. | Riddle, H. B. | Silver Medal for
| | Mil. Valour, and
| | Italian Bronze
| | Medal.
Cpl. | Ramsay, H. | French Croix de
| | Guerre.
Mentioned in Despatches.
---------------+-------------------
RANK. | NAME.
---------------+-------------------
Pte. | Beadle, C. W.
A./Cpl. | Bernard, S. A.
Pte. | Boldwater, L. A.
“ | “ (Twice.)
Pte. | Bowes, G. R.
C.S.M. | Bowstead, J. E.
Pte. | Buck, B. R.
A./Sgt. | Chapman, H. H.
L.-Cpl. | Ching, A. J.
A./R.Q.M.S. | Collins, J. C.
Sgt. | Cooper, P. V.
L.-Cpl. | Coney, H. R. H.
Sgt. | Cottrell, T. A.
C.S.M. | Crick, E. C.
Sgt. | Cross, C. G. O.
Sgt. | Davey, S.
L.-Cpl. | Doubleday, R. E.
A./C.S.M. | Dyer, B. C.
Pte. | Ennis, J.
Pte. | Forward, H. A.
R.Q.M.S. | Harman, A. R.
Sgt. | Harriss, F.
R.Q.M.S. | Hart, W. B. (Twice.)
L.-Sgt. | Hodgson, J.
A./Sgt. | Hughes, R. J.
A./L.-Sgt. | Hughes, E. F.
L.-Cpl. | Hulford. E.
Pte. | Hutt, F. G.
C.Q.M.S. | Ibbett, C.
Pte. | Joines, H. E.
C.S.M. | Levey, O. L. H.
A./Cpl. | Linnell, H. J.
Sgt. | McKimm, T. G.
L.-Cpl. | Mundy, A. S.
C.S.M. | Mutlow, L. H.
Sgt. | Newman, B. C.
L-Cpl. | Oliver, G.
Sgt. | Owen, P. S.
Sgt. | Parish, H. S.
Pte. | Shirvington, T.
L.-Cpl. | Simmons, H.
A./Sgt. | Tom, G. A.
A./L.-Sgt. | Tuck, W. G. M.
Pte. | Walder, W. J.
L.-Cpl. | Weedon, G. H.
Sgt. | Wright, G. B.
Brought to Notice for Gallant and Distinguished Conduct in the Field.
---------------+--------------
Pte. | Gunton, H.
L.-Sgt. | Mason, P.
Pte. | Pegler, H. W.
---------------+--------------
Pte. | Perry, S.
Pte. | Vernon, P. H.
APPENDIX VIII
OFFICERS WHO SERVED IN THE PERIOD 1914-1919.
This list necessarily includes the names of all officers serving with
the Regiment, and of those officers who served with the Battalions
overseas who joined from other Regiments.
It is feared in some cases the rank shewn will not be correct.
Apologies are tendered to whom they are due.
DARKER TYPE REPRESENTS OFFICERS WHO DIED.
---------------+---------------
RANK. | NAME.
---------------+---------------
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Acworth, G. W.=
2nd-Lieut. | Adamson, T. L.
Capt. | Alexander, B.
2nd-Lieut. | Alison, D. S.
Major | Andrew, R. B. W. G.
Lieut. | Andrews, E. E.
Lieut. | Appleton, A.
Lieut. | Arundel, T. H.
Lieut. | Atkinson, M. C.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Attwood, S. A.=
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Aylmore, A. G. A.=
|
Capt. | Bach, H. J. G.
Capt. | Bailey, C. A.
Lieut. | Bailey, D., D.C.M.
Lieut. | Bailey, F. T.
Qmr. | Bailey, J. G. M.
Lieut. | Bailey, W.
Lieut. | Baker, A. G.
=Major= | =Balfour, F. D.=
2nd-Lieut. | Ballance, L. A.
Lieut. | Bambrough, P. B.
2nd-Lieut. | Banister, F. F.
Lieut. | Barclay, L.
Capt. | Barnes, B., M.C.
2nd-Lieut. | Barnes, F.
Lieut. | Barnes, R. C.
Lieut. | Barnett, C. E., M.C.
Lieut. | Barnett, G. P.
2nd-Lieut. | Barratt, L. L. E.
2nd-Lieut. | Bashford, W. R.
2nd-Lieut. | Batchelor, T. C. N.
Capt. | Bates, G. G., M.C.
2nd-Lieut. | Battock, H. C. T.
Lieut. | Beddow, P. E.
Lieut. | Beecham, E. J.
Lieut. | Beetlestone, H. A.
Capt. | Bell, A. D.
Lieut. | Bell, A. F.
Major | Benké, A. C. H., D.S.O., M.C.
2nd-Lieut. | Bennett, P. A.
Lieut. | Benton, H. B.
Capt. | Berry, H. A.
Lieut. | Berry, H. A.
Lieut.-Col. | Bisdee, T. E., D.S.O., M.C.
Lieut. | Bonner, G. L.
2nd-Lieut. | Booth, T. J.
Capt. | Bowen, C. J.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Bowers-Taylor, A.=
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Boyes, J. F.=
Lieut. | Boyes, W. E.
2nd-Lieut. | Boyes, W. E.
2nd-Lieut. | Bradberry, W. R.
Surgn.-Capt. | Branthwaite, R. W., R.A.M.C.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Brantom, W. H.=
Lieut. | Brasher, W.
Major | Brett, F. J.
Lieut. | Briggs, R.
=Lieut.= | =Bright, T. A.=
Major | Brightman, J. H.
2nd-Lieut. | Broad, W. V. M.
Lieut. | Brooks, H. E.
Lieut. | Brooks, H. E.
Lieut. | Broughton, L. T.
2nd-Lieut. | Broughton, S.
Lieut. | Bull, A. C.
Lieut. | Bullin, W.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Bullock, A. M.=
Lieut. | Bulton, O. F.
Lieut. | Burch, S. W.
2nd-Lieut. | Burchett, W. J.
Lieut. | Burden, E. O.
Lieut. | Burtt, L. B., M.C.
Lieut. | Burtt, L. L.
Lieut. | Burtt, V. S.
Lieut. | Byles, E. F.
2nd-Lieut. | Campbell, C. W.
Major | Carlisle, J. C. D., D.S.O., M.C.
Lieut. | Castle, D.
Capt. | Cavalier, Rev. C. J.
=Lieut.= | =Chalmers, R.=
2nd-Lieut. | Charter, H. E. J.
Lieut. | Cheeseman, R. C.
Major | Chew, R. C.
2nd-Lieut. | Childs, A.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Chilvers, R. C.=
Lieut. | Chudleigh, R. N.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Clark, H. R. E.=
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Clark, S. G.=
Lieut. | Clark, T. H. E.
Lieut. & Qmr. | Clark, W. H. D.
2nd-Lieut. | Clarke, A. E.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Clarke, R. F.=
2nd-Lieut. | Clegg, C. F. G.
2nd-Lieut. | Clifford, G. C.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Coldicott, H. E.=
Major | Coles, E. A., M.C.
Capt. | Collins, E. H.
2nd-Lieut. | Collins, F. C.
2nd-Lieut. | Cooke, R. C.
2nd-Lieut. | Covey, E. J.
2nd-Lieut. | Cox, H. P. F.
Lieut. | Craig, W. H.
2nd-Lieut. | Cribbett, W. C. G.
Capt. | Crofts, A. W. G.
Capt. | Crofts, H. M.
2nd-Lieut. | Cunningham, H. F.
|
Lieut. | Dabbs, S. E.
2nd-Lieut. | Daly, P. A.
Capt. | Davenport, P., M.C.
=Capt.= | =Davies, L.=
Lieut. | Davis, A. E.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Denny, E.=
Lieut.-Col. | De Putron, C.
Capt. | Diggins, A.
Major | Dobrantz, A. G.
Capt. | Doubleday, C. E.
2nd-Lieut. | Dredge, P. J.
Capt. | Du Heaume, F. H.
Lieut. | Duncan, A.
|
Capt. | Easton, F. J.
Capt. | Eccles, L. D.
2nd-Lieut. | Edmed, W.
Lieut. | Edney, H. G.
2nd-Lieut. | Ellis, T. H.
2nd-Lieut. | Emmett, A. H.
2nd-Lieut. | Ena, A. S.
2nd-Lieut. | Enoch, B. J.
Lieut. | Etheridge, A. H.
2nd-Lieut. | Ewen, P.
|
2nd-Lieut. | Falkner, J. A. G.
Lieut. | Fallon, R., M.C.
=Capt.= | =Farquhar, H. B.=
Lieut.-Col. | Feilding, R. C., D.S.O.
2nd-Lieut. | Fitter, B. A.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Fletcher, E.=
2nd-Lieut. | Flew, W. L.
Lieut. | Foot, W. V., M.C.
Lieut. | Ford, R. W.
2nd-Lieut. | Forsyth, W. J.
Lieut. | Francis, T. B.
2nd-Lieut. | Francis, W. J.
Lieut. | Fraser, J. A. T.
2nd-Lieut. | French, J. H.
|
Capt. | Galfin, A. C.
2nd-Lieut. | Gallaher, H. E.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Garratt, M. H.=
Lieut.-Col. | Gaze, A. W., M.C.
=Capt.= | =Gaze, G. A.=
Lieut. | Gearing, F. E.
2nd-Lieut. | George, H. W.
Lieut. | Gillings, V. de F.
Lieut. | Girard, R. S.
2nd-Lieut. | Glynn, A. H.
Lieut. | Godfrey, H.
2nd-Lieut. | Golby, H. J.
Capt. | Gold, R. J. S.
Lieut. | Golding, F. L.
2nd-Lieut. | Gordon, F. A.
Capt. | Gormanston, The Viscount, J. E. P.
Lieut. | Gosney, H. S.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Goswell, O. S.=
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Gray, F.=
Major | Greswell, T. de la G.
Capt. | Grimsdale, G. C.
2nd-Lieut. | Grove, C. S.
2nd-Lieut. | Guy, H. W.
Capt. | Guyton, R. F.
|
2nd-Lieut. | Habbijam, J. F.
Lieut. | Hale, G. L.
2nd-Lieut. | Halifax, J. W.
Lieut. | Hall, P. H.
Capt. | Hall, S. C.
2nd-Lieut. | Hallas, J. E.
Lieut. | Hamill, J. M.
Capt. | Hanks, A. G. T.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Harris, R. H., M.C.=
Lieut. | Hart, L. H.
2nd-Lieut. | Harrowing, T. C.
2nd-Lieut. | Hasleham, G. H.
2nd-Lieut. | Haslett, S.
Col. | Hayes, R. G., T.D.
2nd-Lieut. | Hemsley, C. M.
Lieut. | Hepworth, E. C.
Major | Hide, L.
Major | Higginbottom, H. E.
Lieut. | Higgs, K. A.
Lieut. | Hilder, G. D.
=Capt.= | =Hill, F.=
Capt. | Hill, M. G.
2nd-Lieut. | Hobson, R. L.
Capt. and Qmr. | Hodge, W. G
Lieut. | Hodgson, C. H.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Hoole, G.=
Lieut. | Hooper, G. B.
Lieut. | Hooper, W. D.
Lieut. | Horne, J. C.
Lieut. | Hosken, E.
Lieut. | Hoste, G. M.
Lieut. | Hoste, W. E., M.C.
Lieut. | Hounsell, F. W.
Capt. | Houseman, A. W.
Lieut. | Houslop, W. A. S.
2nd-Lieut. | Howard, W. F.
Lieut. | Howard-Grafton, G. C.
Capt. | Hughes, F. M.
Capt. | Hughes, R. B.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Hughes, R. C.=
Lieut. | Hutchison, J. L., M.C.
Lieut. | Hutton, P. G.
|
Lieut. | Illing, R. W.
=Capt.= | =Ind, W. E., M.C.=
Lieut. | Ivey, W. L., M.C.
|
Lieut. | Jackson, P. H.
Capt. | James, A. V.
2nd-Lieut. | James, P. A.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Jamieson, C. M.=
Lieut. | Jarvis, L. J. W.
Lieut. | Jarvis, M. F.
2nd-Lieut. | Jones, E.
Capt. | Jones, H.
Lieut. | Jones, P. F.
Lieut. | Jones, R. L.
Capt. and Qmr. | Joslin, A. A.
|
Lieut. | Kapping, C. H. S.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Kearley, H.=
=Capt.= | =Kemble, H. H., D.S.O., M.C.=
2nd-Lieut. | Kettle, E. W.
Capt. | Kilmer, C. M.
Capt. | Kimber, W. J.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =King, A. E.=
2nd-Lieut. | King, H.
Capt. | Kinsman, J. C. P.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Kirk, R. L.=
Major | Kirkby, W. T.
Lieut. | Labhart, C. L.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Lacy, W. B.=
2nd-Lieut. | Lambert, W. B.
2nd-Lieut. | Lander, D. L. C.
Lieut. | Lane, A. D.
=Lieut.= | =Lascelles, E. R.=
2nd-Lieut. | Leech, F. J. W.
=Capt.= | =Leighton, A.=
Lieut. | Lester, A. M.
Capt. | Lewis, F. W., M.C.
Capt. | Lewis, H. D., T.D.
Capt. | Lewis, H. T.
2nd-Lieut. | Louch, J. D. G.
2nd-Lieut. | Love, J. B.
|
=2nd-Lieut.= | =MacDonald, J. S.=
Lieut. | McDowall, A. C.
Lieut. | McKay, C. S.
Lieut. | McKay, H. G.
Lieut. | McMahon, J. J., D.C.M., M.C.
Lieut. | McMuldroch, R.
Capt. | McSweeney, D. L., M.C.
2nd-Lieut. | Mallett, H. J.
Lieut. | Malthouse, C.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Marchant, C. V.=
Lieut. | Margrett, G. M.
Lieut. | Markham, L. A.
Lieut.-Col. | Marshall, H., M.C.
=Lieut.= | =Martin, E. J.=
Lieut. | Martin, F.
Lieut. | Martin, G. C. Y.
Lieut. | Martin, L. S.
=Lieut.= | =Matheson, H.=
Capt. | Mathews, C. N., M.B.E.
Lieut. | Mattison, O. H.
Lieut. | Maxwell, E. W.
Lieut. | Mellett, G. T.
Lieut. | Mellis, A. W.
Lieut. | Mends, E. G.
Capt. | Miall, D. H.
Lieut. | Miall, E. J.
=Capt.= | =Middleton, R., M.C.=
Lieut. | Miles, E. C.
Capt. | Millar, C. W. A.
2nd-Lieut. | Miller, R. W.
Lieut. | Miller, S. L.
Lieut. | Mills, A. L.
Lieut. | Mitchell, G. R.
2nd-Lieut. | Mitchison, M.
Lieut. | Moore, R. W.
=Lieut.= | =Moran, J.=
Lieut. | Moriarty, D.
Lieut. | Morris, L. C., M.C.
Lieut. | Morrow, A.
Lieut. | Moss, G. H. C.
Lieut. | Mouland, H. J.
2nd-Lieut. | Munn, F. A.
2nd-Lieut. | Murless, H. R.
Lieut. | Murray, W. J.
2nd-Lieut. | Muxworthy, T.
|
Lieut. | Nation, F. R.
Capt. | Neales, E. W.
Lieut. | Neall, K. P.
Lieut.-Col. | Newson, W. F. K.
Lieut. | Newton, C. F.
2nd-Lieut. | Noel, C. A. B.
=Lieut.= | =Northam, J. McC.=
Capt. | Nutbrown, L. A.
|
2nd-Lieut. | Oldcorn, J. S., D.C.M.
Major | Oliver, A. A.
Capt. | Oliver, A. D.
Capt. | Olliff, F. C.
Lieut. | Osborne, F., M.C.
Lieut. | Osborne, T. L.
|
2nd-Lieut. | Page, W. E.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Palin, O. E.=
Lieut.-Col. | Parish, F. W., D.S.O., M.C.
Lieut. | Pearson, T. W.
Capt. | Peatfield, B., M.C.
Lieut. | Phelps, F. W.
Lieut. | Pickard, L. W.
Capt. | Pickthorn, K. W. M.
Lieut. | Pickup, F.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Pilcher, A. M.=
Lieut. | Pilkington, G. V.
Lieut. | Pittam, A. P., M.C.
Lieut. | Plowman, T. R. (Died 1/1/20)
Lieut. | Porter, W. W.
=Lieut.= | =Potts, J. P.=
Capt. | Praeger, I. P.
Lieut. | Prynn, G. W.
Lieut. | Pulley, A. S., M.C.
|
Capt. | Radice, F. R.
Capt. | Randolph, J. H.
Capt. | Rathbone, W. L. C., M.C.
Lieut. | Ray, G. H.
Lieut. | Ray, L. R.
Lieut. | Reeve, J. S.
Lieut.-Col. | Renny, A. M.
Lieut. | Richardson, F. M.
Capt. | Rimington, C. H.
=Capt.= | =Roberts, A.=
Lieut. | Roberts, G.
Lieut. | Roberts, G.
Lieut. | Robertson, E. J.
2nd-Lieut. | Robinson, A. E.
Capt. | Roeber, W. C. T., O.B.E., M.C.
Lieut. | Rothwell, J.
Lieut. | Rushman, G. W.
Capt. | Rust, H. F.
|
2nd-Lieut. | Samuel, T. A. H., M.C.
Lieut. | Sanger, R. W.
Capt. | Satow, G. L.
Major | Saunders, A. E., T.D.
Lieut. | Schofield, J. A.
=Lieut.= | =Scott, B.=
Lieut. | Scott, P. E. W.
Col. | Segrave, W. H. E., D.S.O.
Lieut. | Sellick, R.
Lieut. | Settle, H. G.
Lieut. | Seys, S. A., M.C.
Capt. | Sharratt, T. H.
2nd-Lieut. | Shepherd, E. P.
Lieut. | Silletoe, S. A.
Capt. | Simmons, T. H.
Lieut. | Simpson, H. H.
2nd-Lieut. | Small, T. H.
2nd-Lieut. | Smart, C.
Lieut. | Smart, C. A.
Lieut. | Smith, A. E.
=Lieut.= | =Smith, F. J.=
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Smith, R. F.=
2nd-Lieut. | Smith, S. K.
=Capt.= | =Smith, T. A.=
Capt. | Smith, W. S. H.
Lieut. | Songest, C. B.
Lieut. | Souter, A.
Lieut. | Spencer, H. J.
Lieut. | Splatt, H. J.
Capt. | Stanton, O. W.
2nd-Lieut. | Stevens, G. C. D.
2nd-Lieut. | Stevenson, C. S.
2nd-Lieut. | Stileman, C. H.
Major | Stokes, G. E., O.B.E.
Capt. | Stone, G. G. H.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Stoneman, W. T.=
Col. | Strange, E. F., C.B.E., T.D.
Lieut. | Stringer, J. W. T.
2nd-Lieut. | Sutton, H. J.
|
Capt. | Tarver, F. F.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Tatum, G. E.=
Lieut. | Taylor, A. L.
2nd-Lieut. | Taylor, L. H.
2nd-Lieut. | Taylor, S. A.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Temple, W.=
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Thompson, F. D.=
Capt. | Thompson, G. E., D.S.O.
Capt. | Thorogood, P. W., O.B.E.
2nd-Lieut. | Thorpe, A. E.
2nd-Lieut. | Thrower, S. W.
Lieut. | Tickle, P. J., M.M.
Lieut. | Titcombe, J. J.
Lieut. | Titcombe, L. A., D.C.M.
2nd-Lieut. | Tomkins, C. J. D.
Capt. | Toomey, A.
2nd-Lieut. | Townend, A. C. H.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Townsend, E. L.=
=Capt.= | =Trembath, A. E., D.C.M.=
Capt. | Trembath, C. H.
Major | Trembath, F. F.
Major | Turk, G. W., T.D.
2nd-Lieut. | Tysoe, W. L.
|
Lieut. | Upton, R.
|
Lieut. | Vigar, A. L.
|
2nd-Lieut. | Walker, A. W. E.
Lieut. | Walker, W. J.
Lieut. | Wallis, J. A. D.
2nd-Lieut | Ward, E. K.
=2nd-Lieut.= | =Ware, B. K.=
Major | Warne, H. F. M.
Lieut.-Col. | Warrender, H. V., D.S.O.
Capt. | Wass, E. J.
Lieut. | Watts, F. W.
Lieut. | Webb, W. P.
Lieut. | Wenham, J. K. L.
Lieut. | Westmore, F. W.
Lieut. | Wheatley, J. M.
Lieut. | Wheeler, E. N.
Lieut. | Wheeler, F. M.
Lieut. | Whitaker, C. R.
Capt. | Whiteley, A.
Lieut. | Whitting, A., M.C.
Lieut. | Wilcocks, H. F.
Lieut. | Willi, J.
Capt. | Wills, K. A., M.C.
2nd-Lieut. | Wilmott, C. A.
Lieut. | Wilson, A., M.C.
Lieut. | Wilson, F. R.
2nd-Lieut. | Wiltshire, E. T.
2nd-Lieut. | Wimpey, A. B.
2nd-Lieut. | Woods, T.
Major | Woolley, E. J., M.C.
Lieut. | Wright, H. R.
|
Major | Young, D.
LIST OF OFFICERS OF 1ST BATTALION ON LANDING IN FRANCE, MARCH, 1915.
Bt.-Col. A. M. Renny.
Major R. Chew.
Major H. V. Warrender.
Capt. W. F. K. Newson.
Capt. H. H. Kemble.
Capt. A. E. Trembath.
Capt. H. M. Crofts.
Capt. R. J. S. Gold.
Capt. G. E. Stokes.
Capt. G. A. Gage.
Capt. H. B. Farquhar.
Lieut. J. C. P. Kinsman.
Lieut. A. Roberts.
Lieut. F. R. Radice.
Lieut. T. H. Sharratt.
Lieut. H. T. Lewis.
Lieut. L. Davies.
Lieut. R. Chalmers.
Lieut. A. C. B. Benké.
Lieut. J. C. D. Carlisle.
2nd-Lieut. H. J. Sutton.
2nd-Lieut. H. R. E. Clarke.
2nd-Lieut. B. Barnes.
2nd-Lieut. F. C. Olliff.
2nd-Lieut. C. F. B. Stevens.
2nd-Lieut. G. G. Bates.
Capt. and Adj. F. W. Parish.
Hon. Lieut. and Q.M. W. H. D. Clark.
Surg.-Capt. R. W. Branthwaite.
Capt. A. G. T. Hanks, R.A.M.C.
APPENDIX IX
Other Ranks who served in the period 1914-1919.
=Dark Type= REPRESENTS THOSE WHO DIED ON ACTIVE SERVICE.
Alexandra, H. T.
Allen, W. J.
Allen, J.
Adams, J. P.
Anderson, G. F.
Adams, P. E.
=Andrews, A. J.=
Allinson, J. H. D.
Audre, R. B.
Allen, S. T.
Arthur, E. F.
Alvery, G. C.
Andrews, F. C.
Allen, T. E.
Archer, G.
=Adams, A. A.=
Armstrong, A. F.
Ashleigh, A.
Almond, P. K.
Askham, W.
Arnold, J. G.
Andrews, W. L.
Avery, S. E.
=Armstrong, H. O.=
Andrews, G.
Adams, P. E.
Armstrong, J. S.
Armstrong, L. D.
Austen, W. H.
Arthur, J. E.
Allen, R. C. J.
Allen, E.
Allcock, O. P.
Andrews, E. E.
Arundel, T. H.
Asquith, J. R.
Alliston, G. H.
Allen, P. F.
Alexander, F.
Astbury, T. W.
=Astle, E.=
=Avis, A. J.=
Arculus, H. J.
Andrews, C. J.
Aylmore, A. G. A.
Allen, H. T.
Attwell, L. W.
Aylmore, G. H. A.
Addison, G. H.
Allen, P. W.
Allen, A. H.
Angel, A. J.
Allen, B. G.
=Angel, H. A. E.=
=Archer, T. H.=
Arkcoll, A. G.
Arthur, R. J.
Arnold, N. E.
=Armstrong, J. F.=
Avison, J. H.
Amos, T. W.
Aitken, R. S.
=Ashworth, W. H.=
Amphlett, C. E.
Allin, H. E.
Alder, H. F.
Aird, A. P. McG.
Allshorn, F. L.
Andrews, A. C.
Aston, R. F.
Aird, R. J. M.
Acott, L. J.
Andrews, A. J.
Altman, A. G. J.
Ayres, H. S.
Austin, S. A.
Atwell, G. H.
=Aish, G.=
Adams, G. J.
Allam, G. B.
=Ayling, A.=
Admans, H.
Atton, H. A.
Ainsworth, D. J.
Archer, T. L. B.
Ainsworth, G. T.
Anderson, D. B.
Anthony, E. V.
Arnold, S.
Acres, C. H.
Avon, E. F.
Adams, G. E. J.
Allison, R.
Archard, J.
Andrews, P. R.
Axford, D. S.
Axford, E. W.
Adlam, T. J.
=Atkins, A. N.=
Adams, R.
Anthony, G. E.
Achard, C. E.
Ashworth, J. R.
Attwood, S. A.
Anderton, J. A.
Allen, H. E.
Archer, W. E.
Alvery, R. T.
Allen, J. H.
Amsden, C. S.
Anderson, C. N.
=Arnold, G.=
Addis, F. L.
Allistone, W. C.
=Avis, W. J.=
Applin, G. C.
Archer, J.
Ackworth, G. W.
=Amey, H. J.=
Archer, H. F.
Archer, S. W.
=Atkins, F. M.=
Alvey, P. G.
Ayling, F. W.
Anderson, E. S.
Austin, O.
Anyan, W.
Allman, W. P.
Adams, W. M.
Allden, H. W.
=Ayre, F. O.=
Armstrong, W. N.
Ashton, L. C. B.
Ashdown, A. G.
Altass, P.
Aspland, G. T.
Anderson, S. E.
Allsford, H. E.
Austen, A. J.
Armfield, A. R.
Abbott, J. E.
Allsopp, W. H.
Ailion, E. C.
Archer, C. G.
Armstrong, F. B.
Averre, N.
Andrew, P. H.
Allen, T.
Allen, C. J.
Anderson, H. I. W.
Adams, J.
Anthony, I.
Armfield, H. L.
Arpthorp, E. H.
=Ames, A. J.=
Andrews, A. A.
=Ashby, A. C.=
Ainsworth, W.
Austin, T.
Angell, W. J.
Allen, L. E.
Awburn, G. T.
Ashby, A. O.
Adams, R. S.
Arthur, J. C.
Aylmore, F. W.
Auty, H. A.
Aglionby, F. B.
Allen, F. C.
Alabaster, R. W.
Adams, C.
Atkins, E. W.
=Armour, W. F.=
Acarnley, C. E.
Angel, A. J.
Archer, A. A.
Ansley, H.
=Anderson, D.=
Allchurch, C. A.
Atkawes, H. L.
Anderson, C.
Aubrey, C.
Ashwell, E. J.
Alston, F.
Apthorpe, F. W.
Allen, L. H.
Askew, T. A.
Anders, L.
Adams, A. T.
Austin, R.
Allen, A. O.
Aldous, A. H.
Allen, J. W.
Atkinson, W. H.
Addington, W. G.
Abbotts, J.
Aston, J. B.
=Albutt, G. L.=
Adams, C. H.
Adams, F.
Abrahams, L.
Alsop, G. B.
Anderson, C. F.
Allen, F. G.
Ames, R. T.
=Archer, N.=
Andrews, S. H.
Alldridge, R. H.
Ames, F. E.
Audley, G. E.
Allen, J. W.
Allington, C. W.
Allen, J.
Allen, W. V. M.
Andrews, E. A.
Albin, W. G.
Andrews, H. E.
=Anderson, H. J.=
Allen, W. J.
Ashforth, E.
Anderson, W. E.
=Ablett, A.=
Andrews, C. H.
Ainsworth, W. St. J.
=Archard, E. F.=
Allen, G. W. H.
Adams, F.
Amphlett, A. G.
Abel, B. F.
Adcock, C.
Arthur, F.
=Alexander, D. F.=
Arnold, A. R.
Arnott, R. R.
Abbott, C. I.
Angear, A.
Agar, C. W.
Archard, E. A.
Auvache, J. W.
Ashton, J. J.
Amery, M. F.
Allison, F. B.
Alford, R. S.
Ayliffe, A.
Ashton, A. E.
Ainley, C. E.
Anstey, A. T.
Allen, F. R. L.
Andrews, J. S.
Ayres, A. E.
=Allan, R. C.=
Andress, A.
Austin, W. H.
Atherton, J.
Ainley, W. W.
Arnold, T. J. B.
Anderson, A. (alias Abrahams.)
Austin, E. G.
Abbey, J. G.
Aslett, J.
Adlington, S.
Alldridge, A. W.
Andrews, H.
Ainsworth, S. C.
Arthur, O. T.
=Atkinson, S. J.=
Agg, T. E.
Allen, S. V.
Adcock, R. E.
Allen, R. N.
Arscott, E. G.
Allistone, W. C.
Allan, C. G.
Alexander, F. F.
Abraham, L. L.
Allcoat, J. W.
Allen, S. E.
Adlam, C. R.
Aspden, H. J.
Addison, F.
Alvery, R. T.
Anderson, F. J.
Ash, A. E.
Andrews, W. H.
Austin, H. L.
Allen, L. F.
Amner, A. W. A.
Ardley, H. R.
Almond, W. W. G.
Allen, S. A. E.
Austin, A.
Abbott, B.
Abbott, M. F.
Amis, R.
Allford, G. J.
Ackland, H. D.
Affleck, W. M. B.
Armour, D. C.
Alabaster, E. W.
Abrahams, E.
Allen, J. W.
Atkin, F. W. A.
Ayres, A. V.
Anderson, C.
Abbott, A.
Aulsford, G.
Ashby, J. S.
Abrams, J.
Ashton, T.
Ayres, W. E.
Allsop, T.
Arnold, W. E.
Appleby, R.
Arundell, T. H.
Allmen, H. M.
Ashley, W.
Ambrose, P.
Angel, R. L.
Ainsworth, L. L.
Andrews, J. L.
=Amos, E. V.=
Audley, G. E.
B
Berry, H. A.
Brown, B. H.
Bacon, S. V.
Brightman, J. H.
Beadle, H.
Blake, C. S.
Braine, E. A.
Bowen, C. J.
Burbidge, J. W.
Booker, E. W.
Battersby, H.
=Bruback, H. A.=
Butcher, E.
Betts, F.
Barnes, C. H.
Battrum, E. D.
Bristol, L.
Bilbrough, A. H. B.
Bailey, A. W.
Barrett, H. L.
Bennett, P. J.
Benke, A. C. H.
Bates, G. G.
Batten, K. C.
Baudains, P. G.
Bulgin, A. H.
Batley, A. G.
Barnes, B.
Breen, P. T.
Burgess, T. B.
Bull, A. C.
Barrett, H.
Bishop, C. H.
=Borer, F. W. V.=
Baxter, H. L.
Baker, E. C.
Boorer, A. F.
Butcher, A.
Burgess, H. W.
Blackaby, N. A.
Brown, F. E.
=Barlow, H.=
Bullar, A. J.
Bools, R. G.
Belk, S.
Boff, W. C.
Burton, F. R.
=Baynes, A. J.=
Blake, W. H.
Bird, L. A.
Bowstead, J. E.
Bayliss, J. E.
Blake, W. E.
Bourne, J.
Blake, R. R.
Bressey, S. H.
Berry, H.
Barltrop, E. W.
Butcher, A. S.
Bridge, F. G.
Brace, T. F.
=Brookes, A. C.=
Brown, W. P.
Bailey, G. S.
Bobringer, F. G.
=Banks, H. B.=
=Barrow, A. M.=
Bridge, P.
Bartram, H. F.
Budgen, P. E.
Bosworth, L. F.
Benke, F. W.
Bell, F. G.
=Booty, A.=
Brockett, H. E.
=Ball, A. A.=
Brett, L. M.
Bennett, W. A.
=Brown, H.=
Burr, J. D.
Bull, F. W.
Bridel, H. S.
Broadbent, S. W.
Bendle, F. J.
Bennett, H. B.
Bryan, S. A.
Blackaby, E. W.
Bennett, H. P.
=Byrne, E. J.=
Barratt, W. M.
Bowman, H. E.
Bouchley, F. G.
Bull, H. F.
Brooks, J. W.
Byrne, D. M.
Brace, J.
Beadle, C. W.
Bell, J. W.
Bucknill, W. F. C.
Boon, F. M.
Bailey, W.
Bruce, H. S.
Banfield, W.
Brooks, W. A.
Barrett, E. S.
Brinn, A. L.
Bacon, E. A.
Bell, A. W.
Brandis, H. G.
Bates, E. H.
Bussell, H. R.
Betts, S. H.
Boddy, A.
Brierley, W.
Bortles, L.
Barrell, R.
=Birt, R. A.=
Boxer, H. S.
Beard, B. J. L.
Bassett, E.
Barrett, L. L. E.
Bolingbroke, J. G.
Border, T. A.
Bostock, C. A.
Brock, A. H. J.
Brockway, H. S.
Barnes, H. S.
=Bartley, H. N.=
Berry, H. H.
Blick, J. F.
Bridge, H. E.
Brown, E. L.
Bendle, H. C.
Burnell, H. F.
Bocquet, W. M.
Bray, A.
Barnes, J. A.
=Beazley, R. J. B.=
Bell, A. H.
=Bilcliffe, B. L.=
=Bradbury, J. V.=
Bull, L.
Baker, G. L.
Bailey, A. G.
Bayliss, P.
Bedford, T. J.
Benison, L. S.
Blanchard, F. G.
Bone, G. J.
Bright, T. L.
Brown, H.
=Bunce, J. H.=
Bernstein, S. H.
Brookling, H.
Butt, C.
Bigby, R. F. M.
Bennison, J. W. E.
=Bonner, C. R.=
=Bird, J. H. W.=
Bonner, P. R.
Brugel, R. C.
Brown, L. J.
=Brown, W. S.=
Bullock, H. P.
Bazley, G. W.
Boutcher, E.
Baker, G. D.
Bazley, J. J.
Branton, W. H.
Briggs, T.
=Brooman, G. L.=
Bull, R.
Baillie, J. G.
Barley, H. J.
Bradshaw, C. F.
Brown, J. N.
Brooks, W. F.
Barcham, R. N.
Boulter, A. J.
=Bowler, H. E.=
Brook, C.
Budd, C. P.
Bastow, E.
Beer, R. G.
Beech, W. E.
Baker, A. A.
Batstone, J. L.
Bernard, S. A.
Berry, B.
=Blaber, P.=
Bonner, H.
Boyd, W. H.
Brattle, D. B.
Bromiley, B.
Brown, A. W.
Bugler, G. E.
Burleigh, T.
Button, C. F.
Boyes, E.
Belch, H. C.
Brewer, H.
Brown, P. W.
Bedford, C. C.
=Bellingham, F. S.=
Beaby, L. W.
Beatty, A. H. W.
Blyton, S. A. R.
Barker, C. N.
Bullock, H. H.
Brooks, L.
=Bower, C. J.=
Batch, H.
Bartram, W.
Boorman, P. L.
=Burnett, J. W.=
Branson, A. J.
=Barlin, G.=
Bluemel, F. W.
=Barnett, H. E.=
Butler, T. C.
Barcham, H. S.
Blurton, G.
=Bolton, F. R.=
Bolton, P. C.
Brockman, G. R.
Bryer, W. C.
Brilliant, N. M.
Bentley, J. T.
Burgess, G. B.
=Bowden, P. E.=
Best, E. A.
Brown, J. W.
Baden, L.
=Bradley, A. W.=
Bolton, A. H.
Barnes, C.
Barnes, G. E.
Born, J.
Black, W. A.
Bowden, C.
Benstead, L.
Brown, E. W.
Bell, D. C.
Bowyer, G. H.
=Burtt, J. R.=
=Barrett, A. H.=
Bayley, J. R.
Bonner, A. H.
Boorer, G. S.
Blackmore, F. R.
Baker, A. V.
Ball, J. T.
Bird, H. W. J.
Boxall, E. E.
Batchelor, A. E.
Bush, R. V. A.
Bryant, F.
Backshall, F. J.
Bryant, S. J.
Brock, L.
Brown, E. C.
Blyth, C. R.
Bishop, W. J.
Butcher, L. C.
Batsford, E. W.
Bradford, W.
Brown, G. B.
Butler, C. W.
Bradshaw, D. B.
Braybrooke, F. N.
Byng, R. F.
Burt, A. G. L.
Bishop, S. W.
Brennan, C. J.
Brown, J. W.
Ball, H.
Brown, F.
Baker, T. W.
Bassett, C. E.
Benham, J. C.
=Bowers, F. M.=
Burningham, L. A.
Brown, E. P.
Bell, A. F.
=Babington, H. W.=
Buxton, E. A.
Bone, F.
Burgess, F. G.
Bathurst, W.
Bentley, E. C.
Barham, W. S.
Barlex, M.
Bell, A. C. F.
Burgess, H. A.
Butcher, S. H.
Byne, G. C.
Billinghurst, J. H.
Bolding, A. S.
Bachell, T. T.
Baker, A. J.
Baker, E. H.
Bassett, G. A.
Beckett, P. W.
Bradfield, W. A.
=Brightwell, J. H.=
=Brockwell, A. A. T.=
Ball, H. F.
Biggs, E. S.
Blackwell, H. J.
Brown, H. J.
Berkshire, W. G.
=Baker, S. H.=
Barnes, L. F.
Brooks, L. G.
Brewer, J. O.
Barnes, R. J.
Beer, B. C.
Bennett, W.
=Bickmore, P.=
Bonfield, S. M. C.
Borland, R.
Borrie, C. E.
Bowman, V. A.
=Brown, A. V.=
=Burwood, W. R.=
=Bell, F. D. L.=
Braithwaite, F. L.
Bray, L. L.
Beecham, E. J.
Berry, G. F.
Bennett, F. E.
Brown, S. A.
Boss, W. R.
Bowen, W. A.
Browning, F. E.
Bedford, H. G.
Bassham, C. D.
Brewer, W. J.
Burden, J. E.
Burroughs, C. H.
Bartlett, C. F.
Brown, F. G.
Bennett, F. M.
Biddle, J. L. P.
Bower, T. H.
=Brooker, B.=
=Burr, W.=
Bradford, M. E.
Brookhouse, W.
Baxter, W. C.
Bush, E. A.
=Browne, A. L.=
Beer, C. M.
Banyard, H. W.
Baker, A. K.
Beagent, S. H.
=Bridges, A. W.=
Banyard, P. C.
Bouckley, J. A.
Browne, H. O.
Bourne, C. A.
Boseley, H. W. D.
Brown, A.
Bigg, J. B.
Barrow, A. W.
Bailey, C. F.
Barlow, R.
Ballam, F. G.
Bright, T.
=Brooks, E. T.=
Bailey, A.
Bishop, W. E.
Burns, E.
Butcher, C. G.
=Barber, H. L.=
=Bruce, A. V.=
Bush, L. E.
Brown, J.
Bradley, H. P.
=Breary, C.=
Bruns, A. G. V.
=Benjamin, J. R.=
=Brookes, H.=
Bosworth, H. V.
=Burke, M. L.=
Bourner, H. G.
Burdock, C. N.
Bovington, W. J.
Burdock, H.
Bright, G. W.
Brooks, E. A.
=Breed, R.=
Billingham, F. A.
Beaney, E. W.
=Blanks, J. W.=
Bacon, P. E.
Barton, H.
Bettison, C. F.
=Bazil, W.=
Brakespear, E. H.
Brighton, S.
Broomfield, R. A.
Bull, G. F.
Bareham, S. V. F.
Baxter, L. F.
Brant, F. T.
Bryant, H.
Bennett, L. J.
Barton, E. C.
Bates, T. B.
Bridges, W. H.
Brooker, H. G.
Bullemore, H.
Bryant, D. E.
Baizley, J. M.
Bolton, F. W.
=Bargery, H. W.=
Briggs, H.
Baker, W. J.
Brown, F. J.
Bush, E. L.
Baker, A. D.
=Baldwin, W. E.=
Ballands, J. H.
Bines, F.
Black, T. G.
Bowers, A. S.
Braithwaite, P. H.
Brockway, W. H.
=Browning, S. L.=
Burn, P. D.
Banfield, A. H.
Blackmore, A. W.
Barnett, W. J.
Bannister, F. F.
Benwell, W. L.
Beer, G. L.
Blanchard, A. C. D.
Bonnett, E. J.
Budd, R. L.
=Backhauser, H. F.=
Batson, F. J.
Bothamley, P.
Badcock, H. C.
Bowerman, C. E.
=Bullock, C. F.=
=Bass, R. J. V.=
=Bear, C. A.=
=Baker, F.=
=Bolger, W. J.=
Burdett, W. C.
Brown, T. P.
Belville, F. A.
Baird, G.
=Baird, J.=
Burgis, E.
Butler, J. F.
Bell, H. S.
Benton, H. B.
Bilby, W. H.
Beard, W. H. G.
Byford, A. H.
Barnicott, R. S.
Brown, A. S.
Bolland, S. P.
Bascomb, R. Mc. K.
Batchelor, R. O. F.
=Breckon, H. W.=
Brown, A. L.
Birdsall, H. W.
=Buser, R. L.=
=Baldwin, E.=
Bynoe, C. C.
=Brown, R.=
=Beddis, F. J.=
Brown, R. A.
Barker, H. A.
Brownbridge, H. E.
Booth, A.
Brown, F. J.
Bell, W. G.
Buckley, J.
Butcher, A.
Briggs, R. Mc.C.
Baylis, H.
Barker, G.
Byatt, G. W.
Bourne, W. H.
Bastable, W.
Byfield, J.
Bond, F.
Bransgrove, C. W.
Bayliss, T. A.
Barratt, J.
Bolton, S.
Bruce, J.
Bailett, E. M.
Buston, J. J.
Buck, H. S.
Baker, F. C.
Bullock, A. M.
Belcher, F. C. L.
Bradbury, A. T.
Bussy, P. M.
=Bamforth, T. S.=
Barrett, A.
Blair, W.
Bryant, A.
Burt, L. G.
Bainbrigge, H.
Boyes, A. J.
Browne, W. G. H.
Bradshaw, A.
Balser, J. F.
Butcher, F. H.
=Barrow, R.=
Box, T. R.
=Brackell, H. S.=
Burridge, G. T. J.
Bambrick, W.
Bryett, E. H.
Birkin, H.
Best, C.
Brock, W. C.
Beyer, T. E.
Breckhill, J.
Blackeboy, C. F.
Bloy, A.
Burroughs, W. T.
Baker, F. L.
Burrell, J. H.
Burton, W. T.
Betteridge, E. L.
Blackhall, A. H.
=Brydon, W.=
Bell, R. D.
Brant, W.
Boydell, J.
Burt, W. H.
Beverley, A. G. B.
Bailey, C. E.
Blackmore, G. H.
Baker, H.
Barnes, T. P.
Byford, G. W.
Burton, A. J.
Boreham, W. J.
Barnes, H. B.
Burleigh, W. F.
=Barnard, A. H. B.=
=Braithwaite, E. C.=
Burgess, A. J.
Blee, P. G.
Bigden, J. E.
Brodbeck, E. C.
Burne, O. O. C.
Barber, F.
Billings, W. A.
Buck, W. I.
Beckwith, E. R.
Barry, T.
Baker, C. R. T.
Back, A. A.
Burrowes, R. H.
Brookes, P. D.
Benstead, A. R.
Boughton, E. G.
Barrett, F.
Bishop, W. T.
Beharrell, R. C.
Barrett, E.
Byatt, C. R.
Brown, A.
Banks, E. J.
Bailey, J. B.
Beadle, A. J.
Bates, G. A.
Blacklee, J. H.
Brooks, C. E.
Bennett, J. R.
Berry, P. H.
Brotherston, G. J.
Brooker, H. E.
=Banyard, L. A.=
Barnfather, J. D.
Benford, W. D.
Beck, R. F.
Baxter, F. C.
Brangwin, L. U. L.
Blanchard, F. O.
Barron, W.
Bartlett, A. P.
=Batstone, T. W.=
Beard, E. J.
Berry, W.
Bewers, T. R.
=Bolton, F. V.=
=Bolton, G. A.=
Bristow, J. W.
Brown, L.
Brown, A. G.
Browning, J.
Bunnell, S. A.
Brent, W. H. S.
Bullen, G. J.
=Beer, A. G.=
Bell, E. G.
Baskerville, W. L.
Buckland, F. B.
=Boulton, A. J.=
Beetleston, H. A.
Brown, A. H.
Brown, W. B.
Balshaw, C. A.
Bugden, W.
Brammall, S. G.
Boyes, W. E.
Boatswain, A.
Barker, G. R.
=Botting, M.=
Bartell, H. C.
Byron, T. H.
=Brunskill, W.=
Barrett, B. A.
Bryard, B. V.
Bartlett, A.
=Bishop, A. A. B.=
Borden, A. G.
Burton, S. G.
Busby, T. W.
Blanks, C. G.
Beaton, L.
Burgess, C. L. E.
=Barnes, F. V.=
Brown, F. J.
Butler, W. H.
Boden, E.
Branch, L. H.
Barrell, A. S.
Bolton, R. E.
Baldock, J. W. R.
Beck, D. R.
Brown, R. A.
=Bracking, E. F.=
Bass, T.
Babington, G. W.
Baldwin, W. J.
Bennett, J. C.
Bott, H. E.
Berg, L. W.
Byrne, P.
Blyth, R. C.
Berg, J. S.
=Bird, C. J.=
Back, B. R.
Boeck, E. F.
Barnett, A.
Bredon, W. V.
=Brittain, R. J.=
Beatley, J.
Brockett, A. J.
=Baker, H. D.=
Buss, H. S.
Bullock, E. J.
Benstead, C. H.
Bennett, J. K.
Brisley, E. C. E.
Bell, H. J.
Bennett, A.
Bishop, B.
Brough, R. F. W.
Burroughs, W. A.
Brickwood, E. W.
Burnell, H. F.
Burge, A. B.
Buger, J. E.
Bridge, H.
=Burgess, A. A.=
=Barnett, G.=
Ballantine, J.
Beckett, P.
Burgess, A. E.
Brooks, H. W.
Britton, J. F.
Barrell, W. G.
Bland, H. C.
Baines, S. V.
Bishop, W. H.
Barrell, H. J.
=Berry, A. O.=
=Birnbaum, M.=
Barnett, J. L.
Bowes, G. R.
Brotherton, E. A.
=Bourne, H. R.=
Brooks, H. E.
Baldwin, S. F.
Bird, W. A.
Barraclough, M. S.
Blackmore, C. H.
Bowyer, A. W. C.
Bolton, H.
Britt, E. J. R.
Beasley, W.
Blanchard, E. G.
Bellamy, H. S.
Barnett, J. T. R.
Beadles, A. W.
Bland, R. B.
Bees, W. E.
=Bell, W.=
Barnes, M.
=Baker, H. T.=
Butler, J.
=Burden, W. F.=
Bates, A.
Burton, H.
Butler, F. H.
=Bates, V. W.=
Bennett, I.
Binks, J. R.
Bradfield, L. F.
Bowing, S. H.
Beauchamp, H. R.
=Bastian, L.=
Brimacombe, R. M.
Bowkett, H. G.
=Bickford, T.=
Buss, T.
=Brown, T.=
Brown, J.
Bantim, A. C.
Bridge, E. W.
Bailey, D. W.
Bailey, J. C.
=Bowler, H. J.=
Bruce, T. A.
Brewster, C. C.
Broom, R. J. W.
Beverstock, F.
Beard, E. G.
Brinton, H. W.
Bennett, P.
Beacham, R. C.
Bryant, L. A.
Barber, C. P.
Butler, S. E.
Bolton, C.
Blatch, E. J.
Barton, P. T.
Barnard, J. T.
Brooks, H. L.
Byles, E. F.
Bailey, J. R.
Blackburn, A.
Bruty, S. D.
Bevis, C. C.
Benison, A. E. A.
Butcher, A.
Beecroft, T. W. H.
Brightman, A. J.
Blackwell, S. G.
Byatt, J. D.
Blake, W. J. H.
Bell, J. J.
Burton, S.
Brennand, A. E.
Bromell, W. H.
Bunn, H.
Bonner, F.
Brock, H. W.
Baldry, S. F. T.
Brewer, W. E.
Bryce, S. G.
Bennett, T. R.
Baines, A. R.
Bracey, B.
Branninger, E. F.
Blackburn, E. E. J.
Bellamy, R. T.
Bennoson, H. P.
Barkus, W. T.
Bennett, K. E.
=Blamire, H.=
Bremner, A.
Bussell, G. R.
Bennett, W. A.
Bradbury, A. M.
Bonner, G. L.
Bull, S. J.
Buggey, A. E.
Barnes, F. S.
Blunsun, E.
Braham, W.
Bartram, C.
Burnett, B. R.
Brunning, E. S.
Berry, G. E.
Brand, A. J.
Bellingham, W. J.
Bishop, H. J.
Bowen, J. G.
Barber, G. P.
Bell, D. Mc.
=Beale, A. G.=
Brown, F.
Baine, A. E.
Burford, G. G.
=Bascombe, R. J.=
Buckley, H.
Burn, G. P.
Brackell, H.
Bushnell, S. V.
=Britain, C. T.=
Barrie, V. P.
Bates, J. N.
Brain, D. O.
Bradley, R. H.
Britton, D. L.
Brothwood, W. C. V.
Blunt, R. H.
=Bowden, H. R.=
=Brock, E. R.=
Bernstein, B.
Brazier, A. G.
=Bowditch, H. F. H.=
Belcher, F. W.
=Bateman, O.=
Bence, H. O.
Bennington, L.
Burr, F.
Brill, P. E.
Bosworth, A. E.
Bowring, H. P.
Bell, E. W.
Bell, A.
Bell, C. W.
Buchan, G. B.
=Barrow, V. F.=
Baker, L. M.
Balmer, G. A. R.
Brown, E. A.
=Blaxland, E. P.=
=Bird, G. E.=
=Barnfather, F.=
Bradshaw, E. B.
Bentham, R. L.
Brown, L. C.
Blunt, F. V.
Bowen, R. G.
Brunskill, M. E.
Batchelor, W. G.
Barnett, C. E.
Barlow, R.
Bailett, E. M.
=Bell, F. C.=
Barnett, G. P.
Boulden, E.
Baker, K. L.
Bennett, E. R.
Beaumont, J. W.
=Buckley, R. S.=
Bernstein, S.
Boldison, G. Y.
Beall, G. E.
Bartlett, G.
=Baker, F. C.=
Banks, W. E.
=Bird, C. D.=
Burnip, C. W.
Barton, C. H.
=Brookes, F. L.=
Bonshor, H.
Barry, W.
Brady, A. S.
=Brown, R. J.=
Brewer, F.
Burrows, T. R.
Bamford, H.
=Brown, T. E.=
Beaney, W. J.
Boniface, R. D.
Bott, H. N.
Barratt, J. E.
Baldwin, H.
Beak, E.
Brown, J. E.
Bull, A. J.
Branthwaite, J,
Burney, O. R.
Bullocke, C. R.
Bennett, C. G.
Beavan, C. S.
Billingham, E. H.
Billing, F. J.
Beckley, E. R.
Byrne, R.
Baigent, F. W.
Brockington, F.
Brook, A. E.
Beckett, J.
Biggs, E. N.
Billett, C. G.
Bembridge, R. H.
Baughan, E. A.
Bennett, W. G.
Box, H. T.
Barenty, J. L.
Brookman, W. H.
Brown, H. W.
Bidgood, S.
Bell, E. L.
Brown, S. W.
=Buckley, T.=
Bayne, E. S.
Burton, W. H.
Brown, A. A.
Baynes, J. E. L.
Best, S. G.
Baldwin, A. F.
Bates, L. S.
Brown, F. E.
Barker, J. G.
=Blake, L. S.=
Burgess, F. S.
Blythe, T. L.
Baker, W. T.
Basson, K.
Beach, W. C.
Baalam, T. H.
Bush, J. A. W.
Burroughs, E. H.
Banks, S. A.
Blunt, J. E.
Beach, S.
=Bates, W.=
Bambrough, A. V.
Booth, H. S.
Baker, B.
Barnard, C. H.
=Buck, A. I.=
Bennett, H. D.
=Botting, R. A.=
Brown, T.
Butler, A. E.
Birch, A. E. S.
Bartholomew, D. A.
Brodie, A. W.
Blackford, F. S. P.
Barker, W. S.
Bandy, E. C.
Beddall, T. R.
Bennett, J. R.
Bunce, O. E.
Beesley, A.
Baskett, E. W.
Bedford, C. A.
Blee, D.
Bull, A. J.
Bulgin, A. H.
Border, H.
Bish, W.
Baker, E. M.
Backshall, G. T.
Bilby, F. J.
Brownbridge, R.
Baker, A. J.
Barton, F. R.
Beesley, C. W.
Berkin, W. W.
Boston, A.
Brandon, E. W.
Buzzo, C. H.
=Baptie, W.=
Beadle, R. S.
Brewster, W. P.
Brown, H. T.
Bull, C. R.
Burford, G. C.
Burnett, A.
Brown, S.
Balkwill, J. H.
Bellingher, J.
Bridgland, T. E.
Bumpstead, A. E.
Busby, A. A.
Brown, W. A. R.
Bailey, W.
Barnes, A. J.
Bartram, F. H.
Bonham, J. A.
Blake, W. G. A.
Brown, E. J.
Bailey, W. H.
Bassett, A. A.
Biggs, F. J.
Bowyer, R. B.
Brookson, E. A. W.
Busby, G. B.
Best, F. H.
Barford, C. R. G.
Bartlett, C. R. W.
Burnett, C. J.
Barker, A. A.
Bunker, E. St. C.
Brock, R. M.
Broad, D.
Brain, W.
Brown, J. H.
Burton, J. C.
Bowring, A.
Bridger, J. H.
Bennett, M. G.
Baker, W. F.
Beddo, B.
Boomer, F.
Brake, F. D.
Barraclough, T.
Bennett, I. R.
Blythe, K. J. R.
Bull, T. W.
Blackmore, C. H.
Blick, W. T.
Bloodworth, P. J.
Burlow, F. G.
Buckle, R. W.
Barber, T. J.
Bennett, H. J.
Bence, W. H.
Bird, C. W.
Baxter, H.
Baker, R. J.
Ball, F. G. W.
Birch, W. A.
Barwell, J.
Bonas, H. J.
Bywater, S.
Baverstock, J.
Bonney, J. A.
Barber, T. S.
Broomhead, R.
Boyl, G. F.
Butland, W. G. R.
Bayliss, E.
Butler, A. E. F.
Bailey, A.
Bourton, F. H.
Beach, W.
Boyce, J.
Boyce, J. W.
Beeny, W. C. G.
Baverstock, H.
Bloomfield, H.
Broad, W. H.
Berrington, W. A.
Biscoe, J.
Bartlett, E. A.
Branch, W.
=Barber, W. H.=
Bott, G. A.
=Buckingham, R. W. P.=
=Burrowes, W. O. B.=
Benjamin, J.
Bennett, C. L.
Bradley, A. F.
Brown, H. H.
Boorman, S. C. M.
Burman, A. R.
Budd, H. G.
Burton, W.
Balls, G. H.
=Bishop, B. A.=
Bond, W. G. S.
Benson, F. W.
Benstead, A. J.
Bartram, T. G. C.
Bearsley, H. E.
=Brown, J. G.=
Barratt, H. H.
Bevan, W. S.
Beard, P. L.
Boon, B. H.
Brooks, T. G.
=Byford, T. W.=
Bish, W.
Burford, F. W.
Bartlett, G. A.
Berry, E.
Bookless, A. W.
Barrett, R. H.
Brooks, T. E.
Burns, T. E.
Beckingham, E. L.
Buick, W.
Baker, D.
Brewster, T. G.
Baron, J.
Brown, E. W. A.
Bush, H. A.
Barringer, A. G.
Bonner, G. R.
Brandon, E.
Brillard, W. D.
Brook, A. E.
Binstead, V. H.
Butler, E. R.
Baker, M. J.
Balm, S. G.
Brockman, J.
Bristow, F. W.
Bave, A. J.
Brown, J. W.
Barker, A. A.
Brown, S. H.
Burton, J. W.
Baxter, B. C.
Bray, C. C.
Bew, F. J.
Billinghurst, R. H. S.
Brock, W. A.
Bowen, T. E.
Bacon, A. G.
Bradbury, W.
Bray, J. A. W.
Burnett, W.
Benest, F. A.
Bennett, R. A.
Bennett, R. A.
Baker, W. M.
Burns, H.
Bartling, G. W. H.
Boome, G. P. B.
Barron, W. A.
Beadle, A. J.
Baker, H. T. G.
Beere, J. H.
Brown, F. J.
Battman, A. E.
Blackwell, F. A.
Bramley, A.
Bullchambers, A. H.
Butler, M.
Black, J. A.
Bishop, E.
Bradley, R. V.
C
Church, T. O.
Champness, A.
Clifford, W. H.
Callie, G.
Cox, A. R. H.
=Chick, T. P.=
Crane, W. F.
Croal, B. V.
Cave, A. J.
Cork, F. T.
Charles, M. E.
Carbery, H. T.
Chick, E. R.
Cook, A. J.
Cheale, H. J.
Carr, L. O.
Cottrell, T. A.
Crews, E. K.
Caiger, P. T.
Cuthbert, R. P.
Chater, J. T.
Cave, R. G.
Clark, T. H. E.
Cornwell, P. D.
Carpenter, H. F.
Cory, C. H.
Cheale, A. W.
=Coker, F. G.=
Callagham, J. F.
Clark, F. A.
Cronin, J. F.
Carlile, R. W.
Cartman, J. V.
Crawley, C. W.
Chapman, L. J.
Curtis, A. H.
Chinn, C. G.
Cook, R. A.
Carson, W. A.
Cogman, W. E.
Cansdale, C.
Clinkscales, A. B.
=Clive, W. G.=
Creswell, A. T.
Coleman, B. C.
Carlisle, P.
=Chapman, B. M.=
Callinson, H. J.
Collerette, F.
Cullington, M. W.
Cartnell, T.
Clapp, M. F.
Clark, D.
Clulow, F. R.
Churchill, H. B.
Coster, G. H.
=Crockett, E. G.=
Clarke, J. E.
=Chapman, D. P.=
=Collins, A. T.=
Clark, A. W. H.
Childs, C. L.
Criswick, W. G.
=Clarke, H.=
Covey, C. E. H.
Carpenter, J. E.
=Christie, J. G. D.=
Clark, R. E.
=Carpenter, A. J.=
Cherry, A. D.
Cottam, C. J.
Clarke, W. D.
Clay, R. H.
Carroll, F.
Chatterton, W. O.
Craig, W. H.
Cook, C.
Cramp, J.
Church, R. H.
=Cousal, W.=
Cheesman, R. C.
Creber, W. M.
Cook, D. W.
Cook, E. J.
Collyer, L. F.
=Comber, J.=
Colven, W. A.
Cooke, H. A.
Cobb, T. G. H.
Chalmers, R.
Collingburn, J.
Curtis, B. L.
Curtis, A.
Clarke, J. F.
Connold, E.
Cox, R. W. T.
Collison, T. A.
Clements, S. L.
Catchpole, T. P.
Croydon, F. E.
Christy, F.
Cowell, W. E.
Carey, H. E.
Colson, F. J.
Cox, S. W. C.
=Chalmers, J. C.=
Cahill, A. E.
Covey, W. S. J.
Coles, D. J. R.
Colsey, G. R.
Clarke, R. F.
Cain, W. F.
Calcutt, J. S.
Chudney, G. A.
Clarke, W. R.
Clift, W. R.
Cope, P. R.
=Copeland, G.=
Curd, C. W.
Carrdus, T. L. V.
Chadfield, J. M.
Christie, W.
Crawshaw, N. E.
Crosbie, R. P.
Coniam, G.
Cronin, J. M.
Cudmore, A. W.
Charlton, G. H.
Clayton, L. J.
Cook, A. G.
Copin, F. C.
Coward, F. A.
Crombie, A. D.
Cruiks, W.
Currie, J. A.
Clarke, R. H.
Clemans, H. C.
=Coleman, P. V.=
Cooke, E.
Cooper, P. V.
Coulson, J. A.
Clark, G. D.
=Cornwell, A. G.=
Cartwright, L. J.
Champeny, C. B.
Chapman, A.
Coe, H. F. J.
Crombie, C. H.
Croydon, A. D.
Chalke, J. E.
Cousens, L. F.
Carter, A. H.
Cossins, W. J.
Coward, D. C.
Carroll, H. E.
Chapman, S.
Collins, J. E.
Cox, R. E.
Cooper, F.
Coates, J. C.
Clarke, W.
Cecil, H. W.
Clarke, F. A.
Clarke, R.
Carroll, P. J.
Curtis, H. S.
Connor, E. C. G.
Crooks, W. E.
Connolly, W. P.
Carr, D.
Chibbett, L. J. S.
Childs, D. R.
Clarkson, E. A.
Cook, C. J.
Cook, W. L. G.
Clarke, A. E.
Cox, C.
Cooley, C. B.
Cockley, C. A.
=Crane, H. H.=
Cross, C. G. O.
=Cullingford, L. S.=
Charge, R. O.
=Claridge, C. M.=
Cockram, A. F.
=Crocombe, S.=
=Crawfurd, A. J.=
=Curtis, W. S.=
Charlton, W. C.
Colverd, T. H.
Cooper, H. G.
Chisholm, K. D.
Cooper, C. E.
Chapman, H. H.
Clark, J. P.
Calthrop, J. L.
Caswell, G. E.
Crossley, W. G.
=Coakeley, N. F.=
Compton, F. C. H.
Crabb, P. R. L.
Couldrey, S. D.
Chapman, F. M.
Critchinson, C. F.
Cassidy, J. J. F.
Cornell, W.
Church, S. R.
Ching, A. J.
=Curry, H. J. R.=
Coxon, F. W.
Coombs, A. A.
Costen, W. H.
Carmen, H. M.
Codd, A. E.
Carter, C. H.
Cade, F. G.
Coleman, A. W.
Clark, E. J. A.
Coulthard, R.
Colson, H.
Castell, E. C.
Coakeley, B. A.
Costa, R.
Crowe, F. A.
Cook, W.
Coughty, F. W.
Croker, L. H.
Copeland, F.
Chalk, A.
Cock, E.
Cole, G. H.
Clarke, H. J.
Curtis, J. T.
Clarke, W. G.
Cooper, A.
Christey, W. T.
=Cox, H. T.=
Chadwick, R. F.
=Chambers, W. A.=
Cutts, E. T.
Carter, A. J. E.
=Capell, R. W. H.=
Copp, F. A.
Ching, H. J.
Curry, H. J. R.
Collister, D. W.
Carpenter, A.
Carpenter, G. D.
Cast, C. E.
=Cole, G. E.=
=Coster, J. A.=
Crabb, S. J.
Crosby, H. C.
=Cherry, K. C.=
=Cleary, M.=
Couchman, J. A.
Carey, A. E.
Combe, H. R.
Cook, A. W.
=Coit, E. C. D.=
=Critchley, G.=
Cossins, A. L.
Cook, E. K.
Counsell, F. E.
Cubitt, D. F.
Churchill, E.
Cutmore, H.
=Calder, W. O.=
Callender, R. T.
Chambers, F. R.
=Cooper, W. A.=
=Coppack, F. V.=
Carpenter, A.
Clancy, A.
=Clifton, E. J.=
=Cobbledick, T.=
=Corne, A. C.=
=Crampton, W.=
Carter, H. E.
Clarke, O.
Cox, J. J.
Cronin, J. P.
Care, J. S.
Clarke, A.
Clements, E. F.
=Cowling, C. F.=
Carter, S.
=Chadler, E. R.=
Chapman, H. E.
Clement, H. C.
Cordy, P. J.
Clayton, P. H.
Craven, J. E.
Counter, F. G.
Cooks, A. V.
=Copsey, F. M.=
Capleton, A.
Chance, J. J.
Callop, L.
Curtis, A. C.
Chalker, W. T. S.
Carrick, M. W.
Campbell, J. E. S.
Cubison, E. M.
Carey, S.
=Cross, T.=
Carter, A. J.
Couch, H. C.
Carter, L. F.
Carrington, J. H.
Curtis, H. J.
=Campbell, H. J.=
Currie, A. H. C.
Cooper, G. H.
Collar, F. F.
Carnaghan, J.
=Couchman, A. G.=
Child, H.
=Chave, R. G.=
=Comber, W.=
Crawford, C.
Collings, F. C.
=Clark, H. W.=
Chamberlain, V. W.
Collins, J.
Curd, R.
Cole, H. C.
Cooley, J. W.
=Cracknell, E. E.=
Cracknell, H. P.
Cracknell, W. H.
Clayton, L. W.
Carrott, L. H. G.
=Clark, C.=
Chatburn, R. W.
Colbert, F. G.
=Cossins, E. H.=
Condell, F.
Cruise, L. R.
Champress, A. W.
Chambers, H. G.
Chapman, F.
Cooper, F.
Cook, J. E.
=Cozens, J. G. C.=
Cranfield, A. C.
Crayford, J. W.
=Cross, H. A.=
=Colgate, A. W.=
Cole, A.
=Chenery, E. C.=
=Cawley, F. E. J.=
=Corish, P. J.=
Cruwys, E. E.
Collip, E. G.
Cutting, R. A.
Champion, W. G.
Clare, F.
Chesterfield, D.
Clark, R. M.
Cleaver, T. G.
Cornell, J. E.
Cooper, G.
=Cawley, A. V.=
Capon, C.
Claridge, H. C.
Cook, B.
Cooper, F.
Cox. W. M.
Cassidy, P. J.
Caswell, L. C.
Clarke, E.
Clifton, C. L.
Cobbett, A. H.
Croll, J. C.
Crowhurst, C. S.
Clifton, C. W. H.
Collyer, L. F.
Casey, G.
Chubb, L.
Collins, H. A.
=Cowherd, S. C.=
=Connett, H.=
Cornelius, C. L.
Cornell, T. W. B.
Collings, J. H.
Cothall, V. W.
Costerton, F. R.
Chapman, P. W.
Chaplin, S.M.
=Clark, W. R.=
=Conzina, A.=
Copestake, V. H.
=Cawdell, S. S.=
=Cunnane, M.=
Caldicott, B. S.
Cansdale, T. D.
Collings, R. H. H.
Clare, A. L.
Carter, P. A.
Cattermole, W. R.
Cleeland, J.
Challis, F. H.
Collins, P. W.
Corbin, G. S.
Clemmit, W. B.
Corps, R. W.
=Camrass, E.=
Cunningham, A. R.
Croall, W. A.
Chambers, F. A.
=Chandler, A. E.=
Curtis, E. E.
Cornish, A. W.
=Cronin, G. P.=
Cutting, R.
Carter-Brown, E. A. R.
=Clift, T. V.=
Coote, P. C.
Clark, W. E. L.
Cormack, J. S.
Clarke, H. G.
Chudleigh, R. M.
Cox, E. J.
Clover, R. V.
Carter, A. R.
Cox, H.
Chandler, P.
Cox, J. H.
Claydon, T. A.
Cooper, G.
Carby, B. H. C.
Capon, R. W.
Cowan, J.
Cutchee, R.
Cutchee, H. D.
Cook, H. A.
Caldicott, W. L.
Carter, R.
Common, G. C.
Chapman, J. P. C.
Cook, J.
Callingham, M. T.
Cobb, A. L.
=Cockroft, J. W.=
Cooper, O. W.
Christeson, H. G.
=Cowherd, T. B.=
Cookman, O. L.
=Calder, E. P.=
=Collins, A.=
Charter, P. W.
Cony, J. D.
Clarke, P. E.
Clay, G. W.
Cooke, A. D.
Churchill, H.
Cleaver, V. T.
Cresswell, W. W.
=Cullingford, C. P.=
Clemence, J. A.
Cannon, L. F.
Campbell, C. D.
=Cannell, E. W.=
Chauffourier, W.
Cheeseman, L.
=Cochran, A. K.=
Cox, D. G. S.
Cockrem, W. J. C.
Clarke, S. C.
Chitty, A. G.
=Cook, E. E.=
Cheadle, D. W.
Chilton, J.
=Collins, A. E.=
Curtis, A. R.
Chandler, P S.
Cutts, F.
Coombs, A. W.
=Courtney, H.=
=Corbet, A.=
Chapman, F. E.
Carlile, C. D.
Crane, H. J.
Cohen, R. W.
Conridge, A.
=Cook, W. F.=
Cox, F.
Clark, E. C. B.
Clapton, S. A.
=Cook, W. J.=
=Chessall, A. R. H.=
Campany, V. F.
Cox, H. P. F.
Christey, A.
Coates, J. B.
Cartwright, H.
=Colverd, S. O.=
Clarke, C. F. B.
Cracknell, E. L.
Cross, W. A.
Cook, C. H.
Crosby, J.
Cole, H. S.
Cutmore, R.
Collins, G. S.
Cross, J. C.
Chambers, H.
Cleaver, E. C.
Chambers, A. W.
Chinery, L. E.
=Culling, H. R.=
Cooper, W.
Crosby, R. H.
Cull, W. S.
Crow, F. H.
Carter, F.
Copeman, W.
Corrie, F. D.
Cooling, F.
Crampton, A. W.
Cronin, J. B.
Clements, P. C.
Clarke, F.
Collett, W.
=Cripps, F.=
=Cummings, W. G.=
=Cowan, H. F. H.=
Carter, J.
Carter, W. T.
Clarke, A. G.
=Cudmore, H. V.=
Collins, A. E.
Coombs, E. G.
Cooper, A. W.
Cooper, E. F.
Cowley, F.
Cooper, E. C.
Congdon, R. B.
Clark, R. C.
Cartwright, A. W. J.
Cohen, A.
Chase, P.
=Cook, F. S.=
Cook, W. J.
Curt, H.
Cole, V.
=Colton, F. W.=
Carr, T. F. W.
Catchpole, G. W.
Chamberlain, J. R. W.
Cowling, E. J.
Carey, A. E.
Croxford, G. E. H.
Coleman, W. H. C.
Carter, W. S.
Claxton, W. H.
Coleman, W. G.
Cleaver, A. E.
Cozens, F. H.
Clanfield, H.
Cook, A. J.
Culham, A. A.
Clark, E. M.
=Critchfield, W.=
Cording, S. G.
Collins, L. S.
=Cooke, E. E.=
Cox, A. T.
Costella, A.
=Catellino, M. J. V.=
Coxall, D.
Cairns, B.
Court, G.
Cole, J. L.
Campin, W. C.
=Cartwright, R. S.=
Copping, W. F.
Cooke, J. G.
Cannar, R.
Chalmers, J. R.
Cantelo, J. W.
Clark, F. G. H.
Craske, R. L.
Cox, L. M.
Clipstein, H. H.
Childs, E. W.
Crosby, E. A.
Clarke, T. D.
Came, A.
Cullingford, G. F.
Collins, A. C.
Curram, E. J.
Colyer, W. E. F.
Clay, J. W. L.
Chipperfield, G. J.
Calvesbert, J. A.
Collings, J.
Clarke, L.
Cocoran, E.
Carter, A. R.
Cayless, R. W.
Cowburn, J.
Chambers, C. E.
Cross, W. D.
Case, R. H. W.
Crouch, G.
Cohen, L.
Carpenter, W.
=Carroll, G. G.=
Cordery, T.
Coster, F.
Cooper, A. J.
Cooter, V. C.
Clayton, J.
Candlish, A.
Couchman, A.
Clayton, H.
Cousins, H. W.
Cooling, H. F.
Cooper, E.
=Coomber, F. C.=
Cheek, R. S. K.
Chapman, C. G.
Conder, F. A.
Chamberlain, W. H.
Chapman, R. W.
=Clarke, F. L.=
=Crook, J. B.=
Carline, F. G.
=Chaplin, C. H.=
Clark, E. S.
Chapman, T.
Couridge, A. G.
Costa, A.
=Cook, G. F.=
Collier, J. J.
Congdon, J. C.
Cornell, E. G.
Charnock, F. B.
Clipstone, E.
Clayton, H.
Crew, M.
=Chalker, E. G.=
Cowling, A.
Clayton, W. J.
Claridge, R. A. A.
Cook, R. C.
Chapman, G. F.
Currie, K. M.
Currie, A. E.
Cove, W. J.
Curtis, B.
Cuttell, R. A.
=Croyden, C. H. J.=
Caweth, S. H.
Carpenter, E. E.
=Cowden, P. A.=
Cantelo, H. R.
Cousins, E. E.
Cozens, E. R.
Cheer, A.
Cox, F. E.
Capel, G. H.
Campbell, M.
Cowley, E. W.
Cusden, G. H.
Coote, H. H.
Cherrie, L. W.
Curran, W. J.
=Cobbett, C. J.=
Clarke, H. W.
Cope, L. F.
Chamberlain, G. D.
Cornelius, A. E.
Channon, P.
Cookson, W. C.
Coulthard, J.
Cator, B.
Cooper, G.
Colyer, S. H.
Chase, W. P.
=Culling, H. A.=
Cook, F. S.
Cusden, L.
Clulow, E.
Cruickshank, W.
Chapman, W. H.
Coates, G. F.
Cocks, R. B.
=Collingwood, C. H. M.=
Courage, J. R.
Calvert, M.O.
Camp, W. R.
Chapman, W. W.
Corney, J.
Currier, S. W.
Commens, W. H.
Costa, J.
=Chittock, C. H.=
Clowes, H.
Casson, H.
Cumberbirch, J.
Chirney, L. E.
Campin, E. J.
Clapham, J.
Cocks, L. H.
Crane, W. S. G.
Collins, D. R.
Couzens, F. W.
Cornford, C. F.
Cunningham, R. H.
Colebrook, G.
Clayton, H. H.
=Capewell, H.=
Chidgey, A. H.
Cox, F. J.
Champ, W. H.
Copeland, R. T.
Cartwright, A.
Chapman, F. R.
Cameron, W.
Clay, H. S.
Collingburn, J.
Crompton, D. R.
Costley, G. R.
Chadd, G. T.
Chambers, W. H.
Collins, R. P.
Cusdin, H. R.
Clayton, F.
Coates, H.
=Clarke, R.=
Coleman, E. A.
Chapman, C. A.
Coldicott, B. S.
Cook, F. T.
Cornish, H. P.
Cox, T.
Clark, H.
Chandler, A. E.
Cleary, J. P.
Curram, J. T.
Clarke, S. A.
Cain, W. E.
Chance, J. A.
Corble, H. F.
Carter, S. T.
Cooke, A. J.
Colvin, L. T.
Cook, D. H.
Cormack, W. H.
Cook, H. F.
Cane, M. H.
Cuthbert, L. A.
Comber, J. S. W.
Chapman, E. W.
Cubitt, H. A. H.
Court, W. D.
Carter, A. F.
Case, C. H.
Christie, G. S.
Custerson, E.
Coleman, L. S.
Cattell, W. F.
Collin, W. R.
=Cansick, C. W.=
Cashen, J. J.
Church, T. L.
Crudge, P. J.
Craven, H.
Caulder, H. J.
Cohen, I. W.
Church, D. H.
Chadney, H. T. H.
Clay, A. A.
Church, L. E.
Clarke, W. G. F.
Constable, A. M.
Collings, W.
Chilton, P. J.
Cox, J. C. W.
Capel, J. E.
Chapman, R. A.
Chorley, W. S.
Clarke, F. C.
Crouch, A. E.
Campbell, C. W. V.
Corey, F.
Carpenter, W. T.
Collier, C. K. S.
Castigon, D. W.
Coleman, H.
Chapman, G.
Cherrington, A.
Collyer, A. E.
Craven, R.
Crawley, A. E.
Crisford, W. S.
Cambray, J. F. H.
Christie, G. R. R.
Cornish, W. J.
Courcha, W.
Calf, P. W.
Carpenter, J. L.
Chesters, C. F.
Crookall, H.
Curman, D. A. A.
Came, F. J.
Clifford, A.
Clouting, F. E.
Coulter, B.
Croydon, E. C.
Creedy, H. J.
Cox, H. W.
Crookes, W. G.
Cooper, A.
Child, H. C.
Clarke, E. G.
Cameron, C. J.
Crawford, A.
Cozier, H. D.
Chalmers, D.
Clark, H. E.
Chambers, J. E.
Cook, G.
Coles, W. V.
Cobham, G. E.
Cox, E. E.
Clarke, A. G. C.
Cox, R. G.
Clisby, C. F.
Carter, G. E.
Crabtree, L.
Cross, V.
Coe, W. B.
Carlton, R. P.
Chapman, F. W.
Chadwick, C.
Cockett, B. G. R.
Cutts, E. G.
Collier, J. E.
Carley, J. T.
Cook, J.
Crews, H. E.
Carr, A. C.
Catherick, W.
Clark, W. T.
Coles, G.
Costick, A. E.
Cowderoy, T. C.
=Cowley, E. W.=
Cheevley, E. W.
Cumming, W.
Clarke, J.
Chadwick, L. W.
Conisbee, J.
Chadley, J. H.
Ciani, A.
Cook, W. E.
Crosby, G. H.
Cutter, J. E.
Cockburn, T. B.
=Clarke, E. V. H.=
Cave, P. S.
Cutcher, T.
Connolly, P.
Cooper, T. J.
Cullimore, T. H.
Coker, E. F.
Cavo, H. J.
Carr, T.
Chalmers, A. P.
Childs, G. W. C.
Churchard, P. W.
Cross, T. H.
Conyard, S. W. H.
Cepley, H.
Cheeseman, T. W.
Cole, W. R.
Cross, T. F.
Carter, F. C.
Cleary, T. M. A.
Crooks, L. R. A.
Chipling, J. M. D.
Crome, G. A.
Carr, M. R.
Coombs, G. A.
Curran, J. S.
Calestrerne, H.
Cottee, L. E.
Cousens, L. F.
Clarke, H. E.
Claridge, G. F.
Clark, H.
=Crawley, C. G. G.=
Colson, H. A.
Cuming, L. C.
D
Davenport, P.
Doubleday, C. E.
Dye, W. A.
=Dodge, T. W. M.=
Darby, J. F.
=Davison, W. R.=
Dobrantz, A. G.
Dolbear, F. H.
Dealler, F. E.
Davies, W. L.
=Dawe, T. G.=
Dicks, J.
Dibben, R. H.
Davis, L. S.
Dines, P. J. F.
Dartnell, A. G.
=Dawe, F. W. H.=
Damer, F. A.
Douglas, L. S.
Davison, E.
Denber, A. J. C.
Davidson, A. S.
Dodds, A.
Davy, C. H.
Dodd, E. E.
Dunne, M.
Dodge, A. A.
Davies, L.
=Davis, A. H.=
Dowton, F. H.
=Day, T. W.=
=Druett, L. H.=
Diplock, A. B.
=Darnton, F. H.=
Dabbs, S. E.
Dorken, H. G.
Dornan, A. B.
Diggins, H.
Dodds, M. W.
Downie, H. F.
Dawe, A. S.
Dree, W. H. S.
=Dellow, F. E.=
Durrant, W. J.
=Deubert, H. A.=
=Dunning, C.=
Dyer, F. L.
Davis, A. J. E.
Davies, O. M.
Denham, S. T.
Dunkling, T. W. E.
Dary, H. S.
=Derwent, A. H.=
Doherty, J. W.
=Drinkwater, C. E. H.=
Drury, A. L.
Dunkley, H. L.
Dance, F. J.
Dickson, E. W. A.
Donan, P. V.
Dunkley, R. W.
Dyer, P. R.
Davis, S. C.
=De-Courcy, H. B.=
Denby, A. H.
Denby, H. S.
Dickson, J. R.
Drayson, J. D.
Dunn, P. G.
=Durrant, G. D.=
Durrant, R. G.
Davis, W. G.
Diesch, R.
Dobson, H.
Dodd, F. J.
Davis, A. G.
Defries, A. E. V.
Davis, W.
Day, C. R.
=Domeney, W. H.=
Duck, S.
Dutton, P. J.
Davies, M.
Downes, B.
Drew, F. J.
Dennett, G. A.
=Davies, A. R.=
Driver, G. L.
Davison, A. B. C.
=Damant, P. J.=
=Davis, F. G.=
Dalby, E. J.
Darlison, E.
Daniell, H. G.
Davie, A. J.
Davies, B. R.
Dawson, V. L.
Dearlove, L. B.
Demment, M. W.
Dixon, W.
Dodd, G. S.
Davies, T. H.
Daniels, W. H.
Davis, H. C.
Deamond, J.
Dodwell, S. S.
Dean, E.
Drane, J. C.
Dobbie, A. F.
=Driver, B. W.=
Dickinson, J. R.
Davey, S.
Daley, P. A.
Dicker, W.
Downey, S. W.
Davies, R. B.
Downing, R. G.
Dod, K. L.
Davidson, J. A.
=Dyer, B. C.=
Denton, G. F.
Davey, F. R.
Denning, T. W.
Drake, A. C.
Davis, H.
Daniels, J. H.
Dafforn, B. J.
Davidson, G.
Dunscombe, H. W.
=Dawson, W. A.=
Dawkins, D. K.
=Da Costa, E. V.=
Davison, W. H.
Dawkins, C.
Dean, S.
Dye, J. D.
Dabbs, H.
Douglas, G.
Dale, A.
Davidson, A. C.
Dennison, A.
Dickson, W.
=Denington, A. S.=
Duggan, A. J. F.
Doughty, M. F.
Dowsett, F. W.
Deller, R. T.
Dewhurst, R.
=Dore, F. A.=
Davies, E. W.
Davey, A. J.
Dredge, H.
Dacey, J.
Daley, C.
Day, L.
DeWardt, F.
Dugard, E. S.
Dunn, L. H. S.
Davidson, T. A.
Dale, A.
Dawkins, H. A.
Donald, A. J.
=Dowdell, H. B.=
Duncan, W.
Davis, E. F.
Dicker, W. R.
Dance, W. R.
=Derrett, F.=
Doggett, A. C.
=Dale, W. G.=
Dyke, A. B.
Drew, C. W. A.
Daley, R.
Down, R. E. V.
Dicks, S. H.
=Deane, F. L.=
=Doody, H. W.=
Doughton, W. C.
Darwall, R.
Deeves, S.
=Davies, S. J. R.=
Dear, H. F.
Dibble, L. F.
Dickinson, C. C.
Dobson, A. R.
Day, S. F.
Dancer, T. S.
Dormer, R.
=Dockett, C. J. F.=
Drew, B. L. N.
Dutton, R.
Davies, B.
Dormann, J. A.
Davies, J. E.
Dickinson, W. E.
Dear, E.
Dowden, W. L.
Day, T. L.
Drury, S. J.
Davey, F. W. G.
=Deem, H. T. S.=
Dale, Y. F. W.
=Dwyer, J.=
Douglas, W. M.
Dobbs, F. W.
Davies, G.
Drucker, E.
=Deeks, C. K.=
Darlow, J. W. E.
Dove, W. A.
Deeves, T.
Digby, P. B.
Davis, L. A.
Dyer, W. E.
Davies, W. S.
Donan, E. B.
Day, E. W.
Davis, W. E.
Drane, S. C.
Dancyger, M.
Dengate, S.
=Darmody, J. F.=
=Dark, V.=
Diss, H. R. G.
Davies, A. O.
=Davies, H. N.=
Doubleday, R. E.
Davis, P. E.
Davis, G. W.
Dunkley, E. L.
Davies, D. G.
Davey, E. B.
Dillow, H. E.
Dodge, F. J.
Davies, W. G.
Devine, L.
Dawes, J. A.
Davies, J. D.
=Dunster, A. L.=
De-Bourcier, H. L.
Dawes, A. H.
Diprose, J. L.
Dring, G.
Dongworth, W. H.
Davies, F. R.
=Dibley, J. J.=
Donnelley, W. L.
Dawn, H. G.
Davis, H. G.
Darbourne, F. P.
=Davies, W. N.=
Dilrew, F.
Dummer, J. M.
Dawson, G. C.
Dilley, P. D.
Davies, W. A. J.
Denchars, H. J.
Denby, J.
Dewhurst, R. S.
Druitt, N. V.
Dowler, H.
Deane, G. L.
Doughty, J.
Deasy, T.
Davis, C. A.
Doughty, H. G.
Dutchett, W. R.
=Durbridge, J. T. P.=
Dales, N. L.
Dixon, J. W. S.
=Downie, W.=
Dredge, A. E.
=Davies, J.=
Dewdney, F.
Donall, A. D.
=Dunford, A.=
Dawson, W. V.
=Dunn, R. V.=
=Durrant, R. A.=
=Dewar, A. W. D.=
Duke, D. D.
Derbyshire, G. B.
Davy, A. G.
Down, P. G.
Davies, H. H.
Dale, W. T.
Day, F. H.
Dell, A.
Daniel, H.
Dormer, H. J.
Dobbs, D. O.
Darvill, F. D.
Dickens, J.
Diamond, R. McG.
Dallas, D. N.
Downes, D. W.
Doubleday, C. W.
Dyer, H.
=Duffield, H. A.=
=Davis, J.=
Dann, P.
Dopson, A. C.
Deavin, H. C.
Dantzig, D.
Davis, H. C.
Durham, C. W.
Davies, E. L.
Dickson, R.
Dresser, T. K.
Davis, A.
Dudman, L.
Drury, C. E.
=Deeley, F.=
Durrant, R. G.
Driver, R. J.
=Dale, W. E.=
Day, G. S.
Davis, J. F.
Davies, D. L.
Dolder, A. A.
Dyson, S. G.
Dickens, H. T.
Dorn, E. H.
Dorman, P. M.
Davison, R. W.
Dunn, A. J.
Doble, H. G.
Dorey, S.
Dykes, H. J.
Doidge, W. J.
Dilloway, C. A.
Dove, J. A.
=Dean, W. A.=
Dyer, C. H.
=Dawson, F. W.=
De-Wael, W. R.
Davison, H. J.
Davies, E. G.
Dadd, L. S.
Dyke, R.
=Davis, H. A.=
Davies, L.
Day, G.
Deane, A. C.
Donkin, C. W.
Doswell, J. A. H.
Denton, H. C.
=Dyer, F. E.=
Davies, R.
=Du Fen, J. P.=
Dickins, G. J.
Doggett, R. G. E.
Day, W. F.
Davies, H. J.
Day, G. W.
Dawes, E.
=Dawson, H.=
Davies, P. H.
Davis, F. E.
Davis, E. N.
Duce, O. A.
=Dunn, F.=
=Druce, H. A.=
Deas, R. J.
Duncan, S. B.
Davies, W. H.
Duffell, S. G.
Dixon, G. E.
Duck, C. J.
Drummond, D.
Davis, C. F.
Dell, J. E. W.
Dellow, E. F. P.
Dewing, C. J.
Davies, J. E.
Davey, T. F.
Duncan, A.
Davies, H. F.
Dixon, W. D.
Dunn, T. L.
Durrant, T. W.
Durrad, W. H.
Donaldson, T.
Dudley, A. F.
Drake, A. S.
=Dell, W. R.=
Dearlove, F. G.
Dowlen, G. W.
Dimelow, S. J.
Dwyer, C. J.
Dawson, F.
Davies, C. S.
Davies, F. G.
Drury, V. J.
Darley, T. W. E.
Dawkes, W. H.
Dukes, H.
Dash, W. C.
Dorn, C. J.
Davies, H. W. G.
Day, A. T.
=Dyke, J. W.=
Dabis, E.
Davies, J. M.
Daldry, S. G.
Davie, H. J.
Davy, P. R.
Davey, P. W.
Drummond, J.
Dawson, V. L.
Deacon, A. C.
Davis, F. W.
Dean, H. L.
Dodgson, F.
Dulin, G. R.
Davies, T.
Durrant, H. W.
Drury, F. H.
Dans, G. G.
Dant, S. H.
Dickinson, A.
Durban, P. A.
Day, C. A.
Dixon, H. E.
Denham, T. E.
Douglas, A. T.
Day, A.
Dennis, S. W.
Davies, F. W.
Dean, A. E.
Daniels, F. J.
Denyer, H. J.
Davies, J. H.
Davies, H. L.
Dickens, F. C.
Dishman, S. K.
Dunton, F. E. W.
Dalby, C. T.
Davies, G. A.
Dyke, F. W.
Drew, A. E.
Doke, E. F.
Down, K. A.
Deaves, A.
D’Eye, E. A.
Donovan, D.
Draper, O. H.
Daniell, E.
Doggett, D. C.
Dunkley, E. T.
Davies, W. H.
Dunnage, F. E.
Dallard, E.
Davies, W.
Draper, A. H.
Day, W.
Deigan, R.
Desmond, T. D.
Duggan, W.
Dickens, C. W.
Dawson, W. O.
Douard, E. L.
Dudman, J. A.
Daw, W. J. E.
Davis, C. T. W.
Donoghue, W. H.
Dorey, W. J.
Dyos, A. J.
Doan, J.
Daivell, A.
Duncan, D. C.
Danson, J. N.
Draper, C. J.
Davies, W.
Dumpleton, E.
Darnell, A.
Dobson, W.
Darby, J. W.
Daynes, G. C.
Dixon, A. J. D.
Dalton, S. H.
Dixon, J.
Driskell, F. G.
Dounes, G. F.
=Dennis, H.=
Dyer, L.
Daniels, H.
E
Evans, T. H.
=Evans, W. K.=
Evans, J. S.
Ellingham, V. E.
Eaton, R. M.
=Eakin, H. S. C.=
Ennis, W. E.
Elkin, P. H.
Evans, F. J.
Everson, W. J.
Evans, E. A.
=Ellis, W. M.=
Everitt, W. G.
Everitt, W. W.
East, A. A.
Edwards, J. H. L.
Evans, D. F.
Eagle, W. E.
Emerson, H. D.
Evans, D. W.
Evans, W. G.
Ellsley, C. W.
Edgill, H. D.
Ewings, H.
Empson, C. W.
=East, B. M.=
Edney, H. E.
Edzley, E. E.
=Edwards, L. M.=
Elwell, C. M.
Elliott, G. H.
=Evans, A. B.=
Evans, E. J.
Evison, H.
Elkington, R. H. H.
Endacott, A. D.
Evans, R. B.
Edwards, H.
Emery, G. R.
Esden, H. A.
=Everett, G. J.=
Emler, H. J.
=Eastop, F. A.=
Edwards, L.
Ellor, H. E.
Elledge, W.
Ellor, J. F.
Eels, P.
Evershed, G. D.
Eagle, N.
Etheridge, E. A.
Ellingham, C.
Edwards, J.
Ellis, E.
Eve, R. M.
Evans, J. L.
Etheridge, J. E. E.
Eaton, C. T.
Earl, G. A.
Essery, E. C.
Evison, E. R.
Evans, E. G.
Eagles, L. G.
Ellicott, B. W.
Edge, H.
Ellerington, H.
Evans, W.
Eccles, L. D.
=Eccleston, J.=
Evans, T. E.
Elliston, A. J.
Eades, C. E.
=Elliott, P. J.=
Ellis, G. W.
East, A.
=Ennis, J.=
Everett, L. A.
Evans, P. G.
=Ellis, J. G.=
Earl, P. A.
Ellwood, W. E.
Edmonds, H. P.
Elliott, G.
Ellis, F.
=Edge, H. W.=
Evans, M. J.
Ellwood, H.
Edmonds, M. W.
Eads, J. R.
Ellum, S.
Edwards, J. H.
Ellingham, E. G.
Enright, A. W.
Edwards, B. C. L.
Eisele, G. S.
Edser, S. C.
English, C.
Every, W.
=Edwards, L. P.=
Ewell, H. L.
Edwards, T. E.
England, W. H.
Elkin, J. T.
Eggers, C. W.
Ellis, A.
=Ellis, S. E. R.=
Edey, E. G.
Evison, C. H.
Everad, D.
Everatt, W.
=Easter, R.=
=Ellis, F. E.=
Ediss, A. C.
Earl, C.
Empson, H. C.
Evans, J. L.
Edmonds, J.
Eickhoff, J. A.
=Evans, E.=
Ellis, E. D.
Evans, F.
=Ensor, W. A.=
=Ede, E. E.=
Elkington, C. J.
=Embery, S. W.=
Eaton, C. F.
Ellis, J. C.
Edwards, R. F. C.
Evans, A. D.
Emery, R. W. J.
Ennor, E. M.
=Elvis, A. H.=
Elliott, E. A.
Edwards, H. J.
Everitt, B.
=Ecroyd, W. C.=
Emary, W.
Edwards, T. B.
Emery, A. T.
Edwards, W. H.
Edwards, W. N.
Ellwood, C.
Edmonds, A. E.
=Emery, R.=
Ellis, A. E.
Ellis, G. B.
Ellery, J. W.
Evans, F. T.
Ebden, W.
Eyears, W. J.
Edgington, A.
Eagle, C. W.
Ellingham, F. H.
Ellis, A.
Ellis, A. J.
=Evans, D.=
Evans, I. J.
Edmondson, H. C.
=Evans, D.=
Evans, F. S.
Ellis, L. F.
Emmett, H. J. L.
English, P. W.
Ewins, T.
Ellery, J. J.
Edwards, W.
Ellis, H. E.
Evans, I. J.
Eames, W. H.
=Edwards, A. C.=
Eades, F. E. A.
Emery, E. G.
Eley, J. R. S.
Evan, S. E.
Ellis, B. L.
Emery, C. H.
Evans, B.
Emm, L. H.
Elliott, S. C.
Eaton, J. W.
=Edwards, E.=
Ednie, D.
Edgerton, A. W.
Entwistle, F.
Ember, E. W.
Evans, W. P.
Enock, E. J.
Elliston, G. E.
Ellis, J.
Ewbank, R. M. G.
Edwards, L.
Evans, F. S.
Evans, C. H.
Ellingham, G. H.
Evans, A. W.
Eager, H. H. P.
Evans, R. J.
Edwards, J. E.
Edwards, F. J.
Eversfield, A. D.
Edwards, H. C.
Evans, W. H.
Evans, E. J.
English, W. K.
Elliott, E. F.
Elliott, L. P.
Elsdon, H. C.
Edwards, J. H.
Eddicott, G.
Edwards, H. A.
Eckitt, R. C.
Elvy, A.
Evans, H. E.
Eason, W. H.
Edwards, G. F.
Edmonds, J. H.
Ewing, G. P.
Elliott, A. S.
Ede, F. J.
Ely, W.
Eyre, J.
Efford, F. S.
Evans, S.
Edwards, W. D.
Eels, J.
Eldridge, C.
Ellicott, W. J.
English, W. F.
Ellison, H.
Emery, C.
Ensoll, H.
Eyles, W. R.
Elgar, S. C.
Eeles, H.
Edwards, G.
Eeles, F. C.
Emmerson, G. F.
Evans, J.
Etheridge, E. J.
Eden, T. C.
Edwards, W. H.
Eaton, W. E.
=England, E.=
Exell, A. S.
Elliott, S. T. G.
Eland, G.
Evans, G.
=Eager, G. L.=
F
Flanagan, F. J.
Fletcher, O. C.
Fryer, C. W.
Fowler, J. G.
Fitzgerald, J. H.
Foster, H. J. B.
Foucard, N. A.
French, E. J.
French, R. H.
Fell, D.
Farrar, G. R.
Fussell, B.
Figgins, A. P.
Forster, F. D.
Feeley, J.
Franklin, R. H.
Foster, H.
Foster, R. S.
Falkingham, J. H.
Fudge, S.
Facon, W. S.
Fearon, C. J.
Farmer, E.
Fabb, A. G.
Fenton, G. W.
Fields, E. C.
Fergusson, W. G.
=Fowler, G. E.=
Fryer, C. W.
Fall, P. J.
Fereday, E. B.
Ficken, G. J.
Fitzgerald, J. H.
Fuller, W. E.
Fenton, W. H.
Flynn, B. C.
Fabian, C. B.
Faulkner, L.
Fearne, H. J.
Fletcher, E.
=Fennell, L. J.=
Fenton, C. L.
=Fereday, L. H.=
Firkins, H. P.
=Ford, C.=
Foster, H. K.
Frost, E. C.
Fraser, J. A.
=Foreman, E. K.=
Fright, S.
=Fearnley, C.=
Fowler, G. E.
Foot, G. B.
Freshwater, H. W.
Forward, H. A.
Funston, H. E.
Field, L. F.
Foster, E. J.
Foster, A. D.
Fowler, W. S.
Fairbairn, G.
Fewings, J. H.
Flynn, F. B.
Forrest, W. W.
=Flook, T. E.=
Fabb, B.
=Fraser, W. S.=
=Flanagan, L.=
Ffoulkes, W. H.
Flood, W. W. G.
Frampton, C.
Fear, W.
Fenson, E. H.
Franks, S. T.
=Freeman, H.=
=Field, J. W.=
Farindon, R.
Fisenden, C. H.
Featherstone, F. W.
Ferrier, W. J.
=Findlow, A.=
Ferry, F. N.
=Farebrother, S. N.=
Fogg, S. H.
Freeman, G.
Fuller, A. F.
Fisher, W. C. J.
French, E. J.
French, H. T.
Finlayson, W. J.
Folds, C. E.
Foster, H. L.
Field, H. H. W.
Finch, F. N.
French, W. H.
Farman, S. L.
=Faulkner, A. L.=
=Fox, D.=
Florant, A. C.
Figgins, H. F.
Funston, L. W.
Farley, W. E.
=Fowler, S. D.=
French, H. J.
Franklin, G. F.
Forth, H.
Finnis, S.
Faulkner, H. H.
Fifield, H.
Finigan, A. L.
Ferris, A. C.
Fear, W.
Facey, W. H.
Fowler, P. G. E.
Freemont, L. T.
Fisher, A.
Fitzsimmons, G. W.
=Flatman, F. C.=
Foster, S. W.
=Freeston, G. B.=
Fareweather, A. C.
Fuller, H. S.
Flewry, G. J.
Fea, C. A.
=Fish, A. R.=
Field, R.
Field, T.
=Fisher, H. C.=
Fothergill, W. H.
Fisher, A. S.
Fry, J. F. B.
Funnell, E. J.
=Fisk, F. A.=
Fish, F. H.
Farden, F. D.
Flight, E. H.
Franklin, F. H.
Fautley, C. C. T.
Franklin, C. L.
Freer, W. B.
Fenning, A. E.
=Faulkner, F.=
Findley, G. E. W.
=Forster, H. W.=
=Fletcher, H. J.=
Farrow, H. J.
Foster, B.
Fletcher, S.
Fossey, H. E.
Fox, F. W.
Fitchett, S.
Felton, C. A.
Freeman, L. G.
Fowlie, W.
Freemantle, G. S.
Fincham, D. I.
French, E. J.
Frencham, S.
Fitt, W.
Ford, W. O.
Fullagar, C. H.
Forth, H. T.
Fenn, G.
Fennell, H.
Ferris, H. W.
Frost, F.
Field, W. J.
Foster, T. G.
Francis, G. W. B.
Finch, E. L.
Fentum, L. C.
Fitz, L. R.
Flanagan, R. C.
Farran, F. C.
Farrow, A.
French, J. H.
Fose, A. T.
Fenner, H. H.
=Ford, F. E.=
Fletcher, T. R.
Farrar, H.
Forder, G. L. N.
Faulkner, C. J.
Friston, E. C.
Fitzgerald, M. G.
Ford, R. A.
Floyd, A. H.
Flowerday, A. J.
Frost, C. R. E.
Foot, W. V.
Foot, T. E. R.
Farrow, A.
=Farrier, J. J.=
Fairweather, P.
Foster, W. M.
Fox, R. W.
=Ferris, R. M.=
Frith, F.
Friend, F. G.
Fowler, H. W.
Francis, A. E.
Franklin, W. H.
Fenn, W. T.
Foulger, T. R.
=Fairservice, H. R.=
Fogg, G. B.
Ferguson, A. J.
Folkard, P. G.
Franklin, N. E.
Faithfull, F. C.
Foot, W. E.
Faulkner, L. A.
=Fifield, T.=
Freezer, T. R.
Firth, C. J.
Flight, G. H. B.
Fuller, D.
Firmage, F. G.
Fowle, F.
Francis, H. E.
Fitt, G. W.
Finch, J. H.
Fowke, L. F.
Farrier, G. T.
Fry, W. C.
Fleming, W. A.
=Freeman, H.=
Findlay, J. A.
Fookes, E. H.
Fergusson, M. C.
Feist, R. J.
Fickling, B.
=Forrest, J. H.=
Fayers, G. C.
Farris, C. T.
Fowler, R. T.
Fulker, B.
Foy, C. P.
Finch, W. E.
Farris, R. H.
Francis, W. J.
Fawcett, J. Y.
Fisher, H. H.
Farquharson, I.
Fletcher, E.
Fairweather, L.
Ford, E. W.
=Fyfe, J. C.=
Fairclough, H. T.
Feldmar, L. T.
Forrest, W. S.
Fletcher, E. S.
Filer, A. J.
Fowles, E. G.
Farrar, A. T.
=Foulds, J. R.=
Fisher, W. L.
Fisher, W. H.
Fenwick, F. W.
Franklin, V. F.
Freeman, H.
Fry, A. E.
Flanagan, W. F.
Fletcher, J.
Foster, E. H.
Foskett, F. C.
=Fenwick, N.=
Fordham, E. R.
Farley, E. A. C.
Fish, J. T.
Flew, W. L.
Farbon, C. R.
Fitz-Rayne, W. A.
Freer, F.
Fraser, G. H.
Fricker, L. J.
French, P. H.
Ford, H. W.
Fenton, C. L.
French, P. H.
Fellows, W. E.
Fisk, A. G.
Foster, J.
=Field, H. E.=
Field, J. W.
Free, A. N.
Flood, H. F.
Fillmore, C. S.
Forster, J. P.
Fairminer, J. L.
=Fereday, A. H.=
Farrell, W. M.
Friend, R. D.
Fillmore, V. G.
Fletcher, J.
Ferrier, F. J.
Fitzgerald, E.
Fenwick, J.
Flaherty, N.
Ford, A. F.
Furness, G.
Fricker, B. J.
Fullerton, L.
Faulkner, R.
Finlayson, W.
Farley, E. R.
Fox, B. R. V.
Farrand, H.
Ford, G. R.
Fox, W. H.
Fox, H. W.
Franklin, H. J.
Fry, J. H.
Faultless, R. H.
Forsgate, R. J.
Friedlander, J.
Fenn, H. L.
Fraser, J. A.
Fincham, H. A.
Furlong, A. J.
Farnden, F.
Farrow, H. J. G.
Favell, W. F. J.
Ford, H. G.
Field, F.
Fathers, F. J.
Ford, F. L.
Floyd, A. H.
Feest, E. P.
Fredman, A.
Forrest, H. A.
Fairhurst, A.
Falcus, J.
Falla, A. W.
Folgate, W. C.
Farrow, S. G.
Field, G.
Fell, G.
Fairbrother, J. W.
Finch, A. E.
Fowler, J.
=Furssedonn, C. E.=
Forman, F.
Frost, H. A.
Fleming, W. A.
G
=Green, A. E.=
Graham, E.
Gardner, W. B.
Gray, F.
Graham, J.
Goodman, G.
Goldston, R. G.
Green, S. A.
Greenwood, W. H.
Godby, A. G.
Gurney, F. A.
Gay, F. W.
Greenless, H.
Goulding, L. J. B.
Gosney, H. S.
Gershon, L.
Green, T. F.
Gattie, B. B.
Green, S. W.
Guiton, M. J.
Grimer, A. T.
Gellatley, S. H.
Gadsby, C. G.
Galloway, J. M.
Grapes, G.
=Greenfield, A.=
Griffiths, W. R.
Gulliford, F. G.
Gillman, A. C.
Gurnell, J. K.
Goodman, E. G.
Goss, E. O.
Gordon, A. A. Mc.
Grammel, W.
Gordon, H. E.
Glass, W. F.
Gurney, F. S.
George, A. J.
Gordon, H. R.
Glen, D. C.
Graham, R. M.
Greensmith, L. C. G.
Gibbons, A. F.
Grover, W. G.
Gulby, H. F.
Gray, C. G.
Graham, J. A. L.
Griffiths, L. W.
Goord, F. G.
Green, G. F.
Gold, H. D.
Gold, R. C.
Garton, R. W.
Glass, S.
Gill, T. M.
Goodwin, L. F.
Grant, L. D.
Garratt, W. B.
Goodman, W. A. H.
Gray, P.
=Gilbert, R. A.=
=Gell, J. B.=
Goodwin, W. R.
Gray, E. O.
Green, C.
Gurney, J.
=Gammidge, L. N.=
Garrett, G. D.
Gefford, R.
=Gordon, J.=
Gower, E. G.
Green, R. G.
=Grugeon, A. S.=
Gray, F.
Goldwater, L. A.
Gregory, T. E. G.
=Gobey, H.=
Gregory, E. W.
Green, C. R.
Godfrey, A. E.
Grosvenor, V. W.
=Gamage, E. F.=
=Gabriel, J.=
Garland, J. V.
Garthwaite, J. K.
Gibbs, C. H.
Gill, W. J.
Goldstein, B.
Greig, T. P.
=Gooding, D.=
Guilford, P. G.
Garner, W. J.
Gray, A. L.
Gray, L. G.
Green, G. G.
Gardiner, J. T.
=Geary, A. J. C.=
Grimble, A.
Gibbs, L. W.
Glennon, F. H.
Grimmer, R.
Geary, E. C.
Graham, F. W. F.
Gunton, B.
Gale, E. C.
Gilbert, E. A.
Garland, H. W.
Gardner, R.
Gibbons, H. V.
Green, W. H.
Gingell, H. S.
Gibbs, W. G.
Griffiths, R. H.
Garratt, T. W.
Gruselle, H. E. J.
Glover, H. N.
Gibbard, W.
Grimsey, P. G.
Godwin, F. W.
=Greenwood, A. E.=
Gander, R. H.
Gilles, F. H.
Green, C. E. H.
Green, F. G.
Gillman, H. E. V.
Grey, A. L.
Grater, S. J.
=Galloway, C. J.=
Gravell, S. G.
Green, A. P.
Grooshky, S.
Gallagher, J.
=Grantham, G. H.=
Gadd, J. D.
Goodwin, A. S.
Gray, W. C. R.
Garrett, F. W.
Goldstein, A.
Graham, J.
=Griffiths, J. H.=
=Goldsmith, G. H.=
Gay, A. H.
Gordan, F. A.
Gozzett, F. C.
Gonnaway, P. A.
Givan, V.
Graham, P.
=Griffiths, F. L.=
Gash, N.
Griffiths, H. J.
Glover, G.
Gilchrist, S.
Gould, P. C.
=Graham, S.=
Gowen, H. S.
Grevatt, G. W. H.
Gluyas, B.
Goatley, W. E.
Grimsley, H. E.
Green, S. A.
Germaine, C. J.
Glithero, C. W.
=Glithero, T. A.=
Galen, J. J.
=Griffiths, J. L.=
Gwyer, F. C.
Goodfellow, H. C. L.
Gray, A. E.
Golding, H.
Grist, W. E.
Gibbons, C. C.
=Geeves, S. L.=
Gilders, L. F.
Giles, G. E.
Glover, H. G.
=Griffiths, T. C.=
Goodleman, S. H.
Gerrard, H. C.
Gibbs, A. E.
Gott, S. E.
Green, A. S.
=Goss, H.=
Gibson, J.
Genlloud, F. D.
Goodwin, S. W.
Goodwin, W. J.
Galway, G. L.
Grey, G. R.
Gurney, G. C.
Gillett, W. A.
Gill, G. H.
Game, T. G. A.
Griffiths, T. L.
Goodman, J. H.
Grayson, H. J.
Godfrey, F. A. J.
Godfrey, H.
Guest, W. J.
Gould, G. F.
Garnham, F.
Grantham, F. E. D.
Giggall, E.
Gunning, C.
Goulding, A. E.
Gibson, C. F. O.
Garside, F.
Greenoak, E.
Goodliffe, R. A.
Gillings, W. H.
Garland, B.
Gibbon, E. N.
Goodwin, F.
Grafton, C. B.
=Gibson, A. H.=
Green, A. E.
Gildersleve, A. E.
Grant, F.
Gumbrell, G. J.
Goode, A. J.
=Greenwood, L. R.=
Goodyear, F. G.
Godfrey, W. F.
Gilbert, A. G.
Geddes, E. H.
Garnett, J. H.
Gayland, P. H.
Gilbert, R. P.
Gibbs, E. W. H.
Green, H. T. E.
Gethin, T.
Grundy, J. A.
Griffiths, E. T.
=Gibson, E. A.=
Garrett, R. A.
Gatenby, G. F.
=Gough, A.=
Gerrish, C.
Grainger, A. A.
=Geddes, D. J. M.=
George, H. W.
Griffiths, R. S.
Glasscock, J. A.
Gosling, H. C.
=Gush, L. J.=
=Garwood, E. H.=
Gason, C. J.
Grist, H.
=Groom, W. H.=
Grylls, C. W.
Gardner, A.
Gruchy, C. R.
Goss, J. H.
Gilbert, A. H.
Grace, G. K.
Graves, P.
Gould, J.
Graves, T. W.
Green, T. A.
Gilbert, W. G.
Guivor, W.
Grout, T. B.
=Groves, L.=
Geater, D.
Garrett, P. H.
=Gaw, W. G.=
Geddes, M. F.
Golding, F.
Green, C. C. B.
Guyton, R. F.
Gilles, F. H.
Goff, P. A.
Goddard, W. F.
Gibbon, J.
Griffiths, G. T.
Griffiths, E.
Gibbs, S. J.
Gibson, H. S.
Glass, F. G.
Graham, A. J.
=Gould, R. H.=
Gogay, A.
Gardiner, L. L.
Gale, F. C.
Gould, W.
Griffin, G. W.
Guildford, G. T.
Green, G. S.
Garrick, E.
=Gaiser, J. E.=
Gilbert, F. W.
Gay, G. A.
Goodman, C. C.
Grady, A. H.
=Gurr, J. H.=
Gates, W. H.
=Gates, A. W.=
Gregory, C. S.
Grout, F.
Galbalby, J.
Golden, W. P.
Grove, G. F.
Gordon, J. H.
Gibbs, H.
Green, A. S.
Gowen, F.
Gardner, E. J. O.
Greenwood, W.
Gale, R. T.
Gwinnell, E. A.
Gunton, R.
Goldman, H. A.
Gray, C. T.
Green, J. M.
Garman, F.
Gunyan, A. C.
Golden, E. J. D.
Glover, F.
Grant, G. H. St. J.
Greenhalgh, S.
=Godber, J. W.=
Gard, F. C.
Gammon, A.
Gardiner, C. F. G.
Gover, T. H.
Grant, S.
Graham, W. F.
Grant, J. A. W.
Goodson, W. E.
=Gibson, R. M.=
Griffiths, L. H. W.
Gubbins, R. P.
Grist, A. V. M.
=Gover, T. J.=
=Grace, F.=
Grimwade, B. S.
Gold, R. F. S.
Green, N. H.
Geaves, C. W.
Gascoigne, G. W.
Gore, W. J.
Gates, H. R.
Godwin, H. L. A.
Graham, E. R.
Greenbury, H. E.
Goswell, O. O.
Girling, J.
Grieve, I. J.
=Golden, E. T.=
=Gunn, J. W.=
Gardiner, A. J.
Gill, W.
Goodway, C. A.
Greaves, C.
Gee, J. C. B.
Girdler, W. C.
Ginger, W. E.
Griffin, O. J.
=Gardner, J. C. B.=
=Greener, J.=
Godfrey, L. C.
Greer, C. J.
=Gilder, A. C.=
Groutage, J. H.
=Gilkes, A. A.=
Gordon, W.
Gore, H.
Gaylor, E. A.
Greener, L. E.
Gillwir, A. W.
Gale, F. A.
Gledhill, E.
Gray, L. S.
=Gallon, E.=
Guest, J. C.
Gilberthorpe, F.
Groves, H.
Golightly, L. G.
Gates, G.
Gleave, W. V.
Grant, G.
Griffiths, J. R.
Gardner, G. A.
Gray, C. W.
=Grady, W. J.=
Galliford, H. J. T.
Gardner, J.
Grierson, J.
Ganby, J. L.
Gruzeiler, P.
Green, C. H. R.
=Galpin, R. G. E.=
Griffin, G. A. J.
Guard, F. B.
Griggs, W. L.
Gooding, H. H.
Goldbourne, A. R.
Gillett, E. L. P.
Gibbs, C. E.
Galpin, L. P.
Goldberg, M.
Green, S. J.
Goodman, A. S.
Grove, F. W.
Gibson, W.
Granville, G. H.
Goadby, H. C.
Goode, A.
Gough, C. T.
Groves, L. G. W.
Gardner, R. J.
Green, L. J.
Grover, H. J.
Godby, W. A.
Gadsdon, L. J.
Graddage, J. A. R.
Griffiths, F.
Gomm, A. H.
Green, W. B.
Goff, W. T.
Germain, C. G.
Gowlett, G. H.
Griffiths, L. E.
Gallehawk, C.
Godbolt, P. J.
Gadd, W. A.
Goodey, E. F.
Price, F. G.
Grover, A.
Gibson, L.
Goss, R. C.
Gowland, J. H.
Gray, T.
Gowan, P. H.
Greenhill, E. R.
Griffiths, A.
Griffiths, J.
Guymer, G.
Garrett, A.
Groves, T. R.
Greenwood, D. W.
Gosnold, W. F.
Gunn, H.
Grace, A. L.
Gower, A. E.
Gifford, L. H.
Grimshaw, R.
Gillett, A.
Gosling, G. J.
Goding, F. G. E.
Gourlay, J.
Gilbert, A. E.
Gummery, J. W.
Godsell, W. H.
Greaves, E.
Gilkes, H. W.
Grayson, W.
Green, J. L.
Green, T.
Gubbins, W. G.
Goodman, S. A.
Goldfinch, A.
Gifford, H.
=Garnham, E. J.=
Goodman, E. E.
Gurney, E. P.
=Garrett, E. A.=
Gunyon, C. C.
Gale, D. W.
Godwin, F. H.
Gower, J. W.
Goldsmith, P. L.
Gardner, A. G.
Green, J. M.
Goldwater, L. A.
=Gaylard, B.=
=Gibson, C. M.=
=Griffiths, E. P.=
=Grist, F. C.=
=Grylls, C. W.=
Goodyear, W. J.
Groves, H. J.
Graves, C. W.
Gamble, R. B.
Goodale, H. M.
Gillbanks, J. B.
Gillett, J. N.
Greenslade, S.
Gardner, W.
Garner, J. L.
Gibbons, E. T.
Gilby, S. A.
Glenister, F. A.
H
Hodgson, A. W.
Hale, W. L.
Hall, W. J.
Hicks, E. J.
=Howett, F.=
Hodge, W. G.
Hart, C. J.
Hiley, F. C. W.
Henderson, W. W.
Haatson, J. R.
Harris, A. P.
Harmer, A. A. D.
Harris, F. V.
Hall, J. R.
Holland, A. E.
Hughes, C. H.
=Hards, C. R.=
Holmes, G. C.
Horn, A. C.
Hedderley, R. F.
Hayes, C. W.
Harper, R. J.
Hammond, A.
Henson, H. H.
=Hill, C.=
Hearn, T.
=Hollies, H. J.=
Huckle, F. R.
Highbett, H. A. A.
Hellier, H. R.
Harris, A. P.
Hargrave, W. B.
Hunt, P. G.
=Hiscox, T. A.=
Hume, C. W.
Hart, W. S.
Halcrow, J. W.
Huthwaite, A.
Harris, J. T.
=Hartill, H. W.=
Hilton, C.
Hall, L. G.
Howell, T. W.
Howell, R. O.
Huckle, H. G.
=Hills, J. W.=
Hant, R. A.
Harrington, W.
Hull, B.
Houslop, A. S.
Houseman, A. W.
Hall, C.
Hingston, S. F. T.
Hammond, H. T.
=Howell, A. E.=
Hetherington, R.
Hall, P. H.
Holmes, A.
Houlshan, B. F.
Hanscombe, J. E.
Hicks, A. H.
Hamill, C. H.
Hartley, C. H.
Hellastern, A. W.
Hambling, E. J.
Hill, W. D.
Holton, C. H. E.
Hogwood, G. H.
Hawdy, G. W.
Hammond, W. C.
Hooper, E. H.
Haycock, S. F.
=Harrison, H.=
Hucker, T. K.
Holt, A. R.
Holt, F.
Hitchcock, S. T.
Higgs, A.
Hennessey, C. R.
Harris, J. H.
Hinchey, A. E.
Hull, H. M.
Hanes, V. G.
=Henry, C. G.=
Harper, C. H.
Hall, W. E.
Hyman, I.
Hawkins, H. C.
=Hutchinson, A.=
Hiscocks, P. C.
Hurley, J.
Harding, W. J.
Howard, W. F.
Harmon, F. A.
Horth, H. R.
Holmes, G. C.
Hare, A. D. W.
Harris, W. H.
Hider, A. L. G.
Hyam, G.
Hone, J. H.
Hyder, C.
Harrington, H. E.
Hunt, H. T.
Hill, S. H.
Hopps, F. L.
Hare, A.
=Hart, C. J. W.=
Hall, S.
Holmes, J.
Hall, L.
Hooling, S. T.
Hoste, W. E.
Harle, W.
Horsley, W.
Haylett, R. H.
Hart, W. B.
Hall, C. H.
Head, R. I.
Hill, W. L.
Hirst, C. C.
=Hollidge, F. G.=
Haycroft, L. C.
Hobson, H.
Hawkins, A. H.
Hayward, A. R. C.
Hine, W. H.
Hanna, J. H.
Herbert, R. C.
Harrison, S.
Hart, C. B.
Hoskins, H. W.
Hudson, F. R.
Hall, F. H.
Hall, H. W.
Hall, L. P.
Hall, W. T.
Hankins, F. H.
=Harrison, F.=
Hartley, H. R.
Hayward, F.
Henson, A. D.
Hilder, F. C.
Hobart, G. S.
Honour, A. F.
Hooker, P.
Horne, H. G.
Hunt, J. C.
Hyde, J. H. S.
Hunt, P.
Howard Grafton, L. N.
Hansford, G. R.
Hargrave, S. G.
Harland, C. H.
Harris, C. G.
=Harris, E. S.=
Hart, H.
Hatch, A. A.
Hayman, F. S.
Head, H. A.
Herring, W.
Hind, M. J.
Hobbs, J. M.
Hooper, J. P. L.
Hull, C. A.
Harman, A. R.
Hull, C. B.
Hanna, C. H.
Hart, D. E.
Hollobone, H. E. W.
=Hulford, E.=
Harper, W. J.
Harris, G.
=Hart, J. W.=
=Howard, R. G.=
Haynes, C. S.
Hebbert, E. N.
Hudson, L. S.
Harlow, R. E.
Howard, F. R.
=Hatfield, H. E.=
Heal, L. R.
Hendley, P. G.
Hotson, A. C.
Hughes, E. F.
=Haughton, T. G. L.=
Hundleby, H. S.
Hallier, H.
Harris, D. W.
Hawkins, H. I.
Hawley, F. W.
Harris, C. H.
Haynes, H. V.
Heath, L. E.
Harling, F. W.
Henshall, D. E.
Herring, S. V.
Huggons, A. F.
Hyman, J.
Hurrell, J. R.
Hale, G. L.
Heywood, S. W.
Hodges, N. H.
Howlett, J. H.
=Howlett, F. G.=
Hollington, C. W.
Hill, F.
Harris, R. J.
Hammer, C. F.
Harrison, N. V.
Hennings, L. B.
Hearne, H.
Henderson, W.
Hall, M. W.
Harris, F.
Hall, A. E.
=Humpherson, C. E.=
=Hunter, F. H.=
Hill, M. M.
Hussey, M. R.
Hodges, S. H.
Haycraft, H. C.
=Henry, J. W.=
Harnot, F, H.
Henry, J. A.
Hollis, F.
Hall, G.
Humphreys, F. A.
Hodges, A. E.
Harding, A. E.
=Hogg, L. A.=
Hunt, E. J.
Harrison, A. E.
=Hawkes, R. W.=
Hobson, H. L.
=Haines, L.=
Hay, H. F.
Howard, W. G.
Hitch, H. H.
Hall, E. A.
Harris, A. V.
Hughes, E. G.
Hillman, J. W. H.
Hillman, H. J.
Hackman, A. L.
Humphreys, W. A.
Hines, T. H.
Holland, H. C.
Hughes, A. W.
Hayden, B. R.
Howard, S. F.
=Hertz, A.=
Halstead, H. L.
Hughes, S. G.
Humphreys, W.
=Harling, A. T.=
Hollands, E. A.
Hopkins, S. H.
Holmes, G. E.
Hobday, C. F.
Harris, T. W.
Harverson, C.
Harris, S.
Hodgkinson, E. D.
Hattersley, A. E.
=Hayden, A. J.=
=Horrex, A.=
Hoskins, A. D.
=Harvey, H. R.=
Hooper, J. J.
Hooper, H. H.
=Holder, G.=
Hunter, P.
Hutt, F. G.
Henderson, R. E.
Halsey, H.
Hunt, W. V.
Hodgson, E. C.
Howson, J.
Hards, W. G.
Hay, E.
Himley, A. R.
Hall, E.
Hardy, E. S.
Harrison, A. G. R.
Hockley, H. J.
Howard, J. E.
Hooker, C. S.
Hitch, F. A.
Houslop, S. S.
Harrington, B. L.
Harris, W. T.
Holland, H.
=Horan, H. L.=
Hornegold, F. G.
=Hubbard, F. A.=
How, W. R.
Haines, J. W.
Harris, H. E.
Hicks, H. E.
Humphreys, G. W.
Hales, A. W. F.
Harvey, E. W.
Head, A. E.
Huggins, F. H. G.
=Howard, H. A.=
=Harrison, G. H.=
Hague, P. S.
Heath, A. G.
=Heath, A. R.=
Humphries, E. A.
Harley, A. C.
=Hodges, L. J.=
=Hopkins, V.=
Hudson, A. D.
Harris, E. J.
Hurst, J.
Hart, A. S.
Hollis, L. A.
Harris, M.
Harris, S. J.
=Hunter, W. A.=
Hancock, H. A.
Harper, W. G.
=Herbert, J. D.=
=Harris, E.=
Hatten, E. W.
Hayes, W.
Hindes, L. R.
Hourihane, P. J.
=Haslam, W.=
Hoskin, H. J.
Hill, C. W. D.
=Heading, P. J.=
Hall, F. W.
=Hayer, J. J.=
Hooley, R.
Hurrell, S. F.
Harman, W. H.
Hunt, T. W.
=Hosking, A. E. V.=
Hughes, W. J.
=Hatcher, W.=
Horwood, V. W.
Hall, F. J.
Harris, T. W.
Hawker, A. G.
Henshaw, W.
=Hunt, A. F.=
Hayden, D. E.
=Howlett, B.=
Hogbin, C. W.
Holman, E. V.
=Hartley, E.=
Hay, W. L.
Henrich, A. S.
Hodges, A. J. C.
Humphries, J. M. S.
Haynes, F. J.
Hall, A. B.
Hales, A. C.
=Hinrich, E.=
Habbyjam, J. F.
Harman, L.
Harris, A. L.
Hart, E. J.
Hatcher, F. G.
Hill, A. F.
Hughes, R. J.
Humphrey, F. G.
Hollows, F. B.
Hardy, G. F.
Hillier, R.
Holmes, F.
Hartley, W. N.
Harries, W.
Holland, J.
Harmer, G. B.
Haines, A. S.
Hinn, C. E.
=Hiscox, W. V. C.=
Holliday, C. J.
Haworth, H. S.
Hammett, K.
Hosegood, S. P.
Hill, W. F.
Hyde, A. V.
=Harman, A.=
=Huthwaite, C. H.=
Hollobone, A. J.
Hood, R. S.
=Harvey, N.=
Harris, J. E.
Holt, A. G.
Hughes, G. T.
Hall, E. E.
Hudson, L. S. T.
=Humphreys, W. H.=
Hall, O. A.
=Hatch, J. S.=
Hillmann, A. G.
Hollox, C. H.
Hutchison, J. L.
Hall, W. M.
Hoehn, G. C.
Howie, J. P.
Hutchison, L. R.
Halcrow, H. E.
Heggadon, C.
Harvey, F.
=Harris, W. S.=
Hill, G. A. S.
Hale, A. G. W.
Harris, H. C.
Hill, E. N. V.
Hawkins, H.
=Hicks, J. A.=
Hickman, T. F.
=Hardcastle, R. C.=
Hunter, R.
Hartford, E. F.
Holmes, G. E.
Healy, J. W.
Humphreys, E. W.
Hall, H. J.
Hatton, W. D.
Hitchcock, R.
Hanson, F. W. H.
Hownam, W. E.
Hooler, W. T.
Hillier, J. S.
Holbrook, F. R.
Holmes, H. C.
=Humphreys, H. G.=
Harrison, L.
Hitchener, E. B.
Harries, G. R.
Holland, P. M.
Horton, R.
=Heath, B. A.=
Hall, T. H.
Higgins, J. W.
Hill, R.
Hussey, F. C.
Hall, E. J. T.
Hawkins, F. M.
Hawley, R. W.
Harrison, A.
Howson, H. C. O.
=Huleatt, R. Q.=
Harrison, D. W.
Hart, E.
Harris, L.
Howell, S. J.
Hollidge, A. S.
Heelis, W.
Heinrich, E.
Hudson, F. H.
Holmes, W. E.
Hill, H. F.
Howes, C. C.
Hyrdon, A.
Higgins, F.
=Holdway, E. W.=
=Holthusen, H. S.=
Hansford, F. A.
=Heard, L. V.=
Hopkins, H. E.
Hart, E. J.
Harvey, S. B. W.
Hooper, G. B.
Hunt, A. L.
Howell, G. T.
Holt, L.
Hopkins, A. A.
Holding, E. J.
Heyes, J. P.
Hart, W. I.
=Haddock, W. F.=
Henshaw, G. W.
Horn, W.
Hill, R. E. G.
Horsley, J. C.
=Horsley, S.=
Hindmarsh, G. B.
Hewlett, A. M.
Hopkins, F. P. V.
Hyne, L. J.
Hills, L. N.
Honney, E. A.
Halls, S. M.
Hayward, H.
Haddock, N. R.
=Hotten, W. G. E.=
=Hewson, E.=
Hagger, H. W.
Hookham, J. E.
Hunt, G.
Harvey, R. W.
Henton, W. H.
Hawkins, J. H.
Hutchison, A. J.
Hallas, J. E.
Hunt, J. F.
Hustwait, J. W.
Hedge, F. J.
Hammond, A. M.
Houston, J. Mc M.
Harris, E.
Hart, C. J.
Hamilton, C. J. H.
Heslop, W.
Hart, H.
Harpum, G.
Healey, D.
Hughes, C. W.
Harrison, F.
=Hopkins, E. B.=
Hutton, G.
Hearne, F.
Hempell, H. L.
Head, A. H.
Haywood, W.
Howell, W. H.
Hollidge, W. E.
Hall, A. J.
Howell, F.
Harper, J.
Hughes, C. A. H.
Hall, G. L.
Holmes, E. S.
Huckle, W. G.
Handel, S.
Hasler, H.
Hunt, P. F.
Hornell, R.
Harding, H. G.
Horwick, S. A. J.
Hambley, R.
Hodgkinson, S. T.
Hedge, A. G.
Haines, C. F.
Haine, A. J.
Hearne, H. D. A.
=Hargrave, L.=
Hearn, S. W.
Harrison, F.
Harman, A. W.
Horwood, A. G.
Harman, F. G.
Hopkins, R. G.
Head, E. T. C.
Halls, H. F. E.
Hawkins, W. B.
Hails, W. G.
Hunt, C. E.
Hulley, J.
Howse, A. V.
Hesse, H. H.
Humphries, H. G.
Higham, W. E.
=Hayne, L. C. G.=
Head, G. S.
Height, F.
Hurle, I.
Herrick, P. E.
Humphrys, W.
Hills, J. W.
=Hailes, F. U.=
Hutchinson, A. E.
Hunter, F. H.
Harrison, P.
Hyde, E. F.
Hillman, F. J.
Hall, R. E.
Hastie, T. A.
=Hill, C. E.=
Hook, W. B.
Howe, E. J.
Hutchins, S. F.
Horsman, J. T.
Hargrave, J. A.
Hewett, H. J.
Haworth, C. B.
Hibbert, C.
Howard, R.
Harris, H. G.
Howard, J. C.
Heath, C. W.
Harding, F.
Hayward, E. J.
Harrison, W. R.
Hunsworth, F. S.
Honychurch, C. R.
Honychurch, P. G.
Hurly, H. T.
Heath, F. J.
Hanna, W. J.
=Hindle, L. M.=
Hawtin, J. S.
Hawkins, P. G.
Horlock, E. G.
Hull, C. D.
Holmes, J.
Horner, L.
Halle, N. W.
Hymers, C.
Hughes, G. E.
Harvey, C. W.
=Hyde, L. L.=
Hudson, T. A. F.
Hughes, H.
Hughes, R. C.
Harness, W.
Hislop, F. W.
Hughes, W. W.
Hatch, W.
Hall, F. H.
Harvey, W. W.
Howfield, G. B.
Hooper, T.
Howson, F. F.
=Hurst, A.=
Hutchings, B. T.
Hennessey, P.
Harris, S. R.
Hawkins, C. C.
Holly, P. J.
Hawker, L. A.
Hammett, W.
Hayward, V.
Hill, J.
Hawkins, W. R.
=Hicks, A. E.=
Halton, G. L.
Houslop, L. W. G.
=Hay, A. T.=
Hodge, A.
Howard, R. F.
Humphreys, A.
Harrison, G. A.
Hilder, G. D.
Howgill, F. J.
Huddlestone, D.
Hanes, L. W.
Hill, L. G.
Howes, A. J. E.
Hoskins, H. O.
Hook, W. E.
Hodges, F. G.
Hewlett, L. H.
Hudson, H.
Hale, D. J.
Hyam, E. P.
Hawkins, A. W.
Hodgetts, C. W.
=Hogben, S.=
Hill, M. G.
Horsewood, F.
Hawkins, C. H.
Hann, C. A. C.
Haynes, A. E.
Hutchings, D. A.
Hutchinson, W. R.
Hodge, J. C.
Hosegood, J. M.
Hill, H. R.
=Halsey, R. H.=
Harris, C. F.
Hawkes, R. H.
Hancock, R.
Hunt, C. G.
Harragan, A. C.
Heeler, F.
Hake, H. E. J.
Hatten, J. T.
Hardy, A.
=Harding, G.=
Harvey, E. S.
Hart, E. J.
Haynes, H. E.
Holland, C. F. R.
Higman, N.
Hill, E. A.
Hoskin, A. S.
Holt, L. A.
Haywood, H. P.
Henderson, N.
Heather, G. F.
Heygate, F. C.
Houghton, A. L. N. D.
Huntsman, J. E.
Hall, H. J. C.
Howard, J. W.
Harfield, H. A. L.
Hunter, W. J.
Hale, H. C.
Hague, G. W.
Hunter, J. E.
=Hopewell, P.=
Hewitt, S. D. A.
Hardy, R. G.
Hutchins, W. C.
=Hyde, H. C.=
Horne, E. W.
Hargraves, J. H.
Howard, W. C.
Hurle, J.
Holland, T. W.
Howes, L. H.
Hooper, L. F.
Hennell, A. L.
=Heathcote, A. V.=
Hartley, W. F.
Hewer, J.
Hughes, W. D.
Holmes, G. C.
Henshall, H. D.
Hussey, E. F. W.
Harries, H. A.
Harnett, S. P.
Harris, J. L.
Hammond, C. L.
Hawkins, W. P.
Hart, G. P.
Hall, P. E. W.
Ham, N. E.
Higginson, E.
Hardy, E. W.
Harper, J.
Hoare, G. E.
Hanlon, S. J.
Hecker, W. R.
Harman, G.
=Hughes, F. P.=
=Harkness, A. C.=
Hutcherson, C. W.
Hand, W. R.
Humm, C.
Haywood, S. T.
Hodgkinson, W. E.
Hewitt, W. A.
Haskell, W. L.
Hiscocks, W. J.
Holland, R. H.
=Harvey, E. W.=
Hooker, J. K.
Hadland, F. N.
Hampson, S. R.
Hall, S. E.
Hams, F. W.
=Hawbrook, H.=
Haynes, A. R.
Harding, W. G.
Harris, G. T.
Hoodless, W. F. H.
Hayter, P. H. C.
Hewens, R. C.
Harnden, T. E. B.
=Hole, C.=
Hickson, T. H.
Healing, W. R.
Harvey, S. B.
Hadley, C. V. D.
Helstrip, G.
Hull, A. G.
Havard, J. H.
Harper, W.
Harvey, B. J.
Henwood, W. J. D.
Heald, J. L.
Houghton, P. M.
Hayton, J.
Hammond, D. R.
Hanby, J. W.
Hollingsworth, H.
Hallett, S. J.
Hammersley, S.
Haywood, F.
Hitchin, F.
=Hoare, R. P.=
Hooper, C. T.
Haycock, J. H.
Henry, J.
Hollands, C. A.
Harrison, C. A.
Hopkins, P.
Houlberg, E. J.
Heath, W.
Hainsworth, W.
Harbarow, E. E. S.
Heather, C. J.
Hore, S. F.
Hewlett, A.
Howes, J.
Haddock, K. E. V.
Halls, F. T.
Hack, P. E.
Hey, F.
Hazell, T. R. W.
Heath, F. C.
Hines, H.
Huxtable, J.
Harvey, G.
Horn, C.
Hansard, N.
Halliday, C. D.
Hyde, G. E.
Howell, L. P.
Holden, R. S.
Holland, R. H.
Hammon, W. E.
Hames, G. R. H.
Holliday, B.
Harvey, C.
Harris, S. D.
Heath, S. J.
Hazlewood, H. W.
Heavens, G. T.
Humphries, F.
Honeywell, G. T.
Hall, W. C.
Hamill, W.
Hobbs, G. F.
Harrison, H. W.
Hollands, T. A. G.
Harris, T. F.
Holtham, A. W. D.
Hill, R. P.
Holbrook, H. C.
Hutchinson, T.
Hillier, S. B.
Hotson, W. J.
Harley, T.
Hooten, J. S.
Henken, G. F.
Hollingworth, C.F.
Holloway, D.
Hooker, R.
Hovell, C. A.
Harrington, N. F.
Harris, A. W. M.
Hughes, C. P.
Harris, T.
Hollingdale, C. H.
Herbert, R.
Hall Haynes, T. E.
Hall, W. C.
Hart, G. E.
Higgins, F. E. J.
Haigh, H. S.
Hicks, E. J.
Handyside, J.
Henott, C.
Holbrook, M.
Heath, E.
Hotten, J. W.
Hover, J. H. E.
Hemsley, J. A.
Hawkins, H. R.
Humphrey, L. E.
Hall, E. J.
Hayes, D. J.
Holland, A. J.
Hynds, F. C.
Harvey, H. F.
Holland, R. W.
Haines, A.
Holme, A.
Horwood, H.
Hook, S. A.
Hollett, N. P.
Harcourt, C. W.
Hyland, C.
Hope, P. O.
Hayes, T. J.
Hull, J.
Heffer, G.
Hedges, H. A.
Heath, F.
Helliwell, H.
Hammond, C. G.
Hazell, N.
Hinds, E. P.
Hutchinson, W.
Hilder, E. C. R.
Hall, N. G.
Hale, G.
Hale, J.
Hall, F. S.
Hawkins, A. R.
Hutchins, J. W.
Hanson, A. W.
Hope, G.
Hobbs, J. E.
Hemsley, G. R.
Harris, W. A.
Horne, E. A.
=Hockridge, W. G.=
Howlett, W. W.
Hudson, D. A.
=Harriss, A. R.=
Hall, S. F.
=Hawkins, W. J.=
Hollander, S.
Hunt, E.
Hotston, T.
Horner, J.
Howard, C. F.
Hall, G.
=Hake, C. W.=
Hart, W. D.
Harvest, S. E.
Halford, H. J.
Hart, E.
=Head, W.=
=Holman, E. W.=
=Hurst, R. H. C.=
=Hyde, P.=
I
Ives, H. J. M.
Isaac, G. W.
Irving, W. J.
Illing, R. W.
Ind, W. E.
Ives, A. J.
Irwin, A. G.
=Irwin, J. W. E.=
Ibbett, C.
Igglesden, G. F.
Innocent, E. P.
Ingram, F. R.
=Ive, G. F.=
=Idle, G. S.=
=Ingram, H. D.=
Ivey, W. L.
Ivamy, E.
=Ingram, A.=
Isaacson, H. A. S.
Ince, S. M.
Ironside, W.
Inskip, D. C.
Ireland, D. J.
Ingram, F. E.
Ingram, A. G. W.
Illing, A. C.
Irons, E. W.
Ireland, W. B.
Ince, N. M.
Ingram, C. E.
Irwin, W. E.
Irwin, G.
Isaacs, J.
Ison, L. J.
=Ison, W.=
Ireland, W. G.
Ingham, H.
Inkpen, J.
Innes, G. D.
Ing, T. W.
Izzett, C. E. C.
Illing, R. G.
Illing, R. W.
Innes, A.
Ingram, G.
Illingworth, H. W.
Ilett, F.
Ingram, H.
=Ingles, F.=
Inglefield, A. E.
Irwin, W. L.
Irish, --
Inwood, --
Ingram, --
Imray, --
Ingham, --
Ivey, --
Izzard, --
Innell, E. H.
Iveson, D. G.
Isted, A. J.
Irvine, G.
Isaac, L. F.
Indge, C. J.
Ibett, C. H.
Izzard, A.
Isaac, W. C.
Iddon, R.
Imber, A. E.
Ingram, C. J.
Imray, T.
Izzard, W.
J
Jessop, W. J.
Julian, N. M.
James, A. L.
Jeans, G. H.
Jamison, E. H.
Jacobs, D.
Jesty, E. T.
Jones, C.
Jones, W. E.
Jay, H. J. S.
Jackson, W. E.
Jeffree, J. S.
Jestin, M.
Johnson, A. S.
Johnson, A. R.
Jones, T. F.
Jones, A. H.
Jackson, F.
Jukes, S. E.
Jackson, J.
=Jones, A.=
Johnson, J. A.
Jacobs, A. E. A.
Jarvis, A. W.
=James, P. E.=
Jackson, H. G.
Jenkins, A. D.
Jamison, C. M.
Jiles, L. J.
=Jarvis, A. O.=
=Jones, W. I.=
Jesson, A.
Jeffs, I. S.
Jewell, W. E.
Joseph, C. L.
Jarvis, E. E.
Jarvis, E. F.
=Jones, J. H.=
=Jones, C. H.=
Jones, D. E. C.
Jarvis, B. H.
=Joffe, M.=
Jones, T. I.
Jones, W. M.
Jennings, G.
=Jacobs, B. O.=
James, A. R.
James, S. D.
=Jenkins, A. G.=
Jobling, S. F.
Jones, H. H.
Jolley, W. H.
Jackson, J. S.
Jobling, R.
Jamison, D.
Jacobs, H. E.
James, W. A.
Johnstone, C. P.
Joffe, J.
James, E. F.
Jones, G. E.
Jiles, P.
James, A. V.
Jones, R. A.
Jamison, E. W.
Jagger, F. A.
Johnstone, A. E.
James, L. H.
Jones, P.
Jones, C. F.
Jabelman, A. H.
Jeffries, W. J.
Jones, R. W.
Jeffery, C.
=Jones, C. R.=
=Johnson, J. H.=
=Jones, R. T.=
Jacques, C. G. R. H.
Jordan, G.
Jones, J. L.
Jennings, S. G.
Jones, W. E.
Jones, T. W.
Jefford, G. R.
=Johnson, H. L.=
Jones, W. J. H.
Jolly, H. C.
=Jobson, C. T.=
Jones, J. W. T.
Jackson, V. A.
=Jones, F. V.=
Jones, H. C.
=Jordan, C. J.=
Johnson, F. G.
=Jacomb, A. J.=
Jeffery, S. J.
=Jefferies, L. C. A.=
=Jowett, A.=
Johnson, P. C.
=Jack, G.=
James, A. E.
Johnson, H. L. C.
Joyce, C. H.
Jardine, R. C.
Johnson, W.
Jackson, H. M.
Jones, C. T.
Jeffcoate, E. P.
Jackson, B. H.
Johns, W.
=Jones, B.=
Jones, W. T.
Johnston, T.
Jones, H.
Jenkin, C. P.
=Johnson, G. A.=
Jeans, G. W.
Jenner, A. E.
Johnson, R. F.
Jeffrey, F. S.
James, W. G.
Janes, R. A.
James, H. P.
Jepson, C. W.
Jones, E.
Jeapes, C. J.
Jefferys, A.
Jackson, A. F.
=Jolly, H. F.=
=James, T. A.=
Jenkins, O. G.
Jenkins, J. H.
=Johnson, S. T.=
Jackson, G. S.
Jarvis, H.
Johnson, F. T.
Jeeves, W. G.
Jarratt, R. C.
Joines, H. E.
=Juniper, C. C.=
Jeffreys, A. W.
Josling, W.
Jones, E. J.
Jenner, J. O. F.
Johnstone, T.
=Jennings, H.=
Johnson, W. C.
Jacobs, N.
Johnson, O. C.
Jeffs, A. M.
Johnson, J. W. J.
Johnson, G. W.
Judson, E. F.
Jenkins, G. W.
Johnson, F.
Jenkerson, L. J.
Julier, E. S.
Jeffery, J.
Johnston, J. W.
Jefferiss, T. P.
Jerram, T. W.
=Jeffery, W. E.=
Jarvis, P. H.
Jotham, H. J.
Johnson, F.
Joslin, L. M.
Johnson, J.
Jenkins, J. A.
Johnson, P.
Jackson, A. E.
Joines, A.
=Jenkins, W. J.=
Jenkins, F. E.
Jones, E. H.
Jenkins, R.
Jaques, C. W.
Joines, W. A.
Jeffery, A. G.
Jones, J. P.
Jones, G. B.
=Johnson, H. J.=
Johnson, A. T.
Johns, P. L.
Jones, S. H.
Jefferson, H. D.
Jones, E. G.
James, A. J.
James, S.
Jennett, V. D.
=Jones, V. G.=
Jackson, W. M.
Jones, F. L.
Jones, T. W.
Jennings, F.
=Jenkins, G. A.=
James, D. M.
Jones, A. P.
Johnston, A. A.
Johnson, H. J.
Jeal, W. F.
Jennings, G. R.
Jones, H. M.
Johnson, E. E.
Jenkins, J. M.
Jory, W.
Johnstone, W.
Judge, T. C.
Jackson, W. C. D.
Josland, S. C.
Jefferies, W. E.
Jacobs, T. C. H.
Jones, J. O. C.
=Johnston, W. H.=
Jennings, A. R.
Jenkins, J. W.
John, C. C.
Jewitt, S. H.
Jehn, E. H.
Jacob, W. L.
Johns, A.
Jones, W. T.
=Jenvey, S. H.=
Jarvis, W. G.
=Jewitt, H.=
Joyner, R.
James, G. W. V.
Jones, J. T.
Jordon, L.
Jasper, S. R.
Johnson, F. J.
Jones, G. F.
Jarman, J. S.
Jackson, H.
Jacob, A. P.
Jones, T.
Jones, H. R.
Joel, H. E. O.
Josephson, A.
Jones, T. R.
James, M. B.
Jones, C.
Jenner, H. J.
Jolly, H. H.
Johnson, T. H.
Jones, W.
Judd, J. S. T.
Jeansonane, Y. R.
Johnson, E. S.
Jones, E. R.
Jeffs, A. E.
Joyce, E. J.
Johnston, W.
Jones, A. H.
Jones, G. A.
Jones, F.
Jackson, W. T. N.
Jefferson, F. C.
James, S. L.
Johnson, T. C. M.
Jones, J. M.
Johns, L. S.
Jones, G. S.
Jones, A. B.
Johnson, E. N.
Jepps, W.
Jackson, J. H.
Johnson, A.
James, A. J.
Jowitt, J.
Jones, E. H.
Jakes, F.
Johnson, E. A.
Jones, G.
Jolly, H. A.
Jesty, H. V.
=Junkison, A. C.=
=Johnson, D.=
=Jarvis, S. D.=
K
Kemp, W.
Kennedy, C. W.
King, T.
Kinsman, J. C. P.
=Kent, H. T.=
Knapp, E.
Kemp, E. W.
King, F.
Kelley, R. W.
Knopff, W. H.
=Knight, G. V.=
Kelsey, H. J. R.
Kelby, P. J.
Kerr, P. W.
=Kay, M. K.=
Kidd, A. T.
=Kent, D. B.=
Killip, J.
=Knell, E. W. H.=
Keogh, J.
Keen, T.
Kesby, B. A. N.
Kyle, J. A.
Keeler, G.
Kettle, E. W.
King, P. R.
Keena, J. H.
Kilby, A. H.
Kirby, E. O.
Keeley, H.
Kemp, A. A.
Kidd, S. J.
Kitching, E.
Kirby, W.
Kerslake, S. S.
Kent, W. B.
King, L. J.
Kootz, C.
King, E.
=Knapp, E. J.=
=Kenchington, G. W. A.=
Kingston, H. J.
Kemp, O. G.
Kinnison, J. S.
=Kemp, G. W.=
Kenchington, D. S.
=Kershaw, L. F. R.=
=Kingham, F. A.=
Kerswell, E.
Kirkpatrick, H. J.
Kernot, F. A. W.
Knapp, F. G.
Kilduff, W.
Kennedy, K.
Kindell, R. H.
=Knight, N. G.=
Knight, L. T.
Kitch, H. M.
Kirby, A.
=Kerr, A. M.=
King, W. T.
Keen, P. S.
=King, H.=
=Knapp, A. H.=
=Knott, L.=
=Knight, H. A. W.=
Knowles, V. O.
=Knight, S. T.=
=Kilby, C. C.=
Kent, H. C.
=Kempton, T. D.=
=Kirkness, J.=
Kershaw, G.
King, E. T. R.
Knight, E. C.
Knight, G. L.
Knight, L. R.
Kelland, P. G.
Knight, P.
King, A. J. B.
Knight, E. J.
King, F.
Kinman, J. B.
Kendall, A.
Kierman, J. F.
Kirkness, C.
=Kelly, J.=
=Kirk, R.=
Kite, F.
Knight, S. J.
Kersey, S. F.
=Kilby, J.=
Kers, E. R.
=Knight, H. S.=
Kew, H. S.
Knight, S. H.
Kearns, G.
=Knowles, J. C.=
=Kidner, H. J.=
Kettle, L. L.
Kerrod, A.
=Kerr, W. T.=
=Kingsbury, I. J. F.=
Kenny, J.
=Knapp, E. M.=
Kinnock, H. B.
Kidner, G. M.
Kitteridge, H. H.
Kenny, A.
Key, L. H.
Keane, H. C.
Kitchen, J. W.
Kennedy, W. J.
Keg, E. L.
Kelso, J.
Kenchington, H.
Keel, W. J.
Knott, G. E.
Kay, J.
Kallenback, F. E.
Kemp, E.
Katon, J. D.
King, N.
Knight, H.
Kingston, W. H.
Kinnersley, T. C.
=Killick, J. C. T.=
Krent, A.
Kenning, J. H.
King, S. W.
Kent, A. H.
Kilroy, F. G.
Knight, F. W.
Kemble, F. T.
Kelland, E. J.
Kirkland, F. H.
Kent, H. J.
Kinsville, C. V.
Knowlden, A. G.
Kellett, W. A.
Kendall, L. R. E.
=Kelley, E. J. M.=
Knight, A. C.
Kynaston, A. M.
Keightley, W. D.
Kesby, H. H.
Knight, C. F.
Kennedy, G. A.
Keetch, H.
King, W. H.
Kerry, J. H.
Keay, J.
Kelly, E. G.
Kershaw, W. E.
Kay, J. B.
Keen, F. H.
Kerr, A. M.
Krushaar, L. G.
Kibble, W. T.
Kersley, W. H.
Kirby, L. J.
Kemp, G.
King, W. G. E.
Keen, F. J.
Kennett, W. F.
Kirkley, T.
Knight, R.
=King, S. H.=
Kilburn, H. B.
Keep, F. A. O.
Kenworthy, F. B.
Kewley, C. H.
Kerridge, H.
Knivett, C. T.
King, E.
Knights, E. W.
Kennedey, L. A.
Knight, L. R. C.
Kynaston, J. W.
Kemp, F.
Knapp, L. A.
Kately, G. H.
Kentish, W. E. J.
King, L.
King, L. M.
Kingston, H. J.
Knight, M. R.
Kew, A. J.
King, H. F.
Kebble, F. W.
Kirby, S.
Kitchen, A.
Kennedy, H. D.
King, H. F.
Kingswell, A. J.
Kingseller, D. J.
King, C. R.
Kilbey, A. D.
Kennett, E. C.
King, A. C.
Kent, A. J.
Kibble, C. G. W.
Kemp, F.
Kersley, L. F.
Knight, C. H. A.
Keen, O.
King, B.
Kendall, A. J.
King, S. H.
Kirby, A.
Keen, V. C. R.
Keith, H. G.
L
Le-Messurier, C. C.
Lintott, J. W.
Ludball, W. A.
Langton, J. A. T.
Lewis, H. P.
Lovett, G.
Lambert, W. B.
Lyon, S. T.
Lighton, F. O.
Lane, A. W.
Lee, J. M.
Law, W. F.
Lippold, S. A.
Lord, F.
Ling, F. W.
Lubbock, L. F.
Latter, E. A.
Lewis, F. W.
Little, W. H.
Liles, J. H.
Lockley, N. C.
Lowe, W. G. S.
Lewis, H. T.
Lidiard, H. M.
Lilley, H.
=Lilley, H. G.=
=Lynden, A. H.=
Lawson, R. J.
Lester, A. R.
Lucas, F. J.
Lane, W. A.
Little, E.
Lewis, C. H.
Lack, H. W.
Lovell, H. F.
Lowton, H. L.
Leeming, C. C.
Langton, J. A. F.
Lewis, H. W.
Legg, E. E.
Lawson, H. J.
Leggett, J. G.
=Liddiatt, P. H.=
=Lovelock, H. W.=
Lee, E. H.
Lewis, L. C.
Lake, E. R.
Lindsay, J. E.
Lloyd, F. S.
Laver, A. W.
Leask, N. B. S.
Leppard, H. C.
Levey, O. L. H.
Llewellyn, R. C.
Lloyd, F. H.
=Loxdale, E.=
Lane, C. H.
Lawman, E. J.
Leech, E. J.
Lindley, E. W.
Lake, A.
Lyon, E. A.
=Little, W. E.=
Ley, A. V.
Lyons, E. H.
Lake, F. J.
Loynes, J. W.
Lewis, H. A. C.
Lisle, W. S.
Letheren, R. C.
Luttman, F. E.
Leeming, R.
Lalhart, C. L.
Latchford, P. F.
Legg, A. E. J.
=Lloyd, A.=
Littledale, J. W. F.
=Lawrence, S.=
=Lennard, P. C.=
Louch, L. A.
Louch, J. G.
Luty, F.
=Lotty, W. C.=
Losman, D.
Light, F. E.
Lennell, H. J.
=Lethebe, W.=
Levy, D.
Lewis, A.
Lewis, F.
=Langford, S. H.=
=Lumer, J.=
Lockyer, W. G.
Lenton, J.
=Lawrence, F. W.=
Laurence, H.
Lane, E.
Lewis, E. O.
Lodge, C. D.
=Legg, W. A.=
Lovett, W.
=Lugg, C. C.=
Long, L.
Lock, J.
Lister, M.
Lindop, N.
Larkin, A.
Lambeth, F.
=Lilley, W. A.=
Locke, W. E.
Litchfield, H.
Langley, G. F.
Laurence, W.
Lowden, F. N.
=Lindridge, P. H.=
Lloyd, F. W.
=Lawrence, H. W.=
=Lee, R. P.=
Lawrence, A. H.
Lambert, A. J.
Lehan, W. C.
Leicester, W.
Levine, J.
=Lucraft, E. H.=
Leggatt, G. J.
Lennard, B. R.
=Lines, P.=
Lawrence, B. C. W.
Lawson, G. J.
Lovett, F. J. W.
Lynch, D.
Leopold, W. E.
Lewis, G. O.
=Lamprell, H.=
Leckie, J. F.
Lawrence, H.
Lewis, A.
Lyons, E. A.
Lane, J. R.
Layton, B.
Levell, E.
Lanning, S. P.
Luxton, E.
Llewellin, C. A.
Lister, A. E.
Leopold, A. A.
Laughton, C.
Lee, L. H.
Le Cheminant, A. H.
Lee, H. S.
Leopold, A. V.
Looker, E. G.
Lewis, J. S.
Locke, J.
Lovett, E. A.
Liggi, A. S.
Lewis, E. O.
Larne, A. J.
Larne, C. F.
Lambert, E.
Lansley, A. E.
Landymore, E. R.
Landymore, P. V.
Lamb, C. E.
Lee, H. P.
Lee, P. R.
Lugg, H. D.
Leonard, E. G.
Lewis, R.
=Long, A. G.=
Last, E. F.
Lamerton, L. C. M.
Lacy, W. B.
Lacy, E. A.
Larkin, R. S.
Luff, R.
Linfield, A. F.
Lennell, E.
=Langdon, G. T.=
Lyons, J. A.
Leach, C. C.
Lickess, H.
Lancaster, W. T.
Lambden, W. H.
Long, A. J.
Lewis, G. S.
Liptrot, R. W.
Linsdell, N.
Langford, L. E.
Leech, C. H.
Lawrence, R. A.
Lovegrove, W. T. F.
Lilley, J. L.
Lockwood, B.
Letch, A. W.
Little, A. S.
Luckhurst, C.
Lord, W.
Lown, L. C.
Levesly, G.
Lines, K.
Levens, C. A.
Landymore, L. L.
Lewis, L. V.
Lamb, G. W.
Long, A. E.
Lloyd, L.
Lenzbury, A.
Lorely, J. R.
Lazonby, J. C.
Leech, C. H.
Lambert, P. G.
Lancashire, J. B.
Lockyer, F. J.
Leach, P. C.
Lewis, F.
Lardner, H. F.
Leach, E. A.
Launden, P. C.
Larren, W. J.
Leigh, G.
Longstaff, P. E.
Leigh, A. B.
Lucas, Y.
Lane, F.
Littleboy, J. W.
Leask, A. M. S.
=Lowes, A. W.=
Liddiatt, P. H.
Lloyd, H.
=Larkin, M. J.=
Liversidge, E.
Lovegrove, A. S. L.
=Loader, A. V.=
Lee, J. A. T.
Lucas, E.
Lyon, A. E.
Lawson, H.
Larkman, W.
Lewis, A.
Leech, J. H. L.
Linton, J.
=Lovejoy, P. T.=
Lucas, J. B.
Lane, F. G.
Lloyd, H.
Lawrence, A. E.
Lister, H. E.
Lennon, F.
Lilley, P. C.
Levitt, G.
Lock, A. F.
Llewellyn, E.
Llaman, I.
Lennor, F. C.
Lotter, J. W.
Lucking, H. C.
Leach, R.
Lawes, A. A.
Lincoln, J. T.
Lane, A. L.
Lomas, F. W.
Lawrence, B. M.
Langley, E.
Ludbrook, J.
=Lewis, E. R.=
Lott, H. I.
Lambert, F. T.
=Lovelace, E. F.=
Lee, M. H.
Lloyd, G. S.
Lander, J. W.
Law, H.
Louis, P.
Law, A. H.
Lond, G. E.
=Lumby, H.=
Le Vierge, J.
Leggatt, E. F.
Laidler, A. L.
Lane, H. E.
Landeg, J. W.
Linney, J. J.
Lowe, H. S.
Lewis, D. W.
Loughlin, W.
Lee, B. I.
Lenton, R. W. A.
Livesey, J. C.
=Lohmann, R. C.=
Leach, J. A.
=Long, J. H.=
Loader, H. W.
Leeks, A. L. L.
Lever, F.
Lyons, M. L.
Leverett, A.
Lambert, G. D.
Lissenden, G. S.
Leach, L. C.
Lockhart, W.
Le-Hurcey, E. R.
Luck, B. N.
=Lambert, J.=
Longhorn, W. J.
Lane, E. E.
Lysaght, D. J.
Leech, S. P. L.
Leck, A. W.
Leask, L.
Leach, G.
Lamb, A. W. J.
Lewis, T.
Lewis, C. R.
Lumbard, T. L.
Long, W. M.
Lawrence, J. W.
Linnington, O. W.
=Longfield, S. P.=
Lewis, E. J.
Love, T. E.
Lyle, J. W.
La Roche, W. J.
Little, W. J.
Lea, A. W. C.
Longworth, J. T.
Lister, A. H.
Langridge, F. J.
Lloyd, P. H. R.
Lewis, D.
Lewis, J. R.
Lock, A. W.
Lewis, A. H. C.
Lloyd, S. D.
Longland, F. H.
Lovell, H. C.
Lewis, F. S.
Lewis, A. J.
Lonsdale, H. G.
Lowe, C. L.
Lucas, C. E.
Lush, A.
Lord, A.
Lawson, W. A. D.
Lindsay, A. J.
Lawrance, H.
=Lingham, M. F.=
Lea, J. B. D.
Lowry, W.
Lupton, C. A.
Lee, C. J.
Lonnon, W. J.
Lilley, H. G.
Larne, A. J.
Lazarus, J. A.
Lee, G. B.
Lane, A. E.
Larking, S. M.
Loveday, P. W.
Lalouette, J. V.
Layton, W.
=Longstaffe, P. W.=
Lorman, W. H.
Lindblom, A. F.
Leaver, F. R.
Lowery, G. T.
Lewis, J. H.
Lightfoot, E. L.
Luck, H. R.
Lewis, C. G. T.
Lawrence, A. E.
Linton, S. H. C.
Leech, A. H.
Lazarus, L.
Lloyd, H. J.
Loeber, H. C.
Lawman, F. T.
Little, P. A. J.
Lakin, C. J.
Livermore, A. W.
Leggatt, G. E.
Littleboy, E. J.
Ling, C. R.
Lord, E.
Lingard, R.
Longbottom, G. H.
Lawrence, C. W.
Leech, L. W.
Loring, A. C. J.
Lowe, E. V. O.
Ling, C. H.
Lobb, W. W.
Lawrence, G. F.
Leslie, F. M.
Livesey, R.
Lawrence, E. J.
Law, E. R.
Lawton, E.
Lee, A.
London, A. E.
Lilley, W. B.
Laycock, T.
Lloyd, H. E.
Longman, E. H.
Lynch, O.
Lansdown, H. F.
Lea, G.
Logsdail, F. H.
Langley, S. H.
Lewis, F.
Lings, G. A.
Linge, H. W.
Lowe, J. J.
Leigh, F.
Lingley, H. J.
Lawrence, S. J.
Langton, H. I.
Leyden, D. C.
Laver, A. H.
Longmuir, J.
Low, W. E.
Lotty, W. C.
Lewis, P. J.
Linsell, H.
M
Miller, H. C.
Magee, W.
McKimm, T. G.
McSweeney, D. L.
Mitchell, G. J.
Majer, W. G.
Milward, S. R.
Martin, A. S.
Marriott, W. S. M.
Marson, A. E.
Marshall, E. J.
=McMillan, R. A.=
Mills, H. A.
Maddox, E. H.
Marchant, E. A.
Martin, P. W.
=Martin, R.=
May, G. C.
Middleton, C. G.
Mugford, H.
=Moody, A. A.=
Munden, J. A.
Masterman, A. F.
Miller, H.
Magenty, E. R.
Marshall, J. M.
Maton, W. T.
Matzinger, E. A.
Molony, J. L.
=Morton, C.=
Maclean, D. A.
=Maddox, T. G.=
=Madell, P. A. L.=
=Mansbridge, E. W.=
Mason, P. C.
Matthews, R. P.
Metson, G. F.
Miller, G. T.
Morrow, B. A.
Moss, W.
=Moxon, S. H.=
Mycroft, F. S.
Meden, Hvd.
Meden, Rvd.
Miles, H. T.
Moore, A.
Miller, W. J.
Moore, A. J.
Mutlow, L. H.
=Matthews, F. G.=
Miller, P.
Morgan, F. F.
Mallett, H. J.
Mallett, S. H.
Martin, N. F.
Moody, R. E.
McConchie, J. A.
Morant, C.
Moss, T. P.
=Milward, S. L.=
Mindel, G. H.
Michie, A.
=Millwood, W. H.=
Matthews, P. T.
Mitchell, L. C.
Molyneux, E. J.
Molyneux, C. H.
Macdiarmid, S. J.
Macauley, D.
Martin, S. S.
McWhirter, A. V.
Malin, H. S.
Moore, H.
Marsden, C.
May, A. F.
=Mills, C. C.=
Mooney, E.
Moritz, H. C.
Mason, A. J.
=Morant, L. H.=
Mullins, H. S. A.
Miles, E. C.
McFarlane, D.
Moore, L.
Morgan, G. L.
Mouatt, S. R.
Machan, G. W.
Mansell, G.
Marshall, E. E.
Mallett, W.
Morcombe, P. R.
Myland, A. L.
Manly, J. A.
Molyneux, W.
Macbeth, J.
Mickleburgh, C. A.
Mount, J. B.
Miller, H. H.
McKay, L. N.
McCathie, T. E. G.
Mutch, H. G.
McDermott, A.
McAuley, F. J.
Martin, W. J.
McGauran, H. C.
Murray, H.
McDonnell, H.
Moore, A.
Morgan, E. J.
Metcalf, C. J.
Martin, T.
Marshall, F. M.
Middleton, E. F.
Martin, E. J.
=Morgan, W.=
Moss, A. G.
Martin, W. S.
Mannering, L. F.
Miller, W. J.
Manfield, R. J.
Millbourne, V. E.
Myall, E. A.
Meadowcroft, L. V.
Mansbridge, E. W.
Miles, H. T.
Meadowcroft, J. L.
Mills, G. W. C.
Moore, S. R.
Murphy, W.
=Moore, W. H.=
Merrick, B. R.
MacGillwray, S.
Mathie, P. D.
Morgan, W. K.
Mitchell, C. C.
Mitchell, W. B.
=Millage, L. J.=
Morris, L. G. P.
Moore, C. H.
Moore, F. T.
Murphy, M. E.
May, W. J.
Moore, C.
Moss, G. H. C.
Marlow, W.
McKimm, D. S. A.
May, A. E.
Munden, C. A.
Manfield, E. C.
Mash, W. J. R.
Morgan, W. J.
Murray, W.
March, J. E.
Murray, D. A.
=McCullagh, V. J.=
Medrow, W. A.
McKay, C. S.
Manthorp, C.
Mahoney, S.
Morice, L. O.
Major, O. J.
Mayo, H.
Mayhew, H.
McCandlish, W. E.
Madden, E. W.
Miller, W. J.
Moss, G. E.
Munsey, T. F.
Male, C. E.
Mehl, J. S. D. E. N.
Mares, A. R.
=Maddocks, F.=
Maddocks, R.
Morriss, L. A. G.
Moynihan, M. J.
Marks, A. H.
Marsh, A. E.
Marlow, H.
Muchmore, A.
Milner, M. J.
Moxham, A. T.
McAdam, C. H.
May, J. A. E.
=McMillan, Q. C.=
=Marriott, C. J.=
Mitchell, V. J.
Martin, J.
Moore, E.
=Meredith, E. S.=
Mackenzie, A. D.
Mitchell, G. V. S.
Mills, S. M.
=Moss, C. F.=
McNicol, J. C.
Morgan, F. C.
MacGillivray, C.
=Marchant, G. S.=
=Murdock, A. J.=
Matthews, C. N.
=McGrath, J. W.=
Marshall, H.
McMuldroch, R.
McMillan, W.
Malthouse, I.
=Medway, P. B.=
McLachlan, R. E.
=Marshall, G. Y.=
=Morton, E. R.=
Marsh, J. H.
Mulhern, J.
McInnes, A. E. G.
Mansfield, G.
Manning, C.
=Menhennitt, R. V.=
Myles, A. J. G.
Morrison, H. S.
Moore, W. G. E.
Matthews, C. F.
Marsh, F. H.
Mason, F. H.
Mills, R. E.
Mansell, A.
Mullinger, P. E.
Merrett, A. E.
Milan, C. C.
Martin, F.
=Mason, J. G. J.=
Marsh, W. B.
Myerscough, L.
Merrick, W. R. P.
Mumford, R. W.
McCaffry, R. W.
Marchant, T. H.
Marychurch, E. W. A.
Mellis, A. W.
=Munro, G.=
Munn, F. A.
Mould, O.
Moran, J. W.
Martin, F. A.
Maynard, G. E.
McLeod, J. N.
Mallett, A. E.
Moyle, J. N. McF.
=Modrach, W. F.=
=Martin, W. E.=
Mitchell, A. C. F.
McIntosh, C. C.
=Messenger, W. F.=
Moring, A. F.
Magrath, J. G.
Milroy, D. H. J.
Marriott, C. J.
Mitchell, W. J. D.
Martin, R. E.
=Munn, J. H.=
Mitchell, F.
Marshall, G. V.
Morrice, A. E.
Moss, C. E.
May, A. V.
Manhood, A. J.
Morris, L. C.
Moore, C. A. G.
McCullagh, A. T.
Mason, H. F.
Milton, J.
Merifield, W. J.
Medway, C. E.
Mumford, G. W.
Murray, C. E.
Mitchell, F. C.
=McAdoo, T. J.=
Males, H. J.
=Martin, G. H.=
=Mann, W. A.=
Mackintosh, S. J.
Martin, W. H.
Moyes, G. A.
Marston, E.
Miller, G.
Munish, W.
Macnicol, D.
Mason, P. G.
Mann, W. J.
=Murray, H. F.=
Manners, A. E.
=Mill, F. C.=
Mouson, H. E.
McNamara, E. C.
McLeod, H.
Moody, G.
Murrell, F. W. S.
Mercer, K.
=Morris, E.=
Moss, G. T.
May, P.
Meason, F. A.
Millwood, F.
=Minter, R. L.=
Morris, E.
Muir, A.
Morton, W. H.
McGrath, J. W.
Martin, W. R.
Masson, L. F.
Maskell, S. V.
Marsh, E. J. W.
Miell, H. S.
Maxall, W. H.
Maxwell, J. R.
Milam, H.
Moore, C.
Maynard, J. J.
Moore, E. F. S.
Moss, H. G.
Marley, T. J.
Miller, R. P.
Micklem, A. J.
Mould, W. E.
Mould, H. E.
Milton, B.
=Morton, R. N.=
Minihane, J. W.
=McNally, J. B. J.=
Mellows, H. J.
Morgan, F. T.
=Manners, F. J.=
Marhoff, F. H.
Marshall, T. L.
=Morris, J.=
Masterton, J.
Mundy, P. D.
Mason, W. B.
Mann, W. J.
Morris, H. B.
=Morris, E. R.=
McCarthy, D.
Morris, R. A.
Matthews, E. C. R.
Mitchell, S. J.
Michaels, J. M.
Malton, R. H.
Milborrow, C. D.
Moate, W. H.
Meredith, H. B.
=Middleton, H. A.=
Munday, H. S. S.
Miller, H. F. A.
Mardell, G. E.
=March, A.=
Marriott, E. P.
Marlow, G.
Morton, J. H.
Marsh, J. W.
Marks, R.
Mansfield, R.
=Myatt, A. F. W.=
Mills, H. G.
Miles, D. F.
Marshall, A. J.
Miles, E. C.
Manning, E. H.
Mink, R. H.
Maunder, S. V.
Maloney, W. W.
Marshall-King, A.
Mitchell, F. C. H.
Miles, H. O.
Martin, H. D.
=Morgan, I. M.=
Marshall, H. G.
Manford, R. F.
Morris, A. S.
Miller, J.
Munns, G. A.
Moore, R.
=McPherson, H. F.=
Morell, I.
Mills, W. E.
Miggleton, L. W.
Miller, A. J.
Millbourn, C. J.
Martin, B.
Mallett, W. J.
Murray, T. E.
Mills, H. G.
Mitchell, J.
Marsh, A.
Monro, D.
Massie, A. J.
Middleton, H. J.
Morgan, D. B.
Martin, J. E. F.
Moore, H. W.
Mercer, W. J.
Martin, H.
Marchant, S. S.
Morey, H.
Mitchell, G. J.
Maxwell, J.
MacGeagh, J. Y.
=Moss, F. J.=
Miller, F.
=Miles, H.=
Marjoram, J. A.
Martin, O. E.
Mayne, E. I.
Membury, B. J.
Meyer, A. H.
Murray, J.
Marsh, T. V.
=Mayer, L.=
Martin, W. J.
=Miles, H. W.=
=Mortyn, A.=
Marriage, J. D.
Moutrie, L.
Mills, R. W.
Muir, H.
Mann, H. V.
Mason, J. W.
Meade, F.
Major, J.
Mogan, J.
Morris, E. F.
Murkett, W.
Mills, R. A.
Margetti, C. P.
Manfield, J. H.
Mason, F. R.
Mills, A. L.
=Mason, W. H.=
Middleham, A.
Marchese, E.
=Miles, W. G.=
Musk, C. W.
Manners, W.
=Meager, J.=
=Mason, I.=
Mason, H. P.
Monk, H. J.
Mason, B. G.
Meakin, A. G.
Medland, A. S.
=Moore, L. G.=
Morris, P. J.
Moss, E.
=Maher, W.=
Mutton, J. W. H.
Melsom, K. L.
Miles, W. H.
Mayhew, W. H.
Marsh, W. A.
Morris, J. F.
Mead, F. E.
Miller, F.
McKimm, T. G.
McClellan, W.
Mason, A. E.
Morelli, E.
Mather, J. H.
=Metcalfe, E.=
McGreevy, J.
Metherell, L. A.
Murrell, M. J.
=Moseley, H. F.=
Monk, W. W.
Munday, A. S.
Munro, C. A.
=Morgan, C. L.=
McDowall, A. C.
Morgan, G.
McFadden, R. E.
Morris, A. C.
Mack, W. J.
Milward, J. J. W.
Matthews, A.
Mills, W.
Miller, A. G.
Mills, S. J.
Matthews, W. E.
Major, T.
Martin, W. E.
Mitchell, J. H.
Moore, F. W.
Morley, J.
Mills, A. W.
Maundrell, T. J.
Maxwell, J. E. H.
Monckton, R.
Morgan, I. C.
Mead, F. G.
=Markham, F.=
Moyle, W. E. C.
Marshall, F. H.
McKinley, C.
=McInery, M. P.=
Marshall, H. L.
Meldrum, J. W.
Muncastor, W. M.
Moore, H. S.
Mann, E.
Moyce, L. J.
Masters, E. H.
Musk, V. F.
Manwaring, A. H.
Marley, J. O.
Munday, H.
Meatyard, F. R.
Martin, F.
Morteo, R. J. P.
Martin, C.
Munday, E. T.
May, G. W.
=McGinn, W.=
Moss, F. W.
May, E. C.
Mumford, W. V.
Moulder, H. A. E.
Myatt, A. S.
Minton, F. S.
Madyon, C. F.
Musk, S. E.
Morley, E. G.
Mabb, W. J.
Mison, H. F.
Marshall, H. P.
Moxham, A. J.
Mass, G. F.
Morgan, H. C.
Maidwell, G. H.
Marshall, T.
Maybee, H. J.
Medowell, A. E. W.
Mills, F. H.
Maugham, F. C.
Morris, S. O.
Matthews, S. F.
Morton, F. E.
Mather, S. J.
McGhee, J. W.
Martin, W. A.
McKinstrey, G.
Mitchell, F. J.
Manwood, V. E. A.
McLaren, E. R.
Marchant, C. G.
Masterton, W.
McKay, H. G.
Masters, P. E.
=Matthews, D. E.=
Mellish, F. W.
=Mackie, D. J.=
Morris, H.
Minshull, C. F.
Mountford, J. E. L.
Merry, J.
May, H. C.
Marshall, J. T.
Mason, T.
Mahony, P. J.
Martin, G.
=Merricks, C. G.=
Mills, C.
Mirrow, G. H.
Motts, C. H.
Morris, J.
McKinnon, J.
Mummery, F. J.
Masten, J.
McKinnon, J. F.
Macken, S. J.
Milne, D. F.
Mellor, A.
Morgan, C. L.
Macmillan, G. C.
=Marsh, R.=
Moyse, C. D.
Millington, J.
Milton, H. W.
McCulloch, G. McN.
Mann, F. G.
Mew, E. H.
Miles, A. F. J.
=Macdonald, D. G.=
McGrath, J. C.
=Mitchell, R. A.=
Mason, W. C.
Macken, F. C.
McCraith, L. N.
Morgan, S.
Murray, E. W.
Martin, S.
Maybank, D. R.
Matthews, C. V.
Morris, G. F.
Milton, C. H.
Maynard, L. A.
Mist, G. J.
Moore, R. D.
Martin, F. J.
Marchese, E.
Maunder, G. S.
Milborne, A. R.
Morris, J. H.
Morgan, R.
Marchant, H. T.
Milner, J. C.
Meams, W. E.
Martin, B. G.
Marshall, L.
=Marshall, R. H.=
Milnes, G. A. F. C.
Matthews, L. G. A.
Moody, G. S.
Machin, L.
Markey, S. L.
Moore, A.
Mullins, D. C.
Mason, E. G.
Morton, L.
McWilham, W. D. N.
McArdell, J. H.
McDonald, G. P.
Meloy, F. L.
Miller, C. H. M.
Mennie, J.
Mills, T. G. P.
Mason, G. F.
Mason, S. H.
Moreton, H. B.
=Macrae, A. C.=
Monteath, R. B.
Matheson, F. E.
Mead, A. J.
Matthews, C.
Mills, E.
Moulding, T. G. R.
Mason, C. C. W.
Millward, W.
Miller, R. B.
Morris, R. C.
Martin, A. H.
Mabey, R. V.
Mills, G. J.
Matchin, A. W.
McNulty, J.
McDuell, J.
Morgan, H. W.
Mancey, G. O. J.
Madden, J.
McIntyre, G. W.
Maher, H.
Manners, G. D.
=Moore, E. F. S.=
McDermott, C. C.
Molyneux, M. W.
Maidment, W. C.
Morgan, A. E.
Morgan, W. J.
=Matthews, W. E.=
Morley, N.
Marsham, W. F.
Miller, W. H.
McFarlarlane, F.
Moore, H. L.
Mothersill, J.
McAdam, R. I.
Morton, E. G. T.
Morton, F. J.
McRorkell, K.
Melville, E. W.
Miller, E. G.
Marshall, J. A. H. G.
Marsh, L. T.
Male, A. E.
Milnes, H. L.
Marks, L.
Mills, E. F. G.
Middleton, F.
Maryon, H. A.
Meacham, C. G.
Manders, C. J.
Martin, E. A.
Maynard, J. H.
Mitchell, T. H.
Mockford, J. B.
Mason, T. G.
Milne, W.
Mason, J.
MacNicol, A.
Martin, J.
Moss, H. V.
Muller, G. O.
Moyse, S. W.
Moseley, G. E. L.
McVeigh, F.
Monksfield, H. R.
Muddle, C.
Mogridge, A. E.
Meale, H.
Morton-Sale, P. A.
McCool, J.
Morton, J. J.
Moye, F. W.
Morton, H.
Metcalfe, H.
Marshall, A.
McInnes, J.
Meadows, O.
Murton, J.
McCarthy, R.
Matthews, C. A.
Mytton, E. P.
Mason, T. H.
Moore, R. C. H.
Morris, P.
Mann, F. E.
Moore, G. W.
Mayhew, G. F.
=Miriam, L.=
Mair, F. C.
=Mayes, A. J.=
Marriott, R. S.
Mendham, G. W.
=Macdougall, R. D.=
Martin, A. E.
Moore, W.
McCarthy, W.
Morris, J.
Marchant, E. J.
Marshall, J. S.
Milam, A. E. E.
Marsh, R. H.
=Mascall, W. H.=
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Naylor, A. J.
Naish, E.
Nicol, R. R.
Nichols, H. W. S.
Nobbs, A. B.
Newman, B. C.
Newling, C. H. Q.
Nichols, F. B.
Nicholas, R. E.
Newman, G. H.
Nicholls, W.
Norris, A. H.
Newson, R. B.
Narraway, S. D. J.
Nichols, S. C.
Nowell, S. A. G.
Newsam, E. S.
=Nottingham, E. B.=
Nichols, R. W.
=Norris, H.=
=Norman, S. J.=
Northam, S.
=Nuthall, W. W.=
Nawton, F. C.
Newman, H. W.
Norris, W. E.
Nelson, A. H.
Newman, C. J.
Noel, C. A.
Nash, F. H.
Norton, R. D.
=Nicholson, A. F.=
=Nattriss, H. A.=
Newman, N. W.
Neill, G. J.
Neall, R. P.
=Nash, H. M.=
Nixon, F. H.
Nelson, G. W.
Newman, P. J.
Nightingale, W. F.
=Nicholas, J. H.=
Neave, L. R.
Norman, F. L.
Neagle, J.
Newman, S. R.
Neate, F. C.
Norman, H. M.
=Norton, W. N.=
Nash, H. T.
Nethersole, J. M.
Neale, A. S. R.
Nicholls, F. J. C.
Nunn, C. F.
Norman, S. J.
Nave, H. J.
Noble, E. E.
Neill, J. J.
Nash, I. J.
Nicholls, H. W.
Nalson, A.
Neale, H.
Newman, W. W.
Nicholson, W. D.
Nicholass, E. W.
Nutton, H. E.
Newey, H.
=Norris, W. T.=
=Newell, F.=
=Nixon, J. H.=
Nicholls, R. W.
Needham, S. G.
Nye, P. T. C.
Nicholass, J. H.
Nicholson, T. L. E.
Newson, J. J.
Noyce, W. J.
Norris, E.
Nicoll, W. M.
Nathan, N.
Norgrove, J. W.
Nicholls, P. E.
Norman, W. H.
Newbury, W. S.
Neil, A. Mc
=Norton, G.=
=Newton, W. H.=
Newman, C. J. B.
Nelson, H. M.
Nixon, C. H.
Newton, C. D.
Newman, W. N.
=Nicholas, R. B.=
Needham, C. W.
Nalty, F. J.
Norwood, J. F.
=Nutt, E. V.=
Nurse, J. A.
Neill, P.
Newton, N.
Norris, H. E.
Newton, F.
Newell, A.
Nash, F. W.
Newman, B. C.
=Nurse, F. R.=
Newlin, H. W.
Newlin, T. E.
Narraday, E. C.
Norton, H. A.
Newman, C. V.
Norton, G.
Newland, H. G.
North, H.
Newlove, C.
Newby, G. F.
Nash, A. F.
Neale, E.
Nichols, A. H.
North, W. H.
Nesbitt, J. C.
=Nott, H. R.=
Nutting, E. W.
Nelson, F. K.
Newling, A. H.
Neale, A. T.
Nisbet, T. Y.
Nelson, F. W.
Newton, D.
=Neave, L. J.=
Nockles, W. E.
Neave, J. S.
Nicholas, J. O.
=Nunian, W.=
Nash, F. G.
Naylor, V. J. R.
Norris, C. H.
Newton, R.
=Neves, W. H.=
Neale, G. H.
Newton, H. R.
Nuttall, G. C.
Neal, R. T.
=Nixon, J.=
Norris, J. H.
Nidd, E. H. C.
=Nankivell, H. G.=
Newman, W. E.
Noise, H. W.
=Newland, F. W.=
Nathan, P. O.
Neate, A. J.
Neave, W. C.
Nimmo, J.
Nunn, W. V.
Neason, H. A.
Newton, H.
Newton, A. J.
=Newstead, J. H.=
Nicholls, W. S.
Noble, E. E.
Newman, D. R.
Nicholson, J. G.
Nash, F. R.
Newland, G.
Newman, A. J.
Nevell, L. W.
Northfield, F.
North, J. F.
Newns, E. L. B.
Nobbs, A. C. W.
Nimmo, F. T.
Nesbit, A. W.
Newnham, F. R. C.
Nicholas, W. E. C.
Needham, D. J.
Nelson, G.
Neale, W. L.
Nash, F. G.
Neville, G. E.
Norris, L. A.
Newling, E. F.
Nottage, A.
Nicholls, R. W.
Norwell, T. S.
North, H.
Newnham, H. W.
Newman, W. G.
Newman, L. W. G.
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New, S.
Nash, H. E.
Norris, F. A.
Nunn, F. G.
Nicholls, F. G.
Norman, E. W.
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Oldham, W.
Osborn, C. E.
Oldcorn, J. S.
O’Callaghan, D. J.
Oliver, G.
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Oatway, L. E.
O’Neill, R.
Old, H.
Ogg, G. A.
Othick, N.
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Olliff, F. C.
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Orwin, F. R.
Oakley, G. McD.
O’Reilly, F. J.
O’Halloran, M. A.
Oborn, V. H.
O’Neill, W. J.
Oulds, S. W.
Orr, J. G.
=Ogilvie, C. W.=
Overall, F. W.
Ormsby, F. A.
Owen, W. C.
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Oldham, H.
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Overbury, C. A.
Organ, W. E.
Oldfield, F. J.
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Oesterman, S.
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Orton, C. W.
Oliver, W. E.
Owen, A. T.
Olding, W. G.
=Oliver, A. C.=
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Overall, G. E.
Ogle, E. J.
O’Gorman, O. H.
Osgood, S. L.
=Ockenden, H. S.=
Orange, R. G.
Oke, W. R.
Olford, F. C.
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Osborne, A. E.
Obourne, A. R. R. P.
Oliver, A.
Owen, E.
Osborne, A.
Oliver, H. A.
Ottley, W. G.
Osborne, A. W.
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Ogus, G. H.
Oliver, H.
=Oram, R.=
O’Grady, A. J.
Overden, H. A.
Osborne, P. R.
Ostler, S. E.
=Owen, A. G.=
Over, C. W. D.
=Olding, F. B.=
O’Beirne, J. P.
Ormond, E. F.
O’Flaherty, T.
Overin, R. C.
=Owen, G. C.=
Osborn, P. A.
Owens, W.
Osborne, F. G.
Osborne, R. H.
O’Shaughnessy, T. S.
Offord, F. L. V.
=O’Connell, S. J. S.=
Oram, J. W.
Owen, L. T.
Oliver, J.
Osborne, E. W.
Oldfield, F, G.
Osborne, G. W.
Oakes, W.
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Orengo, A. J.
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Owers, L. F.
Oliver, S. F.
O’Reilly, F. W.
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Pack, A. J.
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Potter, A.
Pritchard, E.
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Pickering, J.
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Prussia, R. C.
Powley, C. E. N.
Perry, H. B.
Phillips, E. E.
Porter, W. J.
Pinchin, W. H.
Proud, H. H.
Plumbley, C. F. S.
Penfold, A. G.
Polka, S.
Phillips, R. L.
Pratt, E. C.
Palser, C. J.
Perkins, W. G. A.
Preedy, A. E.
Pratt, J. H.
Pautard, H. P.
=Page, H.=
=Phillips, E. A.=
Perks, H. A.
Pearse, E. A.
Pook, W. J.
Pearce, J. S.
=Peters, W. C.=
Pearce, V. G.
=Pulman, R. B.=
Perry, E. A.
Paisley, F.
Preston, F. G.
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Probyn, J.
Phillips, J. E.
Phillips, C. E.
Postle, J. E.
Pattison, S.
Parker, A. E.
Pendry, A. W.
Pitkin, W. S.
Pritchard, G. S.
Payton, C. J.
=Page, A.=
=Pearson, C. E.=
Pocock, B. L. E
Pickering, R. C.
Phillips, R. E.
Pike, H. A.
Payne, V. C. W.
Pearson, T. W.
Pickering, J.
Pfordten, F. von der
Price, L. J. J.
Probyn, H. W.
Page, L. A.
Perry, R. A.
Poiter, C. L.
Payne, H. J.
Phillips, W. E.
Porter, A. R.
Phillips, C. V.
Prevost, J. H.
Phillips, F. A.
Parker, C. J.
Pamphilon, R. A.
Pratt, A. E. M.
Portch, W. T.
Pledge, H. W.
Pruden, S. A. H.
Page, D. G.
Pettman, F. L.
Philpott, E. C.
Potter, S. B.
=Parker, F. L.=
Pickett, G. M.
Pratt, B. A.
Proctor, W. G.
Palmer, R. J.
Patton, H. F.
Payne, F.
Payne, R. A.
Postle, P.
Peel, C. W.
Peacock, E. J.
=Powell, A. E.=
Parkinson, H. G.
Pendrill, W. G.
Price, H. C.
Phillips, E.
Pounds, H. C. S.
=Pennington, E. G.=
Porter, F. J.
Park, C. B.
Payne, T.
Page, C. K.
Parish, C. A.
Pratt, F. H.
Parish, H. S.
Pritchard, W. C.
=Parr, N. G.=
Paton, A.
Pitts, A. W.
Palfreman, A. E.
Percival, B.
Powell, E. C.
Polley, G. E.
Pye, J. W. K.
Porter, A. W.
Plain, F. C.
Plowman, C. W.
Perridge, F.
Platt, A.
Pearson, H. S.
=Pearson, R.=
Pitt, E.
Pulford, W. E.
Power, G. A. V.
=Purper, L. P. V.=
Putt, A. E.
=Parker, S. V.=
Peacock, B. L.
Pullinger, E. L.
=Procter, S.=
Petty, W.
Powell, F. W.
=Pike, C. J.=
Platt, F.
Prior, G. W.
Palmer, V. A.
Prior, F. H.
Paulger, L. E.
Powell, S.
Pace, S. R.
Passmore, E.
Pankhurst, A. J. V.
Plastow, H. A.
Palmer, S. E.
Pentecost, H. J.
=Prideaux, H. L.=
=Page, W.=
Park, R. T.
Pethurst, C. D.
=Pierpoint, G.=
Pryor, A. S. A.
Perry, P.
=Packham, L. A.=
Packham, V. D.
Pearce, S. E.
Prince, W. H.
=Peterson, W.=
Picton, R. S.
Parker, H. P.
=Pullen, A.=
Pickin, W. H.
Page, A. E.
Pett, E. J.
Phillips, A. J.
Pickard, G. H.
Pilbrow, J. E.
Pryde, G. B.
Petty, W. E.
Porter, L.
Prophet, C.
Perceval, W. V. St. L.
Pickering, E. C.
Page, E. L.
Price, A. J.
Palmer, W. S.
=Perry, W. E. N.=
Pilgrim, A. J.
=Prichard, A. I.=
Phillips, E. A.
Parker, A. E.
Pickering, H. W.
Pass, W.
Payter, H. H.
=Pearce, H. J.=
=Pardoe, C. H.=
Preece, S.
Praagh, B.
Pashler, P. W.
Playford, E. J.
=Page, S. C.=
Perry, S.
Pick, B. G.
Pyle, A. F. E.
Page, E. G.
Parker, J. E.
Pain, B. M. F.
=Parker, A. W.=
Pinder, H. F.
Pile, H. A.
Powell, E.
Powell, J. J.
Parker, F. W.
Parkins, H. A.
=Pugsley, C. C.=
=Palmer, H. W.=
Parsons, C. W.
Philips, C. W.
Padgett, G. E.
Preestnall, W.
Parker, B.
Perks, C. T.
Parker, L. S.
=Parkes, F.=
Parnum, J. H.
Phillips, L. P.
Phillips, J.
Pepper, C. W.
Parsons, W. H.
Parsonson, J. W. S.
Picking, R. T.
=Potts, F.=
Palmer, T.
Pates, A.
Pittam, A. P.
Pawson, P.
Parsons, C. J.
=Pearson, A. F.=
Pennell, F.
Perkins, R. R.
Powell, A. E. J.
Parkin, P. W.
Packett, F. M.
Pink, E. J.
Potter, W. H.
Pomroy, S. L.
Palmer, P. J.
Player, F. W.
Pope, L. F.
Preston, C. E.
Pearcy, A. F.
Pope, H. T.
Powell, W. J.
=Penny, H. J.=
=Price, W. J.=
=Panting, E. H.=
Philpot, H. J.
Parr, A. P.
Pitcher, G. W.
Porter, F. N.
=Pook, W.=
Parslow, J. W.
Plasom, H. S.
Pitt, E. A.
Payne, C. W. S.
Parrett, A. T.
Pean, P. D. F.
Patrick, M. G.
Preston, H. G.
Peters, W. E.
Pickering, A.
Pollard, W. J.
Pilgrim, K. F.
=Palmer, L.=
Pledger, N. L.
Prance, W. J. F.
Page, E.
Parr, A. S.
Parker, E. C.
Pickford, S. S.
=Pierce, S. J.=
Pool, W. E.
Prouting, A. J.
Price, J. C. E.
Powell, F.
Palmer, C. J.
Payne, J. J.
Parmley, B.
Pincham, E. W.
Powell, R.
=Pennell, G.=
Perkins, C. G. S.
Prudence, W. J.
Pannell, W. G.
=Pariente, J.=
Pibworth, H. A.
Pike, H. T.
Pratten, T. R.
=Pye, C. H.=
Pendergast, J. A.
Phillips, F. J.
Potter, E. R.
=Parcell, F.=
Parrett, H. J.
Pye, C. H.
Peard, H.
Pollard, H. E.
Penton, T. E.
Parfitt, E.
Partridge, B. A.
Pointing, S. J.
Pilkington, G. V.
Penfold, A. H.
Phipps, G. F.
Pailthorpe, D.
Patten, C. C.
=Paul, G. E.=
Price, H. F.
=Pilcher, C. W.=
Parr, S.
Preston, C. H.
Payton, C. A.
Pratt, W. C.
Pratt, H. A.
Porritt, J. E.
=Parkin, L. C.=
Paine, R. C.
Paine, A. S.
=Pean, H. D. C.=
Pearce, J.
=Pope, H. G.=
Pratt, R. E.
Prescott, J.
Puxley, R. G.
=Payn, E. W.=
=Parr, S. C. F.=
Pugh, E. T.
Pickup, F.
Presswood, F.
Peete, W. J.
Pomroy, A. C.
Poole, J. C.
Plowright, H. C.
Palmer, E. W.
Parkin, W. H.
Papworth, W.
Preece, J. E.
=Palmer, F. A.=
Purkiss, R.
Parker, L. F.
Pratt, T. E.
=Page, R.=
Peters, H. R.
Pilcher, A. M.
Picker, H. J.
Pledger, G. E.
=Pottle, T. J.=
Perry, E. T.
=Parsons, A. B.=
Payne, H. E.
=Pritchard, G. H.=
Phasey, A. J. H.
=Phillips, C.=
Penney, E. J.
Palmer, L. A.
Puddephatt, J. S.
Palmer, J.
Pickford, J.
Pennell, W.
Phillips, O.
Palmer, W. G.
Priest, F. J.
Perry, F. G.
Perry, E.
Parr, C. E.
Prunier, V. A.
Parry, G. A.
Pawsey, R. J.
Parsons, O.
Pocknall, G.
=Pearce, A. E.=
Pryer, G. A. E.
Parr, W. C.
=Pitt, G. E.=
Peat, A. G.
Paul, H. B.
=Pinchard, A. H. B.=
Paley, E. A.
Peake, J.
Parsons, S. W.
Philipowitz, W. C.
Palin, O. E.
Plater, C. H.
Platt, E. J.
Pond, F.
Philpott, G.
Parkinson, A. R. F.
Pegler, H. W.
Pearce, J. R.
Payne, J. W.
=Pankhurst, W.=
=Purcell, W. F. L.=
Peacock, A.
Presland, L. H.
Phillips, D. C. B.
Pratt, H. G.
Pocock, G. W.
Powell, G. L.
Potter, B.
Potter, A.
Powell, F. B.
Perry, F. E.
Pusey, R. E.
Pryke, B.
Pratt, E. C.
Pilgrim, E. V. H.
Price, W. E.
Payne, H.
Purdy, G. H.
Preedy, C. J.
Payne, A. E.
Piggott, E. S.
Pollock, C. S.
Pearce, C. G.
Payne, G. J.
Prideaux, T.
Pope, A. W.
Page, P.
=Percival, W. H.=
Price, W. J.
Parsons, E. H.
=Pannell, C. C.=
Parkinson, M.
Pratt, F. G.
Paterson, D.
Phillips, J. A.
Powell, P. L.
Poulter, D. H.
Price, F. G.
Phillips, C.
Panter, F.
Perks, W. E. J.
Peek, A.
Pitt, A. H.
Poulter, L.
Pike, E. E.
Pearce, E.
Plumridge, M. N.
Pearce, C.
Pearson, L. H.
Payne, W.
Parnell, W. T.
Page, W.
Price, F. E.
Petterson, E. J.
Pickford, J. P.
Pannell, J.
Pallister, N. W.
=Prosser, J. B.=
Phelp, W. E.
Pennyead, H. R.
Peaty, E. G.
Phillips, C. J.
Powell, H. A.
=Pooley, R. A.=
Pratt, L. C.
Patterson, J.
Prevett, F.
=Prince, W. G.=
Preece, S. R.
Pepper, R. J.
Pryke, W. R.
Packer, L. J.
=Powell, C. J.=
Pebody, K.
Parrott, A. W.
Penn, C. C.
Page, H. L.
Parkyn, H. M.
Pearson, H. W.
Perkins, K. S.
Patterson, H.
Please, M.
Pearson, J. H.
=Pilkington, O. F.=
Pierce, H. E.
Peppard, N. S. F.
Potter, F. E.
Pretty, W. R.
Palmer, C.
Parkin, L. J. L.
=Perrin, H.=
=Press, H. E.=
=Pollock, J.=
Price, H. W. G.
Potter, F.
Parsons, D. P.
Parker, F. H.
Peagam, W. F.
Precious, A. M.
Palmer, A. L.
=Peters, W. S.=
Proctor, G.
Peake, R. R.
Press, W. C.
Preece, J. E.
Podger, F. H. J.
Peterkin, J. D.
=Pearce, H. L.=
Phipps, G. E.
Prevot, F. C.
Parker-Ashley, A. G. W.
=Pearce, S. C.=
Potton, S. E.
Packham, W. H.
Patmore, J. A. F.
Phoenix, J. R.
Perry, E. C.
Porter, W. B.
Pausey, F. W.
Price, S. F.
Prada, P. J.
Probyn, W. A. T.
Parker, H. W. J.
Palmer, N. G.
=Palfreyman, J.=
Padgham, F. W.
Peach, J. H.
Prior, J. R.
Prior, W. P.
Pedgrift, G.
Pope, F. G.
Pope, F. R.
Palmer, W. R. G.
Pepper, E.
Phillips, C. W.
Price, H. S.
Phillips, W. B.
Prisk, S. R.
Philpott, S. E.
Pullen, G. J. J.
Popplesdorff, A.
Price, J. H. M.
Philpot, C. C.
Porter, S. H.
Pearce, J.
Pain, G. P.
Perrett, L. C.
Parker, A. A.
Platts, A.
Pyke, T. L.
Parry, T. E.
Palfrey, P. C.
Powell, F. W.
Pateman, H.
Parker, L. C.
Phillips, A. R.
Palmer, F. G.
Povey, J. W.
Pritchard, B. R.
Pearson, F. C.
Punell, A.
Phillips, L. J.
Pearman, G. R.
Parsons, H. R.
Presland, W. A.
Parsfield, F. S.
Payn, A. W.
Penhallow, C.
Powell, B.
Pentecost, T.
Pearce, C. J.
Pearson, H. E.
Peacock, V. H.
Pike, A. G.
Prall, E. T.
Pettit, R. J.
Preest, J. J.
Page, H. Mc W.
Perry, G. L.
Porter, G. H.
Phelps, W. G.
Prudames, A. E.
Peters, R. E.
Pratt, H. G.
Piper, J. H.
Pope, H. F.
Pascoe, E. J.
Pattman, E.
Pearson, L. F.
Patterson, A. E.
Parker, S.
Parker, H.
Purser, G. H.
Patterson, W. H.
Piddington, A.
Parkinson, C.
Pugh, D.
Potter, T.
Pavie, H.
Porter, H. Mc D.
Peterson, F.
Pigram, F. L.
Page, G. A.
Patten, P. A.
Parker, H. T.
Portnell, C. H.
Pinson, C. H.
=Price, H. T.=
Polland, F.
Peyton, H. S.
Parkinson, C.
Poole, H.
Presland, J. W.
Powell, B.
Pinhorne, W. F. B.
Porter, J. F.
Putland, R. E.
Pearson, G.
Pottle, H. R.
Page, T. W.
Parker, W. A.
Panter, A. R.
Pick, H. W.
Proctor, F. L.
Parry, R. A.
Panter, A.
Pickering, J. P.
Perry, G. A.
Pankhurst, S. J.
Preston, A. R.
Puckett, C. H.
Pottle, A.
Palmer, T. W. A.
Parker, E.
Petchley, H.
Patrick, F.
=Porter, H. E.=
Perrin, H.
Pearson, H. W. T.
Poskitt, J. F.
Pither, S. R.
Powell, W.
=Parsons, J. A.=
Plumridge, A.
Probert, C. H.
Pickett, G.
Plank, C. F.
Pooley, P.
Petford, F. C.
Phillips, A. J.
Payton, E. L.
Paling, T. E.
Parsons, J.
Q
Quinton, C. J.
Quartly, R.
Quick, W. G.
Quinton, R. A.
=Quaif, H. A.=
Quartermaine, H.
Quarterman, S. T.
Quigley, J.
Quantrill, F. J.
Quiggin, A. H.
Quigley, P. J.
Quinton, B. R. V.
R
Robinson, A.
Rimmington, C. H.
Richardson, E. T.
Robertson, F. C.
Roberts, W. G.
Rolfe, J.
Rich, R.
=Roach, M.=
Rathbone, L.
Rutledge, J. J.
Roskilly, A.
Rickman, H. E.
Rayner, H. W.
Ruby, A. T.
Rouse, C. V.
Ryan, P.
Ritson, E. H.
Richards, A.
Russell, J.
Randall, E. F. H. C.
Reardin, L. A.
Radice, F. R.
Reeves, J. W.
Rowles, H. G.
Robson, P. M.
=Russell, A. H.=
Ramsey, D. E.
Rowe, A. W.
Roberts, J. W.
Rogers, A. B.
Rayner, L. S. P. H.
Rothfield, A.
=Roberts, R.=
=Ribbons, J. E.=
Rudkins, S. J.
Riddle, H. B.
Richardson, W. J.
Ruber, E. B.
Randolph, J. H.
=Robinson, E.=
Royston, H.
Rothman, W.
=Reed, G. F.=
Royal, A. H. W.
Randle, W. E.
Redgrave, A.
Rich, R. R.
Rudd, R. G.
Regensburg, L. A.
(alias Ray, L. R.)
Robinson, E.
Rapps, F. T.
Ridout, A. E.
Reed, J. H. W.
=Richardson, L. J.=
Rushman, G. W.
Roberts, H. L.
Reay, C. R.
Richardson, H. H.
Robson, H. S.
=Rose, A. G.=
Rees, E. D.
Rickard, R. Y.
Ridout, G. S.
Rogers, A. M.
Rose, J. H.
Reader, J.
Riding, E. J.
Richardson, J. E.
Redman, W. T.
Randall, F. H.
Robb, A. J.
Roberts, A.
=Roberts, B.=
Roddis, H. A.
Rumsey, G. O.
Rayment, F. J. H.
Reed, P. A.
Richardson, H. E.
Robinson, B. H.
Robinson, C. H.
Robinson, F. M.
=Rule, A. G.=
Roessti, F. J.
Richardson, F. M.
Read, L. J.
Redding, P. J.
Roeber, W. C. T.
Robinson, O. B.
Ritchings, A. A. W.
Roberts, J. F.
Ramsay, A. A. W.
Reeks, P. E.
Robinson, A. J.
Reddy, V. S. F.
Richardson, G. W.
Reeves, W. J.
Rendell, H. O. W.
Ramsay, R.
Raggett, G. C.
=Rotherham, A.=
=Rogers, J. A.=
Reynolds, J. F. G.
=Roberts, B. J.=
=Reader, B. A.=
Radcliffe, J. E.
Ridden, B.
Riseborough, C.
Rondeau, G. O. O.
Ralph, J. A. A.
=Reeve, E. A.=
Richards, H. E.
Riley, J. A.
Robinson, E. J.
Roxbrough, H. R.
Roser, F. C.
Riley, G. F.
Rooth, L. A.
Redman, D. F.
Roffey, W. J.
Randell, H.
=Rayner, M. A.=
Rice, H. A.
Rowlands, D. D.
Rogers, J. L.
=Rowe, H. J. P.=
Roylance, W. G.
Reddick, L.
Robbins, W. G.
=Rye, F.=
=Richardson, A. N.=
Roberts, J.
Rewcastle, G. B.
Read, H. H.
Roberts, E. E.
Rostron, J.
Russell, E. F. R.
Rodnight, W. B.
Roworth, F. E.
Reid, E. M.
=Rees, H. G.=
Robins, A. L.
Rossiter, B.
Radford, J. F.
=Richards, B.=
=Robson, R. E.=
=Rowthorn, S.=
Ross, W. N.
Raven, A.
=Roden, A. D.=
Rowe, G. H.
Roy, A.
Rudiger, C. E.
Rayner, M. L.
Reynolds, E. R. G.
Riches, R.
Roberts, R. P.
=Ross, A. A.=
Richards, F. H.
Roper, W. A.
Rogers, E. A.
Roberts, D. H.
Rice, P. H.
=Radmore, H. E.=
Robinson, D.
Richardson, A. W.
Robathan, L.
Reardon, E. L.
Richardson, F. J.
Reeve, S. A.
Reeve, E. L.
Roberts, H.
Read, F. D.
Reich, N. W.
Roberts, J.
Reed, J. R.
Rutter, W. R.
Redhead, St. G.
Reis, V. C.
Rank, S.
Randolph-Brooker, S. T.
=Russell, A. W.=
Ricker, C. F.
=Rowe, A. H.=
Rhodes, P. L.
Ross, J. G.
Richardson, F.
Ransley, H. H.
Russell, P. S.
Royston, T. A.
Ricketts, F. E.
Rowland, A. A.
Rossiter, W. R.
Russell, J. C.
Robinson, A. C.
Ralph, F. G.
Roberts, R. A.
Reeder, J. N.
Ridley, A. L.
Richards, H. R.
Rogers, F. N.
Rogers, P. D.
Ray, J. S.
Ramsden, S.
Roper, B. F. H.
Roberts, D.
Ryan, J. F.
Rolfe, W. W.
Rooke, A. S.
Roope, W. S.
Richardson, F. F.
Rowland, G. W.
=Reid, E.=
Reid, H. J.
Reid, R. H.
Rose, W. T.
=Rowles, J. R.=
Rates, H. G. G.
=Rigden, S.=
Rogers, M. P.
Rowland, R. J.
Reddington, B. J.
Reed, T.
Rocke, H. A.
Raper, W. H.
Richards, N. J. P.
Rogers, A. H.
Rogers, A. B.
Roberts, C.
Rilstone, R.
Roberts, F. L.
=Robinson, B.=
Rolfe, H. W.
Russell, W.
Ralph, L. W. H.
Rose, W.
Rabin, H.
=Rourke, A. E.=
Round, G. A.
Rogers, A. W.
=Rawlinson, F.=
Rouse, F. H. S.
Ripley, W. W.
Rasberry, J.
Reeves, B. G.
=Russell, F.=
Richardson, B. E.
Redworth, J.
Rider, E. A.
Reid, E. C.
Reynolds, L.
Robeson, H. S.
Reece, J. W.
Robbins, W.
Ryder, C. A.
Richardson, W. J.
Reeves, H.
=Roberts, V. B.=
=Ridley, J.=
Russell, W. A.
Reed, G. C.
Robinson, T. G.
Risby, G.
Ramsay, J. H.
Ravenhill, W. C.
Ruter, L.
Robinson, J. A.
=Rayner, F.=
Rowbottom, F. J.
Rudland, S.
Rushton, W. N.
Rosser, R. W. R.
Ritchie, T. S.
Riddle, H. E.
Rolfe, R. J. G.
Rogers, H. J.
Ruffell, A. T.
Rees, J. T.
Robinson, G. W.
Rose, L.
Reed, C. W.
Reynolds, G. W.
Ruegg, W. F.
Rhodes, C. T.
Robertson, J.
Reed, A. J.
Richardson, W. H.
Richards, G. H.
Richards, T. D.
Russell, B.
Rodgers, S.
Rickus, L. W. E.
Read, F.
Rosenberg, H.
Rose, N. A.
Richardson, R.
Robinson, H. R.
Roberts, F. C.
Ridgway, R.
Ricketts, E. C.
Reynolds, G. H.
Robinson, R.
Renshaw, A. F.
Reynolds, J. N. K.
Rogers, H.
Robbins, E. W.
Robertson, D. E. C.
Rulf, A. B.
Roeper, E. F.
Roberts, H. O.
Reeve, W. E.
Reid, J. B.
Rake, G. P.
Rushman, W. F.
Risby, A. C.
Redman, F. H. R.
Rochester, W.
Rickaby, G.
Rowe, W. J.
Roddick, R. J.
Ritchie, A.
Retallack, E. H. S.
Richardson, J.
Rose, H.
Reeve, J. S.
Raybould, H.
Rainger, P. G. J.
Rook, B. W. L.
Richardson, A. B.
Rogers, A. H.
Ryan, F. G.
Richardson, P.
Robertson, C.
=Redcliffe, F. R.=
Reekie, W. J.
=Rowe, E. G.=
Rumbold, D. J.
Robinson, E. W.
Reynolds, C. F.
Richardson, J. O.
Rice, R.
Roper, R. J.
Robson, R. K.
Rhodes, A.
Robinson, H. M.
Richards, E. C.
Ragge, J. Y.
Robinson, H. L.
Ruxton, A. J.
Robinson, N.
Rabbinowicz, E.
Robson, A.
Rees, J. P.
Rooms, A. J.
Robinson, T. W.
Read, L.
Richards, A.
Robins, E. H.
Reeve, E. G.
Rutter, R.
Richards, A.
Reeves, A. J.
Rudge, J. W. J.
Rutland, L. G.
Rich, P. J. N.
Royal, R.
Roberts, A. T.
=Read, F. H.=
Rowley, E. C.
Robinson, H. R.
Robinson, F. T.
Rowswell, E. V.
Reid, A. J.
Rudkin, C. A.
Ramsay, A. C.
Ralston, G. A.
Randall, G. J.
Reed, L.
Reynolds, S. C.
Reynolds, H. A.
Rushbrook, A.
Russell, P. A.
Rice, C. A.
Rickard, S. H. A.
Robinson, R. C.
Robinson, G. H.
Reeve, A.
Rossiter, A. L.
Robinson, A. V.
Root, A. J.
Richards, C. F.
Rippin, H. G. C.
Ryan, A. H.
Reason, J. W.
Roberts, H. S.
Robertson, J. F.
Reece, S. H.
Russell, H. A.
Rackley, E. J.
Roberts, C. T.
Richards, D. M.
Rogers, R.
Rees, L. W.
Reeves, T. J.
Russell, T.
Rogers, J. F.
Russell, A. W.
Rogers, J. F.
Russell, A. W.
Ray, E. E.
Rudkin, R. J.
Roberts, A.
Rowell, W. A.
Reynolds, A.
Rinett, H. G.
Roddick, J. G. S.
Rogers, E. R.
Raven, S. E.
Reed, G. F.
Read, J. W.
Ratcliffe, J.
Rowland, F. W.
Regan, R. A.
Reynolds, S. W.
Robey, A. J.
Robson, R. Y.
Reeves, J.
Reis, C. A.
Robinson, C. F.
Robinson, E. L.
Rose, W. J.
Rose, L. F.
Rice, J. J.
Reach, C. T.
Read, H. E.
Ringham, J. W.
Rae, R.
Royce, J.
Roberts, W. G.
Russell, A. J.
Russell, C. F.
Rogers, A. W.
=Rush, P. S.=
Reuss, W. H.
Redhouse, H. A.
Richards, P. C.
Robertson, A. E. A.
Ransley, E. W.
Roebuck, G.
Rowe, H. M.
Richardson, R. J.
Reeves, J.
Riding, J.
Reed, S. A.
Reed, H.
Rimmer, P.
S
Searle, S. J.
Smith, F. J.
=Smith, J.=
Snell, W. J.
Swabey, L. A. W.
Simpson, G.
=Scar, G. S.=
Seys, S. A.
Stratton, C. O.
Smith, F. M.
Stoaker, H.
Stannard, F. W.
Spicer, C. S.
Squire, R. H.
Sharratt, L. H.
Somers, V. H.
Sergent, A. G.
Sarll, A. B. C.
Syme, W.
=Smith, H. L.=
Shanahan, J. E.
Shanahan, W. D.
Suckling, P. H.
Sheldon, S. W.
Smith, H. S.
Smith, E. S.
Smith, C.
Sale, J. C.
Simpson, G.
Skertchley, M. B.
Stokes, W. J.
Shave, S. O.
=Scott, A. E.=
Slade, C.
Sayers, C. W.
Slater, W. S.
Syrad, H. A.
Smith, W. J.
=Sergeant, H. V.=
Schneider, C. M.
Sanderson, W. K.
Shorter, J. F.
Sugars, R. C.
Strong, P. G. L.
Sergeant, C. L.
Sebborn, H. P.
Spencer, W. H. R.
Strafford, L. G.
Shepherd, R. O.
Smith, H. L.
Squires, E. C.
Symons, A.
Sparkes, A. S.
Stangroom, W. H.
Selby, A. C.
=Scott, H. J.=
Smith, C. G. S.
Smith, C. C. G.
Stafford, H. C.
Starling, S. E. R.
Slade, P. G.
Stebbing, G. B.
Stevenson, W. R.
=Snelling, F. W.=
=Skinner, H. C.=
Salkeld, D.
Skillern, W. G.
Stewart, J. C.
Shirer, F. G.
Sartain, A. J.
=Stevens, A. E.=
Seton, S. J.
Shipton, B. A.
Stewart, E. J.
Skawyer, W. J.
Sharp, P. M.
Shorey, F. K.
Stanbrook, F.
Shearne, F. E. C.
Staines, S.
Smith, W. E.
Spinks, V. A.
Scadeng, W.
Swain, J. H.
Samuels, P. J.
Scott, B. C.
Salter, J. W.
Stone, R. W. S.
Schleffer, H. A.
Sparge, E.
Stone, C. H.
=Soal, E. W.=
Scott, F. T.
=Smith, F. C.=
Salmon, H.
Sweet, R. G. I.
=Speight, F. O.=
Scarth, G. S.
Stratton, F. J.
Scott, E. C. H.
Smith, L. H. G.
Softley, R. W.
Shurley, H. D.
Simpson, J.
Smith, F. C.
=Smith, J. D.=
=Snellgrove, A. E.=
Stebbings, J. K.
Strong, L. G.
Shellard, J. G.
Smith, H. J.
Sutcliffe, H. P.
Seville, K. A.
Sheppard, F. C.
Stanley, M. W.
Stenning, C. H.
Sease, G. W.
Sutherland, K. C.
Shackle, E. H.
Shackle, W.
Skinner, F. J.
=Smith, F. R.=
Stevens, C. G. B.
Stevens, R. H.
Skerrett, H. R.
Scrimshaw, A. L.
Shanks, D. B.
Smith, A.
Smith, F. M.
=Shepherd, H. A.=
Sidwell, E.
Snawdon, F. W.
=Steele, H. J.=
=Stevens, H. J. V.=
Smedley, H. L.
=Sharp, A. M.=
=Sprigge, F. H.=
=Slee, A. G.=
Stratford, A. B.
Scammell, P.
=Steane, P. H.=
Studd, E. P. H.
Shaw, F. V.
Smith, R. S.
Stranson, W. R.
=Stribling, G. H.=
Saunders, G.
Step, G. E.
Schutz, W. A.
Sormani, P.
Spencer, H. J.
Stevens, J. P.
Smith, L.
Snelling, F. J.
Spielman, I.
Stamfield, E. C. H.
Seymour, H.
Saunders, J. T.
=Sutton, A. F.=
=Stalley, C. B.=
Sheppard, W. H.
=Saunders, R. F.=
Stanton, W. S.
=Shirvington, T.=
Short, E. W.
Silverstone, A.
=Sirett, E. M.=
Sloan, T. W.
Smith, B. L.
Smith, C.
=Smith, C. F.=
Smith, T. A.
=Smith, W.=
Stafford, C. F.
Stewart, D. A.
Striking, G.
Stone, W. D.
Sutherland, C.
Slade, H. A.
Small, L. J.
Sacksen, H. M.
Scott, G. A.
Smith, F. C.
=Smith, H. F.=
=Slatter, P.=
Souter, H.
Stockman, F. W.
Suhr, V. R. I.
Stimson, C. B.
Sarson, A. C.
Smith, W. H.
Shepherd-Jones, G. S.
Saqui, H.
Sylvester, F.
Scott, L. J.
Stanhope, H. H. S.
Smith, G. B.
Scott, M. A.
=Small, J. F.=
Singleton, C.
Smith, S. R.
Scagell, M. V.
Steward, A. P.
Smith, S. A.
=Sandford, A. G.=
Shiels-Bruce, J. H.
Smith, A. E.
Stephenson, J.
Slack, H. B.
Sawyer, A. E.
Smith, H. D.
Sheldrake, A. H.
Slattery, E. C.
Simmons, H.
Stockwell, C. B.
Salter, H. J.
Sheppard, P. G.
Sundquist, J.
Stevens, W.
=Sheppard, V. F.=
Samman, A. B.
Smith, J. G.
Smith, H. W.
Smith, G. F. J.
Stanley, G.
Seal, F. A.
Stratton, H. C.
Strickland, T. E.
Steer, H.
=Smith, W. T.=
Shaddick, H.
Stow, F. W.
Sherlock, E. G.
Smith, G. T.
Scammen, V.
Stadden, F. F.
Seacombe, A. E.
Seacombe, S. J.
Smith, W. H.
=Symes, A. R. T.=
Skertchley, C.
Smith, S. E.
Seymour, C.
Shipp, S. G.
=Stokes, E. C.=
Smith, C. F.
Stragnell, E.
Sinfield, R. F.
Stevens, R. A.
Stacey, A. E.
Savell, G. W. H.
Smith, J. F. W.
Such, A.
Sanderson, C. A.
Sinclair, E. H.
Snelling, T. A.
Spurgeon, K. J.
Stockwell, H. S.
Smith, N. G.
Simpson, G. H.
=Sawyer, W.=
Shepherd, A.
Simmons, H.
Scott, F. W.
=Spurge, C. H.=
Steele, P. L.
Streeter, G. A.
Sears, H. F.
Simpson, A.
=Stevens, J. S. R.=
=Stoakes, A.=
Stodart, F. A. G.
Swiney, L. C.
Sisley, G. O.
Smith, G.
Saban, G. H.
Schank, H.
Soar, F. L.
Salmons, W. T.
=Saltmarsh, O. N.=
Sherlock, C. A.
Shirley, R.
Stringer, J. W. T.
Summers, J. A.
Shaw, L. F. L.
Smeed, E. J.
Stotesbury, P.
Stent, F. R.
Sharp, W. F.
Spence, J. F.
Simmons, L.
Smith, W. A.
=Stemp, A.=
Stewart, D.
Simmonds, H. R.
Smith, G.
Scannell, B.
Sanders, A. P.
Silcox, E.
Simms, C. R.
Stacey, E. J.
Simmons, T. H.
Smith, C.
Strong, A.
Stebbings, H. K. J.
Stenning, A. G.
Shackleford, W. A.
=Stevens, A.=
Smith, G. H.
Sabey, E. L. S.
Smith, H. A.
Sherman, G. E.
Staples, G. W. M.
Stine, E. W.
Sanderson, C. J.
Seale, C. G.
Stringer, L. J.
Savage, F.
Sherman, F. W. R.
Smith, W. J.
Stacey, F.
Stone, H. R.
=Skitter, H. J.=
Scott, S.
=Sutherland, A. W.=
Shanahan, G. B.
Smee, T. F.
Saunders, S. T.
Streker, W. R.
Scruby, A. E.
Snellgrove, A. E.
Stanley, A. E.
Stone, G. A.
Stanfield, G. F.
Small, A.
Senior, R. H.
=Shelton, G. F.=
Skipper, E.
Stockwell, C. F.
Sympson, F. R.
Summerhayes, T. E.
Salmond, A.
=Sheldrake, P.=
Scott, H. M.
Smith, A. R.
Shurrock, A. V.
Sharp, G. B.
Smith, S. W. R.
=Spillman, F. W.=
Surridge, A. J.
Smithers, W. F.
Sackett, E. L.
Sell, C. W.
Skidmore, H. J.
Sell, F. W.
Sparrow, H. R.
Sharp, N. H.
Stockwell, W. S.
Snell, H. J.
Smart, R. E.
Street, B. O.
=Samuels, G. M.=
Stevens, W.
Sheppard, R. T.
Sankey, A. L.
Saville, S. W.
Sculpher, J. M.
Selby, W. J. H.
=Shears, H.=
=Smith, G. E.=
Strudman, A. V.
Swabey, S. B.
Sutton, J. E.
=Stringer, H.=
Speakman, W. T. J.
=Saunders, F. J. R.=
Scott, J.
Simpson, W.
Snell, E.
Swinson, G. W.
Small, J. A.
Smith, A. H.
Southwood, V. P. E.
Saunders, H.
Stonham, H. W.
Songer, E.
Sullivan, G.
Somerville, W. E.
Skipworth, F. G.
Sparks, A.
Swann, N. L.
Simons, G. D.
Shirley, A. J.
=Steed, W. W.=
Smith, E. A.
Staines, E. R. A.
Stillman, G. H.
Smith, W. E.
Stark, F. C.
Smith, E. G.
Stephenson, J. H.
Smith, F. W. J.
Spencer, R. E.
Steed, F.
Smith, C.
Sherwood, F. T.
Souter, A.
Steward, J. J.
Spicer, D. P. R.
Swallow, F. B.
Sharpe, J. H.
Sawtell, G. K.
Somper, N. M.
Season, G. R.
Smith, S. J.
=Shearmen, C. R.=
Soper, W. E.
Sarbutt, B. A. W.
Shirley, E. J.
=Struckett, W. C.=
Spalding, E. W.
Stokes, L. R.
Seale, B. T.
Smith, W. B.
Spurdens, F. W.
Stebbings, F. A. C.
Smith, S. C.
=Sutherland, J.=
Schen, R. Z.
=Stepto, C. F.=
Schwab, A. E.
Sexton, F. J.
Surrey, W.
Slatter, A. C.
Sabourin, J. W. R.
=Sutor, F. P.=
Scott, E. D.
=Smart, R. W.=
Sanger, F. W.
Simmons, P.
Salisbury, E. W.
=Stevens, J. S.=
Sewell, S. F.
Sweet, F. W. C.
Spencer, J. C. M.
Shrimsky, I.
Stevens, W. H. R.
Schineberg, N.
Stansbridge, A. G.
Studd, G. D.
Smith, R. W.
Smith, A. W.
Stacey, E. C.
=Stafford, J. E.=
=Snow, B.=
Swabey, A. G.
Speed, H.
Snelling, W.
=Strachan, K. A.=
Spriggs, F. W.
Skinner, C. F.
Shearsky, A. E.
Scheidigger, E. R.
Schooling, G. R.
Speichley, F.
Stannard, A. E.
Smith, C. A.
Smyth, L. J.
Stanley, W. H.
Sanders, A. E.
Smith, J. H.
=Shepherd, F. C.=
Sullivan, J.
Scrivener, G.
Sainsbury, G. O.
Salisbury, B.
Salisbury, C. G.
=Surman, F. G.=
Squire, A. H.
=Sexton, R.=
Sparham, A. G.
Spencer, C. F.
Short, F.
Sandes, I.
Sole, C. G.
Savage, G. C.
Sweet, R. J. G.
Smith, E. J.
Serle, C. W.
Spackman, H. J.
Scott, H.
Scouller, C. J.
Sealey, A. H.
Smith, S. J.
Stroud, C. O.
Spencer, F.
Stokes, C. B.
Smart, C.
Smith, S. G.
Spilman, J. H.
Staples, A. A.
Simpson, W. H.
Stredwick, C. A.
Saddington, H. H.
Sherman, F. A.
Smith, C.
Shennon, J.
=Selley, A. C.=
Stephens, G.
Strohmenger, F. J.
Snell, C. D.
Scotchbrook, E.
Simons, F. T.
Souter, P.
Sharp, H. F.
Stacey, S. A.
Shatwell, W.
Seddon, J. U.
Saipe, L.
Stoneham, C. H.
=Spring, W. M.=
Spinn, S. G.
Simmonds, P.
Satow, J. L.
Sims, H. J.
Scotchmer, E. F.
Smith, A. R. T.
=Sanson, A.=
=Sharp, H. C.=
Suffell, F. J.
=Sainty, D.=
Smith, C.
Stair, F. H.
Souter, G. B. M.
Stacey, C. B.
Sells, R. W.
Severs, A. R.
=Shelley, S. A.=
Stott, C. R.
Sopp, H.
Sillitoe, S. A.
Spooner, J. C.
=Smith, F. W.=
Smith, H. C.
=Sharp, T. P.=
=Smith, H. T.=
Skinner, F. C.
Solomon, N.
Seymour, H. A.
Sutherland, J.
Shaw, E. C. H.
Simmond, G. A.
Sirett, M. C.
Staines, W. E.
Smith, C. H. K.
Savage, H. G.
Smith, A.
Stray, P. H. G.
Smith, J.
Scott, J. N.
Short, A. E.
Saunders, H. J. H.
Straker, H.
Snell, W. J.
Scott, G. F.
Sanders, E. R.
Stevens, A. G.
Solomon, J. J.
Strike, J. H.
Swaite, H. H.
Salmon, B.
Still, S.
Steel, J.
Slade, A.
Snooker, R. H.
Spicer, F.
Setchfield, H.
Steward, B. J.
Snellgrove, H.
Scott, C.
Stretch, J. H. T.
=Sweet, A. E.=
Shea, J.
=Stimpson, S. A.=
Stean, W.
=Sayers, J.=
Savell, J. W.
Sewell, F. C.
Smart, G. H. R.
Stratford, A.
Smith, H. F.
Steward, J. G.
Seib, P. C.
Sargent, A. W.
Strean, P. C.
Sabin, A. J.
Saunders, A. T.
=Simmonds, H. F. R.=
Spencer, E. S.
Smith, P. C.
Storry, A.
Sturgeon, R. R.
Smith, W. I.
Sewell, R. V.
Shaw, H. W.
Smith, H. B.
Smith, S.
Steer, A. J.
Sinclair, P.
Silk, E. T.
Smith, S. W.
Smart, H. H.
Schroder, P. R.
Sanders, S. A.
Smith, A. F. P.
Smith, F. J. E.
Sorzans, L.
Smith, J. G.
Saberton, B. G.
Stevens, C.
Skilton, C. T.
Scott, W. D.
Swaine, A. V. A.
=Smith, R. D.=
Stuart, E. C.
Smith, D. H.
Smith, W. E.
=Sutton, F.=
Swanson, J. S.
Swell, E. C.
Soutter, F. J.
Sherwood, R. S.
=Shears, E. W.=
Sullivan, J.
Scott, E. A.
Spicer, L. E.
Smyth, R. H.
Smith, G. W.
Sheppard, H. T.
=Sewell, E. T.=
Stevenson, W. H.
Sutton, H. A.
Steward, G. E.
Stevens, H. R.
Scott, S. F.
Smith, S. J.
Simpson, R.
Sole, C. W.
=Shuter, A. A.=
=Spicer, W. A. R.=
Shute, G. A.
Smith, E. C.
Saunders, W. J.
Spencer, E. C.
Smith, H. G.
Smethurst, H.
=Simpson, F.=
Scotcher, G. O. S.
Scotter, E. V.
Staniland, H. R.
Stuchbery, E. F.
Sendell, A. W.
Sweetenburgh, W. E.
Stearman, H. C.
Stratton, W. T.
Snow, R. P.
Smith, F. E.
Sawyer, L. P.
=Scruby, A. E.=
Stride, W. E.
Softly, B. S.
Stroud, R. P.
Sax, C. W.
=Stewart, C.=
Smith, A. V.
Sturman, F.
Savory, C. J.
Schofield, R. F. A.
Shephard, D. A.
Shephard, W. H.
Simmons, W. T.
Stripp, H. F. E.
Stuart, C. A.
Simpson, A.
Seeley, G. J.
Stanley, C. G.
Springham, C. J.
Seamer, A. S.
Swyer, R.
Summers, S. G.
Shales, K. H.
Sells, G. S.
Sims, R. M.
Starkings, P. L.
Smith, G.
Smith, C. G.
Scott, C. R.
Scott, A. E.
Smith, D.
Sharman, V. G.
Sly, F. G. E.
Salmon, C. T.
Stephenson, P. E.
=Spence, J. G.=
Start, C. A.
Simpson, A. L.
Sanders, W. M.
Sexton, P. C.
Smart, F. P.
Sewell, J.
Stokes, C. J.
Smith, C. W.
Sparshott, H. L.
Sinnott, R. E.
Sheldrake, R. F.
Spandler, T. R.
=Smith, W.=
Spence, A. M.
Summers, J. N.
=Sleep, H.=
=Stanlake, S. A.=
Smeaton, J. P.
Swain, H.
Schofield, J. A.
Stockings, E. C.
Sangway, H. W.
Smith, R. B.
Scott, L.
Sparks, N. I.
Shaw, T.
Stevenson, S.
Sutton, W. G.
Saxelby, F. M.
Snook, G.
Stratt, C. B.
Smeeton, B. R.
Scott, J.
Smethurst, H. C.
Skrimshire, F. A.
Stone, S. A.
Smith, L. J. W.
=Saywood, A.=
Snow, C. F.
Savage, A. W. H.
Smith, J.
Simms, J. W.
=Stevens, S. H.=
Sercombe, K. W.
Salisbury, A. G.
=Smith, A. G.=
Salisbury, A. J.
Smith, F. H.
Stock, W. C.
Salmon, W. J.
Slade, E. J.
Stephenson, A.
Standen, W. G.
Squires, P. A. J.
Skeens, A. V.
=Stears, F. D.=
Short, F. H.
Sadler, H. H.
Slatter, H.
Shorter, J. F.
Smith, G. E. S.
Stonier, J. L.
Smith, S. F.
Sale, A. A.
Smith, W. L.
Stokes, J. B.
Stone, H. F. W.
Starkey, J. S.
Smith, H. T.
Smethurst, J. H.
Shaw, J.
Sheahan, J. F. R.
Simpkin, A. H.
Saunders, P. A.
Sweet, H. H.
Starling, F. G.
Sabey, E. L. S.
Sherlock, D. J.
Smith, J. C.
Sparks, R. B.
Seldon, M. J.
Symes, V. A. E.
Sugars, R. C.
Swanne, H. A.
Sedgley, W. N.
Silk, H. V.
Savory, A. C.
Saunders, E. C.
Singleton, G. H.
Shaldon, F. W.
Simon, T.
Smith, W. J.
=Stapleton, C.=
Sledge, F. G. N.
Smith, E. A. W. H.
=Shearsmith, E.=
Sloan, P.
Sidwick, A. G.
Sparks, C. J.
Stewart, J. O.
Stone, A. G.
Slater, A. J.
=Stuart, C. S.=
Shearman, R. J.
Spencer, W. J. A.
Smith, A. E.
Stillman, F. G.
=Summerfield, W. W. J.=
Spinks, W. W. L.
Sparrow, H. H.
Self, R. H. W.
Smith, A. F.
Sutton, S. R.
Sanders, G. E.
Shanks, J. E.
Shelton, G.
Spiers, W.
Staples, A. H.
Stewart, F. J.
Setterfield, H. E. S.
Smith, E. W.
Smith, W. C. H.
Seymour, A. J.
Simpson, P. S.
Strutt, G. B.
Simpson, F. E. C.
Stockings, J.
Sucker, H. E.
Sangwell, F. C.
Simpson, J. H.
Smith, H.
Stenning, S.
Sennitt, E. W.
Stevens, E. A.
Standivan, E. D.
Stevenson, W. F.
Sandys, T.
Sansum, A. G.
Selwyn, W. H.
Shippey, E.
Skinner, C. G.
Stacey, S. J.
Stokes, E. F.
Solloway, H. E. G.
Starling, W. G.
Sweetingham, A. H.
Spink, J.
Spooner, H.
Stables, F.
=Sheen, P. C.=
Shewbridge, J.
Shoobert, G. W.
Smith, A. F.
Shubrook, H. G.
Smith, J. D.
Stump, T. H.
Scott, A. J.
Smith, H.
Stanion, W. J.
Stafford, W. E.
Smedley, W. E.
Sheppard, F. C.
Smith, A. F.
Snow, H. R.
Stringer, C. H.
Strike, F. J.
Shepherd, G.
Smith, S.
Smith, J. W.
Spooner, G.
Sharrod, F.
Summerlin, A.
Spriggs, T.
Stolley, H. C. W.
Smith, J. B.
Smith, J. H.
Suatt, A. R.
Spring, J. T.
Stamper, F. H.
Sales, A. C.
Sanford, W.
Speake, P. W.
Stillwell, T. W.
Sumpter, V. S.
Sampson, C.
Snell, F. J.
Smith, V. B.
Suckling, A. E.
Swatman, R. C.
Sumpter, H.
Start, P. G.
=Shanks, D. B.=
Smith, S. S.
Simpson, H.
Swain, J.
Smith, W.
Scott, F.
Simpson, A.
Steven, A.
Stewart, E. J.
Smith, H. W.
Simpson, R.
Sharrad, R. A.
Stein, I. A.
Stewart, C. B.
Smith, D. H.
Smith, W.
Sinfield, F. W.
Skinner, A. R. M.
Sykes, F.
Swindells, J.
Stafford, R. A.
Shrubsole, H.
Sutherland, G. W.
Silbold, P. H.
Sica, A.
Simpson, J.
Swan, R. G.
Seabrook, W.
Schwartz, E. J.
Sargant, E.
Shore, S.
Smith, P.
Shepherd, W. J.
Smart, H. E.
Slater, E.
Simmonds, H.
Sharp, H. W.
Shrubb, H. J.
Smith, W.
Sheen, W. J.
Smith, E. W.
Smith, G.
Smith, S. A.
=Stansfield, J.=
Stockbridge, W.
Smale, J. N.
Seale, A. W. F.
Shead, S. F.
Smith, H.
Snellgrove, C. B.
Stevenson, J. T. B.
Squires, H. T.
Scott, A. J.
=Smith, W. G.=
Smith, W.
Smith, H. T.
Storey, W. J.
Strangwood, J. W.
=Smith, H. J. E.=
T
Todd, H. G. W.
Turk, A. S.
Turner, P. W.
Thurston, F. S.
Trinder, G. H.
Templeman, H. V.
Tiplady, F. C.
=Turner, J. H.=
Trout, F.
Thomas, W. G.
Tolson, R. A.
Tanner, H. J.
Tickle, P. J.
Tinker, J. E. B.
Tomlins, J. E.
Tyrrell, A. J.
Tuffill, H.
Tryance, F. J.
Thomas, J. H.
Turner, W. G.
Taylor, F. E.
Thompson, D.
Tuffill, S.
Tyler, F.
Talbot, B. W.
Tickner, J. C.
Treadwell, A. W. R.
Tuck, W. G. M.
Tacagni, W. J.
Taylor, A. C.
Thorogood, R. W.
Tyson, B. A.
Thomson, G. P.
Tyrrell, H. C.
=Treliving, P. T.=
Taylor, A. W.
Taplin, W. G.
Tredianick, F. S.
Thompson, R. J.
Tosio, A.
Twentyman, J. J.
Thain, S. G. C.
Thomas, A. G.
Thomas, F. A.
=Taylor, C. H.=
Trent, H. S.
Tucker, S. C.
Turner, R. A.
Turner, G.
Tristram, E. B.
=Tracey, A. J. F.=
Tanner, H. J.
Thorburn, I. M.
Thomas, W. G.
Thomas, I. W.
Trembath, C. H.
Thackery, A. A.
Teasdale, E. G.
Thorne, F. O.
Trembath, F. F.
Taylor, H. G. L.
Taylor, J. S.
Tidmarsh, R. D.
Tucker, C. M. A.
Turnbull, J.
=Thom, C. W.=
Toynton, S.
=Theobald, E. M.=
Taubman, E. W.
Thirkettle, H. G.
Tristram, F. W.
Taylor, S. C.
Tee, T. J.
Teumer, J.
Thurgood, C. M.
Timber, B. A.
Titherley, A.
Tyler, P. H.
Terry, H. G.
=Tardif, V. S. A.=
=Taylor, S.=
Trenaman, S. E.
Tay, E. G.
Thomas, B. L.
Tyler, H. H.
Tipping, F. B.
Tagg, H. J. A.
Turvey, W. H.
Tegetmuir, L.
Thomas, F. W.
Thomson, J. M.
Taylor, J. A.
Topping, N.
Tucker, H. G.
Tarlton, E. H.
Thompson, E. G.
Tait, R. C.
Tate, D. W.
=Taylor, P. E.=
Thomas, F. R.
Tom, G. A.
Taylor, F. G.
Taylor, B. E.
Turner, J. R.
Tickle, F.
=Turner, A. E.=
Tong, C. J.
Tyrell, A. J.
Tidbury, J. J.
Twiner, A. S.
Taylor, W. G.
Tennant, H. R.
Tall, C.
Taylor, S. H.
Tarrant, W. L.
Truelove, C. H. A.
Taylor, A. G.
=Turner, F.=
Taylor, H. G.
Terleski, A. J. S.
Taylor, W. E.
Torckler, W. C.
Treves, H. G.
Tucker, K. D.
Tolley, P. G.
Truelove, F. A.
Todd, M. S.
Tannant, G.
Taverner, P. S.
Taylor, W. C.
Thorpe, C. H.
Thompson, H.
Thorpe, A. E.
Thomson, J. R.
Thompson, E. J.
Trenaman, S.
Towers, R. B.
Trimm, J.
=Twaits, T.=
Troughton, S. H.
Turner, A.
Tippen, C. A.
Thornton, W.
Titcomb, A. T.
Thomas, A. J.
=Tarver, L. C.=
Thompson, B.
=Tanter, F.=
Timbrell, W. F.
Trounson, D. J. C.
Tomkins, A. C. B.
Tester, C. J.
Turner, H.
Taylor, F. E.
Tuckett, W. J.
=Thomsett, L. L.=
Twite, G. J.
Tinham, T. W. G.
Turner, F. G.
=Talbot, D.=
=Taylor, D. M.=
=Thomas, L. E. O.=
=Trotman, F. W.=
Turville, W. A.
=Tress, N. W.=
Terry, A.
Thomas, J. G.
Tyndale, W.
Teale, H. C.
Taylor, F. W.
Taylor, S. E.
Thomas, F. A.
Toon, P. W.
Thurlow, S.
=Tolhurst, E. H.=
=Thomas, T.=
Thorpe, A. C.
Tomlinson, L.
Tanner, A.
Toynton, H. A.
Turner, H. F.
Tinkler, H. L.
Turland, A.
Thomson, A. J.
Taylor, A. L.
=Thomson, J. W.=
Tomkins, D. C.
Townsend, J.
Travers, R. J.
Timbs, C. A.
Turner, A. E.
Tatum, G. E.
=Thomas, G. E. R.=
Tyrell, F. K.
Trotter, D.
Thomas, K. D.
Taylor, G. N.
Talintyre, R. W.
Tadgell, N. R.
Toynton, G. A.
Tobin, H. J.
Taylor, J.
Turner, H. W.
Thatcher, C. A.
Tully, E. R.
Timpson, J. H. V.
Tombleson, B.
Tarrant, H. F.
Turnbull, N. G.
Thiall, A.
Turner, J. D.
Taylor, E. C.
Taylor, L. O.
Thorne, R.
Taylor, A. E.
Taylor, A. J.
Thurlow, R. A.
Tilliott, H. L.
Tyler, F. J.
Thomas, W. H.
Trend, J. R.
Trim, S. G.
Taylor, H. N.
Tierney, H. T.
Titherington, W. W.
=Turner, C. G.=
Thompson, A.
Titheradge, H. W.
Talbot, C. H.
Thomas, B.
Trundle, G. W.
Taylor, H. G.
=Tierney, P.=
Taylor, B.
Turner, S. C.
Thornton, C. E.
Tingay, H. C.
Turner, W. C.
Taperell, V. E.
Thomas, J. E.
Thacker, J. G.
Theobald, C. H.
Tibble, W. S.
=Turner, H. S.=
Townley, P. R.
Turner, S. B.
Tasker, A.
Thomas, J. P.
Trower, F. W.
Treacher, H.
Thacker, J. D.
Titton, J.
Tozer, A. E.
Taylor, T. W.
Tomes, F. J.
Titterell, F. A.
Tanner, J.
Taylor, L. S.
Turner, J. M.
Twobig, W. W.
Tibbs, W. J.
Thompson, G. A.
=Taylor, W.=
Tyrie, T. M.
Thompson, W. P. G.
Taylor, J. E.
Trigg, F. A.
Toulson, T. J.
Tewson, J. F.
Tatler, C. R.
Thorpe, S. B.
Taylor, L. H.
Townsend, S. J.
Thomas, E.
Taylor, J.
=Tibbs, E. E.=
Trudgett, J.
Trew, W. E.
Treays, E. A.
Thomas, H. R.
Turner, A.
Turner, A. C.
Turner, B. W.
Tiplady, A. A.
Thorpe, E.
Tull, A. C.
Threader, G. H.
Toy, C. F.
Turner, E. G.
Tattersall, R. C.
Tattersall, P.
Thornton, A.
Turner, R.
Thorpe, S. H.
Thorpe, J. O.
Turton, E.
Turner, H.
Thompson, P. F.
Thomas, F. A.
=Thomas, E. J.=
Tact, W. S. M.
Turner, E. J.
Tricker, H. A.
Tucker, E.
Taylor, E. T.
Trigg, G. T.
Turner, F. J.
Thompson, W. J.
=Trousdale, A. H. R.=
Thomas, W. E. W.
Tarryer, J. G.
Tremey, M.
Teal, A. G.
=Teasel, T. R.=
Thompson, H. F.
Tomlinson, A.
Tibbles, F. W.
Temple, F. J.
Turk, A. P.
=Tate, J. L.=
Thomas, A. J.
Taylor, J. H. D.
Thomas, H. H.
Tomsett, P. E.
Taylor, J. A.
Tully, J. B.
Townsend, W. V.
Tautz, H. C.
Tonkyn, F. M.
Tarran, J.
Taylor, C. E.
Turnnidge, G. T.
Tettenbaum, A.
=Tanner, M. A.=
=Thomas, I. R.=
Taylor, F.
Taylor, H.
Tidy, A.
=Tooley, C. F.=
Turner, H. H.
Thompson, A. R.
Taylor, V. C.
Talbot, H. G.
Tate, W.
Taylor, P. P.
Tansley, K. E.
Trotter, J.
=Topping, G.=
Tonkyn, W. D.
Thompson, F. H.
Telfer, H.
Tootill, J. B.
Timmins, G. F. E.
Talbot, E. S.
Taylor, B.
Tossell, J. W.
Turner, C. E.
Thirtle, J. L.
=Thompson, H. P.=
Thwaites, R.
Thomas, L. J.
Tucker, A. W.
Teasdale, H.
Taylor, W. C.
Tollyfield, J. W.
Taylor, S. H.
Trebbeck, E. R.
Tustin, G. E.
Thurgood, J. W. R.
Turnpenny, L. S.
Turnbull, W. C.
Tanner, B. G.
Turner, H.
Tillson, H. J.
Thompson, H. H.
Tayler, A. H.
Thompson, J.
Taylor, W.
Townley, P. V.
Thornton, G. S.
Tucker, W. C.
Taylor, P. E.
Tester, F. H.
Thompson, J. A.
Terrett, A.
Thornton, L. S.
Thomas, T.
Thorogood, W. J.
Twitchett, A. R.
Tucker, F. L.
Thomas, J. H.
Thomas, H. W.
=Tilley, F. J.=
Thomas, A.
Thompson, H.
Tuffs, H. L.
Tapscott, J.
Todd, A. W.
Tilly, J. R.
Twilley, A. G.
Tait, G. J.
Thorn, T. W.
Travell, F. W.
Teahon, E.
Tullett, A. G.
Tyler, W. H. R.
Thomas, W. C.
Titheridge, A. E.
Taylor, W. A. W.
Thomson, H. W.
Tate, W. H.
Taylor, F.
Thrift, H. H.
Tobin, M.
Truslove, A.
Tomlinson, F. W.
Topley, C.
Turnham, B. L.
Tait, S.
Tonge, H.
Tindall, F. C.
Tranter, A. V.
Timben, B. A.
Thompson, C. W.
Thurgood, W. J.
Thaine, F. F.
Thurlow, W. V.
Tizzard, A. J.
Tucker, F. J.
Thompson, A. R.
Turrell, G. L.
Thompson, G. W.
Tolliday, A.
Threadgold, J. G.
Tye, E. C.
Turrell, W.
Tatterton, E.
Todd, H. R.
Tremain, W. C.
Tate, W. H.
Taylor, R.
Turner, N.
Taylor, F. G.
Tribe, J. D.
Titmarsh, G. T.
Turville, R. R.
Trott, O. C.
=Tossell, E.=
Turnbull, R. A.
Turner, J. H.
=Turner, A. S.=
=Tudball, W. A.=
U
Underhill, G.
Ure, J. M.
=Usher, C. J.=
Underwood, V. J.
Upham, C. D.
Urquhart, J. C.
Underwood, A. E.
Urry, E. C.
Usher, H. B.
Urry, W. E.
Uren, W. F. T.
Upton, J.
Umfreville, W. H.
Underwood, E. G.
Underwood, A.
Upham, G. A.
=Underwood, A. T.=
Underwood, W. J.
Ubank, T. W. J. F.
Undery, H. E.
Upton, H. G.
Urquhart, J. C.
Upperton, J. G. J.
Utting, R. F.
Upchurch, C. M.
Upham, G. A.
V
Vandepeer, D. E.
Vowles, G.
Vedy, L. G.
Varrall, S. W.
Vickers, W. J.
Van de Ven, L.
Vereker, A. J.
Vernon, P. H.
Vowles, C. H.
Vincent, F. G. V.
Varney, W. V.
Vayro, H.
Ventris, F. W.
Vigurs, A. J.
Vincent, J.
Vinsen, A. G.
Vernham, H. A.
Valda, F.
Vandy, E. J.
Viccars, R. J. W.
=Vince, J. C.=
Vaughan, A. E.
=Vandersluis, W.=
Vincent, J. G.
Vinen, G.
Violet, S.
Vales, W. J.
Veysey, J.
=Vince, C.=
Vanstone, W.
=Vorstius, A. G.=
Viney, F. W.
Vannozzi, S.
Vickery, G. W.
Voizey, G. A.
Vooght, A. P.
Vinten, J. T.
Vale, G.
Venables, S. W.
Vigurs, A. H. L.
Verrall, L. G.
Vail, F. G.
Verrinder, S. A.
=Vernon, E. J.=
Vane, J. S.
Vaughan, H. S.
Vanner, A. K.
Verney, G.
Verney, W. A.
Veal, A. E.
Voice, S. J.
Volke, J.
Vaughan, J. W.
Verini, A. L. A.
W
=Williams, W. H.=
Webber, G. H.
Withers, F. M.
=Winter, F. H.=
Wood, W. J.
Wass, E. J.
Woodthorpe, H. L.
Wager, H.
Warren, F.
Watkin, A. J.
Walton, A. L.
Whitton, F. W.
Wells, C. E.
Wilson, W. H.
Walker, F. D.
White, A. E. D.
=Westcombe, G. E. D.=
Willshire, L. A.
Ward, R. S.
Willis, K. M.
Webber, A. J.
Wardley, M. E.
Wallace, J.
Williamson, J.
Ward, P. B.
Wilson, C. E.
Williams, C. A.
White, H. E.
Watson, F. E.
Williams, R.
=Watson, A. R.=
Whiteman, H. R.
=Wigney, J.=
Wreford, G. M. F.
Wilson, J. R.
Watson, D.
Watkins, H. H.
=Wade, W. C.=
Wright, G. B.
Warton, H. E. R.
Wilkes, C. E.
Walkiden, A. J.
Ward, W. A.
Walker, T. P.
Wiles, B. C.
Watkins, C. H.
Watts, W. S.
Whitehead, C. J.
Wills, A. E.
Wilson, C. H.
Whitfield, H. B.
Wyld, G.
Wyld, W. F.
Whenman, W. T.
Walker, W. C.
=Wheddon, W. H.=
Weston, R. C.
Woodford, R. W.
Walker, A.
=Williams, L. H. T.=
Wright, P.
Winter, L. P.
Wilson, A.
Wilkinson, H. A.
Wales, G.
=Webb, W. T.=
Williams, D.
Webb, S.
Willis, A. W.
Weeks, E. G.
Walker, W. J. H.
Whitaker, T. J.
Walder, W. J.
Walsh, E. G.
White, C. B.
Walkey, E. D.
Whenman, L. C. G.
Wright, T. S.
=Woods, F. G.=
Wright, H. F.
Webster, W.
Ward, G. V.
West, S. G.
Wright, H. R.
Wood, E. C.
Wheeler, F. H.
=Westrop, S. B.=
West, E. C.
West, J. S.
Wheeler, C.
Walker, D. M.
West, C. B.
Woolley, W.
Wellstead, P. T.
=Wagstaff, F. H.=
Wright, W. S.
=White, S. E.=
White, P. S.
=Williams, P. B.=
Watts, P. A.
Webber, H.
Whittington, A. G.
Williams, T.
Webb, H. W.
Williams, F. H.
Whittingham, M.
Wadland, W. R.
=Wakelin, S. J.=
Wainwright, M.
Walker, H.
=Warr, E. C.=
Wells, W. L.
Whittington, A. L.
Wiles, J. W.
Winks, H. H.
Wrangham, T. F.
Wallace, C. P.
Williams, J. W.
=Williamson, A. C.=
Windeler, C. F.
Winfield, R. J.
=Winter, R. B.=
=Witney, G.=
Woodford, R. W.
Wootton, J. L.
Whatmore, D. G.
Watson, W. R.
Wakefield, E. E.
=Wolfendon, F.=
Walker, C. E.
Wilkins, P. E.
Woodley, L. A.
Watts, F.
Widdicks, F.
Wood, A. R.
Wood, R. J.
Watson, R. A.
Walter, F. G.
White, H. A.
Worthing, L. S.
Walker, T. C.
Whitbourn, E.
Williams, R.
Willis, H.
Wilson, K. J.
=Winslow, H. S.=
Wolveridge, J. F.
Woodward, F. D.
Wykes, E. A. I.
White, H. G.
Weaver, T. P.
=Webb, A. H. W.=
Woods, F. N. W.
=Watkins, E. G.=
Winterton, J. M.
=Woolger, T. A.=
West, F. J.
Williams, A. F. M.
Williams, H. T. M.
Worrall, G. H.
Warden, C. C.
Wallis, R.
Weldon, F.
Wade, A. G.
Weekes, R. E.
Weshott, W. E.
Wilson, W. H.
Willshire, J.
Wright, C. M.
=Walker, W. J. T.=
Wood, H.
Waters, B. L.
White, R. W.
Wilson, J. A. P.
Winterton, A. W.
Willerton, D.
Ward, C. L.
Wiggs, W.
Ward, H. B.
Wesson, A.
Wiffen, W. B.
Watson, N. T.
Williams, R. A.
Watson, G. R.
Wimpenny, H. V.
West, E. J.
Wilkins, J. C.
=Wheeler, J. F.=
Whelton, J. H.
=Warren, J. E.=
Weeks, P. M.
Wilkinson, E.
Wright, E.
=Ward, W. J.=
Winstanley, C. L.
=West, A.=
Wooderson, G. F.
Wood, H. S.
Woodward, J. A.
Williams, J. L.
Whittington, H. C.
Webb, C. A.
Weeks, F.
Walker, C. S.
Williamson, A. W.
Wolstencroft, E. A.
=Webb, W. H.=
Webber, E.
Watkinson, F. S.
Wallis, S.
Wood, R.
Woodgate, C. G.
Windrum, C. H.
Wren, F.
=Watkins, E. F. H.=
Woolrych, E. B.
Watts, C.
Webb, J. E.
Webster, A.
=Wombell, J. H.=
Walters, J. A.
Walmisley, R. B.
=Wynne, J. A.=
Willis, G. C.
Winkworth, O. S.
Wallis-Smith, W. H.
Warrilow, W. J.
Wilson, A.
Windett, C. E.
Woodcock, O. F.
Wareham, A. L.
Wright, A. E.
Walker, G.
Walton, W. C.
Waterworth, T. P.
Watts, F. W.
Weedon, G. H.
Wheatcroft, C. J.
Walsh, S. M. J.
Wade, R.
Wakeford, M. H.
Wareham, A. E.
=Warr, W.=
White, A. S.
Wilkinson, L. W. V.
Williams, W.
Wilson, J. B.
Woods, G.
Wright, W. S.
Wedd, H.
Wills, S. B.
Wakely, G. F.
Wearn, C. E.
West, A. F.
Wicks, B. F.
Webber, F. J.
Wallace, J. C.
Ward, E. H.
Williamson, G. H. J.
Watling, S. T.
=Wharton, E. H.=
Wigley, C. H.
Wright, P. D.
White, W.
White, A. J.
Wilcox, H.
Wintle, A. F.
Wraight, H. C.
Wakely, A. E.
Wraith, W. H.
=Wilkes, A.=
=Wright, O. C.=
=Wheeler, E. C.=
Wartnaby, W.
White, A.
White, H. T.
Williams, G. A.
Williams, N. H.
=Wraight, O. S.=
Warr, W. F.
=Welch, W. J.=
Wade, H. F.
Wallis, P. V. J.
White, J.
=Walsh, R. W.=
=Warman, E. J.=
Webster, H. S.
Webber, J.
Whitcombe, W. G.
Wire, B.
Wrigglesworth, A. H.
=Wells, S. T.=
Walker, J.
Wade, A. W.
Wade, A. H.
White, W. F.
=Wilks, A. W.=
Williams, P. H.
Wright, G. H.
=Wadworth, F. T.=
Waterlow, A. E.
Wright, W.
Ward, W.
Woodcock, J. H.
=Wilson, H. L.=
Wilson, A.
Watson, L. J.
Woodham, H. H.
=Walker, N. P.=
=Whiting, H. C.=
Wood, A. A.
Woodward, G.
Webbe, C.
Wilson, W. F.
Wilkin, E.
Williams, W. A.
Wainwright, W. E.
=White, F. C.=
Williams, F. N.
Worthington, H. T. B.
Walker, V. S.
=Wyatt, F. S.=
Webb, W.
Willoughby, A. J.
Winter, W. D.
Wolfe, J. R.
Wolfe, A. B.
Woodham, A. P.
West, A. W.
Winch, F.
Woods, T. F. C.
Willis, G. A.
Whittingham, S. A.
Woodcock, H. G.
Williams, T. R.
Wills, B. J.
Whittingham, A. R.
Wilding, J. C.
Williams, W. F.
=White, C. C.=
Waldron, F. A.
Webb, A. W.
Wilson, C. R.
Williams, I. H.
Wesson, J. N.
Webb, H. N.
Weller, A. R.
Worland, H. J.
Warren, E. A.
Weir, A.
Willis, W. H.
Whitby, J.
Walker, R. B.
Walcott, L. H.
Whiffin, E.
Wilkie, W. R.
Ward, C. E.
White, C. L.
Watten, C. J.
Wallis, L. J. G.
Willson, H.
Windybank, L. A.
Woodroof, F. J.
Watts, T. E.
Woodward, W. T.
=Warren, F. F.=
Ware, R. W.
Winson, W.
Wickenden, S. W.
=Williams, H. E.=
Wise, U. A.
Wilding, A. C.
=Welch, R. E.=
Whiting, H. J.
Warn, H. D.
White, R. E.
Wills, J. L.
Wright, G. A.
=Wootton, H. L. J.=
Warren, F. C.
Wills, H. R.
Walton, N. H.
Williams, F. C.
Wallington, H. J.
Webb, P. A.
White, H. S. N.
Wells, F. A.
Wallace, A. F.
Wickham, A. W.
Wood, L. G. N.
Webb, W. H.
Wheeler, P. J.
Wood, W. H.
Wighton, W.
Wilcox, G. W.
Ward, H. E.
Watson, H. R.
Waglyn, O.
Wagland, E. G.
Wickham, T. H.
Webb, F. T.
West, C. E.
=Wicks, A. E.=
Wright, A. H.
Worsfold, S. G.
Warwick, D.
Windle, J. L.
Waghorn, S. H.
Woodman, W. A.
Wright, G. H.
Webbersley, S.
Westcombe, N. G.
Williams, J.
Waggett, J. G.
Williams, A. J.
Worthington, J. B.
Wardale, J. S.
Ward, G. H.
Wright, W. D.
Wallace, R. C.
Whisk, J. S.
Williamson, J. B.
Wharton, E.
Woodfield, W. T.
Williams, W. J.
Wilson, H. J.
Wallis, J. C. T.
Watts, F. D.
Wells, F. S.
Woodley, C. E.
White, H. E.
Webb, L.
Warrington, R. C. O.
Wilcoxson, J. K.
=Wilkins, H.=
Williams, B. C.
Wills, R. T.
=Whife, G. S. J.=
=Windybank, E.=
White, B. E.
=White, S. V.=
Worn, W.
Waterton, D.
Wilkinson, A. E.
=Wells, H. G.=
Wallpole, S. W. P.
White, W.
White, F. T. G.
Wheeler, H. T.
=Wilson, A. J.=
Watson, V.
Williams, H. H.
Wood, C. A.
Webster, C. H.
=Waterton, W. H.=
Windibank, C. W.
Williams, J. J.
Williams, A.
Westwood, S. E.
Winn, J. N.
=Weatherstone, G. L.=
=Whiteman, E. G.=
Webber, H. J.
Weaver, T. F.
Wills, F. J.
Wright, H. J.
Wheatcroft, S.
Watson, W. D.
Worrall, S.
Westbrook, A. P.
Westaway, A. J.
Wright, N. F.
Whitehouse, G. A.
Watkinson, W. E.
Wilkinson, H. T.
Woolgrove, E.
Wall, F.
Woodgate, C.
Wise, R. T.
Whitney, A. J.
Wheeler, J. P.
Webb, T.
Wild, J. F.
Welham, W.
Ward, E.
Woolcock, R. J.
Woolfe, F. G.
Woodson, J. T.
Walker, H. A.
=Wyler, J. M.=
Wills, R. C.
Weedon, G. C.
White, E. A. O.
Wagstaff, W. M.
=Welsford, W. J. N.=
Weston, S. C.
Wilson, S. H.
Woodbery, H. G.
Wyatt, R. E. H.
Williams, W. H.
Ward, S.
Ward, G.
=Williams, H.=
Ward, C.
Worrell, G. F.
Wingfield, H. J.
Webb, J. S.
Whotton, W.
Watson, F.
Warnes, C. J.
Williams, C. J.
Webb, H. F.
Woods, A.
=Watson, H.=
West, G.
Wood, W. A.
Ward, F. A.
Wright, T. P.
Weare, W. A.
Watson, V. E.
Withers, W. G.
Walters, W. F.
White, H. E.
Warsaw, D.
Warsaw, E.
White, G. P.
Weadon, R. C.
Williams, W. J.
Westley, C. E.
Welch, C. L.
=Wakefield, W. J. A. S.=
Wright, S. A.
Waldron, S. C. R.
Ward., H. E.
Woodford, P.
Wade, B.
Woods, W. E.
Warwick, E.
Winder, A. S.
Wilson, H. C.
Wall, J. J. G.
White, T. H.
Williams, C. J.
Watson, J. W.
Waters, W. A.
Watts, C. P.
Wesson, E. H.
Wilkinson, A. W.
Walton, W. L.
Whittle, R. A.
Winchester, C. C.
=Wallace, W. C.=
Wright, W. S.
Westly, W. C.
Wood, J. G.
Whittaker, A. J.
Westlake, H. J.
Willcocks, P. S.
Watling, B. L.
Whitlock, S.
Whippie, W. E.
Wapshott, F. E.
Webster, W. R.
Wilson, J. G.
Williams, S.
Walker, C. A.
Wiggell, W. F.
Watson, E. A.
Westlake, T. C.
Williams, N. W.
Wareham, F. R.
=Wilshere, E. E.=
Whitney, W. G.
Ware, F. E.
Witty, H.
Wiggins, H. S.
Withers, I. C.
Walker, F. G. H.
Whichelow, T. L.
Whittingham, B. V.
Whitaker, C. A.
=Williams, G. W.=
Webber, F.
Walton, G. S.
Wilkie, R. J.
Wilbraham, B.
Woodward, H.
Walker, W. H.
Woodroffe, F. A.
Wright, A. E.
Ward, C. H.
Williams, H. C.
Walden, S.
Watts, H. W.
Williams, W. P.
Williamson, W.
Wilson, C.
Wigginton, J. P.
=Western, G. C.=
=Ware, T. H. H.=
Wingfield, A. W. G.
White, F. H.
Wingrave, C. G.
White, P. D.
Watkins, G. F.
Watt, W. G. F.
Walden, W. C.
Warwick, J.
Ward, L. W. C.
Wright, A. E.
=Walsh, O. H.=
Washer, G. H.
=Wagg, G. A.=
Wheeler, R.
White, F. C.
Williams, J.
=Wilson, C. J.=
Wilkinson, R.
Walker, T. R.
Watts, A. J.
=West, G. W. A.=
Wray, C. F.
Wallace, G.
Williamson, G.
Wheeler, C. N.
Williams, H.
Walker, L. W.
Webber, O. G. H.
Wright, C.
Williamson, A. O.
Williams, E. J.
Willmin, B. A.
Waghorne, H.
=Wright, G. E.=
Willis, S.
Withers, W. G.
West, F. J.
Wright, A. E.
Wilkins, W.
Wardle, A. R.
Wootton, S.
=Walton, R. I.=
Wells, H.
Webber, A. H. B.
Woodhouse, H. A. P.
Woodward, A.
Whiddett, A.
Walesby, L. G.
Wigley, W. H.
Williams, W. W.
Whisk, C. K.
Willis, H. R.
Wraight, W. E.
Wells, J. D.
Ware, W. J.
Wills, H. J. S.
Waithman, W. E.
Wollman, M.
Westcott, H.
Webber, G. W.
Wells, S.
Will, A.
Wrigglesworth, A. H.
Weighill, F.
Wooster, S. J.
Ward, R. B.
Waskett, F. J.
Ward, J. W.
=Wootton, W. A.=
Wootton, T. W.
Watts, A. J.
Watson, H.
Westhorp, J. W.
White, H. C.
Wakeford, A. C.
White, C. J. R.
Wheeler, F. H.
Webster, L. H.
Wade, J. S.
Wallis, H. V. G.
Welch, A. C.
Woodcock, A. L.
Wills, B.
Woodley, A. F.
Winters, H. W.
Wilson, S. J.
=White, R. G.=
Williams, G. F.
Wayman, B. J. R.
Whitehouse, J. N.
Whitfield, L.
Walker, G.
Wharton, R. G.
Williamson, C.
=Wilkins, H. A.=
Wates, S. W.
Wills, S. B.
Wyld, A. N.
Worth, S. J.
Worthington, J.
Williamson, B.
Williams, T.
Waller, F. H.
Woodland, C. G.
Wodehouse, A. E.
Wayland, C. F.
Williams, R. A. V.
Wyatt, J. S.
Walker, G. P.
White, G. B.
Whall, S. E.
Wheeler, J.
Webb, B.
Williams, G. F.
Wagner, L. R.
Waring, J. D.
Wilson, A. A.
Wheeler, W. J.
Woodgate, G. W.
Whitten, A. T.
Williams, B. L.
Webster, J. L.
White, W. J.
West, H. B.
White, A. J.
Walker, F. J.
Walters, C. A.
Westall, E. A.
White, E. H.
Wimbury, E. B.
Wallace, M.
Wood, J. F.
Wall, E. G.
Wallis, W. C.
Walker, V. E.
Woodland, E. D.
Wallin, A.
Wood, W. J.
Woods, S. G.
Wootton, C.
Warner, C. J.
Weller, W.
Ware, H.
Williams, W. V.
Watsham, E. F.
Wilkes, W. J.
Wood, W.
Williams, E.
Webb, O. J.
Waller, V. W. H.
Waymark, B. P.
Watson, H. W.
Webster, J.
Wright, H.
Willcocks, W. R.
Whitehead, C.
Wilson, R. W.
Whitaker, J.
Williamson, E. W.
Watts, H.
Willis, H. J. W.
Wainwright, H. R.
Woolger, R. G. W.
Welfare, E. H.
Watson, D.
Watkins, C. H.
Wilkinson, A. R.
Watson, D.
Wilson, J. H.
Warren, S. V.
Wells, E. A.
Walker, R. A.
Warwick, H. F. G.
Webster, F. W. K. G.
Wright, R. W.
Wood, H. A.
Welch, H.
Williams, J. G.
Ward, J. W.
Wilkinson, H. F.
Watkins, C. H.
Wellington, W.
Wright, F.
White, G. R.
Williams, J. T.
Woods, W.
Worley, E. F.
Wright, A.
Wood, F. J.
Webb, C. H.
Winwright, G. F.
Wood, F. S.
Wright, T.
Walton, F. B.
Watson, H.
Woollard, N. H.
Williams, A. J.
Witts, H. Y.
Watson, F.
Woods, W. G.
Wasp, J.
Wheeler, E. B.
Williams, J. R.
Wright, A.
White, W. E.
Wormald, R. G.
Wallis, H. H.
Wentworth, H. A.
Woodfield, F. E.
Wilson, H. M.
Welsford, E. G.
Williams, H. J.
=Wilson, L. C.=
Wells, R. A. C.
West, S. C.
Wynne, J. D.
=Watson, W. N.=
Whippy, S.
=Wilson, L. G.=
Wood, S. A.
Weedon, C. A.
Wagstaff, P. E.
=Whitley, A.=
=Webb, W. R.=
Weeden, G. H.
=Warren, W. J.=
Y
Young, K.
Yeo, E. L.
Yardley, L. A.
Young, F. C.
Young, C.
Young, A. F.
Yates, O. W. P.
Yuille, D. McG.
Young, C. J.
=Young, C. W. C.=
Young, F. J.
Yates, F. G.
Young, D.
Young, L.
Yates, C. F. D.
Young, K. H.
Young, S. K.
Young, E. W.
Yale, F. H.
Yeo, G.
Young, F. A.
Yeomans, L. A.
Youl, H. J.
Yates, W. J.
Yeo, A. O. S.
Yates, A. E.
Young, J. E.
Yeats, P. H.
York, T. H.
Young, W. J.
Young, J. L.
Yalsley, J.
=Young, E. W. B.=
Z
Zobel, W. E.
Zeidler, L. A.
Transcriber's Note:
Bold text denoted by equal signs.
Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.
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