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Title: Memoirs of the Revolution in Bengal, Anno Dom. 1757
Author: Watts, William
Language: English
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                                MEMOIRS

                                 OF THE

                               REVOLUTION

                                   IN

                               _BENGAL_,

                            ANNO. DOM. 1757.


  By which MEER JAFFEIR was raised to the Government of that Province,
    together with those of _Babar_ and _Orixa_.

                               INCLUDING

  The Motives to this Enterprize; the Method in which it was
    accomplished; and the Benefits that have accrued from thence to
    that Country, our United Company trading to the _East Indies_, and
    to the _British_ Nation.

[Illustration]

                               _LONDON_:

                Printed for A. MILLAR, in the _Strand_.

                               M.DCC.I.X.

[Illustration]



                                PREFACE.


The Success that has every where attended the Efforts of the _British_
Arms, during the Course of this just and necessary War, will render this
Period of our History resplendent, even to latest Ages. It seems,
therefore, requisite to give the most accurate and distinct Accounts
that can be obtained of these Successes in the remoter Parts of the
Globe, that the Nature and Consequences of them may be the better
understood here. The People of _Britain_ are as well entitled to know,
and will with equal Pleasure read, what has been effected for their
Service at _Bengal_, as at _Goree_; and accept as kindly the Laurels
brought them from _Asia_, as those that come from _Afric_ or _America_.

In this we follow only the Custom of other Nations. The _Portuguese_ and
the _Dutch_ have not only general Histories of their Atchievements in
the _Indies_, and separate Accounts of their respective Settlements, but
numerous Memoirs of particular Expeditions, in which they have been
exceeded by the _French_. We should therefore be wanting to ourselves,
if, having performed as great Things as they, and having as authentic
Vouchers, we should willfully suffer the Memory of them to be lost, and
the Merits of our deserving Countrymen swallowed up in Oblivion.

The following Pages will shew, how one of our finest Settlements in the
_East Indies_ was suddenly sacked and subverted by the Impetuosity of a
young Man, intoxicated with Sovereign Power; in what Manner it was
recovered and restored; the Peril to which it was again exposed from the
same Person; and the Means by which it was not only rescued from a
Second Destruction, but the Causes of these Calamities removed; the
_British_ Interest placed on a more solid Basis than ever; with
additional Advantages that were never hoped; so that Stability may be
truly said to have been extracted from intestine Troubles, and Public
Miseries rendered the Source of Public Safety and Public Benefits.

But as these Wonders could never have been performed but by the
Assistance of his Majesty's Fleets and Forces, and as this was derived
from the constant and laudable Concern of the Administration, for the
Fate of _British_ Subjects wherever disposed, it is but a just Tribute
of Gratitude to shew how Measures so wisely taken, proved so successful
in the Event, that Posterity may profit by the Example, and our Trade
ever meet with the like Support, under Officers (if they are to be
found) of equal Abilities.

Lastly, it will appear how far the Nation has reaped the Fruits of these
signal Events. The Settlement at _Calcutta_ being not only effectually
restored, but, as far as the Nature of Things will admit, its future
Safety as effectually secured, the Honour of the _British_ Name
repaired, and the Terror of her Arms diffused throughout the _East_. The
Fortunes of _British_ Subjects, ruined in the first Calamity, unprovided
for in the first Treaty, entirely recovered by the Second; many of which
being now brought over, are actually vested in the Funds or Lands of
_Great Britain_.



                                MEMOIRS

                                 OF THE

                        REVOLUTION in _BENGAL_.


The late Revolution in _Bengal_ is so extraordinary in its Nature, of
such immediate Consequence to the _East India_ Company, and may possibly
be of such Importance to the Nation, that a short and perspicuous
Relation of this memorable Transaction cannot but be acceptable to the
Public. Such a Relation will give a distinct Idea of Things, as to which
the World has hitherto had but confused Notions; dispose all Events
relating thereto in their proper Places, so that their Motives and
Consequences may be clearly understood; and supply those Chasms, that
disturb the Order and destroy the Connection between the Narratives
which have been written occasionally of particular Points of Fact.
Besides, it will explain the Conduct of those who have been chiefly
instrumental in bringing such an hazardous, as well as arduous Attempt
as this to a happy Conclusion; will shew why it was thought necessary,
and on what Account it was originally undertaken; the many, and some of
them formidable, Obstacles that were in the Way; and how these were
either gradually removed, or gloriously overcome. In a Word, when
thoroughly and circumstantially explained, it will open as singular and
surprizing a Scene to the View of the inquisitive and judicious Reader,
as perhaps he will find in any History respecting our own Times, which,
let me have Leave to say, are those that concern us most.

But previous to the Narrative, it will be expedient to give a concise
Account of the Inhabitants, and the State of the Government in that
Country, where this surprizing Political Catastrophe fell out; and
without being well acquainted with which, these succinct Memoirs would
not only be less intelligible, but, which is yet worse, would become
also very liable to be misunderstood. The Nature of Things depends on
their Properties, alike discernable by all who will examine them with
equal Care, and with the same Degree of Attention. But the Nature of
Facts is determined by the Circumstances that attend them; and if these
be not fairly and fully represented, they must be falsely, or at least
imperfectly apprehended. In Cases relative to the Alteration of States,
a bare Recital of Events establishes only what Alteration they produced,
and does not at all inform us to what the Change was owing; gives us no
Grounds to conclude, as to the Advantages or Disadvantages flowing from
such a Mutation, and does not furnish us with the Means of framing any
probable Conjecture as to the Stability or Instability of the New
Government.

The two great Nations, inhabiting this Part of the _Indies_, differ
widely from each other in their Complexions, Language, Manners,
Disposition, and Religion. The _Moguls_ (_Moghuls_) who are commonly
called _Moors_ or _Moormen_, are a robust, stately, and, in respect to
the original Natives, a fair People. They speak what the _English_ in
_India_ commonly call the _Moors_ Tongue, which is in truth the
_Persian_, or at least a Dialect of the _Persian_. They are naturally
vain, affect Shew and Pomp in every thing, are much addicted to Luxury,
fierce, oppressive, and, for the most part, very rapacious. In respect
to Religion, they are _Mohammedans_; the common Sort of the Sect of
_Omar_ (in which they agree with the _Turks_), but those of Superior
Rank are mostly of the Sect of _Ali_ (which is followed by the
_Persians_), and some affect to be very devout. These have the Dominion,
and are possessed of all the Offices of Trust and Power, in virtue of
their Descent from the _Moguls_, whose Empire was established by
_Timûr_, commonly called _Tamerlane_ in this Country; but they are now a
very mixed People, composed of _Tartars_, _Arabs_, and _Persians_; more
especially of the last mentioned Nation; who for various Reasons have
quitted their own Country, but chiefly for the Sake of that Favour and
Preferment, which for many Ages they have met with at the Court of
(_Dehli_) _Delly_. The _Gentoows_, or Native _Indians_, are of a swarthy
Aspect, as their proper Appellation _Hindu_ implies; less warlike but
more active and industrious than the _Moors_. They are a mild, subtle,
frugal Race of Men, exceedingly superstitious, submissive in appearance,
but naturally jealous, suspicious, and perfidious; which is principally
owing to that abject Slavery they are kept in by the _Moors_; and their
Vices are such as innate Cunning, of which they have a great deal,
suggests to counteract those of their Masters. They are divided into
several Casts or Tribes, of which the most noble is that of the
_Bramins_, and there are also several Casts of these. Their Religion is
_Paganism_, gross and absurd among the Vulgar, but not so amongst the
wiser and better Sort. These Characters are not drawn through any Spirit
of Prejudice or Partiality, but from Experience and Observation, and the
Faults of both do not so much arise from any Want of Parts, or Defect in
their natural Talents, as from their respective Conditions, and the
barbarous Severity and perpetual Instability of their Governments.

The _Mogul_, or, as we commonly call him, the _Great Mogul_, is,
according to the Constitution of _Indostan_, if Despotism can with any
Propriety be stiled a Constitution, as absolute as a Monarch can be. He
is the sole Possessor of Property, the single Fountain of Honour, and
the supreme Oracle of Justice. The whole Country belongs to him; all
Honours are Personal, are bestowed by his Bounty, and resumed at his
Pleasure; his Subjects having no other Laws than the Dictates of his
Will. The Omrahs, or Great Lords of his Court, who discharge the high
Offices in his Household, exercise the Functions of Ministers of State,
or hold superior Commands in his Armies, are all Creatures of his own,
and so are the Governors of Provinces, stiled in the Language of the
Country _Nabobs_, who have again lesser Governments, to which they
appoint, called _Phousdaries_. Thus things actually stood under the long
Reign of _Aurengzebe_, and under the short one of his Son; but since the
Days of his unfortunate Grandson, _Mohammed Shah_, who was dethroned,
and restored by _Thamas Kouli Khan_, the _Moguls_ are no more than
Shadows of what they were; and their Prerogatives become rather Sounds
than Substance. Those Emirs or Nabobs, who govern great Provinces, are
stiled Subahs, which imports the same as Lord-Lieutenants or Vice-Roys.
These Vice-Roys have ever held their Provinces of the Mogul, by
rendering him a yearly Tribute, and furnishing their Contingent of
Troops, when demanded for his Service; each of them exacting the like
Services from their subordinate Governments; in both the Nabobs and
Phousdars were supreme, and executed a kind of Sovereign Authority,
subject only to those from whom it was delegated, and by whom it might
be again taken away when they thought fit. But now they affect a kind of
Independence, send their Tribute to Court when they esteem it
convenient, and that is but seldom: and devolve their Employments on
their Heirs, who having immediate Possession of the Means, find no great
Difficulty in getting themselves confirmed, by making proper Presents at
_Delly_. If the Mogul attempts to depose any of them, the Person to whom
he gives the Commission must raise an Army, and force a Passage to the
Government bestowed upon him with his Sword. The same thing happens with
regard to the Phousdars, removed by the Suba's; and hence the Confusions
that ensue, whenever the Pretenders to the same Post (who are also
sometimes supported, as their Interest leads them, by the different
trading Nations upon the Coast) to gratify their Ambition, create
implacable, ruinous, and endless civil Wars.

As to the _Gentoows_, though Multitudes of them live in the Cities and
Provinces governed by the Officers of the Mogul, yet in the mountainous
Countries, and in some others, there are many who still maintain their
Freedom, or rather are Slaves to Princes of their own, stiled Rajahs,
amongst whom the Mahah Rajah, or King of the Marattes, is the most
powerful. His Subjects inhabit the Mountains to the South-East of _Goa_,
and he has sometimes brought Armies of one Hundred, and sometimes of two
Hundred Thousand Men into the Field, composed mostly of Horse. These, as
well as the Troops of the lesser Rajahs, of whom there are many, are
employed chiefly in predatory Expeditions, and by making very rapid
Incursions, and no less rapid Retreats, do a great deal of Mischief in a
very little time. This has induced some of the wisest amongst the Mogul
Governors to consent to the Payment of an annual Tribute, stiled the
Chout, amounting to a fourth Part of the Revenue of the Province, to
prevent these Inroads. The Nabobs likewise frequently entertain the
Troops of these Rajahs in Pay, in order to increase the Strength of
their own Armies. From this concise Account of Things, it will
sufficiently appear, that the Power of the Mogul is rather nominal than
real; that a kind of Anarchy reigns through the Country; and that where
there is any Thing that resembles ever so imperfectly a Form of
Government, it has Force for its Basis, is supported by Fraud, and that
in Fact there is hardly any such thing as legal Authority subsisting in
any Part of the Empire; so that to measure the Rectitude of Men's
Actions in such a Country as this, and in relation to such Governors as
these, by the same Rules that take Place under regular Establishments,
where Laws are settled and known, and where Justice is duly administred,
is not at all founded either in Reason or Equity.

The English established their Presidency at _Calcutta_, towards the
Close of the last Century, in virtue of a Phirmaund (Firmân) from the
famous _Aurengzebe_, who much extended the Bounds of the Empire on this
Side. His Firmân was confirmed, and the Privileges of the _East India_
Company much augmented by his great Grandson _Mohammed Furruksîr_. It is
therefore indubitable, that having these Concessions made to them in the
most ample and honourable Manner, and when the _Mogul_ Empire was in its
most flourishing Condition, the _English_ Nation had as firm and solid a
Right to their Possessions and Immunities as that Constitution could
give. They were not therefore certainly to be disturbed or controuled by
the Governor of the Province, while they behaved themselves peaceably
and properly towards him.

The Company and the Servants of the Company had strictly observed the
Terms upon which they were bestowed, and were so modest, or rather so
cautious, as to keep much within the Bounds of those Concessions, and
chose rather to wave some of their Rights than run the Hazard, under so
unsettled a Government, of affording any Colour of Complaint. The same
Spirit prevailed; the same Care was taken in all the Factories
subordinate to this Presidency. When Injuries were done them, they
applied to the Suba's for Relief; when the Officers of those Vice-Roys,
either with or without their Knowlege, ventured upon Exactions, they
proceeded by Remonstrance. If this had its Effect, they thought
themselves happy; if not, they bore it with Patience, of which many
Instances might be given. They knew very well that Trade was their
Business, and that Disputes with the Country Government must be
detrimental to their Interests; and therefore studied to avoid them.
That this was really the Case, that they had no ambitious Views, that
they had not the smallest Intention to perplex or to interfere with the
late Suba, appears to Demonstration, from his not attempting to fix any
such thing upon them; and still more so, from the Condition in which he
found them.

The old Suba of the three Provinces of _Bengal_, _Bahar_, and _Orixa_,
who had advanced himself, and seized that Dignity in the usual Way, by a
fortunate Audacity, sticking at nothing to gratify his Thirst for Power,
_Aliverdy Cawn_, died much advanced in Years, _April_ the 9th, 1756, and
was succeeded by his adopted Son _Suraja Dowlat_ (_Sur Rajah al Dowlat_)
who began his Administration with Acts of Violence, and Breach of Faith
to some of his own Family; and by that time he had been a Month in
Possession of the high Office he assumed, manifested his Aversion to the
_English_.

On what his Resentment to the _British_ Nation was founded, he was
himself at a Loss to say; and the trivial, inconsistent, and in various
respects ill-grounded Pretences, he afterwards suggested, as the Motives
to his Conduct, evidently shew they were contrived rather to hide, than
to declare the Intentions from which he really acted. It has been
asserted, and very probably not without sufficient Foundation, that some
who knew his violent and rapacious Disposition, made their Court to him,
by representing, that the _Europeans_ settled in the Provinces he
possessed were immensely rich; that he might well expect considerable
Sums from them to merit his Favour and Protection upon his Accession to
the Government; that he had a Force much more than was adequate to the
crushing them absolutely, if he so pleased; that by compelling them,
under Colour of their coming as Merchants only into _Indostan_, to
desist from raising any new Fortifications, he would have them always at
his Mercy; and that in order to succeed effectually, and with little
Trouble, he should, to prevent their making it a common Cause, break
only with one Nation at a time; and first with the _British_, who could
pay him best, and whose Submission would prove an effectual Precedent to
the _French_ and _Dutch_. It is not unlikely, that the Authors of this
Advice might also undertake to negotiate a Compromise at a proper
Juncture. This, however, is certain; that, before he proceeded to
Hostilities, he had determined to reduce _Calcutta_, and had taken all
his Measures for that Purpose, and disposed his Instruments properly
with that View.

_Cassimbuzar_ being situated, as it were, at his Door, was of course the
first attacked. He caused the Place to be invested on the Twenty-second
of _May_, by a numerous Body of Troops, and then invited Mr. _Watts_,
who was Chief of the Factory, to a Conference, upon a Safe-Conduct. As
the Place (in the Opinion of the best Judges) was indefensible, and if
it had been defensible, was without a Garrison; as in point of Ceremony
it was the usual Custom for the Chief of that Factory to compliment
every new Suba on his assuming that Office, and Mr. _Watts_ had all
imaginable Reason to hope a good Reception, he accepted that Invitation,
and went to the Suba's Camp, where, contrary to his Faith, and in Breach
of those Engagements which are in that Country held sacred, he seized
and detained him, till by pursuing the same Conduct, and intermixing
Fraud and Force against those who had not the Means, and perhaps were
doubtful whether they had any Authority to resist, he possessed himself
of _Cassimbuzar_, on the fourth of _June_, and then made no farther
Secret of his Design to deprive the _English_ of all their Settlements,
to which, according to the Constitution of the _Mogul_ Empire, they had
a much better Right than he had to his Dominions. Thus the Troubles of
_Bengal_ were begun by him in whose Ruin they ended.

This Step taken, his next Enterprize was directly against _Calcutta_; to
reduce which, the Suba marched with an Army of Seventy thousand Men,
and, when he became Master of it, acted with a Degree of insolent
Cruelty, of which the World is too well apprized already, to need any
Detail of it here. Let it suffice then to say, that the Suba wreaked his
Malice, for Vengeance it could not be stiled, upon a Multitude of
innocent People, who had never given him the smallest Offence. Having
destroyed the Place, recalled, and then again dispersed the Inhabitants,
and with the same lawless Violence extorted large Sums from the _French_
and _Dutch_ Factories, that he might seem to manifest a general Distaste
to _Europeans_, he returned to _Muxadavad_ in Triumph.

He had full five Months from this Period to recollect himself, and to
consider the Effects of these bold and arbitrary Proceedings, and in
which he might have concerted either the Means of restoring the Peace of
the Province, or of fortifying his own Strength in such a manner as to
be able to make Head against all his Enemies; for he began to find, that
besides those this wanton Exercise of his Power had excited, he had
several amongst such as had been subject to the Authority, and even
sincerely attached to the Person of his Predecessor. But his extreme
Haughtiness, and his perpetual Suspicions, joined to the natural
Mutability of his Temper, and Want of Experience, being a very young
Man, rendered him equally incapable of correcting past Errors, or of
digesting any well-connected Plan, and supporting it with that Firmness,
without which Success is not to be expected. Sometimes obstinate, mostly
irresolute, he forfeited equally the Esteem of Foreigners and
Neighbours; and by an unaccountable Compound of Fickleness and Severity,
lost the Confidence of all, and excited the Secret Hatred of most of
those who were about him.

On the Fifth of _December_ Admiral _Watson_ anchored with his Squadron
in _Ballasore_ Road, to which Place Mr. _Watts_ and Mr. _Becher_, both
Gentlemen of the Council, were sent to congratulate his Arrival, and to
acquaint him with the Situation of their Affairs; Mr. _Watts_ having
been released by the Nabob in _July_. Ten Days after the Squadron
arrived at _Fulta_, where, without Loss of Time, Measures were concerted
for retrieving the Honour of the _English_ Nation, and restoring the
Affairs of the Company. The Force was not great, but it was directed by
Men of determined Courage, and of distinguished Capacities. Admiral
_Watson_, and the Commander in Chief of the Land Forces, Colonel
_Clive_, who, after performing Wonders in other Parts of the _Indies_,
came to perform still greater Wonders here, and brought with him a
Reputation that abundantly supplied the Want of Numbers. On the
Twenty-eighth, the Fleet proceeded up the River. On the Twenty-ninth,
Colonel _Clive_ landed; and the very next Day, with the Assistance of
the Squadron, made himself Master of the Fort of _Busbudgia_; which,
though a Place of great Strength, if it had been well defended, was
taken with little Loss, and proved the happy Omen of all the mighty
Things which afterwards followed.

On New-Year's-Day, 1757, some of his Majesty's Ships cannonaded the
Batteries, which had been constructed by the Enemy for the Defence of
_Calcutta_, where they had a considerable Force; and this with such
Success, that when the Troops debarked, they were abandoned. On the
Second, the _English_ re-possessed themselves of their demolished
Settlement; finding in the Fort, as they had done on the Batteries, a
numerous Artillery left behind, by those, who had not either Skill or
Courage to use them. After this Success, it was resolved to proceed up
the River to _Hughley_, a very populous Town, full of Warehouses and
Magazines; and in that, as well as other respects, a Place of
Consequence; and so much the safer from our Naval Force, as it could not
be reached by large Ships. On the Fifth, Captain _Smith_ in the
_Bridgewater_, and the Sloop of War, anchored within Reach, and fired
warmly upon the Town; and being seconded by all the armed Boats in the
Fleet, it was very soon reduced. The better to distress the Enemy, the
more to alarm the Province, and to work upon the Suba's governing
Passion, Fear; Orders were given, though with much Reluctance, for
burning the Houses, and for destroying, particularly, all the Magazines
on both Sides of the River; which Orders were very punctually executed,
and thereby speedily produced the desired Effects.

Both Vice-Admiral _Watson_ and Colonel _Clive_ had written, towards the
Close of the preceding Year, in as civil and polite Terms to the Suba,
as the Circumstances of Things would allow, with a View to bring about a
Treaty. But that Prince, who had an Army about him, and whose
Resentments ran as high as ever, was either not inclined, or did not
care to shew an Inclination, to come to any Terms. It was this, that
made the Expedition to _Hughley_ requisite; and upon the Loss of that,
and the Supplies he had there, his Confidence immediately abated, and he
condescended to answer the Letters, affirming that he had already
written, but that he had Reason to believe, those Letters had not been
delivered. Yet even now, when he found it was necessary to offer a
Negotiation, and to express a Willingness to reinstate the Company in
their Factories, he added, as if requisite to support his Character,
that if the _English_ thought they could reap greater Benefits by
pursuing the War, they might still proceed in their military Operations;
as if, by this Appearance of Indifference, he could conceal the Terror
he was under, from what had already happened. To support this Air of
Intrepidity, he made, at the same Time, a Motion with his Army towards
_Calcutta_.

Colonel _Clive_ having communicated these Proposals to the Select
Committee, entrusted with the Management of the Affairs of the Factory,
they sent Messieurs _Walsh_ and _Scrafton_, as Deputies, to the Camp of
the Suba, who, either deceived by this into an Opinion that he was still
formidable to the _English_, or desirous of imposing upon the Deputies,
behaved towards them with such a Mixture of Haughtiness and Contempt, as
gave little Hopes of their making any great Progress in their Business;
and therefore, after some Delay, the Vice-Admiral and the Colonel were
obliged to resume their former Measures, and to think of making a fresh
Impression on the Suba, that might convince him, he had as much to dread
from the Land-Forces as the Fleet. In order to this, it was concerted,
that a Detachment of Seamen, commanded by Captain _Warwick_, should land
and join the Army, and that Colonel _Clive_ should then force the
Nabob's Camp. The Captain accordingly debarked, upon the Fifth of
_February_, about One in the Morning: At Two they came up with the
Forces, which were under Arms. By Three, every Thing was in Order, and
they began to move towards the Enemy; the Sailors attending the Train,
which consisted of Six Field Pieces, and one Haubitzer. About Five, the
Action began, and the Artillery playing on the Right and Left, Colonel
_Clive_ marched his Troops directly through the Camp of the Suba; though
he had between Forty and Fifty thousand Men, and obliged him, with great
Loss, to dislodge, and even to abandon some of the Posts that he took
after his Retreat; and this, with very little Detriment to his very
small Army, not above Forty Men being killed, and not so many as Seventy
wounded. This brisk Attack, seconded by a Letter from Vice-Admiral
_Watson_, intimating, that this was a Specimen only of what the
_British_ Arms, when provoked, could perform, answered the Intention
perfectly. The Suba immediately desired to renew the Negotiation, which
went on with such Alacrity, that it was concluded and signed upon the
Ninth, by which an end was put to a War, that had subsisted about Nine
Months. This Treaty was conceived in the following Terms.

  I. Whatever Rights and Privileges the King has granted the _English_
  Company, in their Phirmaund, and the Hushulhoorums sent from
  _Delly_, shall not be disputed, or taken from them; and the
  Immunities therein mentioned, be acknowleged and stand good.
  Whatever Villages are given the Company by the Phirmaund, shall
  likewise be granted, notwithstanding they have been denied by former
  Subahs. The Zemindars of those Villages not to be hurt or displaced,
  without Cause.

                 Signed by the Nabob, in his own Hand.

    _I agree to the Terms of the Phirmaund._

  II. All Goods passing and repassing through the Country, by Land or
  Water, with _English_ Dusticks, shall be exempt from any Tax, Fee,
  or Imposition whatever.

    _I agree to this._

  III. All the Company's Factories, seized by the Nabob, shall be
  returned. All Monies, Goods, and Effects, belonging to the Company,
  their Servants and Tenants, and which have been seized and taken by
  the Nabob, shall be restored; what has been plundered and pillaged
  by his People, made good by the Payment of such a Sum of Money, as
  his Justice shall think reasonable.

    _I agree to restore whatever has been seized and taken by my
    Orders, and accounted for in my Sincary._

  IV. That we have Permission to fortify _Calcutta_, in such Manner as
  we may think proper, without Interruption.

    _I consent to this._

  V. That we shall have Liberty to coin Siccas, both of Gold and
  Silver, of equal Weight and Fineness with those of _Muxadavad_,
  which shall pass in the Provinces.

    _I consent to the_ English _Company's coining their own Imports
    of Bullion and Gold into Siccas_.

  VI. That a Treaty shall be ratified, by Signing and Sealing, and
  swearing to abide by the Articles therein contained; not only by the
  Nabob, but his principal Officers and Ministers.

    _I have sealed and signed the Articles, before the Presence of
    God._

  VII. That Admiral _Watson_ and Colonel _Clive_, on the Part and
  Behalf of the _English_ Nation, and of the Company, do agree to live
  in a good Understanding with the Nabob, to put an End to these
  Troubles, and to be in Friendship with him, while these Articles are
  performed and observed by the Nabob.

    _I have sealed and signed the foregoing Articles, upon these
    Terms, that if the Governor and Council will sign and seal them,
    with the Company's Seal, and will swear to the Performance on
    their Part, I then consent and agree to them._

In this Treaty, the intelligent Reader will see, there were Three great
Points sufficiently explained, to shew the Injustice and Oppression of
the Suba, in his Attack upon the _English_ Settlements, even upon
Reflection in his own Opinion, tho' far from being as conclusive in
respect to the Remedies and Indemnifications, that, in consequence of so
full a Declaration, were to be procured. The First regarded the
Possessions, Immunities, and Privileges, conceded to the _East India_
Company, by the Royal Phirmaund, which _Suraja Dowlat_ acknowleged to
have violated, promised Restitution, and undertook, in the most solemn
Manner, not to invade them again. But as this was conceived only in
general Terms, these Rights, and the Limits of their respective
Possessions, required a thorough Discussion. The next was, as to the
Fortifications of _Calcutta_; the Legality and Expediency of which he
now admitted in their utmost Extent, as being plainly necessary to the
Security of the Place, the _British_ Inhabitants, and even of the
_Mogul_'s Subjects, living under its Protection; and to this was added,
the Coinage of their own Imports, in Gold and Silver, to which they had
always a Right, though it had not been exercised. The last was, the full
and immediate Compensation, which he stipulated, for all the Damages the
Company, and those dependent upon it, had sustained; but which he
contracted only to make, so far as the Produce of the Plunder should
appear to have come into his Hands. It was evident, therefore, that,
though in Words and in Appearance much had been obtained by the Peace,
this still depended, in a great Measure, as to the most material Part,
the Performance, on the proper Settling of these Articles, and the
Liquidation of the Damages, in reference to which, the Sincerity of the
Suba's Intention, and his Readiness to execute what he had undertaken,
was almost the sole Security. In order to adjust these Points, without
which the Treaty was of very little Consequence to those ruined and
undone by the War, the Select Committee very properly made choice of Mr.
_William Watts_, who had been their Chief at _Cassimbuzar_, who was one
of the Members of that Committee, a Person well known to the Nabob, and
who had been, as the Suba himself owned, the first innocent and
causeless Victim to his Resentment, or rather Caprice. His Acceptance of
this Commission, by which he was again to put himself into the Power of
this unsteady Prince, in so critical a Conjuncture, and charged with so
troublesome and intricate a Negotiation, was a very full Proof of his
Fidelity to, and Zeal for, the Interests of the Company; as it likewise
was an evident Testimony of the good Opinion of his Associates; who,
upon mature Deliberation, invested him solely with so great a Trust.

He was, indeed, in every respect, fittest for this Employment (had there
been any Competitor); an Employment, by far the weightiest, and of the
most Consequence, of any in _Bengal_. He had been many Years in the
Country; was well acquainted with the Language, as well as accustomed to
the Manners and Disposition of the Inhabitants; was much esteemed, and
had many Connections with them. He understood their Politics also, at
least as much as such fluctuating Politics as theirs could be
understood; the true Interest of the Province, and the Constitution of
_Indostan_ in general, and the State of the neighbouring Governments in
particular. Besides, he was personally known to all the Ministers, and
had received very singular Marks of Esteem from the Suba himself. Add to
all this, that the Company, in case of the Death or Resignation of Mr.
_Drake_, had appointed this Gentleman to the Government of _Calcutta_,
which, taken together, proves, that this Choice was not the Work of
Chance or Favour, but proceeded from mature Deliberation, and a just
Regard to the Consequence of that Negotiation, in which he was to be
employed.

The Perplexities springing from such a Variety and Complication of
Matters that were to be adjusted, the Mutability of the Suba's Nature,
and his Want of Judgment and Experience, and the Difficulties naturally
arising in settling the Concessions, which had been just extorted from
him by Treaty, were not the only Circumstances that embarrassed this
Negotiation. The _French_, perfectly well informed of every Step taken
or intended, and no less skilled in the Art of Intrigue, had most
effectually retained several of those whom the Suba frequently
consulted, or chiefly trusted, in their Interest by gratifying them with
Presents. They had still a more powerful Tie on them than this, being in
Debt Thirteen Lack of Rupees, or upwards of One hundred and Sixty
thousand Pounds Sterling, to _Juggut Seat_, the greatest Banker in the
Empire of _Indostan_, and the Second in Power in _Bengal_; to whose
Advice for many Years past the Subas paid the greatest Attention. They
very well knew, that Men might be false to their Benefactors; but they
rightly judged, that even the worst of Men, more especially when
avaricious, would be true, where they could not possibly be false,
without betraying their own Interest. Under Circumstances like these,
there was no Probability, indeed there was no Possibility, of so much as
attempting any Thing, but in the Mode of the Court; that is, by opposing
Corruption to Corruption, making Friends of the Mammon of
Unrighteousness, and getting upon even Ground with those, with whom they
were obliged to contend.

But in order to understand the whole of this Matter thoroughly, we must
consider the State that Affairs were then in, with respect to the two
contending Nations. Advice of the breaking out of the War, between
_Great Britain_ and _France_, arrived in _India_, the very Day after the
Treaty was concluded with the Suba; and of course opened a new Scene.
From being commercial and political Rivals, we were now become open
Enemies; a Circumstance which we were very sure the _French_ would
improve, and which therefore it was our Duty not to neglect. We had at
present a Fleet and an Army; for however small they might be, as Matters
stood, they both deserved those Titles, and this gave us great
Advantages. On the other Hand, the former was soon to quit the Coast,
and perhaps Part of the latter, which was a great Disadvantage. The
capital Point, therefore, was to avail ourselves of them, while they
remained, so as to settle Things upon a stable Foundation, with regard
to the _French_, as well as to the Nabob, before the Season came in
which the Fleet was to return. In respect to the former, the Admiral and
Colonel _Clive_, with the Assistance of the Select Committee, were to
take the best Measures they could; and Mr. _Watts_ was to regulate the
latter; and his Success, or Want of Success, must have apparently had
such an Influence upon the whole, that the Reader most certainly needs
not be informed, how much depended upon his Courage, Conduct, and
Capacity.

The Interest the _French_ had in the Court of the Suba, and their Method
of acquiring it, have been already stated. This they would have
understood to be barely for their own Support and Security; but however,
there were some Surmises, that it was also, and had ever been, not a
little to our Prejudice. It was whispered, that the Favour shewn them,
in Comparison of the _Dutch_, after the Destruction of our Settlements,
when he affected to fine both Nations for augmenting the Works about
their respective Factories, was, in Consideration of their having
secretly furnished Artillery, when he marched against _Calcutta_. This
was a Suspicion in the _Indies_, and as such only is mentioned; but it
is very certain, that the Letters wrote Home to _Europe_ were entirely
in _Suraja Dowlat_'s Favour, containing a very unfair, and, which was
much worse, a very plausible, but utterly false Representation of the
Grounds of the Quarrel, which was published to our Prejudice in all the
foreign Gazettes.

When Mr. _Watts_ set out for the Suba's Residence, he was accompanied by
_Omichund_, an eminent Merchant of _Calcutta_, who was well known to the
Suba, and his Ministers. This Merchant, Mr. _Watts_ sent to _Hughley_,
to discover, as far as he could, what were the real Intentions of the
_Moors_, in case we attacked _Chandenagore_. He returned the next Day,
_February_ the Eighteenth, with a very distinct Account. He had been
informed by _Nuncomar_, the Phousdar, or Governor of _Hughley_, that the
very Day before, Two Persons, _Seen Bawboo_ and _Montra Mull_, arrived
from the Nabob, with a Lack of Rupees, as a Present to the _French_
Factory; and also with Orders to the Phousdar, to assist the _French_,
if attacked; or if they were the Aggressors, to assist the _English_.
Mr. _Watts_ was too well acquainted with the Genius of the _Moors_, and
the Temper of the Suba, to be deceived by this Shew of Impartiality. He
considered the Present as a Declaration in Favour of the _French_; and
the Stile of his Orders as calculated to amuse the _English_. _Omichund_
was entirely of the same Opinion. Mr. _Watts_, therefore, advised the
Select Committee to attack _Chandenagore_ without Delay, assuring them,
that they had nothing to apprehend from the Resentment of the Suba; that
if once the two Nations were engaged in Hostilities, the _Moors_ would
not come to the Succour of either; and that after all, there were but
Three hundred Matchlock Men in _Hughley_. He saw from the Beginning the
Mischief that was to be feared; and the only Remedy that could be
applied. He therefore very freely pointed out the one, and very warmly
recommended the other. It had been a very happy Event, if his Counsel
had been then taken.

On the Twenty-first of _February_, in the Evening, Mr. _Watts_ arrived
in the Camp, and had his Audience of the Suba, who embraced him, gave
him the strongest Assurances that every thing should be adjusted
speedily, and to his Satisfaction; adding a Promise of the Surpau,
(Sirrapah) or Vest of Honour, which, however, Mr. _Watts_ declined
receiving, till they came to _Muxadavad_. He was very soon sensible of
the Difficulty of his Task, the Pains he must be at in tracing the Goods
taken from their several Factories, the procuring actual Restitution in
some Cases, an equitable Equivalent in others; the restoring a free
Commerce, which had been stopped, by express Orders, from the very
Beginning of the Troubles; and in doing all this, of the almost
insurmountable Obstacles that the Mutability of the Suba's Inclinations,
the Intrigues of the _French_, the Insinuations of Ministers, swayed
solely by their own Interests, would throw in his Way. But he saw, that
the true Source of all these Embarrassments was the Suba's Insincerity,
and the Scheme he had formed of resuming his Despotism, in regard to the
_Europeans_, by borrowing their own Assistance, and playing one Nation
against another, till, by the weakening of their Forces in such
Disputes, he became too strong for both. His Project was too great for
his Capacity; he did what he could to execute it, but it was beyond his
Force, and his very manner of managing it defeated his Design.

The public Declarations of this irresolute Prince, were diametrically
opposite to the whole Tenor of his Conduct. He had no sooner concluded
the Treaty with Us, than he wrote to Admiral _Watson_ in the warmest
Terms of Friendship, and in a very remarkable Letter to Colonel _Clive_
assures him, that our Enemies should be his, as he expected that we
should look upon his Enemies as ours; and that he depended upon the
Assistance of the _English_ for maintaining the future Tranquility of
his Dominions. But when Mr. _Watts_ communicated to him at large the
Reasons that might induce us to reduce the _French_ Settlement at
_Chandenagore_, he made no Scruple of altering his Language. He then
said, he would not suffer the Peace of his Territories to be violated by
either Nation; that he would protect both, while they remained quiet;
that he would assist the _French_ with all his Forces, if we, after
this, ever attacked them; and that he would join us in like Manner, if
we were attacked by the _French_. All this, however, was far from
imposing on those who were at the Head of our Affairs. Mr. _Watts_
framed his Precautions so well, that he knew exactly the Measures which
the Suba took, or was inclined to take, and gave the most early
Intelligence of them to the Select Committee, who, from thence, were
well enabled to take their own; by which his Schemes were disappointed
without Noise, and without so much as suspecting their having any such
Informations; though these came chiefly from his own Head-Spy, who, by
an Application these Sort of People rarely can resist, Mr. _Watts_ had
brought over entirely to the Company's Interests.

By comparing his private Intrigues with some of his more public
Transactions, there could not be a Shadow of Doubt left as to his real
Intentions, though he always dissembled, and often disavowed them.
Immediately after his Treaty with Us, and consequently after he knew
that they were our Enemies, he bellowed upon them very conspicuous Marks
of Kindness, and such as could not fail of affording Umbrage to the
_English_. He made them, as has been before-mentioned, a Present of a
Lack of Rupees in ready Money; he cancelled an Obligation they had given
him for twice that Sum; he promised them the Privileges of a Mint; he
proposed granting them a very considerable Augmentation of Territory;
and even went so far, as to offer them the Possession of the City of
_Hughley_. These were Circumstances that indicated their standing much
in his good Graces, or that he expected from them Services equivalent to
these substantial and extraordinary Benefits. The Truth, as far as it
could ever be discovered, was this. They, and his Ministers in their
Interest, made him believe their Strength in his Dominions to be very
far beyond what it really was. Besides this, they magnified their
Successes in other Parts, and took a great deal of Pains to persuade
him, that Mr. _Bussy_, with a very numerous Army, was within a little
Distance of his Territories, and might either fall upon, or come to his
Support against, any Enemy, according as he should behave towards them.
These Representations, the Nature of the Suba considered, may in some
measure, and only in some measure, account for the Part that he acted.

As Mr. _Watts_ was upon the Spot, watched every Motion of the Suba, knew
exactly the Character of his Courtiers and principal Ministers, and had
the most certain Intelligence of every thing that passed, he continued
to represent the Necessity of attacking _Chandenagore_. He saw that, as
far as his Timidity would suffer him to go, the Suba was already united
to the _French_. He was satisfied that he dealt deceitfully with the
_English_; more especially after Mr. _Watts_ prevailed on Colonel
_Clive_ to write to the Suba, in the strongest Terms, that he might
confide in him on every Occasion; and that on any Emergency he would
march at his Request to his Assistance, against all his Enemies. After
this, the Suba never mentioned any Desire or Thoughts of demanding Aid
from the _British_ Nation. Mr. _Watts_ was therefore convinced that we
could never gain him; and that, though now he temporized, he waited only
a fit Season to act against us, in Conjunction with the _French_, upon
whom he was daily heaping Favours, while it was with much Difficulty,
and in consequence of repeated Sollicitations, he was ever brought to do
common Justice to us. In this Situation Mr. _Watts_ exhorted the
Admiral, the Colonel, and the Select Committee, not to let slip this
favourable Opportunity, and to apprehend nothing from the Suba's
Resentment, who would never venture to give them any Succours, or take
an open Part in their Favour, or to our Prejudice. But if the Fleet was
once gone, and a fair Occasion offered, he would as certainly embrace
it, and begin a new War, with as little Scruple as he had done the last,
with more Advantage on his Side, and less on ours: Arguments, which,
though strong and self-evident, did not meet with general Acceptance.

The Select Committee, though they paid great Deference to the Advice,
and had a very just Sense of the Zeal, of Mr. _Watts_, for the Nation
and the Company's Service; yet they were very unwilling to venture again
upon Hostilities, from a strong Suspicion that the Suba, whether he
actually joined the Enemy or not, would suspend the Execution of the
Treaty, renew the Interruption of their Trade, and by that Means hinder
their Investments for another Year. They knew so well, and dreaded so
much, the Consequences that would have inevitably attended such an
Event, that, in spite of all Mr. _Watts_ could allege, they inclined to
a Neutrality. This was an Expedient the Suba had proposed, and was
another visible Indication of what were his secret and settled
Intentions. The Sentiments, or rather the Sollicitations of the Select
Committee, prevailed upon the Admiral and the Colonel to acquiesce in
this Plan; insomuch that the latter wrote in very strong and pathetic
Terms to the Suba, informing him, that whatever Representations of a
contrary Nature he might have received, yet himself was very confident,
that his Forces were able to reduce _Chandenagore_ in Two days;
nevertheless, in consideration of the great Repugnancy he shewed to the
disturbing the Tranquility of the Province, he would, out of pure Regard
to the Suba's Friendship, consent to such a Neutrality as he proposed,
provided it was guarantied by him, and he solemnly undertook to act with
all his Forces against that Nation by which it was first infringed.

When Mr. _Watts_ saw, that after all he had offered against it, this
Point was driven thus far, and that in all Probability it would be
speedily concluded, he turned his Thoughts to the giving it still
greater Security, and with that View advised, that _Juggut Seat_ should
undertake for the due Performance of whatever should be agreed upon by
the _French_; which, considering the Influence that his Debt gave him
over them, and the high Credit in which he stood with the Suba and his
Ministers, appeared to be the only Method of giving to this Measure the
utmost Consistency of which it was capable. This shews how perfectly
well-disposed Mr. _Watts_ was to facilitate any Step taken for the
Company's Service, though ever so contrary to his own Opinion; and at
the same Time affords a Proof of his thorough Knowlege of Men and Things
in that Country, by which he was enabled to devise the Means of
rendering this Convention more safe and more effectual, than any that
had been proposed by such as had originally planned, and now pressed its
Execution. But though he discovered so much Integrity, and so much
Abilities in suggesting this additional Strength to a Neutrality, he
still looked upon it as diametrically opposite to the Company's true
Interest, and as the single Step that could ever put it in the Power of
the Suba and the _French_, to bring their deep and dangerous Designs to
bear.

But when all seemed to be absolutely settled, and nothing wanting to
this Neutrality but the concluding and signing it in Form, the _French_
themselves overturned it, by avowing that they had no sufficient
Authority to support an Act of that Nature, which might be declared
invalid by their Superiors. Mr. _Watts_ immediately laid hold on and
improved this very unexpected Incident, by representing, in the
strongest Light, to the Suba, the Condescension shewn him by the
_British_ by accepting, and the Indignity offered to him by the _French_
in rejecting, his Expedient. This had so great an Effect, that in the
first Transport of his Resentment he directed a Letter to be written to
Vice-Admiral _Watson_, in which he tacitly permitted the Attack of the
_French_ Factory, by recommending Mercy to the Enemy when it should be
reduced; and desiring the military Operations of the _English_ might be
conducted with as little Prejudice to his Country, or Disturbance to his
People, as it was possible. Mr. _Watts_, who had secured the Suba's
Secretary to our Interest, engaged him to pen this important Epistle in
a proper Stile, so as to permit the Attack immediately, and to dispatch
it without Delay: Precautions, which were of the utmost Consequence, and
which, in the Event, gave us all those Advantages we afterwards reaped,
and which, through the Blessing of Divine Providence, we still possess
in _Bengal_.

As there was great Address used in obtaining this Letter, so it arrived
in the most critical Conjuncture. For, notwithstanding the _French_ had
avowed their Want of Power to conclude an effectual Neutrality, yet so
much were some afraid of recurring again to Arms, that they were still
for accepting of this Expedient, however precarious. Upon this, Admiral
_Watson_ held a Council of War, to consider what was most proper to be
done; and it was while this Council was actually sitting, wherein those
who argued yet for a Neutrality insisted chiefly upon the Suba's
Repugnancy to see the Flame of War, so lately extinguished, again
rekindled in his Dominions, that this Letter was brought, which cut the
Gordian Knot, and put an End to the Debate. How the _French_ came to act
in this Manner, and by so frank a Declaration defeat the Scheme of the
Suba, and run themselves upon Destruction, is not easy to conceive. In
all Probability, they did not imagine, that even, after this, we would
venture to fall upon them, and they were willing to preserve to
themselves, against a proper Season, the Liberty of attacking us; or,
which is yet more probable, depended on the Suba's exerting his whole
Force, in Case of our besieging them, in their Defence; which would have
rendered the Expedition much more difficult. Be this as it will, the
Letter defeated all their Schemes; and the Sequel of the Transaction
shewed how much better Mr. _Watts_ was acquainted with the Disposition
of the _Moors_, and more thoroughly Master of the Suba's Temper, and
Manner of acting, notwithstanding the Intrigues they had been so long
carrying on in his Court, and their having such Connections with his
Favourites and Ministers.——But let us now return from Reflections to
Facts, and having clearly stated this very remarkable Stroke of Policy,
resume the Thread of our Narrative.

Vice-Admiral _Watson_, Colonel _Clive_, and the Select Committee, came
to this final Resolution, in the Beginning of the Month of _March_, and
entered with all the Diligence and Dispatch possible on the necessary
Preparations for this important Expedition, well knowing that the
_French_ were not ignorant of their own Danger, or at all remiss or
careless in providing against it. _Chandenagore_, the chief of their
Settlements in _Bengal_, was a Place very well situated on the Side of
the River, Twenty-seven Miles above _Calcutta_, which is a Branch of the
_Ganges_, at a small distance below _Hughley_. The Director at this
Settlement has under him the _French_ Company's Factories of
_Cassimbuzar_, _Dacca_, _Patna_, _Jeuda_, and _Ballasore_. They
prudently contrived, at the Beginning of the Troubles, to strengthen it
with various Outworks and Batteries, had in it a Garrison of Five
hundred _Europeans_ and Seven hundred _Blacks_, with some Mortars, and
near Two hundred Pieces of Cannon mounted. They took the Precaution also
to send away some of their Merchandize, and the best Part of their
Effects, under Colour of providing the better for their Defence; raised
considerable Magazines, which were well provided; and made such
Dispositions, and kept so good a Countenance, as imposed upon most of
the _Moors_, and perhaps upon some of themselves. As they chiefly feared
the Squadron, they sunk Two Ships, a Ketch, a Hulk, a Snow, and a Vessel
without Masts, directly in the Channel, within Gunshot of the Fort, and
laid Two Booms, moored with Chains, across the River. Besides these,
they sunk and ran on Shore Five large Vessels, above the Fort, that they
might throw every Impediment possible in the Way of our Squadron. In
consequence of these military Operations, which were very judiciously
planned, and the best their Circumstances would admit, they resolved to
stand the Attack; but whether they had any Hopes given them by the Suba
of his Assistance, or whether they relied at all on his Insinuations of
Aid, in case they were given, could not be learned; though he actually
advanced a Corps of Troops, as we shall see hereafter, which might
render such a Conjecture not at all improbable.

A Reinforcement of Three hundred Men from _Bombay_ arriving at
_Calcutta_, Colonel _Clive_ advanced by the River Side, with Seven
hundred Whites, and Sixteen hundred Seapoys, towards the _French_
Settlement; and with very little Loss took Possession of most of the
Out-Posts on the Fourteenth of _March_. On the Fifteenth, the Enemy
abandoned all their Batteries, notwithstanding these were very well
disposed, and in exceeding good Order. He was now possessed of every
Post they had, but the Fort, and a Redoubt seated between the River Side
and the Fort Walls, wherein were mounted Eight Pieces of Cannon,
Twenty-four Pounders, Four of which pointed down the River. The same Day
Admiral _Watson_ sailed with the _Kent_ of Sixty-four, the _Tyger_ and
_Salisbury_, each of Fifty Guns, having previously sent a Twenty-Gun
Ship, and a Sloop, to cover the Boats attending the Camp. On the
Eighteenth, he anchored about Two Miles below _Chandenagore_, and the
Troops on Shore being employed in raising a Battery against the Fort,
the Weather becoming extremely foggy, and the Impediments
before-mentioned being of Necessity to be removed, occasioned some
Delay. The First Thing to be done was clearing the River; and the Booms
being cut, and running adrift, a proper Passage was soon discovered, by
sounding, and without losing Time in weighing the _French_ Vessels.
While this was about, the brave Admiral _Pocock_, who was just arrived
at _Culpee_ in the _Cumberland_, resolving to have a Share in the
Action, came in his Long-Boat, and going on board his Majesty's Ship the
_Tyger_, hoisted his Flag there. On the Twenty-third, at Six in the
Morning, the _Tyger_, _Kent_, and _Salisbury_, weighed. About Ten
Minutes after the Enemy began to fire from the Redoubt, but their
Artillery was soon silenced by the _Tyger_. Before Seven the Ships were
properly stationed, and the Signal being given, the Engagement began;
the Firing continuing very brisk on both Sides, till a Quarter after
Nine, when the Besieged hung out a Flag of Truce, and the Articles of
Capitulation were very quickly settled and signed. In consequence of
this, Captain _Latham_, of the _Tyger_, was dispatched by Vice-Admiral
_Watson_ to receive the Keys of the Fort, into which Colonel _Clive_
marched with the Troops about Five in the Afternoon. Thus
_Chandenagore_, according to the Scheme originally proposed, constantly
insisted upon, and at last rendered practicable by Mr. _Watts_, with all
the _French_ subordinate Settlements in the Province of _Bengal_, were
reduced; and thereby most of the Schemes laid for the future Destruction
of _Calcutta_, and the other _English_ Factories, rendered abortive. An
Expedition, in the first Instance, glorious to the _British_ Arms, and
in its Consequences, as from the Sequel of this Relation will appear, of
the highest Importance.

This signal Advantage was not obtained without some Loss. Admiral
_Pocock_ was wounded, but not dangerously. The gallant Captain _Henry
Speke_, equally distinguished by the Clearness of his Head and the
Warmth of his Heart, who commanded the _Kent_, on board which
Vice-Admiral _Watson_ wore his Flag, received a Wound from a Cannon
Shot, which unhappily carried away the Leg of his Son, who deceased soon
after, a Youth of the most amiable Character, extraordinary Learning,
and admirable Abilities. The first Lieutenant, Mr. _Samuel Perreau_, and
the Master of the _Tyger_, were both killed; the Third and Fourth
Lieutenants were also wounded; and the former died. Of the private Men
there were Thirty-two killed, and One hundred wounded. The Enemy had
Forty killed and Seventy wounded in the Fort. They must be allowed to
have defended themselves with great Spirit and Resolution, and probably
would not have submitted so soon, if they had not suffered severely from
Colonel _Clive_'s Batteries, and been still more galled by the Fire of
his Men, from the flat Roofs of the Houses, which in Truth made it
almost impossible for them to stand to their Guns. A Part of the
_French_ Troops made their Escape, and marched Northwards, after whom
Colonel _Clive_ sent a Detachment of Six hundred Seapoys, and Vice
Admiral _Watson_ ordered several Boats up the River of _Hughley_, to
seize upon whatever was _French_ Property; notwithstanding which, a
great deal of the Company's Effects and Merchandize were concealed and
carried away. This Blow was very decisive in reference to the _French_,
whose Measures it entirely broke, by rendering the Schemes they had
formed, with respect to the Suba, utterly impracticable. On the other
hand, it released the _English_ from the Apprehensions they were under
of being again attacked in _Calcutta_, in case the Squadron had left
them without reducing this Place. These were so far from being
Suspicions lightly founded, that their Danger was so great and so
apparent, considering the Circumstances they were then in, and the
Suba's delaying to restore their Artillery, that, if not encouraged by
this Event, they would have been very slow in re-settling _Calcutta_.
Happy as those immediate Effects were! they were hardly so much as
remembred, after the greater Advantages that followed; which
demonstrated how justly this Resolution was taken, and in what a
critical Conjuncture it was executed.

We have before hinted, that, notwithstanding the Suba had transmitted a
Letter of Permission to Vice-Admiral _Watson_ to act as he thought
proper against the _French_, without which Letter the Admiral and the
Colonel would not have proceeded, nay went farther, and recommended them
to his Mercy, yet he presently changed his Mind. He desired Mr. _Watts_
to write to the Colonel, that he would not have War made in his Country,
by which the People under his Government must suffer, the King's
Revenues be lessened, and the Tranquility of his Dominions disturbed.
The _French_, who had misled him from the Beginning, deceived him to the
very last. They assured him, that, in the first Attack, the _English_
had been repulsed with Loss, and gave him to understand, that they did
not doubt obliging them to retire. The Suba was so much embarrassed by
the contradictory Reports he heard, and looked upon this Transaction to
concern him so nearly, that he wrote Letter after Letter to Colonel
_Clive_, who is said to have received no less than Ten of them in one
Day, and these in very opposite Stiles; which the Colonel answered
punctually, with all the Calmness and Complaisance imaginable,
expressing great Concern at the Impression which the Calumnies of his
Enemies had made on that Prince's Mind, and assuring him of his sincere
Attachment, as long as he adhered to the Treaty. At length the Suba grew
so very uneasy, that he sent _Mutrumul_, in whom he said he placed great
Confidence, to the Colonel, with Orders to act, if there was any room
for it, as a Mediator. But the Situation of Things at his Arrival made
such a Commission visibly impracticable; which _Mutrumul_ perceiving,
extolled the _English_ highly, and threw all the Blame upon the
_French_. To give Weight, however, to this intended Mediation,
_Roydoolub_ advanced, by his Master's Command, at the Head of Six
thousand Men, within a small Distance of _Hughley_. But to prevent this
from giving any Umbrage, _Mutrumul_, when the Attack was made, assured
the Colonel, that _Roydoolub_ had the Suba's Instructions to obey his
Orders, which the Colonel took in exceeding good Part, and returned that
Prince Thanks for this gracious Offer of his Assistance. The Moment the
Place surrendered, he gave Notice of it to the Suba, and ascribed his
Success to the Favour of Heaven and his Excellency's Auspice, under
which his Arms had been so fortunate. A Compliment, which the Suba knew
not how to receive with even a tolerable Grace, or to reject without
giving Offence. In reality, he had brought his Affairs by this time into
a very perplexed Condition, of which he was sensible, now it was too
late; though very probably he might not have Sagacity enough to discern,
that the Whole of these Misfortunes had no other Source than the
Unsteadiness of his Councils, and the Duplicity of his Conduct. What we
have already said will afford Proofs more than sufficient to establish
this; but as the setting it in a clear Light will be the best means of
explaining the Motives to the Transactions that ensued, we hope the
subsequent Remarks will not appear tedious to the Reader.

The Suba, wanting alike in Parts and in Experience, unable to reject bad
Counsels, and prone to pursue his own Notions, as far as they could be
carried by his Power, shewed plainly from the very Beginning, that he
had no formed System; and if he could be stiled so at all, was certainly
a bad Politician. His setting out was by breaking at once with all the
_European_ Nations; which, if their reciprocal Jealousies of each other,
and some other Circumstances, had not hindered, must have united them
all against him, and that Union would have rendered his Scheme abortive.
As this did not happen, it encouraged him to take another wrong Step, by
attacking and destroying the _English_, without having so much as a
plausible Pretence. This Act of arbitrary Violence visibly subverted the
Foundation of his own Scheme, if it ever had any, by proving, in the
strongest Manner, that no _European_ Nation could subsist as Merchants
in his Dominions, without having Places so well fortified, as not to lie
at his Mercy. When, therefore, he was reduced to the Necessity of
concluding a Treaty, the very Basis of that Treaty was his confessing
this last Position to be well founded, and admitting by his own Consent,
as the only practicable Grounds of Peace, what he had before laid down
as the Reason of his taking up Arms. But when he had done this, and
might have been quiet, by adhering constantly to that Treaty, he again
mistook his Point. Uniformity of Conduct was so little in his
Constitution, that he immediately lost all the Advantages he seemed to
have sought by that Measure, and which indeed were clearly asserted to
have been the Objects he had in View, in his Letters to Admiral _Watson_
and Colonel _Clive_, by shewing a visible Repugnance to the Execution of
it in every Step, and doing that slowly and ungracefully, which, if he
had done chearfully and at once, might have procured him the Confidence
of the _English_, and have thoroughly extricated him from those
Difficulties into which his first Errors had plunged him.

His Conduct with regard to the _French_ was to the full as
inconsiderate, and no less inconsistent. His Kindness, Friendship, or
whatever it was towards them, was as fatal as his Aversion or Dislike
had been to the _English_, and productive of the very same Misfortunes.
He was undoubtedly imposed upon and misled by the fake Impressions he
received from them of their Strength: But in this he was inexcusable, as
these Representations were grounded only upon vague and uncertain
Reports of what they had done, and of what Strength they had in other
Parts of the _Indies_, from whence all the Assistance they could give
him was to be hoped, and this against a Power, the Weight of which he
had already felt; and to say nothing of the Obligation he was under to
maintain that Peace he had solemnly confirmed by his Oath, which was
still at his very Doors. If he had really intended, as he seemed very
desirous it should be believed it was his Intention, to preserve Peace
in his Dominions, and to prevent the _English_ and _French_ from
committing Hostilities against each other in them, to the Prejudice of
Commerce, in which he was principally interested, and which was also,
and was allowed to be, the common Concern of all, he might by acting
firmly have carried that Point, by insisting upon a Neutrality under his
Guaranty, and a peremptory Declaration that he would stop the Trade, and
seize the Effects of that Nation, which violated a Neutrality so
concluded; since under this it is certain the _English_ would have
acquiesced, and, without the Encouragement or Assistance of the Suba,
the _French_ durst not have broke it. But his Intrigues with them, or,
as many thought, a Secret Treaty, encouraged their Director to declare,
that he was not vested with Authority to conclude any such Neutrality;
and even this, which he always knew, he did not acknowlege, until the
Time was lost, in which he might have obtained it from _Pondicherry_;
and this plainly put the _English_ under a Necessity of exerting the
Force then in their Hands without Delay, which ended in the taking
_Chandenagore_. Here again, if he had ever had any settled Principle of
Action, would have been his Time to have shewn it; for if, upon Colonel
_Clive_'s marching, he had assisted the _French_ with his whole Force,
he might very probably have saved them. But as he had hitherto been all
along the Dupe of their Politics, so in this Instance they were the
Dupes of his, and were sacrificed to his Want of Steadiness and Spirit.
On the whole, therefore, it became evident, that the Suba was more
dangerous to his Friends than to his Enemies; and the Hazard of being
hurt lay not in opposing, but in placing any Confidence in him. A
Lesson, which, as it had been taught by his first Actions, so, from the
Bent of a stubborn Disposition Events could not correct, he took care to
inculcate it from time to time, as long as it was in his Power to act at
all.

Colonel _Clive_ used repeated Endeavours to extricate him, if he would
have permitted it, out of all his Difficulties. He laboured in his
Letters to convince him, that as the Attack and Reduction of
_Chandenagore_ proceeded entirely from the Behaviour of the _French_
themselves, so it could not be any-way prejudicial to him, or to his
Subjects. He assured him, that the _English_ would not suffer his
Revenue to be impaired, by their being Masters of the Place; but were
disposed, under equitable Conditions, to re-place the Customs paid by
the _French_; and that they were well satisfied with their own
Possessions, and did not desire to enlarge or to extend them. On the
contrary, they were ready to give him whatever Satisfaction he could
demand, of their Willingness to acquiesce under any Terms, and to comply
with such Measures as should appear most expedient for restoring and
preserving the Tranquility of his Country; that their Minds were
entirely set upon Commerce; that they became military merely by Force;
but that they most ardently wished to return to, and be known by him
only in, their old Occupation of Merchants; that, as things stood, their
Interest rendered it absolutely requisite to expel the _French_ out of
_Bengal_, to prevent new Disputes, which was his Interest likewise; and
that, if he would do it himself, they should be well satisfied, and
consider it as a Favour. That he had been exceedingly imposed upon, in
respect to the Conduct of that Nation, on the Coast of _Coromandel_,
where the _Nabobs_ they had espoused were obliged to make exorbitant
Grants, in Acknowledgement for their Assistance; that, in consequence of
this, they had torn away whole Provinces, of which they were in full
Possession; while, on the other hand, the _English_ had lent the
_Nabobs_, with whom they had taken Part, purely on account of their
being the King's Officers, very large Sums of Money; with the Repayment
of which they would be well content, without soliciting, extorting, or
even accepting any Grants whatever. That he might from thence judge of
the Temper of the two Nations and the Difference that he would find in
having either of them for his Allies; and that therefore, if he regarded
his own Welfare, he would adhere strictly to, and punctually fulfil, the
Treaty he had made; which if he did, he might not only rely upon the
Support that had been promised him, but that he might be assured, he
would personally lose the last Drop of his Blood, and sacrifice the last
Man under his Command, in his Service, against any of his real Enemies,
whenever his Occasions might require it. Vice-Admiral _Watson_ wrote
also to him to the same Purpose.

The Suba, who was equally dissatisfied with and disturbed at the State
of his Affairs, and found himself obliged to be at a great Expence in
keeping Troops in the Field, knew not what to say or how to act. He
declared, however, positively, against our reducing the _French_
subordinate Factories; would not hear of making the Remains of their
Forces Prisoners, and delivering them up to the _English_; but, however,
discovered no Scruple at all in seizing upon their Effects, under Colour
of doing it to make Satisfaction to his own Subjects, who were their
Creditors. At the same time he ordered the _French_ to quit his
Dominions, directing them to march towards _Patna_. He likewise paid
farther Sums of Money to the Company's Servants, and gave them Hopes,
that he would both strictly and speedily fulfil his Treaty in every
respect. In regard to the Artillery, which he did not restore, he
alleged, that he was distressed himself for want of Cannon, and was
willing to purchase them. In this manner things went on for a Month or
Six Weeks, during which Space every Method was practised that could
lessen his Apprehensions, or free him from that Terror which he seemed
to have of the _English_ advancing their Forces into the Heart of his
Country. He was even permitted, upon a Rumour that the Garrison of
_Cassimbuzar_ was augmented to Five hundred Men, to send his own
Officers to inspect it, who found and reported, that there was not above
a Tenth Part of the Number. The same Compliances were made in many
Respects.

But in the midst of these Compliances and Concessions, instead of
growing milder and better disposed, the Suba shewed very evident Marks
of his being more and more exasperated against those who gave them. He
fell again to caballing with the _French_; and instead of compelling
those who had escaped to quit his Country, as he engaged expressly, he
took that little Body of Men, which were about _Patna_, into his Pay, at
the Rate of Ten thousand Rupees a Month, of which Mr. _Watts_ procured
the Intelligence, and communicated it to the Committee. He turned all
his Attention towards Mr. _Bussy_, who, as he was made to believe, had
an Army of Twenty thousand Men, and with which he might march speedily
into his Dominions. When these Rumours at any time sunk, he was more
tractable; but as soon as they revived, he became as imperious and as
much out of Humour as ever. Vice-Admiral _Watson_ having sent him
Several pressing Letters, exhorting him to act suitable to his Dignity,
agreeable to his own Interests, for the Good of his Subjects, to give no
Ear to idle Reports, to accomplish his Promises, and fulfil the several
Articles of his Treaty, he gave no Answers to them, but complained that
they wrote in so severe a Stile, that he knew not how to reply to them.
At length his Uneasinesses, Jealousies, and Suspicions, rose so high,
that he ordered all the Boats to be searched that came up to
_Cassimbuzar_, and publickly declared, that if any Powder or Ammunition
was found aboard, that he would order the Noses and Ears of the Watermen
to be cut off, which was a direct Breach of his Treaty. He could not
help knowing, that this Method of acting must have a very
disadvantageous Effect upon the Affairs of the _English_ in his
Dominions, and impede and perplex their Commercial Transactions
exceedingly. He could not be ignorant that this would diminish his own
Income, distress his Subjects, and lessen both their Subsistence and
their Industry. But alas! he was so much under the Dominion of his
Passions, that he considered only gratifying his Caprice; and acting
from no Motive, could discern no Consequences. Hapless as a Man! more
hapless as a Prince! he had as little Fear of falling into Difficulties,
as, when fallen, he had Skill to get out of them.

An Attempt has been already made to give the Reader some Idea of the
melancholy and mortifying Situation of Mr. _Watts_, who resided on the
Part of the Company at the Suba's Court, whose Perplexities daily
increased, and whose Anxieties hourly multiplied, though they had not
yet reached to those Circumstances of Disgust and Distress that they
afterwards did. He saw himself almost constantly on bad Terms with that
Prince, and of course upon no good ones with his Ministers and
Favourites. The Suba never forgave him extracting that important, and,
as he conceived it, fatal Letter of Permission to Admiral _Watson_; to
which, without much Injustice, he ascribed solely the attacking and
taking _Chandenagore_. It was from Mr. _Watts_ he received, from Day to
Day, those grating Remonstrances that so much displeased him, and those
admonitory Letters that made still a deeper Impression. He ought, in
Strictness, to have considered him, on these Occasions, as the
Instrument only of the Company; but his Warmth and Assiduity in all
these frequent Applications, made the Suba look no farther than himself.
He was obliged to confer with him daily, and, if he was absent, called
for him, as being uneasy if he missed him, whence of course he beheld
him often, and yet but very seldom with a gracious Eye. Mr. _Watts_ saw,
felt, and understood these numberless Inconveniencies, to which he was
exposed, and which, as we have observed, heightened upon him every Hour.
But the Consolation he derived from the kind Letters of Admiral _Watson_
and Colonel _Clive_, who had a true and lively Sense of his Services and
Sufferings, kept up his Spirits, and enabled him to pursue his Business
with a Vivacity that entirely concealed, though it could not remove, but
rather augmented, his interior Chagrin. Besides this, he had another
Satisfaction, which was getting most Part of the Treaty executed, tho
with infinite Trouble; and this procured him the hearty Approbation of
the Select Committee, who were now convinced, that he not only did all
that could be done, but more than most Men could have done in his
Station. As ill as he was treated by him, he continued to render the
Suba many good Offices; giving the Committee to understand, that, in all
human Probability, they should gradually obtain all that they desired,
and that therefore they should not be impatient. He prevailed also upon
Colonel _Clive_ to promise the Suba from time to time his Assistance;
and he laboured more incessantly to convince that Prince, that, if he
would confide in the _English_, he had no Reason to fear either foreign
or domestic Enemies, with which, when he thought himself in Danger, he
was well enough pleased; but when that was in any Degree over, he shewed
a visible Uneasiness at his having confessed that he stood in need of
such Assistance.

The Storm, that had been gathering from the Beginning of _March_, began
to burst about the latter End of _April_, and in the Opening of the
Month of _May_; when the Suba, in sudden Starts of Passion, shewed the
Rancour of his Heart, and testified sufficiently, that he waited only
for an Opportunity to make the _English_ feel a second Time the heavy
Weight of his Resentment. As he never assigned any Causes himself, but
on the contrary, even in this Interval, and in the midst of Actions
inconsistent with those Declarations, asserted his Intention to fulfil
his Treaty, and appealed to God and his Prophet for the Truth of it; we
must own it is extremely difficult to guess at his Reasons. They appear,
however, to have been chiefly Three; First, the perpetual Insinuations
of the _French_, that Mr. _Bussy_ might be brought to his Assistance;
and that, by a Junction with his Troops, he would be greatly superior to
the _English_; and to this Measure he was so much inclined, that he
actually wrote a Letter to that Officer, in which he promised him Twenty
Lack of Rupees, if he would march directly into his Dominions, of which
Mr. _Watts_ also gave the Intelligence. The next Thing was, the
Compliances that had been made with a View of gaining him, the recalling
most of the Troops from _Chandenagore_, the permitting him to keep the
Cannon, to search the Factory of _Cassimbuzar_, and the warm and tender
Expressions of Friendship in Colonel _Clive_'s Letters, with the high
Testimonies of Reverence and Respect paid him, whenever he was pleased
to be in a good Temper, or to profess his Disposition of adhering to his
Engagements. The last was, the Retreat of the _Patans_, who had shewn an
Intention to invade his Territories, and the putting an End to the
Troubles occasioned by the _My Rajah_, by which he thought himself in a
Condition to employ all his Forces, and was likewise secure of having
the _French_ to manage his Artillery, with which they made him believe
they could perform Wonders. In these Circumstances he was so very elate,
as not to make any Scruple (though a direct Breach of his Faith) of
interrupting the _English_ Commerce, keeping his Army in the Field,
though he had most solemnly promised the contrary, and sometimes
expressing a formal Design of sending back the Treaty that had been
signed with him, and demanding his own. In such a State of Things it was
evident, that the Company could not rely upon him, or consider
themselves in any Degree of Security, farther than as they were
supported by the King's Squadron and Forces; and as their present
Condition was very precarious, so their future Prospect was still more
gloomy and alarming; and though as yet they were not in a state of War,
they could not, however, with any Propriety, be said to be in Peace.

The Vice-Admiral and Colonel _Clive_ were exceedingly embarrassed, and
found it very difficult to judge what Measures they were to take. If
they advanced their Forces, or resumed their military Preparations, it
might, in Appearance, justify the Suba's Behaviour; and besides, Mr.
_Watts_ and the Select Committee both dissuaded any Steps of this kind,
as inconsistent with the Company's Concerns, at least till they had
secured the Money and Effects of the several Subordinates. On the other
hand, they saw that Compliances did more Harm than Good, and that their
Professions of adhering inviolably to the Peace, and their repeated
Promises of Friendship and Assistance, only flattered the Suba's Pride,
heightened his Notions of his own Power, and encouraged him to act with
greater Violence and Insolence, of which they had but too many, and
those flagrant Instances. Colonel _Clive_, however, took on one Side
every Method that was necessary to demonstrate his pacific Inclination,
and how sincere his Intentions were to restore and preserve the
Tranquility of the Provinces, desisting from his Demands that the
_French_ should be delivered up, from the repairing the Fortifications
at _Cassimbuzar_, or reinforcing the Garrison. At the same time, he
wrote in very plain Terms to the Suba, told him his Thoughts of his
Proceedings, the Concern they gave him, and the Determination he had
taken, to recur to open Force, whenever he found, from his Manner of
acting, that no other Remedy was left, and that it was entirely in his
Power to have him for a Friend or an Enemy. In the very Height of these
Disputes, the Suba demanded an ample Acquittance, under the Seal of the
Governor and Select Committee, and those also of the Vice-Admiral and
Colonel. To this the latter wrote him for Answer, that it was strange he
should demand, or expect such an Acquittance, when he very well knew,
that several of the Articles were still unperformed; that many Lacks of
Rupees were due to the Company, in Satisfaction of their Losses; that
the Restitution of Thirty-eight Villages, which they claimed, had not
yet been made; and that their Commerce in general was still interrupted.
But as his Demand might imply a Resolution to settle all these Points,
and as it was hoped this was really the Case, such an Acquittance should
be immediately prepared, and transmitted to Mr. _Watts_, with express
Orders to deliver it, as soon as the Articles hitherto unadjusted were
once thoroughly settled.

This, however reasonable in itself, was by no means acceptable to the
Suba, who, in Proportion as he lost all seeming Regard, though really he
never had any for the Vice-Admiral and the Colonel, towards both of whom
he had once professed so much Esteem, kept no longer any Measures
towards Mr. _Watts_, whom he looked upon as a Man he could not deceive,
as a Man whom he hated for that Reason, and, which was an additional
Motive to his Resentment, though it should, if his Mind had corresponded
with his Rank, have restrained it, as a Man absolutely in his Power. In
order to execute the various Commissions with which he was charged more
punctually, Mr. _Watts_, according to the Custom of _Indostan_, had
employed a Person to act as his Agent, in the Language of the Country, a
_Vaqueel_. Him, in the first Fit of his Fury, the Suba forbid his Court.
An Affront very gross in _India_, though in Appearance, and to us,
unacquainted with their Customs, a very slight Thing, but it was quickly
followed by personal Insults, and those of the most serious Nature. At
last, forgetting the Respect due to the _British_ Crown, to Mr.
_Watts_'s Character as Resident from the _East India_ Company, and his
own Dignity, he told several of his principal Ministers, with a View
that they should, as they really did, tell it Mr. _Watts_ again, that,
upon the first Intelligence he had of the Motion of the _English_
Troops, he would cut off that Gentleman's Head, or cause him to be
impaled. This was such an Outrage on the Law of Nations as was
inconsistent with the Rank of a Prince, and must, by the Rules of common
Sense, leave any Man in his Circumstances at Liberty to take the Methods
that appeared to him safest for his own Preservation. Upon this Occasion
Mr. _Watts_ acted with a Degree of Temper and Calmness that must
surprize the Reader. He wrote an Account of the Facts to the Governor,
without any Exaggeration, adding, that he despised the Suba's
Threatenings, and desired the Select Committee would proceed as the
Company's Interest directed, and without putting themselves in Pain for
his Safety. A Circumstance that would not have been inserted in these
Memoirs, if the Person was not alive to whom that Letter was addressed.

The Gentlemen entrusted with the Direction of Affairs, saw plainly the
Tendency of the Suba's Proceedings. Indeed they were so evident, as to
fill all the Inhabitants of _Calcutta_ with Alarms, that were but too
well founded. Experience had already taught them, how far the Caprice of
the Suba might go; and it was no way improbable, that if they were so
unhappy as to fall again under his Power, they might, if possible, meet
with still worse Treatment, which induced them to make the best
Provision they could for their Defence; and to put the Troops into such
Condition, as that, whenever Necessity required, they might be able to
repel Force by Force. At the same time, however, it was resolved, not to
precipitate any thing, to act with the utmost Caution, and to lay hold
of any favourable Opportunity that might offer, towards furnishing Means
to extricate them from these Perplexities.

_Calcutta_ was not the only Place where Doubts and Apprehensions
reigned. They were to the full as strong in _Muxadavad_, with this
additional and distinguishing Circumstance, that Discord spread itself
through the Suba's Court, where the only Oracle that every Man consulted
was his own Interest. Reverses of Fortune were equally sudden and
frequent. The Courtiers that were in the highest Favour To-day, were
To-morrow in the very Depth of Disgrace. No Man was secure, and
therefore no Man was contented; and which is, and will be always the
Case in corrupt Courts, the worst Men had the best Chance. Those who had
nothing to lose, had all Things to expect; and by flattering their
Prince's Humour, and complying blindly with all his Commands, the
meanest and basest People about him grew quickly the most considerable.
Those who had been in the Old Suba's Councils and Confidence, who were
Men of Rank and Family, and who had both Estates and Reputations to
risque, were, from those very Circumstances, Malecontents. They saw that
this System could not last long; that a general Confusion must ensue;
and that a Man, governed entirely by his Passions, could never carry on
public Affairs with any Degree of Success. But these Reflections, which
their own good Sense and long Experience suggested to them, served only
to disturb and to distract, without affording them the least Glance of
extricating either him or themselves from that impending Ruin, which his
rash and raw Measures rendered inevitable. They perceived plainly enough
each other's Sentiments, from that Tincture which they naturally gave to
every One's Language and Behaviour; but they had no Confidence at all
amongst themselves, and every Man was afraid of hastening his own
particular Fall, by disclosing or lamenting the Approach of that common
Destruction, which, however visible to their Understandings, was by no
means a fit Subject for their Conversation.

But in the midst of these Perplexities a Ray of Hope very unexpectedly
appeared. The Suba had shewn the Severity of his Nature, in so many
Instances, as to strike a universal Terror; more especially as the
Fickleness of his Disposition suffered no Man who was near him, and in
his Power, to think himself safe. In such a State of general Danger,
there occurred to every One, capable of thinking freely (the only
Species of Liberty that even Tyrants' Favourites retain) but one single
Mode of Security, which consisted in depriving him of his Power, who so
constantly, as well as egregiously abused it. The Conception of this
availed little, since the Attempt was equally difficult and dangerous;
and the failing in it sure to be attended with sudden and certain
Destruction. There was also but one way to move, or rather to lessen the
Risk; and this also was very easily discovered. It was procuring the
Countenance and the Assistance of the _English_. Such as were in the
Suba's Confidence, and from that very Circumstance most afraid of him,
were persuaded they could merit very much from the Company's Servants,
by laying open his Secrets, and thereby shewing them, what these People
thought they did not in the least suspect, the Danger to which they
stood exposed. Amongst several who reasoned thus in their own Breasts,
there was one who had a considerable share of Interest and Authority.
His Name was _Godar Yar Cawn Laitty_, who, when he had for some time
meditated, and in his own Mind thoroughly digested his Scheme, thought
it wore so fair an Appearance, that he sent several Messages to Mr.
_Watts_, signifying that he had something to communicate to him of great
Importance: But the Suba kept so many Spies upon that Gentleman, and
those Spies watched him so very closely, that it was simply impossible
to comply with _Godar Yar Cawn Laitty_'s Request of having an Interview
with him, because it was evidently risking the utter Ruin of both. Some
Days, therefore, elapsed, before an Expedient could be found to remove
this troublesome Obstacle, and to give Mr. _Watts_ the necessary
Information of what were this Person's real Intentions, and what the
Means by which he proposed to carry them into Execution.

He at length thought proper to send to him _Omichund_, who has been
mentioned before, in order to draw what Lights he could from this
discontented Confident of the Suba, who, after he had conferred with
him, reported, that he knew with Certainty his Master's settled
Intentions were to break with and to attack the _English_, as soon as he
had a favourable Opportunity; that he likewise knew the Suba had
retained the _French_, who had escaped from _Chandenagore_, and in the
subordinate Factories, in his Service, who were to remain at _Patna_ in
his Pay, till an Occasion could be found for employing them; that the
_English_ had no Method of preventing this threatening Tempest from
breaking upon their Establishments, but by providing in Time a Force
sufficient to resist it; that he was willing, whenever the Suba should
recur to open Hostilities, to join Us, and act against him, provided we
would assist him in assuming the Government of the Province; that in
return for this, he would, as soon as he was fixed in that Office,
grant, by way of Recompence, a large Extent of Lands to the Company, and
would likewise pay down a Sum in ready Money, sufficient to indemnify
the People of _Calcutta_ for all the Losses they had sustained. These
were Communications of so dangerous as well as so delicate a Nature,
that they would infallibly have turned a weak Head, or distracted a
timid Mind. They were received calmly and coolly, as Points of
Information, in regard to which Mr. _Watts_ could take no Step of
himself, but from which the Persons who had communicated them had
nothing to fear; and with these Assurances, such was their Opinion of
his Secrecy, Sagacity, and Steadiness, that they remained perfectly
satisfied and easy, leaving him sufficient Leisure to consider and
reflect upon these very extraordinary Overtures, and to review and
digest the Thoughts that must naturally arise upon so important a
Subject. But, however, restrained him within the Compass of Six Days, to
procure for this _Moorish_ Officer an Answer, from those who were
entrusted with the Management of the Company's Affairs at _Calcutta_.

The Situation of Mr. _Watts_ in this Conjuncture, is much more easy to
conceive than to describe. He was oppressed with Cares, environed with
Perils, and had not so much as a single Person with whom to communicate
or to consult. His own Safety, the Welfare, and even the Being of the
_British_ Settlements, and indeed the future Fate of these Provinces,
depended, at least in the first Instance, on his Capacity, Penetration,
and Discretion. It was a very arduous Task to form any clear Opinion
upon this Offer; it demanded much Skill to set the Motives upon which
such an Opinion must be founded in their proper Light; and, when all
this was done, it appeared infinitely hazardous to transmit Propositions
of this Nature, together with his Thoughts upon them, to _Calcutta_,
while a jealous Prince, in a Country where the Character of a Spy is not
dishonourable, had Multitudes of such State Implements about him, all
filled with the Hopes of rising upon his Ruin. But though perfectly
sensible of all this, as he must have been to counteract their
Vigilance, he boldly undertook, and as happily performed, all that the
Confidence reposed in him, or his Duty to the Company could demand. He
stated fully the Nature of these Overtures, the Suba's Disposition at
the Time, the Characters and Credit of the principal Officers about him,
their Tempers, Circumstances, and Connections, the Probability that such
a Design might be carried into Execution, the Hazards to which it must
be exposed, and the Methods most proper to avoid them. But when he had
done all this, he added no direct Judgment of his own. He contented
himself with giving Lights, without venturing to pronounce what Measure
ought to be taken. He had frequent Experience of the Regard paid by them
to his Sentiments, from his having commonly sent them the Draughts of
the Letters to the Suba, which being transmitted back to him, he
presented to that Prince; but he held this to be a Matter too difficult,
as well as too delicate for him to determine. He knew very well there
was no small Danger in Delay; but he likewise knew, that there was still
more Danger in a rash Decision, and therefore he gave none. The Select
Committee concurred with him in this; they entertained the Motion,
commended his Caution, suggested that he should continue to keep Things
in Suspense, but directed him by all Means to avoid concluding any
Thing, till he should receive their future Directions in a Thing of so
great Weight.

It was not long after this, that _Meer Jaffeir Aly Cawn_, a Person of
great Distinction, who had married the Sister of _Aliverdy Cawn_, the
Suba's Grandfather and Predecessor, sent one in whom he could perfectly
confide to Mr. _Watts_, to disclose what were his real Opinions, and how
very short a Space he thought was like to intervene, before the Suba
took the Field once more, against the _English_. This Person had it
farther in Commission to represent, that the Disaffection of the
principal Officers, Civil and Military, was in a manner general; that
_Meer Jaffeir_ never appeared in the Suba's Presence, without Fear of
being assassinated; and that for this Reason, whenever he was
constrained to go, he always caused his Forces to be drawn out, under
Arms, with his Son at their Head. In the Close of his Discourse, he
added, that a Determination was already taken, to depose, for their own
Sakes, _Suraja Dowlat_; and that if the _English_ would engage with, and
promise to support, another Person, in assuming the Dignity of Suba,
_Rahim Cawn_, _Roydoolub_, and _Bahadar Aly Cawn_, were ready to join
_Meer Jaffeir_, in removing _Suraja Dowlat_, whose Affairs would be then
in a very desperate Situation. Mr. _Watts_ transmitted the Detail of
this Conversation also to Colonel _Clive_, and gave it as his own
Opinion, that _Meer Jaffeir_ was by far the properest Person to be
elevated to that Rank, as his Abilities were greater, his Reputation
better, and his Connections more extensive than those of _Laitty_. He at
the same time acquainted the Colonel, that if this Change was to be
accomplished by their Forces, as he much doubted, whether, after all,
the _Moors_ had Spirit enough to attempt so extraordinary an Enterprize
themselves, it would be right to form the Outlines of a new Agreement,
of which the old one ought to be the Basis; and to frame such additional
Articles, as might effectually indemnify the Company for the Risk they
ran, and procure an ample Satisfaction for the Losses private Persons
had sustained, in the Devastation of _Calcutta_, of which no Care had
been taken in the former Treaty; and that, in short, nothing should now
be omitted, that might put their Affairs for the future upon a firm and
stable Establishment; so that, in case of Disturbances in the Country,
the Servants of the Company, and those who depended on it, might be in a
Condition to protect themselves.

As these Transactions were of a very delicate Nature, and were to be
conducted with much Discretion, and of course with some Delay, the Suba
had a Season of Recess, in which, by a Change of Measures, he might have
recovered his Authority, have resettled his distracted Government, and
repaired all his past Errors. He not only neglected this entirely, but
continued acting, in every respect, as if he had aimed at his own
Destruction. He endeavoured to negotiate Succours from some of his
Neighbours, who, though they knew not the Weakness of his Condition, and
therefore civilly entertained his Proposals, had however such an Opinion
of the Weakness of his Conduct, that nothing could induce them to enter
into his Measures. He continued corresponding with Mr. _Bussy_, from
whom he received Letters, which served to support and increase his
Delusion, and to flatter him with the Hopes of seeing an Army of Twenty
thousand Men in his Dominions, which, could he have brought them, would
have tended only to have impoverished his Subjects, and to have given
him new Masters, under the Title of old Allies. He was courted all this
time by Colonel _Clive_ to lay down his Arms, to settle the few
remaining unaccomplished Articles in the Treaty, and, above all, to put
the Trade of his Territories into its usual Channel, for the common
Benefit of the _Europeans_ and the Natives. To these Solicitations he
gave no Answers, or such as afforded no sort of Satisfaction; but, on
the contrary, indicated very plainly, by every Step he took, that he
meditated new Disturbances, and waited for what should appear to him a
favourable Occasion for renewing the War. In reference, on the other
hand, to his own People, he grew every Day more and more intolerable,
removing, disgracing, insulting, those whom he had formerly treated with
the greatest Marks of Favour and Respect, and of whom several fled
privately and in Disguise to seek Shelter in the _English_ Territories,
and particularly in that of _Cassimbuzar_. By this Behaviour he not only
augmented the Disaffection that had already spread so far amongst his
Servants, but likewise furnished so many and such authentic Proofs of
his having still the same Points in View, that he had at his Entrance on
the Administration, and of the Obstinacy of his Aversion to the
_English_, so contrary to the Mutability of his Temper in every thing
else, that it contributed exceedingly to fortify the Sentiments of
those, who maintained, that the Peace of that Part of _India_ could
never be effectually restored, so long as he held the Supreme Power.

After the Propositions made by Mr. _Watts_ had been duly canvassed, and
their Importance maturely considered, by the Select Committee, who upon
this Occasion framed and took an Oath of Secrecy, they were unanimously
approved, and the Project or Draught of a new Treaty was transmitted to
him. But at the same time there was great Latitude left, in case of
Objections; and he was requested to procure as many and as large
Concessions as might be, in case he found it impracticable to obtain
every one of the Conditions in the full Extent that they desired. Indeed
they relied so entirely upon him, that a Blank was left for the
Company's Demand in their Draught of the Treaty for him to fill up; and
how it was filled up, will appear from the Treaty itself. This was not
only expedient but necessary, as he was upon the Spot, knew the Persons
with whom he was treating, their Connections and Circumstances, and the
Motives which might render any of these Demands agreeable or
disagreeable. The use Mr. _Watts_ made of this Confidence was such as it
deserved, and turned not a little to the Advantage of those who gave it.
He was himself perfectly sensible, and took all imaginable Pains to make
those he dealt with no less sensible, that, notwithstanding this Change
was for their mutual Benefit, yet the Weight, the Hazard, and the
Expence, would fall principally at least, very probably wholly, upon the
_English_. He represented, therefore, effectually, that for such
extraordinary Assistance, which alone could put the Means of making it
into their Power, a proper Satisfaction ought in Justice to be made, and
that this suitable Satisfaction should be made likewise in a proper
Manner. He was apprehensive also, upon this Head, that a false Delicacy
might produce future Disputes, and therefore very prudently provided,
that the unliquidated Demands in the Sketch should be reduced to a
Certainty. He also enlarged the Sums stipulated for the Losses of
private Persons, and distinguished them under National Heads; that, if
possible, no Jealousies or Heart-burnings might arise in the Colony,
when they came to be actually paid.

The surest as well as the shortest Method of setting this Matter in a
true Light, and that will at once place it in the strongest, is to
insert the original Plan of the new Alliance, as transmitted to Mr.
_Watts_, and then the Project settled by that Gentleman, which the
Reader will hereafter have an Opportunity of comparing with the Alliance
concluded.


                   Copy of the ARTICLES of Agreement
                  sent by Colonel _Clive_ to _William
                      Watts_, Esq; _May 2, 1757_.

An Alliance offensive and defensive against all Enemies: The _French_
Fugitives to be taken and delivered up to us; all their Factories to be
delivered up to us, in order to be destroyed; the _French_ never to be
permitted to re-settle in this Subaship; in Consideration of which, the
_English_ Company will annually pay the Amount of Duties usually paid
into the King's Treasury on the _French_ Trade, or a Sum not exceeding
Fifty thousand Rupees annually.

Restitution of the Company's Loss, by the taking of _Calcutta_, and
their Out Settlements; also Restitution for the Losses of all
_Europeans_ by _Ditto_, as may be stated fairly by Admiral _Watson_, the
Governor, Colonel _Clive_, _William Watts_, Esq; Major _Kilpatrick_, and
Mr. _Becher_.

_Blacks_ and _Armenians_ are not included.

That the whole of our Phirmaund be complied with, and all other Grants
made to us, particularly in the Treaty with _Suraja Dowlat_.

That the Bounds of _Calcutta_ are to extend the whole Circle of
_Ditchdug_, upon the Invasion of the _Marattes_; also Six hundred Yards
without it, for an Esplanade.

The Inhabitants within our Bounds to be entirely subject to the
_English_ Laws and Government.

That we have Liberty to fortify and garrison our Factories of
_Cassimbuzar_ and _Dacca_, as we think proper, and a sufficient
Esplanade be granted us round each.

That Convoys to and from one of our Settlements to another, be permitted
to pass without Interruption or Molestation.

That the _Moors_ shall erect no Fortifications within Twenty Miles of
the River Side, from _Hughley_ to _Ingelee_.

That a Tract of Land be made over to the _English_ Company, whose
Revenues shall be sufficient to maintain a proper Force of _Europeans_
and Seapoys, to keep out the _French_, and assist the Government against
all Enemies.

That whenever the _English_ Troops are called to the assistance of the
Government, that the extraordinary Expences of the Campaign be made good
by the Government.

That an _English_ Gentleman, in Quality of Envoy, be permitted to reside
at Court, and be treated with due Respect.

                 Minutes of the Treaty, by Mr. _Watts_,
                            _May 14, 1757_.

    I. That he will confirm all the Grants the former Nabob
         made us.

   II. He will make an Alliance with the _English_, offensive
         and defensive, against all Enemies, either Natives or
         _Europeans_

  III. Whatever _French_ are in his Provinces of _Bengal_,
         _Bahar_, or _Orixa_, to be delivered up with all
         their Houses and Factories, and they never permitted
         to settle more in either of those Provinces.

   IV. On Account of the Company's Loss[1]                      1 Crore.

    V. On Account of the Losses of _Europeans_                 30 Lack.

   VI. Ditto _Jentoows_                                        30 D^o.

  VII. Ditto _Armenians_                                       10 D^o.

 VIII. Ditto for _Omichund_                                    30 D^o.

   IX. Whatever Ground there is within the _Calcutta_ Ditch,
         belonging to the _Zemindars_, to be given to the
         _English_, and Six hundred Yards without the Ditch
         all round.

    X. A Tract of Land, whose Rents in the King's Books
         amounts to 100,000 Rupees Yearly, to be bought at a
         reasonable Value, from the Zemindary, and the Nabob
         to assist us in the Purchase, we paying the annual
         Piscash or Revenue, as usual, to the Nabob. Whatever
         Profit may arise from this Zemindary, is to go
         towards paying our Military.

   XI. Whenever the Nabob wants the Assistance of our Troops,
         the extraordinary Expence to be paid by him.

Footnote 1:

  The Rupee is a Silver Coin, struck in the _Moghul_'s Mints, with an
  Inscription of his Name and Titles, the Year of his Reign, and the
  Place at which it was struck. It weighs from 7 _dw._ 10⅓ _gr._ to 7
  _dw._ 11 _gr._ and the Proportion of Allay to fine Silver, is as 1 or
  2 to 100. One hundred thousand Rupees make a Lack, One hundred Lacks a
  Coroe or Crore, One hundred Crores an Arrib.

  _TABLE_ of _RUPEES_.

                     Lack of Rupees. £. _Sterling_.
                            1                12,500
                           10               125,000
                           20               250,000
                           30               375,000
                           40               500,000
                           50               625,000
                           60               750,000
                           70               875,000
                           80             1,000,000
                           90             1,125,000
                         A Crore          1,250,000

His Plan of the Treaty was returned, with Alterations: Some of the
Articles were modified, and a Blank left for the Company's Demand, that
in case _Meer Jaffeir_ should think it too extravagant, Mr. _Watts_
might have Liberty to moderate it, and he was desired to get it carried
into Execution; but it will appear in the Treaty itself, which will be
hereafter given, that Mr. _Watts_ got the Treaty executed, without any
Deduction or Modification. This was a Work equally arduous and
hazardous, as Things then stood, when every Look, every Word, every
Motion of his was suspected, and which at the same time rendered the
procuring its Conclusion expeditiously a Circumstance of the utmost
Consequence. In all this, the Risk might be truly said to fall entirely
upon himself; so that it is not easy to imagine, how any Man's
Circumstances could be more critical than his actually were in this
Conjuncture. We shall however see, that they really became so
afterwards, and this in a very high Degree, and in very many Respects,
from Causes that could not be avoided, and which produced a Train of
unforeseen Events.

It was pretty early known, that _Meer Jaffeir_ had entertained no very
favourable Notion of _Omichund_, but there was a Necessity of employing
and trusting him notwithstanding, of which though the former did not
complain, yet he did not dislike him the less. In the midst of these
arduous Transactions, and when every one else had their Hands and their
Hearts full, it came into _Omichund_'s Head to practise a little upon
_Suraja Dowlat_, probably that he might be sure of somewhat, however
Things went. He mentioned to Mr. _Watts_ this very fine-spun Project, to
which, that it appeared wild and strange, was by no means the strongest
Objection. It was, however, in vain to make any: there was Money he
thought to be got, and, if it was possible, he was resolved to get it.
On the Sixteenth of _May_ he went to the Palace, where, exerting his
admirable Faculty of magnifying the Utility and exalting the Credit of
the Advice he had to give, and having first alarmed the Suba's timid
Mind, by touching many Subjects he knew were disagreeable, and in the
Close, when he saw him sufficiently amazed, condescended to hint, that
he had found means, with great Difficulty, to come at a Secret of the
last Consequence, and for the revealing of which he was sure to lose his
Life, if it was so much as suspected that he had penetrated and
disclosed it. Promises of every kind were made, and at length out it
came, that the _English_ had discovered all his Negotiations with Mr.
_Bussy_, some Circumstances of which he mentioned; that, upon this, they
had sent two Gentlemen to confer with, and to convince him, how much
more it would be for his Interest to concur with them; and that they had
made, or were upon the Point of making, a Peace; which, without doubt,
must be at his Expence. As strange as it may seem, _Omichund_ prevailed
over a Man's Foibles, which he had studied, and deluded him into a firm
Belief of all he said, and, in consequence of this, he procured a
Perwannah, that is, an Order from the Suba to the Burdwan Rajah, one of
his Officers, for the Payment of Four Lack of Rupees which he owed him,
and the full Restitution of the remaining Part of the Money, and all the
Goods, of which he had been despoiled at _Calcutta_. This he took
wonderful Care to have immediately executed, for fear of Accidents, that
very Night; neither did he remain within the Suba's Reach long after. He
left Traces, however, behind him, that sufficiently justified _Meer
Jaffeir_'s Suspicions, and exerted that Power of perplexing, which he
possessed in full as eminent a Degree as that of persuading. This was
one principal Cause of those new Difficulties, to which Mr. _Watts_
found himself exposed, when he thought the whole Stock of his Abilities
small enough to deal with the old ones.

When the Agreement came to be offered to _Roydoolub_, one of the Suba's
principal Ministers, but, notwithstanding that, one of the Parties to
this Treaty, he made a Doubt as to the Possibility of complying with it.
He said, the Treasury, since the Death of the Old Suba, _Aliverdy Cawn_,
had been much drained, and that though _Suraja Dowlat_ was indeed very
rapacious, yet he managed his Affairs so ill, by keeping his Forces so
long in the Field, as to have impoverished himself by a vast, and at the
same time useless Expence. He also suggested, that possibly in the
Confusion that commonly attends every Revolution, the Suba's Treasury
might be plundered, and then they should remain bound, without having it
in their Power to pay. But to remove these Difficulties, he proposed it
as an Expedient, to divide whatever was found in the Treasury with the
_English_. Mr. _Watts_, who understood these People perfectly, consented
to sign the Treaty with such a Clause, subject to the Approbation of the
Select Committee at _Calcutta_. But when _Roydoolub_ reflected, that
upon such a Division he could pretend to no Commission, as he might on
Money issued in virtue of the Treaty, of which he had Hopes given him;
when Things came to a Crisis, he relinquished his own Proposal, and
resolved to sign the Treaty as it stood. It appeared, that the
Apprehensions which occasioned these Disputes, and this Delay, were
infused into _Roydoolub_ by _Omichund_, who gave him to understand, that
if once the _English_ Army took Possession of _Muxadavad_, they would
not leave it again in three Years. This old crafty Man was not satisfied
with giving this Proof of his Skill in embarrassing; he went much
farther; and as soon as he was himself out of Danger, divulged the
Secret, which brought Mr. _Watts_, as well as _Meer Jaffeir_ and the
rest, to the very Brink of Destruction; while at _Calcutta_ he
represented the whole Design as become desperate and impracticable,
because it was discovered. It was, indeed, wonderful, all Things, and
more especially his Behaviour, considered, that it was not so. However,
this Effect these Rumours had, that Confusion increased, Discontent
spread itself more and more in the Suba's Camp, and the Divisions
between him and his principal Officers grew daily wider and wider. _Meer
Jaffeir_ was fallen into open Disgrace, removed from his Office of BUXY,
or Paymaster; upon which he withdrew, and continued in his Quarters with
his Troops, and came no more near the Suba. A Circumstance that rendered
it next to impossible for Mr. _Watts_, who was sensible that he had many
Spies upon his Conduct, to have an Interview with him, whose House was
entirely surrounded by the Nabob's Forces, without its being known; and
this had given the Suba an Opportunity of executing his Threats, and if
that had been a Thing he regarded, without much injuring his Reputation.
The Matter, though so much embarrassed, being still absolutely
necessary, and the time pressing, Mr. _Watts_ went to him, in a covered
Dooley, the Manner in which Women are conveyed in that Country, by which
means he escaped Notice, and saw the Treaty which had been signed,
sealed, and sworn to on the Koran, and upon his Son's Head, by _Meer
Jaffeir_, with all the Solemnity imaginable, in the Evening of the Fifth
of _June_. When this was once done, and authentic Advice received of its
being done at _Calcutta_, it removed all Surmises, silenced every
Suspicion, and by giving entire Satisfaction, made way for the taking
those Measures which were requisite for carrying it into Execution.

But before we proceed farther, it will be proper to look upon this
Treaty, which with such indefatigable Diligence Mr. _Watts_ planned,
prosecuted, and brought to bear, in despite of the Suspicions, Spies,
and insidious Contrivances, of all his Enemies; by which the Company's
Commerce, and all their Establishments in this Part of _India_, were
secured, the Losses which the Inhabitants of those Places had sustained,
repaired, and the Honour of the Nation vindicated.


                    Translation of the _TREATY_ made
                          with _Meer Jaffeir_.

                        Wrote with his own Hand.

I Swear by God, and by the Prophet of God, to abide by the Terms of this
Treaty, as long as I have Life.

                                          _Mir_ JAFFEIR KHAN BAHADAR,
                                              Servant of King ALLUMGEER.


                    _TREATY_ made with the Admiral,
              Colonel _Clive_, and the other Counsellors,
                      Mr. _Drake_ and Mr. _Watts_.

  I. _WHATEVER_ Articles were agreed upon in the time of Peace with
    the Nabob, _Suraja Dowlat_, _Munsurah Mimalek Shaik Kouli Khan
    Bahadar_, and _Hybut Jung_, I agree to comply with.

  II. The Enemies of the _English_ are my Enemies, whether they be
    _Indians_ or _Europeans_.

  III. All the Effects and Factories belonging to the _French_, in the
    Provinces of _Bengal_, _Bahar_, and _Orixa_, shall remain in the
    Possession of the _English_; nor will I ever allow them to settle
    any more in the Three Provinces.

  IV. In Consideration of the Losses which the _English_ Company have
    sustained, by the Capture and Plunder of _Calcutta_, by the Nabob,
    and the Charges occasioned by the Maintenance of their Forces, I
    give them One Coroe of Rupees.

  V. For the Effects plundered from the _English_ Inhabitants of
    _Calcutta_, I agree to give them Fifty Lack of Rupees.

  VI. For the Effects plundered from the _Gentoows_, _Mussulmen_, and
    other Subjects of _Calcutta_, Twenty Lack of Rupees shall be
    given.

  VII. For the Effects plundered from the _Armenian_ Inhabitants of
    _Calcutta_, I will give the Sum of Seven Lack of Rupees. The
    Distribution to be made of the Sums allotted the Natives,
    _English_ Inhabitants, _Gentoows_, and _Mussulmen_, shall be left
    to the Admiral, Colonel _Clive_, _Roger Drake_, _William Watts_,
    _James Kilpatrick_, and _Richard Becher_, Esqrs. to be disposed of
    by them, to whom they think proper.

  VIII. Within the Ditch, which surrounds the Borders of _Calcutta_,
    are Tracts of Lands belonging to several _Zemindars_, besides
    which, I will grant to the _English_ Company Six hundred Yards
    without the Ditch.

  IX. All the Lands lying to the South of _Calcutta_, as far as
    _Culpee_, shall be under the Zemindary of the _English_ Company,
    and all the Officers of those Parts shall be under their
    Jurisdiction; the Revenues to be paid by them in the same Manner
    with other Zemindars.

  X. Whenever I demand the Assistance of the _English_, I will be at
    the Charge of the Maintenance of their Troops.

  XI. I will not erect any new Fortifications near the River _Ganges_,
    below _Hughley_.

  XII. As soon as I am established in the three Provinces, the Sums as
    aforesaid shall be faithfully paid.

                                         Dated the 15th _Ramzan_, in the
                                       Fourth Year of the present Reign.

The perfect Harmony that subsisted between Vice-Admiral _Watson_ and
Colonel _Clive_, and the intire Confidence reposed in them by the Select
Committee, was upon this Occasion, as it had been often before, the
principal Source of that Alacrity, with which every thing was
undertaken. A Train was immediately provided, a Detachment of Fifty
Sailors, with a full Compliment of Officers, appointed to assist those
who had the Direction of it; and Instructions were given for stationing
a Twenty Gun Ship above _Hughley_, to keep the Communication with the
Army open. These Steps were absolutely requisite, and others of a like
Nature were prudently contrived, and chearfully performed, by the
Officers in the King's and in the Company's Service; the Select
Committee did their Business in Silence; and though there was a warm
Spirit of Emulation, yet the least Spark of Envy or Jealousy never
appeared, though so many Corps of different Kinds were serving
conjunctly in the Expedition. This, as it was truly singular, was also
remarkably happy; for no Exploit of this Consequence was ever begun or
prosecuted in a more critical Situation, or where any untoward Accident
might have more easily occasioned a Disappointment. The Forces that were
to be employed, tho more numerous than in the preceding Operations, yet
were but a Handful, in comparison of the Suba's Army. _Meer Jaffeir_,
who had separated his Corps of Troops, was again joined with the Suba,
but without any real Reconciliation on either Part: Yet this, however,
was sufficient to raise a Doubt, how far any Dependance could be formed
upon his acting; and what followed, plainly shewed that Suspicion was
not ill founded. There was no small Danger of being surrounded by these
superior Troops, and if the Communication with the River had been
intercepted, the greatest Difficulties might have ensued. Besides these,
the rainy Season was just coming on; so that, all Things taken together,
and the Hazard that was to be run being maturely weighed, the _Moors_
embarked in this Design had not the smallest Reason to repine at the
Price they paid for our Assistance; as on the other hand, their own
Safety, and the large Stake for which they fought, being considered, the
_English_ had great Encouragement to exert themselves with that steady
Intrepidity which they did. Mr. _Watts_, from what he knew of the Suba's
natural Disposition, and what he had observed with respect to his
Forces, and those who commanded them, formed so true a Judgment of all
that might happen, and had previously acquainted the Select Committee
with these Sentiments, that there scarce fell out any Thing in the
Progress of this Expedition which was not foreseen, and in regard to
which therefore the proper Precautions had not been taken.

After finishing his Negotiations with _Meer Jaffeir_, and taking all the
Measures requisite for executing his intended declining from the Suba in
time of Action, and, if a favourable Opportunity offered, seizing his
Person, there seemed to be no farther Necessity for Mr. _Watts_ to
continue under the Eye of a provoked and capricious Prince. But this
very Circumstance rendered it expedient; to distract his Thoughts, to
give him a Diffidence of the Informations he received, and to afford
Leisure for the Preparations making at _Calcutta_. His House was
surrounded with Spies, who watched not only his Motions, but his Words
and Looks. It may be, the strong Assurances they gave, that he could
take no Method to withdraw, but they must have previous Intelligence,
contributed to his Safety. However, his Condition was most unhappy; a
sudden start of Passion in the Suba had in a Moment brought him to a
violent Death, at least; perhaps, to Tortures. At _Calcutta_ they had so
true a Sense of his Danger, that it was more than once reported, _Suraja
Dowlat_ had cut off his Head, and set it upon a Pole. There was likewise
Doubts as to the Means of his escaping. He chose to do it with the rest
of the Gentlemen on Horseback, the Manner least suspected, because of
the Length of the Journey, and the extreme Heat of the Season, which
rendered it excessively fatiguing, and not a little dangerous. But when
he understood from Colonel _Clive_, that every thing respecting the
Expedition was completed, he happily deceived the Spies of the Suba, and
on the Eleventh of _June_ made his Escape, though not unpursued. It was
not to _Calcutta_ he directed his Course, but to the Army, in which he
continued, and was present at the decisive Action which brought on the
Completion of his Treaty, and thereby restored Peace to _Bengal_. Let us
now resume the Operations of the _British_ Forces.

All things being in Readiness, the Army, which consisted of One thousand
_Europeans_, Two thousand Seapoys, Fifty Seamen, under the Command of a
Lieutenant, with Seven Midshipmen, and Eight Pieces of Cannon, began
their March from _Chandenagore_ towards _Cassimbuzar_ on the 13th of
_June_. The very same Day Mr. _Watts_ joined the Colonel, to whom he
imparted all the Lights, and gave the best Intelligence in every Respect
that was in his Power. On the Nineteenth the Town and Fort of _Cutwa_,
situated on the same Side with _Chandenagore_, of that River which forms
the Island of _Cassimbuzar_, was attacked and taken. This was an Event
of some Importance, as it opened a free Passage, which could not have
been easily forced, if it had been properly defended. The Army halted
there for two Days, in order to receive some Accounts of the Enemies
Strength, as well as to gain certain Advice of what might be expected
from those who were entered into the Party with, and engaged to support,
_Meer Jaffeir_; which, when it arrived, was far enough from being
satisfactory or explicit. The Colonel, however, was so well informed by
Mr. _Watts_, as to the real Causes of this seeming Backwardness, and had
from his own Experience and Penetration so just a Notion of the _Moors_
Mode of acting, which, without such previous Acquaintance with their
Temper and Manners, might probably have confounded any other Officer in
his Station, that on the Twenty-second of the same Month he passed the
River, and continued his March directly towards _Plaissy_, where the
Army arrived, and took up their Ground about One the next Morning,
without meeting with any Disturbance or Molestation on their March.

This Post was extremely well chosen for that Country, and for the Method
in which those People make War. It was a Grove, covered on every Side by
Mud Banks, in the midst of a Plain. At Day-break, on the Twenty-third,
the Suba's Army advanced within a very small Distance, and with a
manifest Design to attack the _English_ Forces. He had about Fifteen
thousand Horse, and between Twenty and Thirty thousand Foot, with
upwards of Forty Pieces of heavy Cannon, which were managed by
_Frenchmen_, upon whose Skill and Courage he greatly depended. The Van
was commanded by _Roydoolub_, and the left Wing by _Meer Jaffeir_. About
Six they began to cannonade pretty smartly on every Side, and this
Distribution of their Cannon gave them two great Advantages; First, as
they were much larger, and carried a heavier Weight of Metal, they did
Execution where the _English_ Artillery was of no Use; and in the next
Place, being thus separated to a considerable Distance from each other,
it was impossible to make any Attempt to seize them, and therefore all
the Colonel could do was to take the Benefit of his intrenched Posts,
and leave his Troops as little exposed as possible. If the Suba, or any
of his Officers, had understood well what they were about, they might
certainly have prosecuted their Scheme, and have completely invested the
_English_ Army, and then the Colonel must have waited the Approach of
Night, in order to have forced a Passage through the Camp, which he in
reality had designed. But the Enemy, on the contrary, upon the falling
of a smart Shower about Noon, withdrew their Artillery within their
Camp. Upon this, a Detachment marched with Two Field Pieces, and took
Possession of a Tank, covered with high Banks, from whence the _Moors_
had fired with Success. They then would have brought out their Artillery
again, but were prevented; and this encouraged the sending Detachments
to possess two other Eminences, very near an Angle of their Camp,
covered by a double Breastwork; and from thence, as well as from another
Eminence, which still remained in their Possession, they kept up a
pretty smart Fire with their Small Arms. They several times endeavoured
to bring up Cannon to those Posts, but our Field Pieces were so happily
posted, and so well served, that they could never effect it. At length
the _English_ stormed that Angle and Eminence at the same Instant of
time, though the former was defended by Forty _French_, and a very
numerous Body of the Suba's Troops, who had likewise in that Post Two
Pieces of Cannon, and the latter by a considerable Corps of Foot and
Horse. Some Persons of Distinction being killed immediately before, or
at the Beginning of the Attack, the Enemy being dispirited by that,
quickly gave way, and both the Posts were forced with a very trifling
Expence to us, though they suffered severely. On this the right Wing and
Center fled, abandoning their Camp and Artillery. Their Loss in this
Action fell little, if at all, short of Five hundred Men, and between
Forty and Fifty Pieces of Cannon. Of the _English_ Forces, there were
Twenty killed and Fifty wounded, the greatest Part of which were
Seapoys. The Flight of the Enemy was so precipitate, that the Suba,
mounted on a Camel, with the better Part of the Army, arrived at
_Muxadavad_, which was Twenty Miles distant, by Twelve at Night. The
Colonel, after pursuing them Five or Six Miles, halted his Troops, and
disposed of them in the best Manner he could. Such was the Battle, such
the decisive Victory of _Plaissy_!

It was observed during the Action, that a great Body of Horse, in the
Enemy's left Wing, kept mostly hovering at a Distance. But as they made
no Signals, though they sometimes advanced within Cannon-shot, they were
more than once taught by our Artillery to retire. However, after the
Victory was declared, the Colonel was informed that these were _Meer
Jaffeir_'s Troops, which remained on the Field in a Body, and the next
Day, in the Morning, he had an Interview with Mr. _Clive_, in which,
after congratulating him upon his Victory, and applauding his Conduct,
he signified his Willingness to ratify the Treaty, and to perform all
the Articles of it punctually, as soon as it was in his Power. Colonel
_Clive_ advised him to march without Delay, and make himself Master of
the Capital of the Provinces, before _Suraja Dowlat_ could have Time to
recollect himself, or draw together any considerable Part of his
dispersed Army. _Meer Jaffeir_ saw the Utility of this Advice, which he
carried into Execution with the utmost Expedition. At his Entrance into
_Muxadavad_, he found the City in the utmost Consternation. The Suba was
in Possession of his Palace, on the other Side of the River, with some
Troops about him, amongst whom he distributed several Lack of Rupees;
but the rest, as had been foreseen, dispersed. A few Hours after, in a
Fit of Despair, he withdrew, accompanied only by Five Persons, and took
with him a large Sum in Gold, and Jewels to an immense Value. Upon the
News of this, _Meer Jaffeir_ immediately passed the River, entered the
Palace, and assumed the Title of Suba, without any Opposition. At the
same time, he seized the Treasures of his Predecessor; and Things being
in this Situation, he dispatched Advice instantly to Colonel _Clive_. As
there was still a great Fermentation amongst the People, and no
Certainty of what was become of _Suraja Dowlat_, it was judged
expedient, upon the Arrival of this News, to send Mr. _Watts_ and Mr.
_Walsh_ thither, that they might use their best Endeavours to quiet the
Metropolis, to fortify the new Suba, in his Disposition to fulfil the
Agreement, and to put an End to the present Confusions, as soon as it
was possible. They were fortunate enough to succeed in this important
Commission; and all things being reduced to a greater Degree of Order
and Tranquility than could well be expected, Colonel _Clive_ was invited
to pay a Visit to the Nabob. On the Twenty-ninth of _June_ he made his
public Entry into _Muxadavad_, attended by a Guard of Two hundred
_Europeans_, and Three hundred Seapoys. He was received there with the
utmost Expressions of Joy, and the loudest Acclamations of the People,
as well as with the most profound Marks of Respect, and the warmed
Testimonies of Gratitude, by _Meer Jaffeir_, with whom he went to the
Palace, and saw him seated in Form, upon the MUSNUD, or Carpet of State,
where he was unanimously saluted Suba, and thereby invested with the
supreme Authority over the Provinces, with general Applause. Thus, in a
Fortnight's Time, this amazing Revolution was begun and ended, and that
happy Change effected, from which such numerous Benefits have since
flowed to the _East India_ Company, and the _British_ Subjects in
_Bengal_.

About the same time the unfortunate _Suraja Dowlat_ was seized, near
_Rajamaal_: It is certain that he was in a very low and distressed
Condition, with hardly any Cloaths upon his Back, and the Report went,
that he sought Shelter in the House of a Man, whose Ears he had caused
to be cut off in one of his Transports of Passion, and by whom he was
discovered, and given up to his Pursuers. Be that as it will, the making
him Prisoner was regarded as an Event of great Consequence to the new
Suba. He was no sooner informed of it, than he committed that Prince to
the Custody of his Son, recommending to him earnestly in public, to take
the surest Methods to prevent his Escape; but at all Events to preserve
his Life. The young Man, instead of paying that Respect which was due to
his Father's Commands, no sooner had him in his Hands, than he caused
him to be privately put to Death. At this, when the Suba appeared to be
displeased, his Son alleged, that the captive Suba had found means to
write and convey Letters upon the Road to several _Jemidars_, in order
excite a Revolt in the Army; to prevent which, he knew no other certain
Remedy than that of depriving him of Life, which he thought was likewise
better done, without expecting any farther Orders. It has been surmised,
and very probably not altogether without Grounds, that there was
something of Collusion in this Matter between the Father and the Son; a
thing indeed not at all unfrequent in this Part of the World; and what
made it pass for a kind of Justice, was the Remembrance that People had,
that this unhappy young Man, _Suraja Dowlat_, had been often employed in
the very same Acts, by the old Suba, _Aliverdy Cawn_, who availing
himself of the sanguinary Disposition of his Grandson, made use of him
to remove such as through Avarice, Suspicion, or Resentment, he inclined
to have taken away, and then, to save Appearances, disavowed the Fact.

Such was the End of _Suraja Dowlat_, in the Prime of his Youth, being at
the Hour of his Death scarce Twenty-five Years of Age. An End! suitable
to his Life, which had been spent in Violence and Blood. He was
naturally rash and headstrong, conceived the strongest Resentment on the
slightest Occasions, often without any Occasion at all; and
notwithstanding the Variableness of his Nature, and the continual
Fluctuation of his Mind, either executed suddenly the Dictates of his
Passion, or, where that was impracticable, persisted in his bad
Intentions, though he never shewed any Steadiness in the Performance of
his Promises, or any Regard to his Oaths, which he made and broke with
the very same Facility. The only Excuse that can be offered for him, is,
that he had a View of Sovereignty from his Infancy; little, and that but
bad, Education in his Youth; and, after all, lived not long enough to
attain any great Experience, which possibly might have made him better,
and possibly also might have made him worse. His Reign was but of
Fourteen Months, and in that Space he had little Quiet himself, allowed
none to his Subjects; and with boundless Authority, and immense Riches,
never excited Duty, or so much as acquired a single Friend, whose sage
Advices might have prevented his sad Catastrophe. How insignificant then
is Power! How destructive is Wealth! when they fall into the Hands of
him, who only possesses that he may abuse them!

There was a Circumstance attending the Fate of _Suraja Dowlat_, that
perhaps contributed to make even the Manner of it less regretted. Mr.
_Law_, who had been formerly the _French_ Chief at _Cassimbuzar_, a
Gentleman, to do him Justice, of Honour and Abilities, had collected Two
hundred of his Nation for the Service of the Suba, and was within a few
Hours March of him when he was taken; upon hearing of which he stopped.
This is a conclusive Proof that he was in his Pay, and a Circumstance
that very fully justifies the _English_ in their Conduct. If he had
reached, and preserved _Suraja Dowlat_, the War would not have been so
easily and so speedily finished. He who was without Friends in his
Distress, might have again found Troops for Pay, or perhaps for
Promises; so that his Death in this Respect had a stronger Air of
Policy, and contributed to add Credit to the Report, that his Successor
was not so entire a Stranger to it as he seemed. This Event likewise
made it evident, that the Article which provided against the Return of
the _French_ into _Bengal_, was not either improper or imprudent.
Colonel _Clive_, who sees Things and their Consequences in an Instant,
detached Captain _Coote_, then of Colonel _Aldercron_'s Regiment, with
Two hundred _Europeans_, and Five hundred Seapoys, in Pursuit of Mr.
_Law_; and though that Force was fully sufficient, yet he engaged the
Suba to send also Two thousand of his Horse, that his own Subjects and
all _India_ might know, that the _French_ were equally his Enemies and
Our's, and that being accustomed, from his first Entrance on Government,
to fulfil his Engagements, he might learn to place his own Grandeur in
adhering to his Word, and expect the Safety of his Dominions from the
punctual Performance of his Promises. A Lesson that could not be taught
at a more convenient Time.

The setting up the new, or rather restoring the old Form of Rule, was
entirely due to the _English_, and the Suba and his Subjects were alike
sensible of it; which was a Point of equal Honour and Advantage to the
Nation. It afforded a strong and glorious Proof, that we, who in so long
a Course of Years had never given the least Trouble or Uneasiness to the
Government, were yet able to do ourselves Justice, when there was no
other way left to remain in Quiet. On the other Hand, all the Advantages
gained were by the fair and open Method of a Treaty, in which the first
and most difficult Part was performed by us, and not taken violently or
by force of Arms; though at the same time it was evidently in our Power
to have done it, if it had been at all in our Will. When, therefore,
Colonel _Clive_ and Mr. _Watts_ applied themselves to the Suba, for the
specific Performance of that Agreement, which he had made previous to
his Accession, the Justice of their Demand was without Hesitation
acknowleged. The State of the Treasury was laid before them in the most
candid Manner, so as to leave them not the least Reason to doubt, that
what _Roydoolub_ mentioned as an Objection at the concluding of the
Treaty, was a real matter of Fact; and from the Dissipation that had
happened since, the Suba was not in a Condition to fulfil his Promises,
and discharge all his Obligations at once. Besides, it was for the
Interest of the _English_, as well as for the Reputation of the Company,
to support the Government which had been the Work of their own Hands,
and not leave a Prince whom they had raised to the Subaship, with a
Treasury absolutely empty, since supposing this in their Power, it must
have exceedingly distressed him, and no less disgraced them.

In this State of Things, the Proportion he made seemed too equitable to
be rejected. He offered to pay down a third of the whole Sum, to make it
up one Moiety in a very short Space of Time, and to discharge the
Remainder by equal Payments, in the Space of Three Years. This,
therefore, was accepted, from a moral Persuasion that he, who parted
with one Half in Consideration of what had been done for him, would
likewise pay the other Half in the limited Time, to secure Assistance,
in case any thing more was to be done. These then were the real Motives
to the Agreement, which indeed took its Rise from Necessity, a Law that
maintains its Rights under every Government, and in all Climates. There
is a known Custom throughout _India_, and in that Country more than in
any other Custom has the Force of a Law, that Ten _per Cent._ is paid as
Treasury Fees upon all Sums received, which those Gentlemen had Weight
enough with _Roydoolub_ to reduce to Five; and by the Help of this
Concession, every thing was very soon adjusted, and the complete Moiety
came into the Company's Possession. The candid Reader will probably
think that Colonel _Clive_ and Mr. _Watts_ did, upon this very momentous
Occasion, all that it was in their Power to do, and this was also their
Sentiment; for as soon as more was in their Power, they took care to
improve the Opportunity for the common Benefit of all concerned. A
conclusive Testimony of the Uprightness of their Intention, in the whole
of this Transaction.

This wonderful Sunshine of Prosperity at _Calcutta_ was suddenly
overcast, by the Death of a Great Man, to whose Virtues and Abilities
the Inhabitants were indebted, in a very high Degree, for all the
Happiness they possessed. This was _Charles Watson_, Esq; Vice-Admiral
of the Blue, whose amiable Qualities in private Life added Lustre to his
public Character. His Sentiments were noble, generous, and humane, his
Manners graceful, easy, and polite; no Gentleman was ever more capable
of gaining the Esteem of those with whom he conversed, and no Officer
ever understood better how to exercise the Benevolence and Sweetness of
his own Disposition, without impairing his Authority. In his Station he
was Active without Hurry; Vigilant, without seeming to be Busy; and,
with an open Countenance, ever attentive to his Duty. His Orders were
obeyed with Pleasure, because they were enforced by his Example; and he
was himself ready to do more than he ever expected from others. His
having the Command in that critical Conjuncture, was, from the
Beginning, looked upon as a singular and signal Blessing to the
_English_ settled in the _Indies_; and every Action of his afterwards
confirmed that Notion. No Wonder, then, that his Death was considered as
a common Calamity, and his Loss regretted as a public Misfortune. He was
interred on the Seventeenth of _August_, when an unfeigned Sorrow was
plainly visible in the Face of every Inhabitant, and a voluntary
universal Mourning expressed, in some Degree, the true Sense the People
had of his Merit, and the Effects that had been derived to them from
thence. Indeed, they had been inconsolable, but for the Hopes they had
still left in Admiral _Pocock_. Hopes! that did not deceive them, and
which have been productive of new Honours to the _British_ Flag.

It was to the Attention of the Administration at Home, that the Company
and the Subjects of _Great Britain_ in _India_ owed these potent and
timely Succours; and, which was of no less Consequence, the prudent and
happy Choice of the Officers who commanded them. The _French_, though
deficient elsewhere, had a considerable Naval Force in the _Indies_, and
were for this Reason very confident of their Success in that Part of the
World; in which, perhaps, they had not been deceived, if, upon the
Demise of Vice-Admiral _Watson_, the Command had devolved upon an
Officer of less Merit, or even upon an Officer whose Merit had been less
known or less established than that of Mr. _Pocock_. As it was, the
Spirits of _British_ Subjects were not depressed, or those of the Enemy
raised. They had already known and felt his Courage, and he made them
very quickly sensible of the Extent of his Capacity. They saw him
equally active and vigilant: Their Squadrons no sooner appeared, than
they had his in View. He was the Guardian of all our Settlements, and
the Bane of all their Armaments and Expeditions. His Sagacity defeated
many of their Designs, his Dexterity and Dispatch disconcerted others,
till, by his Victories, he ruined, not their Reputation only, but their
Strength in _Asia_, as completely as other Admirals had done in _Europe_
and _America_. These are Facts indisputable; and, as they are connected
with our Subject, we may take the Liberty of mentioning them, without
giving Offence to that Gentleman, whose Modesty renders him as amiable,
as his other Virtues have made him conspicuous. But to return to our
Subject.

All Infant Governments are in their very Nature subject to Disorders.
The new Suba, soon after the Departure of Colonel _Clive_, felt
sufficiently, that, contrary to the first flattering Appearances, his
Administration was not thoroughly established. Some of the Nabobs in his
Province, dubious of his Intentions towards them, made no great haste to
acknowlege an Authority that might be prejudicial to their own; and in
the _Indies_, this kind of Delay is ever considered as Disobedience.
Besides, _Meer Jaffeir_ remembred the Advice which the Colonel had given
him at Parting, which was, to acquire a Reputation for Firmness from his
earliest Actions, if he meant to taste Quiet in the remaining Part of
his Reign. He resolved, therefore, to employ his Forces against those,
who, though they did not presume to question his Title, shewed,
notwithstanding, a Reluctancy to acknowlege it. He found, however, a
sudden Stop put to his Operations. At the Beginning, some of his
Officers were intractable, and his Troops in general were unwilling to
move. He was entitled by the Treaty to Assistance from the _English_,
and, upon his making the Demand, Colonel _Clive_ marched instantly to
his Relief. His Forces were not numerous; but he brought with him a
Reputation that carried with it a Persuasion that he was ever
irresistible, and his very Presence in the Suba's Camp restored
Obedience to that Prince. Colonel _Clive_, and Mr. _Watts_ who attended
him, took this Opportunity to solicit the assigning Funds for the Money
that was still due, and obtained from the Suba, though not without some
Difficulty, all that they desired.

They likewise desired, and obtained, that the Company's Grant of Lands
might be extended Northward from _Culpee_ to _Rangafullah_, which,
besides the Augmentation of Territory, was in other Respects a Matter of
Importance.

The Nabob of _Patna_, whose Name was _Ramnaram_, against whom this
Expedition was made, upon the Approach of the Suba's Army, offered to
submit, and to pay his Tribute regularly, if he was continued in his
Government, and the Suba's Promise was guarantied by Colonel _Clive_.
The Suba requested this as a Favour of the Colonel, and desired that he
would write a Letter to the Nabob, which he accordingly did; and upon
the Faith of that Letter, he came and made his Submission. The great
Product of _Patna_ is Salt-petre, about which there had been formerly
continual Disputes between us and the _Dutch_. At present, it was in the
Hands of neither; but was still a Monopoly under a Lease. Colonel
_Clive_ and Mr. _Watts_, who knew the Consequence of such an Acquisition
to the _English_, proposed the giving it in Lease to them, at the same
Rate, which would be no Prejudice to the Suba; and the Juncture being
favourable, this Proposition was complied with likewise, by which the
Company are annually Gainers of about Two Lack and a half of Rupees, or
something more than Thirty thousand Pounds Sterling. It is evident,
therefore, from these Instances, that no favourable Opportunity was let
slip, no single Occasion lost, that could be turned to the Company's
Advantage.

This Expedition, as it effectually fixed the new Suba in that Dignity,
naturally brings the Memoirs of this Revolution to their Period. We
cannot, however, conclude without observing, that as there could not be
any thing more melancholy than the Situation of the Company's Affairs,
when the Settlement of _Calcutta_ was overwhelmed and destroyed, so
nothing can be more satisfactory than to contemplate the Advantages that
have resulted from this Alteration to the _East India_ Company, the
private and particular Sufferers, and the _British_ Subjects who either
reside in, or may hereafter go and reside in, _Bengal_. In reference to
the Company, the Treaty with the present Suba procured them an ample
Indemnity, without tying them down to a Specification of Losses, which
would have been not more impossible than improper. The Sum was such as
became the Rank and Grandeur of him who gave, and was admirably tinted
to the Situation and Services of those who received. The Point of
Security is likewise fully provided for; the Settlement may be fortified
in such a Manner as to remove all Apprehensions; at the same time that
these mighty Concessions are made, they are made in a Method that
renders them doubly valuable, not through Fear or Compulsion, but with
all possible Marks of Confidence and Esteem. The Interests of the
Company, and the Country Government, are declared to be the same; and to
prevent any Suspicion of Alteration, they are allowed an unrivalled
Superiority, and the Enemies of the one are to be of Course the Enemies
of the other. There is a Provision, as far as such a Provision can be
made, that this Conjunction of Interests shall not be temporary, but
perpetual; since the Company is at Liberty to take whatever Measures
shall seem most expedient for the Safety of her Settlements, which is as
much as could be either expected or desired.

The Regard shewn, and the Provision made, for all Degrees of Persons,
who suffered by the Subversion of the Colony, was equally equitable and
honourable. The Company, and those who depended upon it, shared the good
as well as the ill Fortune that attended the different Administrations
in _Bengal_. There were many of the _European_ Sufferers, who were
absolutely ruined and undone; reduced from Opulence and Ease, to Misery
and Want, by a sudden, unforeseen, and inevitable Misfortune. These were
restored to the whole of what they had lost, which was a Benefit to
themselves, and to their Creditors in other parts of _India_ and in
_Europe_. Besides, as many of them had acquired their Fortunes by their
Industry, and had spent almost their whole Lives in this Climate, it was
not only a Piece of Justice to recover for them what they had lost, but
a Point of true Policy to prevent the Terror of their Fate from having a
mischievous Operation in succeeding Times, which otherwise it might have
had; and this too in many Respects. The extending this Restitution to
the _Jentoows_ and _Armenians_, was not only a very exemplary but a very
generous Act of Benevolence, founded in Principle. At the same time that
it attached the particular Persons who were relieved, it raised the
Reputation of the Company. It revived the Spirits of those useful
Inhabitants, and gave a new Spring to their Activity and Industry, which
were not only salutary Consequences at the Time, but will be found more
so in their Effects, and facilitate the Execution of those Designs, that
will be hereafter mentioned. This Tenderness for other Nations, this
laudable Desire that they should share in the Prosperity, who had been
hurt by the Adversity of the _English_, might be set in a far stronger
Light, if placed in Comparison with the Conduct of others, without
stirring out of _India_; but as that would be invidious, it is better
omitted.

This stupendious Revolution may be also considered as equally glorious
and advantageous to the _British_ Nation. We may be allowed to say,
because the Fact cannot be disputed, that it is a signal Proof of the
Utility of Maritime Empire. As Commerce carries the Subjects of
_Britain_ every where, _British_ Subjects every where experience
_British_ Protection: There are no Limits to our Naval Power, but those
by which the Creator has confined the Globe. The _East India_ Company
was saved, and her Affairs restored, by the Attention and Arms of that
Government by which she was erected. Many of those, who would have
totally lost the Fruits of long Labour and various Hardships, and who
must have been Beggars if subject to any other Power, are again easy in
their Fortunes, and some of them have already transported their Effects
to their native Country; the proper Return for the Assistance they
derived from her maternal Affection; and as these Events have
distinguished the present Age and the present Administration, so their
Effects will probably be felt in succeeding Times. The Company, by an
Accession of Territory, has an Opportunity of making an ample
Settlement; which, under proper Management, may be not only extremely
serviceable to her, but also to the Nation; and having a Revenue from
these Lands, the Mint at _Calcutta_, and the Lease of the Salt-petre at
_Patna_, which amounts in the whole to One hundred thousand Pounds a
Year, there is a Provision against future Dangers upon the Spot, and
without farther Expence. These Benefits have clearly arisen from that
Revolution, of which we have given an Account, and are due to those who
conducted it. May the future Emoluments do the like Honour to those who
shall hereafter have the Care of the Company's and the Nation's Concerns
in the _Indies_!


                                _FINIS._

[Illustration]



                          TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES


 1. Silently corrected simple spelling, grammar, and typographical
    errors.
 2. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.
 3. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
 4. Superscripts are denoted by a carat before a single superscript
    character or a series of superscripted characters enclosed in curly
    braces, e.g. M^r. or M^{ister}.





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