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Title: History of Gujarát - Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Volume I, Part I.
Author: Campbell, James McNabb
Language: English
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                               GAZETTEER
                                OF THE
                           BOMBAY PRESIDENCY


                           VOLUME I. PART I.

                          HISTORY OF GUJARÁT.


                        UNDER GOVERNMENT ORDERS.


                                BOMBAY:
                PRINTED AT THE GOVERNMENT CENTRAL PRESS.
                                 1896.



                                      Bombay Castle, 14th February 1902.


In further recognition of the distinguished labours of Sir James
McNabb Campbell, K.C.I.E., and of the services rendered by those
who have assisted him in his work, His Excellency the Governor in
Council is pleased to order that the following extract from Government
Resolution No. 2885, dated the 11th August 1884, be republished and
printed immediately after the title page of Volume I, Part I, of the
Gazetteer, and published in every issue:


   "His Excellency the Governor in Council has from time to time
    expressed his entire approval of the Volumes of the Gazetteer
    already published, and now learns with much satisfaction that
    the remaining Statistical Accounts have been completed in
    the same elaborate manner. The task now brought to a close by
    Mr. Campbell has been very arduous. It has been the subject of
    his untiring industry for more than ten years, in the earlier
    part of which period, however, he was occasionally employed on
    additional duties, including the preparation of a large number
    of articles for the Imperial Gazetteer. When the work was begun,
    it was not anticipated that so much time would be required for
    its completion, because it was not contemplated that it would
    be carried out on so extensive a scale. Its magnitude may be
    estimated by the fact that the Statistical Accounts, exclusive of
    the general chapters yet to be reprinted, embrace twenty-seven
    Volumes containing on an average 500 pages each. Mr. Campbell
    could not have sustained the unflagging zeal displayed by him
    for so long a period without an intense interest in the subjects
    dealt with. The result is well worthy of the labour expended,
    and is a proof of the rare fitness of Mr. Campbell on the ground
    both of literary ability and of power of steady application
    for the important duty assigned to him. The work is a record of
    historical and statistical facts and of information regarding the
    country and the people as complete perhaps as ever was produced
    on behalf of any Government, and cannot fail to be of the utmost
    utility in the future administration of the Presidency.

   "2. The thanks of Government have already been conveyed to the
    various contributors, and it is only necessary now to add that
    they share, according to the importance of their contributions, in
    the credit which attaches to the general excellence of the work."


The whole series of Volumes is now complete, and His Excellency in
Council congratulates Sir James Campbell and all associated with him
in this successful and memorable achievement.


                                            H. O. QUIN,
                                            Secretary to Government,
                                            General Department.



The earliest record of an attempt to arrange for the preparation
of Statistical Accounts of the different districts of the Bombay
Presidency is in 1843. In 1843 Government called on the Revenue
Commissioner to obtain from all the Collectors as part of their next
Annual Report the fullest available information regarding their
districts. [1] The information was specially to include their own
and their Assistants' observations on the state of the cross and
other roads not under the superintendence of a separate department,
on the passes and ferries throughout the country, on the streets in
the principal towns, and on the extension and improvement of internal
communications. As from Collectors alone could any knowledge of the
state of the district be obtained, the Collectors were desired to
include in their Annual Reports observations on every point from which
a knowledge of the actual condition of the country could be gathered
with the exception of matters purely judicial which were to be supplied
by the Judicial Branch of the Administration. Government remarked that,
as Collectors and their Assistants during a large portion of the year
moved about the district in constant and intimate communication with
all classes they possessed advantages which no other public officers
enjoyed of acquiring a full knowledge of the condition of the country,
the causes of progress or retrogradation, the good measures which
require to be fostered and extended, the evil measures which call for
abandonment, the defects in existing institutions which require to
be remedied, and the nature of the remedies to be applied. Collectors
also, it was observed, have an opportunity of judging of the effect of
British rule on the condition and character of the people, on their
caste prejudices, and on their superstitious observances. They can
trace any alteration for the better or worse in dwellings, clothing
and diet, and can observe the use of improved implements of husbandry
or other crafts, the habits of locomotion, the state of education
particularly among the higher classes whose decaying means and energy
under our most levelling system compared with that of preceding
governments will attract their attention. Finally they can learn
how far existing village institutions are effectual to their end,
and may be made available for self-government and in the management
of local taxation for local purposes.

In obedience to these orders reports were received from the Collectors
of Ahmedábád Broach Kaira Thána and Khándesh. Some of the reports,
especially that of Mr. J. D. Inverarity, contained much interesting
information. These five northern reports were practically the only
result of the Circular Letter of 1843.

The question of preparing District Statistical Manuals was not again
raised till 1870. In October 1867 the Secretary of State desired the
Bombay Government to take steps for the compilation of a Gazetteer
of the Presidency on the model of the Gazetteer prepared during that
year for the Central Provinces. The Bombay Government requested the
two Revenue Commissioners and the Director of Public Instruction to
submit a scheme for carrying into effect the orders of the Secretary
of State. In reply the officers consulted remarked that the work to be
done for the Bombay Presidency would be of a multifarious character;
that the article on the commerce of Bombay would require special
qualifications in the writer; that again special qualifications would
be required for writing accounts of the sacred cities of Násik and
Pálitána, of the caves of Ajanta and Ellora, of the histories of Sindh
Gujarát and Ahmednagar, and of the Portuguese connection with Western
India. The Committee observed that a third form of special knowledge
would be required to write accounts of Pársis Khojás and other castes
and tribes; that in short the undertaking would be one of much wider
scope and greater difficulty than the preparation of the Gazetteer
of the Central Provinces. Much thought would be required before the
general plan could be laid down, and after the plan was fixed all sorts
of questions as to arrangement and treatment of particular parts would
be sure to arise. In the Committee's opinion local revenue officers
could not as a rule find time to devote to work of this description
without neglecting their ordinary duties; but they could correct and
amplify such information as a special officer could compile from the
published and unpublished records of Government.

In January 1868 the Bombay Government decided that the general
supervision and direction of the work should be placed in the hands of
a Committee consisting of the Revenue Commissioners, the Director of
Public Instruction, and the Commissioner of Customs, and that an Editor
should be appointed with a small copying establishment to act under
the directions of the Committee. The Editor was to give his entire
time to the work and was expected to finish it in about a year. He was
to collect and arrange in alphabetical order all recorded information
regarding the towns and other places of interest in each Collectorate,
and to send printed on half margin each draft when completed to the
local officers for verification, additions, and alterations. When the
drafts were returned and corrected by the Editor, they were to be laid
before the Committee. To enable the Editor to meet such expenses as a
fair remuneration for articles contributed by qualified persons, and
also to pay for the printing of the work with small accompanying maps,
an amount not exceeding Rs. 12,000 was sanctioned for the total expense
of the Gazetteer including the payment of the Editor. At the outset
it was decided to place a portion of the sum sanctioned not exceeding
Rs. 2000, at the disposal of the Commissioner in Sindh to secure
the preparation of articles referring to Sindh. The Committee were
requested to meet at Poona in June 1868 and to report to Government on
the best mode of preparing and editing the Gazetteer and supervising
its publication. The Collectors and Political Officers were in the
meanwhile requested to ascertain what records in their possession
were likely to be useful for the preparation of a Gazetteer and what
papers in the possession of others and likely to be useful for the
purpose were obtainable within their charge. Collectors and Political
Officers were requested to send their replies direct to the Director of
Public Instruction who would collect them on behalf of the Committee.

In August 1868 the Bombay Gazetteer Committee, composed of
Messrs. A. F. Bellasis Revenue Commissioner N. D. Chairman,
Mr. W. H. Havelock Revenue Commissioner S. D. and Sir Alexander Grant,
Director of Public Instruction, submitted a report recommending the
following arrangements:


(1) That Mr. W. H. Crowe, C.S., then Acting Professor in the
    Dakhan College, be appointed Editor of the Gazetteer with a monthly
    remuneration of Rs. 200 out of the Rs. 12,000 sanctioned for the
    expense of the Gazetteer and that he should at the same time be
    attached as an Assistant to the Collector of Poona;
(2) That Mr. Crowe be allowed an establishment not exceeding
    Rs. 50 a month chargeable to the grant of Rs. 12,000, and such
    contingent charges as may be passed by the Committee;
(3) That Professor Kero Luxman Chhatre be requested to assist
    Mr. Crowe on various questions both local and mathematical,
    and that on the completion of the work a suitable honorarium be
    granted to Professor Kero;
(4) That agreeably to the suggestions of Major Prescott and
    Colonel Francis, Mr. Light should be directed to compile for
    the different districts all information in the possession of
    the Survey Department in communication with the Editor of the
    Gazetteer who was to work under the Committee's orders;
(5) That the above appointments be made at present for one year
    only, at the end of which from the Committee's progress report,
    it would be possible to state with approximate definiteness the
    further time required for the completion of the Gazetteer.


These proposals were sanctioned on the 11th September 1868. Towards
the close of 1868 Mr. (now Sir) J. B. Peile took the place of Sir
A. Grant on the Committee and Colonel Francis was added to the list of
the members. Adhering as far as possible to the arrangement followed
in the Gazetteer of the Central Provinces, which had met with the
approval of the Secretary of State, Mr. Crowe drew out the following
list of subjects which was forwarded to all Collectors Sub-Collectors
and Survey Superintendents:


I.--General Description.

    (a) Latitude and Longitude.
    (b) Locality.
    (c) Boundaries.
    (d) Aspect.
    (e) Water-supply.
    (f) Rivers.
    (g) Mountains.
    (h) Area.
    (i) Altitude.

II.--Climate, Seasons.

    (a) Rainfall.
    (b) Health.
    (c) Prevailing Diseases.

III.--Geology.

    (a) Soils.
    (b) Minerals.
    (c) Scientific Details.

IV.--History.

V.--Administration.

    (a) Judicial.
    (b) Revenue.
    (c) Miscellaneous.

VI.--Revenue.

    (a) Imperial.
    (b) Local.

VII.--Population.

    (a) Census.
    (b) Description of Inhabitants.
    (c) Castes.

VIII.--Sub-Divisions.

    (a) Names of Tálukás.
    (b) Names of Towns.

IX.--Production.

    (a) Agriculture.
    (b) Forest.
    (c) Animals.
    (d) Minerals.
    (e) Manufactures.

X.--Trade and Commerce.

XI.--Communications.

    (a) Roads.
    (b) Railways.
    (c) Telegraphs.
    (d) Post.

XII.--Revenue System and Land Tenures.

XVI.--Education.

    (a) Schools.
    (b) Instruction.

XIV.--Language.

XV.--Architectural Remains and Antiquities.

XVI.--Principal Towns and Villages.


In 1869 the draft articles prepared by Mr. Crowe were submitted to
Mr. (now Sir) W. W. Hunter of the Bengal Civil Service who expressed
his satisfaction at the progress made. The Committee adopted certain
suggestions made by Sir W. Hunter for the arrangement of the work and
for obtaining fuller district figures from the Marine, Irrigation,
Cotton, and Survey Offices. In March 1870 a further extension of one
year was accorded. The Bombay Government directed that each Collector
should choose one of his Assistants to correspond with the Editor
and obtain for him all possible information from local records. All
Heads of Offices were also desired to exert themselves zealously in
aiding the prosecution of the work. In 1871 Mr. Crowe's draft article
on the Dhárwár District was sent to Mr. Hunter for opinion who in
addition to detailed criticism on various points made the following
general remarks:


"My own conception of the work is that, in return for a couple of days'
reading, the Account should give a new Collector a comprehensive,
and, at the same time, a distinct idea of the district which he has
been sent to administer. Mere reading can never supersede practical
experience in the district administration. But a succinct and well
conceived district account is capable of antedating the acquisition of
such personal experience by many months and of both facilitating and
systematising a Collector's personal enquiries. The Compiler does not
seem to have caught the points on which a Collector would naturally
consult the Account. In order that the Editor should understand
these points it is necessary that he should have had practical
acquaintance with district administration and that he should himself
have experienced the difficulties which beset an officer on his
taking charge of a district or sub-division. The individual points
will differ according to the character of the country. For example
in deltaic districts the important question is the control of rivers;
in dry districts it is the subject of water-supply. But in all cases
a District Account besides dealing with the local specialties should
furnish an historical narration of its revenue and expenditure since
it passed under the British rule, of the sums which we have taken
from it in taxes, and of the amount which we have returned to it
in the protection of property and person and the other charges of
civil government."


Sir William Hunter laid much stress on the necessity of stating the
authority on the strength of which any statement is made and of the
propriety of avoiding anything like libels on persons or classes. In
1871 Sir W. Hunter was appointed Director General of Statistics
to the Government of India. In this capacity he was to be a central
guiding authority whose duty it was to see that each of the Provincial
Gazetteers contained the materials requisite for the comparative
statistics of the Empire. As some of the Bombay District Accounts were
incomplete and as it was thought advisable to embody in the District
Accounts the results of the general Census of 1872, it was decided, in
October 1871, that pending the completion of the census the Gazetteer
work should be suspended and that when the results of the census were
compiled and classified a special officer should be appointed for a
period of six months to revise and complete the drafts. In October
1871, pending the compilation of the census returns, Mr. Crowe was
appointed Assistant Collector at Sholápur and the Gazetteer records
were left in a room in the Poona Collector's Office. In September 1872
the whole of the Gazetteer records, including thirty-one articles on
British Districts and Native States, were stolen by two youths who
had been serving in the Collector's Office as peons. These youths
finding the Gazetteer office room unoccupied stole the papers piece
by piece for the sake of the trifling amount they fetched as waste
paper. Search resulted in the recovery in an imperfect state of seven
of the thirty-one drafts. The youths were convicted and sentenced to
a year's imprisonment in the Poona Reformatory.

In 1873 Mr. Francis Chapman then Chief Secretary to Government took
the preparation of the Gazetteer under his personal control. And in
June 1873 Mr. James M. Campbell, C.S., was appointed Compiler. An
important change introduced by Mr. Chapman was to separate from
the preparation of the series of District Manuals certain general
subjects and to arrange for the preparation of accounts of those
general subjects by specially qualified contributors. The subjects
so set apart and allotted were:


    +---+---------------------------+-------------------------+
    |   |             General Contributors, 1873.             |
    |No.+---------------------------+-------------------------+
    |   |          Subject.         |        Contributor.     |
    +---+---------------------------+-------------------------+
    | 1 | Ethnology                 | Dr. J. Wilson.          |
    | 2 | Meteorology               | Mr. C. Chambers, F.R.S. |
    | 3 | Geology                   | Mr. W. Blandford.       |
    | 4 | Botany                    | Dr. W. Gray.            |
    | 5 | Archæology                | Dr. J. Burgess.         |
    | 6 | Manufactures and Industry | Mr. G. W. Terry.        |
    | 7 | Trade and Commerce        | Mr. J. Gordon.          |
    +---+---------------------------+-------------------------+


These arrangements resulted in the preparation of the following papers
each of which on receipt was printed in pamphlet form:


    I. Ethnology; II. Meteorology; III. Geology; and IV. Botany.


Of these papers it has not been deemed advisable to reprint
Dr. J. Wilson's Paper on Castes as it was incomplete owing to
Dr. Wilson's death in 1875. Reprinting was also unnecessary in the case
of Mr. Blandford's Geology and of the late Mr. Chambers' Meteorology,
as the contents of these pamphlets have been embodied in works
specially devoted to the subject of those contributions. Dr. Burgess
never prepared his article on the Archæology of the Presidency,
but the materials supplied by the late Pandit Bhagvánlál Indraji
prevented the evil effect which this failure would otherwise have
caused. Dr. Bhagvánlál also ably supplied the deficiency caused
by Dr. G. Bühler's failure to contribute an article on the Early
History of Gujarát. The notices of the manufactures in the more
important industrial centres to some extent supply the blank caused
by the absence of Mr. Terry's contribution. Nothing came of the late
Mr. Gordon's Account of the Trade of the Presidency.

On the important subject of Botany besides Dr. W. Gray's original
contribution, a valuable paper On Useful Trees and Plants was prepared
by Dr. J. C. Lisboa, and a detailed account of Kaira field trees by
the late Mr. G. H. D. Wilson of the Bombay Civil Service. These three
papers together form a separate Botany Volume No. XXV.

The general contributions on History contained in Vol. I. Parts I. and
II. are among the most valuable portions of the Gazetteer. Besides the
shorter papers by Mr. L. R. Ashburner, C.S.I., on the Gujarát Mutinies
of 1857, by Mr. J. A. Baines, C.S.I., on the Maráthás in Gujarát,
by Mr. W. W. Loch, I.C.S., on the Musalmán and Marátha histories of
Khándesh and the Bombay Dakhan, and by the late Colonel E. W. West,
I.S.C., on the modern history of the Southern Marátha districts,
there are the Reverend A. K. Nairne's History of the Konkan which
is specially rich in the Portuguese period (A.D. 1500-1750), the
late Colonel J. W. Watson's Musalmáns of Gujarát with additions
by Khán Sáheb Fazl Lutfullah Farídi of Surat, and the important
original histories of the Early Dakhan by Professor Rámkrishna Gopál
Bhandárkar, C.I.E., Ph.D., and of the Southern Marátha districts by
Mr. J. F. Fleet, I.C.S., C.I.E., Ph.D. With these the early history
of Gujarát from materials supplied by the late Pandit Bhagvánlál
Indraji, Ph.D., is perhaps not unworthy to rank. The work of completing
Dr. Bhagvánlál's history was one of special difficulty. No satisfactory
result would have been obtained had it not been for the valuable
assistance received from Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, M.A., of the Indian
Civil Service.

The importance and the interest of the great subject of Population
have added several contributions to the Reverend Doctor J. Wilson's
original pamphlet of twenty-three pages. Most of these contributions
appear in different District Statistical Accounts especially Dr. John
Pollen's, I.C.S., accounts in Khándesh, Mr. Cumine's, I.C.S. in
Bijápur, Mr. K. Raghunáthji's in Thána and Poona, Assistant Surgeon
Shántárám Vináyak's in Sholápur, Mr. P. F. DeSouza's in Kánara, and the
late Ráo Bahádur Trimalrao's in Dhárwár. Except the valuable articles
contributed in the Statistical Account of Kachh by Major J. W. Wray,
Mr. Vináyakráo Náráyanand Ráo Sáheb Dalpatrám Pránjivan Khakhar, in
the Account of Káthiáwár by the late Colonel L. C. Barton, and in the
Account of Rewa Kántha by Ráo Bahádur Nandshankar Tuljáshankar the
early date at which the Gujarát Statistical Accounts were published
prevented the preparation of detailed articles on population. This
omission has now been supplied in a separate volume No. IX. The
chief contributions to this volume are Ráo Bahádur Bhimbhái
Kirpárám's Hindus, Khán Sáheb Fazl Lutfullah Farídi's Musalmáns,
and Messrs. Kharsetji N. Servai and Bamanji B. Patel's Pársis.

Besides to these general contributors the series of Statistical
Accounts owes much of their fullness and practical usefulness
to District Officers especially to the labours of the District
Compilers who in most cases were either Collectors or Assistant
Collectors. The most important contributors of this class were for
Ahmedábád Mr. F. S. P. Lely, C.S.; for Kaira Mr. G. F. Sheppard,
C.S.; for the Panch Maháls Mr. H. A. Acworth, C.S.; for Thána
Messrs. W. B. Mulock, C.S., E. J. Ebden, C.S., W. W. Loch, C.S.,
and A. Cumine, C.S.; for Kolába Mr. E. H. Moscardi, C.S.; for
Ratnágiri Mr. G. W. Vidal, C.S.; for Khándesh Mr. W. Ramsay, C.S.,
Dr. John Pollen, C.S., and Mr. A. Crawley-Boevey, C.S.; for Násik
Messrs. W. Ramsay, C.S., J. A. Baines, C.S., and H. R. Cooke, C.S.;
for Ahmednagar Mr. T. S. Hamilton, C.S.; for Poona Messrs. J. G. Moore,
C.S., John MacLeod Campbell, C.S., G. H. Johns, C.S., and A. Keyser,
C.S.; for Sátára Mr. J. W. P. Muir-Mackenzie, C.S.; for Sholápur
Mr. C. E. G. Crawford, C.S.; for Belgaum Mr. G. McCorkell, C.S.; for
Dhárwár Messrs. F. L. Charles, C.S., and J. F. Muir, C.S.; for Bijápur
Messrs. H. F. Silcock, C.S., A. Cumine, C.S., and M. H. Scott, C.S.;
and for Kánara Mr. J. Monteath, C.S., and Colonel W. Peyton. Of the
accounts of Native States, the interesting and complete Gazetteer
of Baroda is the work of Mr. F. A. H. Elliott, C.S. The chief
contributors to the other Statistical Accounts of Native States were
for Kachh Colonel L. C. Barton; for Káthiáwár Colonel J. W. Watson
and Colonel L. C. Barton; for Pálanpur Colonel J. W. Watson; for Mahi
Kántha Colonels E. W. West and P. H. LeGeyt; for Rewa Kántha Colonel
L. C. Barton and Ráo Báhádur Nandshankar Tuljáshankar; for Sávantvádi
Colonel J. F. Lester; for Jánjira Mr. G. Larcom; for Kolhápur Colonels
E. W. West and W. F. F. Waller and Ráo Bahádur Yeshvant M. Kelkar. The
names of numerous other contributors both in and out of Government
service who gave help in compiling information connected with their
districts have been shewn in the body of each District Statistical
Account. Of these the learned and most ungrudging assistance received
from Dr. J. Gerson DaCunha of Bombay requires special recognition.

The third main source of preparation was the Compiler's head-quarters
office. Through the interest which Mr. Francis Chapman took in the
Gazetteer the Compiler was able to secure the services as Assistant
of Ráo Báhádur Bhimbhái Kirpárám who was Head Accountant in the Kaira
Treasury when the Statistical Account of Kaira was under preparation
in 1874. Mr. Bhimbhái's minute knowledge of administrative detail,
his power of asking for information in the form least troublesome to
district establishments, and of checking the information received,
together with his talent for directing the work at head-quarters
formed one of the most important elements in the success of the
Gazetteer arrangements. Besides to the interest taken by Mr. Francis
Chapman the Gazetteer owed much to the advice and to the support of
Sir W. W. Hunter, who, in spite of the delay and expense which it
involved, secured the full record of the survey and other details in
which the Bombay revenue system is specially rich.

In addition to Ráo Bahádur Bhimbhái, the members of the Compiler's
office whose work entitles them almost to a place among contributors
are: Ráo Sáheb Krishnaráo Narsinh, who drafted many of the Land Revenue
and Survey Histories; the late Mr. Ganesh Bhikáji Gunjikar, B.A.,
who drafted many of the Political Histories; the late Mr. Vaikunthrám
Manmathrám Mehta, B.A., and Ráo Bahádur Itchárám Bhagvándás, B.A.,
who drafted many articles on Description, Production, Agriculture,
Capital, and Trade; Mr. K. Raghunáthji who prepared many of the
fullest caste accounts; Mr. Ratirám Durgárám, B.A., who drafted
many papers on places of interest; and Messrs. Yeshvant Nilkanth and
Mahádev G. Nádkarni who drafted many of the sections on Population,
Agriculture, Capital, and Trade.

Other officers of Government who have had an important share in the
satisfactory completion of the Gazetteer are: Mr. J. Kingsmill the
former and Mr. Frámroz Rustamji the present Superintendent of the
Government Central Press and Mr. T. E. Coleman the Head Examiner, whose
unfailing watchfulness has detected many a mistake. Mr. Waite the late
Superintendent of the Photozincographic Press and Mr. T. LeMesurier
the present Superintendent have supplied a set of most handy, clear,
and accurate maps.

A further means adopted for collecting information was the preparation
of papers on the different social, economic, and religious subjects
which had proved of interest in preparing the earliest District
Statistical Accounts. Between 1874 and 1880 forty-nine question papers
which are given as an Appendix to the General Index Volume were from
time to time printed and circulated. The answers received to these
papers added greatly to the fullness and to the local interest of
all the later Statistical Accounts.

The Statistical Accounts of the eighteen British districts and
eighty-two Native States of the Bombay Presidency, together with the
Materials towards a Statistical Account of the Town and Island of
Bombay extend over thirty-three Volumes and 17,800 pages. In addition
to these Statistical Accounts 475 articles were prepared in 1877-78
for the Imperial Gazetteer.


JAMES MACNABB CAMPBELL.

                                             Bombay Customs House, }
                                             29th May 1896.        }



HISTORY OF GUJARÁT.


This Volume contains the Articles named below:

  I.--Early History of Gujarát (B.C. 319-A.D. 1304).--From materials
      prepared by the late Pandit Bhagvánlál Indraji, Ph.D., completed
      with the help of A. M. T. Jackson, Esquire, M.A., of the Indian
      Civil Service.
 II.--History of Gujarát, Musalmán Period (A.D. 1297-1760).--Prepared
      by the late Colonel J. W. Watson, Indian Staff Corps, former
      Political Agent of Káthiáváda, with additions by Khán Sáheb
      Fazlullah Lutfulláh Farídi of Surat.
III.--History of Gujarát, Marátha Period (A.D. 1760-1819).--By
      J. A. Baines, Esquire, C.S.I., Late of Her Majesty's Bombay
      Civil Service.
 IV.--Disturbances in Gujarát (A.D. 1857-1859).--By L. R. Ashburner,
      Esquire, C.S.I., Late of Her Majesty's Bombay Civil Service.


Appendices:

      I.--The Death of Sultán Bahádur.
     II.--The Hill Fort of Mándu.
    III.--Bhinmál or Shrimál.
     IV.--Java and Cambodia.
      V.--Arab References.
     VI.--Greek References.


JAMES M. CAMPBELL.

29th May 1896.



CONTENTS.


EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARÁT.

                                                                   PAGE
Boundaries and Name                                                 1-5

Ancient Divisions:

    Ánartta; Suráshtra; Láta                                        6-7

Legends:

    Ánartta the first Puránic king of Gujarát, and the Yádavas in
    Dwárika      8-12

Mauryan and Greek Rule (B.C. 319-100):

    The Mauryas (B.C. 319-197); The Greeks (B.C. 180-100)         13-19

The Kshatrapas (B.C. 70-A.D. 398):

    The Name; Northern Kshatrapas; Western Kshatrapas; Nahapána
    (A.D. 78-120); Ushavadáta (A.D. 100-120); Nahapána's Era;
    Málava Era; Chashtana (A.D. 130); The Mevas or Medas; Jayadáman
    (A.D. 140-143)                                                20-34

    Rudradáman (A.D. 143-158); Sudarsana Lake; The Yaudheyas; Dámázada
    or Dámájadasrí (A.D. 158-168); Jivadáman (A.D. 178); Rudrasimha
    I. (A.D. 181-196); Rudrasena (A.D. 203-220); Prithivísena
    (A.D. 222); Sanghadáman (A.D. 222-226); Dámasena (A.D. 226-236);
    Dámájadasrí II. (A.D. 236)                                    35-45

    Víradáman (A.D. 236-238); Yasadáman (A.D. 239); Vijayasena
    (A.D. 238-249); Dámájadasrí (A.D. 250-255); Rudrasena
    II. (A.D. 256-272); Visvasimha (A.D. 272-278); Bharttridáman
    (A.D. 278-294); Visvasena (A.D. 294-300); Rudrasimha
    (A.D. 308-311); Yasadáman (A.D. 320); Dámasiri (A.D. 320);
    Rudrasena (A.D. 348-376); Simhasena; Skanda; Ísvaradatta
    (A.D. 230-250); Kshatrapa Family Tree                         46-54

The Traikútakas (A.D. 250-450):

    Initial Date; Their Race                                      55-59

The Guptas (G. 90-149; A.D. 410-470):

    Dynasty; The founder Gupta (A.D. 319-322 [?]); Ghatotkacha
    (A.D. 322-349 [?]); Chandragupta I. (A.D. 349-369 [?]; Samudragupta
    (A.D. 370-395); Chandragupta II. (A.D. 396-415); Kumáragupta
    (A.D. 416-453); Skandagupta (A.D. 454-470)                    60-70

    Budhagupta (A.D. 485); Bhánugupta (A.D. 511); The Pushyamitras
    (A.D. 455); White Huns (A.D. 450-520); Mihirakula (A.D. 512);
    Yasodharman of Málwa (A.D. 533-34)                            71-77

The Valabhis (A.D. 509-766):

    Valeh Town (1893); Valabhi in A.D. 630; Valabhi Copperplates;
    Valabhi Administration (A.D. 500-700); Territorial Divisions; Land
    Assessment; Religion; Origin of the Valabhis; History         78-86

    First Valabhi Grant (A.D. 526); Senápati Bhatárka (A.D. 509-520?);
    the Maitrakas (A.D. 470-509); Senápati's Sons; Dhruvasena
    I. (A.D. 526-535); Guhasena (A.D. 539-569); Dharasena
    II. (A.D. 569-589); Síláditya I. (A.D. 594-609); Kharagraha
    (A.D. 610-615); Dharasena III. (A.D. 615-620); Dhruvasena
    II. (Báláditya) (A.D. 620-640); Dharasena IV. (A.D. 640-649);
    Dhruvasena III. (A.D. 650-656); Kharagraha (A.D. 656-665);
    Síláditya III. (A.D. 666-675); Síláditya IV. (A.D. 691); Síláditya
    V. (A.D. 722); Síláditya VI. (A.D. 760); Síláditya VII. (A.D. 766);
    Valabhi Family Tree; The fall of Valabhi (A.D. 750-770); The
    importance of Valabhi                                         87-96

    Valabhi and the Gehlots; The Válas of Káthiáváda; The Válas and
    Káthis; Descent from Kanaksen (A.D. 150); Mewád and the Persians;
    Válas                                                        97-106

The Chálukyas (A.D. 634-740):

    Jayasimhavarmman (A.D. 666-693); Sryásraya Síláditya (heir
    apparent) (A.D. 669-691); Mangalarája (A.D. 698-731); Pulakesi
    Janásraya (A.D. 738); Buddhavarmman (A.D. 713?); Nágavarddhana;
    Chálukya Tree                                               107-112

The Gurjjaras (A.D. 580-808):

    Copperplates; Gurjjara Tree; Dadda I. (c. 585-605 A.D.); Jayabhata
    I. Vítarága (c. 605-620 A.D.); Dadda II. Prasántarága (c. 620-650
    A.D.); Jayabhata II. (c. 650-675 A.D.); Dadda III. Báhusaháya
    (c. 675-700 A.D.); Jayabhata III. (c. 704-734 A.D.)         113-118

The Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 743-974):

    Origin; Name; Early Dynasty (A.D. 450-500); The
    main Dynasty (A.D. 630-972); Ráshtrakúta Family Tree
    (A.D. 630-972); Copperplates; Kakka II. (A.D. 747); Krishna
    and Govinda II. (A.D. 765-795); Dhruva I. (A.D. 795); Govinda
    III. (A.D. 800-808); Indra (A.D. 808-812); Karka I. (A.D. 812-821);
    Dantivarmman (Heir Apparent); Govinda (A.D. 827-833); Dhruva
    I. (A.D. 835-867); Akálavarsha (A.D. 867); Dhruva II. (A.D. 867);
    Akálavarsha Krishna (A.D. 888); Main Line restored (A.D. 888-974);
    Krishna Akálavarsha (A.D. 888-914); Indra Nityamvarsha (A.D. 914)
                                                                119-134

The Mihiras or Mers (A.D. 470-900):

    History; The Chúdásamás (A.D. 900-940); The Jethvás; The Mers;
    White Húnas; Jhálás      135-147


THE KINGDOM OF ANAHILAVÁDA (A.D. 720-1300).

The Chávadás (A.D. 720-956):

    Pañchásar (A.D. 788); Jayasekhara (A.D. 696); Vanarája
    (A.D. 720-780?); Founding of Anahilaváda (A.D. 746-765); Vanarája's
    Installation; His Image; Vanarája's Successors (A.D. 780-961);
    Yogarája (A.D. 806-841); Kshemarája (A.D. 841-880); Chámunda
    (A.D. 880-908); Ghághada (A.D. 908-937); Chávadá Genealogy
                                                                149-155

The Chaulukyas or Solankis (A.D. 961-1242):

    Authorities; The name Chaulukya; Múlarája (A.D. 961-996);
    Chámunda (A.D. 997-1010); Durlabha (A.D. 1010-1022); Bhíma
    I. (A.D. 1022-1064); Mahmúd's Invasion (A.D. 1024); Somanátha
    (A.D. 1024)                                                 156-169

    Karna (A.D. 1064-1094); Siddharája Jayasingha (A.D. 1094-1143)
                                                                170-181

    Kumárapála (A.D. 1143-1174); Ajayapála (A.D. 1174-1177); Múlarája
    II. (A.D. 1177-1179); Bhíma II. (A.D. 1179-1242)            182-197

The Vághelás (A.D. 1219-1304):

    Arnorája (A.D. 1170-1200); Lavanaprasáda (A.D. 1200-1233);
    Víradhavala (A.D. 1233-1238); Vísaladeva (A.D. 1243-1261);
    Arjunadeva (A.D. 1262-1274); Sárangadeva (A.D. 1275-1296);
    Karnadeva (A.D. 1296-1304); Vághela Genealogy               198-206


MUSALMÁN PERIOD (A.D. 1297-1760).

Introduction:

    Territorial Limits; Sorath; Káthiáváda; Under the Kings
    (A.D. 1403-1573); Under the Mughals (A.D. 1573-1760); Condition
    of Gujarát (A.D. 1297-1802)                                 207-228

Early Musalmán Governors (A.D. 1297-1403):

    Alá-ud-dín Khilji Emperor (A.D. 1295-1315); Ulugh Khán
    (A.D. 1297-1317); Ain-ul-Mulk Governor (A.D. 1318); Order
    established (A.D. 1318); Muhammad Tughlak Emperor (A.D. 1325-1351);
    Táj-ul-Mulk Governor (A.D. 1320); Suppression of insurrection
    (A.D. 1347); Surrender of Girnár and Kachh (A.D. 1350);
    Fírúz Tughlak Emperor (A.D. 1351-1388); Zafar Khán Governor
    (A.D. 1371); Farhat-ul-Mulk Governor (A.D. 1376-1391); Muhammad
    Tughlak II. Emperor (A.D. 1391-1393); Zafar Khán Governor
    (A.D. 1391-1403)                                            229-233

Ahmedábád Kings (A.D. 1403-1573):

    Muhammad I. (A.D. 1403-1404); Muzaffar (A.D. 1407-1419); Ahmed
    I. (A.D. 1411-1441); Ahmedábád built (A.D. 1413); Defeat of the
    Ídar Chief (A.D. 1414); Spread of Islám (A.D. 1414); Expedition
    against Málwa (A.D. 1417); Chámpáner attacked (A.D. 1418); War
    with Málwa (A.D. 1422); Defeat of the Ídar Chief (A.D. 1425);
    Recovery of Máhim (A.D. 1429) and Báglán (A.D. 1431); Muhammad
    II. (A.D. 1441-1452); Kutb-ud-dín (A.D. 1451-1459); War with
    Málwa (A.D. 1451) Battle of Kapadvanj (A.D. 1454); War with Nágor
    (A.D. 1454-1459); War with Chitor (A.D. 1455-1459)          234-242

    Mahmúd I. Begada (A.D. 1459-1513); Defeat of a conspiracy
    (A.D. 1459); Improvement of the soldiery (A.D. 1459-1461);
    Help given to the king of the Dakhan (A.D. 1461); Expedition
    against Junágadh (A.D. 1467); Capture of Girnár (A.D. 1472);
    Disturbances in Chámpáner (A.D. 1472); Conquest of Kachh;
    Jagat destroyed; Conspiracy (A.D. 1480); War against Chámpáner
    (A.D. 1482-1484); Capture of Pávágad (A.D. 1484); The Khándesh
    succession (A.D. 1508); Muzaffar II. (A.D. 1513-1526); Expedition
    against Ídar (A.D. 1514); Disturbances in Málwa (A.D. 1517);
    Capture of Mándu (A.D. 1518); War with Chitor (A.D. 1519);
    Submission of the Rána of Chitor (A.D. 1521); Death of Muzaffar
    II. (A.D. 1526)                                             243-252

    Sikandar (A.D. 1526); Máhmúd II. (A.D. 1526); Bahádur
    (A.D. 1527-1536); Portuguese intrigues (A.D. 1526); Khándesh
    affairs (A.D. 1528); Turks at Diu (A.D. 1526-1530); Capture
    of Mándu (A.D. 1530); Quarrel with Humáyún (A.D. 1532); Fall of
    Chitor (A.D. 1535); Mughal conquest of Gujarát (A.D. 1535); The
    Mughals driven out (A.D. 1536); The Portuguese at Diu (A.D. 1536);
    Death of Bahádur (A.D. 1536); Muhammad II. Ásíri (A.D. 1536-1554);
    His escape from control; Choosing of evil favourites; Quarrels
    among the nobles; Disturbances (A.D. 1545); Death of Mahmúd
    (A.D. 1554); Ahmed II. (A.D. 1554-1561); Ítimád Khán Regent;
    Partition of the province; Dissensions; Sultánpur and Nandurbár
    handed to Khándesh (A.D. 1560); Defeat and death of Sayad Mubárak;
    Death of Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi; Daman district ceded to the Portuguese
    (A.D. 1550); Assassination of Ahmed II. (A.D. 1560); Muzaffar
    III. (A.D. 1561-1572), a minor; Ítimád Khán and the Fauládis;
    The Mírzás (A.D. 1571); Defeat of Ítimád Khán; Death of Changíz
    Khán; Ítimád Khán and the Emperor Akbar (A.D. 1572)         252-264

Mughal Viceroys (A.D. 1573-1758).

Emperor Akbar (A.D. 1573-1605):

    Capture of Broach and Surat and advance to Ahmedábád (A.D. 1573);
    Mirza Ázíz first Viceroy (A.D. 1573-1575); Insurrection
    quelled by Akbar (A.D. 1573); Mírza Khán second Viceroy
    (A.D. 1575-1577); Survey by Rája Todar Mal; Shaháb-ud-din third
    Viceroy (A.D. 1577-1583); Expedition against Junágadh; Ítimád
    Khán Gujaráti fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1583-1584); Ahmedábád captured
    by Muzaffar (A.D. 1583); Mírza Abdur Rahím Khán (Khán Khánán)
    fifth Viceroy (A.D. 1583-1587); Defeat of Muzaffar (A.D. 1584);
    Ismáíl Kuli Khán sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1587); Mírza Ázíz Kokaltásh
    seventh Viceroy (A.D. 1588-1592); Refuge sought by Muzaffar in
    Káthiáváda; Muzaffar attacked by the imperial army; Muzaffar's
    flight to Kachh and suicide (A.D. 1591-92); Sultán Murád Baksh
    eighth Viceroy (A.D. 1592-1600); Mirza Ázíz Kokaltásh ninth Viceroy
    (A.D. 1600-1606)                                            265-273

Jahángir Emperor (A.D. 1605-1627):

    Kalíj Khán tenth Viceroy (A.D. 1606); Sayad Murtaza eleventh
    Viceroy (A.D. 1606-1609); Mírza Ázíz Kokaltásh twelfth Viceroy
    (A.D. 1609-1611); Sack of Surat by Malik Âmbar (A.D. 1609);
    Abdulláh Khán Fírúz Jang thirteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1611-1616);
    Mukarrab Khán fourteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1616); Elephant-hunting in
    the Panch Maháls (A.D. 1616); Prince Sháh Jehán fifteenth Viceroy
    (A.D. 1618-1622); Rebellion of Sháh Jehán (A.D. 1622-23); Sháhi
    Bágh built at Ahmedábád; Sultán Dáwar Baksh sixteenth Viceroy
    (A.D. 1622-1624); Saif Khán seventeenth Viceroy (A.D. 1624-1627)
                                                                273-277

Sháh Jehán Emperor (A.D. 1627-1658):

    Sher Khán Túar eighteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1627-1632); Famine
    (A.D. 1631-1632); Islám Khán nineteenth Viceroy (A.D. 1632);
    Disorder (A.D. 1632); Bákar Khán twentieth Viceroy (A.D. 1632);
    Sipáhdár Khán twenty-first Viceroy (A.D. 1633); Saif Khán
    twenty-second Viceroy (A.D. 1633-1635); Ázam Khán twenty-third
    Viceroy (A.D. 1635-1642); The Kolis punished; The Káthis
    subdued; Revolt of the Jám of Navánagar (A.D. 1640); Ísa
    Tarkhán twenty-fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1642-1644); Prince Muhammad
    Aurangzíb twenty-fifth Viceroy (A.D. 1644-1646); Sháistah Khán
    twenty-sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1646-1648); Prince Muhammad Dárá
    Shikoh twenty-seventh Viceroy (A.D. 1648-1652); Sháistah Khán
    twenty-eighth Viceroy (A.D. 1652-1654); Prince Murád Bakhsh
    twenty-ninth Viceroy (A.D. 1654-1657); Murád Baksh proclaimed
    emperor (A.D. 1657) Kásam Khán thirtieth Viceroy (A.D. 1657-1659);
    Victory of Murád and Aurangzíb; Murád confined by Aurangzíb
    (A.D. 1658)                                                 277-282

Aurangzib Emperor (A.D. 1658-1707):

    Sháh Nawáz Khán Safávi thirty-first Viceroy (A.D. 1659); Rebellion
    of Prince Dárá (A.D. 1659); Prince Dárá defeated (A.D. 1659);
    Jasavantsingh thirty-second Viceroy (A.D. 1659-1662); Jasavantsingh
    sent against Shiváji (A.D. 1662); Mahábat Khán thirty-third Viceroy
    (A.D. 1662-1668); Capture of Navánagar-Islámnagar (A.D. 1664);
    Surat plundered by Shiváji (A.D. 1664); Copper coinage introduced
    (A.D. 1668); Khán Jehán thirty-fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1668-1671);
    Sidi Yákút the Mughal Admiral (A.D. 1670); Mahárája
    Jasavantsingh thirty-fifth Viceroy (A.D. 1671-1674); Muhammad
    Amín Khán Umdat-ul-Mulk thirty-sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1674-1683);
    Increased power of the Bábi family; Revolt of Ídar (A.D. 1679);
    Mukhtár Khán thirty-seventh Viceroy (A.D. 1683-1684); Famine
    (A.D. 1684); Shujáât Khán (Kártalab Khán) thirty-eighth Viceroy
    (A.D. 1684-1703); Mutiny quelled by Shujáât Khán (A.D. 1689);
    Revolt of Matiás and Momnás (A.D. 1691); Disturbances in
    Káthiáváda (A.D. 1692) and Márwár; Durgádás Ráthod reconciled to
    the Emperor (A.D. 1697); Scarcity (A.D. 1698); Prince Muhammad
    Aâzam thirty-ninth Viceroy (A.D. 1703-1705); Intrigue against and
    escape of Durgádás Ráthod; Surat (A.D. 1700-1703); Ibráhím Khán
    fortieth Viceroy (A.D. 1705); Maráthás enter Gujarát; Battle of
    Ratanpúr and defeat of the Musalmáns (A.D. 1705); Battle of the
    Bába Piárah Ford and second defeat of the Musalmáns (A.D. 1705);
    Koli disturbances; Prince Muhammad Bídár Bakht forty-first Viceroy
    (A.D. 1705-1706); Durgádás Ráthod again in rebellion; Ibráhím
    Khán forty-second Viceroy (A.D. 1706)                       283-295

Fifty Years of Disorder (A.D. 1707-1757):

    The Marátha advance to Ahmedábád and levy of tribute (A.D. 1707);
    Bahádur Sháh I. Emperor (A.D. 1707-1712); Gházi-ud-dín forty-third
    Viceroy (A.D. 1708-1710); Jahándár Sháh Emperor (A.D. 1712-13);
    Ásif-ud-daulah forty-fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1712-13); Farrukhsiyar
    Emperor (A.D. 1713-1719); Shahámat Khán forty-fifth Viceroy
    (A.D. 1713); Dáud Khán Panni forty-sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1714-15);
    Religious riots in Ahmedábád (A.D. 1714); Further riots in
    Ahmedábád (A.D. 1715); Mahárája Ajítsingh forty-seventh Viceroy
    (A.D. 1715-1716); Disagreement between the Viceroy and Haidar Kúli
    Khán (A.D. 1715); Khán Daurán Nasrat Jang Bahádur forty-eighth
    Viceroy (A.D. 1716-1719); Famine (A.D. 1719); Muhammad Sháh
    Emperor (A.D. 1721-1748); Mahárája Ajítsingh forty-ninth Viceroy
    (A.D. 1719-1721); Piláji Gáikwár at Songad (A.D. 1719); Decay
    of imperial power (A.D. 1720); Nizám-ul-Mulk Prime Minister
    of the Empire (A.D. 1721); Haidar Kúli Khán fiftieth Viceroy
    (A.D. 1721-1722); Disorder in Ahmedábád (A.D. 1721); His arrival
    in Gujarát (A.D. 1722); Signs of independence shown by him
    and his recall (A.D. 1722); Nizám-ul-Mulk fifty-first Viceroy
    (A.D. 1722); Hámid Khán Deputy Viceroy; Momín Khán Governor
    of Surat (A.D. 1722); Increase of Marátha power (A.D. 1723)
                                                                295-304

    Sarbuland Khán fifty-second Viceroy (A.D. 1723-1730); Shujaât
    Khán appointed Deputy; Nizám-ul-Mulk and Sarbuland Khán; Sarbuland
    Khán's Deputy defeated (A.D. 1724); the Maráthás engaged as Allies;
    Battle of Arás; Hámid Khán defeated by Rustam Áli (A.D. 1723);
    Hámid Khán joined by Maráthás against Rustam Áli; Mubáriz-ul-Mulk
    sent against the Maráthás (A.D. 1725); Retreat of Hámid Khán and
    the Maráthás; Ahmedábád entered by Mubáriz-ul-Mulk (A.D. 1725);
    Defeat of the Maráthás at Sojitra and Kapadvanj (A.D. 1725);
    Marátha expedition against Vadnagar (A.D. 1725); Tribute paid to
    the Maráthás (A.D. 1726); Alliance with the Peshwa (A.D. 1727);
    Baroda and Dabhoi obtained by Piláji Gáikwár (A.D. 1727); Capture
    of Chámpáner by the Maráthás (A.D. 1728); Grant of tribute to the
    Peshwa (A.D. 1729); Disturbance raised by Mulla Muhammad Áli at
    Surat (A.D. 1729); Petlád given in farm (A.D. 1729); Athva fort
    (A.D. 1730); The Viceroy in Káthiáváda and Kachh (A.D. 1730);
    Riots at Ahmedábád; Mahárája Abheysingh fifty-third Viceroy
    (A.D. 1730-1733); The new Viceroy resisted by Mubáriz-ul-Mulk;
    Battle of Adálaj; The Mahárája defeated by Mubáriz-ul-Mulk
    (A.D. 1730); Retreat of Mubáriz-ul-Mulk; Government of Abheysingh;
    Momín Khán, ruler of Cambay (A.D. 1730); The Peshwa and Viceroy
    against Piláji Gáikwár (A.D. 1731); The withdrawal of the Peshwa;
    His opponents defeated; Abdúlláh Beg appointed Nizám's Deputy
    at Broach; The death of Piláji Gáikwár procured by the Viceroy
    (A.D. 1732); Baroda taken; Famine (A.D. 1732); Affairs at Surat
    (A.D. 1732); Teghbeg Khán Governor of Surat                 305-313

    Ratansingh Bhandári Deputy Viceroy (A.D. 1733-1737); Return of
    the Maráthás; Contest for the government of Gogha; Disturbance
    at Víramgám (A.D. 1734); Baroda recovered by the Maráthás
    (A.D. 1734); Change of governor at Víramgám; Failure of Jawán
    Mard Khán in an attempt on Ídar; Rivalry of Ratansingh Bhandári
    and Sohráb Khán (A.D. 1735); Battle of Dholi; Defeat and death
    of Sohráb Khán (A.D. 1735); Rivalry between Ratansingh Bhandári
    and Momín Khán (A.D. 1735); Marátha affairs; Dámáji Gáikwár and
    Kántáji (A.D. 1735); Battle of Ánand-Mogri; Defeat of Kántáji;
    The Maráthás helping Bhávsingh to expel the Víramgám Kasbátis;
    The country plundered by the Gáikwár and Peshwa; Momín Khán
    fifty-fourth Viceroy (A.D. 1737); Siege of Ahmedábád; Mahárája
    Abheysingh fifty-fifth Viceroy (A.D. 1737); The siege of Ahmedábád
    continued by Momín Khán; Defence of the city by Ratansingh
    Bhandári; Ahmedábád captured by Momín Khán (A.D. 1738); Momín Khán
    fifty-sixth Viceroy (A.D. 1738-1743); Prosperity of Ahmedábád
    (A.D. 1738); Tribute collected by the Viceroy (A.D. 1738);
    Sher Khán Bábi Deputy Governor of Sorath (A.D. 1738); Tribute
    collected by the Deputy Viceroy (A.D. 1739); Capture of Bassein
    by the Maráthás (A.D. 1739); Tribute expedition (A.D. 1740);
    The Viceroy at Cambay (A.D. 1741); Víramgám surrendered and Pátdi
    received by Bhávsingh; Siege of Broach by the Maráthás (A.D. 1741);
    Battle of Dholka; Defeat of the Maráthás (A.D. 1741); Contests
    between the Musalmáns and Maráthás; Disturbance at Ahmedábád
    (A.D. 1742); Collection of tribute in Káthiáváda by the Viceroy;
    Death of Momín Khán (A.D. 1743)                             314-326

    Fidá-ud-dín acting as Viceroy (A.D. 1743); The Maráthás defeated
    by Muftakhir Khán; Dámáji Gáikwár's return to Gujarát; Abdúl Ázíz
    Khán of Junnar Viceroy (by a forged order); Mutiny of the troops;
    Petlád captured by the Maráthás; Muftakhir Khán fifty-seventh
    Viceroy (A.D. 1743-1744); Jawán Mard Khán appointed Deputy; The
    Maráthás in Ahmedábád; Battle of Kim Kathodra; Defeat and death
    of Abdúl Ázíz Khán (A.D. 1744); Fakhr-ud-daulah fifty-eighth
    Viceroy (A.D. 1744-1748); Jawán Mard Khán Bábi Deputy Viceroy;
    Khanderáv Gáikwár called to Sátára; Defeat and capture of the
    Viceroy by Jawán Mard Khán Bábi; Rangoji disgraced by Khanderáv
    Gáikwár; Rangoji and Jawán Mard Khán opposed by Punáji Vithal
    and Fakhr-ud-daulah; Siege of Kapadvanj by Fakhr-ud-daulah
    (A.D. 1746); The siege raised at the approach of Holkar; Momín
    Khán II. governor of Cambay (A.D. 1748); Increased strength of
    Fakhr-ud-daulah's party; Dissensions among the Maráthás; Surat
    affairs (A.D. 1748); Escape of Mulla Fakhr-ud-din to Bombay;
    Cession of Surat revenue to the Gáikwár (A.D. 1747); Famine
    (A.D. 1747); Marátha dissensions; Fall of Borsad            326-332

    Mahárája Vakhatsingh fifty-ninth Viceroy (A.D. 1748); Ahmed Sháh
    Emperor (A.D. 1748-1754); Spread of disorder; Surat affairs
    (A.D. 1750); Sayad Achchan unpopular; Safdar Muhammad brought
    back by the Dutch; Retreat of Sayad Achchan; Jawán Mard Khán
    and the Peshwa (A.D. 1750); The Peshwa and Gáikwár (A.D. 1751);
    Broach independent (A.D. 1752); Pándurang Pandit repulsed at
    Ahmedábád (A.D. 1752); Marátha invasion; Return of Jawán Mard
    Khán; Gallant defence of Ahmedábád; Surrender of Jawán Mard
    Khán; Ahmedábád taken by the Maráthás (A.D. 1753); Collection of
    tribute; Mughal coinage discontinued; Failure of an attempt on
    Cambay (A.D. 1753); The Kolis; Cambay attacked by the Maráthás
    (A.D. 1754); Alamgír II. (A.D. 1754-1759); Contest with Momín
    Khán renewed (A.D. 1754); Gogha taken by Momín Khán (A.D. 1755);
    Ahmedábád recovered by Momín Khán (17th October 1756); Jawán
    Mard Khán allying himself with the Maráthás; Ahmedábád invested
    by the Maráthás (A.D. 1756); Momín Khán helped by Ráo of Ídar
    (A.D. 1757); Successful sally under Shambhurám; Negotiations
    for peace; Marátha arrangements in Ahmedábád; New coins; Momín
    Khán at Cambay; Expedition from Kachh against Sindh (A.D. 1758);
    Tribute levied by the Maráthás; Surat affairs (A.D. 1758); The
    command of Surat taken by the English (A.D. 1759); Momín Khán's
    visit to Poona (A.D. 1759); Sadáshiv Rámchandra Peshwa's Viceroy
    (A.D. 1760); The Maráthás in Káthiáváda (A.D. 1759); Ápa Ganesh
    Viceroy (A.D. 1761); Battle of Pánipat (A.D. 1761)          332-345

Appendix I.--Death of Sultán Bahádur (A.D. 1526-1536)           347-351

Appendix II.--The Hill Fort of Mándu; Description; History; The Málwa
Sultáns (A.D. 1400-1570); The Mughals (A.D. 1570-1720); The Maráthás
(A.D. 1720-1820); Notices (A.D. 1820-1895)                      352-384.


MARÁTHA PERIOD (A.D. 1760-1819).

    History; Siváji's first inroad (A.D. 1664); Siváji's second
    attack (A.D. 1670); Sáler taken (A.D. 1672); The Narbada crossed
    (A.D. 1675); Raids by Dábháde (A.D. 1699-1713); Dábháde
    (A.D. 1716); Dábháde Senápati; the Peshwa's negotiations
    (A.D. 1717); Dámáji Gáikwár (A.D. 1720); Marátha tribute
    (A.D. 1723); Kántáji Kadam; Marátha dissensions (A.D. 1725);
    The Peshwa (A.D. 1726); Cession of tribute (A.D. 1728); Coalition
    against the Peshwa (A.D. 1730); Defeat of the allies (A.D. 1731);
    Assassination of Piláji Gáikwár (A.D. 1732); Baroda secured by
    the Gáikwár (A.D. 1734); The Marátha Deputy Governor (A.D. 1736);
    Ahmedábád riots (A.D. 1738-1741); Siege of Broach (A.D. 1741);
    Rangoji prisoner at Borsad (A.D. 1742); Quarrels regarding the
    Viceroyalty between Dámáji and Rághoji Bhonsle (A.D. 1743-44);
    Rangoji confined in Borsad (A.D. 1745); the Gáikwár in Surat
    (A.D. 1747)                                                 385-395

    Haribá attacked by Rangoji; Death of Umábái (A.D. 1748); Dámáji
    deputy in Gujarát; Dámáji against Peshwa; Dámáji Gáikwár arrested
    (A.D. 1751); The Peshwa and Surat; Release of Dámáji (A.D. 1752);
    Capture of Ahmedábád (A.D. 1753); Raghunáthráv at Cambay; The
    Peshwa's deputy at Ahmedábád; Ahmedábád captured by the Nawáb of
    Cambay; Dámáji and Khanderáv Gáikwár at Ahmedábád; Surrender of
    the Nawáb; Sayájiráv in Ahmedábád; Peshwa's agent Sadáshiv at
    Surat; The Marátha demand of tribute from the Nawáb of Cambay;
    The Nawáb at Poona; Lunáváda plundered by Khanderáv; Expedition
    against Bálásinor; The estates of Jawán Mard Khán retaken
    by Dámáji; The Peshwa and the English (A.D. 1761); One of the
    Jádhav family Senápati; Ghorpade family again Senápati; Intrigues
    of Rághoba (A.D. 1768); Death of Dámáji Gáikwár (A.D. 1768);
    Disputed succession; Rághobá Peshwa (A.D. 1774); Rághoba in
    Gujarát (A.D. 1775); Rághobá defeated; His arrival at Surat;
    Treaty of Surat (A.D. 1775); Colonel Keating in Gujarát; Rághoba
    accompanied by Colonel Keating; Rághoba in Cambay (A.D. 1775);
    Govindráv Gáikwár's army; Advance of the combined forces; Defeat
    of Fatesingh (A.D. 1775); Retreat of the ministerial general;
    Colonel Keating at Dabhoi (A.D. 1775); Rághoba and the Gáikwárs;
    Withdrawal of the British contingent; Negotiations at Poona;
    Rághoba at Surat (A.D. 1776); Negotiations at Poona (A.D. 1777);
    Fresh alliance with Rághoba (A.D. 1778)                     396-407

    The convention of Bhadgaon (A.D. 1779); Negotiation with the
    Gáikwár; Escape of Rághoba from Sindia (A.D. 1779); League against
    the English (A.D. 1780); Treaty with Fatesingh Gáikwár; Ahmedábád
    taken by General Goddard (A.D. 1780); Operations against Sindia
    and Holkar; Treaty of Sálbái (A.D. 1782); Death of Fatesingh
    (A.D. 1789); Govindráv detained at Poona (A.D. 1793); Office of
    Regent at Baroda taken by Govindráv; Ába Shelukar Deputy Governor
    of Gujarát (A.D. 1796); Disputes between Ába and Govindráv Gáikwár;
    Gujarát farmed to the Gáikwár (A.D. 1799); Ánandráv Gáikwár
    (A.D. 1800); British aid to Govindráv's party; The British and
    the Gáikwár (A.D. 1800); The Gáikwár's minister Rávji; Treaty
    of Bassein (31st December 1802); Arabs disbanded; Malhárráv in
    revolt (A.D. 1803); Contingent strengthened (A.D. 1803); Death of
    Rávji (A.D. 1803); War with Sindia; The revenue collecting force;
    Renewal of (Gujarát) farm (A.D. 1804); The British and the Gáikwár
    (A.D. 1805); Káthiáváda tribute; State of Káthiáváda (A.D. 1807);
    The revenue raid system                                     407-418

    The Maráthás in Sorath; Securities; Bháts and Chárans (A.D. 1807);
    British intervention; Financial and political settlements
    (A.D. 1807); Peshwa's share in Káthiáváda; Later arrangements;
    The Mahi Kántha; Supplementary treaty (A.D. 1808); Okhámandal
    (A.D. 1809); Disturbances in Káthiáváda (A.D. 1811); The
    Gáikwár's payment of the pecuniary loan to the British Government
    (A.D. 1812); Discussions with Poona government about the old
    claims on the Gáikwár's estate (A.D. 1813-14); Peshwa intrigue
    in Baroda (A.D. 1814); Okhámandal ceded to the Gáikwár; British
    aid at Junágadh; Treaty of Poona (A.D. 1817); Treaty with the
    Gáikwár (A.D. 1817-18); Close of Marátha supremacy (A.D. 1819);
    General Review      418-432


GUJARÁT DISTURBANCES (A.D. 1857-1859).

    The Red Salt Scare (A.D. 1857); The passing of the Pariah dog;
    Gold hoarding; Seditious native press; Maulvi Saráj-ud-din;
    Apparent weakness of British rule; Administrative defects; The
    Courts disliked; The Inám Commission; The army disloyal; Báiza Bái
    of Gwálior; Pársi riot in Broach (June 1857); Mutiny at Mhow (July
    1857); Mutiny at Ahmedábád (July 1857); Mr. Ashburner's force;
    General Roberts; Rising at Amjera and in the Panch Maháls (July
    1857); Mutinies at Abu and Erinpur (A.D. 1857); Disturbance at
    Ahmedábád (14th September 1857); Rádhanpur disloyal; Arab outbreak
    at Sunth; Disturbance in Lunáváda; Conspiracy at Dísa; Conspiracy
    at Baroda; Want of combination; Marátha conspiracy; Gathering at
    Partábpur and at Lodra; Partial disarming; Náikda revolt (October
    1858); Tátia Topi (A.D. 1858); Tátia Topi's defeat at Chhota Udepur
    (December 1858); Náikda disturbance (A.D. 1858); Wágher outbreak
    (A.D. 1859); Expedition against Bet (A.D. 1859); Bet Fort taken;
    Dwárka fort taken; Rising in Nagar Párkar                   433-448


APPENDICES.

    Bhinmál or Shrimál--Description, People, Objects of Interest,
    History, Inscriptions                                       449-488

    Java and Cambodia                                           489-504

    Arab References                                             505-531

    Greek References                                            532-547

    Index                                                       549-594



PART I.

EARLY HISTORY OF GUJARÁT.


CHAPTER I.

BOUNDARIES AND NAME.


The portion of the Bombay Presidency known as Gujarát fills the
north-east corner of the coast of Western India.

On the west is the Arabian Sea; on the north-west is the Gulf of
Cutch. To the north lie the Little Ran and the Mevád desert; to the
north-east Ábu and other outliers of the Árávali range. The east is
guarded and limited by rough forest land rugged in the north with side
spurs of the Vindhyas, more open towards the central natural highway
from Baroda to Ratlám, and southwards again rising and roughening
into the northern offshoots from the main range of the Sátpudás. The
southern limit is uncertain. History somewhat doubtfully places it at
the Tápti. Language carries Gujarát about a hundred miles further to
Balsár and Párdi where wild forest-covered hills from the north end
of the Sahyádri range stretch west almost to the sea.

The province includes two parts, Mainland Gujarát or Gurjjara-ráshtra
and Peninsular Gujarát, the Sauráshtra of ancient, the Káthiáváda of
modern history. To a total area of about 72,000 square miles Mainland
Gujarát with a length from north to south of about 280 miles and a
breadth from east to west varying from fifty to 150 miles contributes
45,000 square miles; and Peninsular Gujarát with a greatest length
from north to south of 155 miles and from east to west of 200 miles
contributes about 27,000 square miles. To a population of about
9,250,000 Mainland Gujarát contributes 6,900,000 and the Peninsula
about 2,350,000.

The richness of Mainland Gujarát the gift of the Sábarmati Mahi Narbada
and Tápti and the goodliness of much of Sauráshtra the Goodly Land
have from before the beginning of history continued to draw strangers
to Gujarát both as conquerors and as refugees.

By sea probably came some of the half-mythic Yádavas (B.C. 1500-500);
contingents of Yavanas (B.C. 300-A.D. 100) including Greeks Baktrians
Parthians and Skythians; the pursued Pársis and the pursuing Arabs
(A.D. 600-800); hordes of Sanganian pirates (A.D. 900-1200); Pársi and
Naváyat Musalmán refugees from Khulagu Khán's devastation of Persia
(A.D. 1250-1300); Portuguese and rival Turks (A.D. 1500-1600); Arab and
Persian Gulf pirates (A.D. 1600-1700); African Arab Persian and Makran
soldiers of fortune (A.D. 1500-1800); Armenian Dutch and French traders
(A.D. 1600-1750); and the British (A.D. 1750-1812). By land from
the north have come the Skythians and Huns (B.C. 200-A.D. 500), the
Gurjjaras (A.D. 400-600), the early Jádejás and Káthis (A.D. 750-900),
wave on wave of Afghan Turk Moghal and other northern Musalmáns
(A.D. 1000-1500), and the later Jádejás and Káthis (A.D. 1300-1500):
From the north-east the prehistoric Aryans till almost modern times
(A.D. 1100-1200) continued to send settlements of Northern Bráhmans;
and since the thirteenth century have come Turk Afghan and Moghal
Musalmáns: From the east have come the Mauryans (B.C. 300), the
half-Skythian Kshatrapas (B.C. 100-A.D. 300), the Guptas (A.D. 380),
the Gurjjars (A.D. 400-600), the Moghals (A.D. 1530), and the
Maráthás (A.D. 1750): And from the south the Sátakarnis (A.D. 100),
the Chálukyas and Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 650-950), occasional Musalmán
raiders (A.D. 1400-1600), the Portuguese (A.D. 1500), the Maráthás
(A.D. 1660-1760), and the British (A.D. 1780-1820).

[Gujars.] The name Gujarát is from the Prákrit Gujjara-ratta, the
Sanskrit of which is Gurjjara-ráshtra that is the country of the
Gujjaras or Gurjjaras. In Sanskrit books and inscriptions the name
of the province is written Gurjjara-mandala and Gurjjara-desa the
land of the Gurjjaras or Gúrjjaras. The Gurjjaras are a foreign
tribe who passing into India from the north-west gradually spread
as far south as Khándesh and Bombay Gujarát. The present Gujars of
the Panjáb and North-West Provinces preserve more of their foreign
traits than the Gujar settlers further to the south and east. Though
better-looking, the Panjáb Gujars in language dress and calling so
closely resemble their associates the Játs or Jats as to suggest
that the two tribes entered India about the same time. Their present
distribution shows that the Gujars spread further east and south
than the Játs. The earliest Gujar settlements seem to have been
in the Panjáb and North-West Provinces from the Indus to Mathurá
where they still differ greatly in dress and language from most
other inhabitants. From Mathurá the Gujars seem to have passed to
East Rájputána and from there by way of Kotah and Mandasor to Málwa,
where, though their original character is considerably altered, the
Gujars of Málwa still remember that their ancestors came from the Doab
between the Ganges and the Jamna. In Málwa they spread as far east
as Bhilsa and Saháranpur. From Málwa they passed south to Khándesh
and west probably by the Ratlam-Dohad route to the province of Gujarát.

Like the modern Ahirs of Káthiáváda the Gujars seem to have been a
tribe of cattle-rearers husbandmen and soldiers who accompanied some
conqueror and subsequently were pushed or spread forwards as occasion
arose or necessity compelled. In the absence of better authority the
order and locality of their settlements suggest that their introduction
into India took place during the rule of the Skythian or Kushán emperor
Kanerkes or Kanishka (A.D. 78-106) in whose time they seem to have
settled as far east as Mathurá to which the territory of Kanishka
is known to have extended. Subsequently along with the Guptas, who
rose to power about two hundred years later (A.D. 300), the Gujars
settled in East Rájputána, Málwa, and Gujarát, provinces all of which
were apparently subjugated by the Guptas. It seems probable that in
reward for their share in the Gupta conquests the leading Gujars
were allotted fiefs and territories which in the declining power
of their Gupta overlords they afterwards (A.D. 450-550) turned into
independent kingdoms.

The earliest definite reference to a kingdom of North Indian Gujars is
about A.D. 890 when the Kashmir king Sankaravarman sent an expedition
against the Gurjjara king Alakhána and defeated him. As the price of
peace Alakhána offered the country called Takkadesa. This Takkadesa
[2] appears to be the same as the Tsehkia of Hiuen Tsiang [3]
(A.D. 630-640) who puts it between the Biyás on the east and the
Indus on the west thus including nearly the whole Panjáb. The tract
surrendered by Alakhána was probably the small territory to the east of
the Chináb as the main possessions of Alakhána must have lain further
west between the Chináb and the Jehlam, where lie the town of Gujarát
and the country still called Gujar-desa the land of the Gujars. [4]

[Northern Gurjjara Kingdom.] As early as the sixth and seventh
centuries records prove the existence of two independent Gurjjara
kingdoms in Bombay Gujarát one in the north the other in the south of
the province. The Northern kingdom is mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang[Hiuen
Tsiang's Kiu-che-lo, A.D. 620.] in the seventh century under the name
Kiu-che-lo. He writes: 'Going north from the country of Valabhi 1800
li (300 miles) we come to the kingdom of Kiu-che-lo. This country is
about 5000 li in circuit, the capital, which is called Pi-lo-mo-lo,
is 30 li or so round. The produce of the soil and the manners of the
people resemble those of Sauráshtra. The king is of the Kshatriya
caste. He is just twenty years old.' [5] Hiuen Tsiang's Kiu-che-lo
is apparently Gurjjara, the capital of which Pi-lo-mo-lo is probably
Bhilmál or Bhinmál better known as Srimál. [6] Though Hiuen Tsiang
calls the king a Kshatriya he was probably a Gujar who like the later
Southern Gujars claimed to be of the Kshatriya race.



[Southern Gurjjara Kingdom, A.D. 589-735.] The Southern Gurjjara
kingdom in Gujarát, whose capital was at Nándipuri, perhaps the modern
Nándod the capital of the Rájpipla State, flourished from A.D. 589 to
A.D. 735. [7] The earlier inscriptions describe the Southern Gurjjaras
as of the Gurjjara Vansa. Later they ceased to call themselves
Gurjjaras and traced their genealogy to the Puránic king Karna.

From the fourth to the eighth century the extensive tract of Central
Gujarát between the North and South Gurjjara kingdoms was ruled by
the Valabhis. The following reasons seem to show that the Valabhi
dynasty were originally Gujars. Though it is usual for inscriptions
to give this information none of the many Valabhi copper-plates
makes any reference to the Valabhi lineage. Nor does any inscription
state to what family Senápati Bhatárka the founder of the dynasty
belonged. Hiuen Tsiang describes the Valabhi king as a Kshatriya
and as marrying with the kings of Málwa and Kanauj. The Valabhi
king described by Hiuen Tsiang is a late member of the dynasty
who ruled when the kingdom had been greatly extended and when the
old obscure tribal descent may have been forgotten and a Kshatriya
lineage invented instead. Intermarriage with Málwa and Kanauj can be
easily explained. Rájputs have never been slow to connect themselves
by marriage with powerful rulers.

The establishment of these three Gujar kingdoms implies that the
Gurjjara tribe from Northern and Central India settled in large
numbers in Gujarát. Several Gujar castes survive in Gujarát. Among
them are Gujar Vániás or traders, Gujar Sutárs or carpenters, Gujar
Sonis or goldsmiths, Gujar Kumbhárs or potters, and Gujar Saláts or
masons. All of these are Gujars who taking to different callings
have formed separate castes. The main Gujar underlayer are the
Lewás and Kadwás the two leading divisions of the important class
of Gujarát Kanbis. The word Kanbi is from the Sanskrit Kutumbin,
that is one possessing a family or a house. From ancient times the
title Kutumbin has been prefixed to the names of cultivators. [8] This
practice still obtains in parts of the North-West Provinces where the
peasant proprietors are addressed as Grihasthas or householders. As
cattle-breeding not cultivation was the original as it still is the
characteristic calling of many North Indian Gujars, those of the tribe
who settled to cultivation came to be specially known as Kutumbin
or householders. Similarly Deccan surnames show that many tribes of
wandering cattle-owners settled as householders and are now known as
Kunbis. [9] During the last twenty years the settlement as Kunbis in
Khándesh of tribes of wandering Wanjára herdsmen and grain-carriers
is an example of the change through which the Gujarát Kanbis and the
Deccan Kunbis passed in early historic times.

[Gujars.] Besides resembling them in appearance and in their skill
both as husbandmen and as cattle-breeders the division of Gujarát
Kanbis into Lewa and Kadwa seems to correspond with the division
of Málwa Gujars into Dáha and Karád, with the Lewa origin of the
East Khándesh Gujars, and with the Lawi tribe of Panjáb Gujars. The
fact that the head-quarters of the Lewa Kanbis of Gujarát is in the
central section of the province known as the Charotar and formerly
under Valabhi supports the view that the founder of Valabhi power was
the chief leader of the Gujar tribe. That nearly a fourth of the whole
Hindu population of Gujarát are Lewa and Kadwa Kanbis and that during
the sixth seventh and eighth centuries three Gujar chiefs divided
among them the sway of the entire province explain how the province
of Gujarát came to take its name from the tribe of Gujars. [10]



CHAPTER II.

ANCIENT DIVISIONS.


[Ánartta.] From ancient times the present province of Gujarát consisted
of three divisions Ánartta, Suráshtra, and Láta. Ánartta seems to
have been Northern Gujarát, as its capital was Ánandapura the modern
Vadanagara or Chief City, which is also called Ánarttapura. [11]
Both these names were in use even in the times of the Valabhi kings
(A.D. 500-770). [12] According to the popular story, in each of
the four cycles or yugas Ánandapura or Vadanagara had a different
name, Chamatkárapura in the first or Satya-yuga, Ánarttapura in the
second or Tretá-yuga, Ánandapura in the third or Dvápara-yuga, and
Vriddha-nagara or Vadanagar in the fourth or Káli-yuga. The first
name is fabulous. The city does not seem to have ever been known by
so strange a title. Of the two Ánarttapura and Ánandapura the former
is the older name, while the latter may be its proper name or perhaps
an adaptation of the older name to give the meaning City of Joy. The
fourth Vriddha-nagara meaning the old city is a Sanskritized form
of the still current Vadnagar, the Old or Great City. In the Girnár
inscription of Kshatrapa Rudradáman (A.D. 150) the mention of Ánartta
and Suráshtra as separate provinces subject to the Pahlava viceroy
of Junágadh agrees with the view that Ánartta was part of Gujarát
close to Káthiáváda. In some Puránas Ánartta appears as the name of
the whole province including Suráshtra, with its capital at the well
known shrine of Dwáriká. In other passages Dwáriká and Prabhás are
both mentioned as in Suráshtra which would seem to show that Suráshtra
was then part of Ánartta as Káthiáváda is now part of Gujarát.

[Suráshtra.] Suráshtra the land of the Sus, afterwards Sanskritized
into Sauráshtra the Goodly Land, preserves its name in Sorath the
southern part of Káthiáváda. The name appears as Suráshtra in the
Mahábhárata and Pánini's Ganapátha, in Rudradáman's (A.D. 150)
and Skandagupta's (A.D. 456) Girnár inscriptions, and in several
Valabhi copper-plates. Its Prákrit form appears as Suratha in the Násik
inscription of Gotamiputra (A.D. 150) and in later Prákrit as Suraththa
in the Tirthakalpa of Jinaprabhásuri of the thirteenth or fourteenth
century. [13] Its earliest foreign mention is perhaps Strabo's
(B.C. 50-A.D. 20) Saraostus and Pliny's (A.D. 70) Oratura. [14]
Ptolemy the great Egyptian geographer (A.D. 150) and the Greek author
of the Periplus (A.D. 240) both call it Surastrene. [15] The Chinese
pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang (A.D. 600-640) mentions Valabhi then large and
famous and Suráshtra as separate kingdoms. [16]

[Láta.] Láta is South Gujarát from the Mahi to the Tápti. The name
Láta does not appear to be Sanskrit. It has not been found in the
Mahábhárata or other old Sanskrit works, or in the cave or other
inscriptions before the third century A.D., probably because the
Puránas include in Aparánta the whole western seaboard south of
the Narbada as far as Goa. Still the name Láta is old. Ptolemy
(A.D. 150) uses the form Larike [17] apparently from the Sanskrit
Látaka. Vátsyáyana in his Káma-Sutra of the third century A.D. calls
it Láta; describes it as situated to the west of Málwa; and gives an
account of several of the customs of its people. [18] In Sanskrit
writings and inscriptions later than the third century the name
is frequently found. In the sixth century the great astronomer
Varáhamihira mentions the country of Láta, and the name also appears
as Láta in an Ajanta and in a Mandasor inscription of the fifth
century. [19] It is common in the later inscriptions (A.D. 700-1200)
of the Chálukya Gurjara and Ráshtrakúta kings [20] as well as in the
writings of Arab travellers and historians between the eighth and
twelfth centuries. [21]

The name Láta appears to be derived from some local tribe, perhaps the
Lattas, who, as r and l are commonly used for each other, may possibly
be the well known Ráshtrakútas since their great king Amoghavarsha
(A.D. 851-879) calls the name of the dynasty Ratta. Lattalura
the original city of the Rattas of Saundatti and Belgaum may have
been in Láta and may have given its name to the country and to the
dynasty. [22] In this connection it is interesting to note that the
country between Broach and Dhár in Málwa in which are the towns of
Bágh and Tánda is still called Rátha.



CHAPTER III.

LEGENDS.


[Ánartta the First Puránic King of Gujarát.] The oldest Puránic
legend regarding Gujarát appears to be that of the holy king Ánartta
son of Saryáti and grandson of Manu. Ánartta had a son named Revata,
who from his capital at Kusasthali or Dwáriká governed the country
called Ánartta. Revata had a hundred sons of whom the eldest was
named Raivata or Kakudmi. Raivata had a daughter named Revati
who was married to Baladeva of Kusasthali or Dwáriká, the elder
brother of Krishna. Regarding Revati's marriage with Baladeva the
Puránic legends tell that Raivata went with his daughter to Brahmá
in Brahma-loka to take his advice to whom he should give the girl
in marriage. When Raivata arrived Brahmá was listening to music. As
soon as the music was over Raivata asked Brahmá to find the girl a
proper bridegroom. Brahmá told Raivata that during the time he had
been waiting his kingdom had passed away, and that he had better
marry his daughter to Baladeva, born of Vishnu, who was now ruler of
Dwáriká. [23] This story suggests that Raivata son of Ánartta lost his
kingdom and fled perhaps by sea. That after some time during which the
Yádavas established themselves in the country, Raivata, called a son
of Revata but probably a descendant as his proper name is Kakudmi,
returned to his old territory and gave his daughter in marriage to
one of the reigning Yádava dynasty, the Yádavas taking the girl as
representing the dynasty that had preceded them. The story about
Brahmá and the passing of ages seems invented to explain the long
period that elapsed between the flight and the return.

[The Yádavas in Dwáriká.] The next Puránic legends relate to the
establishment of the Yádava kingdom at Dwáriká. The founder and
namegiver of the Yádava dynasty was Yadu of whose family the Puránas
give very detailed information. The family seems to have split into
several branches each taking its name from some prominent member,
the chief of them being Vrishni, Kukkura, Bhoja, Sátvata, Andhaka,
Madhu, Surasena, and Dasárha. Sátvata was thirty-seventh from Yadu and
in his branch were born Devaki and Vasudeva, the parents of the great
Yádava hero and god Krishna. It was in Krishna's time that the Yádavas
had to leave their capital Mathurá and come to Dwáriká. This was the
result of a joint invasion of Mathurá on one side by a legendary Deccan
hero Kálayavana and on the other by Jarásandha the powerful king of
Magadha or Behár, who, to avenge the death of his brother-in-law [24]
Kansa killed by Krishna in fulfilment of a prophecy, is said to have
invaded the Yádava territory eighteen times.

According to the story Kálayavana followed the fugitive Krishna and his
companions as far as Suráshtra where in a mountain cave he was burnt by
fire from the eye of the sleeping sage Muchakunda whom he had roused
believing him to be his enemy Krishna. According to the Harivansa the
fugitive Yádavas quitting Mathurá went to the Sindhu country and there
established the city of Dwáriká on a convenient site on the sea shore
making it their residence. [25] Local tradition says that the Yádavas
conquered this part of the country by defeating the demons who held it.

The leading Yádava chief in Dwáriká was Ugrasena, and Ugrasena's three
chief supporters were the families of Yadu, Bhoja, and Andhaka. As
the entire peninsula of Káthiáváda was subject to them the Yádavas
used often to make pleasure excursions and pilgrimages to Prabhás
and Girnár. Krishna and Baladeva though not yet rulers held high
positions and took part in almost all important matters. They were in
specially close alliance with their paternal aunt's sons the Pándava
brothers, kings of Hastinápura or Delhi. Of the two sets of cousins
Krishna and Arjuna were on terms of the closest intimacy. Of one of
Arjuna's visits to Káthiáváda the Mahábhárata gives the following
details: 'Arjuna after having visited other holy places arrived in
Aparánta (the western seaboard) whence he went to Prabhás. Hearing
of his arrival Krishna marched to Prabhás and gave Arjuna a hearty
welcome. From Prabhás they came together to the Raivataka hill which
Krishna had decorated and where he entertained his guest with music
and dancing. From Girnár they went to Dwáriká driving in a golden
car. The city was adorned in honour of Arjuna; the streets were
thronged with multitudes; and the members of the Vrishni, Bhoja,
and Andhaka families met to honour Krishna's guest.' [26]

Some time after, against his elder brother Baladeva's desire, Krishna
helped Arjuna to carry off Krishna's sister Subhadrá, with whom Arjuna
had fallen in love at a fair in Girnár of which the Mahábhárata gives
the following description: 'A gathering of the Yádavas chiefly the
Vrishnis and Andhakas took place near Raivataka. The hill and the
country round were rich with fine rows of fruit trees and large
mansions. There was much dancing singing and music. The princes
of the Vrishni family were in handsome carriages glistening with
gold. Hundreds and thousands of the people of Junágadh with their
families attended on foot and in vehicles of various kinds. Baladeva
with his wife Revati moved about attended by many Gandharvas. Ugrasena
was there with his thousand queens and musicians. Sámba and Pradyumna
attended in holiday attire and looked like gods. Many Yádavas and
others were also present with their wives and musicians.'

Some time after this gathering Subhadrá came to Girnár to worship and
Arjuna carried her off. Eventually Vasudeva and Baladeva consented and
the runaways were married with due ceremony. The large fair still held
in Mágh (February-March) in the west Girnár valley near the modern
temple of Bhavanáth is perhaps a relic of this great Yádava fair.

The Yádava occupation of Dwáriká was not free from trouble. When
Krishna was at Hastinápura on the occasion of the Rájasúya sacrifice
performed by Yudhishthira, Sálva king of Mrittikávatí in the country
of Saubha led an army against Dwáriká. He slew many of the Dwáriká
garrison, plundered the city and withdrew unmolested. On his return
Krishna learning of Sálva's invasion led an army against Sálva. The
chiefs met near the sea shore and in a pitched battle Sálva was
defeated and killed. [27] Family feuds brought Yádava supremacy in
Dwáriká to a disastrous end. The final family struggle is said to have
happened in the thirty-sixth year after the war of the Mahábhárata,
somewhere on the south coast of Káthiáváda near Prabhás or Somnáth
Pátan the great place of Bráhmanical pilgrimage. On the occasion
of an eclipse, in obedience to a proclamation issued by Krishna,
the Yádavas and their families went from Dwáriká to Prabhás in state
well furnished with dainties, animal food, and strong drink. One day
on the sea shore the leading Yádava chiefs heated with wine began to
dispute. They passed from words to blows. Krishna armed with an iron
rod [28] struck every one he met, not even sparing his own sons. Many
of the chiefs were killed. Baladeva fled to die in the forests and
Krishna was slain by a hunter who mistook him for a deer. When he
saw trouble was brewing Krishna had sent for Arjuna. Arjuna arrived
to find Dwáriká desolate. Soon after Arjuna's arrival Vasudeva died
and Arjuna performed the funeral ceremonies of Vasudeva Baladeva and
Krishna whose bodies he succeeded in recovering. When the funeral
rites were completed Arjuna started for Indraprastha in Upper India
with the few that were left of the Yádava families, chiefly women. On
the way in his passage through the Panchanada [29] or Panjáb a body
of Ábhíras attacked Arjuna with sticks and took several of Krishna's
wives and the widows of the Andhaka Yádava chiefs. After Arjuna left
it the deserted Dwáriká was swallowed by the sea. [30]



CHAPTER IV.

MAURYAN AND GREEK RULE

(B.C. 319-100.)


After the destruction of the Yádavas a long blank occurs in the
traditional history of Gujarát. It is probable that from its seaboard
position, for trade and other purposes, many foreigners settled in
Káthiáváda and South Gujarát; and that it is because of the foreign
element that the Hindu Dharmasástras consider Gujarát a Mlechchha
country and forbid visits to it except on pilgrimage. [31] The fact
also that Asoka (B.C. 230) the great Mauryan king and propagator of
Buddhism chose, among the Buddhist Theras sent to various parts of his
kingdom, a Yavana Thera named Dhamma-rakhito as evangelist for the
western seaboard, [32] possibly indicates a preponderating foreign
element in these parts. It is further possible that these foreign
settlers may have been rulers. In spite of these possibilities we
have no traditions between the fall of the Yádavas and the rise of
the Mauryas in B.C. 319.

Gujarát history dates from the rule of the Mauryan dynasty, the only
early Indian dynasty the record of whose rule has been preserved
in the writings of the Bráhmans, the Buddhists, and the Jains. This
fulness of reference to the Mauryas admits of easy explanation. The
Mauryas were a very powerful dynasty whose territory extended over
the greater part of India. Again under Mauryan rule Buddhism was so
actively propagated that the rulers made it their state religion,
waging bloody wars, even revolutionizing many parts of the empire to
secure its spread. Further the Mauryas were beneficent rulers and
had also honourable alliances with foreign, especially with Greek
and Egyptian, kings. These causes combined to make the Mauryans a
most powerful and well remembered dynasty.

Inscriptions give reason to believe that the supremacy of Chandragupta,
the founder of the Mauryan dynasty (B.C. 319), extended over
Gujarát. According to Rudradáman's inscription (A.D. 150) on the
great edict rock at Girnár in Káthiáváda, a lake called Sudarsana
[33] near the edict rock was originally made by Pushyagupta of the
Vaisya caste, who is described as a brother-in-law of the Mauryan
king Chandragupta. [34] The language of this inscription leaves no
doubt that Chandragupta's sway extended over Girnár as Pushyagupta
is simply called a Vaisya and a brother-in-law of king Chandragupta
and has no royal attribute, particulars which tend to show that he
was a local governor subordinate to king Chandragupta. The same
inscription [35] states that in the time of Asoka (B.C. 250) his
officer Yavanarája Tusháspa adorned the same Sudarsana lake with
conduits. This would seem to prove the continuance of Mauryan rule
in Girnár for three generations from Chandragupta to Asoka. Tusháspa
is called Yavanarája. The use of the term rája would seem to show
that, unlike Chandragupta's Vaisya governor Pushyagupta, Tusháspa
was a dignitary of high rank and noble family. That he is called
Yavanarája does not prove Tusháspa was a Greek, though for Greeks
alone Yavana is the proper term. The name Tusháspa rather suggests
a Persian origin from its close likeness in formation to Kersháshp,
a name still current among Bombay Pársis. Evidence from other sources
proves that Asoka held complete sway over Málwa, Gujarát, and the
Konkan coast. All the rock edicts of Asoka hitherto traced have
been found on the confines of his great empire. On the north-west
at Kapurdigiri and at Shabazgarhi in the Baktro-Páli character; in
the north-north-west at Kálsi, in the east at Dhauli and Jangada;
in the west at Girnár and Sopára, and in the south in Maisur all in
Maurya characters. The Girnár and Sopára edicts leave no doubt that
the Gujarát, Káthiáváda, and North Konkan seaboard was in Asoka's
possession. The fact that an inland ruler holds the coast implies
his supremacy over the intervening country. Further it is known that
Asoka was viceroy of Málwa in the time of his father and that after
his father's death he was sovereign of Málwa. The easy route from
Mandasor (better known as Dasapur) to Dohad has always secured a close
connection between Málwa and Gujarát. South Gujarát lies at the mercy
of any invader entering by Dohad and the conquest of Káthiáváda on one
side and of Upper Gujarát on the other might follow in detail. As we
know that Káthiáváda and South Gujarát as far as Sopára were held by
Asoka it is not improbable that Upper Gujarát also owned his sway. The
Maurya capital of Gujarát seems to have been Girinagara or Junágadh
in Central Káthiáváda, whose strong hill fort dominating the rich
province of Sorath and whose lofty hills a centre of worship and a
defence and retreat from invaders, combined to secure for Junágadh
its continuance as capital under the Kshatrapas (A.D. 100-380) and
their successors the Guptas (A.D. 380-460). The southern capital of
the Mauryas seems to have been Sopára near Bassein in a rich country
with a good and safe harbour for small vessels, probably in those
times the chief centre of the Konkan and South Gujarát trade.

Buddhist and Jain records agree that Asoka was succeeded, not by
his son Kunála who was blind, but by his grandsons Dasaratha and
Samprati. The Barábar hill near Gayá has caves made by Asoka and
bearing his inscriptions; and close to Barábar is the Nágárjuna hill
with caves made by Dasaratha also bearing his inscriptions. In one of
these inscriptions the remark occurs that one of the Barábar caves
was made by Dasaratha 'installed immediately after.' As the caves
in the neighbouring hill must have been well known to have been
made by Asoka this 'after' may mean after Asoka, or the 'after'
may refer solely to the sequence between Dasaratha's installation
and his excavation of the cave. In any case it is probable that
Dasaratha was Asoka's successor. Jaina records pass over Dasaratha
and say that Asoka was succeeded by his grandson Samprati the son
of Kunála. In the matter of the propagation of the Jain faith, Jain
records speak as highly of Samprati as Buddhist records speak of
Asoka. [36] Almost all old Jain temples or monuments, whose builders
are unknown, are ascribed to Samprati who is said to have built
thousands of temples as Asoka is said to have raised thousands of
stupas. In his Pátaliputra-kalpa Jinaprabhasuri the well known Jaina
Áchárya and writer gives a number of legendary and other stories
of Pátaliputra. Comparing Samprati with Asoka in respect of the
propagation of the faith in non-Áryan countries the Áchárya writes:
'In Pátaliputra flourished the great king Samprati son of Kunála lord
of Bharata with its three continents, the great Arhanta who established
viháras for Sramanas even in non-Áryan countries.' [37] It would appear
from this that after Asoka the Mauryan empire may have been divided
into two, Dasaratha ruling Eastern India, and Samprati, whom Jaina
records specially mention as king of Ujjain, ruling Western India,
where the Jain sect is specially strong. Though we have no specific
information on the point, it is probable, especially as he held Málwa,
that during the reign of Samprati Gujarát remained under Mauryan
sway. With Samprati Mauryan rule in Gujarát seems to end. In later
times (A.D. 500) traces of Mauryan chiefs appear in Málwa and in the
North Konkan. The available details will be given in another chapter.

After Samprati, whose reign ended about B.C. 197, a blank of seventeen
years occurs in Gujarát history. The next available information shows
traces of Baktrian-Greek sway over parts of Gujarát. In his description
of Surastrene or Suráshtra the author of the Periplus (A.D. 240) says:
'In this part there are preserved even to this day memorials of the
expedition of Alexander, old temples, foundations of camps, and large
wells.' [38] As Alexander did not come so far south as Káthiáváda
and as after Alexander's departure the Mauryas held Káthiáváda till
about B.C. 197, it may be suggested that the temples camps and wells
referred to by the author of the Periplus were not memorials of the
expedition of Alexander but remains of later Baktrian-Greek supremacy.

Demetrius, whom Justin calls the king of the Indians, is believed
to have reigned from B.C. 190 to B.C. 165. [39] On the authority
of Apollodorus of Artamita Strabo (B.C. 50-A.D. 20) names two
Baktrian-Greek rulers who seem to have advanced far into inland
India. He says: 'The Greeks who occasioned the revolt of Baktria (from
Syria B.C. 256) were so powerful by the fertility and advantages of the
country that they became masters of Ariana and India.... Their chiefs,
particularly Menander, conquered more nations than Alexander. Those
conquests were achieved partly by Menander and partly by Demetrius
son of Euthydemus king of the Baktrians. They got possession not only
of Pattalene but of the kingdoms of Saraostus and Sigerdis, which
constitute the remainder of the coast.' [40] Pattalene is generally
believed to be the old city of Pátál in Sindh (the modern Haidarábád),
while the subsequent mention of Saraostus and Sigerdis as kingdoms
which constitute the remainder of the coast, leaves almost no doubt
that Saraostus is Suráshtra and Sigerdis is Ságaradvípa or Cutch. The
joint mention of Menander (B.C. 126) and Demetrius (B.C. 190) may mean
that Demetrius advanced into inland India to a certain point and that
Menander passed further and took Sindh, Cutch, and Káthiáváda. The
discovery in Cutch and Káthiáváda of coins of Baktrian kings supports
the statements of Justin and Strabo. Dr. Bhagvánlál's collecting
of coins in Káthiáváda and Gujarát during nearly twenty-five years
brought to light among Baktrian-Greek coins an obolus of Eucratides
(B.C. 180-155), a few drachmæ of Menander (B.C. 126-110), many
drachmæ and copper coins of Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100), but none
of Demetrius. Eucratides was a contemporary of Demetrius. Still,
as Eucratides became king of Baktria after Demetrius, his conquests,
according to Strabo of a thousand cities to the east of the Indus,
must be later than those of Demetrius.

As his coins are found in Káthiáváda Eucratides may either have
advanced into Káthiáváda or the province may have come under his
sway as lord of the neighbouring country of Sindh. Whether or not
Eucratides conquered the province, he is the earliest Baktrian-Greek
king whose coins have been found in Káthiáváda and Gujarát. The fact
that the coins of Eucratides have been found in different parts of
Káthiáváda and at different times seems to show that they were the
currency of the province and were not merely imported either for trade
or for ornament. It is to be noticed that these coins are all of the
smallest value of the numerous coins issued by Eucratides. This may
be explained by the fact that these small coins were introduced by
Eucratides into Káthiáváda to be in keeping with the existing local
coinage. The local silver coins in use before the time of Eucratides
are very small, weighing five to seven grains, and bear the Buddhist
symbols of the Svastika, the Trident, and the Wheel. Another variety
has been found weighing about four grains with a misshapen elephant
on the obverse and something like a circle on the reverse. [41] It
was probably to replace this poor currency that Eucratides introduced
his smallest obolus of less weight but better workmanship.

The end of the reign of Eucratides is not fixed with certainty: it is
believed to be about B.C. 155. [42] For the two Baktrian-Greek kings
Menander and Apollodotus who ruled in Káthiáváda after Eucratides,
better sources of information are available. As already noticed Strabo
(A.D. 20) mentions that Menander's conquests (B.C. 120) included Cutch
and Suráshtra. [43] And the author of the Periplus (A.D. 240) writes:
'Up to the present day old drachmæ bearing the Greek inscriptions
of Apollodotus and Menander are current in Barugaza (Broach).' [44]
Menander's silver drachmæ have been found in Káthiáváda and Southern
Gujarát. [45] Though their number is small Menander's coins are
comparatively less scarce than those of the earliest Kshatrapas
Nahapána and Chashtana (A.D. 100-140). The distribution of Menander's
coins suggests he was the first Baktrian-Greek king who resided in
these parts and that the monuments of Alexander's times, camps temples
and wells, mentioned by the author of the Periplus [46] were camps of
Menander in Suráshtra. Wilson and Rochette have supposed Apollodotus
to be the son and successor of Menander, [47] while General Cunningham
believes Apollodotus to be the predecessor of Menander. [48] Inferences
from the coins of these two kings found in Gujarát and Káthiáváda
support the view that Apollodotus was the successor of Menander. The
coins of Apollodotus are found in much larger numbers than those
of Menander and the workmanship of Apollodotus' coins appears to
be of a gradually declining style. In the later coins the legend
is at times undecipherable. It appears from this that for some time
after Apollodotus until Nahapána's (A.D. 100) coins came into use,
the chief local currency was debased coins struck after the type of
the coins of Apollodotus. Their use as the type of coinage generally
happens to the coins of the last king of a dynasty. The statement by
the author of the Periplus that in his time (A.D. 240) the old drachmæ
of Apollodotus and Menander were current in Barugaza, seems to show
that these drachmæ continued to circulate in Gujarát along with the
coins of the Western Kshatrapas. The mention of Apollodotus before
Menander by the author of the Periplus may either be accidental,
or it may be due to the fact that when the author wrote fewer coins
of Menander than of Apollodotus were in circulation.

The silver coins both of Menander and Apollodotus found in Gujarát
and Káthiáváda are of only one variety, round drachmæ. The reason
that of their numerous large coins, tetradrachmæ didrachmæ and
others, drachmæ alone have been found in Gujarát is probably the
reason suggested for the introduction of the obolus of Eucratides,
namely that the existing local currency was so poor that coins of
small value could alone circulate. Still the fact that drachmæ
came into use implies some improvement in the currency, chiefly
in size. The drachmæ of both the kings are alike. The obverse of
Menander's coins has in the middle a helmeted bust of the king and
round it the Greek legend BASILEÔS SÔTÊROS MENANDROY Of the king the
Saviour Menander. On the reverse is the figure of Athene Promachos
surrounded by the Baktro-Páli legend Mahárájasa Trádátasa Menandrasa
that is Of the Great king the Saviour Menander, and a monogram. [49]
The drachmæ of Apollodotus have on the obverse a bust with bare
filleted head surrounded by the legend BASILEÔS SÔTÊROS APOLLODOTOY
Of the king the Saviour Apollodotus. Except in the legend the reverse
with two varieties of monogram [50] is the same as the reverse of the
drachmæ of Menander. The legend in Baktro-Páli character is Mahárájasa
Rájátirájasa Apaladatasa that is Of the Great king the over-king
of kings Apaladata. During his twenty-five years of coin-collecting
Dr. Bhagvánlál failed to secure a single copper coin of Menander either
in Gujarát or in Káthiáváda. Of the copper coins of Apollodotus a
deposit was found in Junágadh, many of them well preserved. [51] These
coins are of two varieties, one square the other round and large. Of
the square coin the obverse has a standing Apollo with an arrow in the
right hand and on the top and the two sides the Greek legend BASILEÔS
SÔTÊROS KAI PhILOPATOROS APOLLODOTOY that is Of the King Saviour and
Fatherlover Apollodotus. On the reverse is the tripod of Apollo with
a monogram [52] and the letter drí in Baktro-Páli on the left and the
legend in Baktro-Páli characters Mahárájasa Trádátasa Apaladatasa. The
round coin has also, on the obverse, a standing Apollo with an arrow
in the right hand; behind is the same monogram as in the square coin
and all round runs the Greek legend BASILEÔS SÔTÊROS APOLLODOTOY. On
the reverse is the tripod of Apollo with on its right and left
the letters di and u in Baktro-Páli and all round the Baktro-Páli
legend Mahárájasa Trádátasa Apaladatasa. The reason why so few copper
coins of Apollodotus have been found in Gujarát perhaps is that these
copper coins were current only in the time of Apollodotus and did not,
like his silver drachmæ, continue as the currency of the country with
the same or an imitated die. The date of the reign of Apollodotus is
not fixed. General Cunningham believes it to be B.C. 165-150, [53]
Wilson and Gardner take it to be B.C. 110-100. [54] Though no Indian
materials enable us to arrive at any final conclusion regarding this
date the fact that Apollodotus' coins continued to be issued long
after his time shows that Apollodotus was the last Baktrian-Greek
ruler of Gujarát and Káthiáváda. After Apollodotus we find no trace
of Baktrian-Greek rule, and no other certain information until the
establishment of the Kshatrapas about A.D. 100. The only fact that
breaks this blank in Gujarát history is the discovery of copper coins
of a king whose name is not known, but who calls himself Basileus
Basileon Soter Megas that is King of Kings the Great Saviour. These
coins are found in Káthiáváda and Cutch as well as in Rájputána the
North-West Provinces and the Kábul valley, a distribution which points
to a widespread Indian rule. The suggestion may be offered that this
king is one of the leaders of the Yaudheyas whose constitution is said
to have been tribal, that is the tribe was ruled by a number of small
chiefs who would not be likely to give their names on their coins. [55]



CHAPTER V.

THE KSHATRAPAS

(B.C. 70-A.D. 398.)


With the Kshatrapas (B.C. 70) begins a period of clearer light,
and, at the same time, of increased importance, since, for more than
three centuries, the Kshatrapas held sway over the greater part of
Western India. Till recently this dynasty was known to orientalists
as the Sáh dynasty a mistaken reading of the terminal of their names
which in some rulers is Simha Lion and in others, as in Rudra Sena
(A.D. 203-220) son of Rudra Simha, Sena Army. [56]

[Two Dynasties.] The sway of the rulers who affix the title Kshatrapa
to their names extended over two large parts of India, one in the
north including the territory from the Kábul valley to the confluence
of the Ganges and the Jamná; the other in the west stretching from
Ajmir in the north to the North Konkan in the south and from Málwa
in the east to the Arabian Sea in the west. The former may be called
the Northern the latter the Western Kshatrapas.

[The Name.] Besides as Kshatrapa, in the Prákrit legends of coins
and in inscriptions the title of these dynasties appears under
three forms Chhatrapa, [57] Chhatrava, [58] and Khatapa. [59] All
these forms have the same meaning namely Lord or Protector of the
warrior-race, the Sanskrit Kshatra-pa. [60] It is to be noted that
the title Kshatrapa appears nowhere as a title of any king or royal
officer within the whole range of Sanskrit literature, or indeed on any
inscription, coin, or other record of any Indian dynasty except the
Northern and the Western Kshatrapas. According to Prinsep Kshatrapa
is a Sanskritized form of Satrapa, a term familiar to the Grecian
history of ancient Persia and used for the prefect of a province
under the Persian system of government. As Prinsep further observes
Satrapa had probably the same meaning in Ariana that Kshatrapa had in
Sanskrit, the ruler feeder or patron of the kshatra or warrior class,
the chief of a warlike tribe or clan. [61] Prinsep further notes the
Persian kings were often in need of such chiefs and as they entrusted
the chiefs with the government of parts of their dominions the word
came to mean a governor. So during the anarchy which prevailed on
the Skythian overthrow of Greek rule in Baktria [62] (B.C. 160)
several chiefs of Malaya, Pallava, Ábhíra, Meda, and other predatory
tribes came from Baktria to Upper India, and each established for
himself a principality or kingdom. Subsequently these chiefs appear
to have assumed independent sovereignty. Still though they often call
themselves rájás or kings with the title Kshatrapa or Mahákshatrapa,
if any Baktrian king advanced towards their territories, they were
probably ready to acknowledge him as Overlord. Another reason for
believing these Kshatrapa chiefs to have been foreigners is that,
while the names of the founders of Kshatrapa sovereignty are foreign,
their inscriptions and coins show that soon after the establishment
of their rule they became converts to one or other form of the Hindu
religion and assumed Indian names. [63]

[Northern Kshatrapas, B.C. 70-A.D. 78.] According to inscriptions
and coins Northern Kshatrapa rule begins with king Maues about
B.C. 70 and ends with the accession of the Kushán king Kanishka about
A.D. 78. Maues probably belonged to the Saka tribe of Skythians. If
the Maues of the coins may be identified with the Moga of the Taxila
plate the date of king Patika in the Taxila plate shows that for
about seventy-five years after the death of Maues the date of his
accession continued to be the initial year of the dynasty. From their
connection with the Sakas, arriving in India during the reign of
the Saka Maues and for nearly three quarters of a century accepting
the Saka overlordship, the Kshatrapas, though as noted above their
followers were chiefly Malayas, Pallavas, Ábhíras, and Medas, appear
to have themselves come to be called Sakas and the mention of Saka
kings in Puránic and other records seems to refer to them. After
lasting for about 150 years the rule of the Northern Kshatrapas seems
to have merged in the empire of the great Kushán Kanishka (A.D. 78).

Though recently found inscriptions and coins show that the Kshatrapas
ruled over important parts of India including even a share of the
western seaboard, nothing is known regarding them from either Indian
or foreign literary sources. What little information can be gleaned
is from their own inscriptions and coins. Of the Northern Kshatrapas
this information is imperfect and disconnected. It shows that they
had probably three or four ruling branches, one in the Kábul valley,
a second at Taxila near Attak on the North-West Panjáb frontier, a
third at Behát near Saháranpur or Delhi, and a fourth at Mathurá. The
last two were perhaps subdivisions of one kingdom; but probably those
at Kábul and at Taxila were distinct dynasties. An inscription found
in Mathurá shows a connection either by marriage or by neighbourhood
between the Behát and Mathurá branches. This is a Baktro-Páli
inscription recording the gift of a stúpa by Nandasiriká daughter
of Kshatrapa Rájavula and mother of Kharaosti Yuvarája. Kharaosti is
the dynastic name of the prince, his personal name appears later in
the inscription as Talama (Ptolemy ?). From his dynastic name, whose
crude form Kharaosta or Kharaottha may be the origin of the Prakrit
Chhaharáta and the Sanskritised Kshaharáta, this Talama appears to be a
descendant of the Kshatrapa Kharaosti whose coins found at Taxila call
him Artaputa that is the son of Arta apparently the Parthian Ortus.

The same Baktro-Páli Mathurá inscription also mentions with special
respect a Kshatrapa named Patika, [64] who, with the title of Kusulaka
or Kozolon, ruled the Kábul valley with his capital first at Nagaraka
and later at Taxila.

The same inscription further mentions that the stúpa was given while
the Kshatrapa Sudása son of the Mahákshatrapa Rájavula was ruling
at Mathurá. The inference from the difference in the titles of the
father and the son seems to be that Sudása was ruling in Mathurá as
governor under his father who perhaps ruled in the neighbourhood of
Delhi where many of his coins have been found. While the coins of
Sudása have the legend in Nágarí only, Rájavula's coins are of two
varieties, one with the legend in Baktro-Páli and the other with the
legend in Nágarí, a fact tending to show that the father's territories
stretched to the far north.

Though Kharaosti is mentioned as a Yuvarája or prince heir-apparent
in the time of his maternal uncle Sudása, the inscription shows he
had four children. It is curious that while the inscription mentions
Nandasiriká as the mother of Kharaosti Yuvarája, nothing is said
about her husband. Perhaps he was dead or something had happened to
make Nandasiriká live at her father's home.

[Western Kshatrapas, A.D. 70-398.] Another inscription of Sudása found
by General Cunningham at Mathurá is in old Nágarí character. Except
that they have the distinctive and long continued Kshatrapa peculiarity
of joining ya with other letters the characters of this inscription
are of the same period as those of the inscriptions of the great
Indo-Skythian or Kushán king Kanishka. This would seem to show that
the conquest of Mathurá by Kanishka took place soon after the time
of Kshatrapa Sudása. It therefore appears probable that Nahapána,
the first Kshatrapa ruler of Gujarát and Káthiáváda, the letters of
whose inscriptions are of exactly the same Kshatrapa type as those of
Sudása, was a scion of the Kharaosti family, who, in this overthrow of
kingdoms, went westwards conquering either on his own account or as a
general sent by Kanishka. Nahapána's [65] advance seems to have lain
through East Rájputána by Mandasor [66] in West Málwa along the easy
route to Dohad as far as South Gujarát. From South Gujarát his power
spread in two directions, by sea to Káthiáváda and from near Balsár
by the Dáng passes to Násik and the Deccan, over almost the whole of
which, judging from coins and inscriptions, he supplanted as overlord
the great Ándhra kings of the Deccan. No evidence is available to show
either that East Málwa with its capital at Ujjain or that North Gujarát
formed part of his dominions. All the information we have regarding
Nahapána is from his own silver coins and from the inscriptions of
his son-in-law Ushavadáta at Násik and Kárle and of his minister Ayáma
(Sk. Áryaman) at Junnar. Nahapána's coins are comparatively rare. The
only published specimen is one obtained by Mr. Justice Newton. [67]
Four others were also obtained by Dr. Bhagvánlál from Káthiáváda
and Násik.

[Kshatrapa I. Nahapána, A.D. 78-120.] The coins of Nahapána are the
earliest specimens of Kshatrapa coins. Though the type seems to have
been adopted from the Baktrian-Greek, the design is original and is
not an imitation of any previous coinage. The type seems adopted in
idea from the drachma of Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100). On the obverse is
a bust with a Greek legend round it and on the reverse a thunderbolt
and an arrow probably as on the reverse of the coins of Apollodotus
[68] representing the distinctive weapons of Athene Promachos and
of Apollo. In addition to the Baktro-Páli legend on the Apollodotus
drachma, the reverse of Nahapána's coin has the same legend in Nágarí,
since Nágarí was the character of the country for which the coin was
struck. The dress of the bust is in the style of the over-dress of
Nahapána's time. The bust, facing the right, wears a flat grooved cap
and has the hair combed in ringlets falling half down the ear. The
neck shows the collar of the coat. The workmanship of the coins is
good. The die seems to have been renewed from time to time as the
face altered with age. Of Dr. Bhagvánlál's four coins one belongs
to Nahapána's youth, another to his old age, and the remaining two
to his intervening years. In all four specimens the Greek legend
is imperfect and unreadable. The letters of the Greek legend are of
the later period that is like the letters on the coins of the great
Skythian king Kadphises I. (B.C. 26). One of the coins shows in the
legend the six letters L L O D O-S. These may be the remains of the
name Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100). Still it is beyond doubt that the
letters are later Greek than those on the coins of Apollodotus. Until
the legend is found clear on some fresher specimen, it is not possible
to say anything further. In three of the coins the Baktro-Páli legend
on the reverse runs:


                     Raño Chhaharátasa Nahapánasa.

                      Of king Chhaharáta Nahapána.


The fourth has simply


                           Raño Chhaharátasa.

                          Of king Chhaharáta.


The old Nágarí legend is the same in all:


                     Raño Kshaharátasa Nahapánasa.

                      Of king Kshaharáta Nahapána.


The Chhaharáta of the former and the Kshaharáta of the latter are the
same, the difference in the initial letter being merely dialectical. As
mentioned above Kshaharáta is the family name of Nahapána's dynasty. It
is worthy of note that though Nahapána is not styled Kshatrapa in
any of his coins the inscriptions of Ushavadáta at Násik repeatedly
style him the Kshaharáta Kshatrapa Nahapána. [69]

[Ushavadáta, A.D. 100-120.] Ushavadáta was the son-in-law of Nahapána
being married to his daughter Dakhamitá or Dakshamitrá. Ushavadáta
bears no royal title. He simply calls himself son of Díníka and
son-in-law of Nahapána, which shows that he owed his power and rank
to his father-in-law, a position regarded as derogatory in India,
where no scion of any royal dynasty would accept or take pride in
greatness or influence obtained from a father-in-law. [70] Násik
Inscription XIV. shows that Ushavadáta was a Saka. His name, as was
first suggested by Dr. Bhau Dáji, is Prákrit for Rishabhadatta. From
the many charitable and publicly useful works mentioned in various
Násik and Kárle inscriptions, as made by him in places which apparently
formed part of Nahapána's dominions, Ushavadáta appears to have been
a high officer under Nahapána. As Nahapána seems to have had no son
Ushavadáta's position as son-in-law would be one of special power and
influence. Ushavadáta's charitable acts and works of public utility
are detailed in Násik Inscriptions X. XII. and XIV. The charitable acts
are the gift of three hundred thousand cows; of gold and of river-side
steps at the Bárnása or Banás river near Ábu in North Gujarát; of
sixteen villages to gods and Bráhmans; the feeding of hundreds of
thousands of Bráhmans every year; the giving in marriage of eight
wives to Bráhmans at Prabhás in South Káthiáváda; the bestowing of
thirty-two thousand cocoanut trees in Nanamgola or Nárgol village
on the Thána seaboard on the Charaka priesthoods of Pinditakávada,
Govardhana near Násik, Suvarnamukha, and Rámatírtha in Sorpáraga or
Sopára on the Thána coast; the giving of three hundred thousand cows
and a village at Pushkara or Pokhar near Ajmir in East Rájputána;
making gifts to Bráhmans at Chechina or Chichan near Kelva-Máhim on
the Thána coast; and the gift of trees and 70,000 kárshápanas or
2000 suvarnas to gods and Bráhmans at Dáhánu in Thána. The public
works executed by Ushavadáta include rest-houses and alms-houses
at Bharu Kachha or Broach, at Dasapura or Mandasor in North Málwa,
and gardens and wells at Govardhana and Sopára; free ferries across
the Ibá or Ambiká, the Páráda or Pár, the Damaná or Damanganga, the
Tápi or Tápti, the Karabená or Káveri, and the Dáhánuká or Dáhánu
river. Waiting-places and steps were also built on both banks of
each of these rivers. These charitable and public works of Ushavadáta
savour much of the Bráhmanic religion. The only Buddhist charities are
the gift of a cave at Násik; of 3000 kárshápanas and eight thousand
cocoanut trees for feeding and clothing monks living in the cave;
and of a village near Kárle in Poona for the support of the monks
of the main Kárle cave. Ushavadáta himself thus seems to have been
a follower of the Bráhmanical faith. The Buddhist charities were
probably made to meet the wishes of his wife whose father's religion
the Buddhist wheel and the Bodhi tree on his copper coins prove to
have been Buddhism. The large territory over which these charitable
and public works of Ushavadáta spread gives an idea of the extent of
Nahapána's rule. The gift of a village as far north as Pokhara near
Ajmir would have been proof of dominion in those parts were it not for
the fact that in the same inscription Ushavadáta mentions his success
in assisting some local Kshatriyas. It is doubtful if the northern
limits of Nahapána's dominions extended as far as Pokhar. The village
may have been given during a brief conquest, since according to Hindu
ideas no village given to Bráhmans can be resumed. The eastern boundary
would seem to have been part of Málwa and the plain lands of Khándesh
Násik and Poona; the southern boundary was somewhere about Bombay;
and the western Káthiáváda and the Arabian sea.

[Nahapána's Era.] Nahapána's exact date is hard to fix. Ushavadáta's
Násik cave Inscriptions X. and XII. give the years 41 and 42; and
an inscription of Nahapána's minister Ayáma at Junnar gives the year
46. The era is not mentioned. They are simply dated vase Sk. varshe
that is in the year. Ushavadáta's Násik Inscription XII. records in
the year 42 the gift of charities and the construction of public works
which must have taken years to complete. If at that time Ushavadáta's
age was 40 to 45, Nahapána who, as Inscription X. shows, was living at
that time, must have been some twenty years older than his son-in-law
or say about 65. The Junnar inscription of his minister Ayáma which
bears date 46 proves that Nahapána lived several years after the
making of Ushavadáta's cave. The bust on one of his coins also shows
that Nahapána attained a ripe old age.

Nahapána cannot have lived long after the year 46. His death may be
fixed about the year 50 of the era to which the three years 41, 42, and
46 belong. He was probably about 75 years old when he died. Deducting
50 from 75 we get about 25 as Nahapána's age at the beginning of the
era to which the years 41, 42, and 46 belong, a suitable age for an
able prince with good resources and good advisers to have established
a kingdom. It is therefore probable that the era marks Nahapána's
conquest of Gujarát. As said above, Nahapána was probably considered
to belong to the Saka tribe, and his son-in-law clearly calls himself
a Saka. It may therefore be supposed that the era started by Nahapána
on his conquest of Gujarát was at first simply called Varsha; that it
afterwards came to be called Sakavarsha or Sakasamvatsara; and that
finally, after various changes, to suit false current ideas, about
the eleventh or twelfth century the people of the Deccan styled it
Sáliváhana Saka mixing it with current traditions regarding the great
Sátaváhana or Saliváhana king of Paithan. If, as mentioned above,
Nahapána's conquest of Gujarát and the establishment of his era
be taken to come close after the conquest of Mathurá by Kanishka,
the Gujarát conquest and the era must come very shortly after the
beginning of Kanishka's reign, since Kanishka conquered Mathurá early
in his reign. As his Mathurá inscriptions [71] give 5 as Kanishka's
earliest date, he must have conquered Mathurá in the year 3 or 4 of his
reign. Nahapána's expedition to and conquest of Gujarát was probably
contemporary with or very closely subsequent to Kanishka's conquest of
Mathurá. So two important eras seem to begin about four years apart,
the one with Kanishka's reign in Upper India, the other with Nahapána's
reign in Western India. The difference being so small and both being
eras of foreign conquerors, a Kushán and a Saka respectively, the
two eras seem to have been subsequently confounded. Thus, according
to Dr. Burnell, the Javanese Saka era is A.D. 74, that is Kanishka's
era was introduced into Java, probably because Java has from early
times been connected with the eastern parts of India where Kanishka's
era was current. On the other hand the astrological works called
Karana use the era beginning with A.D. 78 which we have taken to
be the Western era started by Nahapána. The use of the Saka era in
Karana works dates from the time of the great Indian astronomer Varáha
Mihira (A.D. 587). As Varáha Mihira lived and wrote his great work in
Avanti or Málwa he naturally made use of the Saka era of Nahapána,
which was current in Málwa. Subsequent astronomers adopted the era
used by the master Varáha Mihira. Under their influence Nahapána's
A.D. 78 era passed into use over the whole of Northern and Central
India eclipsing Kanishka's A.D. 74 era. On these grounds it may be
accepted that the dates in the Násik inscriptions of Ushavadáta and in
Ayáma's inscription at Junnar are in the era founded by Nahapána on
his conquest of Gujarát and the West Deccan. This era was adopted by
the Western Kshatrapa successors of Nahapána and continued on their
coins for nearly three centuries. [72]

[The Málava Era, B.C. 56.] The question arises why should not the
dates on the Western Kshatrapa coins belong to the era which under
the incorrect title of the Vikrama era is now current in Gujarát and
Málwa. Several recently found Málwa inscriptions almost prove that
what is called the Vikrama era beginning with B.C. 56 was not started
by any Vikrama, but marks the institution of the tribal constitution
of the Málavas. [73] Later the era came to be called either the
era of the Málava lords [74] or Málava Kála that is the era of the
Málavas. About the ninth century just as the Saka era became connected
with the Saliváhana of Paithan, this old Málava era became connected
with the name of Vikramáditya, the great legendary king of Ujain.

It might be supposed that the Málavas who gave its name to the
Málava era were the kings of the country now called Málwa. But it
is to be noted that no reference to the present Málwa under the name
of Málavadesa occurs in any Sanskrit work or record earlier than the
second century after Christ. The original Sanskrit name of the country
was Avanti. It came to be called Málava from the time the Málava tribe
conquered it and settled in it, just as Káthiáváda and Meváda came to
be called after their Káthi and Meva or Meda conquerors. The Málavas,
also called Málayas, [75] seem like the Medas to be a foreign tribe,
which, passing through Upper India conquered and settled in Central
India during the first century before Christ. The mention in the
Mudrárákshasa [76] of a Málaya king among five Upper Indian kings
shows that in the time of the Mauryas (B.C. 300) a Málaya kingdom
existed in Upper India which after the decline of Maurya supremacy
spread to Central India. By Nahapána's time the Málavas seem to have
moved eastwards towards Jaipur, as Ushavadáta defeated them in the
neighbourhood of the Pushkar lake: but the fact that the country
round Ujain was still known to Rudradáman as Avanti, shows that the
Málavas had not yet (A.D. 150) entered the district now known as
Málava. This settlement and the change of name from Avanti to Málava
probably took place in the weakness of the Kshatrapas towards the
end of the third century A.D. When they established their sway in
Central India these Málavas or Málayas like the ancient Yaudheyas
(B.C. 100) and the Káthis till recent times (A.D. 1818) seem to have
had a democratic constitution. [77] Their political system seems to
have proved unsuited to the conditions of a settled community. To put
an end to dissensions the Málava tribe appears to have framed what the
Mandasor inscription terms a sthiti or constitution in honour of which
they began a new era. [78] It may be asked, Why may not Nahapána have
been the head of the Málavas who under the new constitution became the
first Málava sovereign and his reign-dates be those of the new Málava
era? Against this we know from a Násik inscription of Ushavadáta
[79] that Nahapána was not a Málava himself but an opponent of the
Málavas as he sent Ushavadáta to help a tribe of Kshatriyas called
Uttamabhadras whom the Málavas had attacked. Further a chronological
examination of the early ruling dynasties of Gujarát does not favour
the identification of the Kshatrapa era with the Málava era. The
available information regarding the three dynasties the Kshatrapas the
Guptas and the Valabhis, is universally admitted to prove that they
followed one another in chronological succession. The latest known
Kshatrapa date is 310. Even after this we find the name of a later
Kshatrapa king whose date is unknown but may be estimated at about
320. If we take this Kshatrapa 320 to be in the Vikrama Samvat, its
equivalent is A.D. 264. In consequence of several new discoveries the
epoch of the Gupta era has been finally settled to be A.D. 319. It is
further settled that the first Gupta conqueror of Málwa and Gujarát
was Chandragupta II. [80] the date of his conquest of Málwa being
Gupta 80 (A.D. 399). Counting the Kshatrapa dates in the Samvat era
this gives a blank of (399 - 264 = ) 135 years between the latest
Kshatrapa date and the date of Chandragupta's conquest of Gujarát to
fill which we have absolutely no historical information. On the other
hand in support of the view that the Kshatrapa era is the Saka era the
Káthiáváda coins of the Gupta king Kumáragupta son of Chandragupta
dated 100 Gupta closely resemble the coins of the latest Kshatrapa
kings, the workmanship proving that the two styles of coin are close
in point of time. Thus taking the Kshatrapa era to be the Saka era
the latest Kshatrapa date is 320 + 78 = A.D. 398, which is just the
date (A.D. 399) of Chandragupta's conquest of Málwa and Gujarát. For
these reasons, and in the absence of reasons to the contrary, it seems
proper to take the dates in Ushavadáta's and Ayáma's inscriptions as
in the era which began with Nahapána's conquest of Gujarát, namely
the Saka era whose initial date is A.D. 78.

[Kshatrapa II. Chashtana, A.D. 130.] After Nahapána's the earliest
coins found in Gujarát are those of Chashtana. Chashtana's coins are
an adaptation of Nahapána's coins. At the same time Chashtana's bust
differs from the bust in Nahapána's coins. He wears a mustache, the
cap is not grooved but plain, and the hair which reaches the neck
is longer than Nahapána's hair. In one of Chashtana's coins found
by Mr. Justice Newton, the hair seems dressed in ringlets as in the
coins of the Parthian king Phraates II. (B.C. 136-128). [81] On the
reverse instead of the thunderbolt and arrow as in Nahapána's coins,
Chashtana's coins have symbols of the sun and moon in style much like
the sun and moon symbols on the Parthian coins of Phraates II., the
moon being a crescent and the sun represented by eleven rays shooting
from a central beam. To the two on the reverse a third symbol seems to
have been added consisting of two arches resting on a straight line,
with a third arch over and between the two arches, and over the third
arch an inverted semicircle. Below these symbols stretches a waving
or serpentine line. [82]

[Chashtana's Coins, A.D. 130.] The same symbol appears on the obverse
of several very old medium-sized square copper coins found in Upper
India. These coins Dr. Bhagvánlál took to be coins of Asoka. They
have no legend on either side, and have a standing elephant on the
obverse and a rampant lion on the reverse. As these are the symbols
of Asoka, the elephant being found in his rock inscriptions and the
lion in his pillar inscriptions, Dr. Bhagvánlál held them to be coins
of Asoka. The arch symbol appears in these coins over the elephant
on the obverse and near the lion on the reverse but in neither case
with the underlying zigzag line. [83] So also a contemporary coin
bearing in the Asoka character the clear legend Vatasvaka shows the
same symbol, with in addition a robed male figure of good design
standing near the symbol saluting it with folded hands. The position
of the figure (Ariana Antiqua, Plate XV. Fig. 30) proves that the
symbol was an object of worship. In Chashtana's coins we find this
symbol between the sun and the moon, a position which suggests
that the symbol represents the mythical mountain Meru, the three
semicircular superimposed arches representing the peaks of the
mountain and the crescent a Siddha-silâ or Siddhas' seat, which
Jaina works describe as crescent-shaped and situated over Meru. The
collective idea of this symbol in the middle and the sun and moon on
either side recalls the following; sloka:


    Yávadvícítarangánvahati suranadí jánhaví púrnatoyá.
    Yávaccákáshamárge tapati dinakaro bháskaro lokapálah
    Yávadvajrendunílasphatikamanishilá vartate merushrrimnge.
    Távattvam pútrapautraih svajanaparivrito jíva shammoh prasádat.


Mayest thou by the favour of Sambhu live surrounded by sons grandsons
and relations so long as the heavenly Ganges full of water flows with
its waves, so long as the brilliant sun the protector of the universe
shines in the sky, and so long as the slab of diamond moonstone lapis
lazuli and sapphire remains on the top of Meru.


Dr. Bird's Kanheri copperplate has a verse with a similar meaning
regarding the continuance of the glory of the relic shrine of one
Pushya, so long as Meru remains and rivers and the sea flow. [84]
The meaning of showing Meru and the sun and moon is thus clear. The
underlying serpentine line apparently stands for the Jáhnaví river
or it may perhaps be a representation of the sea. [85] The object of
representing these symbols on coins may be that the coins may last as
long as the sun, the moon, mount Meru, and the Ganges or ocean. Against
this view it may be urged that the coins of the Buddhist kings of
Kuninda (A.D. 100), largely found near Saháranpur in the North-West
Provinces, show the arch symbol with the Buddhist trident over it,
the Bodhi tree with the railing by its side, and the serpentine line
under both the tree and the symbol, the apparent meaning being that the
symbol is a Buddhist shrine with the Bodhi tree and the river Niranjana
of Buddha Gaya near it. The same symbol appears as a Buddhist shrine
in Andhra coins [86] which make it larger with four rows of arches,
a tree by its side, and instead of the zigzag base line a railing. This
seems a different representation perhaps of the shrine of Mahábodhi at
Buddha Gaya. These details seem to show that popular notions regarding
the meaning of this symbol varied at different times. [87]

Such of the coins of Chashtana as have on the reverse only the sun
and the moon bear on the obverse in Baktro-Páli characters a legend
of which the four letters Raño jimo alone be made out. An illegible
Greek legend continues the Baktro-Páli legend. The legend on the
reverse is in old Nágarí character:


           Rájño Kshatrapasa Ysamotikaputra(sa Cha)shtanasa.

           Of the king Kshatrapa Chashtana son of Ysamotika.


The variety of Chashtana's coins which has the arch symbol on the
reverse, bears on the obverse only the Greek legend almost illegible
and on the reverse the Baktro-Páli legend ca.tanasa Chatanasa
meaning. Of Chashtana and in continuation the Nágarí legend:


          Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Ysamotikaputrasa Chashtanasa.

      Of the king the great Kshatrapa Chashtana son of Ysamotika.


[Chashtana's Father.] The name Zamotika is certainly not Indian but
foreign apparently a corruption of some such form as Psamotika or
Xamotika. Further the fact that Zamotika is not called Kshatrapa or by
any other title, would seem to show that he was an untitled man whose
son somehow came to authority and obtained victory over these parts
where (as his earlier coins with the sun and the moon show) he was
at first called a Kshatrapa and afterwards (as his later coins with
the third symbol show) a Mahákshatrapa or great Kshatrapa. We know
nothing of any connection between Nahapána and Chashtana. Still it
is clear that Chashtana obtained a great part of the territory over
which [Chashtana, A.D. 130.] Nahapána previously held sway. Though
Chashtana's coins and even the coins of his son and grandson bear no
date, we have reason to believe they used a nameless era, of which the
year 72 is given in the Junágadh inscription of Chashtana's grandson
Rudradáman. [89] Though we have no means of ascertaining how many
years Rudradáman had reigned before this 72 it seems probable that
the beginning of the reign was at least several years earlier. Taking
the previous period at seven years Rudradáman's succession may be
tentatively fixed at 65. Allowing twenty-five years for his father
Jayadáman and his grandfather Chashtana (as they were father and son
and the son it is supposed reigned for some years with his father [90])
Chashtana's conquest of Gujarát comes to about the year 40 which makes
Chashtana contemporary with the latter part of Nahapána's life. Now the
Tiastanes whom Ptolemy mentions as having Ozene for his capital [91]
is on all hands admitted to be Chashtana and from what Ptolemy says it
appears certain that his capital was Ujjain. Two of Chashtana's coins
occur as far north as Ajmir. As the Chashtana coins in Dr. Gerson
DaCunha's collection were found in Káthiáváda he must have ruled a
large stretch of country. The fact that in his earlier coins Chashtana
is simply called a Kshatrapa and in his latter coins a Mahákshatrapa
leads to the inference that his power was originally small. Chashtana
was probably not subordinate to Nahapána but a contemporary of Nahapána
originally when a simple Kshatrapa governing perhaps North Gujarát and
Málwa. Nor was Chashtana a member of Nahapána's family as he is nowhere
called Kshaharáta which is the name of Nahapána's family. During
the lifetime of Nahapána Chashtana's power would seem to have been
established first over Ajmir and Mewád. Perhaps Chashtana may have
been the chief of the Uttamabhadra Kshatriyas, whom, in the year 42,
Ushavadáta went to assist when they were besieged by the Málayas or
Málavas [92]; and it is possible that the Málavas being thus driven
away Chashtana may have consolidated his power, taken possession of
Málwa, and established his capital at Ujjain.

[Deccan Recovered by the Andhras, A.D. 138.] On Nahapána's death his
territory, which in the absence of a son had probably passed to his
son-in-law Ushavadáta, seems to have been wrested from him by his
Ándhra neighbours, as one of the attributes of Gautamíputra Sátakarni
is exterminator of the dynasty of Khakharáta (or Kshaharáta). That
North Konkan, South Gujarát, and Káthiáváda were taken and
incorporated with Ándhra territory appears from Gautamíputra's Násik
inscription (No. 26) where Suráshtra and Aparánta are mentioned as
parts of his dominions. These Ándhra conquests seem to have been
shortlived. Chashtana appears to have eventually taken Káthiáváda and
as much of South Gujarát as belonged to Nahapána probably as far south
as the Narbada. Mevád, Málwa, North and South Gujarát and Káthiáváda
would then be subject to him and justify the title Mahákshatrapa on
his later coins.

[The Mevas or Medas.] The bulk of Chashtana's army seems to have
consisted of the Mevas or Medas from whose early conquests and
settlements in Central Rájputána the province seems to have received
its present name Meváda. If this supposition be correct an inference
may be drawn regarding the origin of Chashtana. The Mathurá inscription
of Nandasiriká, daughter of Kshatrapa Rájavula and mother of Kharaosti
Yuvarája, mentions with respect a Mahákshatrapa Kuzulko Patika who
is called in the inscription Mevaki that is of the Meva tribe. The
inscription shows a relation between the Kharaostis (to which tribe we
have taken Kshaharáta Nahapána to belong) and Mevaki Patika perhaps
in the nature of subordinate and overlord. It proves at least that
the Kharaostis held Patika in great honour and respect.

The Taxila plate shows that Patika was governor of Taxila during
his father's lifetime. After his father's death when he became
Mahákshatrapa, Patika's capital was Nagaraka in the Jallálábád
or Kábul valley. The conquest of those parts by the great Kushán
or Indo-Skythian king Kanishka (A.D. 78) seems to have driven
Patika's immediate successors southwards to Sindh where they may have
established a kingdom. The Skythian kingdom mentioned by the author
of the Periplus as stretching in his time as far south as the mouths
of the Indus may be a relic of this kingdom. Some time after their
establishment in Sindh Patika's successors may have sent Chashtana,
either a younger member of the reigning house or a military officer,
with an army of Mevas through Umarkot and the Great Ran to Central
Rájputána, an expedition which ended in the settlement of the Mevas
and the change of the country's name to Meváda. Probably it was on
account of their previous ancestral connection that Nahapána sent
Ushavadáta to help Chashtana in Meváda when besieged by his Málava
neighbours. That Ushavadáta went to bathe and make gifts [93] at
Pushkara proves that the scene of the Uttamabhadras' siege by the
Málayas was in Meváda not far from Pushkara.

Chashtana is followed by an unbroken chain of successors all of
the dynasty of which Chashtana was the founder. As the coins of
Chashtana's successors bear dates and as each coin gives the name of
the king and of his father they supply a complete chronological list
of the Kshatrapa dynasty.

[Kshatrapa III. Jayadáman, A.D. 140-143.] Of Chashtana's son and
successor Jayadáman the coins are rare. Of three specimens found
in Káthiáváda two are of silver and one of copper. Both the silver
coins were found in Junágadh [94] but they are doubtful specimens as
the legend is not complete. Like Chashtana's coins they have a bust
on the obverse and round the bust an incomplete and undecipherable
Greek legend. The reverse has the sun and the moon and between them
the arched symbol with the zigzag under-line. All round the symbols
on the margin within a dotted line is the legend in Baktro-Páli and
Devanágarí. Only three letters raño cha ña of the Baktro-Páli legend
can be made out. Of the Nágarí legend seven letters Rájno Kshatrapasa
Ja can be made out. The remaining four letters Dr. Bhagvánlál read
Yadámasa. [95] The copper coin which is very small and square has on
the obverse in a circle a standing humped bull looking to the right
and fronting an erect trident with an axe. In style the bull is much
like the bull on the square hemidrachmæ of Apollodotus (B.C. 110-100).
Round the bull within a dotted circle is the legend in Greek. It is
unfortunate the legend is incomplete as the remaining letters which
are in the Skythian-Greek style are clearer than the letters on any
Kshatrapa coin hitherto found. The letters that are preserved are
S T R X Y. The reverse has the usual moon and sun and between them
the arched symbol without the zigzag under-line. All round within a
dotted circle is the Nágarí legend:


                    Rájno Kshatra(pasa) Jayadámasa.

                    Of the king Kshatrapa Jayadáman.


Though the name is not given in any of these coins, the fact that
Chashtana was Jayadáman's father has been determined from the genealogy
in the Gunda inscription of Rudrasimha I. the seventh Kshatrapa,
[96] in the Jasdhan inscription of Rudrasena I. the eighth Kshatrapa,
[97] and in the Junágadh cave inscription [98] of Rudradáman's son
Rudrasimha. All these inscriptions and the coins of his son Rudradáman
call Jayadáman Kshatrapa not Mahákshatrapa. This would seem to show
either that he was a Kshatrapa or governor of Káthiáváda under his
father or that his father's territory and his rank as Mahákshatrapa
suffered some reduction. [99] The extreme rarity of his coins suggests
that Jayadáman's reign was very short. It is worthy of note that while
Zamotika and Chashtana are foreign names, the names of Jayadáman and
all his successors with one exception [100] are purely Indian.

[Kshatrapa IV. Rudradáman, A.D. 143-158.] Jayadáman was succeeded
by his son Rudradáman who was probably the greatest of the Western
Kshatrapas. His beautiful silver coins, in style much like those
of Chashtana, are frequently found in Káthiáváda. On the obverse
is his bust in the same style of dress as Chashtana's and round the
bust is the Greek legend incomplete and undecipherable. The reverse
has the usual sun and moon and the arched symbol with the zigzag
under-line. The old Nágarí legend fills the whole outer circle. None
of Rudradáman's coins shows a trace of the Baktro-Páli legend. The
Nágarí legend reads:


  Rájno Kshatrapasa Jayadámaputrasa Rájno Mahákshatrapasa Rudradámasa.

     Of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudradáman son of the king the
                          Kshatrapa Jayadáman.


None of Rudradáman's copper coins have been found. Except Jayadáman
none of the Kshatrapas seem to have stamped their names on any but
silver coins. [101]

An inscription on the Girnár rock gives us more information regarding
Rudradáman than is available for any of the other Kshatrapas. The
inscription records the construction of a new dam on the Sudarsana lake
close to the inscription rock in place of a dam built in the time of
the Maurya king Chandragupta (B.C. 300) and added to in the time of
his grandson the great Asoka (B.C. 240) which had suddenly burst in a
storm. The new dam is recorded to have been made under the orders of
Suvishákha son of Kulaipa a Pahlava by tribe, who was 'appointed by
the king to protect the whole of Ánarta and Suráshtra.' Pahlava seems
to be the name of the ancient Persians and Parthians [102] and the
name Suvishákha as Dr. Bhau Dáji suggests may be a Sanskritised form
of Syávaxa. [103] One of the Kárle inscriptions gives a similar name
Sovasaka apparently a corrupt Indian form of the original Persian from
which the Sanskritised Suvishákha must have been formed. Sovasaka it
will be noted is mentioned in the Kárle inscription as an inhabitant
of Abulámá, apparently the old trade mart of Obollah at the head of
the Persian Gulf. This trade connection between the Persian Gulf and
the Western Indian seaboard must have led to the settlement from very
early times of the Pahlavas who gradually became converted to Buddhism,
and, like the Pársis their modern enterprising representatives, seem
to have advanced in trade and political influence. Subsequently the
Pahlavas attained such influence that about the fifth century a dynasty
of Pallava kings reigned in the Dekhan, Hindu in religion and name,
even tracing their origin to the great ancient sage Bháradvája. [104]

[Sudarsana Lake, A.D. 150.] The statement in Rudradáman's Sudarsana
lake inscription, that Ánarta and Suráshtra were under his Pahlava
governor, seems to show that Rudradáman's capital was not in Gujarát
or Káthiáváda. Probably like his grandfather Chashtana Rudradáman held
his capital at Ujjain. The poetic eulogies of Rudradáman appear to
contain a certain share of fact. One of the epithets 'he who himself
has earned the title Mahákshatrapa' indicates that Rudradáman had
regained the title of Mahákshatrapa which belonged to his grandfather
Chashtana but not to his father Jayadáman. Another portion of the
inscription claims for him the overlordship of Ákarávanti, [105]
Anúpa, [106] Ánarta, Suráshtra, Svabhra, [107] Maru, [108] Kachchha,
[109] Sindhu-Sauvíra, [110] Kukura, [111] Aparánta, [112] and Nisháda;
[113] that is roughly the country from Bhilsa in the east to Sindh in
the west and from about Ábu in the north to the North Konkan in the
south including the peninsulas of Cutch and Káthiáváda. The inscription
also mentions two wars waged by Rudradáman, one with the Yaudheyas
the other with Sátakarni lord of Dakshinápatha. Of the Yaudheyas the
inscription says that they had become arrogant and untractable in
consequence of their having proclaimed their assumption of the title
of Heroes among all Kshatriyas. Rudradáman is described as having
exterminated them. These Yaudheyas were known as a warlike race from
the earliest times and are mentioned as warriors by Pánini. [114]

[The Yaudheyas.] Like the Málavas these Yaudheyas appear to have had a
democratic constitution. Several round copper coins of the Yaudheyas
of about the third century A.D. have been found in various parts of
the North-West Provinces from Mathurá to Saháranpur. These coins
which are adapted from the type of Kanishka's coins [115] have on
the obverse a standing robed male figure extending the protecting
right hand of mercy. On the reverse is the figure of a standing
Kártikasvámi and round the figure the legend in Gupta characters of
about the third century:


                           Yaudheya Ganasya.

                         Of the Yaudheya tribe. [116]


That the Girnár inscription describes Rudradáman as the exterminator
of 'the Yaudheyas' and not of any king of the Yaudheyas confirms the
view that their constitution was tribal or democratic. [117]

The style of the Yaudheya coins being an adaptation of the Kanishka
type and their being found from Mathurá to Saháranpur where Kanishka
ruled is a proof that the Yaudheyas wrested from the successors of
Kanishka the greater part of the North-West Provinces. This is not
to be understood to be the Yaudheyas' first conquest in India. They
are known to be a very old tribe who after a temporary suppression
by Kanishka must have again risen to power with the decline of
Kushán rule under Kanishka's successors Huvishka (A.D. 100-123) or
Vasudeva (A.D. 123-150 ?) the latter of whom was a contemporary of
Rudradáman. [118] It is probably to this increase of Yaudheya power
that Rudradáman's inscription refers as making them arrogant and
intractable. Their forcible extermination is not to be understood
literally but in the Indian hyperbolic fashion.

The remark regarding the conquest of Sátakarni lord of Dakshinápatha
is as follows: 'He who has obtained glory because he did not destroy
Sátakarni, the lord of the Dekhan, on account of there being no
distance in relationship, though he twice really conquered him.' [119]
As Sátakarni is a dynastic name applied to several of the Ándhra
kings, the question arises Which of the Sátakarnis did Rudradáman
twice defeat? Of the two Western India kings mentioned by Ptolemy
one Tiastanes with his capital at Ozene or Ujjain [120] has been
identified with Chashtana; the other Siri Ptolemaios or Polemaios,
with his royal seat at Baithana or Paithan, [121] has been identified
with the Pulumáyi Vásishthíputra of the Násik cave inscriptions. These
statements of Ptolemy seem to imply that Chashtana and Pulumáyi
were contemporary kings reigning at Ujjain and Paithan. The evidence
of their coins also shows that if not contemporaries Chashtana and
Pulumáyi were not separated by any long interval. We know from the
Násik inscriptions and the Puránas that Pulumáyi was the successor
of Gautamíputra Sátakarni and as Gautamíputra Sátakarni is mentioned
as the exterminator of the Kshaharáta race (and the period of this
extermination has already been shown to be almost immediately after
Nahapána's death), there is no objection to the view that Chashtana,
who was the next Kshatrapa after Nahapána, and Pulumáyi, who was the
successor of Gautamíputra, were contemporaries. We have no positive
evidence to determine who was the immediate successor of Pulumáyi,
but the only king whose inscriptions are found in any number
after Pulumáyi is Gautamíputra Yajña Srí Sátakarni. His Kanheri
inscription recording gifts made in his reign and his coin found
among the relics of the Sopára stúpa built also in his reign prove
that he held the North Konkan. The Sopára coin gives the name of
the father of Yajñasrí. Unfortunately the coin is much worn. Still
the remains of the letters constituting the name are sufficient to
show they must be read caturapana Chaturapana. [122] A king named
Chaturapana is mentioned in one of the Nánághát inscriptions where
like Pulumáyi he is called Vásishthíputra and where the year 13
of his reign is referred to. [123] The letters of this inscription
are almost coeval with those in Pulumáyi's inscriptions. The facts
that he was called Vásishthíputra and that he reigned at least
thirteen years make it probable that Chaturapana was the brother and
successor of Pulumáyi. Yajñasrí would thus be the nephew and second
in succession to Pulumáyi and the contemporary of Rudradáman the
grandson of Chashtana, whom we have taken to be a contemporary of
Pulumáyi. A further proof of this is afforded by Yajñasrí's silver
coin found in the Sopára stúpa. All other Ándhra coins hitherto
found are adapted from contemporary coins of Ujjain and the Central
Provinces, the latter probably of the Sungas. But Gautamíputra Yajñasrí
Sátakarni's Sopára coin is the first silver coin struck on the type
of Kshatrapa coins; it is in fact a clear adaptation of the type of
the coins of Rudradáman himself which proves that the two kings were
contemporaries and rivals. An idea of the 'not distant relationship'
between Rudradáman and Yajñasrí Sátakarni mentioned in Rudradáman's
Girnár inscription, may be formed from a Kanheri inscription recording
a gift by a minister named Satoraka which mentions that the queen
of Vásishthíputra Sátakarni was born in the Kárdamaka dynasty and
was connected apparently on the maternal side with a Mahákshatrapa
whose name is lost. If the proper name of the lost Vásishthíputra
be Chaturapana, his son Yajñasrí Sátakarni would, through his mother
being a Mahákshatrapa's granddaughter, be a relative of Rudradáman.

Rudradáman's other epithets seem to belong to the usual stock of
Indian court epithets. He is said 'to have gained great fame by
studying to the end, by remembering understanding and applying the
great sciences such as grammar, polity, music, and logic'. Another
epithet describes him as having 'obtained numerous garlands at the
Svayamvaras of kings' daughters,' apparently meaning that he was chosen
as husband by princesses at several svayamvaras or choice-marriages
a practice which seems to have been still in vogue in Rudradáman's
time. As a test of the civilized character of his rule it may be
noted that he is described as 'he who took, and kept to the end of his
life, the vow to stop killing men except in battle.' Another epithet
tells us that the embankment was built and the lake reconstructed by
'expending a great amount of money from his own treasury, without
oppressing the people of the town and of the province by (exacting)
taxes, forced labour, acts of affection (benevolences) and the like.'

As the Kshatrapa year 60 (A.D. 138) has been taken to be the date
of close of Chashtana's reign, and as five years may be allowed
for the short reign [124] of Jayadáman, the beginning of the
reign of Rudradáman may be supposed to have been about the year 65
(A.D. 143). This Girnár inscription gives 72 as the year in which
Rudradáman was then reigning and it is fair to suppose that he
reigned probably up to 80. The conclusion is that Rudradáman ruled
from A.D. 143 to 158. [125]

[Kshatrapa V. Dámázada or Dámájadasrí, A.D. 158-168.] Rudradáman
was succeeded by his son Dámázada or Dámájadasrí regarding whom
all the information available is obtained from six coins obtained
by Dr. Bhagvánlál. [126] The workmanship of all six coins is good,
after the type of Rudradáman's coins. On the obverse is a bust in
the same style as Rudradáman's and round the bust is an illegible
Greek legend. Like Rudradáman's coins these have no dates, a proof of
their antiquity, as all later Kshatrapa coins have dates in Nágarí
numerals. The reverse has the usual sun and moon and between them
the arched symbol with the zigzag under-line. Around them in three
specimens is the following legend in old Nágarí:


    Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudradámaputrasa [127] Rájñah Kshatrapasa
                              Dámáysadasa.

 Of the king the Kshatrapa Dámázada [128] son of the king the Kshatrapa
                              Rudradáman.


The legend on the other three is:


      Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudradámnahputrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa
                            Dámájadasriyah.

    Of the king the Kshatrapa Dámájadasrí son of the king the great
                          Kshatrapa Rudradáma.


Dámázada and Dámájadasrí seem to be two forms of the same name,
Dámázada with ysa for Z being the name first struck, and Dámájadasrí,
with the ordinary ja for Z, and with Srí added to adorn the name and
make it more euphonic, being the later form. It will be noted that,
except by his son Jivadáman, Dámázada or Dámájadasrí is not called a
Mahákshatrapa but simply a Kshatrapa. His coins are very rare. The six
mentioned are the only specimens known and are all from one find. He
may therefore be supposed to have reigned as heir-apparent during the
life-time of Rudradáman, or it is possible that he may have suffered
loss of territory and power. His reign seems to have been short and
may have terminated about 90 that is A.D. 168 or a little later.

[Kshatrapa VI. Jivadáman, A.D. 178.] Dámázada or Dámájadasrí was
succeeded by his son Jivadáman. All available information regarding
Jivadáman is from four rare coins obtained by Pandit Bhagvánlál,
which for purposes of description, he has named A, B, C, and D. [129]
Coin A bears date 100 in Nágarí numerals, the earliest date found on
Kshatrapa coins. On the obverse is a bust in the usual Kshatrapa style
with a plump young face of good workmanship. Round the bust is first
the date 100 in Nágarí numerals and after the date the Greek legend
in letters which though clear cannot be made out. In these and in all
later Kshatrapa coins merely the form of the Greek legend remains;
the letters are imitations of Greek by men who could not read the
original. On the reverse is the usual arched symbol between the sun
and the moon, the sun being twelve-rayed as in the older Kshatrapa
coins. Within the dotted circle in the margin is the following legend
in old Nágarí:


     Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasriyahputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                              Jivadámnah.

     Of the king the Kshatrapa Jivadáman son of the king the great
                           Kshatrapa Dámasrí.


Coin B has the bust on the obverse with a face apparently older than
the face in A. Unfortunately the die has slipped and the date has not
been struck. Most of the Greek legend is very clear but as in coin
A the result is meaningless. The letters are K I U I U Z K N S Y L
perhaps meant for Kuzulka. On the reverse are the usual three symbols,
except that the sun has seven instead of twelve rays. The legend is:


     Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámajadasaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                              Jivadámasa.

  Of the king the great Kshatrapa Jivadáman son of the king the great
                          Kshatrapa Dámajada.


Coin C though struck from a different die is closely like B both on
the obverse and the reverse. Neither the Greek legend nor the date
is clear, though enough remains of the lower parts of the numerals
to suggest the date 118. Coin D is in obverse closely like C. The
date 118 is clear. On the reverse the legend and the symbols have
been twice struck. The same legend occurs twice, the second striking
having obliterated the last letters of the legend which contained
the name of the king whose coin it is:


                Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámajadasaputrasa.

          Of the son of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámájada.


In these four specimens Dámasrí or Dámájada is styled Mahákshatrapa,
while in his own coins he is simply called Kshatrapa. The explanation
perhaps is that the known coins of Dámasrí or Dámajada belong to
the early part of his reign when he was subordinate to his father,
and that he afterwards gained the title of Mahákshatrapa. Some such
explanation is necessary as the distinction between the titles
Kshatrapa and Mahákshatrapa is always carefully preserved in the
earlier Kshatrapa coins. Except towards the close of the dynasty no
ruler called Kshatrapa on his own coins is ever styled Mahákshatrapa
on the coins of his son unless the father gained the more important
title during his lifetime.

The dates and the difference in the style of die used in coining
A and in coining B, C, and D are worth noting as the earliest coin
has the date 100 and C and D the third and fourth coins have 118. If
Jivadáman's reign lasted eighteen years his coins would be common
instead of very rare. But we find between 102 and 118 numerous coins
of Rudrasimha son of Rudradáman and paternal uncle of Jivadáman. These
facts and the difference between the style of A and the style of B,
C, and D which are apparently imitated from the coins of Rudrasimha
and have a face much older than the face in A, tend to show that soon
after his accession Jivadáman was deposed by his uncle Rudrasimha,
on whose death or defeat in 118, Jivadáman again rose to power.

[Kshatrapa VII. Rudrasimha I. A.D. 181-196.] Rudrasimha the seventh
Kshatrapa was the brother of Dámajadasrí. Large numbers of his coins
have been found. Of thirty obtained by Dr. Bhagvánlál, twenty have
the following clearly cut dates: 103, 106, 108, 109, 110, 112, 113,
114, 115, 116, and 118. As the earliest year is 103 and the latest 118
it is probable that Rudrasimha deposed his nephew Jivadáman shortly
after Jivadáman's accession. Rudrasimha appears to have ruled fifteen
years when power again passed to his nephew Jivadáman.

The coins of Rudrasimha are of a beautiful type of good workmanship
and with clear legends. The legend in old Nágarí character reads:


      Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudradámaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                             Rudrasimhasa.

  Of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasimha son of the king the great
                          Kshatrapa Rudradáma.


Rudrasimha had also a copper coinage of which specimens are recorded
from Málwa but not from Káthiáváda. Pandit Bhagvánlál had one specimen
from Ujjain which has a bull on the obverse with the Greek legend round
it and the date 117. The reverse seems to have held the entire legend
of which only five letters rudrasi.mhasa (Rudrasimhasa) remain. This
coin has been spoilt in cleaning.

To Rudrasimha's reign belongs the Gunda inscription carved on a stone
found at the bottom of an unused well in the village of Gunda in
Hálár in North Káthiáváda. [130] It is in six well preserved lines
of old Nágarí letters of the Kshatrapa type. The writing records
the digging and building of a well for public use on the borders of
a village named Rasopadra by the commander-in-chief Rudrabhúti an
Ábhíra son of Senápati Bápaka. The date is given both in words and
in numerals as 103, 'in the year' of the king the Kshatrapa Svámi
Rudrasimha, apparently meaning in the year 103 during the reign of
Rudrasimha. The genealogy given in the inscription is: 1 Chashtana;
2 Jayadáman; 3 Rudradáman; 4 Rudrasimha, the order of succession being
clearly defined by the text, which says that the fourth was the great
grandson of the first, the grandson of the second, and the son of
the third. It will be noted that Dámájadasrí and Jivadáman the fifth
and sixth Kshatrapas have been passed over in this genealogy probably
because the inscription did not intend to give a complete genealogy
but only to show the descent of Rudrasimha in the direct line.

[Kshatrapa VIII. Rudrasena, A.D. 203-220.] The eighth Kshatrapa
was Rudrasena, son of Rudrasimha, as is clearly mentioned in the
legends on his coins. His coins like his father's are found in large
numbers. Of forty in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection twenty-seven bear
the following eleven [131] dates, 125, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135,
136, 138, 140, 142. The coins are of the usual Kshatrapa type closely
like Rudrasimha's coins. The Nágarí legend reads:


    Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasimhasa putrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                              Rudrasenasa.

  Of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasena son of the king the great
                         Kshatrapa Rudrasimha.


Two copper coins square and smaller than the copper coins of
Rudrasimha have been found in Ujjain [132] though none are recorded
from Káthiáváda. On their obverse these copper coins have a facing
bull and on the back the usual symbols and below them the year 140,
but no legend. Their date and their Kshatrapa style show that they
are coins of Rudrasena.

Besides coins two inscriptions one at Muliyásar the other at Jasdan
give information regarding Rudrasena. The Muliyásar inscription, now
in the library at Dwárka ten miles south-west of Muliyásar, records
the erection of an upright slab by the sons of one Vánijaka. This
inscription bears date 122, the fifth of the dark half of Vaishákha
in the year 122 during the reign of Rudrasimha. [133] The Jasdan
inscription, on a stone about five miles from Jasdan, belongs to the
reign of this Kshatrapa. It is in six lines of old Kshatrapa Nágarí
characters shallow and dim with occasional engraver's mistakes, but on
the whole well-preserved. The writing records the building of a pond
by several brothers (names not given) of the Mánasasa gotra sons of
Pranáthaka and grandsons of Khara. The date is the 5th of the dark
half of Bhádrapada 'in the year' 126. [134] The genealogy is in the
following order:


                    Mahákshatrapa Chashtana.
                    Kshatrapa Jayadáman.
                    Mahákshatrapa Rudradáman.
                    Mahákshatrapa Rudrasimha.
                    Mahákshatrapa Rudrasena.


Each of them is called Svámi Lord and Bhadramukha Luckyfaced. [135]
As Rudrasena's reign began at least as early as 122, the second reign
of Jivadáman is narrowed to four years or even less. As the latest
date is 142 Rudrasena's reign must have lasted about twenty years.

[Kshatrapa IX. Prithivísena A.D. 222.] After Rudrasena the next
evidence on record is a coin of his son Prithivísena found near
Amreli. Its workmanship is the same as that of Rudrasena's coins. It
is dated 144 that is two years later than the last date on Rudrasena's
coins. The legend runs:


      Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenasa putrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa
                            Prithivísenasa.

    Of the king the Kshatrapa Prithivísena son of the king the great
                          Kshatrapa Rudrasena.


As this is the only known specimen of Prithivísena's coinage;
as the earliest coin of Prithivísena's uncle the tenth Kshatrapa
Sanghadáman is dated 144; and also as Prithivísena is called only
Kshatrapa he seems to have reigned for a short time perhaps as
Kshatrapa of Suráshtra or Káthiáváda and to have been ousted by his
uncle Sanghadáman.

[Kshatrapa X. Sanghadáman, A.D. 222-226.] Rudrasena was succeeded
by his brother the Mahákshatrapa Sanghadáman. His coins are very
rare. Only two specimens have been obtained, of which one was in the
Pandit's collection the other in the collection of Mr. Vajeshankar
Gavrishankar. [136] They are dated 145 and 144. The legend in both
reads:


    Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasimhasa putrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                              Sanghadámna.

 Of the king the great Kshatrapa Sanghadáman son of the king the great
                         Kshatrapa Rudrasimha.


These two coins seem to belong to the beginning of Sanghadáman's
reign. As the earliest coins of his successor Dámasena are dated 148
Sanghadáman's reign seems not to have lasted over four years. [137]

[Kshatrapa XI. Dámasena, A.D. 226-236.] Sanghadáman was succeeded
by his brother Dámasena, whose coins are fairly common, of good
workmanship, and clear lettering. Of twenty-three specimens eleven
have the following dates: 148, 150, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158. The
legend runs:


    Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasimhasa putrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                              Dámasenasa.

   Of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámasena son of the king the great
                         Kshatrapa Rudrasimha.


Dámasena seems to have reigned ten years (148-158) as coins of his
son Víradáman are found dated 158.

[Kshatrapa XII. Dámájadasrí II. A.D. 236.] Dámájadasrí the
twelfth Kshatrapa is styled son of Rudrasena probably the eighth
Kshatrapa. Dámájadasrí's coins are rare. [138] The legend runs:


        Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenaputrasa Rajñah Kshatrapas
                            Dámájadasriyah.

    Of the king the Kshatrapa Dámájadasrí son of the king the great
                          Kshatrapa Rudrasena.


Five specimens, the only specimens on record, are dated 154. [139]
As 154 falls in the reign of Dámasena it seems probable that
Dámájadasrí was either a minor or a viceroy or perhaps a ruler claiming
independence, as about this time the authority of the main dynasty
seems to have been much disputed.

After Dámasena we find coins of three of his sons Víradáman Yasadáman
and Vijayasena. Víradáman's coins are dated 158 and 163, Yasadáman's
160 and 161, and Vijayasena's earliest 160. Of the three brothers
Víradáman who is styled simply Kshatrapa probably held only a part
of his father's dominions. The second brother Yasadáman, who at first
was a simple Kshatrapa, in 161 claims to be Mahákshatrapa. The third
brother Vijayasena, who as early as 160, is styled Mahákshatrapa,
probably defeated Yasadáman and secured the supreme rule.

[Kshatrapa XIII. Víradáman, A.D. 236-238.] Víradáman's coins are
fairly common. Of twenty-six in Pandit Bhagvánlál's collection,
nineteen were found with a large number of his brother Vijayasena's
coins. The legend reads:


      Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenasa putrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa
                              Víradámnah.

     Of the king the Kshatrapa Víradáman son of the king the great
                          Kshatrapa Dámasena.


Of the twenty-six ten are clearly dated, six with 158 and four
with 160.

[Kshatrapa XIV. Yasadáman, A.D. 239.] Yasadáman's coins are
rare. Pandit Bhagvánlál's collection contained seven. [140] The
bust on the obverse is a good imitation of the bust on his father's
coins. Still it is of inferior workmanship, and starts the practice
which later Kshatrapas continued of copying their predecessor's
image. On only two of the seven specimens are the dates clear, 160
and 161. The legend on the coin dated 160 is:


            Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenasa putrasa Rájñah
                        Kshatrapasa Yasadámnah.

  Of the king the great Kshatrapa Yasadáman son of the king the great
                          Kshatrapa Dámasena.


On the coin dated 161 the legend runs:


     Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenasa putrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                              Yasadámnah.

  Of the king the great Kshatrapa Yasadáman son of the king the great
                          Kshatrapa Dámasena.


[Kshatrapa XV. Vijayasena, A.D. 238-249.] Vijayasena's coins are
common. As many as 167 were in the Pandit's collection. Almost all
are of good workmanship, well preserved, and clearly lettered. On
fifty-four of them the following dates can be clearly read, 160,
161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, and 171. This would
give Vijayasena a reign of at least eleven years from 160 to 171
(A.D. 238-249). The legend reads:


      Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                             Vijayasenasa.

  Of the king the great Kshatrapa Vijayasena son of the king the great
                          Kshatrapa Dámasena.


In two good specimens of Vijayasena's coins with traces of the date
166 he is styled Kshatrapa. This the Pandit could not explain. [141]

[Kshatrapa XVI. Dámájadasrí, A.D. 250-255.] Vijayasena was succeeded
by his brother Dámájadasrí III. called Mahákshatrapa on his coins. His
coins which are comparatively uncommon are inferior in workmanship
to the coins of Vijayasena. Of seven in the Pandit's collection three
are dated 174, 175, and 176.

After Dámájadasrí come coins of Rudrasena II. son of Víradáman, the
earliest of them bearing date 178. As the latest coins of Vijayasena
are dated 171, 173 may be taken as the year of Dámájadasrí's
succession. The end of his reign falls between 176 and 178, its
probable length is about five years. The legend on his coins reads:


      Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Dámasenaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                            Dádmájadasriyah.

 Of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámájadasrí son of the king the great
                          Kshatrapa Dámasena.


[Kshatrapa XVII. Rudrasena II. A.D. 256-272.] Dámájadasrí III. was
succeeded by Rudrasena II. son of Dámájadasrí's brother Víradáman
the thirteenth Kshatrapa. Rudrasena II.'s coins like Vijayasena's
are found in great abundance. They are of inferior workmanship
and inferior silver. Of eighty-four in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection
eleven bore the following clear dates: 178, 180, 183, 185, 186, 188,
and 190. The earliest of 178 probably belongs to the beginning of
Rudrasena's reign as the date 176 occurs on the latest coins of his
predecessor. The earliest coins of his son and successor Visvasimha
are dated 198. As Visvasimha's coins are of bad workmanship with
doubtful legend and date we may take the end of Rudrasena II.'s reign
to be somewhere between 190 and 198 or about 194. This date would give
Rudrasena a reign of about sixteen years, a length of rule supported
by the large number of his coins. The legend reads:


        Rájño Kshatrapasa Víradámaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                              Rudrasenasa.

     Of the king the great Kshatrapa Rudrasena son of the king the
                          Kshatrapa Víradáma.


[Kshatrapa XVIII. Visvasimha, A.D. 272-278.] Rudrasena was succeeded
by his son Visvasimha. In style and abundance Visvasimha's coins
are on a par with his father's. They are carelessly struck with a
bad die and in most the legend is faulty often omitting the date. Of
fifty-six in the Pandit's collection only four bear legible dates,
one with 198, two with 200, and one with 201. The date 201 must be of
the end of Visvasimha's reign as a coin of his brother Bharttridáman
is dated 200. It may therefore be held that Visvasimha reigned for
the six years ending 200 (A.D. 272-278). The legend reads:


       Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenaputrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa
                             Visvasimhasa.

     Of the king the Kshatrapa Visvasimha son of the king the great
                          Kshatrapa Rudrasena.


It is not known whether Visvasimha's loss of title was due to his
being subordinate to some overlord, or whether during his reign
the Kshatrapas suffered defeat and loss of territory. The probable
explanation seems to be that he began his reign in a subordinate
position and afterwards rose to supreme rule.

[Kshatrapa XIX. Bharttridáman, A.D. 278-294.] Visvasimha was succeeded
by his brother Bharttridáman. [142] His coins which are found in large
numbers are in style and workmanship inferior even to Visvasimha's
coins. Of forty-five in the Pandit's collection seven bear the dates
202, 207, 210, 211, and 214. As the earliest coin of his successor is
dated 218, Bharttridáman's reign seems to have lasted about fourteen
years from 202 to 216 (A.D. 278-294). Most of the coin legends style
Bharttridáman Mahákshatrapa though in a few he is simply styled
Kshatrapa. This would seem to show that like his brother Visvasimha
he began as a Kshatrapa and afterwards gained the rank and power
of Mahákshatrapa.

In Bharttridáman's earlier coins the legend reads:


       Rajño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasenaputrasa Rajñah Kshatrapasa
                             Bhartridámnah.

   Of the king the Kshatrapa Bharttridáman son of the king the great
                          Kshatrapa Rudrasena.


In the later coins the legend is the same except that mahákshatrapasa
the great Kshatrapa takes the place of kshatrapasa the Kshatrapa.

[Kshatrapa XX. Visvasena, A.D. 294-300.] Bharttridáman was succeeded by
his son Visvasena the twentieth Kshatrapa. His coins are fairly common,
and of bad workmanship, the legend imperfect and carelessly struck, the
obverse rarely dated. Of twenty-five in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection,
only three bear doubtful dates one 218 and two 222. The legend reads:


      Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Bhartridáma putrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa
                              Visvasenasa.

 Of the king the Kshatrapa Visvasena son of the king the Mahákshatrapa
                             Bharttridáman.


It would seem from the lower title of Kshatrapa which we find given
to Visvasena and to most of the later Kshatrapas that from about 220
(A.D. 298) the Kshatrapa dominion lost its importance.

A hoard of coins found in 1861 near Karád on the Krishna, thirty-one
miles south of Sátára, suggests [143] that the Kshatrapas retained
the North Konkan and held a considerable share of the West Dakhan
down to the time of Visvasena (A.D. 300). The hoard includes coins
of the six following rulers: Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249), his brother
Dámájadasrí III. (A.D. 251-255), Rudrasena II. (A.D. 256-272) son of
Víradáman, Visvasimha (A.D. 272-278) son of Rudrasena, Bharttridáman
(A.D. 278-294) son of Rudrasena II., and Visvasena (A.D. 296-300)
son of Bharttridáman. It may be argued that this Karád hoard is of no
historical value being the chance importation of some Gujarát pilgrim
to the Krishna. The following considerations favour the view that
the contents of the hoard furnish evidence of the local rule of the
kings whose coins have been found at Karád. The date (A.D. 238-249)
of Vijayasena, the earliest king of the hoard, agrees well with the
spread of Gujarát power in the Dakhan as it follows the overthrow
both of the west (A.D. 180-200) and of the east (A.D. 220) Sátakarnis,
while it precedes the establishment of any later west Dakhan dynasty:
(2) All the kings whose coins occur in the hoard were Mahákshatrapas
and from the details in the Periplus (A.D. 247), the earliest,
Vijayasena, must have been a ruler of special wealth and power: (3)
That the coins cease with Visvasena (A.D. 296-300) is in accord with
the fact that Visvasena was the last of the direct line of Chashtana,
and that with or before the close of Visvasena's reign the power of
the Gujarát Kshatrapas declined. The presumption that Kshatrapa power
was at its height during the reigns of the kings whose coins have
been found at Karád is strengthened by the discovery at Amrávati
in the Berárs of a hoard of coins of the Mahákshatrapa Rudrasena
(II. ?) (A.D. 256-272) son of the Mahákshatrapa Dámájadasrí. [144]

[Kshatrapa XXI. Rudrasimha, A.D. 308-311.] Whether the end of
Chashtana's direct line was due to their conquest by some other
dynasty or to the failure of heirs is doubtful. Whatever may have been
the cause, after an interval of about seven years (A.D. 300-308)
an entirely new king appears, Rudrasimha son of Jívadáman. As
Rudrasimha's father Jívadáman is simply called Svámi he may have
been some high officer under the Kshatrapa dynasty. That Rudrasimha
is called a Kshatrapa may show that part of the Kshatrapa dominion
which had been lost during the reign of Visvasena was given to some
distant member or scion of the Kshatrapa dynasty of the name of
Rudrasimha. The occurrence of political changes is further shown by
the fact that the coins of Rudrasimha are of a better type than those
of the preceding Kshatrapas. Rudrasimha's coins are fairly common. Of
twelve in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection five are clearly dated, three
230, one 231, and one 240. This leaves a blank of seven years between
the last date of Visvasena and the earliest date of Rudrasimha. The
legend reads:


        Svámi Jívadáma putrasa Rajñah Kshatrapasa Rudrasimhasa.

      Of the king the Kshatrapa Rudrasimha son of Svámi Jívadáman.


[Kshatrapa XXII. Yasadáman, A.D. 320.] Rudrasimha was succeeded by his
son Yasadáman whose coins are rather rare. Of three in Dr. Bhagvánlál's
collection two are dated 239, apparently the first year of Yasadáman's
reign as his father's latest coins are dated 240. Like his father
Yasadáman is simply called Kshatrapa. The legend reads:


  Rájñah Kshatrapasa Rudrasimhaputrasa Rájñah Kshatrapasa Yasadámnah.

   Of the king the Kshatrapa Yasadáman son of the king the Kshatrapa
                              Rudrasimha.


[Kshatrapa XXIII. Dámasiri, A.D. 320.] The coins found next after
Yasadáman's are those of Dámasiri who was probably the brother of
Yasadáman as he is mentioned as the son of Rudrasimha. The date
though not very clear is apparently 242. Only one coin of Dámasiri's
is recorded. In the style of face and in the form of letters it
differs from the coins of Yasadáman, with which except for the date
and the identity of the father's name any close connection would seem
doubtful. The legend on the coin of Dámasiri reads:


    Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Rudrasimhasaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                              Dámasirisa.

   Of the king the great Kshatrapa Dámasiri son of the king the great
                         Kshatrapa Rudrasimha.


It will be noted that in this coin both Rudrasimha and Dámasiri
are called great Kshatrapas, while in his own coin and in the coins
of his son Yasadáman, Rudrasimha is simply styled Kshatrapa. It is
possible that Dámasiri may have been more powerful than Yasadáman
and consequently taken to himself the title of Mahákshatrapa. The
application of the more important title to a father who in life had
not enjoyed the title is not an uncommon practice among the later
Kshatrapas. The rarity of Dámasiri's coins shows that his reign
was short.

After Dámasiri comes a blank of about thirty years. The next coin is
dated 270. The fact that, contrary to what might have been expected,
the coins of the later Kshatrapas are less common than those of the
earlier Kshatrapas, seems to point to some great political change
during the twenty-seven years ending 270 (A.D. 321-348).

[Kshatrapa XXIV. Rudrasena, A.D. 348-376.] The coin dated 270
belongs to Svámi Rudrasena son of Svámi Rudradáman both of whom
the legend styles Mahákshatrapas. The type of the coin dated 270 is
clearly adapted from the type of the coins of Yasadáman. Only two
of Rudrasena's coins dated 270 are recorded. But later coins of the
same Kshatrapa of a different style are found in large numbers. Of
fifty-four in the Pandit's collection, twelve have the following
dates 288, 290, 292, 293, 294, 296, and 298. The difference in the
style of the two sets of coins and the blank between 270 and 288
leave no doubt that during those years some political change took
place. Probably Rudrasena was for a time overthrown but again came to
power in 288 and maintained his position till 298. Besides calling
both himself and his father Mahákshatrapas Rudrasena adds to both
the attribute Svámi. As no coin of Rudrasena's father is recorded it
seems probable the father was not an independent ruler and that the
legend on Rudrasena's coins is a further instance of a son ennobling
his father. The legend is the same both in the earlier coins of 270
and in the later coins ranging from 288 to 298. It reads:


   Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Svámi Rudradámaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                           Svámi Rudrasenasa.

  Of the king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Rudrasena son of the king the
                   great Kshatrapa Svámi Rudradáman.


[Kshatrapa XXV. Rudrasena, A.D. 378-388.] After Rudrasena come
coins of Kshatrapa Rudrasena son of Satyasena. These coins are fairly
common. Of five in the Pandit's collection through faulty minting none
are dated. General Cunningham mentions coins of Kshatrapa Rudrasena
dated 300, 304, and 310. [145] This would seem to show that he was the
successor of Rudrasena son of Rudradáman and that his reign extended
to over 310. The legend on these coins runs:


   Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Svámi Satyasenaputrasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                           Svámi Rudrasenasa.

  Of the king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Rudrasena son of the king the
                    great Kshatrapa Svámi Satyasena.


Of Rudrasena's father Satyasena no coin is recorded and as this
Rudrasena immediately succeeds Rudrasena IV. son of Rudradáman,
there is little doubt that Satyasena was not an actual ruler with
the great title Mahákshatrapa, but that this was an honorific title
given to the father when his son attained to sovereignty. General
Cunningham records that a coin of this Rudrasena IV. was found along
with a coin of Chandragupta II. in a stúpa at Sultánganj on the Ganges
about fifteen miles south-east of Mongir. [146]

[Kshatrapa XXVI. Simhasena.] With Rudrasena IV. the evidence from coins
comes almost to a close. Only one coin in Dr. Bhagvánlál's collection
is clearly later than Rudrasena IV. In the form of the bust and the
style of the legend on the reverse this specimen closely resembles
the coins of Rudrasena IV. Unfortunately owing to imperfect stamping
it bears no date. The legend reads:


     Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Svámi Rudrasenasa Rájño Mahákshatrapasa
                     svasríyasya Svámi Simhasenasa.

  Of the king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Simhasena, sister's son of the
               king the great Kshatrapa Svámi Rudrasena.


This legend would seem to show that Rudrasena IV. left no issue and was
succeeded by his nephew Simhasena. The extreme rarity of Simhasena's
coins proves that his reign was very short.

[Kshatrapa XXVII. Skanda.] The bust and the characters in one other
coin show it to be of later date than Simhasena. Unfortunately the
legend is not clear. Something like the letters rájño kshatrapasa Rájño
Kshatrapasa may be traced in one place and something like putrasa
skanda Putrasa Skanda in another place. Dr. Bhagvánlál took this to
be a Gujarát Kshatrapa of unknown lineage from whom the Kshatrapa
dominion passed to the Guptas.

[Ísvaradatta, A.D. 230-250.] Along with the coins of the regular
Kshatrapas coins of a Kshatrapa of unknown lineage named Ísvaradatta
have been found in Káthiáváda. In general style, in the bust and
the corrupt Greek legend on the obverse, and in the form of the old
Nágarí legend on the reverse, Ísvaradatta's coins closely resemble
those of the fifteenth Kshatrapa Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249). At the
same time the text of the Nágarí legend differs from that on the
reverse of the Kshatrapa coins by omitting the name of the ruler's
father and by showing in words Ísvaradatta's date in the year of his
own reign. The legend is:


          Rájño Mahákshatrapasa Ísvaradattasa varshe prathame.

     In the first year of the king the great Kshatrapa Ísvaradatta.


Most of the recorded coins of Ísvaradatta have this legend. In one
specimen the legend is


                            Varshe dvitíye.

                          In the second year.


It is clear from this that Ísvaradatta's reign did not last
long. His peculiar name and his separate date leave little doubt
that he belonged to some distinct family of Kshatrapas. The general
style of his coins shows that he cannot have been a late Kshatrapa
while the fact that he is called Mahákshatrapa seems to show he was
an independent ruler. No good evidence is available for fixing his
date. As already mentioned the workmanship of his coins brings him
near to Vijayasena (A.D. 238-249). In Násik Cave X. the letters of
Inscription XV. closely correspond with the letters of the legends
on Kshatrapa coins, and probably belong to almost the same date as
the inscription of Rudradáman on the Girnár rock that is to about
A.D. 150. The absence of any record of the Ándhras except the name
of the king Madharíputa Sirisena or Sakasena (A.D. 180), makes it
probable that after Yajñasrí Gautamíputra (A.D. 150) Ándhra power
waned along the Konkan and South Gujarát seaboard. According to the
Puránas the Ábhíras succeeded to the dominion of the Ándhras. It
is therefore possible that the Ábhíra king Ísvarasena of Násik
Inscription XV. was one of the Ábhíra conquerors of the Ándhras who
took from them the West Dakhan. A migration of Ábhíras from Ptolemy's
Abiria in Upper Sindh through Sindh by sea to the Konkan and thence
to Násik is within the range of possibility. About fifty years later
king Ísvaradatta [147] who was perhaps of the same family as the
Ábhíra king of the Násik inscription seems to have conquered the
kingdom of Kshatrapa Vijayasena, adding Gujarát, Káthiáváda, and
part of the Dakhan to his other territory. In honour of this great
conquest he may have taken the title Mahákshatrapa and struck coins
in the Gujarát Kshatrapa style but in an era reckoned from the date
of his own conquest. Ísvaradatta's success was shortlived. Only two
years later (that is about A.D. 252) the Mahákshatrapa Dámájadasrí
won back the lost Kshatrapa territory. The fact that Ísvaradatta's
recorded coins belong to only two years and that the break between
the regular Kshatrapas Vijayasena and Dámájadasrí did not last more
than two or three years gives support to this explanation. [148]

The following table gives the genealogy of the Western Kshatrapas:


[The Kshatrapa Family Tree.] THE WESTERN KSHATRAPAS.

                                                    I.
                                            Nahapána,
                                        King, Kshaharáta, Kshatrapa
                                             (A.D. 100-120 ?).
                                  --------------------------------------
                                                   II.
                                   Chashtana, son of Zamotika,
                                            King, Mahákshatrapa
                                               (A.D. 100-130).
                                                    |
                                                   III.
                                        Jayadáman, King, Kshatrapa
                                                (A.D. 130-140).
                                                    |
                                                   IV.
                                               Rudradáman,
                                           King, Mahákshatrapa
                                           (A.D. 143-158 circa).
                                                   |
    -----------------------------------------------+-----------------------------
    |                                                                           |
    V.                                                                        VII.
Dámázada or Dámájadasrí,                                                    Rudrasimha,
King, Kshatrapa                                                         King, Mahákshatrapa
(A.D. 168 circa).                                                      (A.D. 180-196 circa).
    |                                                                           |
    |                                 ------------------------------------------+-----------------
    |                                 |                     |                                    |
   VI.                              VIII.                  X.                                   XI.
Jivadáman,                        Rudrasena,           Sanghadáman,                          Dámasena,
King, Mahákshatrapa           King, Mahákshatrapa    King, Mahákshatrapa                  King, Mahákshatrapa
(A.D. 178, A.D. 196 circa).  (A.D. 200-220 circa).  (A.D. 222-226 circa).                (A.D. 226-236 circa).
               ----------------------+-------------------------                                  |
               |                                              |                                  |
              IX.                                            XII.                                |
    Prithivísena, King, Kshatrapa            Dámájadasrí II. King, Kshatrapa                     |
         (A.D. 222 circa).                             (A.D. 232 circa).                         |
                                                                                                 |
                    -----------------------------------------------------------------------------|-------
                    |                             |                            |                        |
                  XIII.                          XIV.                         XV.                      XVI.
               Víradáman,                    Yasadáman II.                Vijayasena,              Dámájadasrí III.
              King, Kshatrapa               King, Kshatrapa           King, Kshatrapa and        King, Mahákshatrapa
            (A.D. 236, 238 circa).      (A.D. 238, 239 circa).           Mahákshatrapa           (A.D. 251-255 circa).
                    |                                                 (A.D. 238-249 circa).
                  XVII.
               Rudrasena II.
            King, Mahákshatrapa
           (A.D. 256-272 circa).
                    |
        ------------+----------------------
        |                                 |
      XVIII.                             XIX.
  Visvasimha,                       Bharttridáman,
  King, Kshatrapa                 King, Kshatrapa and
(A.D. 272-278 circa).                Mahákshatrapa
                                 (A.D. 278-294 circa).
                                          |
                                         XX.
                                      Visvasena,
                                   King, Kshatrapa
                                (A.D. 296-300 circa).
                                          |
                                         XXI.
                                  Rudrasimha son of
                                   Svámi Jívadáman,
                                    King, Kshatrapa
                              (A.D. 308, 309, 318 circa).
                                          |
                 -------------------------+-------------------------
                 |                                                 |
               XXII.                                             XXIII.
    Yasadáman II. King, Kshatrapa                Dámasiri, King, Mahákshatrapa
           (A.D. 318 circa).                               (A.D. 320 circa).
                              ---------------------------------------------------------
                                                                 XXIV.
                                                          Svámi Rudrasena III.
                                                           King, Mahákshatrapa
                                                son of king Mahákshatrapa, Svámi Rudradáma,
                                                       (A.D. 348, 366-376 circa).
                              ---------------------------------------------------------
                                                                 XXV.
                                                         Svámi Rudrasena IV.
                                                         King, Mahákshatrapa,
                                             son of king Mahákshatrapa, Svámi Satyasena,
                                                         (A.D. 378-388 circa).
                              ---------------------------------------------------------
                                                                XXVI.
                                                         Svámi Simhasena
                                                          King, Mahákshatrapa,
                                                    sister's son of king Mahákshatrapa
                                                         Svámi Rudrasena (XXV).
                              ---------------------------------------------------------
                                                               XXVII.
                                                            Skanda ----?



CHAPTER VI.

THE TRAIKÚTAKAS

(A.D. 250-450.)


[Two Plates.] The materials regarding the Traikútakas, though meagre,
serve to show that they were a powerful dynasty who rose to consequence
about the time of the middle Kshatrapas (A.D. 250). All the recorded
information is in two copperplates, one the Kanheri copperplate found
by Dr. Bird in 1839, [149] the other a copperplate found at Párdi
near Balsár in 1885. [150] Both plates are dated, the Kanheri plate
'in the year two hundred and forty-five of the increasing rule of
the Traikútakas'; the Párdi plate in Samvat 207 clearly figured. The
Kanheri plate contains nothing of historical importance; the Párdi
plate gives the name of the donor as Dahrasena or Dharasena 'the
illustrious great king of the Traikútakas.' Though it does not give
any royal name the Kanheri plate expressly mentions the date as the
year 245 of the increasing rule of the Traikútakas. The Párdi plate
gives the name of the king as 'of the Traikútakas' but merely mentions
the date as Sam. 207. This date though not stated to be in the era
of the Traikútakas must be taken to be dated in the same era as the
Kanheri plate seeing that the style of the letters of both plates is
very similar.

The initial date must therefore have been started by the founder
of the dynasty and the Kanheri plate proves the dynasty must have
lasted at least 245 years. The Párdi plate is one of the earliest
copper-plate grants in India. Neither the genealogy nor even the usual
three generations including the father and grandfather are given, nor
like later plates does it contain a wealth of attributes. The king
is called 'the great king of the Traikútakas,' the performer of the
asvamedha or horse-sacrifice, a distinction bespeaking a powerful
sovereign. It may therefore be supposed that Dahrasena held South
Gujarát to the Narbadá together with part of the North Konkan and of
the Ghát and Dakhan plateau.

[Initial Date.] What then was the initial date of the Traikútakas? Ten
Gujarát copper-plates of the Gurjjaras and Chalukyas are dated in an
unknown era with Sam. followed by the date figures as in the Párdi
plate and as in Gupta inscriptions. The earliest is the fragment from
Sankhedá in the Baroda State dated Sam. 346, which would fall in the
reign of Dadda I. of Broach. [151] Next come the two Kaira grants
of the Gurjjara king Dadda Prasántarága dated Sam. 380 and Sam. 385
[152]; and the Sankhedá grant of Ranagraha dated Sam. 391 [153];
then the Kaira grant of the Chalukya king Vijayarája or Vijayavarman
dated Samvatsara 394 [154]; then the Bagumrá grant of the Sendraka
chief Nikumbhallasakti [155]; two grants from Navsári and Surat of
the Chalukya king Síláditya Sryásraya dated 421 and 443 [156]; two
the Navsári and Kávi grants of the Gurjjara king Jayabhata dated
respectively Sam. 456 and Sam. 486 [157]; and a grant of Pulakesi
dated Samvat 490. [158]

Of these the grant dated 421 speaks of Síláditya Sryásraya as
Yuvarája or heir-apparent and as the son of Jayasimhavarmman. The
plate further shows that Jayasimhavarmman was brother of Vikramáditya
and son of Pulakesi Vallabha 'the conqueror of the northern king
Harshavardhana.' The name Jayasimhavarmman does not occur in any
copperplate of the main line of the Western Chalukyas of the
Dakhan. That he is called Mahárája or great king and that his
son Síláditya is called Yuvarája or heir-apparent suggest that
Jayasimhavarmman was the founder of the Gujarát branch of the Western
Chalukyas and that his great Dakhan brother Vikramáditya was his
overlord, a relation which would explain the mention of Vikramáditya
in the genealogy of the copper-plate. Vikramáditya's reign ended in
A.D. 680 (Saka 602). [159] Supposing our grant to be dated in this last
year of Vikramáditya, Samvat 421 should correspond to Saka 602, which
gives Saka 181 or A.D. 259 as the initial date of the era in which
the plate is dated. Probably the plate was dated earlier in the reign
of Vikramáditya giving A.D. 250. In any case the era used cannot be
the Gupta era whose initial year is now finally settled to be A.D. 319.

The second grant of the same Síláditya is dated Samvat 443. In it,
both in an eulogistic verse at the beginning and in the text of
the genealogy, Vinayáditya Satyásraya Vallabha is mentioned as the
paramount sovereign which proves that by Samvat 443 Vikramáditya
had been succeeded by Vinayáditya. The reign of Vinayáditya has been
fixed as lasting from Saka 602 to Saka 618 that is from A.D. 680 to
A.D. 696-97. [160] Taking Saka 615 or A.D. 693 to correspond with
Samvat 443, the initial year of the era is A.D. 250.

The grant of Pulakesivallabha Janásraya dated Samvat 490, mentions
Mangalarasaráya as the donor's elder brother and as the son of
Jayasimhavarmman. And a Balsár grant whose donor is mentioned as
Mangalarája son of Jayasimhavarmman, apparently the same as the
Mangalarasaráya of the plate just mentioned, is dated Saka 653. [161]
Placing the elder brother about ten years before the younger we get
Samvat 480 as the date of Mangalarája, which, corresponding with Saka
653 or A.D. 730-31, gives A.D. 730 minus 480 that is A.D. 250-51 as
the initial year of the era in which Pulakesi's grant is dated. In the
Navsári plates, which record a gift by the Gurjjara king Jayabhata in
Samvat 456, Dadda II. the donor of the Kaira grants which bear date
380 and 385, is mentioned in the genealogical part at the beginning as
'protecting the lord of Valabhi who had been defeated by the great
lord the illustrious Harshadeva.' Now the great Harshadeva or Harsha
Vardhana of Kanauj whose court was visited by the Chinese pilgrim
Hiuen Tsiang between A.D. 629 and 645, reigned according to Reinaud
from A.D. 607 to about A.D. 648. Taking A.D. 250 as the initial
year of the era of the Kaira plates, Dadda II.'s dates 380 and 385,
corresponding to A.D. 630 and 635, fall in the reign of Harshavardhana.

These considerations seem to show that the initial date of the
Traikútaka era was at or about A.D. 250 which at once suggests its
identity with the Chedi or Kalachuri era. [162] The next question is,
Who were these Traikútakas. The meaning of the title seems to be kings
of Trikúta. Several references seem to point to the existence of a
city named Trikúta on the western seaboard. In describing Raghu's
triumphant progress the Rámáyana and the Raghuvamsa mention him as
having established the city of Trikúta in Aparánta on the western
seaboard. [163] Trikútakam or Trikútam, a Sanskrit name for sea
salt seems a reminiscence of the time when Trikúta was the emporium
from which Konkan salt was distributed over the Dakhan. The scanty
information regarding the territory ruled by the Traikútakas is in
agreement with the suggestion that Junnar in North Poona was the
probable site of their capital and that in the three ranges that
encircle Junnar we have the origin of the term Trikúta or Three-Peaked.

[Their Race or Tribe.] Of the race or tribe of the Traikútakas nothing
is known. The conjecture may be offered that they are a branch of the
Ábhíra kings of the Puránas, one of whom is mentioned in Inscription
XV. of Násik Cave X. which from the style of the letters belongs to
about A.D. 150 to 200. The easy connection between Násik and Balsár
by way of Peth (Peint) and the nearness in time between the Násik
inscription and the initial date of the Traikútakas support this
conjecture. The further suggestion may be offered that the founder
of the line of Traikútakas was the Ísvaradatta, who, as noted
in the Kshatrapa chapter, held the overlordship of Káthiáváda as
Mahákshatrapa, perhaps during the two years A.D. 248 and 249, a result
in close agreement with the conclusions drawn from the examination of
the above quoted Traikútaka and Chalukya copperplates. As noted in
the Kshatrapa chapter after two years' supremacy Ísvaradatta seems
to have been defeated and regular Kshatrapa rule restored about
A.D. 252 (K. 174) by Dámájadasrí son of Vijayasena. The unbroken
use of the title Mahákshatrapa, the moderate and uniform lengths of
the reigns, and the apparently unquestioned successions suggest,
what the discovery of Kshatrapa coins at Karád near Sátára in the
Dakhan and at Amrávati in the Berárs seems to imply, that during
the second half of the third century Kshatrapa rule was widespread
and firmly established. [164] The conjecture may be offered that
Rudrasena (A.D. 256-272) whose coins have been found in Amrávati in
the Berárs spread his power at the expense of the Traikútakas driving
them towards the Central Provinces where they established themselves
at Tripura and Kálanjara. [165] Further that under Bráhman influence,
just as the Gurjjaras called themselves descendants of Karna the hero
of the Mahábhárata, and the Pallavas claimed to be of the Bháradvája
stock, the Traikútakas forgot their Ábhíra origin and claimed descent
from the Haihayas. Again as the Valabhis (A.D. 480-767) adopted the
Gupta era but gave it their own name so the rulers of Tripura seem
to have continued the original Traikútaka era of A.D. 248-9 under
the name of the Chedi era. The decline of the Kshatrapas dates from
about A.D. 300 the rule of Visvasena the twentieth Kshatrapa son of
Bharttridáman. The subsequent disruption of the Kshatrapa empire was
probably the work of their old neighbours and foes the Traikútakas,
who, under the name of Haihayas, about the middle of the fifth century
(A.D. 455-6) rose to supremacy and established a branch at their old
city of Trikúta ruling the greater part of the Bombay Dakhan and
South Gujarát and probably filling the blank between A.D. 410 the
fall of the Kshatrapas and A.D. 500 the rise of the Chálukyas.

About 1887 Pandit Bhagvánlál secured nine of a hoard of 500 silver
coins found at Daman in South Gujarát. All are of one king a close
imitation of the coins of the latest Kshatrapas. On the obverse is
a bust of bad workmanship and on the reverse are the usual Kshatrapa
symbols encircled with the legend:


    Mahárájendravarmaputra Parama Vaishnava Srí Mahárája Rudragana.

 The devoted Vaishnava the illustrious king Rudragana son of the great
                            king Indravarma.


At Karád, thirty-one miles south of Sátára, Mr. Justice Newton obtained
a coin of this Rudragana, with the coins of many Kshatrapas including
Visvasimha son of Bharttridáman who ruled up to A.D. 300. This would
favour the view that Rudragana was the successful rival who wrested
the Dakhan and North Konkan from Visvasimha. The fact that during the
twenty years after Visvasimha (A.D. 300-320) none of the Kshatrapas
has the title Mahákshatrapa seems to show they ruled in Káthiáváda as
tributaries of this Rudragana and his descendants of the Traikútaka
family. The Dahrasena of the Párdi plate whose inscription date is 207,
that is A.D. 457, may be a descendant of Rudragana. The Traikútaka
kingdom would thus seem to have flourished at least till the middle
of the fifth century. Somewhat later, or at any rate after the date
of the Kanheri plate (245 = A.D. 495), it was overthrown by either
the Mauryas or the Guptas. [166]



CHAPTER VII.

THE GUPTAS

(G. 90-149; A.D. 410-470.)


After the Kshatrapas (A.D. 120-410) the powerful dynasty of the Guptas
established themselves in Gujarát. So far as the dynasty is connected
with Gujarát the Gupta tree is:


                                 Gupta.
                       G.1-12(?)--A.D.319-322(?)
                         Petty N. W. P. Chief.
                                   |
                              Ghatotkacha.
                       G.12-29(?)--A.D.332-349(?)
                         Petty N. W. P. Chief.
                                   |
                            Chandragupta I.
                       G.29-49(?)--A.D.349-369(?)
                        Powerful N. W. P. Chief.
                                   |
                             Samudragupta.
                        G.50-75(?)--A.D.370-395.
                       Great N. W. P. Sovereign.
                                   |
                            Chandragupta II.
                         G.70-96--A.D.396-415.
                     Great Monarch conquers Málwa.
                 G.80 A.D.400 and Gujarát G.90 A.D.410.
                                   |
                              Kumáragupta.
                         G.97-133--A.D.416-453.
                     Rules Gujarát and Káthiáváda.
                                   |
                              Skandagupta.
                        G.133-149--A.D.454-470.
                  Rules Gujarát Káthiáváda and Kachch.


According to the Puránas [167] the original seat of the Guptas
was between the Ganges and the Jamna. Their first capital is
not determined. English writers usually style them the Guptas of
Kanauj. And though this title is simply due to the chance that Gupta
coins were first found at Kanauj, further discoveries show that the
chief remains of Gupta records and coins are in the territory to the
east and south-east of Kanauj. Of the race of the Guptas nothing is
known. According to the ordinances of the Smritis or Sacred Books,
[168] the terminal gupta belongs only to Vaisyas a class including
shepherds cultivators and traders. Of the first three kings, Gupta
Ghatotkacha and Chandragupta I., beyond the fact that Chandragupta
I. bore the title of Mahárájádhirája, neither descriptive titles
nor details are recorded. As the fourth king Samudragupta performed
the long-neglected horse-sacrifice he must have been Bráhmanical in
religion. And as inscriptions style Samudragupta's three successors,
Chandragupta II. Kumáragupta and Skandagupta, Parama Bhágavata,
they must have been Smárta Vaishnavas, that is devotees of Vishnu
and observers of Vedic ceremonies.

[The Founder Gupta, A.D. 319-322(?).] The founder of the dynasty is
styled Gupta. In inscriptions this name always appears as Srí-gupta
which is taken to mean protected by Srí or Lakshmí. Against this
explanation it is to be noted that in their inscriptions all Gupta's
successors, have a Srí before their names. The question therefore
arises; If Srí forms part of the name why should the name Srígupta
have had no second Srí prefixed in the usual way. Further in the
inscriptions the lineage appears as Guptavamsa that is the lineage
of the Guptas never Sríguptavamsa [169]; and whenever dates in the
era of this dynasty are given they are conjoined with the name Gupta
never with Srígupta. [170] It may therefore be taken that Gupta not
Srígupta is the correct form of the founder's name. [171]

[Ghatotkacha, A.D. 322-349(?).] Gupta the founder seems never to have
risen to be more than a petty chief. No known inscription gives him
the title Mahárájádhirája Supreme Ruler of Great Kings, which all
Gupta rulers after the founder's grandson Chandragupta assume. Again
that no coins of the founder and many coins of his successors have
been discovered makes it probable that Gupta was not a ruler of
enough importance to have a currency of his own. According to the
inscriptions Gupta was succeeded by his son Ghatotkacha a petty chief
like his father with the title of Mahárája and without coins.

[Chandragupta I. A.D. 349-369(?).] Chandragupta I. (A.D. 349-369
[?]), the son and successor of Ghatotkacha, is styled Mahárájádhirája
either because he himself became powerful, or, more probably, because
he was the father of his very powerful successor Samudragupta. Though
he may not have gained the dignity of "supreme ruler of great kings"
by his own successes Chandragupta I. rose to a higher position than
his predecessors. He was connected by marriage with the Lichchhavi
dynasty of Tirhút an alliance which must have been considered of
importance since his son Samudragupta puts the name of his mother
Kumáradeví on his coins, and always styles himself daughter's son of
Lichchhavi. [172]

[Samudragupta, A.D. 370-395.] Samudragupta was the first of his
family to strike coins. His numerous gold coins are, with a certain
additional Indian element, adopted from those of his Indo-Skythian
predecessors. The details of the royal figure on the obverse are
Indian in the neck ornaments, large earrings, and headdress; they
are Indo-Skythian in the tailed coat, long boots, and straddle. The
goddess on the reverse of some coins with a fillet and cornucopia is
an adaptation of an Indo-Skythian figure, while the lotus-holding
Ganges on an alligator and the standing Glory holding a flyflapper
on the reverse of other coins are purely Indian. [173]

[His Coins.] A noteworthy feature of Samudragupta's coins is that
one or other of almost all his epithets appears on each of his coins
with a figure of the king illustrating the epithet. Coins with the
epithet Sarvarájochchhettá Destroyer-of-all-kings have on the obverse
a standing king stretching out a banner topped by the wheel or disc
of universal supremacy. [174]

Coins [175] with the epithet Apratiratha Peerless have on the obverse a
standing king whose left hand rests on a bow and whose right hand holds
a loose-lying unaimed arrow and in front an Eagle or Garuda standard
symbolizing the unrivalled supremacy of the king, his arrow no longer
wanted, his standard waving unchallenged. On the obverse is the legend:


             Apratiratharájanyakírti(r)mama vijáyate. [176]

        Triumphant is the glory of me the unrivalled sovereign.


Coins with the attribute Kritánta parasu the Death-like-battle-axe have
on the obverse a royal figure grasping a battle-axe. [177] In front
of the royal figure a boy, perhaps Samudragupta's son Chandragupta,
holds a standard. Coins with the attribute Asvamedhaparákramah
Able-to-hold-a-horse-sacrifice have on the obverse a horse standing
near a sacrificial post yúpa and on the reverse a female figure with
a flyflap. [178] The legend on the obverse is imperfect and hard to
read. The late Mr. Thomas restores it:


              Navajamadhah rájádhirája prithivím jiyatya.

              Horse sacrifice, after conquering the earth,
                       the great king (performs).


Coins with the legend Lichchhaveyah, a coin abbreviation for
Lichchhavidauhitra Daughter's son of Lichchhavi (?), have on the
obverse a standing king grasping a javelin. [179] Under the javelin
hand are the letters Chandraguptah. Facing the king a female figure
with trace of the letters Kumáradeví seems to speak to him. These
figures of his mother and father are given to explain the attribute
Lichchhaveya or scion of Lichchhavi. This coin has been supposed to
belong to Chandragupta I. but the attribute Lichchhaveyah can apply
only to Samudragupta.

[His Allahábád Inscription.] A fuller source of information regarding
Samudragupta remains in his inscription on the Allahábád Pillar. [180]
Nearly eight verses of the first part are lost. The first three verses
probably described his learning as what remains of the third verse
mentions his poetic accomplishments, and line 27 says he was skilled in
poetry and music, a trait further illustrated by what are known as his
Lyrist coins where he is shown playing a lute. [181] The fourth verse
says that during his lifetime his father chose Samudragupta to rule
the earth from among others of equal birth. His father is mentioned as
pleased with him and this is followed by the description of a victory
during which several opponents are said to have submitted. The seventh
verse records the sudden destruction of the army of Achyuta Nágasena
and the punishment inflicted on a descendant of the Kota family.

Lines 19 and 20 record the conquest, or submission, of the
following South Indian monarchs, Mahendra of Kosala, Vyághrarája
of Mahá Kántára, [182] Mundarája of Kauráttá, [183] Svámidatta of
Paishtapura Mahendra-Giri and Auttura [184], Damana of Airandapallaka,
Vishnu of Káñchí, Nílarája Sápávamukta, [185] Hastivarman of Vengí,
Ugrasena of Pálaka, [186] Kubera of Daivaráshtra, and Dhanamjaya of
Kausthalapura. Line 21 gives a further list of nine kings of Áryávarta
exterminated by Samudragupta:


            Rudradeva.             Nágasena.
            Matila.                Achyuta.
            Nágadatta.             Nandin.
            Chandravarman.         Balavarmman.
            Ganapatinága.


As no reference is made to the territories of these kings they may be
supposed to be well known neighbouring rulers. General Cunningham's
coins and others obtained at Mathurá, show that the fifth ruler
Ganapatinága was one of the Nága kings of Gwálior and Narwár. [187]
The inscription next mentions that Samudragupta took into his employ
the chiefs of the forest countries. Then in lines 22 and 23 follows
a list of countries whose kings gave him tribute, who obeyed his
orders, and who came to pay homage. The list includes the names of
many frontier countries and the territories of powerful contemporary
kings. The frontier kingdoms are: [188]


                Samatata.       Nepála.
                Daváka.         Karttrika.
                Kámarúpa.


The Indian kingdoms are: [189]


            Málava.                 Prárjuna.
            Arjunáyana.             Sanakáníka.
            Yaudheya.               Káka.
            Mádraka.                Kharaparika.
            Ábhíra.


Mention is next made of kings who submitted, gave their daughters in
marriage, paid tribute, and requested the issue of the Garuda or Eagle
charter to secure them in the enjoyment of their territory. [190]
The tribal names of these kings are: [191]


            Devaputra.          Murunda.
            Sháhi.              Saimhalaka.
            Sháhánusháhi.       Island Kings.
            Saka.


The inscribed pillar is said to have been set up by the great Captain
or Dandanáyaka named Tilabhattanáyaka.

This important inscription shows that Samudragupta's dominions
included Mathurá, Oudh, Gorakhpur, Allahábád, Benares, Behár, Tirhút,
Bengal, and part of East Rájputána. The list of Dakhan and South
Indian kingdoms does not necessarily imply that they formed part of
Samudragupta's territory. Samudragupta may have made a victorious
campaign to the far south and had the countries recorded in the order
of his line of march. The order suggests that he went from Behár,
by way of Gayá, to Kosala the country about the modern Ráipur in
the Central Provinces, and from Kosala, by Ganjam and other places
in the Northern Circars, as far as Káñchí or Conjeveram forty-six
miles south-west of Madras. Málwa is shown in the second list as a
powerful allied kingdom. It does not appear to have formed part of
Samudragupta's territory nor, unless the Sakas are the Kshatrapas,
does any mention of Gujarát occur even as an allied state.

[Chandragupta II. A.D. 396-415.] Samudragupta was succeeded by his
son Chandragupta II. whose mother was the queen Dattádeví. He was the
greatest and most powerful king of the Gupta dynasty and added largely
to the territory left by Samudragupta. His second name Vikramáditya or
the Sun of Prowess appears on his coins. Like his father Chandragupta
II. struck gold coins of various types. He was the first Gupta ruler
who spread his power over Málwa and Gujarát which he apparently took
from the Kshatrapas as he was the first Gupta to strike silver coins
and as his silver coins of both varieties the eastern and the western
are modifications of the Kshatrapa type. The expedition which conquered
Málwa seems to have passed from Allahábád by Bundelkhand to Bhilsá
and thence to Málwa. An undated inscription in the Udayagiri caves at
Vidisá (the modern Besnagar) near Bhilsa records the making of a cave
of Mahádeva by one Sába of the Kautsa gotra and the family name of
Vírasena, a poet and native of Pátaliputra who held the hereditary
office of minister of peace and war sandhivigrahika, and who is
recorded to have arrived with the king who was intent upon conquering
the whole earth. [192] A neighbouring cave bears an inscription
of a feudatory of Chandragupta who was chief of Sanakáníka. [193]
The chief's name is lost, but the names of his father Vishnudása
and of his grandfather Chhagalaga remain. The date is the eleventh
of the bright half of Áshádha Samvatsara 82 (A.D. 401). From this
Chandragupta's conquest of Vidisá may be dated about Samvatsara 80
(A.D. 399) or a little earlier.

A third inscription is on the railing of the great Sáñchi stúpa. [194]
It is dated the 4th day of Bhádrapada Samvat 93 (A.D. 412) and
records the gift of 25 dínáras and something called Ísvaravásaka
(perhaps a village or a field) to the monks of the great monastery
of Kákanádabotasrí for the daily maintenance of five bhikshus and the
burning of a lamp in the ratnagriha or shrine of the Buddhist triratna,
for the merit of the supreme king of great kings Chandragupta who
bears the popular name of Devarája or god-like. [195] The donor a
feudatory of Chandragupta named Ámrakárdava is described as having the
object of his life gratified by the favour of the feet of the supreme
ruler of great kings the illustrious Chandragupta, and as showing to
the world the hearty loyalty of a good feudatory. Ámrakárdava seems
to have been a chief of consequence as he is described as winning
the flag of glory in numerous battles. The name of his kingdom is
also recorded. Though it cannot now be made out the mention of his
kingdom makes it probable that he was a stranger come to pay homage to
Chandragupta. The reference to Chandragupta seems to imply he was the
ruler of the land while the two other inscriptions show that his rule
lasted from about 80 (A.D. 399) to at least 93 (A.D. 412). During
these years Chandragupta seems to have spread his sway to Ujjain
the capital of west Málwa, of which he is traditionally called the
ruler. From Ujjain by way of Bágh and Tánda in the province of Ráth
he seems to have entered South Gujarát and to have passed from the
Broach coast to Káthiáváda. He seems to have wrested Káthiáváda from
its Kshatrapa rulers as he is the first Gupta who struck silver coins
and as his silver coins are of the then current Kshatrapa type. On
the obverse is the royal bust with features copied from the Kshatrapa
face and on the reverse is the figure of a peacock, probably chosen
as the bearer of Kártikasvámi the god of war. Round the peacock is a
Sanskrit legend. This legend is of two varieties. In Central Indian
coins it runs:


    Srí Guptakulasya Mahárájadhirája Srí Chandraguptavikramánkasya.

  (Coin) of the king of kings the illustrious Chandragupta Vikramánka,
             of the family of the illustrious Gupta. [196]


In the very rare Káthiáváda coins, though they are similar to the
above in style, the legend runs:


     Paramabhágavata Mahárájádhirája Srí Chandragupta Vikramáditya.

   The great devotee of Vishnu the supreme ruler of great kings, the
              illustrious Chandragupta Vikramáditya. [197]


Several gold coins of Chandragupta show a young male figure behind
the king with his right hand laid on the king's shoulder. This
youthful figure is apparently Chandragupta's son Kumáragupta
who may have acted as Yuvarája during the conquest of Málwa. The
rareness of Chandragupta's and the commonness of Kumáragupta's
coins in Káthiáváda, together with the date 90 (A.D. 409) on some
of Kumáragupta's coins make it probable that on their conquest his
father appointed Kumáragupta viceroy of Gujarát and Káthiáváda.

As the first Gupta was a chief of no great power or influence it is
probable that though it is calculated from him the Gupta era was
established not by him but by his grandson the great Chandragupta
II. [198] This view is confirmed by the absence of dates on all
existing coins of Chandragupta's father Samudragupta. It further
seems probable that like the Málavas in B.C. 57 and the Kshatrapas
in A.D. 78 the occasion on which Chandragupta established the Gupta
era was his conquest of Málwa. The Gupta era did not remain long in
use. After the fall of Gupta power (A.D. 470) the old Málava era of
B.C. 57 was revived. The conjecture may be offered that, in spite of
the passing away of Gupta power, under his title of Vikramáditya,
the fame of the great Gupta conqueror Chandragupta II. lived on in
Málwa and that, drawing to itself tales of earlier local champions,
the name Vikramáditya came to be considered the name of the founder
of the Málava era. [199]

Working back from Gupta Samvat 80 (A.D. 400) the date of Chandragupta's
conquest of Málwa we may allot 1 to 12 (A.D. 319-332) to the founder
Gupta: 12 to 29 (A.D. 332-349) to Gupta's son Ghatotkacha: 29 to 49
(A.D. 349-369) to Ghatotkacha's son Chandragupta I.: and 50 to 75
(A.D. 370-395) to Chandragupta's powerful son Samudragupta who
probably had a long reign. As the latest known date of Chandragupta
II. is 93 (A.D. 413) and as a Bilsad inscription [200] of his successor
Kumáragupta is dated 96 (A.D. 416) the reign of Chandragupta II. may be
calculated to have lasted during the twenty years ending 95 (A.D. 415).

[Kumáragupta, A.D. 416-453.] Chandragupta II. was succeeded by
his son Kumáragupta whose mother was the queen Dhruva-Deví. On
Kumáragupta's coins three titles occur: Mahendra, Mahendra-Vikrama,
and Mahendráditya. As already noticed the circulation of Kumáragupta's
coins in Káthiáváda during his father's reign makes it probable that
on their conquest his father appointed him viceroy of Káthiáváda and
Gujarát. Kumáragupta appears to have succeeded his father about 96
(A.D. 416). An inscription at Mankuwár near Prayága shows he was ruling
as late as 129 (A.D. 449) and a coin of his dated 130 (A.D. 450) adds
at least one year to his reign. On the other hand the inscription on
the Girnár rock shows that in 137 (A.D. 457) his son Skandagupta was
king. It follows that Kumáragupta's reign ended between 130 and 137
(A.D. 450-457) or about 133 (A.D. 453).

None of Kumáragupta's four inscriptions gives any historical or other
details regarding him. [201] But the number and the wide distribution
of his coins make it probable that during his long reign he maintained
his father's dominions intact.

Large numbers of Kumáragupta's coins of gold silver and copper have
been found. The gold which are of various types are inferior in
workmanship to his father's coins. The silver and copper coins are of
two varieties, eastern and western. Both varieties have on the obverse
the royal bust in the Kshatrapa style of dress. In the western pieces
the bust is a copy of the moustached Kshatrapa face with a corrupted
version of the corrupt Greek legend used by the Kshatrapas. The
only difference between the obverses of the Western Gupta and the
Kshatrapa coins is that the date is in the Gupta instead of in the
Kshatrapa era. On the reverse is an ill formed peacock facing front
as in Chandragupta II.'s coins. The legend runs:


     Paramabhágavata Maharájádhirája Srí Kumáragupta Mahendráditya.

 The great Vaishnava the supreme ruler of great kings, the illustrious
                    Kumáragupta Mahendráditya. [202]


In Kumáragupta's eastern silver and copper coins the bust on the
obverse has no moustache nor is there any trace of the corrupt Greek
legend. The date is in front of the face in perpendicular numerals one
below the other instead of behind the head as in the Kshatrapa and
Western Kumáragupta coins. On the reverse is a well-carved peacock
facing front with tail feathers at full stretch. Round the peacock
runs the clear cut legend:


             Vijitávaniravanipati Kumáragupto devam jayati.


This legend is hard to translate. It seems to mean:


     Kumáragupta, lord of the earth, who had conquered the kings of
                     the earth, conquers the Deva.


Probably the Deva whose name suggested the antithesis between the
kings of the earth and the gods was one of the Devaputra family of
Indo-Skythian rulers. [203]

[Skandagupta, A.D. 454-470.] Kumáragupta was succeeded by his
son Skandagupta. An inscription of his on a pillar at Bhitarí near
Saidpur in Gházipur bearing no date shows that on his father's death
Skandagupta had a hard struggle to establish his power. [204] The text
runs: "By whom when he rose to fix fast again the shaken fortune of
his house, three months [205] were spent on the earth as on a bed,"
an apparent reference to flight and wanderings. A doubtful passage in
the same inscription seems to show that he was opposed by a powerful
king named Pushyamitra on whose back he is said to have set his left
foot. [206] The inscription makes a further reference to the troubles
of the family stating that on re-establishing the shaken fortune of his
house Skandagupta felt satisfied and went to see his weeping afflicted
mother. Among the enemies with whom Skandagupta had to contend the
inscription mentions a close conflict with the Húnas that is the
Ephthalites, Thetals, or White Huns. [207] Verse 3 of Skandagupta's
Girnár inscription confirms the reference to struggles stating that on
the death of his father by his own might he humbled his enemies to the
earth and established himself. As the Girnár inscription is dated 136
(A.D. 456) and as Kumáragupta's reign ended about 134, these troubles
and difficulties did not last for more than two years. The Girnár
inscription further states that on establishing his power he conquered
the earth, destroyed the arrogance of his enemies, and appointed
governors in all provinces. For Suráshtra he selected a governor
named Parnadatta and to Parnadatta's son Chakrapálita he gave a share
of the management placing him in charge of Junágadh city. During
the governorship of Parnadatta the Sudarsana lake close to Junágadh,
which had been strongly rebuilt in the time of the Kshatrapa Rudradáman
(A.D. 150), again gave way during the dark sixth of Bhádrapada of the
year 136 (A.D. 456). The streams Palásiní Sikatá, and Vilásiní [208]
burst through the dam and flowed unchecked. Repairs were begun on the
first of bright Gríshma 137 (A.D. 457) and finished in two months. The
new dam is said to have been 100 cubits long by 68 cubits broad and 7
men or about 38 feet high. The probable site of the lake is in the west
valley of the Girnár hill near what is called Bhavanátha's pass. [209]
The inscription also records the making of a temple of Vishnu in
the neighbourhood by Chakrapálita, which was probably on the site
of the modern Dámodar's Mandir in the Bhavanátha pass, whose image
is of granite and is probably as old as the Guptas. A new temple was
built in the fifteenth century during the rule of Mandalika the last
Chúdásamá ruler of Junágadh. At the time of the Musalmán conquest
(A.D. 1484) as violence was feared the images were removed and
buried. Mandalika's temple was repaired by Amarji Diván of Junágadh
(1759-1784). It was proposed to make and consecrate new images. But
certain old images of Vishnu were found in digging foundations for
the enclosure wall and were consecrated. Two of these images were
taken by Girnára Bráhmans and consecrated in the names of Baladevji
and Revatí in a neighbouring temple specially built for them. Of the
original temple the only trace is a pilaster built into the wall to
the right as one enters. The style and carving are of the Gupta period.

As almost all the Gupta coins found in Cutch are Skandagupta's and
very few are Kumáragupta's, Skandagupta seems to have added Cutch to
the provinces of Gujarát and Káthiáváda inherited from his father. In
Káthiáváda Skandagupta's coins are rare, apparently because of the
abundant currency left by his father which was so popular in Káthiáváda
that fresh Kumáragupta coins of a degraded type were issued as late
as Valabhi times.

Like his father, Skandagupta issued a gold coinage in his eastern
dominions but no trace of a gold currency appears in the west. Like
Kumáragupta's his silver coins were of two varieties, eastern
and western. The eastern coins have on the obverse a bust as in
Kumáragupta's coins and the date near the face. On the reverse is a
peacock similar to Kumáragupta's and round the peacock the legend:


           Vijitávaniravanipati jayati devam Skandagupto'yam.

   This king Skandagupta who having conquered the earth conquers the
                              Deva. [210]


Skandagupta's western coins are of three varieties, one the same as
the western coins of Kumáragupta, a second with a bull instead of
a peacock on the reverse, and a third with on the reverse an altar
with one upright and two side jets of water. Coins of the first two
varieties are found both in Gujarát and in Káthiáváda. The third
water-jet variety is peculiar to Cutch and is an entirely new feature
in the western Gupta coinage. On the reverse of all is the legend:


        Paramabhágavata Mahárájadhirája Skandagupta Kramáditya.

   The great Vaishnava the supreme ruler of great kings, Skandagupta
                       the Sun of Prowess. [211]


The beginning of Skandagupta's reign has been placed about Gupta 133
or A.D. 453: his latest known date on a coin in General Cunningham's
collection is Gupta 149 or A.D. 469. [212]

[Budhagupta, A.D. 485.] With Skandagupta the regular Gupta succession
ceases. [213] The next Gupta is Budhagupta who has a pillar inscription
[214] in a temple at Eran in the Saugor district dated 165 (A.D. 485)
and silver coins dated Samvat 174 and 180 odd (A.D. 494-500 odd). Of
Budhagupta's relation or connection with Skandagupta nothing is
known. That he belonged to the Gupta dynasty appears from his name as
well as from his silver coins which are dated in the Gupta era and
are the same in style as the eastern coins of Skandagupta. On the
obverse is the usual bust as in Skandagupta's coins with the date
(174, 180 odd) near the face. On the reverse is the usual peacock
and the legend is the same as Skandagupta's:


           Devam jayati vijitávaniravanipati Srí Budhagupto.

    The king the illustrious Budhagupta who has conquered the earth
                        conquers the Deva. [215]


Since the coins are dated Samvat 174 and 180 odd (A.D. 494 and 500 odd)
and the inscription's date is 165 (A.D. 485) the inscription may be
taken to belong to the early part of Budhagupta's reign the beginning
of which may be allotted to about 160-162 (A.D. 480-482). As this is
more than ten years later than the latest known date of Skandagupta
(G. 149 A.D. 469) either a Gupta of whom no trace remains must have
intervened or the twelve blank years must have been a time of political
change and disturbance. The absence of any trace of a gold currency
suggests that Budhagupta had less power than his predecessors. The
correctness of this argument is placed beyond doubt by the pillar
inscription opposite the shrine in the Eran temple where instead
of his predecessor's title of monarch of the whole earth Budhagupta
is styled protector of the land between the Jamna (Kálindí) and the
Narbadá implying the loss of the whole territory to the east of the
Jamna. [216] In the west the failure of Gupta power seems still more
complete. Neither in Gujarát nor in Káthiáváda has an inscription
or even a coin been found with a reference to Budhagupta or to any
other Gupta ruler later than Skandagupta (G. 149 A.D. 469). The
pillar inscription noted above which is of the year 165 (A.D. 485)
and under the rule of Budhagupta states that the pillar was a gift to
the temple by Dhanya Vishnu and his brother Mátri Vishnu who at the
time of the gift seem to have been local Bráhman governors. A second
inscription on the lower part of the neck of a huge Boar or Varáha
image in a corner shrine of the same temple records that the image
was completed on the tenth day of Phálguna in the first year of the
reign of Toramána the supreme ruler of great kings and was the gift
of the same Dhanya Vishnu whose brother Mátri Vishnu is described as
gone to heaven. [217] Since Mátri was alive in the Budhagupta and was
dead in the Toramána inscription it follows that Toramána was later
than Budhagupta. His name and his new era show that Toramána was
not a Gupta. A further proof that Toramána wrested the kingdom from
Budhagupta is that except the change of era and that the bust turns to
the left instead of to the right, Toramána's silver coins are directly
adapted from Gupta coins of the eastern type. Certain coin dates seem
at variance with the view that Toramána flourished after Budhagupta. On
several coins the date 52 is clear. As Toramána's coins are copies of
the coins of Kumáragupta and Skandagupta and as most of these coins
have a numeral for one hundred the suggestion may be offered that a
one dropped out in striking Toramána's die and that this date should
read 152 not 52. Accepting this view Toramána's date would be 152
(A.D. 472) that is immediately after the death of Skandagupta.

The Gwálior inscription [218] mentions prince Mihirakula as the son of
Toramána and a second inscription from a well in Mandasor [219] dated
Málava Samvat 589 (A.D. 533) mentions a king named Yasodharman who was
ruler of Málwa when the well was built and who in a second Mandasor
inscription [220] is mentioned as having conquered Mihirakula. This
would separate Mihirakula from his father Toramána (A.D. 471) by more
than sixty years. In explanation of this gap it may be suggested that
the [1]52 (A.D. 472) coins were struck early in Toramána's reign in
honour of his conquest of the eastern Gupta territory. A reign of
twenty years would bring Toramána to 177 (A.D. 497). The Gwálior
inscription of Mihirakula is in the fifteenth year of his reign
that is on the basis of a succession date of 177 (A.D. 497) in Gupta
192 (A.D. 512). An interval of five years would bring Yasodharman's
conquest of Mihirakula to 197 (A.D. 517). This would place the making
of the well in the twenty-first year of Mihirakula's reign.

[Bhánugupta, A.D. 511.] After Budhagupta neither inscription nor
coin shows any trace of Gupta supremacy in Málwa. An Eran inscription
[221] found in 1869 on a linga-shaped stone, with the representation
of a woman performing satí, records the death in battle of a king
Goparájá who is mentioned as the daughter's son of Sarabharája and
appears to have been the son of king Mádhava. Much of the inscription
is lost. What remains records the passing to heaven of the deceased
king in the very destructive fight with the great warrior (pravíra)
Bhánugupta brave as Pártha. The inscription is dated the seventh of
dark Bhádrapada Gupta 191 in words as well as in numerals that is
in A.D. 511. This Bhánugupta would be the successor of Budhagupta
ruling over a petty Málwa principality which lasted till nearly the
time of the great Harshavardhana the beginning of the seventh century
(A.D. 607-650), as a Devagupta of Málwa is one of Rájyavardhana's
rivals in the Sríharshacharita. While Gupta power failed in Málwa and
disappeared from Western India a fresh branch of the Guptas rose in
Magadha or Behár and under Naragupta Báláditya, perhaps the founder
of the eastern branch of the later Gupta dynasty, attained the dignity
of a gold coinage. [222]

[The Pushyamitras, A.D. 455.] [Though the history of their last years
is known only in fragments, chiefly from inscriptions and coins,
little doubt remains regarding the power which first seriously
weakened the early Guptas. The Bhitari stone pillar of Skandagupta
[223] speaks of his restoring the fortunes of his family and conquering
the Pushyamitras and also of his joining in close conflict with the
Húnas. [224] Unfortunately the Bhitari inscription is not dated. The
Junágadh inscription, which bears three dates covering the period
between A.D. 455 and 458, [225] mentions pride-broken enemies in the
country of the Mlechchhas admitting Skandagupta's victory. That the
Mlechchhas of this passage refers to the Huns is made probable by the
fact that it does not appear that the Pushyamitras were Mlechchhas
while they and the Huns are the only enemies whom Skandagupta
boasts either of defeating or of meeting in close conflict. It may
therefore be assumed that the Huns became known to Skandagupta before
A.D. 455. As according to the Chinese historians [226] the White Huns
did not cross the Oxus into Baktria before A.D. 452, the founding
of the Hun capital of Badeghis [227] may be fixed between A.D. 452
and 455. As the above quoted inscriptions indicate that the Huns
were repulsed in their first attempt to take part in Indian politics
the disturbances during the last years of Kumáragupta's reign were
probably due to some tribe other than the Huns. This tribe seems to
have been the Pushyamitras whose head-quarters would seem to have been
in Northern India. Some other enemy must have arisen in Málwa since the
terms of Parnadatta's appointment to Suráshtra in A.D. 455-6 suggest
that country had been lost to the Gupta empire and re-conquered by
Skandagupta which would naturally be the case if a rival state had
arisen in Málwa and been overthrown by that king. So far as is known
the Huns made no successful attack on the Gupta empire during the
lifetime of Skandagupta whose latest date is A.D. 468-9. It is not
certain who succeeded Skandagupta. His brother Pura(or Sthira-)gupta
ruled in or near Magadha. But it is not certain whether he was the
successor or the rival of Skandagupta. [228] That Skandagupta's
inscriptions are found in the Patna district in the east [229] and
in Káthiáváda in the west [230] suggests that during his life the
empire was not divided nor does any one of his inscriptions hint at a
partition. The probability is that Skandagupta was succeeded by his
brother Puragupta, who again was followed by his son Narasimhagupta
and his grandson Kumáragupta II. [231]

[White Huns, A.D. 450-520.] Among the northerners who with or shortly
after the Pushyamitras shared in the overthrow of Gupta power two
names, a father and a son, Toramána and Mihirakula are prominent. It
is not certain that these kings were Húnas by race. Their tribe were
almost certainly his rivals' allies whom Skandagupta's Bhitari and
Junágadh inscriptions style the one Húnas the other Mlechchhas. [232]
On one of Toramána's coins Mr. Fleet reads [233] the date 52 which he
interprets as a regnal date. This though not impossible is somewhat
unlikely. The date of Mihirakula's succession to his father is fixed
somewhere about A.D. 515. [234] In the neighbourhood of Gwálior
he reigned at least fifteen years. [235] The story of Mihirakula's
interview with Báláditya's mother and his long subsequent history [236]
indicate that when he came to the throne he was a young man probably
not more than 25. If his father reigned fifty-two years he must have
been at least 70 when he died and not less than 45 when Mihirakula was
born. As Mihirakula is known to have had at least one younger brother,
[237] it seems probable that Toramána came to the throne a good deal
later than A.D. 460 the date suggested by Mr. Fleet. [238] The date
52 on Toramána's coins must therefore refer to some event other than
his own accession. The suggestion may be offered that that event was
the establishment of the White Huns in Baktria and the founding of
their capital Badeghis, [239] which, as fixed above between A.D. 452
and 455, gives the very suitable date of A.D. 504 to 507 for the
52 of Toramána's coin. If this suggestion is correct a further
identification follows. The Chinese ambassador Sungyun (A.D. 520)
[240] describes an interview with the king of Gandhára whose family
Sungyun notices was established in power by the Ye-tha, that is the
Ephthalites or White Huns, two generations before his time. [241]
Mihirakula is known to have ruled in Gandhára [242] and Sungyun's
description of the king's pride and activity agrees well with other
records of Mihirakula's character. It seems therefore reasonable to
suppose that the warlike sovereign who treated Sungyun and the name of
his Imperial mistress with such scant courtesy was no other than the
meteor Mihirakula. If Sungyun is correct in stating that Mihirakula
was the third of his line the dynasty must have been established about
A.D. 460. Beal is in doubt whether the name Lae-lih given by Sungyun
[243] is the family name or the name of the founder. As a recently
deciphered inscription shows Toramána's family name to have been
Jaúvla [244] it seems to follow that Lae-lih, or whatever is the
correct transliteration of the Chinese characters, is the name of
the father of Toramána. Sungyun's reference to the establishment of
this dynasty suggests they were not White Huns but leaders of some
subject tribe. [245] That this tribe was settled in Baktria perhaps
as far south as Kábul before the arrival of the White Huns seems
probable. The Hindu or Persian influence notable in the tribal name
Maitraka and in the personal name Mihirakula seems unsuited to Húnas
newly come from the northern frontiers of China and proud of their
recent successes. [246] Chinese records show [247] that the tribe who
preceded the White Huns in Baktria and north-east Persia, and who about
A.D. 350-400 destroyed the power of Kitolo the last of the Kusháns,
were the Yuan-Yuan or Jouen-Jouen whom Sir H. Howorth identifies with
the Avars. [248] To this tribe it seems on the whole probable that
Lae-lih the father of Toramána belonged. [249] At the same time, though
perhaps not themselves White Huns, the details regarding Toramána
and Mihirakula so nearly cover the fifty years (A.D. 470-530) of Húna
ascendancy in North India that, as was in keeping with their position
in charge of his Indian outpost, the White Hun emperor Khushnáwaz,
while himself engaged in Central Asia and in Persia (A.D. 460-500),
[250] seems to have entrusted the conquest of India to Toramána and
his son Mihirakula. Of the progress of the mixed Yuan-Yuan and White
Hun invaders in India few details are available. Their ascendancy in
the north seems to have been too complete to allow of opposition,
and Húnas were probably closely associated with the Maitraka or
Mehara conquest of Káthiáváda (A.D. 480-520). The southern fringe of
the White Hun dominions, the present Saugor district of the Central
Provinces, seems to have been the chief theatre of war, a debateable
ground between the Guptas, Toramána, and the Málwa chiefs. To the east
of Saugor the Guptas succeeded in maintaining their power until at
least A.D. 528-9. [251] To the west of Saugor the Guptas held Eran
in A.D. 484-5. [252] About twenty years later (A.D. 505) [253] Eran
was in the hands of Toramána, and in A.D. 510-11 Bhánugupta [254]
fought and apparently won a battle at Eran.

[Mihirakula, A.D. 512.] Mihirakula's accession to the throne may
perhaps be fixed at A.D. 512. An inscription of Yasodharman, the date
of which cannot be many years on either side of A.D. 532-3, claims to
have enforced the submission of the famous Mihirakula whose power had
established itself on the tiaras of kings and who had hitherto bowed
his neck to no one but Siva. [255] In spite of this defeat Mihirakula
held Gwálior and the inaccessible fortress of the Himálayas. [256]
These dates give about A.D. 520 as the time of Mihirakula's greatest
power, a result which suggests that the Gollas, whom, about A.D. 520,
the Greek merchant Cosmas Indikopleustes heard of in the ports of
Western India as the supreme ruler of Northern India was Kulla or
Mihirakula. [257]

[Yasodharman of Málwa, A.D. 533-4.] Regarding the history of the
third destroyers of Gupta power in Málwa, inscriptions show that in
A.D. 437-8, under Kumáragupta, Bandhuvarman son of Vishnuvarman ruled
as a local king. [258] Possibly Bandhuvarman afterwards threw off
his allegiance to the Guptas and thereby caused the temporary loss
of Suráshtra towards the end of Kumáragupta's reign. Nothing further
is recorded of the rulers of Málwa until the reign of Yasodharman
in A.D. 533-4. [259] It has been supposed that one of Yasodharman's
inscriptions mentioned a king Vishnuvardhana but there can be little
doubt that both names refer to the same person. [260] The name of
Yasodharman's tribe is unknown and his crest the aulikara has not
been satisfactorily explained. [261] Mandasor [262] in Western Málwa,
where all his inscriptions have been found, must have been a centre
of Yasodharman's power. Yasodharman boasts [263] of conquering from
the Brahmaputra to mount Mahendra and from the Himálayas to the
Western Ocean. In the sixth century only one dynasty could claim
such widespread power. That dynasty is the famous family of Ujjain
to which belonged the well known Vikramáditya of the Nine Gems. It
may be conjectured not only that Yasodharman belonged to this family
but that Yasodharman was the great Vikramáditya himself. [264]

The difficult question remains by whom was the power of Mihirakula
overthrown. Yasodharman claims to have subdued Mihirakula, who,
he distinctly says, had never before been defeated. [265] On
the other hand, Hiuen Tsiang ascribes Mihirakula's overthrow to
a Báláditya of Magadha. [266] Coins prove that Báláditya [267]
was one of the titles of Narasimhagupta grandson of Kumáragupta
I. (A.D. 417-453) who probably ruled Magadha as his son's seal was
found in the Gházipur district. [268] If Hiuen Tsiang's story is
accepted a slight chronological difficulty arises in the way of this
identification. It is clear that Mihirakula's first defeat was at
the hands of Yasodharman about A.D. 530. His defeat and capture by
Báláditya must have been later. As Skandagupta's reign ended about
A.D. 470 a blank of sixty years has to be filled by the two reigns of
his brother and his nephew. [269] This, though not impossible, suggests
caution in identifying Báláditya. According to Hiuen Tsiang Báláditya
was a feudatory of Mihirakula who rebelled against him when he began to
persecute the Buddhists. Hiuen Tsiang notices that, at the intercession
of his own mother, Báláditya spared Mihirakula's life and allowed
him to retire to Kashmir. He further notices that Mihirakula and
his brother were rivals and his statement suggests that from Kashmir
Mihirakula defeated his brother and recovered Gandhára. The ascendancy
of the White Huns cannot have lasted long after Mihirakula. About
A.D. 560 the power of the White Huns was crushed between the combined
attacks of the Persians and Turks. [270]--(A.M.T.J.)]



CHAPTER VIII.

THE VALABHIS

(A.D. 509-766.)


[Valeh Town, 1893.] The Valabhi dynasty, which succeeded the Guptas
in Gujarát and Káthiáváda, take their name from their capital in the
east of Káthiáváda about twenty miles west of Bhávnagar and about
twenty-five miles north of the holy Jain hill of Satruñjaya. The
modern name of Valabhi is Valeh. It is impossible to say whether
the modern Valeh is a corruption of Valahi the Prakrit form of
the Sanskrit Valabhi or whether Valabhi is Sanskritised from a
local original Valeh. The form Valahi occurs in the writings of
Jinaprabhasuri a learned Jain of the thirteenth century who describes
Satruñjaya as in the Valáhaka province. A town in the chiefship of
Valeh now occupies the site of old Valabhi, [271] whose ruins lie
buried below thick layers of black earth and silt under the modern
town and its neighbourhood. The only remains of old buildings are the
large foundation bricks of which, except a few new houses, the whole
of Valeh is built. The absence of stone supports the theory that the
buildings of old Valabhi were of brick and wood. In 1872 when the site
was examined the only stone remains were a few scattered Lingas and
a well-polished life-size granite Nandi or bull lying near a modern
Mahádeva temple. Diggers for old bricks have found copper pots and
copperplates and small Buddhist relic shrines with earthen pots and
clay seals of the seventh century.

The ruins of Valabhi show few signs of representing a large or
important city. The want of sweet water apparently unfits the site for
the capital of so large a kingdom as Valabhi. Its choice as capital
was probably due to its being a harbour on the Bhávnagar creek. Since
the days of Valabhi's prime the silt which thickly covers the ruins
has also filled and choked the channel which once united it with the
Bhávnagar creek when the small Ghelo was probably a fair sized river.

[Valabhi in A.D. 630] In spite of the disappearance of every sign
of greatness Hiuen Tsiang's (A.D. 640) details show how rich and
populous Valabhi was in the early part of the seventh century. The
country was about 1000 miles (6000 li) and the capital about five
miles (30 li) in circumference. The soil the climate and the manners
of the people were like those of Málava. The population was dense;
the religious establishments rich. Over a hundred merchants owned
a hundred lákhs. The rare and valuable products of distant regions
were stored in great quantities. In the country were several hundred
monasteries or sanghárámas with about 6000 monks. Most of them studied
the Little Vehicle according to the Sammatiya school. There were
several hundred temples of Devas and sectaries of many sorts. When
Tathágata or Gautama Buddha (B.C. 560-480) lived he often travelled
through this country. King Asoka (B.C. 240) had raised monuments or
stúpas in all places where Buddha had rested. Among these were spots
where the three past Buddhas sat or walked or preached. At the time
of Hiuen Tsiang's account (A.D. 640) the king was of the Kshatriya
caste, as all Indian rulers were. He was the nephew of Síláditya of
Málava and the son-in-law of the son of Síláditya the reigning king
of Kanyákubja. His name was Dhruvapatu (Tu-lu-h'o-po-tu). He was of
a lively and hasty disposition, shallow in wisdom and statecraft. He
had only recently attached himself sincerely to the faith in the three
precious ones. He yearly summoned a great assembly and during seven
days gave away valuable gems and choice meats. On the monks he bestowed
in charity the three garments and medicaments, or their equivalents
in value, and precious articles made of the seven rare and costly
gems. These he gave in charity and redeemed at twice their price. He
esteemed the virtuous, honoured the good, and revered the wise. Learned
priests from distant regions were specially honoured. Not far from
the city was a great monastery built by the Arhat Áchára ('O-che-lo),
where, during their travels, the Bodhisattvas Gunamati and Sthiramati
(Kien-hwni) settled and composed renowned treatises. [272]

[Valabhi Copperplates.] The only historical materials regarding the
Valabhi dynasty are their copperplates of which a large number have
been found. That such powerful rulers as the Valabhis should leave no
records on stones and no remains of religious or other buildings is
probably because, with one possible exception at Gopnáth, [273] up to
the ninth century all temples and religious buildings in Káthiáváda
and Gujarát were of brick and wood. [274]

The Valabhi copperplates chiefly record grants to Bráhmanical temples
and Buddhist monasteries and sometimes to individuals. All are in one
style two plates inscribed breadthwise on the inner side, the earliest
plates being the smallest. The plates are held together by two rings
passed through two holes in their horizontal upper margin. One of the
rings bears on one side a seal with, as a badge of the religion of the
dynasty, a well-proportioned seated Nandi or bull. Under the bull is
the word Bhatárka the name of the founder of the dynasty. Except such
differences as may be traced to the lapse of time, the characters are
the same in all, and at the same time differ from the character then
in use in the Valabhi territory which must have been that from which
Devanágarí is derived. The Valabhi plate character is adopted from
that previously in use in South Gujarát plates which was taken from
the South Indian character. The use of this character suggests that
either Bhatárka or the clerks and writers of the plates came from South
Gujarát. [275] The language of all the grants is Sanskrit prose. Each
records the year of the grant, the name of the king making the grant,
the name of the grantee, the name of the village or field granted,
the name of the writer of the charter either the minister of peace
and war sandhivigrahádhikrita or the military head baládhikrita, and
sometimes the name of the dútaka or gift-causer generally some officer
of influence or a prince and in one case a princess. The grants begin
by recording they were made either 'from Valabhi' the capital, or
'from the royal camp' 'Vijayaskandhávára.' Then follows the genealogy
of the dynasty from Bhatárka the founder to the grantor king. Each
king has in every grant a series of attributes which appear to have
been fixed for him once for all. Except in rare instances the grants
contain nothing historical. They are filled with verbose description
and figures of speech in high flown Sanskrit. As enjoined in law-books
or dharmasástras after the genealogy of the grantor comes the name
of the composer usually the minister of peace and war and after him
the boundaries of the land granted. The plates conclude with the date
of the grant, expressed in numerals following the letter sam or the
letters samva for samvatsara that is year. After the numerals are
given the lunar month and day and the day of the week, with, at the
extreme end, the sign manual svahasto mama followed by the name of
the king in the genitive case that is Own hand of me so and so. The
name of the era in which the date is reckoned is nowhere given.

[Period Covered.] So far as is known the dates extend for 240
years from 207 to 447. That the earliest known date is so late as
207 makes it probable that the Valabhis adopted an era already
in use in Káthiáváda. No other era seems to have been in use in
Valabhi. Three inscriptions have their years dated expressly in
the Valabhi Samvat. The earliest of these in Bhadrakáli's temple
in Somnáth Pátan is of the time of Kumárapála (A.D. 1143-1174) the
Solanki ruler of Anahilaváda. It bears date Valabhi Samvat 850. The
second and third are in the temple of Harsata Devi at Verával. The
second which was first mentioned by Colonel Tod, is dated Hijra 662,
Vikrama Samvat 1320, Valabhi Samvat 945, and Simha Samvat 151. The
third inscription, in the same temple on the face of the pedestal of
an image of Krishna represented as upholding the Govardhana hill,
bears date Valabhi S. 927. These facts prove that an era known as
the Valabhi era, which the inscriptions show began in A.D. 319,
was in use for about a hundred years in the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries. This may be accepted as the era of the Valabhi plates
which extended over two centuries. Further the great authority
(A.D. 1030) Alberuni gives Saka 241 that is A.D. 319 as the starting
point both of the 'era of Balah' and of what he calls the Guptakála
or the Gupta era. Beruni's accuracy is established by a comparison
of the Mandasor inscription and the Nepál inscription of Amsuvarman
which together prove the Gupta era started from A.D. 319. Though its
use by the powerful Valabhi dynasty caused the era to be generally
known by their name in Gujarát in certain localities the Gupta era
continued in use under its original name as in the Morbí copperplate
of Jáikadeva which bears date 588 "of the era of the Guptas." [276]

[Valabhi Administration, A.D. 500-700.] The Valabhi grants supply
information regarding the leading office bearers and the revenue
police and village administrators whose names generally occur in the
following order:


(1) Áyuktaka,   } meaning appointed, apparently any superior
                } official.
(2) Viniyuktaka }

(3) Drángika, apparently an officer in charge of a town, as dranga
means a town.

(4) Mahattara or Senior has the derivative meaning of high in
rank. Mhátára the Maráthi for an old man is the same word. In the
Valabhi plates mahattara seems to be generally used to mean the
accredited headman of a village, recognised as headman both by the
people of the village and by the Government.

(5) Chátabhata that is bhatas or sepoys for chitas or rogues, police
mounted and on foot, represent the modern police jamádárs haváldárs
and constables. The Kumárapála Charita mentions that Chátabhatas were
sent by Siddharája to apprehend the fugitive Kumárapála. One plate
records the grant of a village 'unenterable by chátabhatas.' [277]

(6) Dhruva fixed or permanent is the hereditary officer in charge
of the records and accounts of a village, the Taláti and Kulkarni of
modern times. One of the chief duties of the Dhruva was to see that
revenue farmers did not take more than the royal share. [278] The
name is still in use in Cutch where village accountants are called
Dhru and Dhruva. Dhru is also a common surname among Nágar Bráhmans
and Modh and other Vániás in Cutch Gujarát and Káthiáváda.

(7) Adhikaranika means the chief judicial magistrate or judge of
a place.

(8) Dandapásika literally 'holding the fetters or noose of punishment,'
is used both of the head police officer and of the hangman or
executioner.

(9) Chauroddharanika the thief-catcher. Of the two Indian ways of
catching thieves, one of setting a thief to catch a thief the other
the Pagi or tracking system, the second answers well in sandy Gujarát
and Káthiáváda where the Tracker or Pagi is one of the Bárábalute or
regular village servants.

(10) Rájastháníya, the foreign secretary, the officer who had to do
with other states and kingdoms rájasthánas. Some authorities take
rájastháníya to mean viceroy.

(11) Amátya minister and sometimes councillor is generally coupled
with kumára or prince.

(12) Anutpannádánasamudgráhaka the arrear-gatherer.

(13) Saulkika the superintendent of tolls or customs.

(14) Bhogika or Bhogoddharanika the collector of the Bhoga that is the
state share of the land produce taken in kind, as a rule one-sixth. The
term bhoga is still in use in Káthiáváda for the share, usually
one-sixth, which landholders receive from their cultivating tenants.

(15) Vartmapála the roadwatch were often mounted and stationed in
thánás or small roadside sheds. [279]

(16) Pratisaraka patrols night-guards or watchmen of fields and
villages. [280]

(17) Vishayapati division-lord probably corresponded to the present
subáh.

(18) Ráshtrapati the head of a district.

(19) Grámakúta the village headman.


[Territorial Divisions.] The plates show traces of four territorial
divisions: (1) Vishaya the largest corresponding to the modern
administrative Division: (2) Áhára or Áharaní that is collectorate
(from áhára a collection) corresponding to the modern district or
zillah: (3) Pathaka, of the road, a sub-division, the place named
and its surroundings: (4) Sthalí a petty division the place without
surroundings. [281]

[Land Assessment.] The district of Kaira and the province of Káthiáváda
to which the Valabhi grants chiefly refer appear to have had separate
systems of land assessment Kaira by yield Káthiáváda by area. Under the
Káthiáváda system the measurement was by pádávarta literally the space
between one foot and the other that is the modern kadam or pace. The
pace used in measuring land seems to have differed from the ordinary
pace as most of the Káthiáváda grants mention the bhúpádávarta or land
pace. The Kaira system of assessment was by yield the unit being the
pitaka or basketful, the grants describing fields as capable of growing
so many baskets of rice or barley (or as requiring so many baskets
of seed). As the grants always specify the Kaira basket a similar
system with a different sized basket seems to have been in use in other
parts of the country. Another detail which the plates preserve is that
each field had its name called after a guardian or from some tree or
plant. Among field names are Kotilaka, Atimana-kedára, Khanda-kedára,
Gargara-kshetra, Bhíma-kshetra, Khagali-kedára, Sami-kedára.

[Religion.] The state religion of the Valabhi kings was Saivism. Every
Valabhi copperplate hitherto found bears on its seal the figure of a
bull with under it the name of Bhatárka the founder of the dynasty
who was a Saiva. Except Dhruvasena I. (A.D. 526) who is called
Paramabhágavata or the great Vaishnava and his brother and successor
Dharapatta who is styled Paramádityabhakta or the great devotee of
the sun, and Guhasena, who in his grant of Sam. 248 calls himself
Paramopásaka or the great devotee of Buddha, all the Valabhi kings
are called Parama-máhesvara the great Saiva.

The grants to Buddhist viháras or monasteries of which there
are several seem special gifts to institutions founded by female
relatives of the granting kings. Most of the grants are to Bráhmans
who though performing Vaidik ceremonies probably as at present honoured
Saivism. This Saivism seems to have been of the old Pásupata school of
Nakulísa or Lakulísa as the chief shrine of Lakulísa was at Kárávana
the modern Kárván in the Gáikwár's territory fifteen miles south
of Baroda and eight miles north-east of Miyágám railway station
a most holy place till the time of the Vághelá king Arjunadeva in
the thirteenth century. [282] The special holiness attached to the
Narbadá in Saivism and to its pebbles as lingas is probably due to
the neighbourhood of this shrine of Kárván. The followers of the
Nakulísa-Pásupata school were strict devotees of Saivism, Nakulísa
the founder being regarded as an incarnation of Siva. The date of
the foundation of this school is not yet determined. It appears to
have been between the second and the fifth century A.D. Nakulísa had
four disciples Kusika, Gárgya, Kárusha, and Maitreya founders of four
branches which spread through the length and breadth of India. Though
no special representatives of this school remain, in spite of their
nominal allegiance to Sankaráchárya the Dasanámis or Atíts are in fact
Nakulísas in their discipline doctrines and habits--applying ashes
over the whole body, planting a linga over the grave of a buried Atít,
and possessing proprietary rights over Saiva temples. The Pásupatas
were ever ready to fight for their school and often helped and served
in the armies of kings who became their disciples. Till a century ago
these unpaid followers recruited the armies of India with celibates
firm and strong in fighting. It was apparently to gain these recruits
that so many of the old rulers of India became followers of the
Pásupata school. To secure their services the rulers had to pay them
special respect. The leaders of these fighting monks were regarded
as pontiffs like the Bappa-páda or Pontiff of the later Valabhi and
other kings. Thus among the later Valabhis Síláditya IV. is called
Bávapádánudhyáta and all subsequent Síládityas Bappapádánudhyáta both
titles meaning Worshipping at the feet of Báva or Bappa.

This Báva is the popular Prakrit form of the older Prakrit or
desí Bappa meaning Father or worshipful. Bappa is the original
of the Hindustáni and Gujaráti Bává father or elder; it is also a
special term for a head Gosávi or Atít or indeed for any recluse. The
epithet Bappa-pádánudhyáta, Bowing at the feet of Bappa, occurs in the
attributes of several Nepál kings, and in the case of king Vasantasena
appears the full phrase:


       Parama-daivata-bappa-bhattáraka-mahárája-Srí-pádánudhyáta.

   Falling at the illustrious feet of the great Mahárája Lord Bappa.


These Nepál kings were Saivas as they are called parama-máhesvara
in the text of the inscription and like the Valabhi seals their
seals bear a bull. It follows that the term Bappa was applied both
by the Valabhis and the Nepál kings to some one, who can hardly be
the same individual, unless he was their common overlord, which
the distance between the two countries and still more the fact
that his titles are the same as the titles of the Valabhi kings
make almost impossible. In these circumstances the most probable
explanation of the Bappa or Báva of these inscriptions is that it
was applied to Shaivite pontiffs or ecclesiastical dignitaries. The
attribute Parama-daivata The Great Divine prefixed to Bappa in the
inscription of Vasantasena confirms this view. That such royal titles
as Mahárájádhirája, Paramabhattáraka, and Paramesvara are ascribed
to Bappa is in agreement with the present use of Mahárája for all
priestly Bráhmans and recluses and of Bhattáraka for Digambara Jain
priests. Though specially associated with Saivas the title bappa is
applied also to Vaishnava dignitaries. That the term bappa was in
similar use among the Buddhists appears from the title of a Valabhi
vihára Bappapádíyavihára The monastery of the worshipful Bappa that
is Of the great teacher Sthiramati by whom it was built. [283]

[Origin of the Valabhis.] The tribe or race of Bhatárka the founder
of the Valabhi dynasty is doubtful. None of the numerous Valabhi
copperplates mentions the race of the founder. The Chalukya and
Ráshtrakúta copperplates are silent regarding the Valabhi dynasty. And
it is worthy of note that the Gehlots and Gohils, who are descended
from the Valabhis, take their name not from their race but from king
Guha or Guhasena (A.D. 559-567) the fourth ruler and apparently the
first great sovereign among the Valabhis. These considerations make it
probable that Bhatárka belonged to some low or stranger tribe. Though
the evidence falls short of proof the probability seems strong that
Bhatárka belonged to the Gurjara tribe, and that it was the supremacy
of him and his descendants which gave rise to the name Gurjjara-rátra
the country of the Gurjjaras, a name used at first by outsiders
and afterwards adopted by the people of Gujarát. Except Bhatárka
and his powerful dynasty no kings occur of sufficient importance to
have given their name to the great province of Gujarát. Against their
Gurjara origin it may be urged that the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang
(A.D. 640) calls the king of Valabhi a Kshatriya. Still Hiuen Tsiang's
remark was made more than a century after the establishment of the
dynasty when their rise to power and influence had made it possible
for them to ennoble themselves by calling themselves Kshatriyas
and tracing their lineage to Puránic heroes. That such ennobling
was not only possible but common is beyond question. Many so-called
Rájput families in Gujarát and Káthiáváda can be traced to low or
stranger tribes. The early kings of Nándipurí or Nándod (A.D. 450)
call themselves Gurjjaras and the later members of the same dynasty
trace their lineage to the Mahábhárata hero Karna. Again two of the
Nándod Gurjjaras Dadda II. and Jayabhata II. helped the Valabhis
under circumstances which suggest that the bond of sympathy may have
been their common origin. The present chiefs of Nándod derive their
lineage from Karna and call themselves Gohils of the same stock as
the Bhávnagar Gohils who admittedly belong to the Valabhi stock. This
supports the theory that the Gurjjaras and the Valabhis had a common
origin, and that the Gurjjaras were a branch of and tributary to the
Valabhis. This would explain how the Valabhis came to make grants in
Broach at the time when the Gurjjaras ruled there. It would further
explain that the Gurjjaras were called sámantas or feudatories because
they were under the overlordship of the Valabhis. [284]

[History.] The preceding chapter shows that except Chandragupta
(A.D. 410) Kumáragupta (A.D. 416) and Skandagupta (A.D. 456)
none of the Guptas have left any trace of supremacy in Gujarát
and Káthiáváda. Of what happened in Gujarát during the forty years
after Gupta 150 (A.D. 469), when the reign of Skandagupta came to
an end nothing is known or is likely to be discovered from Indian
sources. The blank of forty years to the founder Bhatárka (A.D. 509)
or more correctly of sixty years to Dhruvasena (A.D. 526) the first
Valabhi king probably corresponds with the ascendancy of some foreign
dynasty or tribe. All trace of this tribe has according to custom been
blotted out of the Sanskrit and other Hindu records. At the same time
it is remarkable that the fifty years ending about A.D. 525 correspond
closely with the ascendancy in north and north-west India of the great
tribe of Ephthalites or White Huns. As has been shown in the Gupta
Chapter, by A.D. 470 or 480, the White Huns seem to have been powerful
if not supreme in Upper India. In the beginning of the sixth century,
perhaps about A.D. 520, Cosmas Indikopleustes describes the north of
India and the west coast as far south as Kalliena that is Kalyán near
Bombay as under the Huns whose king was Gollas. [285] Not many years
later (A.D. 530) the Hun power in Central India suffered defeat and
about the same time a new dynasty arose in south-east Káthiáváda.

[First Valabhi Grant, A.D. 526.] The first trace of the new power,
the earliest Valabhi grant, is that of Dhruvasena in the Valabhi or
Gupta year 207 (A.D. 526). In this grant Dhruvasena is described as the
third son of the Senápati or general Bhatárka. Of Senápati Bhatárka
neither copperplate nor inscription has been found. Certain coins
which General Cunningham Arch. Surv. Rept. IX. Pl. V. has ascribed
to Bhatárka have on the obverse a bust, as on the western coins of
Kumáragupta, and on the reverse the Saiva trident, and round the
trident the somewhat doubtful legend in Gupta characters:


      Rájño Mahákshatri Paramádityabhakta Srí Sarvva-bhattárakasa.

      Of the king the great Kshatri, great devotee of the sun, the
                     illustrious Sarvva-bhattáraka.


This Sarvva seems to have been a Ráshtrakúta or Gurjjara king. His
coins were continued so long in use and were so often copied that in
the end upright strokes took the place of letters. That these coins
did not belong to the founder of the Valabhi dynasty appears not only
from the difference of name between Bhattáraka and Bhatárka but because
the coiner was a king and the founder of the Valabhis a general.

[Senápati Bhatárka, A.D. 509-520 ?] Of the kingdom which Senápati
Bhatárka overthrew the following details are given in one of his
epithets in Valabhi copperplates: 'Who obtained glory by dealing
hundreds of blows on the large and very mighty armies of the
Maitrakas, who by [The Maitrakas, A.D. 470-509.] force had subdued
their enemies.' As regards these Maitrakas it is to be noted that
the name Maitraka means Solar. The sound of the compound epithet
Maitraka-amitra that is Maitraka-enemy used in the inscription makes
it probable that the usual form Mihira or solar was rejected in favour
of Maitraka which also means solar to secure the necessary assonance
with amitra or enemy. The form Mihira solar seems a Hinduizing or
meaning-making of the northern tribal name Medh or Mehr, the Mehrs
being a tribe which at one time seem to have held sway over the
whole of Káthiáváda and which are still found in strength near the
Barda hills in the south-west of Káthiáváda. [286] The Jethvá chiefs
of Porbandar who were formerly powerful rulers are almost certainly
of the Mehr tribe. They are still called Mehr kings and the Mehrs of
Káthiáváda regard them as their leaders and at the call of their Head
are ready to fight for him. The chief of Mehr traditions describes
the fights of their founder Makaradhvaja with one Mayúradhvaja. This
tradition seems to embody the memory of an historical struggle. The
makara or fish is the tribal badge of the Mehrs and is marked on a
Morbí copperplate dated A.D. 904 (G. 585) and on the forged Dhíníki
grant of the Mehr king Jáíkádeva. On the other hand Mayúradhvaja
or peacock-bannered would be the name of the Guptas beginning with
Chandragupta who ruled in Gujarát (A.D. 396-416) and whose coins have a
peacock on the reverse. The tradition would thus be a recollection of
the struggle between the Mehrs and Guptas in which about A.D. 470 the
Guptas were defeated. The Mehrs seem to have been a northern tribe,
who, the evidence of place names seems to show, passed south through
Western Rájputána, Jaslo, Ajo, Bad, and Koml leaders of this tribe
giving their names to the settlements of Jesalmir, Ajmir, Badmer, and
Komalmer. The resemblance of name and the nearness of dates suggest
a connection between the Mehrs and the great Panjáb conqueror of the
Guptas Mihirakula (A.D. 512-540 ?). If not themselves Húnas the Mehrs
may have joined the conquering armies of the Húnas and passing south
with the Húnas may have won a settlement in Káthiáváda as the Káthis
and Jhádejás settled about 300 years later. After Senápati Bhatárka's
conquests in the south of the Peninsula the Mehrs seem to have retired
to the north of Káthiáváda.

The above account of the founder of the Valabhis accepts the received
opinion that he was the Senápati or General of the Guptas. The two
chief points in support of this view are that the Valabhis adopted
both the Gupta era and the Gupta currency. Still it is to be noted
that this adoption of a previous era and currency by no means implies
any connection with the former rulers. [287] Both the Gurjjaras
(A.D. 580) and the Chálukyas (A.D. 642) adopted the existing era of
the Traikútakas (A.D. 248-9) while as regards currency the practice
of continuing the existing type is by no means uncommon. [288] In
these circumstances, and seeing that certain of the earlier Valabhi
inscriptions refer to an overlord who can hardly have been a Gupta,
the identification of the king to whom the original Senápati owed
allegiance must be admitted to be doubtful.

All known copperplates down to those of Dharasena (A.D. 579 the
great grandson of Bhatárka) give a complete genealogy from Bhatárka
to Dharasena. Later copperplates omit all mention of any descendants
but those in the main line.

[Senápati's Sons.] Senápati Bhatárka had four sons, (1) Dharasena
(2) Dronasimha (3) Dhruvasena and (4) Dharapatta. Of Dharasena the
first son no record has been traced. His name first appears in the
copperplates of his brother Dhruvasena where like his father he is
called Senápati. Similarly of the second son Dronasimha no record
exists except in the copperplates of his brother Dhruvasena. In
these copperplates unlike his father and elder brother Dhruvasena is
called Mahárája and is mentioned as 'invested with royal authority
in person by the great lord, the lord of the wide extent of the whole
world.' This great lord or paramasvámi could not have been his father
Bhatárka. Probably he was the king to whom Bhatárka owed allegiance. It
is not clear where Dronasimha was installed king probably it was in
Káthiáváda from the south-east of which his father and elder brother
had driven back the Mehrs or Maitrakas. [289]

[Dhruvasena I. A.D. 526-535.] The third son Dhruvasena is the first
of several Valabhis of that name. Three copperplates of his remain:
The Kukad grant dated Gupta 207 (A.D. 526), [290] an unpublished
grant found in Junágadh dated Gupta 210 (A.D. 529), and the Valeh
grant dated Gupta 216 (A.D. 535). [291] One of Dhruvasena's attributes
Parama-bhattáraka-pádánudhyáta, Bowing at the feet of the great lord,
apparently applies to the same paramount sovereign who installed his
brother Dronasimha. The paramount lord can hardly be Dhruvasena's
father as his father is either called Bhatárka without the parama or
more commonly Senápati that is general. Dhruvasena's other political
attributes are Mahárája Great King or Mahásúmanta Great Chief, the
usual titles of a petty feudatory king. In the A.D. 535 plates he
has the further attributes of Mahápratíhára the great doorkeeper
or chamberlain, Mahádandanáyaka [292] the great magistrate, and
Máhákártakritika (?) or great general, titles which seem to show
he still served some overlord. It is not clear whether Dhruvasena
succeeded his brother Dronasimha or was a separate contemporary
ruler. The absence of 'falling at the feet of' or other successional
phrase and the use of the epithet 'serving at the feet of' the great
lord seem to show that his power was distinct from his brothers. In any
case Dhruvasena is the first of the family who has a clear connection
with Valabhi from which the grants of A.D. 526 and 529 are dated.

In these grants Dhruvasena's father Bhatárka and his elder brothers
are described as 'great Máhesvaras' that is followers of Siva,
while Dhruvasena himself is called Paramabhágavata the great
Vaishnava. It is worthy of note, as stated in the A.D. 535 grant,
that his niece Duddá (or Lulá?) was a Buddhist and had dedicated a
Buddhist monastery at Valabhi. The latest known date of Dhruvasena
is A.D. 535 (G. 216). Whether Dharapatta or Dharapatta's son Guhasena
succeeded is doubtful. That Dharapatta is styled Mahárája and that a
twenty-four years' gap occurs between the latest grant of Dhruvasena
and A.D. 559 the earliest grant of Guhasena favour the succession of
Dharapatta. On the other hand in the A.D. 559 grant all Guhasena's
sins are said to be cleansed by falling at the feet of, that is,
by succeeding, Dhruvasena. It is possible that Dharapatta may have
ruled for some years and Dhruvasena again risen to power.

[Guhasena, A.D. 539-569.] Of Guhasena (A.D. 539?-569) three plates
and a fragment of an inscription remain. Two of the grants are from
Valeh dated A.D. 559 and 565 (G. 240 and 246) [293]: the third is
from Bhávnagar dated A.D. 567 (G. 248). [294] The inscription is on
an earthen pot found at Valeh and dated A.D. 566 (G. 247). [295] In
all the later Valabhi plates the genealogy begins with Guhasena who
seems to have been the first great ruler of his dynasty. Guhasena is
a Sanskrit name meaning Whose army is like that of Kárttika-svámi:
his popular name was probably Guhila. It appears probable that the
Gohil and Gehlot Rájput chiefs of Káthiáváda and Rájputána, who are
believed to be descendants of the Valabhis, take their name from
Guhasena or Guha, the form Gehloti or Gehlot, Guhila-utta, being
a corruption of Guhilaputra or descendants of Guhila, a name which
occurs in old Rájput records. [296] This lends support to the view
that Guhasena was believed to be the first king of the dynasty. Like
his predecessors he is called Mahárája or great king. In one grant he
is called the great Saiva and in another the great Buddhist devotee
(paramopásaka), while he grants villages to the Buddhist monastery of
his paternal aunt's daughter Duddá. Though a Saivite Guhasena, like
most of his predecessors, tolerated and even encouraged Buddhism. His
minister of peace and war is named Skandabhata.

The beginning of Guhasena's reign is uncertain. Probably it was not
earlier than A.D. 539 (G. 220). His latest known date is A.D. 567
(G. 248) but he may have reigned two years longer.

[Dharasena II. A.D. 569-589.] About A.D. 569 (G. 250) Guhasena was
succeeded by his son Dharasena II. Five of his grants remain, three
dated A.D. 571 (G. 252), [297] the fourth dated A.D. 588 (G. 269),
[298] and the fifth dated A.D. 589 (G. 270). [299] In the first three
grants Dharasena is called Mahárája or great king; in the two later
grants is added the title Mahásámanta Great Feudatory, seeming to show
that in the latter part of his reign Dharasena had to acknowledge as
overlord some one whose power had greatly increased. [300] All his
copperplates style Dharasena II. Parama-máhesvara Great Saiva. A gap
of eighteen years occurs between A.D. 589 Dharasena's latest grant
and A.D. 607 the earliest grant of his son Síláditya.

[Síláditya I. A.D. 594-609.] Dharasena II. was succeeded by his son
Síláditya I. who is also called Dharmáditya or the sun of religion.

The Satruñjaya Máhátmya has a prophetic account of one Síláditya
who will be a propagator of religion in Vikrama Samvat 477
(A.D. 420). This Máhátmya is comparatively modern and is not worthy
of much trust. Vikrama Samvat 477 would be A.D. 420 when no Valabhi
kingdom was established and no Síláditya can have flourished. If the
date 477 has been rightly preserved, and it be taken in the Saka era
it would correspond with Gupta 237 or A.D. 556, that is thirty to
forty years before Síláditya's reign. Although no reliance can be
placed on the date still his second name Dharmáditya gives support
to his identification with the Síláditya of the Máhátmya.

His grants like many of his predecessors style Síláditya a great
devotee of Siva. Still that two of his three known grants were made
to Buddhist monks shows that he tolerated and respected Buddhism. The
writer of one of the grants is mentioned as the minister of peace
and war Chandrabhatti; the Dútaka or causer of the gift in two of
the Buddhist grants is Bhatta Ádityayasas apparently some military
officer. The third grant, to a temple of Siva, has for its Dútaka
the illustrious Kharagraha apparently the brother and successor of
the king.

Síláditya's reign probably began about A.D. 594 (G. 275). His latest
grant is dated A.D. 609 (G. 290). [301]

[Kharagraha, A.D. 610-615.] Síláditya was succeeded by his brother
Kharagraha, of whom no record has been traced. Kharagraha seems to
have been invested with sovereignty by his brother Síláditya who
probably retired from the world. Kharagraha is mentioned as a great
devotee of Siva.

[Dharasena III. A.D. 615-620.] Kharagraha was succeeded by his son
Dharasena III. of whom no record remains.

[Dhruvasena II. (Báláditya) A.D. 620-640.] Dharasena III. was succeeded
by his younger brother Dhruvasena II. also called Báláditya or the
rising sun. A grant of his is dated A.D. 629 (G. 310). [302] As
observed before, Dhruvasena is probably a Sanskritised form of the
popular but meaningless Dhruvapatta which is probably the original of
Hiuen Tsiang's T'u-lu-h'o-po-tu, as A.D. 629 the date of his grant
is about eleven years before the time when (640) Hiuen Tsiang is
calculated to have been in Málwa if not actually at Valabhi. If one of
Dhruvasena's poetic attributes is not mere hyperbole, he made conquests
and spread the power of Valabhi. On the other hand the Navsári grant of
Jayabhata III. (A.D. 706-734) the Gurjjara king of Broach states that
Dadda II. of Broach (A.D. 620-650) protected the king of Valabhi who
had been defeated by the great Srí Harshadeva (A.D. 607-648) of Kanauj.

[Dharasena IV. A.D. 640-649.] Dhruvasena II. was succeeded by
his son Dharasena IV. perhaps the most powerful and independent
of the Valabhis. A copperplate dated A.D. 649 (G. 330) styles him
Parama-bhattáraka, Mahárájádhirája, Paramesvara, Chakravartin Great
Lord, King of Kings, Great Ruler, Universal Sovereign. Dharasena
IV.'s successors continue the title of Mahárájádhirája or great ruler,
but none is called Chakravartin or universal sovereign a title which
implies numerous conquests and widespread power.

Two of Dharasena IV.'s grants remain, one dated A.D. 645 (G. 326)
the other A.D. 649 (G. 330). A grant of his father Dhruvasena dated
A.D. 634 (G. 315) and an unpublished copperplate in the possession of
the chief of Morbí belonging to his successor Dhruvasena III. dated
A.D. 651 (G. 332) prove that Dharasena's reign did not last more than
seventeen years. The well known Sanskrit poem Bhattikávya seems to
have been composed in the reign of this king as at the end of his
work the author says it was written at Valabhi protected (governed)
by the king the illustrious Dharasena. [303] The author's application
to Dharasena of the title Narendra Lord of Men is a further proof of
his great power.

[Dhruvasena III. A.D. 650-656.] Dharasena IV. was not succeeded by
his son but by Dhruvasena the son of Derabhata the son of Dharasena
IV.'s paternal grand-uncle. Derabhata appears not to have been ruler
of Valabhi itself but of some district in the south of the Valabhi
territory. His epithets describe him as like the royal sage Agastya
spreading to the south, and as the lord of the earth which has for its
two breasts the Sahya and Vindhya hills. This description may apply
to part of the province south of Kaira where the Sahyádri and Vindhya
mountains may be said to unite. In the absence of a male heir in the
direct line, Derabhata's son Dhruvasena appears to have succeeded
to the throne of Valabhi. The only known copperplate of Dhruvasena
III.'s, dated A.D. 651 (G. 332), records the grant of the village of
Pedhapadra in Vanthali, the modern Vanthali in the Navánagar State of
North Káthiáváda. A copperplate of his elder brother and successor
Kharagraha dated A.D. 656 (G. 337) shows that Dhruvasena's reign
cannot have lasted over six years.

[Kharagraha, A.D. 656-665.] The less than usually complimentary and
respectful reference to Dhruvasena III. in the attributes of Kharagraha
suggests that Kharagraha took the kingdom by force from his younger
brother as the rightful successor of his father. At all events the
succession of Kharagraha to Dhruvasena was not in the usual peaceful
manner. Kharagraha's grant dated A.D. 656 (G. 337) is written by the
Divirapati or Chief Secretary and minister of peace and war Anahilla
son of Skandabhata. [304] The Dútaka or causer of the gift was the
Pramátri or survey officer Sríná.

[Síláditya III. A.D. 666-675.] Kharagraha was succeeded by Síláditya
III. son of Kharagraha's elder brother Síláditya II. Síláditya
II. seems not to have ruled at Valabhi but like Derabhata to have been
governor of Southern Valabhi, as he is mentioned out of the order
of succession and with the title Lord of the Earth containing the
Vindhya mountain. Three grants of Síláditya III. remain, two dated
A.D. 666 (G. 346) [305] and the third dated A.D. 671 (G. 352). [306]
He is called Parama-bhattáraka Great Lord, Mahárájádhirája Chief King
among Great Kings, and Paramesvara Great Ruler. These titles continue
to be applied to all subsequent Valabhi kings. Even the name Síláditya
is repeated though each king must have had some personal name.

[Síláditya IV. A.D. 691.] Síláditya III. was succeeded by his son
Síláditya IV. of whom one grant dated A.D. 691 (G. 372) remains. The
officer who prepared the grant is mentioned as the general Divirapati
Srí Haragana the son of Bappa Bhogika. The Dútaka or gift-causer is
the prince Kharagraha, which may perhaps be the personal name of the
next king Síláditya V.

[Síláditya V. A.D. 722.] Of Síláditya V. the son and successor of
Síláditya IV. two grants dated A.D. 722 (G. 403) both from Gondal
remain. Both record grants to the same person. The writer of both
was general Gillaka son of Buddhabhatta, and the gift-causer of both
prince Síláditya.

[Síláditya VI. A.D. 760.] Of Síláditya VI. the son and successor of
the last, one grant dated A.D. 760 (G. 441) remains. The grantee is
an Atharvavedi Bráhman. The writer is Sasyagupta son of Emapatha and
the gift-causer is Gánjasáti Srí Jajjar (or Jajjir).

[Síláditya VII. A.D. 766.] Of Síláditya VII. the son and successor of
the last, who is also called Dhrúbhata (Sk. Dhruvabhata), one grant
dated A.D. 766 (G. 447) remains.

[Valabhi Family Tree.] The following is the genealogy of the Valabhi
Dynasty:


                   VALABHI FAMILY TREE, A.D. 509-766.


                       A.D. 509.
                     (Gupta 190?).
                           |
     ------------------------------------------
     |            |             |             |
Dharasena I.  Dronasimha.  Dhruvasena I.  Dharapatta.
                            A.D. 526.         |
                           (Gupta 207).       |
                                           Guhasena
                                        A.D. 559, 565, 567,
                                      (Gupta 240, 246, 248).
                                              |
                                         Dharasena II.
                                       A.D. 571, 588, 589
                                     (Gupta 252, 269, 270).
                                              |
                              ----------------+-----------------
                              |                                |
                          Síláditya I.                    Kharagraha I.
                        or Dharmáditya I.                      |
                A.D. 605, 609 (Gupta 286, 290).                |
                              |                      ----------+-----
                              |                      |              |
                              |                Dharasena III.  Dhruvasena II.
                          Derabhata.                          or Báláditya,
                              |                             A.D. 629 (Gupta 310).
        -------------------------------                             |
        |             |               |                             |
Síláditya II.  Kharagraha II.  Dhruvasena III.                 Dharasena IV.
        |   or Dharmáditya II. A.D. 651 (Gupta 332).          A.D. 645, 649,
        |   A.D. 656 (Gupta 337).                           (Gupta 326, 330).
        |
Síláditya III.
A.D. 671 (Gupta 352).
        |
Síláditya IV.
A.D. 691, 698
(Gupta 372 & 379).
        |
Síláditya V.
A.D. 722 (Gupta 403).
        |
Síláditya VI.
A.D. 760 (Gupta 441).
        |
Síláditya VII.
or Dhrúbhata,
A.D. 766 (Gupta 447).


[The Fall of Valabhi, A.D. 750-770.] Of the overthrow of Valabhi
many explanations have been offered. [307] The only explanation in
agreement with the copperplate evidence that a Síláditya was ruling at
Valabhi as late as A.D. 766 (Val. Sam. 447) [308] is the Hindu account
preserved by Alberuni (A.D. 1030) [309] that soon after the Sindh
capital Mansúra was founded, say A.D. 750-770, Ranka a disaffected
subject of the era-making Valabhi, with presents of money persuaded
the Arab lord of Mansúra to send a naval expedition against the king
of Valabhi. In a night attack king Valabha was killed and his people
and town were destroyed. Alberuni adds: Men say that still in our
time such traces are left in that country as are found in places
wasted by an unexpected attack. [310] For this expedition against
Valabhi Alberuni gives no date. But as Mansúra was not founded till
A.D. 750 [311] and as the latest Valabhi copperplate is A.D. 766 the
expedition must have taken place between A.D. 750 and 770. In support
of the Hindu tradition of an expedition from Mansúra against Valabhi
between A.D. 750 and 770 it is to be noted that the Arab historians
of Sindh record that in A.D. 758 (H. 140) the Khalif Mansúr sent Amru
bin Jamal with a fleet of barks to the coast of Barada. [312] Twenty
years later A.D. 776 (H. 160) a second expedition succeeded in taking
the town, but, as sickness broke out, they had to return. The question
remains should the word, which in these extracts Elliot reads Barada,
be read Balaba. The lax rules of Arab cursive writing would cause
little difficulty in adopting the reading Balaba. [313] Further it is
hard to believe that Valabhi, though to some extent sheltered by its
distance from the coast and probably a place of less importance than
its chroniclers describe, should be unknown to the Arab raiders of the
seventh and eighth centuries and after its fall be known to Alberuni in
the eleventh century. At the same time, as during the eighth century
there was, or at least as there may have been, [314] a town Barada
on the south-west coast of Káthiáváda the identification of the raids
against Barada with the traditional expedition against Balaba though
perhaps probable cannot be considered certain. Further the statement
of the Sindh historians [315] that at this time the Sindh Arabs also
made a naval expedition against Kandahár seems in agreement with the
traditional account in Tod that after the destruction of Valabhi the
rulers retired to a fort near Cambay from which after a few years
they were driven. [316] If this fort is the Kandahár of the Sindh
writers and Gandhár on the Broach coast about twenty miles south of
Cambay, identifications which are in agreement with other passages,
the Arab and Rájput accounts would fairly agree. [317]

[The Importance of Valabhi.] The discovery of its lost site; the
natural but mistaken identification of its rulers with the famous
eighth and ninth century (A.D. 753-972) Balharas of Málkhet in the
East Dakhan; [318] the tracing to Valabhi of the Rána of Udepur in
Mewád the head of the Sesodias or Gohils the most exalted of Hindu
families [319]; and in later times the wealth of Valabhi copperplates
have combined to make the Valabhis one of the best known of Gujarát
dynasties. Except the complete genealogy, covering the 250 years
from the beginning of the sixth to the middle of the eighth century,
little is known of Valabhi or its chiefs. The origin of the city and
of its rulers, the extent of their sway, and the cause and date of
their overthrow are all uncertain. The unfitness of the site, the
want of reservoirs or other stone remains, the uncertainty when its
rulers gained an independent position, the fact that only one of them
claimed the title Chakravarti or All Ruler are hardly consistent with
any far-reaching authority. Add to this the continuance of Maitraka
or Mer power in North Káthiáváda, the separateness though perhaps
dependence of Sauráshtra even in the time of Valabhi's greatest power,
[320] the rare mention of Valabhi in contemporary Gujarát grants,
[321] and the absence of trustworthy reference in the accounts of the
Arab raids of the seventh or eighth centuries tend to raise a doubt
whether, except perhaps during the ten years ending 650, Valabhi was
ever of more than local importance.

[Valabhi and the Gehlots.] In connection with the pride of the Sesodias
or Gohils of Mewád in their Valabhi origin [322] the question who
were the Valabhis has a special interest. The text shows that Pandit
Bhagvánlál was of opinion the Valabhis were Gurjjaras. The text also
notes that the Pandit believed they reached south-east Káthiáváda
by sea from near Broach and that if they did not come to Broach from
Málwa at least the early rulers obtained (A.D. 520 and 526) investiture
from the Málwa kings. Apart from the doubtful evidence of an early
second to fifth century Bála or Valabhi three considerations weigh
against the theory that the Valabhis entered Gujarát from Málwa in
the sixth century. First their acceptance of the Gupta era and of
the Gupta currency raises the presumption that the Valabhis were
in Káthiáváda during Gupta ascendancy (A.D. 440-480): Second that
the Sesodias trace their pedigree through Valabhi to an earlier
settlement at Dhánk in south-west Káthiáváda and that the Válas of
Dhánk still hold the place of heads of the Válas of Káthiáváda: And
Third that both Sesodias and Válas trace their origin to Kanaksen
a second century North Indian immigrant into Káthiáváda combine to
raise the presumption that the Válas were in Káthiáváda before the
historical founding of Valabhi in A.D. 526 [323] and that the city
took its name from its founders the Válas or Bálas.

Whether or not the ancestors of the Gohils and Válas were settled in
Káthiáváda before the establishment of Valabhi about A.D. 526 several
considerations bear out the correctness of the Rájput traditions
and the Jain records that the Gohils or Sesodias of Mewád came from
Bála or Valabhi in Káthiáváda. Such a withdrawal from the coast,
the result of the terror of Arab raids, is in agreement with the fact
that from about the middle of the eighth century the rulers of Gujarát
established an inland capital at Anahilaváda (A.D. 746). [324] It is
further in agreement with the establishment by the Gohil refugees
of a town Balli in Mewád; with the continuance as late as A.D. 968
(S. 1024) by the Sesodia chief of the Valabhi title Síláditya or Sail
[325]; and with the peculiar Valabhi blend of Sun and Siva worship
still to be found in Udepur. [326] The question remains how far
can the half-poetic accounts of the Sesodias be reconciled with
a date for the fall of Valabhi so late as A.D. 766. The mythical
wanderings, the caveborn Guha, and his rule at Idar can be easily
spared. The name Gehlot which the Sesodias trace to the caveborn
Guha may as the Bhávnagar Gehlots hold have its origin in Guhasena
(A.D. 559-567) perhaps the first Valabhi chief of more than local
distinction. [327] Tod [328] fixes the first historical date in the
Sesodia family history at A.D. 720 or 728 the ousting of the Mori or
Maurya of Chitor by Bappa or Sail. An inscription near Chitor shows
the Mori in power in Chitor as late as A.D. 714 (S. 770). [329]
By counting back nine generations from Sakti Kumára the tenth from
Bappa whose date is A.D. 1038 Tod fixes A.D. 720-728 as the date when
the Gohils succeeded the Moris. But the sufficient average allowance
of twenty years for each reign would bring Bappa to A.D. 770 or 780
a date in agreement with a fall of Valabhi between A.D. 760 and 770,
as well as with the statement of Abul Fazl, who, writing in A.D. 1590,
says the Rána's family had been in Mewád for about 800 years. [330]

[The Válas of Káthiáváda.] The Arab accounts of the surprise-attack
and of the failure of the invaders to make a settlement agree with the
local and Rájputána traditions that a branch of the Valabhi family
continued to rule at Valeh until its conquest by Múla Rája Solankhi
in A.D. 950. [331] Though their bards favour the explanation of Vála
from the Gujaráti valvu return or the Persian válah [332] noble the
family claim to be of the old Valabhi stock. They still have the
tradition they were driven out by the Musalmáns, they still keep up
the family name of Selait or Síláditya. [333]

The local tradition regarding the settlement of the Válas in the
Balakshetra south of Valabhi is that it took place after the capture of
Valabhi by Múla Rája Solankhi (A.D. 950). [334] If, as may perhaps be
accepted, the present Válas represent the rulers of Valabhi it seems
to follow the Válas were the overlords of Balakshetra at least from
the time of the historical prosperity of Valabhi (A.D. 526-680). The
traditions of the Bábriás who held the east of Sorath show that when
they arrived (A.D. 1200-1250) the Vála Rájputs were in possession
and suggest that the lands of the Válas originally stretched as far
west as Diu. [335] That the Válas held central Káthiáváda is shown by
their possession of the old capital Vanthali nine miles south-west
of Junágadh and by (about A.D. 850) their transfer of that town to
the Chúdásamás. [336] Dhánk, about twenty-five miles north-west of
Junágadh, was apparently held by the Válas under the Jetwas when
(A.D. 800-1200?) Ghumli or Bhumli was the capital of south-west
Káthiáváda. According to Jetwa accounts the Válas were newcomers whom
the Jetwas allowed to settle at Dhánk. [337] But as the Jetwas are
not among the earliest settlers in Káthiáváda it seems more probable
that, like the Chúdásamás at Vanthali, the Jetwas found the Válas
in possession. The close connection of the Válas with the earlier
waves of Káthis is admitted. [338] Considering that the present (1881)
total of Káthiáváda Vála Rájputs is about 900 against about 9000 Vála
Káthis, the Válas, [339] since their loss of power, seem either to
have passed into unnoticeable subdivisions of other Rájput tribes or
to have fallen to the position of Káthis.

[The Válas and Káthis.] If from the first and not solely since the
fall of Valabhi the Válas have been associated with the Káthis it
seems best to suppose they held to the Káthis a position like that
of the Jetwas to their followers the Mers. According to Tod [340]
both Válas and Káthis claim the title Tata Multánka Rai Lords of
Tata and Multán. The accounts of the different sackings of Valabhi
are too confused and the traces of an earlier settlement too scanty
and doubtful to justify any attempt to carry back Valabhi and the
Válas beyond the Maitraka overthrow of Gupta power in Káthiáváda
(A.D. 470-480). The boast that Bhatárka, the reputed founder of the
house of Valabhi (A.D. 509), had obtained glory by dealing hundreds
of blows on the large and very mighty armies of the Maitrakas who
by force had subdued their enemies, together with the fact that the
Valabhis did and the Maitrakas did not adopt the Gupta era and currency
seem to show the Válas were settled in Káthiáváda at an earlier date
than the Mers and Jetwas. That is, if the identification is correct,
the Válas and Káthis were in Káthiáváda before the first wave of the
White Huns approached. It has been noticed above under Skandagupta
that the enemies, or some of the enemies, with whom, in the early
years of his reign A.D. 452-454, Skandagupta had so fierce a struggle
were still in A.D. 456 a source of anxiety and required the control
of a specially able viceroy at Junágadh. Since no trace of the Káthis
appears in Káthiáváda legends or traditions before the fifth century
the suggestion may be offered that under Vála or Bála leadership
the Káthis were among the enemies who on the death of Kumáragupta
(A.D. 454) seized the Gupta possessions in Káthiáváda. Both Válas
and Káthis would then be northerners driven south from Multán and
South Sindh by the movements of tribes displaced by the advance of
the Ephthalites or White Huns (A.D. 440-450) upon the earlier North
Indian and border settlements of the Yuan-Yuan or Avars. [341]

[Descent from Kanaksen, A.D. 150.] The Sesodia or Gohil tradition
is that the founder of the Válas was Kanaksen, who, in the second
century after Christ, from North India established his power at
Virát or Dholka in North Gujarát and at Dhánk in Káthiáváda. [342]
This tradition, which according to Tod [343] is supported by at
least ten genealogical lists derived from distinct sources, seems
a reminiscence of some connection between the early Válas and the
Kshatrapas of Junágadh with the family of the great Kushán emperor
Kanishka (A.D. 78-98). Whether this high ancestry belongs of right
to the Válas and Gohils or whether it has been won for them by their
bards nothing in the records of Káthiáváda is likely to be able to
prove. Besides by the Válas Kanaksen is claimed as an ancestor by the
Chávadás of Okhámandal as the founder of Kanakapurí and as reigning in
Krishna's throne in Dwárká. [344]. In support of the form Kanaka for
Kanishka is the doubtful Kanaka-Sakas or Kanishka-Sakas of Varáhamihira
(A.D. 580). [345] The form Kanik is also used by Alberuni [346] for the
famous Vihára or monastery at Pesháwar of whose founder Kanak Alberuni
retails many widespread legends. Tod [347] says; 'If the traditional
date (A.D. 144) of Kanaksen's arrival in Káthiáváda had been only a
little earlier it would have fitted well with Wilson's Kanishka of the
Rája Tarangini.' Information brought to light since Tod's time shows
that hardly any date could fit better than A.D. 144 for some member
of the Kushán family, possibly a grandson of the great Kanishka,
to make a settlement in Gujarát and Káthiáváda. The date agrees
closely with the revolt against Vasudeva (A.D. 123-150), the second
in succession from Kanishka, raised by the Panjáb Yaudheyas, whom the
great Gujarát Kshatrapa Rudradáman (A.D. 143-158), the introducer of
Kanishka's (A.D. 78) era into Gujarát, humbled. The tradition calls
Kanaksen Kosalaputra and brings him from Lohkot in North India. [348]
Kosala has been explained as Oudh and Lohkot as Lahore, but as Kanak
came from the north not from the north-east an original Kushána-putra
or Son of the Kushán may be the true form. Similarly Lohkot cannot be
Lahore. It may be Alberuni's Lauhavar or Lahur in the Káshmir uplands
one of the main centres of Kushán power. [349]

[Mewád and the Persians.] One further point requires notice, the
traditional connection between Valabhi and the Ránás of Mewád with the
Sassanian kings of Persia (A.D. 250-650). In support of the tradition
Abul Fazl (A.D. 1590) says the Ránás of Mewád consider themselves
descendants of the Sassanian Naushirván (A.D. 531-579) and Tod quotes
fuller details from the Persian history Maaser-al-Umra. [350] No
evidence seems to support a direct connection with Naushirván. [351]
At the same time marriage between the Valabhi chief and Maha Banu
the fugitive daughter of Yezdigerd the last Sassanian (A.D. 651)
is not impossible. [352] And the remaining suggestion that the
link may be Naushirván's son Naushizád who fled from his father in
A.D. 570 receives support in the statement of Procopius [353] that
Naushizád found shelter at Belapatan in Khuzistán perhaps Balapatan in
Gurjaristán. As these suggestions are unsupported by direct evidence,
it seems best to look for the source of the legend in the fire symbols
in use on Káthiáváda and Mewád coins. These fire symbols, though in the
main Indo-Skythian, betray from about the sixth century a more direct
Sassanian influence. The use of similar coins coupled with their common
sun worship seems sufficient to explain how the Agnikulas and other
Káthiáváda and Mewád Rájputs came to believe in some family connection
between their chiefs and the fireworshipping kings of Persia. [354]

[Válas.] Can the Vála traditions of previous northern settlements be
supported either by early Hindu inscriptions or from living traces in
the present population of Northern India? The convenient and elaborate
tribe and surname lists in the Census Report of the Panjáb, and vaguer
information from Rájputána, show traces of Bálas and Válas among the
Musalmán as well as among the Hindu population of Northern India. [355]
Among the tribes mentioned in Varáha-Mihira's sixth century (A.D. 580)
[356] lists the Váhlikas appear along with the dwellers on Sindhu's
banks. An inscription of a king Chandra, probably Chandragupta and if
so about A.D. 380-400, [357] boasts of crossing the seven mouths of
the Indus to attack the Váhlikas. These references suggest that the
Bálas or Válas are the Válhikas and that the Bálhikas of the Harivamsa
(A.D. 350-500 ?) are not as Langlois supposed people then ruling in
Balkh but people then established in India. [358] Does it follow that
the Válhikas of the inscriptions and the Bálhikas of the Harivamsa
are the Panjáb tribe referred to in the Mahábhárata as the Báhikas or
Bálhikas, a people held to scorn as keeping no Bráhman rites, their
Bráhmans degraded, their women abandoned? [359] Of the two Mahábhárata
forms Báhika and Bálhika recent scholars have preferred Bálhika with
the sense of people of Balkh or Baktria. [360] The name Bálhika might
belong to more than one of the Central Asian invaders of Northern
India during the centuries before and after Christ, whose manner of
life might be expected to strike an Áryávarta Bráhman with horror. The
date of the settlement of these northern tribes (B.C. 180-A.D. 300)
does not conflict with the comparatively modern date (A.D. 150-250)
now generally received for the final revision of the Mahábhárata. [361]
This explanation does not remove the difficulty caused by references
to Báhikas and Bálhikas [362] in Pánini and other writers earlier
than the first of the after-Alexander Skythian invasions. At the
same time as shown in the footnote there seems reason to hold that
the change from the Bákhtri of Darius (B.C. 510) and Alexander the
Great (B.C. 330) to the modern Balkh did not take place before the
first century after Christ. If this view is correct it follows that
if the form Bahlika occurs in Pánini or other earlier writers it is
a mistaken form due to some copyist's confusion with the later name
Bahlika. As used by Pánini the name Báhika applied to certain Panjáb
tribes seems a general term meaning Outsider a view which is supported
by Brian Hodgson's identification of the Mahábhárata Báhikas with
the Bahings one of the outcaste or broken tribes of Nepál. [363]
The use of Báhika in the Mahábhárata would then be due either
to the wish to identify new tribes with old or to the temptation
to use a word which had a suitable meaning in Sanskrit. If then
there is fair ground for holding that the correct form of the name
in the Mahábhárata is Bálhika and that Bálhika means men of Balkh
the question remains which of the different waves of Central Asian
invaders in the centuries before and after Christ are most likely to
have adopted or to have received the title of Baktrians. Between the
second century before and the third century after Christ two sets of
northerners might justly have claimed or have received the title of
Baktrians. These northerners are the Baktrian Greeks about B.C. 180
and the Yuechi between B.C. 20 and A.D. 300. Yavana is so favourite
a name among Indian writers that it may be accepted that whatever
other northern tribes the name Yavana includes no name but Yavana
passed into use for the Baktrian Greeks. Their long peaceful and
civilised rule (B.C. 130-A.D. 300 ?) from their capital at Balkh
entitles the Yuechi to the name Baktrians or Báhlikas. That the
Yuechi were known in India as Baktrians is proved by the writer of
the Periplus (A.D. 247), who, when Baktria was still under Yuechi
rule, speaks of the Baktrianoi as a most warlike race governed by
their own sovereign. [364] It is known that in certain cases the
Yuechi tribal names were of local origin. Kushán the name of the
leading tribe is according to some authorities a place-name. [365]
And it is established that the names of more than one of the tribes
who about B.C. 50 joined under the head of the Kusháns were taken
from the lands where they had settled. It is therefore in agreement
both with the movements and with the practice of the Yuechi, that,
on reaching India, a portion of them should be known as Báhlikas or
Bálhikas. Though the evidence falls short of proof there seems fair
reason to suggest that the present Rájput and Káthi Válas or Bálas of
Gujarát and Rájputána, through a Sanskritised Váhlika, may be traced
to some section of the Yuechi, who, as they passed south from Baktria,
between the first century before and the fourth century after Christ,
assumed or received the title of men of Balkh.

One collateral point seems to deserve notice. St. Martin [366]
says: 'The Greek historians do not show the least trace of the name
Báhlika.' Accepting Báhika, with the general sense of Outsider,
as the form used by Indian writers before the Christian era and
remembering [367] Pánini's description of the Málavas and Kshudrakas
as two Báhika tribes of the North-West the fact that Pánini lived
very shortly before or after the time of Alexander and was specially
acquainted with the Panjáb leaves little doubt that when (A.D. 326)
Alexander conquered their country the Malloi and Oxydrakai, that is the
Málavas and Kshudrakas, were known as Báhikas. Seeing that Alexander's
writers were specially interested in and acquainted with the Malloi
and Oxydrakai it is strange if St. Martin is correct in stating that
Greek writings show no trace of the name Báhika. In explanation
of this difficulty the following suggestion may be offered. [368]
As the Greeks sounded their kh (ch) as a spirant, the Indian Báhika
would strike them as almost the exact equivalent of their own word
bakchikos. More than one of Alexander's writers has curious references
to a Bacchic element in the Panjáb tribes. Arrian [369] notices that,
as Alexander's fleet passed down the Jhelum, the people lined the banks
chanting songs taught them by Dionysus and the Bacchantes. According
to Quintus Curtius [370] the name of Father Bacchus was famous among
the people to the south of the Malloi. These references are vague. But
Strabo is definite. [371] The Malloi and Oxydrakai are reported to be
the descendants of Bacchus. This passage is the more important since
Strabo's use of the writings of Aristobulus Alexander's historian and
of Onesikritos Alexander's pilot and Bráhman-interviewer gives his
details a special value. [372] It may be said Strabo explains why the
Malloi and Oxydrakai were called Bacchic and Strabo's explanation is
not in agreement with the proposed Báhika origin. The answer is that
Strabo's explanation can be proved to be in part, if not altogether,
fictitious. Strabo [373] gives two reasons why the Oxydrakai were
called Bacchic. First because the vine grew among them and second
because their kings marched forth Bakkhikôs that is after the Bacchic
manner. It is difficult to prove that in the time of Alexander the
vine did not grow in the Panjáb. Still the fact that the vines of
Nysa near Jalálábád and of the hill Meros are mentioned by several
writers and that no vines are referred to in the Greek accounts of
the Panjáb suggests that the vine theory is an after-thought. [374]
Strabo's second explanation, the Bacchic pomp of their kings, can be
more completely disproved. The evidence that neither the Malloi nor
the Oxydrakai had a king is abundant. [375] That the Greeks knew the
Malloi and Oxydrakai were called Bakkhikoi and that they did not know
why they had received that name favours the view that the explanation
lies in the Indian name Báhika. One point remains. Does any trace
of the original Báhikas or Outsiders survive? In Cutch Káthiáváda
and North Gujarát are two tribes of half settled cattle-breeders
and shepherds whose names Rahbáris as if Rahábaher and Bharváds
as if Baherváda seem like Báhika to mean Outsider. Though in other
respects both classes appear to have adopted ordinary Hindu practices
the conduct of the Bharvád women of Káthiáváda during their special
marriage seasons bears a curiously close resemblance to certain of the
details in the Mahábhárata account of the Báhika women. Colonel Barton
writes: [376] 'The great marriage festival of the Káthiáváda Bharváds
which is held once in ten or twelve years is called the Milkdrinking,
Dudhpíno, from the lavish use of milk or clarified butter. Under the
exciting influence of the butter the women become frantic singing
obscene songs breaking down hedges and spoiling the surrounding
crops.' Though the Bharváds are so long settled in Káthiáváda as to
be considered aboriginals their own tradition preserves the memory of
a former settlement in Márwár. [377] This tradition is supported by
the fact that the shrine of the family goddess of the Cutch Rabáris
is in Jodhpur, [378] and by the claim of the Cutch Bharváds that
their home is in the North-West Provinces. [379]



CHAPTER IX.

THE CHÁLUKYAS

(A.D. 634-740.)


The Chálukyas conquered their Gujarát provinces from the south after
subduing the Konkan Mauryas of Purí either Rájápurí that is Janjira
or Elephanta in Bombay harbour. The fifth century Váda inscription of
king Suketuvarmman proves that this Maurya dynasty [380] ruled in the
Konkan for at least a century before they came into collision with
the Chálukyas under Kírtivarmman. [381] They were finally defeated
and their capital Purí taken by Chandadanda an officer of Pulakesi
II. (A.D. 610-640). [382] The Chálukyas then pressed northwards,
and an inscription at Aihole in South Bijápur records that as early
as A.D. 634 the kings of Láta, Málava, and Gurjjara submitted to the
prowess of Pulakesi II. (A.D. 610-640).

[Jayasimhavarmman, A.D. 666-693.] The regular establishment of
Chálukya power in South Gujarát seems to have been the work of
Dhárásraya Jayasimhavarmman son of Pulakesi II. and younger brother of
Vikramáditya Satyásraya (A.D. 670-680). A grant of Jayasimhavarmman's
son Síláditya found in Navsárí describes Jayasimhavarmman as receiving
the kingdom from his brother Vikramáditya. As Jayasimhavarmman is
called Paramabhattáraka Great Lord, he probably was practically
independent. He had five sons and enjoyed a long life, ruling
apparently from Navsárí. Of the five Gujarát Chálukya copperplates
noted below, three are in an era marked Sam. which is clearly
different from the Saka era (A.D. 78) used in the grants of the main
Chálukyas. From the nature of the case the new era of the Gujarát
Chálukyas may be accepted as of Gujarát origin. Grants remain
of Jayasimhavarmman's sons dated S. 421, 443, and 490. [383] This
checked by Vikramáditya's known date (A.D. 670-680) gives an initial
between A.D. 249 and 259. Of the two Gujarát eras, the Gupta-Valabhi
(A.D. 319) and the Traikútaka (A.D. 248-9), the Gupta-Valabhi is
clearly unsuitable. On the other hand the result is so closely
in accord with A.D. 248-9, the Traikútaka epoch, as to place the
correctness of the identification almost beyond question.

Jayasimhavarmman must have established his power in South Gujarát
before A.D. 669-70 (T. 421), as in that year his son Sryásraya
made a grant as heir apparent. Another plate of Sryásraya found in
Surat shows that in A.D. 691-2 (T. 443) Jayasimhavarmman was still
ruling with Sryásraya as heir apparent. In view of these facts
the establishment of Jayasimhavarmman's power in Gujarát must be
taken at about A.D. 666. The copperplates of his sons and grandson
do not say whom Jayasimhavarmman overthrew. Probably the defeated
rulers were Gurjjaras, as about this time a Gurjjara dynasty held
the Broach district with its capital at Nándípurí the modern Nándod
in the Rájpipla State about thirty-five miles east of Broach. So
far as is known the earliest of the Nándod Gurjjaras was Dadda who
is estimated to have flourished about A.D. 580 (T. 331). [384] The
latest is Jayabhata whose Navsárí copperplate bears date A.D. 734-5
(T. 486) [385] so that the Gurjjara and Chálukya kingdoms flourished
almost at the same time. It is possible that the power of the earlier
Gurjjara kings spread as far south as Balsár and even up to Konkan
limits. It was apparently from them that, during the reign of his
brother Vikramáditya, Jayasimhavarmman took South Gujarát, driving
the Gurjjaras north of the Tápti and eventually confining them to
the Broach district, the Gurjjaras either acknowledging Chálukya
sovereignty or withstanding the Chálukyas and retaining their small
territory in the Broach district by the help of the Valabhis with
whom they were in alliance. [386] In either case the Chálukya power
seems to have hemmed in the Broach Gurjjaras, as Jayasimhavarmman had
a son Buddhavarmman ruling in Kaira. A copperplate of Buddhavarmman's
son Vijayarája found in Kaira is granted from Vijayapura identified
with Bijápur near Parántij, but probably some place further south, as
the grant is made to Bráhmans of Jambusar. Five copperplates remain
of this branch of the Chálukyas, the Navsárí grant of Sryásraya
Síláditya Yuvarája dated A.D. 669-70 (T. 421); the Surat grant of
the same Síláditya dated A.D. 691-2 (T. 443); the Balsár grant of
Vinayáditya Mangalarája dated A.D. 731 (Saka 653); the Navsárí grant
of Pulakesi Janásraya dated A.D. 738-9 (T. 490); the Kaira grant
of Vijayarája dated Samvatsara 394; and the undated Nirpan grant of
Nágavarddhana Tribhuvanásraya.

[Sryásraya Síláditya (Heir Apparent), A.D. 669-691.] The first
four grants mention Jayasimhavarmman as the younger brother of
Vikramáditya Satyásraya the son of Pulakesi Satyásraya the conqueror
of Harshavarddhana the lord of the North. Jayasimhavarmman's eldest
son was Sryásraya Síláditya who made his Navsárí grant in A.D. 669-70
(T. 421); the village granted being said to be in the Navasáriká
Vishaya. Sryásraya's other plate dated A.D. 691-2 (T. 443) grants a
field in the village of Osumbhalá in the Kármaneya Áhára that is the
district of Kámlej on the Tápti fifteen miles north-east of Surat. In
both grants Síláditya is called Yuvarája, which shows that his father
ruled with him from A.D. 669 to A.D. 691. Both copperplates show
that these kings treated as their overlords the main dynasty of the
southern Chálukyas as respectful mention is made in the first plate
of Vikramáditya Satyásraya and in the second of his son Vinayáditya
Satyásraya. Apparently Sryásraya died before his father as the two late
grants of Balsár and Khedá give him no place in the list of rulers.

[Mangalarája, A.D. 698-731.] Jayasimhavarmman was succeeded by his
second son Mangalarája. A plate of his found at Balsár dated A.D. 731
(Saka 653) records a grant made from Mangalapurí, probably the same as
Purí the doubtful Konkan capital of the Siláháras. [387] As his elder
brother was heir-apparent in A.D. 691-2 (T. 443), Mangalarája must
have succeeded some years later, say about A.D. 698-9 (T. 450). From
this it may be inferred that the copperplate of A.D. 731 was issued
towards the end of his reign.

[Pulakesi Janásraya, A.D. 738.] Mangalarája was succeeded by his
younger brother Pulakesi Janásraya. This is the time of Khalif Hashám
(H. 105-125, A.D. 724-743) whose Sindh governor Junaid is recorded
to have sent expeditions against Marmád, Mandal, Dalmaj (Kámlej?),
Bárus, Uzain, Máliba, Baharimad (Mevad?), Al Bailáimán (Bhinmál?),
and Juzr. Though several of these names seem to have been misread and
perhaps misspelt on account of the confusion in the original Arabic,
still Marmád, Mandal, Barus, Uzain, Máliba, and Juzr can easily be
identified with Márvád, Mandal near Viramgám, Bharuch, Ujjain, Málwa,
and Gurjjara. The defeat of one of these raids is described at length
in Pulakesi's grant of A.D. 738-9 (T. 490) which states that the Arab
army had afflicted the kingdoms of Sindhu, Kacchella, Sauráshtra,
Chávotaka, Maurya, and Gurjjara that is Sindh, Kacch, the Chávadás,
the Mauryas of Chitor, [388] and the Gurjjaras of Bhínmál. [389]
Pulakesi was at this time ruling at Navsárí. It is uncertain how much
longer this Chálukya kingdom of Navsárí continued. It was probably
overthrown about A.D. 750 by the Gujarát branch of the Ráshtrakútas
who were in possession in A.D. 757-8. [390]

[Buddhavarmman, A.D. 713 (?).] The Kaira grant dated 394 gives
in hereditary succession the names Jayasimha, Buddhavarmman, and
Vijayarája. [391] The grant is made from Vijayapura, which, as the late
Colonel West suggested, may be Bijápur near Parántij though this is
far to the north of the otherwise known Chálukya limits. The village
granted is Pariyaya in the Kásákula division. If taken as Traikútaka
the date 394 corresponds to A.D. 642-3. This is out of the question,
since Vijayarája's grand-uncle Vikramáditya flourished between A.D. 670
and 680. Professor Bhandarkar considers the plate a forgery, but there
seems no sufficient reason for doubting its genuineness. No fault
can be found with the character. It is written in the usual style
of Western Chálukya grants, and contains the names of a number of
Bráhman grantees with minute details of the fields granted a feature
most unusual in a forged grant. In the Gupta era, which equally with
the Traikútaka era may be denoted by the word Sam. and which is
more likely to be in use in North Gujarát the 394 would represent
the fairly probable A.D. 713. Jayasimha may have conquered part of
North Gujarát and sent his son Buddhavarmman to rule over it.

[Nágavarddhana.] Jayasimha appears to have had a third son
Nágavarddhana ruling in West Násik which was connected with South
Gujarát through Balsár, Párdi, and Penth. The Nirpan grant of
Nágavarddhana is undated, [392] and, though it gives a wrong genealogy,
its seal, the form of composition, the biruda or title of the king,
and the alphabet all so closely agree with the style of the Gujarát
Chálukya plates that it cannot be considered a forgery.

Not long after A.D. 740 the Chálukyas seem to have been supplanted
in South Gujarát by the Ráshtrakútas.


[Chálukya Tree.] CHÁLUKYA FAMILY TREE.


                           Pulakesivallabha Satyásraya,
                     Conqueror of Harshavarddhana, Lord of the North.
                                      A.D. 610-640.
                                           |
                           ----------------+-----------------
                           |                                |
                   (Main Chálukyas).                (Gujarát Branch).
                           |                                |
               Vikramáditya Satyásraya,    Jayasimhavarmman Dhárásraya,
                     A.D. 669-680.                    A.D. 669-691.
                           |                                |
                     Vinayáditya.                           |
                                                            |
          --------------------------------------------------+-----------------
          |                  |                |               |              |
      (Navsárí.)         (Navsárí.)        (Kaira.)       (Násik.)       (Navsárí.)
          |                  |                |               |              |
Síláditya Sryásraya      Mangalarája  Buddhavarmman.    Nágavarddhana.    Pulakesi
       Yuvarája,                      or                Vijayarája        Janásraya,
T. 421 (A.D. 669-70) and              Mangalarasaráya,                    T. 490
T. 443 (A.D. 691-2).     Saka 653     G. 394
                                      (A.D. 731-2).     (A.D. 713).       (A.D. 738-9).


Vijayarája's grant of the year 394 (A.D. 642-3) is the earliest
trace of Chálukya rule in Gujarát. Dr. Bhagvánlál, who believed in
its genuineness, supposes it to be dated in the Gupta era (G. 394
= A.D. 714) and infers from it the existence of Chálukya rule far
to the north of Broach. But the most cursory comparison of it with
the Khedá grants of Dadda II. (see Ind. Ant. XIII. 81ff) which are
dated (admittedly in the [so-called] Traikútaka era) 380 and 385
respectively, shows that a large number of Dadda's grantees reappear
in the Chálukya grant. The date of the Chálukya plate must therefore
be interpreted as a Traikútaka or Chedi date.

[A.D. 610-640.] This being so, it is clearly impossible to suppose that
Vijayarája's grandfather Jayasimha is that younger son of Pulakesi
II. (A.D. 610-640) who founded the Gujarát branch family. It has
been usually supposed that the Jayasimha of our grant was a younger
brother of Pulakesi II.: but this also is chronologically impossible:
for Jayasimha can hardly have been more than ten years of age in
A.D. 597-98, when his elder brother was set aside as too young
to rule. His son Buddhavarmman could hardly have been born before
A.D. 610, so that Buddhavarmman's son Vijayarája must have made his
grant at the age of twelve at latest. The true solution of the question
seems to be that given by Dr. Bhandárkar in his Early History of the
Deccan (page 42 note 7), namely that the grant is a forgery. To the
reasons advanced by him may be added the fact pointed out by Mr. Fleet
(Ind. Ant. VII. 251) that the grant is a palimpsest, the engraver
having originally commenced it "Svasti Vijayavikshepán Na." It can
hardly be doubted that Na is the first syllable of Nándípurí the
palace of the Gurjjara kings. Many of the grantees were Bráhmans of
Jambusar and subjects of Dadda II. of Broach, whose grants to them
are extant. It seems obvious that Vijayarája's grant was forged in
the interest of these persons by some one who had Gurjjara grants
before him as models, but knew very little of the forms used in the
chancery of the Chálukyas.

Setting aside this grant, the first genuine trace of Chálukya
rule in Gujarát is to be found in the grant of the Sendraka chief
Nikumbhallasakti, which bears date Sam. 406 (A.D. 654-5) and relates to
the gift to a Bráhman of the village of Balisa (Wanesa) in the Treyanna
(Ten) district. Dr. Bühler has shown (Ind. Ant. XVIII. page 265ff)
that the Sendrakas were a Kánarese family, and that Nikumbhallasakti
must have come to Gujarát as a Chálukya feudatory, though he names
no overlord. He was doubtless subordinate to the Chálukya governor
of Násik.

The next grant that requires notice is that of Nágavarddhana,
who describes himself distinctly as the son of Pulakesi's brother
Jayasimha, though Dr. Bhagvánlál believed this Jayasimha to be
Pulakesi's son. Mr. Fleet points out other difficulties connected
with this grant, but on the whole decides in favour of its
genuineness (see Ind. Ant. IX. 123). The description of Pulakesi
II. in this grant refers to his victory over Harshavarddhana, but
also describes him as having conquered the three kingdoms of Chera,
Chola, and Pándya by means of his horse of the Chitrakantha breed,
and as meditating on the feet of Sri Nágavarddhana. Now all of these
epithets, except the reference to Harshavarddhana, belong properly,
not to Pulakesi II. but to his son Vikramáditya I. The conquest of the
confederacy of Cholas, Cheras (or Keralas), and Pándyas is ascribed
to Vikramáditya in the inscriptions of his son Vinayáditya (Fleet in
Ind. Ant. X. 134): the Chitrakantha horse is named in Vikramáditya's
own grants (Ind. Ant. VI. 75 &c.) while his meditation upon the feet
of Nágavarddhana recurs in the T. 421 grant of Sryásraya Síláditya
(B. B. R. A. S. XVI. 1ff). This confusion of epithets between Pulakesi
II. and Vikramáditya makes it difficult to doubt that Nágavarddhana's
grant was composed either during or after Vikramáditya's reign, and
under the influence of that king's grants. It may be argued that
even in that case the grant may be genuine, its inconsistencies
being due merely to carelessness. This supposition the following
considerations seem too negative. Pulakesi II. was alive at the time
of Hiuen Tsiang's visit (A.D. 640), but is not likely to have reigned
very much longer. And, as Vikramáditya's reign is supposed to have
begun about A.D. 669-70, a gap remains of nearly thirty years. That
part of this period was occupied by the war with the three kings of
the south we know from Vikramáditya's own grants: but the grant of
Sryásraya Síláditya referred to above seems to show that Vikramáditya
was the successor, not of his father, but of Nágavarddhana upon whose
feet he is described as meditating. It follows that Nágavarddhana
succeeded Pulakesi and preceded Vikramáditya on the imperial throne
of the Chálukyas whereas his grant could not have been composed until
the reign of Vikramáditya.

Although the grant is not genuine, we have no reason to doubt that
it gives a correct genealogy, and that Nágavarddhana was the son
of Pulakesi's brother Jayasimha and therefore the first cousin of
Vikramáditya. The grant is in the regular Chálukya style, and the
writer, living near the Northern Chálukya capital, Násik, had better
models than the composer of Vijayarája's grant. Both grants may have
been composed about the time when the Chálukya power succumbed to
the attacks of the Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 743).--(A. M. T. J.)



CHAPTER X.

THE GURJJARAS

(A.D. 580-808.)


During Valabhi and Chálukya ascendancy a small Gurjjara kingdom
flourished in and about Broach. As has been noticed in the Valabhi
chapter the Gurjjaras were a foreign tribe who came to Gujarát from
Northern India. All the available information regarding the Broach
Gurjjaras comes from nine copperplates, [393] three of them forged, all
obtained from South Gujarát. These plates limit the regular Gurjjara
territory to the Broach district between the Mahí and the Narbadá,
though at times their power extended north to Khedá and south to the
Tápti. Like the grants of the contemporary Gujarát Chálukyas all the
genuine copperplates are dated in the Traikútaka era which begins in
A.D. 249-50. [394] The Gurjjara capital seems to have been Nándípurí
or Nándor, [395] the modern Nándod the capital of Rájpipla in Rewa
Kántha about thirty-four miles east of Broach. Two of their grants
issue Nándípurítah [396] that is 'from Nándípurí' like the Valabhítah
or 'from Valabhi' of the Valabhi copperplates, a phrase which in both
cases seems to show the place named was the capital since in other
Gurjjara grants the word vásaka or camp occurs. [397]

[Copperplates.] Though the Gurjjaras held a considerable territory
in South Gujarát their plates seem to show they were not independent
rulers. The general titles are either Samadhigata-panchamahásabada
'He who has attained the five great titles,' or Sámanta Feudatory. In
one instance Jayabhata III. who was probably a powerful ruler is
called Sámantádhipati [398] Lord of Feudatories. It is hard to say to
what suzerain these Broach Gurjjaras acknowledged fealty. Latterly
they seem to have accepted the Chálukyas on the south as their
overlords. But during the greater part of their existence they may
have been feudatories of the Valabhi dynasty, who, as mentioned above
were probably Gurjjaras who passed from Málwa to South Gujarát and
thence by sea to Valabhi leaving a branch in South Gujarát.

The facts that in A.D. 649 (Valabhi 330) a Valabhi king had a 'camp of
victory' at Broach where Ranagraha's plate [399] shows the Gurjjaras
were then ruling and that the Gurjjara king Dadda II. gave shelter
to a Valabhi king establish a close connection between Valabhi and
the Nándod Gurjjaras.

Their copperplates and seals closely resemble the plates and seals of
the Gujarát Chálukyas. The characters of all but the forged grants are
like those of Gujarát Chálukya grants and belong to the Gujarát variety
of the Southern India style. At the same time it is to be noted that
the royal signature at the end of the plates is of the northern type,
proving that the Gurjjaras were originally northerners. The language
of most of the grants is Sanskrit prose as in Valabhi plates in a
style curiously like the style of the contemporary author Bána in
his great works the Kádambarí and Harshacharita. From this it may be
inferred that Bána's style was not peculiar to himself but was the
style in general use in India at that time.

[Gurjjara Tree.] The following is the Gurjjara family tree:


                           Dadda I. A.D. 580.
                                   |
                         Jayabhata I. A.D. 605.
                                   |
                          Dadda II. A.D. 633.
                                   |
                        Jayabhata II. A.D. 655.
                                   |
                          Dadda III. A.D. 680.
                                   |
                      Jayabhata III. A.D. 706-734.


A recently published grant [400] made by Nirihullaka, the chieftain of
a jungle tribe in the lower valley of the Narbadá, shows that towards
the end of the sixth century A.D. that region was occupied by wild
tribes who acknowledged the supremacy of the Chedi or Kalachuri kings:
a fact which accounts for the use of the Chedi or Traikútaka era
in South Gujarát. Nirihullaka names with respect a king Sankarana,
whom Dr. Bühler would identify with Sankaragana the father of the
Kalachuri Buddhavarmman who was defeated by Mangalísa the Chálukya
about A.D. 600. [401] Sankaragana himself must have flourished
about A.D. 580, and the Gurjjara conquest must be subsequent to this
date. Another new grant, [402] which is only a fragment and contains
no king's name, but which on the ground of date (Sam. 346 = A.D. 594-5)
and style may be safely attributed to the Gurjjara dynasty, shows that
the Gurjjaras were established in the country within a few years of
Sankaragana's probable date.

A still nearer approximation to the date of the Gurjjara conquest is
suggested by the change in the titles of Dharasena I. of Valabhi, who
in his grants of Samvat 252 [403] (A.D. 571) calls himself Mahárája,
while in his grants of 269 and 270 [404] (A.D. 588 and 589), he adds
the title of Mahásámanta, which points to subjection by some foreign
power between A.D. 571 and A.D. 588. It seems highly probable that this
power was that of the Gurjjaras of Bhínmál; and that their successes
therefore took place between A.D. 580 and 588 or about A.D. 585.

[Dadda I. C. 585-605 A.D.] The above mentioned anonymous grant of
the year 346 (A.D. 594-95) is ascribed with great probability to
Dadda I. who is known from the two Khedá grants of his grandson
Dadda II. (C. 620-650 A.D.) [405] to have "uprooted the Nága"
who must be the same as the jungle tribes ruled by Nirihullaka
and are now represented by the Náikdás of the Panch Maháls and the
Talabdas or Locals of Broach. The northern limit of Dadda's kingdom
seems to have been the Vindhya, as the grant of 380 (A.D. 628-29)
says that the lands lying around the feet of the Vindhya were for
his pleasure. At the same time it appears that part at least of
Northern Gujarát was ruled by the Mahásámanta Dharasena of Valabhi,
who in Val. 270 (A.D. 589-90) granted a village in the áhára of
Khetaka (Khedá). [406] Dadda is always spoken of as the Sámanta,
which shows that while he lived his territory remained a part of the
Gurjjara kingdom of Bhínmál. Subsequently North Gujarát fell into the
hands of the Málava kings, to whom it belonged in Hiuen Tsiang's time
(C. 640 A.D.). [407] Dadda I. is mentioned in the two Khedá grants of
his grandson as a worshipper of the sun: the fragmentary grant of 346
(A.D. 594-95) which is attributed to him gives no historical details.

[Jayabhata I. Vítarága, C. 605-620 A.D.] Dadda I. was succeeded
by his son Jayabhata I. who is mentioned in the Khedá grants as a
victorious and virtuous ruler, and appears from his title of Vítarága
the Passionless to have been a religious prince.

[Dadda II. Prasántarága, C. 620-650 A.D.] Jayabhata I. was succeeded
by his son Dadda II. who bore the title of Prasántarága the
Passion-calmed. Dadda was the donor of the two Khedá grants of 380
(A.D. 628-29) and 385 (A.D. 633-34), and a part of a grant made by
his brother Ranagraha in the year 391 (A.D. 639-40) has lately been
published. [408] Three forged grants purporting to have been issued by
him are dated respectively Saka 400 (A.D. 478), Saka 415 (A.D. 493),
and Saka 417 (A.D. 495). [409] Both of the Khedá grants relate to the
gift of the village of Siríshapadraka (Sisodra) in the Akrúresvara
(Anklesvar) vishaya to certain Bráhmans of Jambusar and Broach. In
Ranagraha's grant the name of the village is lost.

Dadda II.'s own grants describe him as having attained the five great
titles, and praise him in general terms: and both he and his brother
Ranagraha sign their grants as devout worshippers of the sun. Dadda
II. heads the genealogy in the later grant of 456 (A.D. 704-5),
[410] which states that he protected "the lord of Valabhi who had
been defeated by the great lord the illustrious Harshadeva." The event
referred to must have been some expedition of the great Harshavardhana
of Kanauj (A.D. 607-648), perhaps the campaign in which Harsha was
defeated on the Narbadá by Pulakesi II. (which took place before
A.D. 634). The protection given to the Valabhi king is perhaps referred
to in the Khedá grants in the mention of "strangers and suppliants
and people in distress." If this is the case the defeat of Valabhi
took place before A.D. 628-29, the date of the earlier of the Khedá
grants. On the other hand, the phrase quoted is by no means decisive,
and the fact that in Hiuen Tsiang's time Dhruvasena of Valabhi was
son-in-law of Harsha's son, makes it unlikely that Harsha should have
been at war with him. It follows that the expedition referred to may
have taken place in the reign of Dharasena IV. who may have been the
son of Dhruvasena by another wife than Harsha's granddaughter.

To Dadda II.'s reign belongs Hiuen Tsiang's notice of the kingdom of
Broach (C. 640 A.D.). [411] He says "all their profit is from the sea"
and describes the country as salt and barren, which is still true of
large tracts in the west and twelve hundred years ago was probably
the condition of a much larger area than at present. Hiuen Tsiang
does not say that Broach was subject to any other kingdom, but it
is clear from the fact that Dadda bore the five great titles that
he was a mere feudatory. At this period the valuable port of Broach,
from which all their profit was made, was a prize fought for by all
the neighbouring powers. With the surrounding country of Láta, Broach
submitted to Pulakesi II. (A.D. 610-640): [412] it may afterwards have
fallen to the Málava kings, to whom in Hiuen Tsiang's time (A.D. 640)
both Khedá (K'ie-ch'a) and Ánandapura (Vadnagar) belonged; later it
was subject to Valabhi, as Dharasena IV. made a grant at Broach in
V.S. 330 (A.D. 649-50). [413]

Knowledge of the later Gurjjaras is derived exclusively from two
grants of Jayabhata III. dated respectively 456 (A.D. 704-5) and
486 (A.D. 734-5). [414] The later of these two grants is imperfect,
only the last plate having been preserved. The earlier grant of 456
(A.D. 704-5) shows that during the half century following the reign
of Dadda II. the dynasty had ceased to call themselves Gurjjaras,
and had adopted a Puránic pedigree traced from king Karna, a hero of
the Bhárata war. It also shows that from Dadda III. onward the family
were Saivas instead of sun-worshippers.

[Jayabhata II. C. 650-675 A.D.] The successor of Dadda II. was his
son Jayabhata II. who is described as a warlike prince, but of whom
no historical details are recorded.

[Dadda III. Báhusaháya, C. 675-700.] Jayabhata's son, Dadda
III. Báhusaháya, is described as waging wars with the great kings
of the east and of the west (probably Málava and Valabhi). He was
the first Saiva of the family, studied Manu's works, and strictly
enforced "the duties of the varnas or castes and of the ásramas
or Bráhman stages." It was probably to him that the Gurjjaras owed
their Puránic pedigree and their recognition as true Kshatriyas. Like
his predecessors, Dadda III. was not an independent ruler. He could
claim only the five great titles, though no hint is given who was his
suzerain. His immediate superior may have been Jayasimha the Chálukya,
who received the province of Láta from his brother Vikramáditya
(c. 669-680 A.D.) [415]

[Jayabhata III. c. 704-734 A.D.] The son and successor of Dadda
III. was Jayabhata III. whose two grants of 456 (A.D. 704-5) and 486
(A.D. 734-5) [416] must belong respectively to the beginning and
the end of his reign. He attained the five great titles, and was
therefore a feudatory, probably of the Chálukyas: but his title of
Mahásámantádhipati implies that he was a chief of importance. He
is praised in vague terms, but the only historical event mentioned
in his grants is a defeat of a lord of Valabhi, noted in the grant
of 486 (A.D. 734-5). The Valabhi king referred to must be either
Síláditya IV. (A.D. 691) or Síláditya V. (A.D. 722). During the
reign of Jayabhata III. took place the great Arab invasion which was
repulsed by Pulakesi Janásraya at Navsárí. [417] Like the kingdoms
named in the grant of Pulakesi, Broach must have suffered from this
raid. It is not specially mentioned probably because it formed part
of Pulakesi's territory.

After A.D. 734-5 no further mention occurs of the Gurjjaras of
Broach. Whether the dynasty was destroyed by the Arabs or by the
Gujarát Ráshtrakútas (A.D. 750) is not known. Later references to
Gurjjaras in Ráshtrakúta times refer to the Gurjjaras of Bhínmál not to
the Gurjjaras of Broach, who, about the time of Dadda III. (C. 675-700
A.D.), ceased to call themselves Gurjjaras.



A few words must be said regarding the three grants from Iláo, Umetá,
and Bagumrá (Ind. Ant. XIII. 116, VII. 61, and XVII. 183) as their
genuineness has been assumed by Dr. Bühler in his recent paper on
the Mahábhárata, in spite of Mr. Fleet's proof (Ind. Ant. XVIII. 19)
that their dates do not work out correctly.

Dr. Bhagvánlál's (Ind. Ant. XIII. 70) chief grounds for holding that
the Umetá and Iláo grants (the Bagumrá grant was unknown to him)
were forgeries were:


(1) Their close resemblance in palæography to one another and to
    the forged grant of Dharasena II. of Valabhi dated Saka 400;
(2) That though they purport to belong to the fifth century they
    bear the same writer's name as the Khedá grants of the seventh
    century.


Further Mr. Fleet (Ind. Ant. XIII. 116) pointed out:


(3) That the description of Dadda I. in the Iláo and Umetá
    grants agrees almost literally with that of Dadda II. in the
    Khedá grants, and that where it differs the Khedá grants have
    the better readings.


To these arguments Dr. Bühler has replied (Ind. Ant. XVII. 183):


(1) That though there is a resemblance between these grants and
    that of Dharasena II., still it does not prove more than that the
    forger of Dharasena's grant had one of the other grants before him;
(2) That, as the father's name of the writer is not given in the
    Khedá grants, it cannot be assumed that he was the same person
    as the writer of the Iláo and Umetá grants; and
(3) That genuine grants sometimes show that a description written
    for one king is afterwards applied to another, and that good or
    bad readings are no test of the age of a grant.


It may be admitted that Dr. Bühler has made it probable that the
suspected grants and the grant of Dharasena were not all written by
the same hand, and also that the coincidence in the writer's name is
not of much importance in itself. But the palæographical resemblance
between Dharasena's grant on the one hand and the doubtful Gurjjara
grants on the other is so close that they must have been written at
about the same time. As to the third point, the verbal agreement
between the doubtful grants on the one hand and the Khedá grants
on the other implies the existence of a continuous tradition in the
record office of the dynasty from the end of the fifth till near the
middle of the seventh century. But the Sankhedá grant of Nirihullaka
(Ep. Ind. II. 21) shows that towards the end of the sixth century the
lower Narbadá valley was occupied by jungle tribes who acknowledged
the supremacy of the Kalachuris. Is it reasonable to suppose that
after the first Gurjjara line was thus displaced, the restorers of the
dynasty should have had any memory of the forms in which the first line
drew up their grants? At any rate, if they had, they would also have
retained their original seal, which, as the analogy of the Valabhi
plates teaches us, would bear the founder's name. But we find that
the seal of the Khedá plates bears the name "Sámanta Dadda," who
can be no other than the "Sámanta Dadda" who ruled from C. 585-605
A.D. It follows that the Gurjjaras of the seventh century themselves
traced back their history in Broach no further than A.D. 585. Again,
it has been pointed out in the text that a passage in the description
of Dadda II. (A.D. 620-650) in the Khedá grants seems to refer to his
protection of the Valabhi king, so that the description must have been
written for him and not for the fifth century Dadda as Dr. Bühler's
theory requires.

These points coupled with Mr. Fleet's proof (Ind. Ant. XVIII. 91)
that the Saka dates do not work out correctly, may perhaps be
enough to show that none of these three grants can be relied upon as
genuine.--(A. M. T. J.)



CHAPTER XI.

THE RÁSHTRAKÚTAS

(A.D. 743-974.)


The Ráshtrakúta connection with Gujarát lasted from Saka 665 to
894 (A.D. 743-974) that is for 231 years. The connection includes
three periods: A first of sixty-five years from Saka 665 to 730
(A.D. 743-808) when the Gujarát ruler was dependent on the main
Dakhan Ráshtrakúta: a second of eighty years between Saka 730 and 810
(A.D. 808-888) when the Gujarát family was on the whole independent:
and a third of eighty-six years Saka 810 to 896 (A.D. 888-974) when
the Dakhan Ráshtrakútas again exercised direct sway over Gujarát.

[Their Origin.] Information regarding the origin of the Ráshtrakútas is
imperfect. That the Gujarát Ráshtrakútas came from the Dakhan in Saka
665 (A.D. 743) is known. It is not known who the Dakhan Ráshtrakútas
originally were or where or when they rose to prominence. Ráthod
the dynastic name of certain Kanauj and Márwár Rájputs represents
a later form of the word Ráshtrakúta. Again certain of the later
inscriptions call the Ráshtrakútas Rattas a word which, so far as form
goes, is hardly a correct Prakrit contraction of Ráshtrakúta. The
Sanskritisation of tribal names is not exact. If the name Ratta was
strange it might be pronounced Ratta, Ratha, or Raddi. This last form
almost coincides with the modern Kánarese caste name Reddi, which,
so far as information goes, would place the Ráshtrakútas among the
tribes of pre-Sanskrit southern origin.

[Their Name.] If Ratta is the name of the dynasty kúta or kúda may
be an attribute meaning prominent. The combination Ráshtrakúta would
then mean the chiefs or leaders as opposed to the rank and file of the
Rattas. The bardic accounts of the origin of the Ráthods of Kanauj
and Márwár vary greatly. According to a Jain account the Ráthods,
whose name is fancifully derived from the raht or spine of Indra,
are connected with the Yavans through an ancestor Yavanasva prince
of Párlipur. The Ráthod genealogies trace their origin to Kusa son
of Ráma of the Solar Race. The bards of the Solar Race hold them to
be descendants of Hiranya Kasipu by a demon or daitya mother. Like
the other great Rájput families the Ráthods' accounts contain no date
earlier than the fifth century A.D. when (A.D. 470, S. 526) Náin Pál
is said to have conquered Kanauj slaying its monarch Ajipál. [418] The
Dakhan Ráshtrakútas (whose earliest known date is also about A.D. 450)
call themselves of the Lunar Race and of the Yadu dynasty. Such
contradictions leave only one of two origins to the tribe. They were
either foreigners or southerners Bráhmanised and included under the
all-embracing term Rájput.

[Early Dynasty, A.D. 450-500.] Of the rise of the Ráshtrakútas no
trace remains. The earliest known Ráshtrakúta copperplate is of a
king Abhimanyu. This plate is not dated. Still its letters, its style
of writing, and its lion seal, older than the Garuda mark which the
Ráshtrakútas assumed along with the claim of Yádava descent, leave
no doubt that this is the earliest of known Ráshtrakúta plates. Its
probable date is about A.D. 450. The plate traces the descent of
Abhimanyu through two generations from Mánánka. The details are:


                                Mánánka.
                                   |
                               Devarája.
                                   |
                               Bhavishya.
                                   |
                               Abhimanyu.


The grant is dated from Mánapura, perhaps Mánánka's city, probably
an older form of Mányakheta the modern Málkhed the capital of the
later Ráshtrakútas about sixty miles south-east of Sholápur. These
details give fair ground for holding the Mánánkas to be a family
of Ráshtrakúta rulers earlier than that which appears in the usual
genealogy of the later Ráshtrakúta dynasty (A.D. 500-972).

[The Main Dynasty, A.D. 630-972.] The earliest information regarding
the later Ráshtrakútas is from a comparatively modern, and therefore
not quite trustworthy, Chálukya copperplate of the eleventh century
found by Mr. Wathen. This plate states that Jayasimha I. the earliest
Chálukya defeated the Ráshtrakúta Indra son of Krishna the lord of
800 elephants. The date of this battle would be about A.D. 500. If
historic the reference implies that the Ráshtrakútas were then a well
established dynasty. In most of their own plates the genealogy of the
Ráshtrakútas begins with Govinda about A.D. 680. But that Govinda
was not the founder of the family is shown by Dantidurga's Elura
Dasávatára inscription (about A.D. 750) which gives two earlier
names Dantivarmman and Indra. The founding of Ráshtrakúta power
is therefore of doubtful date. Of the date of its overthrow there
is no question. The overthrow came from the hand of the Western
Chálukya Tailappa in Saka 894 (A.D. 972) during the reign of the last
Ráshtrakúta Kakka III. or Kakkala.

[Ráshtrakúta Family Tree, A.D. 630-972.] The following is the
Ráshtrakúta family tree:


                    1 Dantivarmman
                         | (about A.D. 630).
                         |
                    2 Indra I.
                         | (about A.D. 655).
                         |
                    3 Govinda I.
                         | (about A.D. 680).
                         |
                    4 Kakka I.
                     or Karka I.
                         | (about A.D. 705).
                         |
         ----------------------------------
         |                    |           |
     5 Indra II.            Dhruva.   7 Krishna
  (about A.D. 730).           |     (about A.D. 765).
         |                 Govinda.       |
   6 Dantidurga,              |           |
   Dantivarmman            Kakka II.      |
(Saka 675, A.D. 753).      Saka 669       |
                          (A.D. 747).     |
                                          |
                     -------------------------
                     |                       |
             8 Govinda II.         9 Dhruva, Dhárávarsha,
            (about A.D. 780).         Nirupama, Dhora,
                                      (about A.D. 795).
                                             |
            --------------------------------------
            |                                    |
10 Govinda III. Prabhútavarsha          I. Indra (founder of
 Vallabhanarendra, Jagattunga            Gujarát Branch).
      Prithivívallabha,                          |
   (Saka 725, 728, 729,                    ---------------------
    A.D. 803, 806, 807).                   |                   |
            |                            II. Karka           III. Govinda
      11 Amoghavarsha               (Saka 734, 738, 743,   Prabhútavarsha,
Sarvva, Durlabha Srívallabha;        A.D. 812, 816, 821).   (Saka 749,
       Lakshmívallabha,                    |                 A.D. 827).
       Vallabha Skanda,              --------------------
(Saka 773, 799, A.D. 851, 877).      |                  |
            |                  Dantivarmman        IV. Dhruva I.
     12 Akálavarsha                 (?)              Dhárávarsha,
   Krishna II. Kannara               |               Nirupama,
  (about A.D. 880-911).  VII. Akálavarsha-Krishna   (Saka 757,
            |                  (Saka 810,            A.D. 835).
         Jagattunga             A.D. 888).              |
      (did not reign.)                            V. Akálavarsha
            |                                     Subhatunga,
            |                                      (A.D. 867).
            |                                           |
            |                                     VI. Dhruva II.
            |                                   (Saka 789, 793,
         ----------------------------------      A.D. 867, 871).
         |                                |
   13 Indra III. Prithivívallabha     16 Baddiga
   Rattakandarpa, Kirttináráyana          |
  Nityamvarsha (Saka 836, A.D. 914).   ------------------------
         |                             |            |         |
     -----------------             17 Krishna  19 Kottiga.  Nirupama.
     |               |             (S. 867, 878                 |
14 Amoghavarsha  15 Govindarája     A.D. 945, 956).          Kakkala
                   Sáhasánka                               or Karkarája
                 Suvarnavarsha.                            (Saka 894,
                                                            A.D. 972).


[Copperplates.] The earliest Gujarát Ráshtrakúta grant, Kakka's of Saka
669 (A.D. 747), comes from Ántroli-Chároli in Surat. It is written on
two plates in the Valabhi style of composition and form of letters,
and, as in Valabhi grants, the date is at the end. Unlike Valabhi
grants the era is the Saka era. The grant gives the following genealogy
somewhat different from that of other known Ráshtrakúta grants:


                         Kakka.
                           |
                        Dhruva.
                           |
                        Govinda.
                           |
                        Kakka II. (Saka 669, A.D. 747).


[Kakka II. A.D. 747.] The plate notices that Kakka the grantor was
the son of Govinda by his wife the daughter of the illustrious
Nágavarmman. Kakka is further described by the feudatory title
'Samadhigatapanchmahásabdah' Holder of the five great names. At the
same time he is also called Paramabhattáraka-Mahárája Great Lord Great
King, attributes which seem to imply a claim to independent power. The
grant is dated the bright seventh of Ásvayuja, Saka 669 (A.D. 747). The
date is almost contemporary with the year of Dantidurga in the Sámangad
plate (A.D. 753). As Dantidurga was a very powerful monarch we may
identify the first Kakka of this plate with Kakka I. the grandfather
of Dantidurga and thus trace from Dhruva Kakka's son a branch of
feudatory Ráshtrakútas ruling in Málwa or Gujarát, whose leaders
were Dhruva, his son Govinda, and Govinda's son Kakka II. Further
Dantidurga's grant shows that he conquered Central Gujarát between
the Mahí and the Narbadá [419] while his Elura Dasávatára inscription
(A.D. 750) shows that he held Láta and Málava. [420] Dantidurga's
conquest of Central Gujarát seems to have been signalised by grants
of land made by his mother in every village of the Mátri division
which is apparently the Mátar táluka of the Kaira district. [421]
It is possible that Dantidurga gave conquered Gujarát to his paternal
cousin's son and contemporary Kakka, the grantor of the Ántroli plate
(A.D. 747), as the representative of a family ruling somewhere
under the overlordship of the main Dakhan Ráshtrakútas. Karka's
Baroda grant [422] (A.D. 812) supports this theory. Dantidurga died
childless and was succeeded by his uncle Krishna. Of this Krishna the
Baroda grant says that he assumed the government for the good of the
family after having rooted out a member of the family who had taken
to mischief-making. It seems probable that Kakka II. the grantor of
the Ántroli plate is the mischief-maker and that his mischief was,
on the death of Dantidurga, the attempt to secure the succession to
himself. Krishna frustrated Kakka's attempt and rooted him out so
effectively that no trace of Kakka's family again appears.

[Krishna and Govinda II. A.D. 765-795.] From this it follows that,
so far as is known, the Ráshtrakúta conquest of Gujarát begins with
Dantidurga's conquest of Láta, that is South Gujarát between the
Mahí and the Narbadá, from the Gurjjara king Jayabhata whose latest
known date is A.D. 736 or seventeen years before the known date of
Dantidurga. The Gurjjaras probably retired to the Rájpipla hills
and further east on the confines of Málwa where they may have held a
lingering sway. [423] No Gujarát event of importance is recorded during
the reign of Krishna (A.D. 765) or of his son Govinda II. (A.D. 780)
who about A.D. 795 was superseded by his powerful younger brother
Dhruva. [424]

[Dhruva I. A.D. 795.] Dhruva was a mighty monarch whose conquests
spread from South India as far north as Allahábád. During Dhruva's
lifetime his son Govinda probably ruled at Mayúrakhandi or Morkhanda in
the Násik district and held the Ghát country and the Gujarát coast from
Balsár northwards. Though according to a Kapadvanj grant Govinda had
several brothers the Rádhanpur (A.D. 808) and Van-Dindori (A.D. 808)
grants of his son Govinda III. state that his father, seeing Govinda's
supernatural Krishna-like powers, offered him the sovereignty of the
whole world. Govinda declined, saying, The Kanthiká or coast tract
already given to me is enough. Seeing that Mayúrakhandi or Morkhanda
in Násik was Govinda's capital, this Kanthiká appears to be the coast
from Balsár northwards.

[Govinda III. A.D. 800-808.] According to Gujarát Govinda's
(A.D. 827-833) Káví grant (A.D. 827), finding his power threatened by
Stambha and other kings, Dhruva made the great Govinda independent
during his own lifetime. This suggests that while Dhruva continued
to hold the main Ráshtrakúta sovereignty in the Dakhan, he probably
invested Govinda with the sovereignty of Gujarát. This fact the Káví
grant (A.D. 827) being a Gujarát grant would rightly mention while
it would not find a place in the Rádhanpur (A.D. 808) and Van-Dindori
(A.D. 808) grants of the main Ráshtrakútas. Of the kings who opposed
Govinda the chief was Stambha who may have some connection with Cambay,
as, during the time of the Anahilaváda kings, Cambay came to be called
Stambha-tírtha instead of by its old name of Gambhútá. According
to the grants the allied chiefs were no match for Govinda. The
Gurjjara fled through fear, not returning even in dreams, and the
Málava king submitted. Who the Gurjjara was it is hard to say. He
may have belonged to some Gurjjara dynasty that rose to importance
after Dantidurga's conquest or the name may mean a ruler of the
Gurjjara country. In either case some North Gujarát ruler is meant
whose conquest opened the route from Broach to Málwa. From Málwa
Govinda marched to the Vindhyas where the king apparently of East
Málwa named Márá Sarva submitted to Govinda paying tribute. From the
Vindhyas Govinda returned to Gujarát passing the rains at Sríbhavana,
[425] apparently Sarbhon in the Ámod táluka of Broach, a favourite
locality which he had ruled during his father's lifetime. After the
rains Govinda went south as far as the Tungabhadra. On starting for
the south Govinda handed Gujarát to his brother Indra with whom begins
the Gujarát branch of the Ráshtrakútas. Several plates distinctly
mention that Indra was given the kingdom of the lord of Láta by
(his brother) Govinda. Other Gujarát grants, apparently with intent
to show that Indra won Gujarát and did not receive it in gift, after
mentioning Sarvva Amoghavarsha as the successor of Govinda (A.D. 818),
state that the king (apparently of Gujarát) was Sarvva's uncle Indra.

[Indra, A.D. 808-812.] As Govinda III. handed Gujarát to his brother
Indra about Saka 730 (A.D. 808) and as the grant of Indra's son
Karka is dated Saka 734 (A.D. 812) Indra's reign must have been
short. Indra is styled the ruler of the entire kingdom of Látesvara,
[426] the protector of the mandala of Láta given to him by his lord. An
important verse in an unpublished Baroda grant states that Indra chased
the lord of Gurjjara who had prepared to fight, and that he honourably
protected the multitude of Dakhan (Dakshinápatha) feudatories
(mahásámantas) whose glory was shattered by Srívallabha (that is
Sarvva or Amoghavarsha) [427] then heir-apparent of Govinda. That is,
in attempting to establish himself in independent power, Indra aided
certain of the Ráshtrakúta feudatories in an effort to shake off the
overlordship of Amoghavarsha.

[Karka I. A.D. 812-821.] Indra was succeeded by his son Karka I. who
is also called Suvarnavarsha and Pátálamalla. Karka reversed his
father's policy and loyally accepted the overlordship of the main
Ráshtrakútas. Three grants of Karka's remain, the Baroda grant dated
Saka 734 (A.D. 812), and two unpublished grants from Navsárí and Surat
dated respectively Saka 738 (A.D. 816) and Saka 743 (A.D. 821). Among
Doctor Bhagvánlál's collection of inscriptions bequeathed to the
British Museum the Baroda grant says that Karka's svámi or lord,
apparently Govinda III., made use of Karka's arm to protect the king
of Málava against invasion by the king of Gurjjara who had become
puffed up by conquering the lords of Gauda and Vanga that is modern
Bengal. This powerful Gurjjara king who conquered countries so distant
as Bengal has not been identified. He must have been ruling north
of the Mahí and threatened an invasion of Málwa by way of Dohad. He
may have been either a Valabhi king or one of the Bhinmál Gurjjaras,
who, during the decline of the Valabhis, and with the help of their
allies the Chávadás of Anahilaváda whose leader at this time was
Yog Rája (A.D. 806-841), may have extended their dominion as far
south as the Mahí. As the Baroda plate (A.D. 812) makes no mention
of Amoghavarsha-Sarvva while the Navsárí plate (A.D. 816) mentions
him as the next king after Govinda III. it follows that Govinda
III. died and Amoghavarsha succeeded between A.D. 812 and 816 (S. 734
and 738). This supports Mr. Fleet's conclusion, on the authority of
Amoghavarsha's Sirur inscription, that he came to the throne in Saka
736 (A.D. 814). At first Amoghavarsha was unable to make head against
the opposition of some of his relations and feudatories, supported,
as noted above, by Karka's father Indra. He seems to have owed his
subsequent success to his cousin Karka whom an unpublished Surat grant
and two later grants (S. 757 and S. 789, A.D. 835 and 867) describe
as establishing Amoghavarsha in his own place after conquering by
the strength of his arm arrogant tributary Ráshtrakútas who becoming
firmly allied to each other had occupied provinces according to their
own will.

Karka's Baroda plates (S. 734, A.D. 812) record the grant of Baroda
itself called Vadapadraka in the text. Baroda is easily identified
by the mention of the surrounding villages of Jambuváviká the modern
Jámbuváda on the east, of Ankottaka the modern Ákotá on the west,
and of Vaggháchchha perhaps the modern Vághodia on the north. The
writer of the grant is mentioned as the great minister of peace and war
Nemáditya son of Durgabhatta, and the Dútaka or grantor is said to be
Rájaputra that is prince Dantivarmman apparently a son of Karka. The
grantee is a Bráhman originally of Valabhi.

Karka's Navsárí grant (S. 738, A.D. 816) is made from Khedá and
records the gift of the village of Samípadraka in the country lying
between the Mahí and the Narbadá. The grantee is a South Indian
Bráhman from Bádámi in Bijápur, a man of learning popularly known
as Pandita Vallabharája because he was proficient in the fourteen
Vidyás. The Dútaka of this grant is a South Indian bhata or military
officer named the illustrious Dronamma.

Karka's Surat grant (S. 743, A.D. 821) is made from the royal camp on
the bank of the Vankiká apparently the Vánki creek near Balsár. It
records the grant of a field in Ambápátaka village near Nágasárika
(Navsárí) to a Jain temple at Nágariká, (Navsárí). The writer of the
grant is the minister of war and peace Náráyana son of Durgabhatta. As
this is the first grant by a Gujarát Ráshtrakúta of lands south of the
Tápti it may be inferred that in return for his support Amoghavarsha
added to Karka's territory the portion of the North Konkan which now
forms Gujarát south of the Tápti.

[Dantivarmman, Heir Apparent.] According to Karka's Baroda plate
(S. 734, A.D. 812) Karka had a son named Dantivarmman who is mentioned
as the princely Dútaka of the plate. The fact of being a Dútaka implies
that Dantivarmman was then of age. That Dantivarmman was a son of
Karka is supported by Akálavarsha's Bagumrá plate (S. 810, A.D. 888),
where, though the plate is badly composed and the grammar is faulty,
certain useful details are given regarding Dantivarmman who is clearly
mentioned as the son of Karka. Karka had another son named Dhruva,
who, according to three copperplates, succeeded to the throne. But as
Dantivarmman's son's grant is dated Saka 810 or seventy-six years later
than the Baroda plate some error seems to have crept into the genealogy
of the plate. Neither Dantivarmman nor Dhruva seems to have succeeded
their father as according to Govinda's Káví grant (A.D. 827) their
uncle Govinda succeeded his brother Karka. The explanation may be that
Dantivarmman died during his father's lifetime, and that some years
later, after a great yearning for a son, [428] probably in Karka's
old age, a second son Dhruva was born, during whose minority, after
Karka's death, Govinda appears to have temporarily occupied the throne.

[Govinda, A.D. 827-833.] This Govinda, the brother and successor of
Karka, was also called Prabhútavarsha. One plate of Govinda's Káví
grant is dated Saka 749 (A.D. 827). It gives no details regarding
Govinda. The grant is made from Broach and records the gift of a
village [429] to a temple of the Sun called Jayáditya in Kotipur near
Kápiká that is Káví thirty miles north of Broach. The writer of the
grant is Yogesvara son of Avalokita and the Dútaka or grantor was one
Bhatta Kumuda. As it contains no reference to Govinda's succession
the plate favours the view that Govinda remained in power only during
the minority of his nephew Dhruva.

[Dhruva I. A.D. 835-867.] This Dhruva, who is also called Nirupama and
Dhárávarsha, is mentioned as ruler in a Baroda grant dated Saka 757
(A.D. 835). [430] He therefore probably came to the throne either on
attaining his majority in the lifetime of his uncle and predecessor
Govinda or after Govinda's death. Dhruva's Baroda grant (S. 757,
A.D. 835) is made from a place called Sarvvamangalá near Khedá
and records the gift of a village to a Bráhman named Yoga [431] of
Badarasidhi apparently Borsad. The writer of the grant is mentioned
as the minister of peace and war, Náráyana son of Durgabhatta, and
the Dútaka or grantor is the illustrious Devarája. Dhruva seems to
have abandoned his father's position of loyal feudatory to the main
Ráshtrakútas. According to a copperplate dated Saka 832 (A.D. 910)
Vallabha that is Amoghavarsha, also called the illustrious great
Skanda, sent an army and besieged and burned the Kanthiká that is the
coast tract between Bombay and Cambay. In the course of this campaign,
according to Dhruva II.'s Bagumrá grant (S. 789, A.D. 867), [432]
Dhruva died on the field of battle covered with wounds while routing
the army of Vallabha or Amoghavarsha. This statement is supported by
a Kanheri cave inscription which shows that Amoghavarsha was still
alive in Saka 799 (A.D. 877).

[Akálavarsha, A.D. 867.] Dhruva was succeeded by his son Akálavarsha
also called Subhatunga. A verse in Dhruva II.'s Bagumrá grant (S 789,
A.D. 867) says that Akálavarsha established himself in the territory of
his father, which, after Dhruva's death in battle, had been overrun by
the army of Vallabha and had been distracted by evil-minded followers
and dependants. [433]

[Dhruva II. A.D. 867.] Akálavarsha was succeeded by his son Dhruva
II. also called Dhárávarsha and Nirupama. Of Dhruva II. two
copperplates remain the published Bagumrá grant dated Saka 789
[434] (A.D. 867) and an unpublished Baroda grant dated Saka 793
(A.D. 871). [435] Both plates record that Dhruva crushed certain
intrigues among his relatives or bandhuvarga, and established himself
firmly on the throne. Regarding the troubles at the beginning of his
reign the Bagumrá plate states that on one side Vallabha the head of
the Dakhan Ráshtrakútas was still against him; on another side Dhruva
had to face an army of Gurjjaras instigated by a member of his own
family [436]; thirdly he was opposed by certain of his relatives or
bándhaváh; and lastly he had to contend against the intrigues of
a younger brother or anuja. It further appears from Dhruva II.'s
Bagumrá plate that he checked an inroad by a Mihira king with a
powerful army. This Mihira king was probably a chief of the Káthiáváda
Mehrs who on the downfall of the Valabhis spread their power across
Gujarát. In all these troubles the Bagumrá grant notes that Dhruva
was aided by a younger brother named Govindarája. This Govindarája
is mentioned as appointed by Dhruva the Dútaka of the grant.

Dhruva II.'s Bagumrá (A.D. 867) grant was made at Bhrigu-Kachchha
or Broach after bathing in the Narbadá. It records the gift to a
Bráhman of the village of Páráhanaka, probably the village of Palsána
[437] twelve miles south-east of Bagumrá in the Balesar subdivision
of the Gáikwár's territory of Surat and Navsárí. Dhruva's Baroda
grant (A.D. 871) was also made at Broach. It is a grant to the god
Kapálesvara Mahádeva of the villages Konvalli and Nakkabhajja both
mentioned as close to the south bank of the Mahí. The facts that the
Bagumrá grant (A.D. 867) transfers a village so far south as Balesar
near Navsárí and that four years later the Baroda grant (A.D. 871)
mentions that Dhruva's territory lay between Broach and the Mahí seem
to prove that between A.D. 867 and 871 the portion of Dhruva's kingdom
south of Broach passed back into the hands of the main Ráshtrakútas.

[Akálavarsha-Krishna, A.D. 888.] The next and last known Gujarát
Ráshtrakúta king is Akálavarsha-Krishna son of Dantivarmman. A grant of
this king has been found in Bagumrá dated Saka 810 (A.D. 888). [438]
The composition of the grant is so bad and the genealogical verses
after Karka are so confused that it seems unsafe to accept any of its
details except its date which is clearly Saka 810 (A.D. 888). It seems
also improbable that the son of Dantivarmman who flourished in Saka
734 (A.D. 812) could be reigning in Saka 810 (A.D. 888) seventy-six
years later. Still the sixty-three years' reign of the contemporary
Mányakheta Ráshtrakúta Amoghavarsha (S. 736-799, A.D. 814-877) shows
that this is not impossible.

The grant which is made from Anklesvar near Broach records the gift
to two Bráhmans of the village of Kavithasádhi the modern Kosád four
miles north-east of Surat, described as situated in the Variávi (the
modern Variáv two miles north of Surat) sub-division of 116 villages
in the province of Konkan. The grant is said to have been written
by the peace and war minister the illustrious Jajjaka son of Kaluka,
the Dútaka being the head officer (mahattamasarvádhikári) the Bráhman
Ollaiyaka. [439] This grant seems to imply the recovery by the local
dynasty of some portion of the disputed area to the south of the
Tápti. This recovery must have been a passing success. After Saka 810
(A.D. 888) nothing is known of the Gujarát Ráshtrakútas. [Main Line
Restored, A.D. 888-974.] And the re-establishment of the power of the
Ráshtrakútas of Mányakheta of the main line in south Gujarát in Saka
836 (A.D. 914) is proved by two copperplates found in Navsárí which
record the grant of villages near Navsárí, in what the text calls
the Láta country, by king Indra Nityamvarsha son of Jagattunga and
grandson of Krishna Akálavarsha. [440]

That Amoghavarsha's long reign lasted till Saka 799 (A.D. 877) is
clear from the Kanheri cave inscription already referred to. His
reign can hardly have lasted much longer; about Saka 800 (A.D. 878)
may be taken to be its end.

[Krishna Akálavarsha, A.D. 888-914.] Amoghavarsha was succeeded
by his son Krishna also called Akálavarsha, both his names being
the same as those of the Gujarát Ráshtrakúta king of the same time
(A.D. 888). [441] It has been noted above that, in consequence of
the attempt of Karka's son Dhruva I. (A.D. 835-867) to establish his
independence, Amoghavarsha's relations with the Gujarát Ráshtrakútas
became extremely hostile and probably continued hostile till his death
(A.D. 877). That Amoghavarsha's son Krishna kept up the hostilities
is shown by Indra's two Navsárí plates of Saka 836 (A.D. 914)
which mention his grandfather Krishna fighting with the roaring
Gurjjara. [442] Regarding this fight the late Ráshtrakúta Kardá plate
(S. 891, A.D. 973) further says that Krishna's enemies frightened by
his exploits abandoned Khetaka, that is Khedá, with its Mandala and
its forepart that is the surrounding country. Probably this roaring
Gurjjara or king of Gujarát, was a northern ally called in by some
Ráshtrakúta of the Gujarát branch, perhaps by Krishna's namesake
the donor of the A.D. 888 Bagumrá grant. The Dakhan Krishna seems
to have triumphed over his Gujarát namesake as henceforward South
Gujarát or Láta was permanently included in the territory of the
Dakhan Ráshtrakútas. [443]

At this time (A.D. 910) a grant from Kapadvanj dated S. 832 (A.D. 910)
and published in Ep. Ind. I. 52ff. states that a mahásámanta or
noble of Krishna Akálavarsha's named Prachanda, with his dandanáyaka
Chandragupta, was in charge of a sub-division of 750 villages in the
Khedá district at Harshapura apparently Harsol near Parántij. The
grant gives the name of Prachanda's family as Bráhma-vaka (?) and
states that the family gained its fortune or Lakshmí by the prowess
of the feet of Akálavarsha, showing that the members of the family
drew their authority from Akálavarsha. The grant mentions four of
Prachanda's ancestors, all of whom have non-Gujarát Kánarese-looking
names. Though not independent rulers Prachanda's ancestors seem to have
been high Ráshtrakúta officers. The first is called Suddha-kkumbadi,
the second his son Degadi, the third Degadi's son Rájahamsa,
the fourth Rájahamsa's son Dhavalappa the father of Prachanda
and Akkuka. The plate describes Rájahamsa as bringing back to his
house its flying fortune as if he had regained lost authority. The
plate describes Dhavalappa as killing the enemy in a moment and then
giving to his lord the Mandala or kingdom which the combined enemy,
desirous of glory, had taken. This apparently refers to Akálavarsha's
enemies abandoning Khetaka with its Mandala as mentioned in the
late Ráshtrakúta Kardá plate (A.D. 973). Dhavalappa is probably
Akálavarsha's general who fought and defeated the roaring Gurjjara,
a success which may have led to Dhavalappa being placed in military
charge of Gujarát. [444] The Kapadvanj (A.D. 910) grant describes
Dhavalappa's son Prachanda with the feudatory title 'Who has obtained
the five great words.' Dr. Bhagvánlál believed Prachanda to be a
mere epithet of Akkuka, and took Chandragupta to be another name
of the same person, but the published text gives the facts as above
stated. The grantee is a Bráhman and the grant is of the village of
Vyághrása, perhaps Vágrá in Broach. [445] The plate describes Akkuka as
gaining glory fighting in the battle field. A rather unintelligible
verse follows implying that at this time the Sella-Vidyádharas,
apparently the North Konkan Siláháras (who traced their lineage from
the Vidyádharas) also helped Akálavarsha against his enemies, [446]
probably by driving them from South Gujarát. The Siláhára king at
this time would be Jhanjha (A.D. 916).

[Indra Nityamvarsha, A.D. 914.] Krishna or Akálavarsha had a son named
Jagattunga who does not appear to have come to the throne. Other plates
show that he went to Chedi the modern Bundelkhand and remained there
during his father's lifetime. By Lakshmí the daughter of the king
of Chedi, Jagattunga had a son named Indra also called Nityamvarsha
Rattakandarpa. In both of Indra's Navsárí copperplates (A.D. 914)
Indra is mentioned as Pádánudhyáta, Falling at the feet of, that is
successor of, not his father but his grandfather Akálavarsha. [447]
One historical attribute of Indra in both the plates is that "he
uprooted in a moment the Mehr," [448] apparently referring to some
contemporary Mehr king of North Káthiáváda. Both the Navsárí plates
of Saka 836 (A.D. 914) note that the grants were made under peculiar
conditions. The plates say that the donor Indra Nityamvarsha, with
his capital at Mányakheta, had come to a place named Kurundaka for
the pattabandha or investiture festival. It is curious that though
Mányakheta is mentioned as the capital the king is described as having
come to Kurundaka for the investiture. Kurundaka was apparently not
a large town as the plates mention that it was given in grant. [449]
At his investiture Indra made great gifts. He weighed himself against
gold or silver, and before leaving the scales he gave away Kurundaka
and other places, twenty and a half lákhs of dramma coins, and 400
villages previously granted but taken back by intervening kings. These
details have an air of exaggeration. At the same time gifts of coins
by lákhs are not improbable by so mighty a king as Indra and as to
the villages the bulk of them had already been alienated. The fact of
lavish grants is supported by the finding of these two plates of the
same date recording grants of two different villages made on the same
occasion, the language being the same, and also by a verse in the late
Ráshtrakúta Kardá plate (S. 894, A.D. 972) where Indra is described
as making numerous grants on copperplates and building many temples
of Siva. [450] The date of Indra's grants (S. 836, A.D. 914) is the
date of his investiture and accession. This is probable as the latest
known date of his grandfather Krishna is Saka 833 [451] (A.D. 911)
and we know that Indra's father Jagattunga did not reign. [452]
Umvará and Tenna, the villages granted in the two investiture plates,
are described as situated near Kammanijja the modern Kámlej in the
Láta province. They are probably the modern villages of Umra near
Sáyan four miles west of Kámlej, and of Tenna immediately to the west
of Bárdoli, which last is mentioned under the form Váradapallikâ as
the eastern boundary village. Dhruva II.'s Bagumrá plate (S. 789,
A.D. 867) mentions Tenna as granted by Dhruva I. to a Bráhman named
Dhoddi the father of the Nennapa who is the grantee of Dhruva II.'s
A.D. 867 Bagumrá grant, whose son Siddhabhatta is the grantee of
Indra's A.D. 914 grant. [453] The re-granting of so many villages
points to the re-establishment of the main Ráshtrakúta power and the
disappearance of the Gujarát branch of the Ráshtrakútas. [454]

Though no materials remain for fixing how long after A.D. 914 Gujarát
belonged to the Mányakheta Ráshtrakútas, they probably continued to
hold it till their destruction in Saka 894 (A.D. 972) by the Western
Chálukya king Tailappa. This is the more likely as inscriptions show
that till then the neighbours of Gujarát, the North Konkan Siláháras,
acknowledged Ráshtrakúta supremacy.

It is therefore probable that Gujarát passed to the conquering Tailappa
as part of the Ráshtrakúta kingdom. Further, as noted below in Part
II. Chapter II., it seems reasonable to suppose that about Saka
900 (A.D. 978) Tailappa entrusted Gujarát to his general Bárappa
or Dvárappa, who fought with the Solanki Múlarája of Anahilaváda
(A.D. 961-997).


[The text does not carry the question of the origin of the Ráshtrakútas
beyond the point that, about the middle of the fifth century A.D.,
two tribes bearing the closely associated names Ráthod and Ratta,
the leaders of both of which are known in Sanskrit as Ráshtrakútas,
appeared the first in Upper India the second in the Bombay Karnátak,
and that the traditions of both tribes seem to show they were
either southerners or foreigners Bráhmanised and included under the
all-embracing term Rájput. The Sanskrit form Ráshtrakúta may mean
either leaders of the Ráshtra tribe or heads of the territorial
division named ráshtra. The closely related forms Ráshtrapati
and Grámakúta occur (above page 82) in Valabhi inscriptions. And
Mr. Fleet (Kánarese Dynasties, 32) notices that Ráshtrakúta is
used in the inscriptions of many dynasties as a title equivalent to
Ráshtrapati. Such a title might readily become a family name like that
of the Sáhi Játs of the Panjáb or the Maráthi surnames Patel, Nadkarni,
and Desái. It may be noted that one of the Márwár traditions (Rájputána
Gazetteer, III. 246) connects the word Ráthod with Ráshtra country
making the original form Ráshtravara or World-blessing and referring
to an early tribal guardian Ráshtrasyena or the World-Falcon. It
is therefore possible that the origin of both forms of the name, of
Ráthod as well as of Ráshtrakúta, is the title ruler of a district. At
the same time in the case of the southern Ráshtrakútas the balance of
evidence is in support of a tribal origin of the name. The Rattas of
Saundatti in Belgaum, apparently with justice, claim descent from the
former Ráshtrakúta rulers (Belgaum Gazetteer, 355). Further that the
Ráshtrakútas considered themselves to belong to the Ratta tribe is
shown by Indra Nityamvarsha (A.D. 914) calling himself Rattakandarpa
the Love of the Rattas. The result is thus in agreement with the view
accepted in the text that Ráshtrakúta means leaders of the Ratta
tribe, the form Ráshtra being perhaps chosen because the leaders
held the position of Ráshtrakútas or District Headmen. According to
Dr. Bhandárkar (Deccan History, 9) the tribal name Ratta or Ráshtra
enters into the still more famous Dakhan tribal name Maharátha or
Mahrátta. So far as present information goes both the Rattas and the
Great Rattas are to be traced to the Rástikas mentioned in number
five of Asoka's (B.C. 245) Girnár edicts among the Aparántas or
westerners along with the Petenikas or people of Paithan about forty
miles north-east of Ahmadnagar (Kolhápur Gazetteer, 82). Whether the
Rástika of the edicts is like Petenika a purely local name and if so
why a portion of the north Dakhan should be specially known as the
country or Ráshtra are points that must remain open. [455]

The explanation that Kúta the second half of Ráshtrakúta, means
chief, has been accepted in the text. This is probably correct. At
the same time the rival theory deserves notice that the name
Ráshtrakúta is formed from two tribal names Kúta representing
the early widespread tribe allied to the Gonds known as Kottas
and Kods in the Central Provinces North Konkan and Delhi (Thána
Gazetteer, XII. Part II. 414). In support of this view it may be
noticed that Abhimanyu's fifth century Ráshtrakúta inscription
(J. Bo. Br. R. As. XVI. 92) refers to the Kottas though as enemies
not allies of the Ráshtrakútas. At the same time certain details in
Abhimanyu's grant favour an early Ráshtrakúta settlement in the Central
Provinces, the probable head-quarters of the Kottas. The grant is dated
from Mánapura and is made to Dakshina Siva of Pethapangaraka which
may be the Great Siva shrine in the Mahádev hills in Hoshangábád, as
this shrine is under the management of a petty chief of a place called
Pagára, and as Mánpur in the Vindhya hills is not far off. Against
the tribal origin of the word Kúta is to be set the fact that the
northern Rattas are also called Ráshtrakútas though any connection
between them and the Kotta tribe seems unlikely.

The question remains were the southern Rattas or Ráshtrakútas connected
with the northern Ráthods or Ráshtrakútas. If so what was the nature
of the connection and to what date does it belong. The fact that,
while the later southern Ráshtrakútas call themselves Yádavas of the
Lunar race, the northerners claim descent either from Kusa the son of
Ráma or from Hiranyakasipu would seem to prove no connection did not
Abhimanyu's fifth century grant show that in his time the southern
Ráshtrakútas had not begun to claim Yádava descent. That the Márwár
Ráthods trace their name to the ráht or spine of Indra (Tod's Annals,
II. 2), and in a closely similar fashion the Ráth or Rattu Játs of
the Sutlej (Ibbetson's 1881 Census, page 236) explain their name
as stronghanded, and the Rattas of Bijápur (Bijápur Stat. Account,
145) trace their name to the Kánarese ratta right arm, may imply no
closer connection than the common attempt to find a meaning for the
name Ratta in a suitable word of similar sound. A legend preserved
in the Rájputána Gazetteer (III. 246), but not noted by Tod, tells
how Sevji, after (A.D. 1139) the Musalmáns drove his father Jaichand
out of Kanauj (Tod's Annals, I. 88) took Khergad from the Gehlots and
went to the Karnátak. where the Ráthods had ruled before they came
to Kanauj. From the Karnátak Sevji brought the image of the Ráhtod
Ráshtrasyena which is now in the temple of Nágána in Mevád. The
account quoted in the text from Tod (Annals, I. 88) that the Ráthods
who rose to power in Márwár in the thirteenth century belonged to
a royal family who had held Kanauj since the fifth century has not
stood the test of recent inquiry. It is now known that about A.D. 470
Kanauj was in the hands of the Guptás. That about A.D. 600, according
to the contemporary Sríharshacharita it was ruled by the Maukhari
Grahavarmán who was put to death by a Málwa chief and was succeeded
by Harsha. About A.D. 750, according to the Rájátaranginí, Kanauj was
held by Yasovarmán, and, in the next century, as inscriptions prove by
the family of Bhoja. It was not till about A.D. 1050 that Kanauj was
occupied by the Gáhadavála or Gáharwála family from whom the Ráthods
of Márwár claim descent. [456] If the legendary connection of the
Márwár Ráthods with Kanauj must be dismissed can the Márwár Ráthods be
a branch of the southern Ráshtrakútas who like the Maráthás some 800
years later spread conquering northwards? Such a northern settlement of
the southern Ráshtrakútas might be a consequence of the victories of
the great Ráshtrakúta Dhruva who according to received opinions about
A.D. 790 conquered as far north as Allahábád. It is beyond question
that southerners or Karnátas were settled in North India between
the seventh and the eleventh centuries. Still the latest information
makes it improbable that Dhruva's conquests extended further north
than Gujarát. Nor has any special connection been traced between the
southern Ráshtrakútas and the middle-age settlements of southerners or
Karnátas in North India. [457] Must therefore the North Indian tribe of
Ráthods be admitted to have its origin as late as the twelfth century,
and further is the North Indian name Ráthod not tribal but derived
from the title head of a district. Several considerations make both
of these solutions unlikely if not impossible. First there is the
remarkably widespread existence of the name Ráhtor, Ratha, or Ratti,
and endless variations of these names, in almost all parts of the
Panjáb, among all castes from the Bráhman to the Baluch, among all
religions Musalmán, Sikh, Jain, and Bráhmanic. [458] No doubt the
practice of a waning tribe adopting the name of a waxing tribe has
always been common. No doubt also the fame of the name during the
last 600 years must have tempted other classes to style themselves
Ráthod. Still it is to be noted: first that (Ibbetson, page 240)
the Ráthods of the Panjáb though widespread are not numerous: and
second that the list of sub-caste-names has this merit that with
a few exceptions the holders of the sub-name are not known by it
but by some general or craft name. The evidence of these sub-caste
or tribal names seems therefore to support the view that some very
large section of the Panjáb population represent an important tribe
or nation of whom the least mixed remnant are perhaps the Ráthis or
lower class Rájputs of Kángra and Chamba (Ibbetson, pages 219 and
251) and from some connection with whom the Márwár Ráthods of the
thirteenth century may have taken their name. Among other traces of
northern Ráshtras in the middle ages may be mentioned the twelfth and
thirteenth century Ráshtrakútas of Badaun in the North-West Provinces
(Kielhorn in Epigraphia Indica, I. 61 and 63) and (A.D. 1150) in
the Kumárapála-Charitra (Tod's Western India, 182) the mention of
Ráshtra-desa near the Sawálak hills. Among earlier and more doubtful
references are the Aratrioi whom probably correctly (since at that
time A.D. 247 one main Roman trade route to Central Asia passed up
the Indus) the author of the Periplus (McCrindle, 120) places between
Abhiria or lower Sindh and Arachosia or south-east Afghanistán that
is in north Sindh or south Panjáb. Another earlier and still more
doubtful reference is Pliny's (A.D. 77) Oraturæ (Hist. Nat. VI. 23)
whom Vivien de St. Martin (Geog. Greque et Latine de l'Inde, 203)
identifies with the Ráthods. The fact that while claiming descent
from Ráma the Márwár Ráthods (Tod's Annals, II. 2 and 5) preserved
the legend that their founder was Yavanaswa from the northern city of
Paralipur supports the view that the tribe to which they belonged was
of non-Indian or Central Asian origin, and that this is the tribe of
whom traces remain in the Ráthi Rájputs of the Kángra hill country
and less purely in the widely spread Ráts, Rattas, and Rátis of the
Panjáb plains. The examples among Panjáb caste names Rora for Arora
(Ibbetson's 1881 Census, page 297), Her for Ahir (Ditto, 230-275), and
Heri for Aheri (Ditto, 310) suggest that the Panjáb Ráthors or Rattas
may be the ancient Arattas whom the Mahábhárata (Chap. VII. Verse
44. J. Bl. Soc. VI. Pt. I. 387 and Vivien de St. Martin Geog. Greque et
Latine de l'Inde, 149) ranks with Prasthalas, Madras, and Gandháras,
Panjáb and frontier tribes, whose identification with the Báhikas
(Karnaparvan, 2063ff.) raises the probability of a common Central Asian
origin. Remembering that the evidence (Kshatrapa Chapter, pages 22 and
33) favours the view that the Kshatrapa family who ruled the Panjáb
between B.C. 70 and A.D. 78 were of the same tribe as Nahápana, and
also that Sháhi is so favourite a prefix in Samudra Gupta's (A.D. 380)
list of Kushán tribes, the suggestion may be offered that Kshaharáta
is the earlier form of Sháharatta and is the tribe of foreigners
afterwards known in the Panjáb as Arattas and of which traces survive
in the present widespread tribal names Ráta, Ratta, Ratha, and Ráthor.]



CHAPTER XII.

THE MIHIRAS OR MERS.

A.D. 470-900.


That the Guptas held sway in Káthiáváda till the time of Skandagupta
(A.D. 454-470) is proved by the fact that his Sorath Viceroy is
mentioned in Skandagupta's inscription on the Girnár rock. After
Skandagupta under the next known Gupta king Budhagupta (Gupta 165-180,
A.D. 484-499) no trace remains of Gupta sovereignty in Sorath. It is
known that Budhagupta was a weak king and that the Gupta kingdom had
already entered on its decline and lost its outlying provinces. Who
held Suráshtra and Gujarát during the period of Gupta decline until
the arrival and settlement of Bhatkárka in A.D. 514 (Gupta 195) is not
determined. Still there is reason to believe that during or shortly
after the time of Budhagupta some other race or dynasty overthrew the
Gupta Viceroy of these provinces and took them from the Guptas. These
powerful conquerors seem to be the tribe of Maitrakas mentioned
in Valabhi copperplates as people who had settled in Káthiáváda and
established a mandala or kingdom. Though these Maitrakas are mentioned
in no other records from Suráshtra there seems reason to identify the
Maitrakas with the Mihiras the well-known tribe of Mhers or Mers. In
Sanskrit both mitra and mihira are names of the sun, and it would
be quite in agreement with the practise of Sanskrit writers to use
derivatives of the one for those of the other. These Mhers or Mers
are still found in Káthiáváda settled round the Barda hills while
the Porbandar chiefs who are known as Jethvás are recognized as the
head of the tribe. The name Jethvá is not a tribal but a family name,
being taken from the proper or personal name of the ancestor of the
modern chiefs. As the Porbandar chiefs are called the kings of the
Mhers they probably belong to the same tribe, though, being chiefs,
they try, like other ruling families, to rank higher than their tribe
tracing their origin from Hanúmán. Though the Jethvás appear to have
been long ashamed to acknowledge themselves to belong to the Mher
tribe the founders of minor Mher kingdoms called themselves Mher
kings. The Porbandar chiefs have a tradition tracing their dynasty
to Makaradhvaja son of Hanúmán, and there are some Puránic legends
attached to the tradition. The historical kernel of the tradition
appears to be that the Mhers or Jethvás had a makara or fish as their
flag or symbol. One of the mythical stories of Makaradhvaja is that he
fought with Mayúradhvaja. Whatever coating of fable may have overlaid
the story, it contains a grain of history. Mayúradhvaja stands for
the Guptas whose chief symbol was a peacock mayúra, and with them
Makaradhvaja that is the people with the fish-symbol that is the Mhers
had a fight. This fight is probably the historical contest in which
the Mhers fought with and overthrew the Gupta Viceroy of Káthiáváda.

The Káthiáváda Mhers are a peculiar tribe whose language dress and
appearance mark them as foreign settlers from Upper India. Like the
Málavas, Játs, Gurjjaras, and Pahlavas, the Mhers seem to have passed
through the Punjáb Sindh and North Gujarát into Káthiáváda leaving
settlements at Ajmír, Bádner, Jesalmír, Kokalmír, and Mherváda. How
and when the Mhers made these settlements and entered Káthiáváda is not
known. It may be surmised that they came with Toramána (A.D. 470-512)
who overthrew the Guptas, and advanced far to the south and west in
the train of some general of Toramána's who may perhaps have entered
Suráshtra. This is probable as the date of Toramána who overthrew
Budhagupta is almost the same as that of the Maitrakas mentioned
as the opponents and enemies of Bhatárka. In the time of Bhatárka
(A.D. 509-520?) the Mhers were firmly established in the peninsula,
otherwise they would not be mentioned in the Valabhi grants as
enemies of Bhatárka, a tribe or mandala wielding incomparable
power. As stated above in Chapter VIII. some time after the Mher
settlement and consolidation of power, Bhatárka seems to have come
as general of the fallen Guptas through Málwa and Broach by sea to
East Káthiáváda. He established himself at Valabhi and then gradually
dislodged the Mhers from Sorath until they retired slightly to the
north settling eventually at Morbi, which the Jethvás still recognize
as the earliest seat of their ancestors. At Morbi they appear to have
ruled contemporarily with the Valabhis. In support of this it is to
be noted that no known Valabhi plate records any grant of lands or
villages in Hálár, Machhukántha, or Okhámandal in North Káthiáváda. As
the northmost place mentioned in Valabhi plates is Venuthali known as
Wania's Vanthali in Hálár it may be inferred that not the Valabhis but
the Mhers ruled the north coast of Káthiáváda, probably as feudatories
or subordinates of the Valabhis. On the overthrow of Valabhi about
A.D. 770 the Mhers appear to have seized the kingdom and ruled the
whole of Káthiáváda dividing it into separate chiefships grouped under
the two main divisions of Bardái and Gohelvádia. About A.D. 860 the
Mhers made incursions into Central Gujarát. A copperplate dated Saka
789 (A.D. 847) of the Gujarát Ráshtrakúta king Dhruva describes him
as attacked by a powerful Mihira king whom he defeated. [459] At
the height of their power the Mhers seem to have established their
capital at the fort of Bhumli or Ghumli in the Bardá hills in the
centre of Káthiáváda. The traditions about Ghumli rest mainly on modern
Jethvá legends of no historical interest. The only known epigraphical
record is a copperplate of a king named Jâchikadeva found in the Morbi
district. [460] Unfortunately only the second plate remains. Still the
fish mark on the plate, the locality where it was found, and its date
leave little doubt that the plate belongs to the Makaradhvaja or Jethvá
kings. The date of the grant is 585 Gupta era the 5th Phálguna Sudi
that is A.D. 904, about 130 years after the destruction of Valabhi,
a date with which the form of the letters agrees.

A similar copperplate in which the king's name appears in the
slightly different form Jáikadeva has been found at Dhiniki in
the same neighbourhood as the first and like it bearing the fish
mark. [461] This copperplate describes the king as ruling at
Bhúmiliká or Bhúmli in Sorath and gives him the high titles of
Parama-bhattáraka-Mahárájádhirája-Paramesvara, that is Great Lord
Great King of Kings Great King, titles which imply wide extent and
independence of rule. This grant purports to be made on the occasion of
a solar eclipse on Sunday Vikrama Samvat 794 Jyeshtha constellation,
the no-moon of the second half of Kárttika. This would be A.D. 738 or
166 years before the Jáchika of the Morbí plate. Against this it is to
be noted that the letters of this plate, instead of appearing as old
as eighth century letters, look later than the letters of the tenth
century Morbí plate. As neither the day of the week, the constellation,
nor the eclipse work out correctly Dr. Bhagvánlál believed the plate
to be a forgery of the eleventh century, executed by some one who had
seen a fish-marked copperplate of Jáchika dated in the Saka era. It
should however be noted that the names of ministers and officers
which the plate contains give it an air of genuineness. Whether the
plate is or is not genuine, it is probably true that Jáikadeva was
a great independent sovereign ruling at Bhúmli. Though the names of
the other kings of the dynasty, the duration of the Bhúmli kingdom,
and the details of its history are unknown it may be noted that the
dynasty is still represented by the Porbandar chiefs. Though at present
Bhúmli is deserted several ruined temples of about the eleventh century
stand on its site. It is true no old inscriptions have been found;
it is not less true that no careful search has been made about Bhúmli.

Early in the tenth century a wave of invasion from Sindh seems to
have spread over Kacch and Káthiáváda. Among the invading tribes
were the Jádejás of Kacch and the Chúdásamás of Sorath, who like the
Bhattis of Jesalmír call themselves of the Yaduvamsa stock. Doctor
Bhagvánlál held that the Chúdásamás were originally of the Ábhíra
tribe, as their traditions attest connection with the Ábhíras and
as the description of Graharipu one of their kings by Hemachandra
in his Dvyásraya points to his being of some local tribe and not of
any ancient Rájput lineage. Further in their bardic traditions as
well as in popular stories the Chúdásamás are still commonly called
Áhera-ránás. The position of Aberia in Ptolemy (A.D. 150) seems to show
that in the second century the Ahirs were settled between Sindh and
the Panjáb. Similarly it may be suggested that Jádejá is a corruption
of Jaudhejá which in turn comes from Yaudheya (the change of y to
j being very common) who in Kshatrapa Inscriptions appear as close
neighbours of the Ahirs. After the fall of the Valabhis (A.D. 775)
the Yaudheyas seem to have established themselves in Kacch and the
Ahirs settled and made conquests in Káthiáváda. On the decline of
local rule brought about by these incursions and by the establishment
of an Ahir or Chúdásamá kingdom at Junágadh, the Jethvás seem to have
abandoned Bhúmli which is close to Junágadh and gone to Srínagar or
Kántelun near Porbandar which is considered to have been the seat of
Jethvá power before Porbandar.

A copperplate found at Haddálá on the road from Dholka to Dhandhuka
dated A.D. 917 (Saka 839) shows that there reigned at Vadhwán a
king named Dharanívaráha of the Chápa dynasty, [462] who granted a
village to one Mahesvaráchárya, an apostle of the Ámardáka Sákhá of
Saivism. Dharanívaráha and his ancestors are described as feudatory
kings, ruling by the grace of the feet of the great king of kings the
great lord the illustrious Mahípáladeva. This Mahípála would seem to
be some great king of Káthiáváda reigning in A.D. 917 over the greater
part of the province. Dr. Bhagvánlál had two coins of this king of
about that time, one a copper coin the other a silver coin. The coins
were found near Junágadh. The copper coin, about ten grains in weight,
has one side obliterated but the other side shows clearly the words
Ráná Srí Mahípála Deva. The silver coin, about fourteen grains in
weight, has on the obverse a well-executed elephant and on the reverse
the legend Ráná Srí Mahípála Deva. From the locality where the name
Mahípála appears both in coins and inscriptions, and from the fact
that the more reliable Chúdásamá lists contain similar names, it may
be assumed as probable that Mahípála was a powerful Chúdásamá ruler
of Káthiáváda in the early part of the tenth century.

After the fall of Valabhi no other reliable record remains of any
dynasty ruling over the greater part of Gujarát. The most trustworthy
and historical information is in connection with the Chávadás of
Anahilapura. Even for the Chávadás nothing is available but scant
references recorded by Jain authors in their histories of the Solankis
and Vághelás.

[The Chúdásamás, A.D. 900-940.] [The modern traditions of the Chúdásamá
clan trace their origin to the Yádava race and more immediately to the
Samma tribe of Nagar Thatha in Sindh. [463] The name of the family is
said to have been derived from Chúdáchandra the first ruler of Vanthalí
(Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 489). Traces of a different tradition are to
be found in the Tuhfat-ul-Kirám (Elliot, I. 337) which gives a list
of Chúdásamá's ancestors from Nuh (Noah), including not only Krishna
the Yádava but also Ráma of the solar line. In this pedigree the
Musalmán element is later than the others: but the attempt to combine
the solar and lunar lines is a sure sign that the Samma clan was not
of Hindu origin, and that it came under Hindu influence fairly late
though before Sindh became a Musalmán province. This being admitted it
follows that the Sammas were one of the numerous tribes that entered
India during the existence of the Turkish empire in Transoxiana
(A.D. 560-c. 750). In this connection it is noteworthy that some of
the Jáms bore such Turkish names as Tamáchi, Tughlik, and Sanjár.

The migration of the Sammas to Kacch is ascribed by the Taríkh-i-Tahiri
(A.D. 1621) to the tyranny of the Súmra chiefs. The Sammas found
Kacch in the possession of the Cháwaras, who treated them kindly,
and whom they requited by seizing the fort of Gúntrí by a stratagem
similar to that which brought about the fall of Girnár.

The date of the Chúdásamá settlement at Vanthalí is usually fixed
on traditional evidence, at about A.D. 875, but there is reason to
think that this date is rather too early. In the first place it
is worthy of notice that Chúdáchandra, the traditional eponym of
the family, is in the Tuhfat-ul-Kirám made a son of Jádam (Yádava)
and only a great-grandson of Krishna himself, a fact which suggests
that, if not entirely mythical, he was at all events a very distant
ancestor of Múlarája's opponent Grahári, and was not an actual ruler of
Vanthalí. As regards Grahári's father Visvavaráha and his grandfather
Múlarája, there is no reason to doubt that they were real persons,
although it is very questionable whether the Chúdásamás were settled
in Káthiáváda in their time. In the first place, the Morbí grant
of Jáikadeva shows that the Jethvás had not been driven southwards
before A.D. 907. Secondly Dharanívaráha's Vadhván grant proves that the
Chápa family of Bhínmál were still supreme in Káthiáváda in A.D. 914:
whereas the Taríkh-i-Tahiri's account of the Chúdásamá conquest
of Kacch implies that the Cháwaras, who must be identified with
the Chápas of Bhínmál, were losing their power when the Chúdásamás
captured Gúntrí, an event which must have preceded the settlement
at Vanthalí in Káthiáváda. Beyond the fact that Múlarája Solanki
transferred the capital to Anahilaváda in A.D. 942, we know nothing
of the events which led to the break-up of the Bhínmál empire. But
it is reasonable to suppose that between A.D. 920 and 940 the Chápas
gradually lost ground and the Chúdásamás were able first to conquer
Sindh and then to settle in Káthiáváda.--A. M. T. J.]

[Káthiáváda contains three peculiar and associated classes of Hindus,
the Mers, the Jethvás, and the Jhálás. The Mers and the Jethvás stand
to each other in the relation of vassal and lord. The Jhálás are
connected with the Jethvás by origin history and alliance. The bond
of union between the three classes is not only that they seem to be of
foreign that is of non-Hindu origin, but whether or not they belong to
the same swarm of northern invaders, that they all apparently entered
Káthiáváda either by land or sea through Sindh and Kacch. So far
as record or tradition remains the Mers and [The Jethvás.] Jethvás
reached Káthiáváda in the latter half of the fifth century after
Christ, and the Jhálás, and perhaps a second detachment of Mers and
Jethvás, some three hundred years later. [464] The three tribes differ
widely in numbers and in distribution. The ruling Jethvás are a small
group found solely in south-west Káthiáváda. [465] The Jhálás, who
are also known as Makvánas, are a much larger clan. They not only
fill north-east Káthiáváda, but from Káthiáváda, about A.D. 1500,
spread to Rájputána and have there established a second Jháláváda,
[466] where, in reward for their devotion to the Sesodia Rája of
Mewád in his struggles with the Emperor Akbar (A.D. 1580-1600), the
chief was given a daughter of the Udepur family and raised to a high
position among Rájputs. [467] The Mers are a numerous and widespread
race. They seem to be the sixth to tenth century Medhs, Meds, Mands,
or Mins of Baluchistán, South-Sindh, Kacch, and Káthiáváda. [468]
Further they seem to be the Mers of Meváda or Medapatha in Rájputána
[469] and of Mairváda in Málava, [470] and also to be the Musalmán Meos
and Minas of Northern India. [471] In Gujarát their strength is much
greater than the 30,000 or 40,000 returned as [The Mers.] Mers. One
branch of the tribe is hidden under the name Koli; another has
disappeared below the covering of Islám. [472]

Formerly except the vague contention that the Medhás, Jhetvás, and
Jhála-Makvánás were northerners of somewhat recent arrival little
evidence was available either to fix the date of their appearance in
Káthiáváda or to determine to which of the many swarms of non-Hindu
Northerners they belonged. [473] This point Dr. Bhagvánlál's remarks
in the text go far to clear. The chief step is the identification of
the Mers with the Maitrakas, the ruling power in Káthiáváda between
the decline of the Guptas about A.D. 470 and the establishment of
Valabhi rule about sixty years later. And further that they fought
at the same time against the same Hindu rulers and that both are
described as foreigners and northerners favours the identification
of the [White Húnas.] power of the Maitrakas with the North Indian
empire of the Epthalites, Yethas, or White Húnas. [474]

Though the sameness in name between the Mihiras and Mihirakula
(A.D. 508-530), the great Indian champion of the White Húnas, may
not imply sameness of tribe it points to a common sun-worship. [475]

That the Multán sun-worship was introduced under Sassanian influence
is supported by the fact (Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 357) that the
figure of the sun on the fifth century Hindu sun coins is in the
dress of a Persian king; that the priests who performed the Multán
sun-worship were called Magas; and by the details of the dress and
ritual in the account of the introduction of sun-worship given in
the Bhavishya Purána. [476] That the Meyds or Mands had some share in
its introduction is supported by the fact that the Purána names the
third or Sudra class of the sun-worshippers Mandagas. [477] That the
Meyds were associated with the Magas is shown by the mention of the
Magas as Mihiragas. [478] The third class whom the Bhavishya Purána
associates with the introduction of sun-worship are the Mânas who
are given a place between the Magas and the Mands. The association
of the Mânas with the Mihiras or Maitrakas suggests that Mâna is
Mauna a Puránic name for the White Húnas. [479] That the Multán sun
idol of the sixth and seventh centuries was a Húna idol and Multán
the capital of a Húna dynasty seems in agreement with the paramount
position of the Rais of Alor or Rori in the sixth century. Though
their defeat by Yesodharmman of Málwa about A.D. 540 at the battle
of Karur, sixty miles east of Multán, may have ended Húna supremacy
in north and north-west India it does not follow that authority at
once forsook the Húnas. Their widespread and unchallenged dominion
in North India, the absence of record of any reverse later than the
Karur defeat, the hopelessness of any attempt to pass out of India in
the face of the combined Turk and Sassanian forces make it probable
that the Húnas and their associated tribes, adopting Hinduism and
abandoning their claim to supremacy, settled in west and north-west
India. This view finds support in the leading place which the Húnas
and Hára-Húnas, the Maitrakas or Mers, and the Gurjjaras hold in the
centuries that follow the overthrow of the White Húna empire. According
to one rendering of Cosmas [480] (A.D. 525) the chief of Orrhotha or
Sorath in common with several other coast rulers owed allegiance to
Gollas, apparently, as is suggested at page 75 of the text, to Gulla
or Mihirgulla the Indian Emperor of the White Húnas. These details
support the view that the Maitrakas, Mihiras, or Mers who in Cosmas'
time were in power in Káthiáváda, and to whose ascendancy during the
seventh and eighth centuries both the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang
(A.D. 612-640) and the Arab historians of Sindh bear witness, were a
portion of the great White Húna invasion (A.D. 480-530). [481] In the
many recorded swarmings south from Central Asia into Persia and India
no feature is commoner than the leading of the conquered by certain
families of the conquering tribe. Chinese authorities place it beyond
doubt that when, towards the middle of the fifth century A.D., the
White Húnas crossed the Oxus they found in power a cognate tribe of
northerners whose date of settlement on the Indian frontier was less
than a century old. This preceding swarm was the Yuán-Yuán, Var-Var,
or Avár, who, about the close of the fourth century (A.D. 380), had
driven from Balkh southwards into the Kábul valley Kitolo the last
ruler of the long established Yuetchi (B.C. 50-A.D. 380). [482] It
is known that in retreating before the Yuán-Yuán a division of the
Baktrian Yuetchi, under the leadership of Kitolo's son, under the
name of the Kidáras or Little Yuetchi, established their power in
Gandhára and Pesháwar. [483] This Kidára invasion must have driven a
certain share of the people of the Kábul valley to the east of the
Indus. The invasion of the White Húnas a century later, who were
welcomed as allies by some of the Panjáb chiefs, [484] would cause
fresh movements among the frontier tribes. The welcome given to the
Húnas, and the show and dash which marked their century of ascendancy
in India and Persia, make it probable that as leaders they conducted
south as far as Káthiáváda and Málava large bodies of the earlier
northern settlers. To which of the waves of earlier northerners the
Medhs belonged is doubtful. [485] The view held by Pandit Bhagvánlál
that one branch of the Medhs entered India in the first century before
Christ among the tribes of which the great Yuechi were the chief is on
the whole in agreement with General Cunningham's argument that Medus
Hydaspes, Virgil's phrase for the Jhelum, proves that the Medhs were
then (B.C. 40) already settled on its banks. [486]

Dr. Bhagvánlál's view that the Jethvás are Medhs ennobled by long
overlordship is somewhat doubtfully shared by Colonel Watson [487]
and is not inconsistent with Tod's opinions. [488] Still though the
Hindu ruler-worship, which, as in the case of the Marátha Siváji,
explains the raising to the twice-born of leaders of successful early
and foreign tribes makes it possible that the Jethvás were originally
Mers, it seems on the whole probable that the Jethvás' claim to an
origin distinct from the Mers is well founded. The evidence recorded
by Colonel Tod and the name Jethva led the late Dr. John Wilson to
trace the Jethvás to the Játs or Jits. [489] According to the bards
the name of the Káthiáváda tribe Jethva is derived from Jetha No. 85
or No. 95 of the Porbandar list, who was probably so called because he
was born under the Jyeshtha constellation. [490] The common practice of
explaining a tribal name by inventing some name-giving chief deprives
this derivation of most of its probability. [491] In the present case
it may further be noticed that the name Jethi is borne by two of the
chiefs earlier than the Jetha referred to. [492] In the absence of
any satisfactory explanation the name Jethva suggests an origin in
Yetha the shortened Chinese form of Ye-ta-i-li-to or Ephthalite the
name of the ruling class of the White Húnas. [493] It is true that so
good an authority as Specht [494] holds that the shortened form Yetha
is peculiar to the Chinese and was never in use. But the form Tetal
or Haital, adopted by Armenian Musalmán and Byzantine historians,
[495] makes probable an Indian Yethál or Jethál if not a Yetha or
Jetha. Nor does there seem any reason why Yetha the Chinese form
of the word should not be more likely to be adopted in India than
the western and otherwise less correct form Tetal or Haithal. In
any case the irregular change from a correct Yethál to an incorrect
Yetha cannot be considered of much importance, if, as seems likely,
the change was made in order to give the word an Indian meaning. [496]
The v in Jethva would come to be added when the origin from a chief
named Jetha was accepted.

[Jhálás.] Another name for the White Húnas, or for a section of the
White Húna swarm, is preserved by Cosmas [497] in the form Juvia. This
form, if it is not a misreading for Ounia or Húna, suggests Jáuvla
the recently identified name of the tribe ennobled in India by the
great Toramána (A.D. 450-500) and his son Mihirakula (A.D. 500-540),
and of which a trace seems to remain in the Jáwla and Jháwla divisions
of Panjáb Gujjars. [498] This Jáuvla, under such a fire baptism as
would admit the holders of the name among Hindus, might be turned into
Jvála flaming and Jvála be shortened to Jhála. That Jhála was formerly
punningly connected with flame is shewn by a line from the bard Chand,
'The lord of the Ránás the powerful Jhála like a flaming fire.' [499]
That the Káthiáváda bards were either puzzled by the name Jhála or
were unwilling to admit its foreign origin is shewn by the story
preserved in the Rás Málá, [500] that the tribe got the name because
the children of Hirpál Makvána, about to be crushed by an elephant,
were snatched away jhála by their witch-mother. It has been noticed
in the text that the break in Gujarát History between A.D. 480 and
520, agreeing with the term of Húna supremacy in North India, seems
to imply a similar supremacy in Gujarát. The facts that up to the
twelfth century Húnas held a leading place in Gujarát chronicles,
[501] and that while in Rájputána and other parts of Northern India
the traces of Huns are fairly widespread in Gujarát they have almost
if not altogether disappeared, support the view that the Húna strain
in Káthiáváda is hid under the names Mera, Jethva, and Jhála. [502]



PART II.

THE KINGDOM OF ANAHILAVÁDA.

A.D. 720-1300.


CHAPTER I.

THE CHÁVADÁS

(A.D. 720-956.)

The history embodied in the preceding chapters is more or less
fragmentary, pieced together from coins, stone and copperplate
inscriptions, local traditions, and other similar sources. A history
based on such materials alone must of necessity be imperfect, leaving
blanks which it may be hoped fresh details will gradually fill.

The rise of the Anahilaváda kingdom (A.D. 720) marks a new period of
Gujarát history regarding which materials are available from formal
historical writings. [503] Though this section of Gujarát history
begins with the establishment of Anahilaváda by the Chávadás
(A.D. 720-956) the details for the earlier portions are very
imperfect being written during the time of the Chálukya or Solanki
(A.D. 957-1242) successors of the Chávadás. The chief sources
of information regarding the earlier period of Chávadá rule are
the opening chapters of the Prabandhachintámani, Vichárasreni,
Sukritasankírtana, and Ratnamálá. [504]

[Pañchásar, A.D. 788.] Before the establishment of Anahilaváda a small
Chávadá chiefship centred at Pañchásar, now a fair-sized village in
Vadhiár between Gujarát and Kacch. [505] The existence of a Chávadá
chiefship at Pañchásar is proved by the Navsárí grant dated Samvat 490
(A.D. 788-89) of the Gujarát Chálukya king Pulikesí Janásraya. This
grant in recording the triumphant progress of an army of Tájikas or
Arabs from Sindh to Navsárí and mentioning the kingdoms "afflicted"
by the Arabs, names the Chávotakas next after the kings of Kacch and
Sauráshtra. These Chávotakas can be no other than the Chávadás of
Pañchásar on the borders of Kacch. The Chávadás of Pañchásar do not
appear to have been important rulers. At the most they seem to have
held Vadhiár and part of the north coast of Káthiáváda. Whatever be
the origin of the name Chávadá, which was afterwards Sanskritised
into the highsounding Chápotkata or Strongbow, it does not seem to
be the name of any great dynasty. The name very closely resembles the
Gujaráti Chor (Prakrit Chautá or Choratá) meaning thieves or robbers;
and Jávadá, which is a further corruption of Chávadá, is the word now
in use in those parts for a thief or robber. Except the mention of
the Chávotakas in the Navsárí copperplate we do not find the Chávadás
noticed in any known cotemporary Gujarát copperplates. For this reason
it seems fair to regard them as unimportant rulers over a territory
extending from Pañchásar to Anahilaváda.

[Jayasekhara, A.D. 696.] The author of the Ratnamálá (C. 1230
A.D.) says that in A.D. 696 (S. 752) Jayasekhara the Chávadá king of
Pañchásar was attacked by the Chaulukya king Bhuvada of Kalyánakataka
in Kanyákubja or Kanoj and slain by Bhuvada in battle. Before his
death Jayasekhara, finding his affairs hopeless, sent his pregnant
wife Rupasundarí to the forest in charge of her brother Surapála,
one of his chief warriors. After Jayasekhara's death Rupasundarí
gave birth to a son named Vanarája who became the illustrious
founder of Anahilaváda. It is hard to say how much truth underlies
this tradition. In the seventh century not Chaulukya but Pála kings
flourished in Kanoj. No place of importance called Kalyánakataka is
recorded in the Kanoj territory. And though there was a southern
Chálukya kingdom with its capital at Kalyán, its establishment
at Kalyán was about the middle of the eleventh not in the seventh
century. Further the known Dakhan Chálukya lists contain no king
named Bhuvada, unless he be the great Chálukya king Vijayáditya
(A.D. 696-733) also called Bhuvanásraya, who warred in the north and
was there imprisoned but made his escape. The inference is that the
author of the Ratnamálá, knowing the Solankis originally belonged to
a city called Kalyán, and knowing that a Chálukya king named Bhuvada
had defeated the Chávadás may have called Bhuvada king of Kalyánkataka
and identified Kalyánkataka with a country so well known to Puránic
fame as Kanyákubja. This view is supported by the absence in the
Prabandhachintámani and other old records of any mention of an invasion
from Kanoj. It is possible that in A.D. 696 some king Bhuvada of the
Gujarát Chálukyas, of whom at this time branches were ruling as far
north as Kaira, [506] invaded the Chávadás under Jayasekhara. Since
traces of a Chávotaka kingdom remain, at least as late as A.D. 720,
it seems probable that the destruction of Pañchásar was caused not by
Bhuvada in A.D. 696, but in the Arab raid mentioned above whose date
falls about A.D. 720. [507] About A.D. 720 may therefore be taken
as the date of the birth of Vanarája. Merutunga the author of the
Prabandhachintámani tells how Rupasundarí was living in the forest
swinging her son in a hammock, when a Jain priest named Sílagunasúri
noticing as he passed royal marks on the boy bought him from his
mother. The story adds that a nun named Víramatí brought up the boy
whom the sádhu called Vanarája or the forest king. When eight years
old, the priest employed Vanarája to protect his place of worship
from rats. The boy's skill in shooting rats convinced the priest he
was not fit to be a sádhu but was worthy of a kingdom. He therefore
returned the boy to his mother. These details seem invented by the
Jains in their own honour. No mention of any such story occurs in
the Ratnamálá. [508]

[Vanarája, A.D. 720-780 (?).] In the forests where Vanarája passed
his youth lived his maternal uncle Surapála, one of Jayasekhara's
generals, who, after his sovereign's defeat and death, had
become an outlaw. Vanarája grew up under Surapála's charge. The
Prabandhachintámani records the following story of the origin of
Vanarája's wealth. A Kanyákubja king married Mahánaká the daughter
of a Gujarát king. To receive the proceeds of the marriage cess
which the Gujarát king had levied from his subjects, a deputation
or panchkúla came from Kanyákubja to Gujarát. The deputation made
Vanarája their leader or sellabhrit to realize the proceeds of the
cess. In six months Vanarája collected 24 lákhs of Páruttha drammas
[509] and 4000 horse, which the deputation took and started for
Kanyákubja. Vanarája waylaid and killed them, secured the money
and horses, and remained in hiding for a year. With the wealth thus
acquired Vanarája enrolled an army and established his power assuming
the title of king. [Founding of Anahilaváda, A.D. 746-765.] He fixed
the site of a capital which afterwards rose to be the great city of
Anahilapura. The story of the choice of the site is the usual story
of a hunted hare turning on the hounds showing the place to be the
special nurse of strength and courage. Vanarája is said to have asked
a Bharvád or Shepherd named Anahila son of Sákhadá to show him the
best site. Anahila agreed on condition that the city should be called
by his name. Anahila accordingly showed Vanarája the place where a
hare had attacked and chased a dog. Though much in this tradition is
fabulous the city may have been called after some local chief since
it was popularly known as Anahilaváda (Sk. Anahilaváta) that is the
place of Anahila. In the Prabandhachintámani Merutunga gives A.D. 746
(S. 802) as the date of the installation of Vanarája, while in his
Vichárasreni the same author gives A.D. 765 (S. 821 Vaisakha Sukla
2) as the date of the foundation of the city. The discrepancy may
be explained by taking A.D. 746 (S. 802) to refer to the date of
Vanarája's getting money enough to fix the site of his capital, and
A.D. 765 (S. 821) to refer to the date of his installation in the
completed Anahilaváda. Local tradition connects the date A.D. 746
(S. 802) with an image of Ganpati which is said to be as old as
the establishment of the city and to bear the date 802. But as the
letters of the inscription on the image can be made out by ordinary
readers they cannot have been inscribed at nearly so early a date as
802. A.D. 765 (S. 821), the year given in the Vichárasreni, seems the
more probable date for the installation as the Prabandhachintámani
says that Vanarája got himself installed at Anahilapura when he
was about fifty. [510] This accords with the date fixed on other
grounds. Placing Vanarája's birth at about A.D. 720 would make him 44
in A.D. 765 (S. 821) the date at which according to the Vichárasreni
he was formally installed as sovereign of Anahilaváda. Merutunga in
both his works gives the length of Vanarája's life at 109 and of his
reign at sixty years. The figure 60 seems to mark the length of his
life and not of his reign. So long a reign as sixty years is barely
possible for a sovereign who succeeded late in life, and the 109
years of his life can hardly be correct. Taking Vanarája's age at
45 when he was installed in A.D. 765 (S. 821) and allowing fifteen
years more to complete the sixty years A.D. 780 (S. 836) would be
the closing year of his reign.

[Vanarája's Installation.] The Prabandhachintámani narrates
how generously Vanarája rewarded those who had helped him in his
adversity. His installation was performed by a woman named Srí Deví
of Kákara village whom in fulfilment of an early promise Vanarája
had taken to be his sister. [511] The story regarding the promise
is that once when Vanarája had gone with his uncle on a thieving
expedition to Kákara village and had broken into the house of a
merchant he by mistake dipped his hand into a pot of curds. As to
touch curds is the same as to dine at a house as a guest, Vanarája
left the house without taking anything from it. [512] Hearing what
had happened the merchant's sister invited Vanarája as a brother to
dinner and gave him clothes. In return Vanarája promised if he ever
regained his father's kingdom he should receive his installation as
king at her hands. [513] Vanarája chose as minister a Bania named
Jámba. The story is that while Vanarája was looting with two others
he came across a merchant Jámba who had five arrows. Seeing only
three enemies, Jámba broke and threw away two of the arrows, shouting
'One for each of you.' Vanarája admiring his coolness persuaded Jámba
to join his band and found him so useful that he promised to make
him minister. From the absence of any reference to him in these and
similar tales it is probable that his uncle Surapála died before the
installing of Vanarája. Vanarája is said to have built at Anahilváda
a Jain temple of Pañchásará Párasnáth so called because the image was
brought from the old settlement of Pañchásar. Mention of this temple
continues during the Solanki and Vághelá times.

[His Image.] Vanarája is said to have placed a bowing image of himself
facing the image of Párasnáth. The figure of Vanarája is still shown
at Sidhpur and a woodcut of it is given by the late Mr. Forbes in
his Rás Málá. It is clearly the figure of a king with the umbrella of
state and a nimbus round the head and in the ears the long ornaments
called kundalas noticed by Arab travellers as characteristic of the
Balhara or Ráshtrakúta kings who were cotemporary with Vanarája. [514]
The king wears a long beard, a short waistcloth or dhoti, a waistband
or kammarband, and a shoulder garment or uparna whose ends hang down
the back. Besides the earrings he is adorned with bracelets armlets
and anklets and a large ornament hangs across the chest from the left
shoulder to the right hip. The right hand is held near the chest in
the act of granting protection: and the left hand holds something
which cannot be made out. By his side is the umbrella-bearer and five
other attendants. The statue closely resembles the lifesize figure of
a king of the Solanki period lying in the yard of a temple at Máliá
about twenty-four miles north of Somanátha Patan. At Somanátha Patan
are similar but less rich cotemporary figures of local officers
of the Solankis. Another similar figure of which only the torso
remains is the statue of Anrája the father of Vastupála in a niche
in Vastupála's temple at Girnár. The details of this figure belong
to the Solanki period.

[Vanarája's Successors, A.D. 780-961.] The lists of Vanarája's
successors vary so greatly in the names, in the order of succession,
and in the lengths of reigns, that little trust can be placed in
them. The first three agree in giving a duration of 196 years to the
Chávadá dynasty after the accession of Vanarája. The accession of the
Solanki founder Múlarája is given in the Vichárasreni at Samvat 1017
and in the Prabandhachintámani at Samvat 998 corresponding with the
original difference of nineteen years (S. 802 and 821) in the founding
of the city. This shows that though the total duration of the dynasty
was traditionally known to be 196 years the order of succession was
not known and guesses were made as to the duration of the different
reigns. Certain dates fixed by inscriptions or otherwise known to
some compilers and not known to others caused many discrepancies in
the various accounts.

[Yogarája, A.D. 806-841.] According to the calculations given above
Vanarája's reign lasted to about A.D. 780. Authorities agree that
Vanarája was succeeded by his son Yogarája. The length of Yogarája's
reign is given as thirty-five years by the Prabandhachintámani and the
Ratnamálá, and as twenty-nine by the Vichárasreni. That is according
to the Prabandhachintámani and Ratnamálá his reign closes in A.D. 841
(S. 897) and according to the Vichárasreni in A.D. 836 (S. 891). On
the whole the Prabandhachintámani date A.D. 841 (S. 897) seems the more
probable. The author of the Vichárasreni may have mistaken the 7 of the
manuscripts for a 1, the two figures in the manuscripts of that date
being closely alike. If A.D. 780 is taken as the close of Vanarája's
reign and A.D. 806 as the beginning of Yogarája's reign an interval
of twenty-six years is left. This blank, which perhaps accounts for
the improbably long reign and life assigned to Vanarája, may have been
filled by the forgotten reign of a childless elder brother of Yogarája.

Of Yogarája the Prabandhachintámani tells the following
tale. Kshemarája one of Yogarája's three sons reported that several
ships were storm-stayed at Prabhása or Somanátha. The ships had 10,000
horses, many elephants, and millions of money and treasure. Kshemarája
prayed that he might seize the treasure. Yogarája forbad him. In spite
of their father's orders the sons seized the treasure and brought it
to the king. Yogarája said nothing. And when the people asked him why
he was silent he answered: To say I approve would be a sin; to say I
do not approve would annoy you. Hitherto on account of an ancestor's
misdeeds we have been laughed at as a nation of thieves. Our name was
improving and we were rising to the rank of true kings. This act of
my sons has renewed the old stain. Yogarája would not be comforted
and mounted the funeral pyre.

[Kshemarája, A.D. 841-880.] According to the Prabandhachintámani in
A.D. 841 (S. 898) Yogarája was succeeded by his son Kshemarája. The
Vichárasreni says that Yogarája was succeeded by Ratnáditya who reigned
three years, and he by Vairisimha who reigned eleven years. Then
came Kshemarája who is mentioned as the son of Yogarája and as coming
to the throne in A.D. 849 (S. 905). The relationship of Yogarája to
Ratnáditya and Vairisimha is not given. Probably both were sons of
Yogarája as the Prabandhachintámani mentions that Yogarája had three
sons. The duration of Kshemarája's reign is given as thirty-nine
years. It is probable that the reigns of the three brothers lasted
altogether for thirty-nine years, fourteen years for the two elder
brothers and twenty-five years for Kshemarája the period mentioned by
the Prabandhachintámani. Accepting this chronology A.D. 880 (S. 936)
will be the date of the close of Kshemarája's reign.

[Chámunda, A.D. 880-908.] According to the Vichárasreni and the
Sukritasankírtana Kshemarája was succeeded by his son Chámunda. Instead
of Chámunda the Prabandhachintámani mentions Bhúyada perhaps another
name of Chámunda, as in the Prabandhachintámani the name Chámunda
does not occur. The Prabandhachintámani notes that Bhúyada reigned
twenty-nine years and built in Anahilaváda Patan the temple of
Bhúyadeshvar. The Vichárasreni gives twenty-seven years as the length
of Chámunda's reign an insignificant difference of two years. This
gives A.D. 908 (S. 964) as the close of Chámunda's reign according
to the Vichárasreni.

[Ghaghada, A.D. 908-937.] After Bhúyada the Prabandhachintámani
places Vairisimha and Ratnáditya assigning twenty-five and fifteen
years as the reigns of each. The Vichárasreni mentions as the
successor of Chámunda his son Ghaghada who is called Ráhada in the
Sukritasankírtana. Instead of Ghaghada the Prabandhachintámani gives
Sámantasimha or Lion Chieftain perhaps a title of Ghághada's. The
Vichárasreni gives Ghaghada a reign of twenty-seven years and mentions
as his successor an unnamed son who reigned nineteen years. The
Sukritasankírtana gives the name of this son as Bhúbhata. According
to these calculations the close of Ghághada's reign would be A.D. 936
(Samvat 965 + 27 = 992). Adding nineteen years for Bhúbhata's reign
brings the date of the end of the dynasty to A.D. 956 (Samvat 993 + 19
= 1012) that is five years earlier than S. 1017 the date given by the
Vichárasreni. Until some evidence to the contrary is shown Merutunga's
date A.D. 961 (S. 821 + 196 = 1017) may be taken as correct.

According to the above the Chávadá genealogy stands as follows:


    Vanarája, born A.D. 720; succeeded A.D. 765; died A.D. 780.
                                |
                  Interval of twenty-six years.
                                |
                      Yogarája, A.D. 806-841.
                                |
         -----------------------+--------------------
         |                      |                   |
    Ratnáditya,           Vairisimha,           Kshemarája,
     A.D. 842.             A.D. 845.             A.D. 856.
                                                    |
                                            Chámunda or Bhúyada (?),
                                                 A.D. 881.
                                                    |
                                              Ghághada or Ráhada,
                                                 A.D. 908.
                                                    |
                                               Name Unknown,
                                               A.D. 937-961.


[The period of Chávadá rule at Anahilaváda is likely to remain obscure
until the discovery of cotemporary inscriptions throws more light upon
it than can be gathered from the confused and contradictory legends
collected by the Solanki historians, none of whom are older than the
twelfth century. For the present a few points only can be regarded
as established:

(i) The Chávadás, Chávotakas, or Chápotkatas, are connected with
the Chápas of Bhínmál and of Vadhván and are therefore of Gurjjara
race. (Compare Ind. Ant. XVII. 192.)

(ii) They probably were never more than feudatories of the Bhínmál
kings.

(iii) Though the legend places the fall of Pañchásar in A.D. 696
and the foundation of Anahilaváda in A.D. 746, the grant of Pulakesi
Janásraya shows that a Chávadá (Chávotaka) kingdom existed in A.D. 728.

As regards the chronology of the dynasty, the explanation of the
long life of 110 years ascribed to Vanarája may be that a grandson
of the same name succeeded the founder of the family. The name
of Chámunda has, as Dr. Bühler long ago pointed out, crept in
through some error from the Solanki list. But when the same author
in two different works gives such contradictory lists and dates as
Merutunga does in his Prabandhachintámani and his Vichárasreni, it
is clearly useless to attempt to extract a consistent story from the
chroniclers.--A. M. T. J.]



CHAPTER II.

THE CHAULUKYAS OR SOLANKIS

(A.D. 961-1242)


[Authorities.] The next rulers are the Chaulukyas or Solankis
(A.D. 964-1242) whose conversion to Jainism has secured them careful
record by Jain chroniclers. The earliest writer on the Solankis,
the learned Jain priest Hemachandra (A.D. 1089-1173), in his work
called the Dvyásraya, has given a fairly full and correct account
of the dynasty up to Siddharája (A.D. 1143). The work is said to
have been begun by Hemachandra about A.D. 1160, and to have been
finished and revised by another Jain monk named Abhayatilakagani
in A.D. 1255. [515] The last chapter which is in Prakrit deals
solely with king Kumárapála. This work is a grammar rather than a
chronicle, still, though it has little reference to dates, it is a
good collection of tales and descriptions. For chronology the best
guide is the Vichárasreni which its author has taken pains to make the
chief authority in dates. The Vichárasreni was written by Merutunga
about A.D. 1314, some time after he wrote the Prabandhachintámani.

[The Name Chaulukya.] According to the Vichárasreni after the Chávadás,
in A.D. 961 (Vaishakh Suddha 1017), began the reign of Múlarája the
son of a daughter of the last Chávadá ruler. The name Chaulukya is a
Sanskritised form, through an earlier form Chálukya, of the old names
Chalkya, Chalikya, Chirîkya, Chálukya of the great Dakhan dynasty
(A.D. 552-973), made to harmonise with the Puránic-looking story
that the founder of the dynasty sprang from the palm or chuluka of
Brahma. The form Chaulukya seems to have been confined to authors
and writers. It was used by the great Dakhan poet Bilhana (c. 1050
A.D.) and by the Anahilaváda chroniclers. In Gujarát the popular
form of the word seems to have been Solaki or Solanki (a dialectic
variant of Chalukya), a name till lately used by Gujarát bards. The
sameness of name seems to show the Dakhan and Gujarát dynasties to
be branches of one stock. No materials are available to trace the
original seat of the family or to show when and whence they came to
Gujarát. The balance of probability is, as Dr. Bühler holds, that
Múlarája's ancestors came from the north. [516]

[Múlarája, A.D. 961-996.] The Sukritasankírtana says that the last
Chávadá king Bhúbhata was succeeded by his sister's son Múlarája. Of
the family or country of Múlarája's father no details are given. The
Prabandhachintámani calls Múlarája the sister's son of Sámantasimha and
gives the following details. In A.D. 930 of the family of Bhuiyada (who
destroyed Jayasekhara) were three brothers Ráji, Bija, and Dandaka,
who stopped at Anahilaváda on their way back from a pilgrimage to
Somanátha in the guise of Kárpatika or Kápdi beggars. The three
brothers attended a cavalry parade held by king Sámantasimha. An
objection taken by Ráji to some of the cavalry movements pleased
Sámantasimha, who, taking him to be the scion of some noble family,
gave him his sister Líládeví in marriage. Líládeví died pregnant
and the child, which was taken alive from its dead mother's womb was
called Múlarája, because the operation was performed when the Múla
constellation was in power. Múlarája grew into an able and popular
prince and helped to extend the kingdom of his maternal uncle. In
a fit of intoxication Sámantasimha ordered Múlarája to be placed on
the throne. He afterwards cancelled the grant. But Múlarája contended
that a king once installed could not be degraded. He collected troops
defeated and slew his uncle and succeeded to the throne in A.D. 942
(S. 998). The main facts of this tale, that Múlarája's father was one
Ráji of the Chálukya family, that his mother was a Chávadá. princess,
and that he came to the Chávadá throne by killing his maternal uncle,
appear to be true. That Múlarája's father's name was Ráji is proved by
Dr. Bühler's copperplate of Múlarája. [517] Merutunga's details that
Ráji came in disguise to Anahilaváda, took the fancy of Sámantasimha,
and received his sister in marriage seem fictions in the style common
in the bardic praises of Rájput princes. Dr. Bühler's copperplate
further disproves the story as it calls Múlarája the son of the
illustrious Ráji, the great king of kings Mahárájádhirája, a title
which would not be given to a wandering prince. Ráji appears to have
been of almost equal rank with the Chávadás. The Ratnamálá calls Ráji
fifth in descent from Bhuvada, his four predecessors being Karnáditya,
Chándráditya, Somáditya, and Bhuvanáditya. But the Ratnamálá list is on
the face of it wrong, as it gives five instead of seven or eight kings
to fill the space of over 200 years between Jayasekhara and Múlarája.

Most Jain chroniclers begin the history of Anahilaváda with Múlarája
who with the Jains is the glory of the dynasty. After taking the
small Chávadá kingdom Múlarája spread his power in all directions,
overrunning Káthiáváda and Kacch on the west, and fighting Bárappa
of Láta or South Gujarát on the south, and Vigraharája king of Ajmir
on the north. The Ajmir kings were called Sapádalaksha. Why they were
so called is not known. This much is certain that Sapádalaksha is the
Sanskrit form of the modern Sewálik. It would seem that the Choháns,
whom the Gujarát Jain chroniclers call Sapádalakshíya, must have
come to Gujarát from the Sewálik hills. After leaving the Sewálik
hills the capital was at Ajmir, which is usually said to have been
first fortified by the Chohán king Ajayapála (A.D. 1174-1177). [518]
This story seems invented by the Choháns. The name Ajmir appears to
be derived from the Mehrs who were in power in these parts between
the fifth and the eighth centuries. The Hammíramahákávya begins the
Chohán genealogy with Vásudeva (A.D. 780) and states that Vásudeva's
fourth successor Ajayapála established the hill fort of Ajmir. About
this time (A.D. 840) the Choháns seem to have made settlements in the
Ajmir country and to have harassed Gujarát. Vigraharája the tenth in
succession from Vásudeva is described as killing Múlarája and weakening
the Gurjjara country. [519] The author of the Prabandhachintámani gives
the following details. The Sapádalaksha or Ajmir king entered Gujarát
to attack Múlarája and at the same time from the south Múlarája's
territory was invaded by Bárappa a general of king Tailapa of
Telingána. [520] Unable to face both enemies Múlarája at his minister's
advice retired to Kanthádurga apparently Kanthkot in Cutch. [521]
He remained there till the Navarátra or Nine-Night festival at the
close of the rains when he expected the Sapádalaksha king would have
to return to Ajmir to worship the goddess Sákambharí when Bárappa
would be left alone. At the close of the rains the Sapádalaksha
king fixed his camp near a place called Sákambharí and bringing the
goddess Sákambharí there held the Nine-Night festival. This device
disappointed Múlarája. He sent for his sámantas or nobles and gave
them presents. He told them his plans and called on them to support
him in attacking the Sapádalaksha king. Múlarája then mounted a female
elephant with no attendant but the driver and in the evening came
suddenly to the Ajmir camp. He dismounted and holding a drawn sword
in his hand said to the doorkeeper 'What is your king doing. Go and
tell your lord that Múlarája waits at his door.' While the attendant
was on his way to give the message, Múlarája pushed him on one side
and himself went into the presence. The doorkeeper called 'Here comes
Múlarája.' Before he could be stopped Múlarája forced his way in and
took his seat on the throne. The Ajmir king in consternation asked
'Are you Múlarája?' Múlarája answered 'I would regard him as a brave
king who would meet me face to face in battle. While I was thinking
no such brave enemy exists, you have arrived. I ask no better fortune
than to fight with you. But as soon as you are come, like a bee falling
in at dinner time, Bárappa the general of king Tailapa of Telingana
has arrived to attack me. While I am punishing him you should keep
quiet and not give me a side blow.' The Ajmir king said, 'Though you
are a king, you have come here alone like a foot soldier, not caring
for your safety. I will be your ally for life.' Múlarája replied
'Say not so.' He refused the Rája's invitation to dine, and leaving
sword in hand mounted his elephant and with his nobles attacked the
camp of Bárappa. Bárappa was killed and eighteen of his elephants and
10,000 of his horses fell into Múlarája's hands. While returning with
the spoil Múlarája received news that the Sapádalaksha king had fled.

This story of the author of the Prabandhachintámani differs from
that given by the author of the Hammírakávya who describes Múlarája
as defeated and slain. The truth seems to be that the Ajmír king
defeated Múlarája and on Múlarája's submission did not press his
advantage. In these circumstances Múlarája's victory over Bárappa
seems improbable. The Dvyásraya devotes seventy-five verses (27-101)
of its sixth chapter to the contest between Bárappa and Múlarája. The
details may be thus summarised. Once when Múlarája received presents
from various Indian kings Dvárappa [522] king of Látadesa sent an
ill-omened elephant. The marks being examined by royal officers and
by prince Chámunda, they decided the elephant would bring destruction
on the king who kept him. The elephant was sent back in disgrace
and Múlarája and his son started with an army to attack Látadesa and
avenge the insult. In his march Múlarája first came to the Svabhravatí
or Sábarmatí which formed the boundary of his kingdom, frightening
the people. From the Sábarmatí he advanced to the ancient Purí [523]
where also the people became confused. The Láta king prepared for
fight, and was slain by Chámunda in single combat. Múlarája advanced
to Broach where Bárappa who was assisted by the island kings opposed
him. Chámunda overcame them and slew Bárappa. After this success
Múlarája and Chámunda returned to Anahilapura. [524]

The Dvyásraya styles Bárappa king of Látadesa; the Prabandhachintámani
calls him a general of Tailapa king of Telingána; the Sukritasankírtana
a general of the Kanyákubja king; and the Kírtikaumudí [525] a general
of the Lord of Láta.

Other evidence proves that at the time of Múlarája a Chaulukya king
named Bárappa did reign in Látadesa. The Surat grant of Kírtirája
grandson of Bárappa is dated A.D. 1018 (Saka 940). This, taking twenty
years to a king, brings Bárappa's date to A.D. 978 (Saka 900), a year
which falls in the reign of Múlarája (A.D. 961-996; S. 1027-1053). The
statement in the Prabandhachintámani that Bárappa was a general of
Tailapa seems correct. The southern form of the name Bárappa supports
the statement. And as Tailapa overthrew the Ráshtrakútas in A.D. 972
(Saka 894) he might well place a general in military charge of Láta,
and allow him practical independence. This would explain why the
Dvyásraya calls Bárappa king of Látadesa and why the Kírtikaumudí
calls him general of the Lord of Láta.

One of Múlarája's earliest wars was with Graharipu the Ábhíra
or Chúdásamá ruler of Sorath. [526] According to Múlarája's
bards, the cause of war was Graharipu's oppression of pilgrims to
Prabhása. Graharipu's capital was Vámanasthalí, the modern Vanthalí
nine miles west of Junágadh, and the fort of Durgapalli which Graharipu
is said to have established must be Junágadh itself which was not
then a capital. Graharipu is described as a cow-eating Mlechha and
a grievous tyrant. He is said to have had much influence over Lákhá
son of king Phula of Kacch and to have been helped by Turks and
other Mlechhas. When Múlarája reached the Jambumáli river, he was
met by Graharipu and his army. With Graharipu was Lákhá of Kacch,
the king of Sindh probably a Sumrá, Mewás Bhilas, and the sons of
Graharipu's wife Nílí who had been summoned from near the Bhadar
river by a message in the Yavana language. [527] With Múlarája were
the kings of Siláprastha, [528] of Márwár, of Kásí, of Arbuda or Abu,
and of Srímála or Bhínmál. Múlarája had also his own younger brother
Gangámah, his friend king Revatímitra, and Bhils. It is specially
mentioned that in this expedition Múlarája received no help from
the sons of his paternal uncles Bíja and Dandaka. The fight ended in
Graharipu being made prisoner by Múlarája, and in Lákhá being slain
with a spear. After the victory Múlarája went to Prabhása, worshipped
the linga, and returned to Anahilaváda with his army and 108 elephants.

According to the author of the Prabandhachintámani Lákhá met his death
in a different contest with Múlarája. Lákhá who is described as the
son of Phuladá, and Kámalatá daughter of Kírttirája a Parmár king,
is said to have been invincible because he was under the protection
of king Yasovarman of Málwa. He defeated Múlarája's army eleven
times. In a twelfth encounter Múlarája besieged Lákhá in Kapilakot,
slew him in single combat, and trod on his flowing beard. Enraged at
this insult to her dead son Lákhá's mother called down on Múlarája's
descendants the curse of the spider poison that is of leprosy. [529]

Mr. Forbes, apparently from bardic sources, states that on his
wife's death Ráji the father of Múlarája went to the temple of
Vishnu at Dwárká. On his return he visited the court of Lákhá
Phuláni and espoused Lákhá's sister Ráyáji by whom he had a son
named Rákháich. This marriage proved the ruin of Ráji. In a dispute
about precedence Lákhá slew Ráji and many of his Rájput followers,
his wife Ráyáji becoming a Satí. Bíja the uncle of Múlarája urged his
nephew to avenge his father's death and Múlarája was further incited
against Lákhá because Lákhá harboured Rákháich the younger son of
Ráji at his court as a rival to Múlarája.

According to the Dvyásraya, either from the rising power of his son
or from repentance for his own rough acts, after Chámunda's victory
over Bárappa Múlarája installed him as ruler and devoted himself to
religion and charity. According to the Prabandhachintámani Múlarája
built in Anahilaváda a Jain temple named Múlavasatiká. But as the
Nandi symbol on his copperplate shows that Múlarája was a devoted
Saivite, it is possible that this temple was built by some Jain guild
or community and named after the reigning chief. [530] Múlarája built
a Mahádeva temple called Múlasvámi in Anahilaváda, and, in honour of
Somanátha, he built the temple of Mulesvara at Mandali-nagara where
he went at the bidding of the god. [531] He also built at Anahilaváda
a temple of Mahádeva called Tripurushaprásáda on a site to which the
tradition attaches that seeing Múlarája daily visiting the temple of
Múlanáthadeva at Mandali, Somanátha Mahádeva being greatly pleased
promised to bring the ocean to Anahilaváda. Somanátha came, and the
ocean accompanying the god certain ponds became brackish. In honour
of these salt pools Múlarája built the Tripurushaprásáda. Looking
for some one to place in charge of this temple, Múlarája heard of an
ascetic named Kanthadi at Siddhapura on the banks of the Sarasvatí
who used to fast every other day and on the intervening day lived on
five morsels of food. Múlarája offered this sage the charge of the
temple. The sage declined saying 'Authority is the surest path to
hell.' Eventually Vayajalladeva a disciple of the sage undertook the
management on certain conditions. Múlarája passed most of his days at
the holy shrine of Siddhapura, the modern Sidhpur on the Sarasvatí
about fifteen miles north-east of Anahilaváda. At Sidhpur Múlarája
made many grants to Bráhmans. Several branches of Gujarát Bráhmans,
Audíchyas Srígaudas and Kanojias, trace their origin in Gujarát to
an invitation from Múlarája to Siddhapura and the local Puránas and
Máhátmyas confirm the story. As the term Audíchya means Northerner
Múlarája may have invited Bráhmans from some such holy place as
Kurukshetra which the Audíchyas claim as their home. From Kanyákubja
in the Madhyadesa between the Ganges and the Yamuná another equally
holy place the Kanojías may have been invited. The Srí Gaudas appear
to have come from Bengal and Tirhut. Gauda and Tirhut Bráhmans are
noted Tántriks and Mantrasástris a branch of learning for which both
the people and the rulers of Gujarát have a great fondness. Grants
of villages were made to these Bráhmans. Sidhpur was given to the
Audíchyas, Simhapura or Sihor in Káthiáváda to some other colony,
and Stambhatírtha or Cambay to the Srí Gaudas. At Siddhapura
Múlarája built the famous temple called the Rudramahálaya or the
great shrine of Rudra. According to tradition Múlarája did not
complete the Rudramahálaya and Siddharája finished it. In spite
of this tradition it does not appear that Múlarája died leaving
the great temple unfinished as a copperplate of A.D. 987 (S. 1043)
records that Múlarája made the grant after worshipping the god of the
Rudramahálaya on the occasion of a solar eclipse on the fifteenth
of the dark half of Mágha. It would seem therefore that Múlarája
built one large Rudramahálaya which Siddharája may have repaired or
enlarged. Múlarája is said while still in health to have mounted the
funeral pile, an act which some writers trace to remorse and others
to unknown political reasons. The Vichárasreni gives the length of
Múlarája's reign at thirty-five years A.D. 961-996 (S. 1017-1052);
the Prabandhachintámani begins the reign at A.D. 942 (S. 998) and ends
it at A.D. 997 (S. 1053) that is a length of fifty-five years. [532]
Of the two, thirty-five years seems the more probable, as, if the
traditional accounts are correct, Múlarája can scarcely have been a
young man when he overthrew his uncle's power.

[Chámunda, A.D. 997-1010.] Of Múlarája's son and successor
Chámunda no historical information is available. The author of
the Prabandhachintámani assigns him a reign of thirteen years. The
author of the Dvyásraya says that he had three sons Vallabha Rája,
Durlabha Rája, and Nága Rája. According to one account Chámunda
installed Vallabha in A.D. 1010 (S. 1066) and went on pilgrimage to
Benares. On his passage through Málwa Muñja the Málwa king carried
off Chámunda's umbrella and other marks of royalty. [533] Chámunda
went on to Benares in the guise of a hermit. On his return he prayed
his son to avenge the insult offered by the king of Málwa. Vallabha
started with an army but died of small-pox. The author of the
Prabandhachintámani gives Chámunda a reign of six months, while the
author of the Vichárasreni entirely drops his name and gives a reign of
fourteen years to Vallabha made up of the thirteen years of Chámunda
and the six months of Vallabha. This seems to be a mistake. It would
seem more correct, as is done in several copperplate lists, to omit
Vallabha, since he must have reigned jointly with his father and his
name is not wanted for purposes of succession. The Vichárasreni and
the Prabandhachintámani agree in ending Vallabha's reign in A.D. 1010
(S. 1066). The author of the Dvyásraya states that Chámunda greatly
lamenting the death of Vallabha installed Vallabha's younger brother
Durlabha, and himself retired to die at Suklatírtha on the Narbadá.

[Durlabha, A.D. 1010-1022.] Durlabha whom the Sukritasankírtana
also calls Jagatjhampaka or World Guardian came to the throne in
A.D. 1010 (S. 1066). The Prabandhachintámani gives the length of his
reign at eleven years and six months while the Vichárasreni makes
it twelve years closing it in A.D. 1022 (S. 1078). The author of
the Dvyásraya says that along with his brother Nága Rája, Durlabha
attended the Svayamvara or bridegroom-choosing of Durlabha Deví the
sister of Mahendra the Rája of Nadol in Márwár. The kings of Anga,
Kásí, Avantí, Chedí, Kuru, Húna, Mathurá, Vindhya, and Andhra were
also present. [534] The princess chose Durlabha and Mahendra gave his
younger sister Lakshmí to Durlabha's brother Nága Rája. The princess'
choice of Durlabha drew on him the enmity of certain of the other kings
all of whom he defeated. The brothers then returned to Anahilaváda
where Durlabha built a lake called Durlabhasarovara. The author of the
Prabandhachintámani says that Durlabha gave up the kingdom to his son
(?) Bhíma. [535] He also states that Durlabha went on pilgrimage and
was insulted on the way by Muñja king of Málwa. This seems the same
tale which the Dvyásraya tells of Chámunda. Since Muñja cannot have
been a cotemporary of Durlabha the Dvyásraya's account seems correct.

[Bhíma I. A.D. 1022-1064.] Durlabha was succeeded by his nephew Bhíma
the son of Durlabha's younger brother Nága Rája. The author of the
Dvyásraya says that Durlabha wishing to retire from the world offered
the kingdom to his nephew Bhíma; that Bhíma declined in favour of his
father Nága Rája; that Nága Rája refused; that Durlabha and Nága Rája
persuaded Bhíma to take the government; and that after installing
Bhíma the two brothers died together. Such a voluntary double death
sounds unlikely unless the result was due to the machinations of
Bhíma. The Prabandhachintámani gives Bhíma a reign of fifty-two
years from A.D. 1022 to 1074 (S. 1078-1130), while the Vichárasreni
reduces his reign to forty-two years placing its close in A.D. 1064
(S. 1120). Forty-two years would seem to be correct as another copy
of the Prabandhachintámani has 42.

Two copperplates of Bhíma are available one dated A.D. 1030 (S. 1086)
eight or nine years after he came to the throne, the other from Kacch
in A.D. 1037 (S. 1093).

Bhíma seems to have been more powerful than either of his
predecessors. According to the Dvyásraya his two chief enemies were
the kings of Sindh and of Chedí or Bundelkhand. He led a victorious
expedition against Hammuka the king of Sindh, who had conquered the
king of Sivasána and another against Karna king of Chedí who paid
tribute and submitted. The Prabandhachintámani has a verse, apparently
an old verse interpolated, which says that on the Málwa king Bhoja's
death, while sacking Dhárápuri, Karna took Bhíma as his coadjutor, and
that afterwards Bhíma's general Dámara took Karna captive and won from
him a gold mandapiká or canopy and images of Ganesa and Nílakanthesvara
Mahádeva. Bhíma is said to have presented the canopy to Somanátha.

When Bhíma was engaged against the king of Sindh, Kulachandra the
general of the Málwa king Bhoja with all the Málwa feudatories, invaded
Anahilaváda, sacked the city, and sowed shell-money at the gate where
the time-marking gong was sounded. So great was the loss that the
'sacking of Kulachandra' has passed into a proverb. Kulachandra also
took from Anahilaváda an acknowledgment of victory or jayapatra. On his
return Bhoja received Kulachandra with honour but blamed him for not
sowing salt instead of shell-money. [536] He said the shell-money is
an omen that the wealth of Málwa will flow to Gujarát. An unpublished
inscription of Bhoja's successor Udayáditya in a temple at Udepur
near Bhilsá confirms the above stating that Bhíma was conquered by
Bhoja's officers. [537]

The Solanki kings of Anahilapura being Saivites held the god Somanátha
of Prabhása in great veneration. The very ancient and holy shrine
of Prabhása has long been a place of special pilgrimage. As early as
the Yádavas of Dwárká, [538] pilgrimages to Prabhása are recorded but
the Mahábhárata makes no mention either of Somanátha or of any other
Saivite shrine. The shrine of Somanátha was probably not established
before the time of the Valabhis (A.D. 480-767). As the Valabhi kings
were most open-handed in religious gifts, it was probably through their
grants that the Somanátha temple rose to importance. The Solankis were
not behind the Valabhis in devotion to Somanátha. To save pilgrims from
oppression Múlarája fought Graharipu the Ábhíra king of Sorath. [539]
Múlarája afterwards went to Prabhása and also built temples in Gujarát
in honour of the god Somanátha. As Múlarája's successors Chámunda
and Durlabha continued firm devotees of Somanátha during their reigns
(A.D. 997-1022) the wealth of the temple must have greatly increased.

[Mahmúd's Invasion, A.D. 1024.] No Gujarát Hindu writer refers to the
destruction of the great temple soon after Bhíma's accession. [540]
But the Musalmán historians place beyond doubt that in A.D. 1024
the famous tenth raid of [Somanátha, A.D. 1024.] Mahmúd of Ghazni,
ended in the destruction and plunder of Somanátha. [541]

Of the destruction of Somanátha the earliest Musalmán account, of
Ibn Asír (A.D. 1160-1229), supplies the following details: In the
year A.D. 1024 (H. 414) Mahmúd captured several forts and cities
in Hind and he also took the idol called Somanátha. This idol was
the greatest of all the idols of Hind. At every eclipse [542] the
Hindus went on pilgrimage to the temple, and there congregated to
the number of a hundred thousand persons. According to their doctrine
of transmigration the Hindus believe that after separation from the
body the souls of men meet at Somanátha; and that the ebb and flow
of the tide is the worship paid to the best of its power by the sea
to the idol. [543] All that is most precious in India was brought to
Somanátha. The temple attendants received the most valuable presents,
and the temple was endowed with more than 10,000 villages. [544]
In the temple were amassed jewels of the most exquisite quality and
of incalculable value. The people of India have a great river called
Ganga to which they pay the highest honour and into which they cast
the bones of their great men, in the belief that the deceased will thus
secure an entrance to heaven. Though between this river and Somanátha
is a distance of about 1200 miles (200 parasangs) water was daily
brought from it to wash the idol. [545] Every day a thousand Bráhmans
performed the worship and introduced visitors. [546] The shaving of
the heads and beards of pilgrims employed three hundred barbers. [547]
Three hundred and fifty persons sang and danced at the gate of the
temple, [548] every one receiving a settled daily allowance. When
Mahmúd was gaining victories and demolishing idols in North India,
the Hindus said Somanátha is displeased with these idols. If Somanátha
had been satisfied with them no one could have destroyed or injured
them. When Mahmúd heard this he resolved on making a campaign to
destroy Somanátha, believing that when the Hindus saw their prayers
and imprecations to be false and futile they would embrace the Faith.

So he prayed to the Almighty for aid, and with 30,000 horse besides
volunteers left Ghazni on the 10th Sha'bán (H. 414, A.D. 1024). He took
the road to Multán and reached it in the middle of Ramzán. The road
from Multán to India lay through a barren desert without inhabitants
or food. Mahmúd collected provisions for the passage and loading
30,000 camels with water and corn started for Anahilaváda. After he
had crossed the desert he perceived on one side a fort full of people
in which place there were wells. [549] The leaders came to conciliate
him, but he invested the place, and God gave him victory over it,
for the hearts of the people failed them through fear. He brought
the place under the sway of Islám, killed the inhabitants, and broke
in pieces their images. His men carrying water with them marched for
Anahilaváda, where they arrived at the beginning of Zílkáda.

The Chief of Anahilaváda, called Bhím, fled hastily, and abandoning
his city went to a certain fort for safety and to prepare for
war. Mahmúd pushed on for Somanátha. On his march he came to several
forts in which were many images serving as chamberlains or heralds
of Somanátha. These Mahmúd called Shaitán or devils. He killed the
people, destroyed the fortifications, broke the idols in pieces,
and through a waterless desert marched to Somanátha. In the desert
land he met 20,000 fighting men whose chiefs would not submit. He sent
troops against them, defeated them, put them to flight, and plundered
their possessions. From the desert he marched to Dabalwárah, [550]
two days' journey from Somanátha. The people of Dabalwárah stayed
in the city believing that the word of Somanátha would drive back
the invaders. Mahmúd took the place, slew the men, plundered their
property, and marched to Somanátha.

Reaching Somanátha on a Thursday in the middle of Zílkáda Mahmúd
beheld a strong fortress built on the sea-shore, so that its walls
were washed by the waves. [551] From the walls the people jeered at
the Musalmáns. Our deity, they said, will cut off the last man of you
and destroy you all. On the morrow which was Friday the assailants
advanced to the assault. When the Hindus saw how the Muhammadans
fought they abandoned their posts and left the walls. The Musalmáns
planted their ladders and scaled the walls. From the top they raised
their war-cry, and showed the might of Islám. Still their loss was
so heavy that the issue seemed doubtful. A body of Hindus hurried
to Somanátha, cast themselves on the ground before him, and besought
him to grant them victory. Night came on and the fight was stayed.

Early next morning Mahmúd renewed the battle. His men made greater
havoc among the Hindus till they drove them from the town to the house
of their idol Somanátha. At the gate of the temple the slaughter was
dreadful. Band after band of the defenders entered the temple and
standing before Somanátha with their hands clasped round their necks
wept and passionately entreated him. Then they issued forth to fight
and fought till they were slain. The few left alive took to the sea
in boats but the Musalmáns overtook them and some were killed and
some were drowned.

The temple of Somanátha rested on fifty-six pillars of teakwood
covered with lead. [552] The idol was in a dark chamber. The height
of the idol was five cubits and its girth three cubits. This was what
appeared to the eye; two cubits were hidden in the basement. It had no
appearance of being sculptured. Mahmúd seized it, part of it he burnt,
and part he carried with him to Ghazni, where he made it a step at the
entrance of the Great Mosque. [553] The dark shrine was lighted by
exquisitely jewelled chandeliers. Near the idol was a chain of gold
200 mans in weight. To the chain bells were fastened. And when each
watch of the night was over the chain was shaken and the ringing of
the bells roused a fresh party of Bráhmans to carry on the worship. In
the treasury which was near the shrine were many idols of gold and
silver. Among the treasures were veils set with jewels, every jewel
of immense value. What was found in the temple was worth more than
two millions of dinárs. Over fifty thousand Hindus were slain. [554]

After the capture of Somanátha, Mahmúd received intelligence that
Bhím the chief of Anahilaváda had gone to the fort of Khandahat,
[555] about 240 miles (40 parasangs) from Somanátha between that
place and the desert. Mahmúd marched to Khandahat. When he came
before it he questioned some men who were hunting as to the tide. He
learned that the ford was practicable, but that if the wind blew a
little the crossing was dangerous. Mahmúd prayed to the Almighty and
entered the water. He and his forces passed safely and drove out the
enemy. From Khandahat he returned intending to proceed against Mansúra
in central Sindh, whose ruler was an apostate Muhammadan. At the news
of Mahmúd's approach the chief fled into the date forests. Mahmúd
followed, and surrounding him and his adherents, many of them were
slain, many drowned, and few escaped. Mahmúd then went to Bhátiá,
and after reducing the inhabitants to obedience, returned to Ghazni
where he arrived on the 10th Safar 417 H. (A.D. 1026).

The Rauzatu-s-safá of Mirkhand supplements these details with the
following account of Mahmúd's arrangements for holding Gujarát:
'It is related that when Sultán Mahmúd had achieved the conquest of
Somanátha he wished to fix his residence there for some years because
the country was very extensive and possessed many advantages among
them several mines which produced pure gold. Indian rubies were brought
from Sarandíp, one of the dependencies of the kingdom of Gujarát. His
ministers represented to Mahmúd that to forsake Khurásán which had
been won from his enemies after so many battles and to make Somanátha
the seat of government was very improper. At last the king made up
his mind to return and ordered some one to be appointed to hold and
carry on the administration of the country. The ministers observed
that as it was impossible for a stranger to maintain possession he
should assign the country to one of the native chiefs. The Sultán
accordingly held a council to settle the nomination, in concurrence
with such of the inhabitants as were well disposed towards him. Some
of them represented to him that amongst the ancient royal families no
house was so noble as that of the Dábshilíms of whom only one member
survived, and he had assumed the habit of a Bráhman, and was devoted
to philosophical pursuits and austerity.' [556]

That Mahmúd should have found it necessary to appoint some local
chief to keep order in Gujarát is probable. It is also probable that
he would choose some one hostile to the defeated king. It has been
suggested above that Bhíma's uncle Durlabha did not retire but was
ousted by his nephew and that the story of Vallabha and Durlabha
dying together pointed to some usurpation on the part of Bhíma. The
phrase the Dábshilíms seems to refer either to Durlabhasena or his
son. Whoever was chosen must have lost his power soon after Mahmúd's
departure. [557]

[Bhíma I. A.D. 1022-1064.] An inscription at Somanátha shows that soon
after Mahmúd was gone Bhímadeva began to build a temple of stone in
place of the former temple of brick and wood.

A few years later Bhíma was on bad terms with Dhandhuka the Paramára
chief of Ábu, and sent his general Vimala to subdue him. Dhandhuka
submitted and made over to Vimala the beautiful Chitrakûta peak of
Ábu, where, in A.D. 1032 (S. 1088), Vimala built the celebrated Jain
temples known as Vimalavasahi still one of the glories of Ábu. [558]

Bhíma had three wives Udayámatí who built a step-well at Anahilaváda,
Bukuládeví, and another. These ladies were the mothers of Karna,
Kshemarája, and Múlarája. Of the three sons Múlarája, though his
mother's name is unknown, was the eldest and the heir-apparent. Of
the kindly Múlarája the author of the Prabandhachintámani tells the
following tale: In a year of scarcity the Kutumbikas or cultivators
of Vishopaka and Dandáhi found themselves unable to pay the king his
share of the land-produce. Bhímarája sent a minister to inquire and
the minister brought before the king all the well-to-do people of the
defaulting villages. One day prince Múlarája saw these men talking
to one another in alarm. Taking pity on them he pleased the king by
his skilful riding. The king asked him to name a boon and the prince
begged that the demand on the villagers might be remitted. The boon was
granted, the ryots went home in glee, but within three days Múlarája
was dead. Next season yielded a bumper harvest, and the people came
to present the king with his share for that year as well as with the
remitted share for the previous year. Bhímdev declined to receive the
arrears. A jury appointed by the king settled that the royal share
of the produce for both years should be placed in the king's hands
for the erection of a temple called the new Tripurushaprásáda for
the spiritual welfare of prince Múlarája. [559]

Bhíma reigned forty-two years. Both the Prabandhachintámani and
the Vichárasreni mention Karna as his successor. According to the
Dvyásraya Bhíma, wishing to retire to a religious life, offered the
succession to Kshemarája. But Kshemarája also was averse from the
labour of ruling and it was settled that Karna should succeed.

Bhíma died soon after and Kshemarája retired to a holy place on the
Sarasvatí named Mundakesvara not far from Anahilaváda. Karna is said
to have granted Dahithalí a neighbouring village to Devaprasáda the
son of Kshemarája that he might attend on his father in his religious
seclusion. But as the Kumárapálacharita mentions Kshemarája being
settled at Dahithalí as a ruler not as an ascetic it seems probable
that Dahithalí was granted to Kshemarája for maintenance as villages
are still granted to the bháyás or brethren of the ruler.

[Karna, A.D. 1064-1094.] Karna who came to the throne in A.D. 1064
(S. 1120) had a more peaceful reign than his predecessors. He was able
to build charitable public works among them a temple called Karna-meru
at Anahilaváda. His only war was an expedition against Áshá Bhil,
chief of six lákhs [560] of Bhils residing at Áshápallí the modern
village of Asával near Ahmadábád. [561] Áshá was defeated and slain. In
consequence of an omen from a local goddess named Kochharva, [562]
Karna built her a temple in Asával and also built temples to Jayantí
Deví and Karnesvara Mahádeva. He made a lake called Karnaságara and
founded a city called Karnávatí which he made his capital.

Karna had three ministers Muñjála, Sántu, and Udaya. Udaya was a
Srímálí Vániá of Márwár, who had settled in Anahilaváda and who was
originally called Udá. Sántu built a Jain temple called Sántu-vasahi
and Udá built at Karnávatí a large temple called Udaya-varáha,
containing seventy-two images of Tirthankars, twenty-four past
twenty-four present and twenty-four to come. By different wives Udá
had five sons, Áhada or Asthada, Cháhada, Báhada, Ámbada, and Sollá,
of whom the last three were half brothers of the first two. [563]
Except Sollá, who continued a merchant and became very wealthy, all
the sons entered the service of the state and rose to high stations
during the reign of Kumárapála.

In late life Karna married Miyánalladeví daughter of Jayakesi son of
Subhakesi king of the Karnátaka. According to the Dvyásraya a wandering
painter showed Karna the portrait of a princess whom he described
as daughter of Jayakesi the Kadamba king [564] of Chandrapura [565]
in the Dakhan, and who he said had taken a vow to marry Karna. In
token of her wish to marry Karna the painter said the princess had
sent Karna an elephant. Karna went to see the present and found on
the elephant a beautiful princess who had come so far in the hope
of winning him for a husband. According to the Prabandhachintámani
Karna found the princess ugly and refused to marry her. On this the
princess with eight attendants determined to burn themselves on a
funeral pyre and Udayámatí Karna's mother also declared that if he
did not relent she too would be a sacrifice. Under this compulsion
Karna married the princess but refused to treat her as a wife. The
minister Muñjála, learning from a kañchukí or palace-servant that the
king loved a certain courtezan, contrived that Miyánalladeví should
take the woman's place, a device still practised by ministers of native
states. Karna fell into the snare and the queen became pregnant by him,
having secured from the hand of her husband his signet ring as a token
which could not be disclaimed. Thus in Karna's old age Miyánalladeví
became the mother of the illustrious Siddharája Jayasimha, who,
according to a local tradition quoted by Mr. Forbes, first saw the
light at Pálanpur. [566] When three years old the precocious Siddharája
climbed and sat upon the throne. This ominous event being brought to
the king's notice he consulted his astrologers who advised that from
that day Siddharája should be installed as heir-apparent.

The Gujarát chronicles do not record how or when Karna died. It appears
from a manuscript that he was reigning in A.D. 1089 (S. 1145). [567]
The Hammíramahákávya says 'The illustrious Karnadeva was killed in
battle by king Dussala of Sákambharí,' and the two appear to have been
cotemporaries. [568] The author of the Dvyásraya says that Karna died
fixing his thoughts on Vishnu, recommending to Siddharája his cousin
Devaprasáda son of Kshemarája. According to the Prabandhachintámani
Vichárasreni and Sukritasankírtana Karna died in A.D. 1094 (S. 1150).

[Siddharája Jayasingha, A.D. 1094-1143.] As, at the time of his
father's death, Siddharája was a minor [569] the reins of government
must have passed into the hands of his mother Miyánalladeví. That
the succession should have been attended with struggle and intrigue
is not strange. According to the Dvyásraya Devaprasáda, the son
of Kshemarája burned himself on the funeral pile shortly after
the death of Karna, an action which was probably the result of
some intrigue regarding the succession. Another intrigue ended in
the death of Madanapála brother of Karna's mother queen Udayámatí,
at the hands of the minister Sántu, who along with Muñjála and Udá,
helped the queen-mother Miyánalladeví during the regency. Muñjála and
Sántu continued in office under Siddharája. Another minister built a
famous Jain temple named Mahárájabhuvana in Sidhpur at the time when
Siddharája built the Rudramálá. An inscription from a temple near
Bhadresar in Kacch dated A.D. 1139 (S. 1195 Áshádha Vad 10, Sunday),
in recording grants to Audíchya Bráhmans to carry on the worship in an
old temple of Udalesvara and in a new temple of Kumárapálesvara built
by Kumárapála son of the great prince Ásapála, [570] notes that Dádáka
was then minister of Siddharája. Among his generals the best known was
a chief named Jagaddeva (Jag Dev), commonly believed to be a Paramára,
many of whose feats of daring are recorded in bardic and popular
romances. [571] Though Jag Dev is generally called a Paramára nothing
of his family is on record. The author of the Prabandhachintámani
describes Jagaddeva as a thrice valiant warrior held in great respect
by Siddharája. After Siddharája's death Jagaddeva went to serve king
Permádi to whose mother's family he was related. [572] Permádi gave
him a chiefship and sent him to attack Málava.

When Siddharája attained manhood his mother prepared to go in great
state on pilgrimage to Somanátha. She went with rich offerings as
far as Báhuloda apparently the large modern village of Bholáda on
the Gujarát-Káthiáváda frontier about twenty-two miles south-west of
Dholká. At this frontier town the Anahilaváda kings levied a tax on
all pilgrims to Somanátha. Many of the pilgrims unable to pay the
tax had to return home in tears. Miyánalladeví was so saddened by
the woes of the pilgrims that she stopped her pilgrimage and returned
home. Siddharája met her on the way and asked her why she had turned
back. Miyánalladeví said, I will neither eat nor go to Somanátha
until you order the remission of the pilgrim tax. Siddharája called
the Bholáda treasurer and found that the levy yielded 72 lákhs a
year. [573] In spite of the serious sacrifice Siddharája broke the
board authorizing the levy of the tax and pouring water from his
hand into his mother's declared that the merit of the remission was
hers. The queen went to Somanátha and worshipped the god with gold
presenting an elephant and other gifts and handing over her own weight
in money.

According to the Prabandhachintámani while Miyánalladeví and
Siddharája were on pilgrimage Yasovarman king of Málwa continually
harassed the Gurjjara-Mandala. Sántu who was in charge of the kingdom
asked Yasovarman on what consideration he would retire. Yasovarman
said he would retire if Siddharája gave up to him the merit of the
pilgrimage to Somesvara. Sántu washed his feet and taking water in
his hand surrendered to Yasovarman the merit of Siddharája, on which,
according to his promise, Yasovarman retired. On his return Siddharája
asked Sántu what he meant by transferring his sovereign's merit to a
rival. Sántu said, 'If you think my giving Yasovarman your merit has
any importance I restore it to you.' [574] This curious story seems
to be a Jain fiction probably invented with the object of casting
ridicule on the Bráhmanical doctrine of merit. Yasovarman was not a
cotemporary of Siddharája. The Málwa king referred to is probably
Yasovarman's predecessor Naravarman, of whom an inscription dated
A.D. 1134 (S. 1190) is recorded. [575]

Under the name Sadharo Jesingh, Siddharája's memory is fresh in
Gujarát as its most powerful, most religious, and most charitable
ruler. Almost every old work of architectural or antiquarian interest
in Gujarát is ascribed to Siddharája. In inscriptions he is styled The
great king of kings, The great lord, The great Bhattáraka, The lord
of Avantí, The hero of the three worlds, The conqueror of Barbaraka,
The universal ruler Siddha, The illustrious Jayasimhadeva. Of these
the commonest attributes are Siddhachakravartín the Emperor of Magic
and Siddharája the Lord of Magic, titles which seem to claim for
the king divine or supernatural powers. [576] In connection with his
assumption of these titles the Kumárapálaprabandha, the Dvyásraya,
and the Prabandhachintámani tell curious tales. According to the
Dvyásraya, the king wandering by night had subdued the Bhútas, Sákinís,
and other spirits. He had also learnt many mantras or charms. From
what he saw at night he would call people in the day time and say 'You
have such a cause of uneasiness' or 'You have such a comfort.' Seeing
that he knew their secrets the people thought that the king knew the
hearts of all men and must be the avatára of some god. A second story
tells how Siddharája helped a Nága prince and princess whom he met by
night on the Sarasvatí. [577] According to a third story told in the
Kumárapálaprabandha two Yoginís or nymphs came from the Himálayas and
asked the king by what mystic powers he justified the use of the title
Siddharája. The king agreed to perform some wonders in open court
in the presence of the nymphs. With the help of a former minister,
Haripála, the king had a dagger prepared whose blade was of sugar and
its handle of iron set with jewels. When the king appeared in court
to perform the promised wonders a deputation of ambassadors from king
Permádi of Kalyánakataka [578] was announced. The deputation entered
and presented the prepared dagger as a gift from their lord. The king
kept the prepared dagger and in its stead sent all round the court
a real dagger which was greatly admired. After the real dagger had
been seen and returned the king said: I will use this dagger to show
my mystic powers, and in its place taking the false dagger ate its
sugar blade. When the blade was eaten the minister stopped the king
and said Let the Yoginís eat the handle. The king agreed and as the
Yoginís failed to eat the handle which was iron the superiority of
the king's magic was proved.

A fourth story in the Dvyásraya tells that when the king was planning
an invasion of Málwa a Yoginí came from Ujjain to Patan and said
'O Rája, if you desire great fame, come to Ujjain and humbly entreat
Kálika and other Yoginís and make friends with Yasovarman the Rája
of Ujjain.' The king contemptuously dismissed her, saying, 'If you
do not fly hence like a female crow, I will cut off your nose and
ears with this sword.'

So also the king's acts of prowess and courage were believed to
be due to magical aid. According to the common belief Siddharája
did his great acts of heroism by the help of a demon named Bábaro,
whom he is said to have subdued by riding on a corpse in a burying
ground. The story in the Prabandhachintámani is similar to that
told of the father of Harshavardhana who subdued a demon with the
help of a Yogí. It is notable that the story had passed into its
present form within a hundred years of Siddharája's death. Somesvara
in his Kírtikaumudí says, 'This moon of kings fettered the prince of
goblins Barbaraka in a burial-place, and became known among the crowd
of kings as Siddharája.' Older records show that the origin of the
story, at least of the demon's name, is historical being traceable to
one of Siddharája's copperplate attributes Barbaraka-jishnu that is
conqueror of Barbaraka. The Dvyásrayakosha represents this Barbara
as a leader of Rákshasas or Mlechhas, who troubled the Bráhmans at
Srísthala-Siddhapura. Jayasimha conquered him and spared his life at
the instance of his wife Pingaliká. Afterwards Barbara gave valuable
presents to Jayasimha and 'served him as other Rájputs.' [579]
Barbaraka seems to be the name of a tribe of non-Áryans whose modern
representatives are the Bábariás settled in South Káthiáváda in the
province still known as Bábariáváda.

A Dohad inscription of the time of Siddharája dated A.D. 1140
(S. 1196) says of his frontier wars: 'He threw into prison the lords
of Suráshtra and Málwa; he destroyed Sindhurája and other kings; he
made the kings of the north bear his commands.' The Suráshtra king
referred to is probably a ruler of the Áhír or Chúdásamá tribe whose
head-quarters were at Junágadh. According to the Prabandhachintámani
Siddharája went in person to subdue Noghan or Navaghani the Áhír
ruler of Suráshtra; he came to Vardhamánapura that is Vadhván and
from Vadhván attacked and slew Noghan. Jinaprabhasúri the author
of the Tírthakalpa says of Girnár that Jayasimha killed the king
named Khengár and made one Sajjana his viceroy in Suráshtra. So many
traditions remain regarding wars with Khengár that it seems probable
that Siddharája led separate expeditions against more than one king of
that name. According to tradition the origin of the war with Khengár
was a woman named Ránakadeví whom Khengára had married. Ránakadeví
was the daughter of a potter of Majevádi village about nine miles
north of Junágadh, so famous for her beauty that Siddharája determined
to marry her. Meanwhile she had accepted an offer from Khengár whose
subject she was and had married him. Siddharája enraged at her marriage
advanced against Khengár, took him prisoner, and annexed Sorath. That
Khengár's kingdom was annexed and Sajjana, mentioned by Jinaprabhasúri,
was appointed Viceroy is proved by a Girnár inscription dated A.D. 1120
(S. 1176).

An era called the Simha Samvatsara connected with the name of Jayasimha
and beginning with A.D. 1113-1114 (S. 1169-70), occurs in several
inscriptions found about Prabhása and South Káthiáváda. This era was
probably started in that year in honour of this conquest of Khengár
and Sorath. [580] The earliest known mention of the Simha Samvatsara
era occurs in a step-well at Mángrol called the Sodhali Váv. The
inscription is of the time of Kumárapála and mentions Sahajiga the
father of Múlaka the grantor as a member of the bodyguard of the
Chálukyas. The inscription states that Sahajiga had several sons
able to protect Sauráshtra, one of whom was Somarája who built the
temple of Sahajigesvara, in the enclosure of the Somanátha temple at
Prabhása; another was Múlaka the náyaka of Suráshtra, who is recorded
to have made grants for the worship of the god by establishing cesses
in Mangalapura or Mángrol and other places. The inscription is dated
A.D. 1146 (Monday the 13th of the dark half of Asvín Vikrama S. 1202
and Simha S. 32). This inscription supports the view that the Simha
era was established by Jayasimha, since if the era belonged to some
other local chief, no Chálukya viceroy would adopt it. The Simha era
appears to have been kept up in Gujarát so long as Anahilapura rule
lasted. The well known Verával inscription of the time of Arjunadeva
is dated Hijri 662, Vikrama S. 1320, Valabhi S. 945, Simha S. 151,
Sunday the 13th of Áshádha Vadi. This inscription shows that the
Simha era was in use for a century and a half during the sovereignty
of Anahilaváda in Suráshtra.

Regarding Sajjana Siddharája's first viceroy in Suráshtra, the
Prabandhachintámani says that finding him worthy the king appointed
Sajjana the dandádhipati of Suráshtradesa. Without consulting his
master Sajjana spent three years' revenue in building a stone temple of
Neminátha on Girnár instead of a wooden temple which he removed. In
the fourth year the king sent four officers to bring Sajjana to
Anahilaváda. The king called on Sajjana to pay the revenues of the
past three years. In reply Sajjana asked whether the king would
prefer the revenue in cash or the merit which had accrued from
spending the revenue in building the temple. Preferring the merit
the king sanctioned the spending of the revenues on the Tírtha and
Sajjana was reappointed governor of Sorath. [581] This stone temple of
Sajjana would seem to be the present temple of Neminátha, though many
alterations have been made in consequence of Muhammadan sacrilege and
a modern enclosure has been added. The inscription of Sajjana which
is dated A.D. 1120 (S. 1176) is on the inside to the right in passing
to the small south gate. It contains little but the mention of the
Sádhu who was Sajjana's constant adviser. On his return from a second
pilgrimage to Somanátha Siddharája who was encamped near Raivataka that
is Girnár expressed a wish to see Sajjana's temple. But the Bráhmans
envious of the Jains persuaded the king that as Girnár was shaped like
a ling it would be sacrilege to climb it. Siddharája respected this
objection and worshipped at the foot of the mountain. From Girnár
he went to Satruñjaya. Here too Bráhmans with drawn swords tried to
prevent the king ascending the hill. Siddharája went in disguise at
night, worshipped the Jain god Ádísvara with Ganges water, and granted
the god twelve neighbouring villages. On the hill he saw so luxuriant
a growth of the sállaki a plant dear to elephants, that he proposed
to make the hill a breeding place for elephants a second Vindhya. He
was reminded what damage wild elephants would cause to the holy place
and for this reason abandoned his plan.

Siddharája's second and greater war was with Málwa. The cotemporary
kings of Málwa were the Paramára ruler Naravarman who flourished from
A.D. 1104 to 1133 (S. 1160-1189) and his son and successor Yasovarman
who ruled up to A.D. 1143 (S. 1199) the year of Siddharája's death As
the names of both these kings occur in different accounts of this war,
and, as the war is said to have lasted twelve years, it seems that
fighting began in the time of Naravarman and that Siddharája's final
victory was gained in the time of Yasovarman in Siddharája's old age
about A.D. 1134 (S. 1190). This view is supported by the local story
that his expedition against Yasovarman was undertaken while Siddharája
was building the Sahasralinga lake and other religious works. It is not
known how the war arose but the statement of the Prabandhachintámani
that Siddharája vowed to make a scabbard of Yasovarman's skin seems to
show that Siddharája received grave provocation. Siddharája is said
to have left the building of the Sahasralinga lake to the masons and
architects and himself to have started for Málwa. The war dragged on
and there seemed little hope of victory when news reached Siddharája
that the three south gates of Dhárá could be forced. With the help
of an elephant an entrance was effected. Yasovarman was captured and
bound with six ropes, and, with his captured enemy as his banner
of victory, Siddharája returned to Anahilapura. He remembered his
vow, but being prevented from carrying it out, he took a little of
Yasovarman's skin and adding other skin to it made a scabbard. The
captured king was thenceforward kept in a cage. It was this complete
conquest and annexation of Málwa that made Siddharája assume the style
of Avantínátha 'Lord of Avantí,' which is mentioned as his biruda or
title in most of the Chaulukya copperplates. [582] Málwa henceforward
remained subject to Anahilaváda. On the return from Málwa an army of
Bhíls who tried to block the way were attacked by the minister Sántu
and put to flight.

Siddharája's next recorded war is with king Madanavarman the Chandela
king of Mahobaka the modern Mahobá in Bundelkhand. Madanavarman, of
whom General Cunningham has found numerous inscriptions dating from
A.D. 1130 to 1164 (S. 1186-1220), [583] was one of the most famous
kings of the Chandela dynasty. An inscription of one of his successors
in Kálanjar fort records that Madanavarman 'in an instant defeated
the king of Gurjjara, as Krishna in former times defeated Kamsa, [584]
a statement which agrees with the Gujarát accounts of the war between
him and Jayasimha. In this conflict the Gujarát accounts do not seem
to show that Siddharája gained any great victory; he seems to have
been contented with a money present. The Kírtikaumudí states that the
king of Mahobaka honoured Siddharája as his guest and paid a fine and
tribute by way of hospitality. The account in the Kumárapálacharita
suggests that Siddharája was compelled to come to terms and make
peace. According to the Kírtikaumudí, and this seems likely, Siddharája
went from Dhárá to Kálanjara. The account in the Prabandhachintámani
is very confused. According to the Kumárapálacharita, on Siddharája's
way back from Dhárá at his camp near Patan a bard came to the court
and said to the king that his court was as wonderful as the court of
Madanavarman. The bard said that Madanavarman was the king of the city
of Mahobaka and most clever, wise, liberal, and pleasure-loving. The
king sent a courtier to test the truth of the bard's statement. The
courtier returned after six months declaring that the bard's account
was in no way exaggerated. Hearing this Siddharája at once started
against Mahobaka and encamping within sixteen miles of the city sent
his minister to summon Madanavarman to surrender. Madanavarman who
was enjoying himself took little notice of the minister. This king,
he said, is the same who had to fight twelve years with Dhárá; if,
as is probable, since he is a kabádi or wild king, he wants money,
pay him what he wants. The money was paid. But Siddharája was so
struck with Madanavarman's indifference that he would not leave until
he had seen him. Madanavarman agreed to receive him. Siddharája went
with a large bodyguard to the royal garden which contained a palace
and enclosed pleasure-house and was guarded by troops. Only four
of Siddharája's guards were allowed to enter. With these four men
Siddharája went in, was shown the palace garden and pleasure-houses
by Madanavarman, was treated with great hospitality, and on his return
to Patan was given a guard of 120 men.

The Dvyásraya says that after his conquest of Ujjain Siddharája seized
and imprisoned the king of a neighbouring country named Sim. We have
no other information on this point.

The Dohad inscription dated A.D. 1140 mentions the destruction of
Sindhurája that is the king of Sindh and other kings. The Kírtikaumudí
also mentions the binding of the lord of Sindhu. Nothing is known
regarding the Sindh war. The Kírtikaumudí mentions that after a
war with Arnorája king of Sámbhar Siddharája gave his daughter to
Arnorája. This seems to be a mistake as the war and alliance with
Arnorája belong to Kumárapála's reign.

Siddharája, who like his ancestors was a Saiva, showed his zeal for
the faith by constructing the two grandest works in Gujarát the
Rudramahálaya at Sidhpur and the Sahasralinga lake at Patan. The
Jain chroniclers always try to show that Siddharája was favourably
inclined to Jainism. But several of his acts go against this claim
and some even show a dislike of the Jains. It is true that the Jain
sage Hemáchárya lived with the king, but the king honoured him as a
scholar rather than as a Jain. On the occasion of the pilgrimage to
Somanátha the king offered Hemáchárya a palanquin, and, as he would
not accept the offer but kept on walking, the king blamed him calling
him a learned fool with no worldly wisdom. Again on one occasion while
returning from Málwa Siddharája encamped at a place called Srínagara,
where the people had decorated their temples with banners in honour
of the king. Finding a banner floating over a Jain temple the king
asked in anger who had placed it there, as he had forbidden the use
of banners on Jain shrines and temples in Gujarát. On being told that
it was a very old shrine dating from the time of Bharata, the king
ordered that at the end of a year the banner might be replaced. This
shows the reverse of a leaning to Jainism. Similarly, according to the
Prabandhachintámani, Hemáchárya never dared to speak to the king in
favour of Jainism but used to say that all religions were good. This
statement is supported by the fact that the opening verses of all
works written by Hemáchárya in the time of Siddharája contain no
special praise of Jain deities.

So great is Siddharája's fame as a builder that almost every old work
in Gujarát is ascribed to him. Tradition gives him the credit of the
Dabhoi fort which is of the time of the Vághelá king Víradhavala,
A.D. 1220-1260. The Prabandhachintámani gives this old verse
regarding Siddharája's public works: 'No one makes a great temple
(Rudramahálaya), a great pilgrimage (to Somanátha), a great Ásthána
(darbár hall), or a great lake (Sahasralinga) such as Siddharája
made.' [585] Of these the Rudramahálaya, though very little is
left, from its size and the beauty of its carving, must have been
a magnificent work the grandest specimen of the architecture of the
Solanki period. The remains of the Sahasralinga lake at Anahilapura
show that it must have been a work of surprising size and richness
well deserving its title of mahásarah or great lake. Numerous other
public works are ascribed to Siddharája. [586]

At this period it seems that the kings of Gujarát Sámbhar and other
districts, seeing the great reputation which his literary tastes had
gained for Bhoja of Dhárá used all to keep Pandits. Certain carvings
on the pillars of a mosque at the south-west of the modern town of
Dhárá show that the building almost as it stands was the Sanskrit
school founded by Bhoja. The carvings in question are beautifully cut
Sanskrit grammar tables. Other inscriptions in praise of Naravarman
show that Bhoja's successors continued to maintain the institution. In
the floor of the mosque are many large shining slabs of black marble,
the largest as much as seven feet long, all of them covered with
inscriptions so badly mutilated that nothing can be made out of
them except that they were Sanskrit and Prakrit verses in honour of
some prince. On a rough estimate the slabs contain as many as 4000
verses. [587] According to the old saying any one who drank of the
Sarasvatí well in Dhárá became a scholar. Sarasvatí's well still exists
near the mosque. Its water is good and it is still known as Akkal-kui
or the Well of Talent. As in Dhárá so in Ajmir the Arháí-dinká
Jhopdá mosque is an old Sanskrit school, recent excavations having
brought to light slabs with entire dramas carved on them. So also the
Gujarát kings had their Pandits and their halls of learning. Srípála,
Siddharája's poet-laureate, wrote a poetical eulogium or prasasti on
the Sahasralinga lake. According to the Prabandhachintámani Siddharája
gathered numerous Pandits to examine the eulogium. As has already
been noticed Siddharája's constant companion was the great scholar
and Jain áchárya Hemachandra also called Hemáchárya, who, under the
king's patronage, wrote a treatise on grammar called Siddhahema,
and also the well-known Dvyásrayakosha which was intended to teach
both grammar and the history of the Solankis. Hemachandra came into
even greater prominence in the time of Kumárapála, when he wrote
several further works and became closely connected with the state
religion. Several stories remain of Siddharája assembling poets,
and holding literary and poetic discussions.

Record is preserved of a sabhá or assembly called by the king to
hear discussions between a Svetámbara Jaina áchárya named Bhattáraka
Devasúri and a Digambara Jaina áchárya named Kumudachandra who had come
from the Karnátak. Devasúri who was living and preaching in the Jain
temple of Arishtanemi at Karnávatí, [588] that is the modern Ahmadábád,
was there visited by Kumudachandra. Devasúri treated his visitor with
little respect telling him to go to Patan and he would follow and hold
a religious discussion or váda. Kumudachandra being a Digambara or
skyclad Jaina went naked to Patan and Siddharája honoured him because
he came from his mother's country. Siddharája asked Hemachandra to
hold a discussion with Kumudachandra and Hemachandra recommended that
Devasúri should be invited as a worthy disputant. At a discussion held
before a meeting called by the king Kumudachandra was vanquished,
probably because the first principle of his Digambara faith that no
woman can attain nirvána, was insulting to the queen-mother, and the
second that no clothes-wearing Jain can gain mukti or absorption,
was an insult to the Jain ministers. The assembly, like Bráhmanical
sabhás at the present day, appears to have declined into noise and
Siddharája had to interfere and keep order. Devasúri was complimented
by the king and taken by one Áhada with great honour to his newly
built Jaina temple. [589]

[Kumárapála, A.D. 1143-1174.] In spite of prayers to Somanátha,
of incantations, and of gifts to Bráhmans, Siddharája Jayasimha
had no son. The throne passed into the line of Tribhuvanapála
the great-grandson of Bhímadeva I. (A.D. 1074-62) who was
ruling as a feudatory of Siddharája at his ancestral appanage
of Dahithalí. Tribhuvanapála's pedigree is Bhímadeva I.; his son
Kshemarája by Bakuládeví a concubine; his son Haripála; his son
Tribhuvanapála. By his queen Kásmíradeví Tribhuvanapála had three sons
Mahípála, Kírttipála, and Kumárapála, and two daughters Premaladeví
and Devaladeví. Premaladeví was married to one of Siddharája's
nobles a cavalry general named Kánhada or Krishnadeva: Devaladeví was
married to Arnorája [590] or Anarája king of Sákambhari or Sámbhar,
the Ánalladeva of the Hammíramahákávya. Kumárapála himself was
married by his father to one Bhupáladeví. According to the Dvyásraya,
Tribhuvanapála was on good terms with Siddharája serving him and going
with him to war. The Kumárapálacharita also states that Kumárapála
used to attend the court of Siddharája. But from the time he came to
feel that he would have no son and that the bastard Kumárapála would
succeed him Siddharája became embittered against Kumárapála. According
to the Jain chronicles Siddharája was told by the god Somanátha,
by the sage Hemachandra, by the goddess Ambiká of Kodinár, [591] and
by astrologers that he would have no son and that Kumárapála would
be his successor. According to the Kumárapálacharita so bitter did
his hate grow that Siddharája planned the death of Tribhuvanapála
and his family including Kumárapála. Tribhuvanapála was murdered
but Kumárapála escaped. Grieved at this proof of the king's hatred
Kumárapála consulted his brother-in-law Krishnadeva who advised him
to leave his family at Dahithalí and go into exile promising to keep
him informed of what went on at Anahilapura. Kumárapála left in the
disguise of a jatádhári or recluse and escaped the assassins whom the
king had ordered to slay him. After some time Kumárapála returned
and in spite of his disguise was recognized by the guards. They
informed the king who invited all the ascetics in the city to a
dinner. Kumárapála came but noticing that the king recognized him in
spite of his disguise, he fled. The king sent a trusted officer with
a small force in pursuit. Kumárapála persuaded some husbandmen, the
chief of whom was Bhímasimha, to hide him in a heap of thorns. The
pursuers failing to find him returned. At night Kumárapála was let
out bleeding from the thorns, and promised the husbandmen that the
day would come when their help would be rewarded. He then shaved his
topknot or jatá and while travelling met with a lady named Devasrí of
Udambara village who pitying him took him into her chariot and gave him
food. Kumárapála promised to regard her as a sister. He then came to
Dahithalí where the royal troops had already arrived. Siddharája sent
an army which invested the village leaving Kumárapála without means
of escape. He went to a potter named Sajjana or Alinga who hid him in
the flues of his brick-kiln throwing hay over him. The troops searched
the village, failed to find Kumárapála, and retired. The potter then
helped Kumárapála from his hiding place and fed him. A former friend
named Bosari joined Kumárapála and they went away together Kumárapála
commending his family to the care of Sajjana. On the first day they
had no food. Next day Bosari went to beg and they together ate the food
given to Bosari in a monastery or math where they slept. In time they
came to Cambay where they called upon Hemáchárya and asked him their
future. Hemáchárya knew and recognized Kumárapála. Kumárapála asked
when fate would bless him. Before Hemáchárya could reply Udayana,
one of the king's ministers, came. Hemáchárya said to Udayana,
'This is Kumárapála who shall shortly be your king.' Hemáchárya
also gave Kumárapála a writing stating that he would succeed to the
throne. Kumárapála acknowledged his obligations to Hemáchárya and
promised to follow his advice. Udayana took him to his house and
gave him food and clothes. Siddharája came to know of this and sent
his soldiers who began to search. Kumárapála returned to Hemáchárya
who hid him in a cellar covering its door with manuscripts and palm
leaves. The soldiers came but failed to search under the manuscripts
and returned. Kumárapála acknowledged his obligations to Hemáchárya and
said he owed him two great debts one for telling him the day on which
he would come to the throne; the other for saving his life. Kumárapála
left Cambay at midnight, the minister Udayana supplying him with
provisions. From Cambay he went to Vatapadrapura probably Baroda,
where feeling hungry he entered the shop of a Vánia named Katuka
and asked for parched gram. The Vánia gave the gram and seeing that
Kumárapála had no money accepted his promise of future payment. From
Baroda he came to Bhrigukachh or Broach where he saw a soothsayer and
asked him his future. The soothsayer, seeing the bird kali-deví perched
on the temple flagstaff, said 'You will shortly be king.' Kumárapála
shaved his matted hair and went from Broach to Ujjain where he met
his family. But as here too the royal troops followed him he fled to
Kolhápura where he came across a Yogí who foretold his succession
to a throne and gave him two spells or mantras. From Kolhápura
Kumárapála went to Káñchí or Conjeveram and from there to the city
of Kálambapattana. [592] The king of Kálambapattana Pratápasimha
received him like an elder brother and brought him into his city,
built a temple of Sivananda Kumárapálesvara in his honour, and even
issued a coin called a Kumárapála. From Kálambapattana Kumárapála
went to Chitrakúta or Chitor and from there to Ujjain whence he took
his family to Siddhapura going on alone to Anahilapura to see his
brother-in-law Krishnadeva. According to the Vichárasreni Siddharája
died soon after in A.D. 1143 on the 3rd of Kárttika Suddha Samvat 1199.

In the dissensions that followed the king's death
Kumárapála's interests were well served by his brother-in-law
Krishnadeva. Eventually the names of three candidates, Kumárapála and
two others, were laid before the state nobles sitting in council to
determine who should be king. Of the three candidates the two others
were found wanting, and Kumárapála was chosen and installed according
to the Vichárasreni on the 4th of Márgasírsha Suddha and according
to the Kumárapálaprabandha on the 4th of Márgasírsha Vadhya. At the
time of his succession, according to the Prabandhachintámani and the
Kumárapálaprabandha, Kumárapála was about fifty years of age.

On his accession Kumárapála installed his wife Bhupáladeví his anointed
queen or pattaráni; appointed Udayana who had befriended him at Cambay
minister; Báhada or Vágbhata son of Udayana [593] chief councillor
or mahámátya; and Alinga second councillor or mahápradhána. Áhada
or Árabhatta, apparently another son of Udayana, did not acknowledge
Kumárapála and went over to Arnorája Ánáka or Ano king of Sapádalaksha
or the Sámbhar territory who is probably the same as the Ánalladeva
of the Hammíramahákávya. [594]

The potter Sajjana was rewarded with a grant of seven hundred villages
near Chitrakúta or Chitoda fort in Rájputána, and the author of
the Prabandhachintámani notices that in his time the descendants of
the potter ashamed of their origin called themselves descendants of
Sagara. Bhímasimha who hid Kumárapála in the thorns was appointed head
of the bodyguard; Devasrí made the sister's mark on the royal forehead
at the time of Kumárapála's installation and was granted the village of
Devayo; [595] and Katuka the Vániá of Baroda, who had given Kumárapála
parched gram was granted the village of Vatapadra or Baroda. Bosari
Kumárapála's chief companion was given Látamandala, which seems to
mean that he was appointed viceroy of Láta or South Gujarát.

Kanhada or Krishnadeva Kumárapála's brother-in-law and adviser
overvaluing his great services became arrogant and disobedient
insulting the king in open court. As remonstrance was of no avail
the king had Krishnadeva waylaid and beaten by a band of athletes and
taken almost dying to his wife the king's sister. From this time all
the state officers were careful to show ready obedience.

The old ministry saw that under so capable and well served a ruler
their power was gone. They accordingly planned to slay the king
and place their own nominee on the throne. The king heard of the
plot: secured the assassins: and employed them in murdering the
conspirators. According to the Prabandhachintámani, Áhada or Árabhatta
who had gone over to the Sámbhar king and was in charge of the Sámbhar
infantry, bribed the local nobles as a preliminary to a war which he
had planned against Kumárapála. He so far succeeded as to bring Ána
or Ánáka the Sámbhar king with the whole of his army to the borders
of Gujarát to fight Kumárapála. Kumárapála went to meet Ánáka. But,
in consequence of intrigues, in the battle that followed the Gujarát
army did not obey orders. Kumárapála advanced in front on an elephant,
and Báhada trying to climb on Kumárapála's elephant was thrown to the
ground and slain. Ánáka was also pierced with arrows and the Sámbhar
army was defeated and plundered of its horses. [596]

The Dvyásraya, probably by the aid of the author's imagination,
gives a fuller account of this war. One fact of importance recorded
in the Dvyásraya is that Ánáka though defeated was not slain, and, to
bring hostilities to an end, gave his daughter Jalhaná to Kumárapála
in marriage. [597] The Kumárapálacharita calls the Sámbhar king
Arnorája and says that it was Kumárapála who invaded the Sámbhar
territory. According to this account Kumárapála went to Chandrávatí
near Ábu and taking its Paramára king Vikramasimha with him marched
to Sákambhari or Sámbhar and fought Arnorája who was defeated but not
killed. Kumárapála threatened to cut out Arnorája's tongue but let
him go on condition that his people wore a headdress with a tongue on
each side. Arnorája is said to have been confined in a cage for three
days and then reinstalled as Kumárapála's feudatory. Vikramasimha of
Chandrávatí, who in the battle had sided with Arnorája, was punished
by being disgraced before the assembled seventy-two feudatories at
Anahilaváda and was sent to prison, his throne being given to his
nephew Yasodhavala. After his victory over Arnorája Kumárapála fought,
defeated, and, according to the Kírtikaumudí, beheaded Ballála king
of Málwa who had invaded Gujarát. The result of this contest seems to
have been to reduce Málwa to its former position of dependence on the
Anahilaváda kings. More than one inscription of Kumárapála's found in
the temple of Udayáditya as far north as Udayapura near Bhilsa shows
that he conquered the whole of Málwa, as the inscriptions are recorded
by one who calls himself Kumárapála's general or dandanáyaka. [598]

Another of Kumárapála's recorded victories is over Mallikárjuna
said to be king of the Konkan who we know from published lists of
the North Konkan Siláháras flourished about A.D. 1160. The author
of the Prabandhachintámani says this war arose from a bard of king
Mallikárjuna speaking of him before king Kumárapála as Rájapitámaha or
grandfather of kings. [599] Kumárapála annoyed at so arrogant a title
looked around. Ámbadá, [600] one of the sons of Udayana, divining the
king's meaning, raised his folded hands to his forehead and expressed
his readiness to fight Mallikárjuna. The king sent him with an army
which marched to the Konkan without halting. At the crossing of the
Kaláviní it was met and defeated by Mallikárjuna. Ámbadá returned in
disgrace and shrouding himself, his umbrella and his tents in crape
retreated to Anahilaváda. The king finding Ámbada though humiliated
ready to make a second venture gave him a larger and better appointed
force. With this army Ámbadá again started for the Konkan, crossed the
Kaláviní, attacked Mallikárjuna, and in a hand-to-hand fight climbed
his elephant and cut off his head. This head cased in gold with other
trophies of the war he presented to the king on his triumphant return
to Anahilapura. The king was greatly pleased and gave Ámbadá the
title of Rájapitámaha. Of this Mallikárjuna two stone inscriptions
have been found one at Chiplún dated A.D. 1156 (Saka 1078) the other
at Bassein dated A.D. 1160 (Saka 1082). If the story that Mallikárjuna
was slain is true the war must have taken place during the two years
between A.D. 1160 and 1162 (Saka 1082, 1084) which latter is the
earliest known date of Mallikárjuna's successor Aparáditya.

The Kumárapálacharita also records a war between Kumárapála and
Samara king of Suráshtra or south Káthiáváda, the Gujarát army being
commanded by Kumárapála's minister Udayana. The Prabandhachintámani
gives Sausara as the name of the Suráshtra king [601]: possibly he
was some Gohilvád Mehr chief. Udayana came with the army to Vadhwán,
and letting it advance went to Pálitána. While he was worshipping at
Pálitána, a mouse carried away the burning wick of the lamp. Reflecting
on the risk of fire in a wooden temple Udayana determined to rebuild
the temple of stone. In the fight with Sausara the Gujarát army was
defeated and Udayana was mortally wounded. [602] Before Udayana died
he told his sons that he had meant to repair the temple of Ádísvara
on Satruñjaya and the Sakuniká Vihára at Broach and also to build
steps up the west face of Girnár. His sons Báhada and Ámbadá promised
to repair the two shrines. Subsequently both shrines were restored,
Kumárapála and Hemáchárya and the council of Anahilapura attending
at the installation of Suvrittinátha in the Sakuniká Vihára. The
Girnár steps were also cut, according to more than one inscription
in A.D. 1166 (S. 1222). [603] This war and Udayana's death must
have occurred about A.D. 1149 (S. 1205) as the temple of Ádnátha
was finished in A.D. 1156-57 (S. 1211). Báhada also established near
Satruñjaya a town called Báhadapura and adorned it with a temple called
Tribhuvanapálavasati. [604] After the fight with Sausara Kumárapála
was threatened with another war by Karna [605] king of Dáhala or
Chedi. Spies informed the king of the impending invasion as he was
starting on a pilgrimage to Somanátha. Next day he was relieved from
anxiety by the news that while sleeping on an elephant at night king
Karna's necklace became entangled in the branch of a banyan tree,
and the elephant suddenly running away, the king was strangled.

The Prabandhachintámani records an expedition against Sámbhar which
was entrusted to Cháhada a younger brother of Báhada. Though Cháhada
was known to be extravagant, the king liked him, and after giving him
advice placed him in command. On reaching Sámbhar Cháhada invested the
fort of Bábránagar but did not molest the people as on that day 700
brides had to be married. [606] Next day the fort was entered, the city
was plundered, and the supremacy of Kumárapála was proclaimed. This
Bábránagar has not been identified. There appears to be some
confusion and the place may not be in Sámbhar but in Bábariáváda in
Káthiáváda. Cháhada returned triumphant to Patan. The king expressed
himself pleased but blamed Cháhada for his lavish expenditure and
conferred on him the title of Rája-gharatta the King-grinder.

Though the Gujarát chronicles give no further details an inscription
in the name of Kumárapála in a temple at Udepur near Bhilsa dated
A.D. 1166 records that on Monday, Akshaya tritiyá the 3rd of Vaisákh
Sud (S. 1222), Thakkara Cháhada granted half the village of Sangaváda
in the Rangáriká district or bhukti. Just below this inscription is
a second also bearing the name of Kumárapála. The year is lost. But
the occasion is said to be an eclipse on Thursday the 15th of Paush
Sudi when a gift was made to the god of Udayapura by Yasodhavala the
viceroy of Kumárapála. [607]

Similar inscriptions of Kumárapála's time and giving his name occur
near the ruined town of Kerádu or Kiráta-Kúpa near Bálmer in Western
Rájputána. The inscriptions show that Kumárapála had another Amátya or
minister there, and that the kings of the country round Kerádu had been
subject to Gujarát since the time of Siddharája Jayasimha. Finally
the inscription of Kumárapála found by Colonel Tod in a temple of
Brahma on the pinnacle of Chitoda fort [608] shows that his conquests
extended as far as Mewáda.

According to the Kumárapálachintámani Kumárapála married one Padmávatí
of Padmapura. The chronicler describes the city as to the west of
the Indus. Perhaps the lady belonged to Padmapura, a large town
in Kashmír. Considering his greatness as a king and conqueror the
historical record of Kumárapála is meagre and incomplete. Materials
may still come to light which will show his power to have been
surprisingly widespread.

Mr. Forbes [609] records the following Bráhmanical tradition of a
Mewáda queen of Kumárapála, which has probably been intentionally
omitted by the Jain chroniclers.

Kumárapála, says the Bráhman tradition, had wedded a Sisodaní Ráni,
a daughter of the house of Mewáda. At the time that the sword went for
her the Sisodaní heard that the Rája had made a vow that his wives
should receive initiation into the Jain religion at Hemáchárya's
convent before entering the palace. The Ráni refused to start for
Patan until she was satisfied she would not be called on to visit the
Áchárya's convent. Jayadeva Kumárapála's household bard became surety
and the queen consented to go to Anahilapura. Several days after her
arrival Hemáchárya said to the Rája 'The Sisodaní Ráni has never come
to visit me.' Kumárapála told her she must go. The Ráni refused and
fell ill, and the bard's wives went to see her. Hearing her story they
disguised her as one of themselves and brought her privately home to
their house. At night the bard dug a hole in the wall of the city,
and taking the Ráni through the hole started with her for Mewáda. When
Kumárapála became aware of the Ráni's flight he set off in pursuit
with two thousand horse. He came up with the fugitives about fifteen
miles from the fort of Idar. The bard said to the Ráni, 'If you can
enter Idar you are safe. I have two hundred horse with me. As long
as a man of us remains no one shall lay hands on you.' So saying
he turned upon his pursuers. But the Ráni's courage failed and she
slew herself in the carriage. As the fight went on and the pursuers
forced their way to the carriage, the maids cried 'Why struggle more,
the Ráni is dead.' Kumárapála and his men returned home. [610]

The Paramára chiefs of Chandrávatí near Ábu were also feudatories
of Kumárapála. It has been noted that to punish him for siding with
Arnorája of Sámbhar Kumárapála placed Vikrama Simha the Chandrávatí
chief in confinement and set Vikrama's nephew Yasodhavala on his
throne. That Kumárapála conquered the chiefs of Sámbhar and Málwa is
beyond question. Among his names is the proud title Avantí-nátha Lord
of Málwa.

The Kumárapálaprabandha gives the following limits of Kumárapála's
sway. The Turushkas or Turks on the north; the heavenly Ganges on
the east; the Vindhya mountains on the south; the Sindhu river on
the west. [611] Though in tradition Kumárapála's name does not
stand so high as a builder as the name of Siddharája Jayasimha
he carried out several important works. The chief of these was
the restoring and rebuilding of the great shrine of Somesvara or
Somanátha Patan. According to the Prabandhachintámani when Kumárapála
asked Devasúri the teacher of Hemáchárya how best to keep his name
remembered Devasúri replied: Build a new temple of Somanátha fit to
last an age or yuga, instead of the wooden one which is ruined by the
ocean billows. Kumárapála approved and appointed a building committee
or pañchakula headed by a Bráhman named Ganda Bháva Brihaspati
the state officer at Somanátha. At the instance of Hemáchárya the
king on hearing the foundations were laid vowed until the temple
was finished he would keep apart from women and would take neither
flesh nor wine. In proof of his vow he poured a handful of water over
Nílakantha Mahádeva, probably his own royal god. After two years the
temple was completed and the flag hoisted. Hemáchárya advised the
king not to break his vow until he had visited the new temple and
paid his obeisance to the god. The king agreed and went to Somanátha,
Hemáchárya preceding him on foot and promising to come to Somanátha
after visiting Satruñjaya and Girnár. On reaching Somanátha the king
was received by Ganda-Brihaspati his head local officer and by the
building committee, and was taken in state through the town. At the
steps of the temple the king bowed his head to the ground. Under the
directions of Ganda-Brihaspati he worshipped the god, made gifts of
elephants and other costly articles including his own weight in coin,
and returned to Anahilapura.

It is interesting to know that the present battered sea-shore temple
of Somanátha, whose garbhágára or shrine has been turned into a mosque
and whose spire has been shattered, is the temple of whose building
and consecration the above details are preserved. This is shown by
the style of the architecture and sculpture which is in complete
agreement with the other buildings of the time of Kumárapála. [612]

Kumárapála's temple seems to have suffered in every subsequent
Muhammadan invasion, in Alaf Khan's in A.D. 1300, in Mozaffar's in
A.D. 1390, in Mahmúd Begada's about A.D. 1490, and in Muzaffar II.'s
about A.D. 1530. Time after time no sooner had the invader passed than
the work of repair began afresh. One of the most notable restorations
was by Khengár IV. (A.D. 1279-1333) a Chúdásamá king of Junágadh who
is mentioned in two Girnár inscriptions as the repairer of Somanátha
after its desecration by Alá-ud-dín Khilji. The latest sacrilege,
including the turning of the temple into a mosque, was in the time
of the Ahmadábád king Muzaffar Sháh II. (A.D. 1511-1535). Since then
no attempt has been made to win back the god into his old home.

In the side wall near the door of the little shrine of Bhadrakáli
in Patan a broken stone inscription gives interesting details of the
temple of Somanátha. Except that the right hand corners of some of the
lines are broken, the inscription is clear and well preserved. It is
dated A.D. 1169 (Valabhi 850). It records that the temple of the god
Somesa was first of gold built by Soma; next it was of silver built
by Rávana; afterwards of wood built by Krishna; and last of stone
built by Bhímadeva. The next restoration was through Ganda-Brihaspati
under Kumárapála. Of Ganda-Brihaspati it gives these details. He was
a Kanyákubja or Kanoj Bráhman of the Pásupata school, a teacher of
the Málwa kings, and a friend of Siddharája Jayasimha. He repaired
several other temples and founded several other religious buildings
in Somanátha. He also repaired the temple of Kedáresvara in Kumaon
on learning that the Khasa king of that country had allowed it to
fall into disrepair. After the time of Kumárapála the descendants of
Ganda-Brihaspati remained in religious authority in Somanátha.

Kumárapála made many Jain benefactions. [613] He repaired the temple
of Ságala-Vasahiká at Stambha-tírtha or Cambay where Hemáchárya
received his initiation or díkshá. In honour of the lady who gave him
barley flour and curds he built a temple called the Karambaka-Vihára
in Patan. He also built in Patan a temple called the Mouse or
Mushaka-Vihára to free himself from the impurity caused by killing a
mouse while digging for treasure. At Dhandhuka Hemáchárya's birthplace
a temple called the Jholiká-Vihára or cradle temple was built. Besides
these Kumárapála is credited with building 1444 temples.

Though Kumárapála was not a learned man, his ministers were men
of learning, and he continued the practice of keeping at his court
scholars especially Sanskrit poets. Two of his leading Pandits were
Rámachandra and Udayachandra both of them Jains. Rámachandra is often
mentioned in Gujaráti literature and appears to have been a great
scholar. He was the author of a book called the Hundred Accounts or
Prabandhasata. After Udayana's death Kumárapála's chief minister was
Kapardi a man of learning skilled in Sanskrit poetry. And all through
his reign his principal adviser was Hemachandra or Hemáchárya probably
the most learned man of his time. Though Hemáchárya lived during the
reigns both of Siddharája and of Kumárapála, only under Kumárapála
did he enjoy political power as the king's companion and religious
adviser. What record remains of the early Solankis is chiefly due
to Hemachandra.

The Jain life of Hemáchárya abounds in wonders. Apart from the magic
and mystic elements the chief details are: Cháchiga a Modh Vánia
of Dhandhuka [614] in the district of Ardháshtama had by his wife
Páhiní [615] of the Chámunda gotra, a boy named Chángodeva who was
born A.D. 1089 (Kartik fullmoon Samvat 1145). A Jain priest named
Devachandra Áchárya (A.D. 1078-1170; S. 1134-1226) came from Patan
to Dhandhuka and when in Dhandhuka went to pay his obeisance at the
Modh Vasahiká. While Devachandra was seated Chángodeva came playing
with other boys and went and sat beside the áchárya. Struck with the
boy's audacity and good looks the áchárya went with the council of the
village to Cháchiga's house. Cháchiga was absent but his wife being a
Jain received the áchárya with respect. When she heard that her son
was wanted by the council, without waiting to consult her husband,
she handed the boy to the áchárya who carried him off to Karnávatí
and kept him there with the sons of the minister Udayana. Cháchiga,
disconsolate at the loss of his son, went in quest of him vowing to
eat nothing till the boy was found. He came to Karnávatí and in an
angry mood called on the áchárya to restore him his son. Udayana was
asked to interfere and at last persuaded Cháchiga to let the boy stay
with Devachandra.

In A.D. 1097, when Chángodeva was eight years old Cháchiga
celebrated his son's consecration or díkshá and gave him the name of
Somachandra. As the boy became extremely learned Devachandra changed
his name to Hemachandra the Moon of gold. In A.D. 1110 (S. 1166)
at the age of 21, his mastery of all the Sástras and Siddhántas was
rewarded by the dignity of Súri or sage. Siddharája was struck with
his conversation and honoured him as a man of learning. Hemachandra's
knowledge, wisdom and tact enabled him to adhere openly to his Jain
rules and beliefs though Siddharája's dislike of Jain practices was
so great as at times to amount to insult. After one of their quarrels
Hemáchárya kept away from the king for two or three days. Then the
king seeing his humility and his devotion to his faith repented
and apologised. The two went together to Somanátha Patan and there
Hemáchárya paid his obeisance to the linga in a way that did not
offend his own faith. During Siddharája's reign Hemáchárya wrote his
well known grammar with aphorisms or sútras and commentary or vritti
called Siddha-Hemachandra, a title compounded of the king's name and
his own. As the Bráhmans found fault with the absence of any detailed
references to the king in the work Hemachandra added one verse at
the end of each chapter in praise of the king. During Siddharája's
reign he also wrote two other works, the Haimínámamálá, "String
of Names composed by Hema(chandra)" or Abhidhánachintámani and the
Anekárthanámamálá, a Collection of words of more than one meaning. He
also began the Dvyásrayakosha [616] or Double Dictionary being both
a grammar and a history. In spite of his value to Kumárapála, in
the beginning of Kumárapála's reign Hemáchárya was not honoured as
a spiritual guide and had to remain subordinate to Bráhmans. When
Kumárapála asked him what was the most important religious work
he could perform Hemáchárya advised the restoring of the temple of
Somanátha. Still Hemáchárya so far won the king to his own faith that
till the completion of the temple he succeeded in persuading the
king to take the vow of ahimsá or non-killing which though common
to both faiths is a specially Jain observance. Seeing this mark
of his ascendancy over the king, the king's family priest and other
Bráhmans began to envy and thwart Hemáchárya. On the completion of the
temple, when the king was starting for Somanátha for the installation
ceremony, the Bráhmans told him that Hemáchárya did not mean to go
with him. Hemáchárya who had heard of the plot had already accepted
the invitation. He said being a recluse he must go on foot, and that
he also wanted to visit Girnár, and from Girnár would join the king
at Somanátha. His object was to avoid travelling in a palanquin with
the king or suffering a repetition of Siddharája's insult for not
accepting a pálkí. Soon after reaching Somanátha Kumárapála asked
after Hemáchárya. The Bráhmans spread a story that he had been
drowned, but Hemáchárya was careful to appear in the temple as the
king reached it. The king saw him, called him, and took him with him
to the temple. Some Bráhmans told the king that the Jain priest would
not pay any obeisance to Siva, but Hemáchárya saluted the god in the
following verse in which was nothing contrary to strict Jainism:
'Salutation to him, whether he be Brahma, Vishnu, Hara, or Jina,
from whom have fled desires which produce the sprouts of the seed of
worldliness.' [617] After this joint visit to Somanátha Hemachandra
gained still more ascendancy over the king, who appreciated his
calmness of mind and his forbearance. The Bráhmans tried to prevent
the growth of his influence, but in the end Hemachandra overcame
them. He induced the king to place in the sight of his Bráhmanical
family priests an image of Sántinátha Tírthankara among his family
gods. He afterwards persuaded Kumárapála publicly to adopt the Jain
faith by going to the hermitage of Hemachandra and giving numerous
presents to Jain ascetics. Finally under his influence Kumárapála put
away all Bráhmanical images from his family place of worship. Having
gone such lengths Kumárapála began to punish the Bráhmans who insulted
Hemachandra. A Bráhman named Vámarási, a Pandit at the royal court,
who composed a verse insulting Hemachandra, lost his annuity and was
reduced to beggary, but on apologising to Hemachandra the annuity was
restored. Another Bráhmanical officer named Bháva Brihaspati, who was
stationed at Somanátha, was re-called for insulting Hemachandra. But
he too on apologising to Hemachandra was restored to Somanátha. Under
Hemachandra's influence Kumárapála gave up the use of flesh and wine,
ceased to take pleasure in the chase, and by beat of drum forbade
throughout his kingdom the taking of animal life. He withdrew their
licenses from hunters, fowlers and fishermen, and forced them to adopt
other callings. To what lengths this dread of life-taking was carried
appears from an order that only filtered water was to be given to
all animals employed in the royal army. Among the stories told of the
king's zeal for life-saving is one of a Bania of Sámbhar who having
been caught killing a louse was brought in chains to Anahilaváda,
and had his property confiscated and devoted to the building at
Anahilaváda of a Louse Temple or Yúká-Vihára. According to another
story a man of Nador in Márwár was put to death by Kelhana the chief
of Nador to appease Kumárapála's wrath at hearing that the man's wife
had offered flesh to a field-god or kshetrapála. Hemachandra also
induced the king to forego the claim of the state to the property of
those who died without a son.

During Kumárapála's reign Hemachandra wrote many well known Sanskrit
and Prakrit works on literature and religion. Among these are the
Adhyátmopanishad or Yogasástra a work of 12,000 verses in twelve
chapters called Prakásas, the Trisáshthisálákápurushacharitra or lives
of sixty-three Jain saints of the Utsarpiní and Avasarpiní ages;
the Parisishtaparvan, a work of 3500 verses being the life of Jain
Sthaviras who flourished after Mahávíra; the Prákrita Sabdánusásana
or Prákrit grammar; the Dvyásraya [618] a Prakrit poem written with
the double object of teaching grammar and of giving the history
of Kumárapála; the Chhandonusásana a work of about 6000 verses on
prosody; the Lingánusásana a work on genders; the Desínámamálá in
Prakrit with a commentary a work on local and provincial words;
and the Alankárachúdámani a work on rhetoric. Hemachandra died in
A.D. 1172 (S. 1229) at the age of 84. The king greatly mourned his
loss and marked his brow with Hemachandra's ashes. Such crowds came
to share in the ashes of the pyre that the ground was hollowed into
a pit known as the Haima-Khadda or Hema's Pit.

Kumárapála lived to a great age. According to the author of the
Prabandhachintámani he was fifty when he succeeded to the throne, and
after ruling about thirty-one years died in A.D. 1174 (S. 1230). He is
said to have died of lúta a form of leprosy. Another story given by the
Kumárapálaprabandha is that Kumárapála was imprisoned by his nephew and
successor Ajayapála. The Kumárapálaprabandha gives the exact length of
Kumárapála's reign at 30 years 8 months and 27 days. If the beginning
of Kumárapála's reign is placed at the 4th Magsar Sud Samvat 1299,
the date of the close, taking the year to begin in Kártika, would be
Bhádrapada Suddha Samvat 1229. If with Gujarát almanacs the year is
taken to begin in Áshádha, the date of the close of the reign would be
Bhádrapada of Samvat 1230. It is doubtful whether either Samvat 1229 or
1230 is the correct year, as an inscription dated Samvat 1229 Vaishákha
Suddha 3rd at Udayapura near Bhilsá describes Ajayapála Kumárapála's
successor as reigning at Anahilapura. This would place Kumárapála's
death before the month of Vaishákha 1229 that is in A.D. 1173. [619]

[Ajayapála, A.D. 1174-1177.] As Kumárapála had no son he was succeeded
by Ajayapála the son of his brother Mahípála. [620] According to
the Kumárapálaprabandha Kumárapála desired to give the throne to
his daughter's son Pratápamalla, but Ajayapála raised a revolt and
got rid of Kumárapála by poison. The Jain chroniclers say nothing
of the reign of Ajayapála because he was not a follower of their
religion. The author of the Sukritasankírtana notices a small silver
canopy or pavilion shown in Ajayapála's court as a feudatory's gift
from the king of Sapádalaksha [621] or Sewálik. The author of the
Kírtikaumudí dismisses Ajayapála with the mere mention of his name,
and does not even state his relationship with Kumárapála. According to
the Prabandhachintámani Ajayapála destroyed the Jain temples built by
his uncle. He showed no favour to Ámbadá and Kumárapála's other Jain
ministers. Ajayapála seems to have been of a cruel and overbearing
temper. He appointed as his minister Kapardi because he was of the
Bráhmanical faith. [622] But considering his manners arrogant he
ordered him to be thrown into a caldron of boiling oil. On another
occasion he ordered the Jain scholar Rámachandra to sit on a red-hot
sheet of copper. One of his nobles Ámra-bhata or Ámbadá refused to
submit to the king, saying that he would pay obeisance only to Vítarája
or Tírthankara as god, to Hemachandra as guide, and to Kumárapála as
king. Ajayapála ordered the matter to be settled by a fight. Ámbadá
brought some of his followers to the drum-house near the gate, and
in the fight that followed Ámbadá was killed. In A.D. 1177 (S. 1233),
after a short reign of three years, Ajayapála was slain by a doorkeeper
named Vijjaladeva who plunged a dagger into the king's heart. [623]

[Múlarája II., A.D. 1177-1179.] Ajayapála was succeeded by his son
Múlarája II. also called Bála Múlarája as he was only a boy when
installed. His mother was Náikídeví the daughter of Paramardi,
apparently the Kádamba king Permádi or Siva Chitta who reigned
from A.D. 1147 to 1175 (S. 1203-1231). [624] The authors of
the Kírtikaumudí [625] and the Sukritasankírtana say that even
in childhood Múlarája II. dispersed the Turushka or Muhammadan
army. [626] The Prabandhachintámani states that the king's mother
fought at the Gádaráraghatta and that her victory was due to a sudden
fall of rain. Múlarája II. is said to have died in A.D. 1179 (S. 1235)
after a reign of two years.

[Bhíma II. A.D. 1179-1242.] Múlarája II. was succeeded by Bhíma II. The
relationship of the two is not clearly established. Mr. Forbes makes
Bhíma the younger brother of Ajayapála. But it appears from the
Kírtikaumudí and the Sukritasankírtana that Bhíma was the younger
brother of Múlarája. The Sukritasankírtana after concluding the
account of Múlarája, [627] calls Bhíma 'asya bandhu' 'his brother,'
and the Kírtikaumudí, after mentioning the death of Múlarája, says
that Bhíma his younger brother 'anujanmásya' became king. [628]
Múlarája we know came to the throne as a child. Of Bhíma also
the Kírtikaumudí says that he came to the throne while still in
his childhood, and this agrees with the statements that he was
the younger brother of Múlarája. Bhíma probably came to the throne
A.D. 1178 (S. 1234). There is no doubt he was reigning in A.D. 1179
(S. 1235), as an inscription in the deserted village of Kerálu near
Bálmer of Anahilaváda dated A.D. 1179 (S. 1235) states that it was
written 'in the triumphant reign of the illustrious Bhímadeva.' [629]
A further proof of his reigning in A.D. 1179 (S. 1235) and of his
being a minor at that time is given in the following passage from the
Tabakát-i-Násirí: In A.D. 1178 (Hijri 574) the Ráí of Nahrwálá Bhímdeo,
was a minor, but he had a large army and many elephants. In the day
of battle the Muhammadans were defeated and the Sultán was compelled
to retreat. [630] Merutunga says that Bhíma reigned from A.D. 1179
(S. 1235) for sixty-three years that is up to A.D. 1242 (S. 1298),
and this is borne out by a copperplate of Bhíma which bears date
A.D. 1240 (S. 1296 [631] Márgha Vadi 14th Sunday [632]).

Bhíma was nicknamed Bholo the Simpleton. The chroniclers of this
period mention only the Vághelás and almost pass over Bhíma. The
author of the Kírtikaumudí says 'the kingdom of the young ruler was
gradually divided among powerful ministers and provincial chiefs'; and
according to the Sukritasankírtana 'Bhíma felt great anxiety on account
of the chiefs who had forcibly eaten away portions of the kingdom.' It
appears that during the minority, when the central authority was weak,
the kingdom was divided among nobles and feudatories, and that Bhíma
proved too weak a ruler to restore the kingly power. Manuscripts and
copperplates show that Bhímadeva was ruling at Anahilaváda in S. 1247,
1251, 1261, 1263, and 1264, [633] and copperplates dated S. 1283, 1288,
1295, and 1296 have also been found. Though Bhíma in name enjoyed a
long unbroken reign the verses quoted above show that power rested
not with the king but with the nobles. It appears from an inscription
that in A.D. 1224 (S. 1280) a Chálukya noble named Jayantasimha was
supreme at Anahilaváda though he mentions Bhíma and his predecessors
with honour and respect. [634]

It was probably by aiding Bhíma against Jayantasimha that the Vághelás
rose to power. According to the chroniclers the Vághelás succeeded
in the natural course of things. According to the Sukritasankírtana
Kumárapála appeared to his grandson Bhíma and directed him to appoint
as his heir-apparent Víradhavala son of Lavanaprasáda and grandson of
Arnorája the son of Dhavala king of Bhimapalli. Next day in court,
in the presence of his nobles, when Lavanaprasáda and Víradhavala
entered the king said to Lavanaprasáda: Your father Arnorája seated
me on the throne: you should therefore uphold my power: in return I
will name your son Víradhavala my heir-apparent. [635] The author of
the Kírtikaumudí notes that Arnorája son of Dhavala, opposing the
revolution against Bhíma, cleared the kingdom of enemies, but at
the cost of his own life. The author then describes Lavanaprasáda
and Víradhavala as kings. But as he gives no account of their rise
to supremacy, it seems probable that they usurped the actual power
from Bhíma though till A.D. 1242 (S. 1295) Bhíma continued to be
nominal sovereign.

Bhíma's queen was Líládeví the daughter of a Chohán chief named
Samarasimha. [636]



CHAPTER III.

THE VÁGHELÁS

(A.D. 1219-1304).


[Arnorája, A.D. 1170-1200.] While Bhímadeva II. (A.D. 1179-1242)
struggled to maintain his authority in the north, the country between
the Sábarmatí and the Narbadá in the south as well as the districts
of Dholká and Dhandhuká in the south-west passed to the Vághelás a
branch of the Solankis sprung from Ánáka or Arnorája, the son of the
sister of Kumárapála's (A.D. 1143-1173) mother. In return for services
to Kumárapála, [637] Ánáka, with the rank of a noble or Sámanta, had
received the village of Vyághrapalli or Vághelá, the Tiger's Lair,
about ten miles south-west of Anahilaváda. It is from this village
that the dynasty takes its name of Vághela.

[Lavanaprasáda, A.D. 1200-1233.] Ánáka's son Lavanaprasáda,
who is mentioned as a minister of Bhímadeva II. (A.D. 1179-1242)
[638] held Vághelá and probably Dhavalagadha or Dholká about thirty
miles to the south-west. The Kírtikaumudí or Moonlight of Glory,
the chief cotemporary chronicle, [639] describes Lavanaprasáda as a
brave warrior, the slayer of the chief of Nadulá the modern Nándol
in Márwár. "In his well-ordered realm, except himself the robber
of the glory of hostile kings, robbers were unknown. The ruler
of Málava invading the kingdom turned back before the strength of
Lavanaprasáda. The southern king also when opposed by him gave up the
idea of war." The ruler of Málava or Málwa referred to was Sohada
or Subhatavarman. [640] The southern king was the Devagiri Yádava
Singhana II. (A.D. 1209-1247). [641]

Lavanaprasáda married Madanarájñí and by her had a son named
Víradhavala. As heir apparent Víradhavala, who was also called
Víra Vághelá or the Vághelá hero, [642] rose to such distinction
as a warrior that in the end Lavanaprasáda abdicated in his
favour. Probably to reconcile the people to his venturing to oppose
his sovereign Bhímadeva, Lavanaprasáda gave out that in a dream the
Luck of Anahilaváda appeared bewailing her home with unlighted shrines,
broken walls, and jackal-haunted streets, and called on him to come to
her rescue. [643] Though he may have gone to the length of opposing
Bhímadeva by force of arms, Lavanaprasáda was careful to rule in
his sovereign's name. Even after Lavanaprasáda's abdication, though
his famous minister Vastupála considered it advisable, Víradhavala
refused to take the supreme title. It was not until the accession
of Víradhavala's son Vísaladeva that the head of the Vághelás
took any higher title than Ránaka or chieftain. Lavanaprasáda's
religious adviser or Guru was the poet Somesvara the author of the
Kírtikaumudí and of the Vastupálacharita or Life of Vastupála, both
being biographical accounts of Vastupála. The leading supporters both
of Lavanaprasáda and of Víradhavala were their ministers the two Jain
brothers Vastupála and Tejahpála the famous temple-builders on Ábu,
Satruñjaya, and Girnár. According to one account Tejahpála remained
at court, while Vastupála went as governor to Stambhatírtha or Cambay
where he redressed wrongs and amassed wealth. [644]

One of the chief times of peril in Lavanaprasáda's reign was the
joint attack of the Devagiri Yádava Singhana or Sinhana from the
south and of four Márwár chiefs from the north. Lavanaprasáda and
his son Víradhavala in joint command marched south to meet Singhana
at Broach. While at Broach the Vághelás' position was made still more
critical by the desertion of the Godhraha or Godhrá chief to Málwa and
of the Láta or south Gujarát chief to Singhana. Still Lavanaprasáda
pressed on, attacked Singhana, and gave him so crushing a defeat, that,
though Lavanaprasáda had almost at once to turn north to meet the Málwa
army, Singhana retired without causing further trouble. [645] Somesvara
gives no reason for Singhana's withdrawal beyond the remark 'Deer do
not follow the lion's path even when the lion has left it.' The true
reason is supplied by a Manuscript called Forms of Treaties. [646]
The details of a treaty between Sinhana and Lavanaprasáda under date
Samvat 1288 (A.D. 1232) included among the Forms seem to show that the
reason why Sinhana did not advance was that Lavanaprasáda and his son
submitted and concluded an alliance. [647] In this copy of the treaty
Sinhanadeva is called the great king of kings or paramount sovereign
Mahárájádhirája, while Lavanaprasáda, Sanskritised into Lavanyáprasáda
is called a Rána and a tributary chief Mahámandalesvara. The place
where the treaty was concluded is styled "the victorious camp,"
and the date is Monday the fullmoon of Vaisákha in the year Samvat
1288 (A.D. 1232). The provisions are that, as before, each of the
belligerents should confine himself to his own territory; neither of
them should invade the possessions of the other; if a powerful enemy
attacked either of them, they should jointly oppose him; if only a
hostile general led the attack, troops should be sent against him;
and if from the country of either any noble fled into the territory of
the other taking with him anything of value he should not be allowed
harbourage and all valuables in the refugee's possession should be
restored. [648] His good fortune went with Lavanaprasáda in his attack
on the Márwár chiefs whom he forced to retire. Meanwhile Sankha [649]
who is described as the son of the ruler of Sindh but who seems to
have held territory in Broach, raised a claim to Cambay and promised
Vastupála Lavanaprasáda's governor, that, if Vastupála declared in
his favour [650], he would be continued in his government. Vastupála
rejected Sankha's overtures, met him in battle outside of Cambay, and
forced him to retire. In honour of Vastupála's victory the people of
Cambay held a great festival when Vastupála passed in state through
the city to the shrine of the goddess Ekalla Víra outside of the
town. [651]

Another of the deeds preserved in the Forms is a royal copperplate
grant by Lavanaprasáda or Lávanyaprasáda of a village, not named, for
the worship of Somanátha. Lavanaprasáda is described as the illustrious
Ránaka, [652] the great chief, the local lord or Mandalesvara,
the son of the illustrious Ránaka Ánalde born in the illustrious
pedigree of the Chaulukya dynasty. The grant is noted as executed in
the reign of Bhímadeva II. [653] while one Bhábhuya was his great
minister. Though Bhímadeva was ruling in A.D. 1232 (Samvat 1288)
Lavanaprasáda apparently had sufficient influence to make grants of
villages and otherwise to act as the real ruler of Gujarát. It was
apparently immediately after this grant (A.D. 1232?) that Lavanaprasáda
abdicated in favour of Víradhavala. [654]

[Víradhavala, A.D. 1233-1238.] Soon after his accession Víradhavala,
accompanied by his minister Tejahpála, started on an expedition against
his wife's brothers Sángana and Chamunda the rulers of Vámanasthalí or
Vanthalí near Junágadh. As in spite of their sister's advice Sángana
and Chamunda refused to pay tribute the siege was pressed. Early
in the fight the cry arose 'Víradhavala is slain.' But on his
favourite horse Uparavata, Víradhavala put himself at the head of
his troops, slew both the brothers, and gained the hoarded treasure
of Vanthalí. [655] In an expedition against the chief of Bhadresvara,
probably Bhadresar in Kacch, Víradhavala was less successful and was
forced to accept the Kacch chief's terms. The chroniclers ascribe
this reverse to three Rájput brothers who came to Víradhavala's court
and offered their services for 3,00,000 drammas (about £7500). "For
3,00,000 drammas I can raise a thousand men" said Víradhavala, and
the brothers withdrew. They went to the court of the Bhadresar chief,
stated their terms, and were engaged. The night before the battle the
brothers sent to Víradhavala saying 'Keep ready 3000 men, for through
a triple bodyguard we will force our way.' The three brothers kept
their word. They forced their way to Víradhavala, dismounted him,
carried off his favourite steed Uparavata, but since they had been
his guests they spared Víradhavala's life. [656]

Another of Víradhavala's expeditions was to East Gujarát. Ghughula,
chief of Godraha or Godhrá, plundered the caravans that passed
through his territory to the Gujarát ports. When threatened with
punishment by Víradhavala, Ghughula in derision sent his overlord
a woman's dress and a box of cosmetics. The minister Tejahpála, who
was ordered to avenge this affront, dispatched some skirmishers ahead
to raid the Godhra cattle. Ghughula attacked the raiders and drove
them back in such panic that the main body of the army was thrown
into disorder. The day was saved by the prowess of Tejahpála who
in single combat unhorsed Ghughula and made him prisoner. Ghughula
escaped the disgrace of the woman's dress and the cosmetic box with
which he was decorated by biting his tongue so that he died. The
conquest of Ghughula is said to have spread Víradhavala's power to
the borders of Maháráshtra. [657] The chroniclers relate another
success of Víradhavala's against Muizz-ud-dín apparently the famous
Muhammad Gori Sultán Muizz-ud-dín Bahramsháh, the Sultán of Delhi
(A.D. 1191-1205) [658] who led an expedition against Gujarát. The
chief of Ábu was instructed to let the Musalmán force march south
unmolested and when they were through to close the defiles against
their return. The Gujarát army met the Musalmáns and the Ábu troops
hung on their rear. The Musalmáns fled in confusion and cartloads of
heads were brought to Víradhavala in Dholká. The chronicles give the
credit of this success to Vastupála. They also credit Vastupála with
a stratagem which induced the Sultán to think well of Víradhavala
and prevented him taking steps to wipe out the disgrace of his
defeat. Hearing that the Sultán's mother, or, according to another
story, the Sultán's religious adviser, was going from Cambay to Makka
Vastupála ordered his men to attack and plunder the vessels in which
the pilgrimage was to be made. On the captain's complaint Vastupála
had the pirates arrested and the property restored. So grateful was
the owner, whether mother or guide, that Vastupála was taken to Delhi
and arranged a friendly treaty between his master and the Sultán. [659]

Their lavish expenditure on objects connected with Jain worship make
the brothers Vastupála and Tejahpála the chief heroes of the Jain
chroniclers. They say when the Musalmán trader Sayad was arrested at
Cambay his wealth was confiscated. Víradhavala claimed all but the
dust which he left to Vastupála. Much of the dust was gold dust and a
fire turned to dust more of the Sayad's gold and silver treasure. In
this way the bulk of the Sayad's wealth passed to Vastupála. This
wealth Vastupála and his brother Tejahpála went to bury in Hadálaka in
Káthiáváda. In digging they chanced to come across a great and unknown
treasure. According to the books the burden of their wealth so preyed
on the brothers that they ceased to care for food. Finding the cause
of her husband Tejahpála's anxiety Anupamá said 'Spend your wealth
on a hill top. All can see it; no one can carry it away.' According
to the chroniclers it was this advice, approved by their mother and
by Vastupála's wife Lalitádeví, that led the brothers to adorn the
summits of Ábu, Girnár, and Satruñjaya with magnificent temples.

The Satruñjaya temple which is dedicated to the twenty-third
Tírthankara Neminátha is dated A.D. 1232 (Samvat 1288) and has an
inscription by Somesvara, the author of the Kírtikaumudí telling how
it was built. The Girnár temple, also dedicated to Neminátha, bears
date A.D. 1232 (Samvat 1288). The Ábu temple, surpassing the others
and almost every building in India in the richness and delicacy of
its carving, is dedicated to Neminátha and dated A.D. 1231 (Samvat
1287). Such was the liberality of the brothers that to protect them
against the cold mountain air each of their masons had a fire near
him to warm himself and a hot dinner cooked for him at the close of
the day. The finest carvers were paid in silver equal in weight to
the dust chiselled out of their carvings. [660]

The author Somesvara describes how he twice came to the aid of his
friend Vastupála. On one occasion he saved Vastupála from a prosecution
for peculation. The second occasion was more serious. Simha the
maternal uncle of king Vísaladeva whipped the servant of a Jain
monastery. Enraged at this insult to his religion Vastupála hired
a Rájput who cut off Simha's offending hand. The crime was proved
and Vastupála was sentenced to death. But according to the Jains
the persuasions of Somesvara not only made the king set Vastupála
free, but led him to upbraid his uncle for beating the servant of
a Jain monastery. Soon after his release Vastupála was seized with
fever. Feeling the fever to be mortal he started for Satruñjaya but
died on the way. His brother Tejahpála and his son Jayantapála burned
his body on the holy hill, and over his ashes raised a shrine with the
name Svargárohanaprásáda The shrine of the ascent into Heaven. [661]

In A.D. 1238 six years after his father's withdrawal from power
Víradhavala died. One hundred and eighty-two servants passed with
their lord through the flames, and such was the devotion that Tejahpála
had to use force to prevent further sacrifices. [662]

[Vísaladeva, A.D. 1243-1261.] Of Víradhavala's two sons, Vírama Vísala
and Pratápamalla, Vastupála favoured the second and procured his
succession according to one account by forcing the old king to drink
poison and preventing by arms the return to Anahilaváda of the elder
brother Vírama who retired for help to Jábálipura (Jabalpur). Besides
with his brother's supporters Vísala had to contend with Tribhuvanapála
the representative of the Anahilaváda Solankis. Unlike his father and
his grandfather Vísala refused to acknowledge an overlord. By A.D. 1243
he was established as sovereign in Anahilaváda. A later grant A.D. 1261
(Samvat 1317) from Kadi in North Gujarát shows that Anahilaváda was
his capital and his title Mahárájádhirája King of Kings. According
to his copperplates Vísaladeva was a great warrior, the crusher of
the lord of Málwa, a hatchet at the root of the turbulence of Mewád,
a volcanic fire to dry up Singhana of Devagiri's ocean of men. [663]
Vísaladeva is further described as chosen as a husband by the daughter
of Karnáta [664] and as ruling with success and good fortune in
Anahilaváda with the illustrious Nágada as his minister. [665] The
bards praise Vísaladeva for lessening the miseries of a three years
famine, [666] and state that he built or repaired the fortifications
of Vísalanagara in East and of Darbhavatí or Dabhoi in South Gujarát.

[Arjunadeva, A.D. 1262-1274.] During Vísaladeva's reign Vághela power
was established throughout Gujarát. On Vísaladeva's death in A.D. 1261
the succession passed to Arjunadeva the son of Vísaladeva's younger
brother Pratápamalla. [667] Arjunadeva proved a worthy successor and
for thirteen years (A.D. 1262-1274; Samvat 1318-1331) maintained his
supremacy. Two stone inscriptions one from Verával dated A.D. 1264
(Samvat 1320) the other from Kacch dated A.D. 1272 (Samvat 1328)
show that his territory included both Kacch and Káthiáváda, and an
inscription of his successor Sárangadeva shows that his power passed
as far east as Mount Ábu.

The Verával inscription of A.D. 1264 (Samvat 1320), which is in the
temple of the goddess Harsutá, [668] describes Arjunadeva as the king
of kings, the emperor (chakravartin) of the illustrious Chaulukya
race, who is a thorn in the heart of the hostile king Nihsankamalla,
the supreme lord, the supreme ruler, who is adorned by a long line of
ancestral kings, who resides in the famous Anahillapátaka. The grant
allots certain income from houses and shops in Somanátha Patan to a
mosque built by Piroz a Muhammadan shipowner of Ormuz which is then
mentioned as being under the sway of Amír Rukn-ud-dín. [669] The grant
also provides for the expenses of certain religious festivals to be
celebrated by the Shiite sailors of Somanátha Patan, and lays down that
under the management of the Musalmán community of Somanátha any surplus
is to be made over to the holy districts of Makka and Madina. The grant
is written in bad Sanskrit and contains several Arabic Persian and
Gujaráti words. Its chief interest is that it is dated in four eras,
"in 662 of the Prophet Muhammad who is described as the teacher of
the sailors, who live near the holy lord of the Universe that is
Somanátha; in 1320 of the great king Vikrama; in 945 of the famous
Valabhi; and in 151 of the illustrious Simha." The date is given in
these four different eras, because the Muhammadan is the donor's era,
the Samvat the era of the country, the Valabhi of the province, and the
Simha of the locality. [670] The Kacch inscription is at the village
of Rav about sixty miles east of Bhúj. It is engraved on a memorial
slab at the corner of the courtyard wall of an old temple and bears
date A.D. 1272 (Samvat 1328). It describes Arjunadeva as the great
king of kings, the supreme ruler, the supreme lord. It mentions the
illustrious Máladeva as his chief minister and records the building
of a step-well in the village of Rav. [671]

[Sárangadeva, A.D. 1275-1296.] Arjunadeva was succeeded by his
son Sárangadeva. According to the Vichárasreni Sárangadeva
ruled for twenty-two years from A.D. 1274 to 1296 (Samvat
1331-1353). Inscriptions of the reign of Sárangadeva have been found
in Kacch and at Ábu. The Kacch inscription is on a pália or memorial
slab now at the village of Khokhar near Kanthkot which was brought
there from the holy village of Bhadresar about thirty-five miles
north-east of Mándvi. It bears date A.D. 1275 (Samvat 1332) and
describes Sárangadeva as the great king of kings, the supreme ruler,
the supreme lord ruling at Anahillapátaka with the illustrious Máladeva
as his chief minister. [672] The Ábu inscription dated A.D. 1294
(Samvat 1350) in the temple of Vastupála regulates certain dues
payable to the Jain temple and mentions Sárangadeva as sovereign of
Anahillapátaka and as having for vassal Vísaladeva ruler of the old
capital of Chandrávati about twelve miles south of Mount Ábu. [673]
A third inscription dated A.D. 1287 (Samvat 1343), originally from
Somanátha, is now at Cintra in Portugal. It records the pilgrimages and
religious benefactions of one Tripurántaka, a follower of the Nakulísá
Pásupata sect, in the reign of Sárangadeva, whose genealogy is given. A
manuscript found in Ahmadábád is described as having been finished on
Sunday the 3rd of the dark fortnight of Jyeshtha in the Samvat year
1350, in the triumphant reign of Sárangadeva the great king of kings,
while his victorious army was encamped near Ásápalli (Ahmadábád). [674]

[Karnadeva, A.D. 1296-1304.] Sárangadeva's successor Karnadeva
ruled for eight years A.D. 1296-1304 (Samvat 1352-1360). Under this
weak ruler, who was known as Ghelo or the Insane, Gujarát passed
into Musalmán hands. In A.D. 1297 Alaf Khán the brother of the
Emperor Alá-ud-dín Khilji (A.D. 1296-1317) with Nasrat Khán led an
expedition against Gujarát. They laid waste the country and occupied
Anahilaváda. Leaving his wives, children, elephants, and baggage
Karnadeva fled to Ramadeva the Yádava chief of Devagiri. [675] All his
wealth fell to his conquerors. Among the wives of Karnadeva who were
made captive was a famous beauty named Kauládeví, who was carried to
the harem of the Sultán. In the plunder of Cambay Nasrat Khán took a
merchant's slave Malik Káfur who shortly after became the Emperor's
chief favourite. From Cambay the Muhammadans passed to Káthiáváda and
destroyed the temple of Somanátha. In 1304 Alaf Khán's term of office
as governor of Gujarát was renewed. According to the Mirát-i-Ahmadí
after the renewal of his appointment, from white marble pillars taken
from many Jain temples, Alaf Khán constructed at Anahilaváda the Jáma
Masjid or general mosque.

In A.D. 1306 the Cambay slave Káfur who had already risen to be
Sultán Alá-ud-dín's chief favourite was invested with the title
of Malik Naib and placed in command of an army sent to subdue the
Dakhan. Alaf Khán, the governor of Gujarát, was ordered to help Malik
Káfur in his arrangements. At the same time Kauládeví persuaded the
Emperor to issue orders that her daughter Devaladeví should be sent
to her to Delhi. Devaladeví was then with her father the unfortunate
Karnadeva in hiding in Báglán in Násik. Malik Káfur sent a messenger
desiring Karnadeva to give up his daughter. Karnadeva refused and Alaf
Khán was ordered to lead his army to the Báglán hills and capture the
princess. While for two months he succeeded in keeping the Muhammadan
army at bay, Karnadeva received and accepted an offer for the hand of
Devaladeví from the Devagiri Yádava chief Sankaradeva. On her way to
Devagiri near Elura Devaladeví's escort was attacked by a party of
Alaf Khán's troops, and the lady seized and sent to Delhi where she
was married to prince Khizar Khán. Nothing more is known of Karnadeva
who appears to have died a fugitive.

Though the main cities and all central Gujarát passed under Musalmán
rule a branch of the Vághelás continued to hold much of the country
to the west of the Sábarmatí, while other branches maintained their
independence in the rugged land beyond Ambá Bhawání between Vírpur
on the Mahí and Posiná at the northmost verge of Gujarát. [676]


                       GENEALOGY OF THE VÁGHELÁS.

                                Dhavala,
                               A.D. 1160
                       Married Kumárapála's Aunt.
                                   |
                               Arnorája,
                               A.D. 1170
                          Founder of Vághela.
                                   |
                             Lavanaprasáda,
                               A.D. 1200
                            Chief of Dholká.
                                   |
                              Víradhavala,
                             A.D. 1233-1238
                            Chief of Dholká.
                                   |
                              Vísaladeva,
                             A.D. 1243-1261
                          King of Anahilaváda.
                                   |
                              Arjunadeva,
                            A.D. 1262-1274.
                                   |
                              Sárangadeva,
                            A.D. 1274-1295.
                                   |
                          Karnadeva or Ghelo,
                            A.D. 1296-1304.



PART II.

MUSALMÁN GUJARÁT.

A.D. 1297-1760.


This history of Musalmán Gujarát is based on translations of the
Mirat-i-Sikandari (A.D. 1611) and of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi (A.D. 1756)
by the late Colonel J. W. Watson. Since Colonel Watson's death in
1889 the translations have been revised and the account enriched by
additions from the Persian texts of Farishtah and of the two Mirats
by Mr. Fazl Lutfulláh Farídi of Surat. A careful comparison has also
been made with other extracts in Elliot's History of India and in
Bayley's History of Gujarát.



MUSALMÁN GUJARÁT.

A.D. 1297-1760.

INTRODUCTION.


Muhammadan rule in Gujarát lasted from the conquest of the province by
the Dehli emperor Alá-ud-dín Khilji (A.D. 1295-1315), shortly before
the close of the thirteenth century A.D., to the final defeat of the
Mughal viceroy Momín Khán by the Maráthás and the loss of the city
of Áhmedábád at the end of February 1758.

This whole term of Musalmán ascendancy, stretching over slightly more
than four and a half centuries, may conveniently be divided into three
parts. The First, the rule of the early sovereigns of Dehli, lasting
a few years more than a century, or, more strictly from A.D. 1297 to
A.D. 1403; the Second, the rule of the Áhmedábád kings, a term of
nearly a century and three-quarters, from A.D. 1403 to A.D. 1573;
the Third, the rule of the Mughal Emperors, when, for little less
than two hundred years, A.D. 1573-1760, Gujarát was administered by
viceroys of the court of Dehli.

[Territorial Limits.] In the course of these 450 years the
limits of Gujarát varied greatly. In the fourteenth century the
territory nominally under the control of the Musalmán governors
of Pátan (Anahilaváda) extended southwards from Jhálor, about
fifty miles north of Mount Abu, to the neighbourhood of Bombay,
and in breadth from the line of the Málwa and Khándesh hills to
the western shores of peninsular Gujarát. [677] The earlier kings
of Áhmedábád (A.D. 1403-1450), content with establishing their
power on a firm footing, did not greatly extend the limits of their
kingdom. Afterwards, during the latter part of the fifteenth and the
beginning of the sixteenth centuries (A.D. 1450-1530), the dominions
of the Áhmedábád kings gradually spread till they included large tracts
to the east and north-east formerly in the possession of the rulers of
Khándesh and Málwa. Still later, during the years of misrule between
A.D. 1530 and A.D. 1573, the west of Khándesh and the north of the
Konkan ceased to form part of the kingdom of Gujarát. Finally, under
the arrangements introduced by the emperor Akbar in A.D. 1583, more
lands were restored to Málwa and Khándesh. With the exception of Jhálor
and Sirohi on the north, Dungarpur and Bánsváda on the north-east,
and Alirájpur on the east, since handed to Rájputána and Central India,
the limits of Gujarát remain almost as they were laid down by Akbar.

[Sorath.] Though, under the Musalmáns, peninsular Gujarát did not
bear the name of Káthiáváda, it was then, as at present, considered
part of the province of Gujarát. During the early years of Musalmán
rule, the peninsula, together with a small portion of the adjoining
mainland, was known as Sorath, a shortened form of Saurâshtra, the
name originally applied by the Hindus to a long stretch of sea-coast
between the banks of the Indus and Daman. [678] Towards the close of
the sixteenth century the official use of the word Sorath was confined
to a portion, though by much the largest part, of the peninsula. At
the same time, the name Sorath seems then, and for long after, to have
been commonly applied to the whole peninsula. For the author of the
Mirat-i-Áhmedi, writing as late as the middle of the eighteenth century
(A.D. 1756: A.H. 1170), speaks of Sorath as divided into five districts
or zilláhs, Hálár, Káthiáváda, Gohilváda, Bábriáváda, and Jetváda,
and notices that though Navánagar was considered a separate district,
its tribute was included in the revenue derived from Sorath. [679]
In another passage the same writer thus defines Sauráshtra:


    Sauráshtra or Sorath comprehends the Sarkár of Sorath the Sarkár
    of Islámnagar or Navánagar and the Sarkár of Kachh or Bhujnagar.
    It also includes several zillahs or districts, Naiyad which they
    call Jatwár, Hálár or Navánagar and its vicinity, Káthiáváda,
    Gohilváda, Bábriáváda, Chorvár, Panchál, Okhágir in the
    neighbourhood of Jagat otherwise called Dwárka, Prabhás Khetr or
    Pátan Somnáth and its neighbourhood, Nághír also called Sálgogha,
    and the Nalkántha. [680]


The present Sorath stretches no further than the limits of Junágadh,
Bántwa, and a few smaller holdings.

[Káthiáváda.] The name Káthiáváda is of recent origin. It was not
until after the establishment of Musalmán power in Gujarát that
any portion of the peninsula came to bear the name of the tribe of
Káthis. Even as late as the middle of the eighteenth century, the
name Káthiáváda was applied only to one of the sub-divisions of the
peninsula. In the disorders which prevailed during the latter part of
the eighteenth century, the Káthis made themselves conspicuous. As it
was from the hardy horsemen of this tribe that the tribute-exacting
Maráthás met with the fiercest resistance, they came to speak of the
whole peninsula as the land of the Káthis. This use was adopted by
the early British officers and has since continued.

[Under the kings, 1403-1573.] Under the Áhmedábád kings, as it still
is under British rule, Gujarát was divided politically into two main
parts; one, called the khálsah or crown domain administered directly
by the central authority; the other, on payment of tribute in service
or in money, left under the control of its former rulers. The amount
of tribute paid by the different chiefs depended, not on the value of
their territory, but on the terms granted to them when they agreed to
become feudatories of the kings of Áhmedábád. Under the Gujarát Sultáns
this tribute was occasionally collected by military expeditions headed
by the king in person and called mulkgíri or country-seizing circuits.

[States.] The internal management of the feudatory states was
unaffected by their payment of tribute. Justice was administered
and the revenue collected in the same way as under the Anahilapur
kings. The revenue consisted, as before, of a share of the crops
received in kind, supplemented by the levy of special cesses, trade,
and transit dues. The chief's share of the crops differed according
to the locality; it rarely exceeded one-third of the produce, it
rarely fell short of one-sixth. From some parts the chief's share
was realised directly from the cultivator by agents called mantris;
from other parts the collection was through superior landowners. [681]

[Districts.] The Áhmedábád kings divided the portion of their territory
which was under their direct authority into districts or sarkárs. These
districts were administered in one of two ways. They were either
assigned to nobles in support of a contingent of troops, or they were
set apart as crown domains and managed by paid officers. The officers
placed in charge of districts set apart as [Crown Lands.] crown domains
were called muktia. [682] Their chief duties were to preserve the peace
and to collect the revenue. For the maintenance of order, a body of
soldiers from the army head-quarters at Áhmedábád was detached for
service in each of these divisions, and placed under the command of
the district governor. At the same time, in addition to the presence
of this detachment of regular troops, every district contained certain
fortified outposts called thánás, varying in number according to the
character of the country and the temper of the people. These posts
were in charge of officers called thánadárs subordinate to the district
governor. They were garrisoned by bodies of local soldiery, for whose
maintenance, in addition to money payments, a small assignment of
land was set apart in the neighbourhood of the post. On the arrival
of the tribute-collecting army the governors of the districts through
which it passed were expected to join the main body with their local
contingents. At other times the district governors had little control
over the feudatory chiefs in the neighbourhood of their charge.

[Fiscal.] For fiscal purposes each district or sarkár was distributed
among a certain number of sub-divisions or parganáhs, each under a
paid official styled ámil or tahsildár. These sub-divisional officers
realised the state demand, nominally one-half of the produce, by
the help of the headmen of the villages under their charge. In the
sharehold and simple villages of North Gujarát these village headmen
were styled patels or according to Musalmán writers mukaddams and
in the simple villages of the south they were known as desáis. They
arranged for the final distribution of the total demand in joint
villages among the shareholders, and in simple villages from the
individual cultivators. [683] The sub-divisional officer presented a
statement of the accounts of the villages in his sub-division to the
district officer, whose record of the revenue of his whole district was
in turn forwarded to the head revenue officer at court. As a check on
the internal management of his charge, and especially to help him in
the work of collecting the revenue, with each district governor was
associated an accountant. Further that each of these officers might
be the greater check on the other, king Áhmed I. (A.D. 1412-1443)
enforced the rule that when the governor was chosen from among the
royal slaves the accountant should be a free man, and that when
the accountant was a slave the district governor should be chosen
from some other class. This practise was maintained till the end of
the reign of Muzaffar Sháh (A.D. 1511-1525), when, according to the
Mirat-i-Áhmedi, the army became much increased, and the ministers,
condensing the details of revenue, farmed it on contract, so that many
parts formerly yielding one rupee now produced ten, and many others
seven eight or nine, and in no place was there a less increase than
from ten to twenty per cent. Many other changes occurred at the same
time, and the spirit of innovation creeping into the administration
the wholesome system of checking the accounts was given up and mutiny
and confusion spread over Gujarát. [684]

[Assigned Lands.] The second class of directly governed districts
were the lands assigned to nobles for the maintenance of contingents
of troops. As in other parts of India, it would seem that at first
these assignments were for specified sums equal to the pay of the
contingent. When such assignments were of long standing, and were large
enough to swallow the whole revenue of a district, it was natural to
simplify the arrangement by transferring the collection of the revenue
and the whole management of the district to the military leader of
the contingent. So long as the central power was strong, precautions
were doubtless taken to prevent the holder of the grant from unduly
rackrenting his district and appropriating to himself more than the
pay of the troops, or from exercising any powers not vested in the
local governors of districts included within the crown domains. As in
other parts of India, those stipulations were probably enforced by the
appointment of certain civil officers directly from the government to
inspect the whole of the noble's proceedings, as well in managing his
troops as in administering his lands. [685] The decline of the king's
power freed the nobles from all check or control in the management
of their lands. And when, in A.D. 1536, the practice of farming was
introduced into the crown domains, it would seem to have been adopted
by the military leaders in their lands, and to have been continued
till the annexation of Gujarát by the emperor Akbar in A.D. 1573.

[Under the Mughals, A.D. 1573-1760.] It was the policy of Akbar
rather to improve the existing system than to introduce a new form of
government. After to some extent contracting the limits of Gujarát
he constituted it a province or sûbah of the empire, appointing to
its [Administration.] government an officer of the highest rank with
the title of sûbahdár or viceroy. As was the case under the Áhmedábád
kings, the province continued to be divided into territories managed by
feudatory chiefs, and [Crown Lands.] districts administered by officers
appointed either by the court of Dehli or by the local viceroy. The
head-quarters of the army remained at Áhmedábád, and detachments
were told off and placed under the orders of the officers in charge
of the directly administered divisions. These district governors, as
before, belonged to two classes, paid officers responsible for the
management of the crown domains and military leaders in possession
of lands assigned to them in pay of their contingent of troops. The
governors of the crown domains, who were now known as faujdárs or
commanders, had, in addition to the command of the regular troops,
the control of the outposts maintained within the limits of their
charge. Like their predecessors they accompanied the viceroy in his
yearly circuit for the collection of tribute.

As a check on the military governors and to help them in collecting the
revenue, the distinct class of account officers formerly established
by king Áhmed I. (A.D. 1412-1443) was again introduced. The head
of this branch of the administration was an officer, second in
rank to the viceroy alone, appointed direct from the court of Dehli
with the title of diván. Besides acting as collector-general of the
revenues of the province, this officer was also the head of its civil
administration. His title diván is generally translated minister. And
though the word minister does not express the functions of the office,
which corresponded more nearly with those of a chief secretary, it
represents with sufficient accuracy the relation in which the holder
of the office of diván generally stood to the viceroy.

[Revenue Officials.] For its revenue administration each district
or group of districts had its revenue officials called amíns who
corresponded to the collector of modern times. There were also amíns
in the customs department separate from those whose function was to
control and administer the land revenue. Beneath the amín came the
ámil [686] who carried on the actual collection of the land revenue
or customs in each district or parganáh, and below the ámil were the
fáîls, mushrifs, or kárkúns that is the revenue clerks. The ámil
corresponded to the modern mámlatdár, both terms meaning him who
carries on the amal or revenue management. In the leading ports the
ámil of the customs was called mutasaddi that is civil officer.

[Village Officers.] The ámil or mámlatdár dealt directly with the
village officials, namely with the mukaddam or headman, the patwári
or lease manager, the kánúngo or accountant, and the haváldár or
grain-yard guardian. The haváldár superintended the separation of the
government share of the produce; apportioned to the classes subject to
forced labour their respective turns of duty; and exercised a general
police superintendence by means of subordinates called pasáitás
or vartaniás. In ports under the mutasaddi was a harbour-master
or sháh-bandar.

[Desáis.] Crown sub-divisions had, in addition, the important class
called desáis. The desáis' duty appears at first to have been to
collect the salámi or tribute due by the smaller chiefs, landholders,
and vántádárs or sharers. For this, in Akbar's time, the desái received
a remuneration of 2 1/2 per cent on the sum collected. Under the
first viceroy Mírza Ázíz Kokaltásh (A.D. 1573-1575) this percentage
was reduced to one-half of its former amount, and in later times
this one-half was again reduced by one-half. Though the Muhammadan
historians give no reason for so sweeping a reduction, the cause
seems to have been the inability of the desáis to collect the tribute
without the aid of a military force. Under the new system the desái
seems merely to have kept the accounts of the tribute due, and the
records both of the amount which should be levied as tribute and of
other customary rights of the crown. In later times the desáis were to
a great extent superseded by the district accountants or majmudárs, and
many desáis, especially in south Gujarát, seem to have sunk to patels.

[Land Tax.] Up to the viceroyalty of Mírza Ísa Tarkhán
(A.D. 1642-1644), the land tax appears to have been levied from the
cultivator in a fixed sum, but he was also subject to numerous other
imposts. Land grants in wazífah carried with them an hereditary title
and special exemption from all levies except the land tax. The levy
in kind appears to have ceased before the close of Mughal rule. In
place of a levy in kind each village paid a fixed sum or jama through
the district accountant or majmudár who had taken the place of the
desái. As in many cases the jama really meant the lump sum at which
the crown villages were assessed and farmed to the chiefs and patels,
on the collapse of the empire many villages thus farmed to chiefs and
landlords were retained by them with the connivance of the majmudárs
desáis and others.

[Justice.] The administration of justice seems to have been very
complete. In each kasbah or town kázis, endowed with glebe lands in
addition to a permanent salary, adjudicated disputes among Muhammadans
according to the laws of Islám. Disputes between Muhammadans and
unbelievers, or amongst unbelievers, were decided by the department
called the sadárat, the local judge being termed a sadr. The decisions
of the local kázis and sadrs were subject to revision by the kázi or
sadr of the súbah who resided at Áhmedábád. And as a last resort the
Áhmedábád decisions were subject to appeal to the Kázi-ul-Kuzzát and
the Sadr-ûs-Sudûr at the capital.

[Fiscal.] The revenue appears to have been classed under four
main heads: 1. The Khazánah-i-Ámirah or imperial treasury which
comprehended the land tax received from the crown parganáhs or
districts, the tribute, the five per cent customs dues from infidels,
the import dues on stuffs, and the sáyer or land customs including
transit dues, slave market dues, and miscellaneous taxes. 2. The
treasury of arrears into which were paid government claims in arrear
either from the ámils or from the farmers of land revenue; takávi
advances due by the raiyats; and tribute levied by the presence of a
military force. 3. The treasury of charitable endowments. Into this
treasury was paid the 2 1/2 per cent levied as customs dues from
Muhammadans. [687] The pay of the religious classes was defrayed from
this treasury. 4. The treasury, into which the jaziah or capitation
tax levied from zimmís or infidels who acknowledged Muhammadan rule,
was paid. The proceeds were expended in charity and public works. After
the death of the emperor Farrukhsiyar (A.D. 1713-1719), this source
of revenue was abolished. The arrangements introduced by Akbar in
the end of the sixteenth century remained in force till the death of
Aurangzíb in A.D. 1707. Then trouble and perplexity daily increased,
till in A.D. 1724-25, Hamíd Khán usurped the government lands, and,
seeking to get rid of the servants and assignments, gradually obtained
possession of the records of the registry office. The keepers of the
records were scattered, and yearly revenue statements ceased to be
received from the districts. [688]

[Assigned Lands.] Akbar continued the system of assigning lands to
military leaders in payment of their contingents of troops. Immediately
after the annexation in A.D. 1573, almost the whole country was divided
among the great nobles. [689] Except that the revenues of certain
tracts were set aside for the imperial exchequer the directly governed
districts passed into the hands of military leaders who employed their
own agents to collect the revenue. During the seventeenth century
the practice of submitting a yearly record of their revenues, and
the power of the viceroy to bring them to account for misgovernment,
exercised a check on the management of the military leaders. And
during this time a yearly surplus revenue of £600,000 (Rs. 60,00,000)
from the assigned and crown lands was on an average forwarded from
Gujarát to Dehli. In the eighteenth century the decay of the viceroy's
authority was accompanied by the gradually increased power of the
military leaders in possession of assigned districts, till finally,
as in the case of the Nawábs of Broach and Surat, they openly claimed
the position of independent rulers. [690]

[Minor Offices.] Of both leading and minor officials the Mirat-i-Áhmedi
supplies the following additional details. The highest officer who
was appointed under the seal of the minister of the empire was the
provincial diván or minister. He had charge of the fiscal affairs
of the province and of the revenues of the khálsa or crown lands,
and was in some matters independent of the viceroy. Besides his
personal salary he had 150 sawárs for two provincial thánás Arjanpur
and Khambália. Under the diván the chief officers were the píshkár
diván his first assistant, who was appointed under imperial orders
by the patent of the diván, the daroghah or head of the office,
and the sharf or mushrif and tehwildár of the daftar khánáhs, who
presided over the accounts with munshis and muharrirs or secretaries
and writers. The kázis, both town and city, with the sanction of the
emperor were appointed by the chief law officer of the empire through
the chief law officer of the province. They were lodged by the state,
paid partly in cash partly in land, and kept up a certain number of
troopers. In the kázis' courts wakíls or pleaders and muftís or law
officers drew 8 as. to Re. 1 a day. Newly converted Musalmáns also
drew 8 as. a day. The city censor or muhtasib had the supervision
of morals and of weights and measures. He was paid in cash and land,
and was expected to keep up sixty troopers. The news-writer, who was
sometimes also bakhshi or military paymaster, had a large staff of
news-writers called wákiâh-nigár who worked in the district courts and
offices as well as in the city courts. He received his news-reports
every evening and embodied them in a letter which was sent to court by
camel post. A second staff of news-writers called sawáníhnigár reported
rumours. A third set were the harkárás on the viceroy's staff. Postal
chaukis or stations extended from Áhmedábád to the Ajmír frontier,
each with men and horse ready to carry the imperial post which reached
Sháh Jehánábád or Dehli in seven days. A line of posts also ran south
through Broach to the Dakhan. The faujdárs or military police, who
were sometimes commanders of a thousand and held estates, controlled
both the city and the district police. The kotwál or head of the city
night-watch was appointed by the viceroy. He had fifty troopers and
a hundred foot. In the treasury department were the amín or chief,
the dároghah, the mushrif, the treasurer, and five messengers. In the
medical department were a Yúnáni or Greek school and a Hindu physician,
two under-physicians on eight and ten annas a day, and a surgeon. The
yearly grant for food and medicine amounted to Rs. 2000. [691]

[Land Tenures.] Besides the class of vernacular terms that belong
to the administration of the province, certain technical words
connected with the tenure of land are of frequent occurrence in this
history. For each of these, in addition to the English equivalent
which as far as possible has been given in the text, some explanation
seems necessary. During the period to which this history refers,
the superior holders of the land of the province belonged to two main
classes, those whose claims dated from before the Musalmán conquest
and those whose interest in the land was based on a Musalmán grant. By
the Musalmán historians, landholders of the first class, who were
all Hindus, are called zamíndárs, while landholders of the second
class, Musalmáns as a rule, are spoken of as jágírdárs. Though the
term zamíndár was used to include the whole body of superior Hindu
landholders, in practice a marked distinction was drawn between the
almost independent chief, who still enjoyed his Hindu title of rája,
rával, ráv, or jám, and the petty claimant to a share in a government
village, who in a Hindu state would have been known as a garásiá. [692]

[Hereditary Hindu Landholders.] The larger landholders, who had
succeeded in avoiding complete subjection, were, as noticed above,
liable only for the payment of a certain fixed sum, the collection of
which by the central power in later times usually required the presence
of a military force. With regard to the settlement of the claims of the
smaller landholders of the superior class, whose estates fell within
the limits of the directly administered districts, no steps seem to
have been taken till the reign of Áhmed Sháh I. (A.D. 1411-1443). About
the year A.D. 1420 the peace of his kingdom was so broken by agrarian
disturbances, that Áhmed Sháh agreed, on condition of their paying
tribute and performing military service, to re-grant to the landholders
of the zamíndár class as hereditary possessions a one-fourth share
of their former village lands. The portion so set apart was called
vánta or share, and the remainder, retained as state land, was called
talpat. This agreement continued till, in the year A.D. 1545, during
the reign of Mahmúd Sháh II. (A.D. 1536-1553), an attempt was made
to annex these private shares to the crown. This measure caused much
discontent and disorder. It was reversed by the emperor Akbar who,
as part of the settlement of the province in A.D. 1583, restored
their one-fourth share to the landholders, and, except that the
Maráthás afterwards levied an additional quit-rent from these lands,
the arrangements then introduced have since continued in force. [693]

[Levies.] During the decay of Musalmán rule in Gujarát in the first
half of the eighteenth century, shareholders of the garásia class
in government villages, who were always ready to increase their
power by force, levied many irregular exactions from their more
peaceful neighbours, the cultivators or inferior landholders. These
levies are known as vol that is a forced contribution or pál that
is protection. All have this peculiar characteristic that they were
paid by the cultivators of crown lands to petty marauders to purchase
immunity from their attacks. They in no case partook of the nature of
dues imposed by a settled government on its own subjects. Tora garás,
more correctly toda garás, is another levy which had its origin in
eighteenth century disorder. It was usually a readymoney payment taken
from villages which, though at the time crown or khálsa, had formerly
belonged to the garásia who exacted the levy. Besides a readymoney
payment contributions in kind were sometimes exacted.

[Service Lands.] The second class of superior landholders were those
whose title was based on a Musalmán grant. Such grants were either
assignments of large tracts of land to the viceroy, district-governors,
and nobles, to support the dignity of their position and maintain
a contingent of troops, or they were allotments on a smaller scale
granted in reward for some special service. Land granted with these
objects was called jágír, and the holder of the land jágírdár. In
theory, on the death of the original grantee, such possessions were
strictly resumable; in practice they tended to become hereditary. No
regular payments were required from holders of jágírs. Only under
the name of peshkash occasional contributions were demanded. These
occasional contributions generally consisted of such presents as a
horse, an elephant, or some other article of value. They had more of
the nature of a freewill offering than of an enforced tribute. Under
the Musalmáns contributions of this kind were the only payments
exacted from proprietors of the jágírdár class. But the Maráthás,
in addition to contributions, imposed on jágírdárs a regular tribute,
similar to that paid by the representatives of the original class of
superior Hindu landholders.

Under Musalmán rule great part of Gujarát was always in the hands
of jágírdárs. So powerful were they that on two occasions under
the Áhmedábád kings, in A.D. 1554 and A.D. 1572, the leading nobles
distributed among themselves the entire area of the kingdom. [694]
Again, during the eighteenth century, when Mughal rule was on the
decline, the jágírdárs by degrees won for themselves positions of
almost complete independence. [695]

[Condition of Gujarát, A.D. 1297-1760.] The changes in the extent of
territory and in the form of administration illustrate the effect of
the government on the condition of the people during the different
periods of Musalmán rule. The following summary of the leading
characteristics of each of the main divisions of the four-and-a-half
centuries of Musalmán ascendancy may serve as an introduction to the
detailed narrative of events.

[Under the Early Viceroys, 1297-1403.] On conquering Gujarát in
A.D. 1297 the Musalmáns found the country in disorder. The last kings
of Anahilapur or Pátan, suffering under the defects of an incomplete
title, held even their crown lands with no firmness of grasp, and had
allowed the outlying territory to slip almost entirely from their
control. Several of the larger and more distant rulers had resumed
their independence. The Bhíls and Kolis of the hills, forests, and
rough river banks were in revolt. And stranger chiefs, driven south by
the Musalmán conquests in Upper India, had robbed the central power
of much territory. [696] The records of the early Musalmán governors
(A.D. 1297-1391) show suspicion on the side of the Dehli court and
disloyalty on the part of more than one viceroy, much confusion
throughout the province, and little in the way of government beyond
the exercise of military force. At the same time, in spite of wars and
rebellions, the country, in parts at least, seems to have been well
cultivated, and trade and manufactures to have been flourishing. [697]

[Under the Kings, 1403-1573.] The period of the rule of the Áhmedábád
kings (A.D. 1403-1573) contains two divisions, one lasting from
A.D. 1403 to A.D. 1530, on the whole a time of strong government and
of growing power and prosperity; the other the forty-three years from
A.D. 1530 to the conquest of the province by the emperor Akbar in
A.D. 1573, a time of disorder and misrule. In A.D. 1403 when Gujarát
separated from Dehli the new king held but a narrow strip of plain. On
the north were the independent chiefs of Sirohi and Jhálor, from whom
he occasionally levied contributions. On the east the Rája of Ídar,
another Rájput prince, was in possession of the western skirts of
the hills and forests, and the rest of that tract was held by the
mountain tribes of Bhils and Kolis. On the west the peninsula was
in the hands of nine or ten Hindu tribes, probably tributary, but by
no means obedient. [698] In the midst of so unsettled and warlike a
population, all the efforts of Muzaffar I., the founder of the dynasty,
were spent in establishing his power. It was not until the reign of his
successor Áhmed I. (A.D. 1412-1443) that steps were taken to settle the
different classes of the people in positions of permanent order. About
the year A.D. 1420 two important measures were introduced. Of these one
assigned lands for the support of the troops, and the other recognised
the rights of the superior class of Hindu landholders to a portion of
the village lands they had formerly held. The effect of these changes
was to establish order throughout the districts directly under the
authority of the crown. And though, in the territories subject to
feudatory chiefs, the presence of an armed force was still required
to give effect to the king's claims for tribute, his increasing power
and wealth made efforts at independence more hopeless, and gradually
secured the subjection of the greater number of his vassals. During the
latter part of the fifteenth and the first quarter of the sixteenth
century the power of the Áhmedábád kings was at its height. At that
time their dominions included twenty-five divisions or sarkárs. Among
nine of these namely Pátan, Áhmedábád, Sunth, Godhra, Chámpáner,
Baroda, Broach, Nándod or Rájpípla, and Surat the central plain was
distributed. In addition in the north were four divisions, Sirohi,
Jhálor, Jodhpur, and Nágor now in south-west and central Rájputána;
in the north-east two, Dúngarpur and Bánsváda, now in the extreme
south of Rájputána; in the east and south-east three, Nandurbár now in
Khándesh, Mulher or Báglán now in Násik, and Rám Nagar or Dharampur
now in Surat; in the south four, Danda-Rájapuri or Janjira, Bombay,
Bassein, and Daman now in the Konkan; in the west two, Sorath and
Navánagar now in Káthiáváda; and Kachh in the north-west. Besides
the revenues of these districts, tribute was received from the rulers
of Ahmednagar, Burhánpur, Berár, Golkonda, and Bijápur, and customs
dues from twenty-five ports on the western coast of India and from
twenty-six foreign marts, some of them in India and others in the
Persian Gulf and along the Arabian coast. [699] The total revenue from
these three sources is said in prosperous times to have amounted to a
yearly sum of £11,460,000 (Rs. 11,46,00,000). Of this total amount the
territorial revenue from the twenty-five districts yielded £5,840,000
(Rs. 5,84,00,000), or slightly more than one-half. Of the remaining
£5,620,000 (Rs. 5,62,00,000) about one-fifth part was derived from
the Dakhan tribute and the rest from customs-dues. [700]

The buildings at Áhmedábád, and the ruins of Chámpáner and Mehmúdábád,
prove how much wealth was at the command of the sovereign and his
nobles, while the accounts of travellers seem to show that the private
expenditure of the rulers was not greater than the kingdom was well
able to bear. The Portuguese traveller Duarte Barbosa, who was in
Gujarát between A.D. 1511 and A.D. 1514, found the capital Chámpáner a
great city, in a very fertile country of abundant provisions, with many
cows sheep and goats and plenty of fruit, so that it was full of all
things. [701] Áhmedábád was still larger, very rich and well supplied,
embellished with good streets and squares, with houses of stone and
cement. It was not from the interior districts of the province that
the Áhmedábád kings derived the chief part of their wealth, but from
those lying along the coast, which were enriched by manufactures and
commerce. [702] So it was that along the shores of the gulf of Cambay
and southward as far as Bombay the limit of the Gujarát kingdom,
besides many small sea-ports, Barbosa chooses out for special mention
twelve 'towns of commerce, very rich and of great trade.' Among these
was Diu, off the south coast of Káthiáváda, yielding so large a revenue
to the king as to be 'a marvel and amazement.' And chief of all Cambay,
in a goodly, fertile, and pretty country full of abundant provisions;
with rich merchants and men of great prosperity; with craftsmen and
mechanics of subtle workmanship in cotton, silk, ivory, silver, and
precious stones; the people well dressed, leading luxurious lives,
much given to pleasure and amusement. [703]

The thirty-eight years between the defeat of king Bahádur by the
emperor Humáyún in A.D. 1535 and the annexation of Gujarát by Akbar
in A.D. 1573 was a time of confusion. Abroad, the superiority of
Gujarát over the neighbouring powers was lost, and the limits of the
kingdom shrank; at home, after the attempted confiscation (A.D. 1545)
of their shares in village lands the disaffection of the superior
landowners became general, and the court, beyond the narrow limits
of the crown domains, ceased to exercise substantial control over
either its chief nobles or the more turbulent classes. In spite
of these forty years of disorder, the province retained so much of
its former prosperity, that the boast of the local historians that
in A.D. 1573 Gujarát was in every respect allowed to be the finest
country in Hindustán is supported by the details shortly afterwards
(A.D. 1590) given by Abul Fazl in the Áin-i-Akbari. The high road
from Pátan to Baroda was throughout its length of 150 miles (100 kos)
lined on both sides with mango trees; the fields were bounded with
hedges; and such was the abundance of mango and other fruit trees
that the whole country seemed a garden. The people were well housed
in dwellings with walls of brick and mortar and with tiled roofs;
many of them rode in carriages drawn by oxen; the province was famous
for its painters, carvers, inlayers, and other craftsmen. [704]

[Under the Mughals, 1573-1760.] Like the period of the rule of the
Áhmedábád kings, the period of Mughal rule contains two divisions,
a time of good government lasting from A.D. 1573 to A.D. 1700, and a
time of disorder from A.D. 1700 to A.D. 1760. Under the arrangements
introduced by the emperor Akbar in A.D. 1583, the area of the province
was considerably curtailed. Of its twenty-five districts nine were
restored to the states from which the vigour of the Áhmedábád kings
had wrested them; Jálor and Jodhpur were transferred to Rájputána;
Nágor to Ajmír; Mulher and Nandurbár to Khándesh; Bombay, Bassein, and
Daman were allowed to remain under the Portuguese; and Danda-Rájapuri
(Jinjira) was made over to the Nizámsháhi (A.D. 1490-1595) rulers of
the Dakhan Ahmednagar. Of the remaining sixteen, Sirohi, Dungarpur, and
Bánsváda now in Rájputána, Kachh, Sûnth in Rewa Kántha, and Rámnagar
(Dharampur) in Surat were, on the payment of tribute, allowed to
continue in the hands of their Hindu rulers. The ten remaining
districts were administered directly by imperial officers. But as
the revenues of the district of Surat had been separately assigned
to its revenue officer or mutasaddi, only nine districts with 184
sub-divisions or parganáhs were entered in the collections from the
viceroy of Gujarát. These nine districts were in continental Gujarát,
Pátan with seventeen sub-divisions, Áhmedábád with thirty-three,
Godhra with eleven, Chámpáner with thirteen, Baroda with four, Broach
with fourteen, and Rájpipla (Nándod) with twelve. In the peninsula were
Sorath with sixty-two and Navánagar with seventeen sub-divisions. This
lessening of area seems to have been accompanied by even more than a
corresponding reduction in the state demand. Instead of £5,840,050
(Rs. 5,84,00,500), the revenue recovered in A.D. 1571, two years
before the province was annexed, under the arrangement introduced
by the emperor Akbar, the total amount, including the receipts from
Surat and the tribute of the six feudatory districts, is returned at
£1,999,113 (Rs. 1,99,91,130) or little more than one-third part of
what was formerly collected. [705]

According to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi this revenue of £1,999,113
(Rs. 1,99,91,130) continued to be realised as late as the reign
of Muhammad Sháh (A.D. 1719-1748). But within the next twelve
years (A.D. 1748-1762) the whole revenue had fallen to £1,235,000
(Rs. 1,23,50,000). Of £1,999,113 (Rs. 1,99,91,130), the total
amount levied by Akbar on the annexation of the province, £520,501
(Rs. 52,05,010), or a little more than a quarter, were set apart for
imperial use and royal expense; £55,000 (Rs. 5,50,000) were assigned
for the support of the viceroy and the personal estates of the nobles,
and the remainder was settled for the pay of other officers of rank
and court officials. Nearly £30,000 (Rs. 3,00,000) were given away
as rewards and pensions to religious orders and establishments. [706]

Besides lightening the state demand the emperor Akbar introduced
three improvements: (1) The survey of the land; (2) The payment
of the headmen or mukaddams of government villages; and (3) The
restoration to small superior landholders of the share they formerly
enjoyed in the lands of government villages. The survey which was
entrusted to Rája Todar Mal, the revenue minister of the empire,
was completed in A.D. 1575. The operations were confined to a small
portion of the whole area of the province. Besides the six tributary
districts which were unaffected by the measure, Godhra in the east,
the western peninsula, and a large portion of the central strip of
directly governed lands were excluded, so that of the 184 sub-divisions
only 64 were surveyed. In A.D. 1575, of 7,261,849 acres (12,360,594
bighás), the whole area measured, 4,920,818 acres (8,374,498 bighás)
or about two-thirds were found to be fit for cultivation, and the
remainder was waste. In those parts of the directly governed districts
where the land was not measured the existing method of determining
the government share of the produce either by selecting a portion
of the field while the crop was still standing, or by dividing the
grain heap at harvest time, was continued. In surveyed districts the
amount paid was determined by the area and character of the land under
cultivation. Payment was made either in grain or in money, according
to the instructions issued to the revenue-collectors, 'that when it
would not prove oppressive the value of the grain should be taken
in ready money at the market price.' [707] The chief change in the
revenue management was that, instead of each year calculating the
government share from the character of the crop, an uniform demand
was fixed to run for a term of ten years.

Another important effect of this survey was to extend to cultivators in
simple villages the proprietary interest in the soil formerly enjoyed
only by the shareholders of joint villages. By this change the power
of the military nobles to make undue exactions from the cultivators in
their assigned lands was to some extent checked. It was, perhaps, also
an indirect effect of this more definite settlement of the crown demand
that the revenue agents of government and of the holders of assigned
lands, finding that the revenues could be realised without their help,
refused to allow to the heads of villages certain revenue dues which,
in return for their services, they had hitherto enjoyed. Accordingly,
in A.D. 1589-90, these heads of villages appealed to government and
Akbar decided that in assigned districts as well as in the crown
domains from the collections of government lands two-and-a-half per
cent should be set apart as a perquisite for men of this class. [708]

When the heads of villages laid their own private grievance before
government, they also brought to its notice that the Koli and Rájput
landowners, whose shares in government villages had been resumed by
the crown in A.D. 1545, had since that time continued in a state of
discontent and revolt and were then causing the ruin of the subjects
and a deficiency in the government collections. An inquiry was
instituted, and, to satisfy the claims of landowners of this class,
it was agreed that, on furnishing good security for their conduct
and receiving the government mark on their contingent of cavalry,
they should again be put in possession of a one-fourth share of the
land of government villages. While the province was managed agreeably
to these regulations, says the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, its
prosperity continued to increase. [709]

Though these measures did much to check internal disorder, Gujarát, for
several years after it came under Mughal control, continued disturbed
by insurrections among the nobles, and so imperfectly protected from
the attacks of foreign enemies that between the years A.D. 1573 and
1609 each of its three richest cities, Áhmedábád Cambay and Surat, was
in turn taken and plundered. [710] During the rest of the seventeenth
century, though the country was from time to time disturbed by Koli
and Rájput risings, and towards the end of the century suffered much
from the raids of the Maráthás, the viceroys were, on the whole,
able to maintain their authority, repressing the outbreaks of the
disorderly classes, and enforcing the imperial claims for tribute on
the more independent feudatory chiefs. Throughout the greater part
of the seventeenth century the general state of the province seems
to have been prosperous. Its cities were the wonder of European
travellers. Surat, which only since the transfer of Gujarát to the
Mughal empire had risen to hold a place among its chief centres
of trade, was, in A.D. 1664, when taken by Shiváji, rich enough
to supply him with plunder in treasure and precious stones worth a
million sterling [711]; and at that time Cambay is said to have been
beyond comparison greater than Surat, and Áhmedábád much richer and
more populous than either. [712]

From the beginning of the eighteenth century disorder increased. Unable
to rely for support on the imperial court, the viceroys failed to
maintain order among the leading nobles, or to enforce their tribute
from the more powerful feudatories. And while the small Koli and
Rájput landholders, freed from the control of a strong central power,
were destroying the military posts, taking possession of the state
share of village lands, and levying dues from their more peaceful
neighbours, the burden of the Marátha tribute was year by year growing
heavier. During the last ten years of Musalmán rule so entirely did
the viceroy's authority forsake him, that, according to the author
of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, when the great landholders refused to pay
their tribute, the viceroy had no power to enforce payment. And so
faithless had the great landowners become that the viceroy could not
pass the city gate without an escort. [713]

The above summary contains frequent references to three classes
of zamíndárs: (1) The zamíndárs of the self-governed states; (2)
The greater zamíndárs of the crown districts; and (3) The lesser
zamíndárs of the crown districts.

[Self-governed Zamíndárs.] In the case of the zamíndárs of
self-governed states the principle was military service and no
tribute. The author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi says that finally the
zamíndárs of the self-governed states ceased to do service. In spite
of this statement it seems probable that some of this class served
almost until the complete collapse of the empire, and that tribute
was rarely levied from them by an armed force. In the Mirat-i-Áhmedi
account of the office of súbahdár or názim sûbah the following passage
occurs: When occasion arose the názims used to take with their armies
the contingents of the Ránás of Udepur Dúngarpur and Bánsváda, which
were always permanently posted outside their official residences
(in Áhmedábád). This shows that these great zamíndárs had official
residences at the capital, where probably their contingents were
posted under wakíls or agents. It therefore seems probable that their
tribute too would be paid through their representatives at the capital
and that a military force was seldom sent against them. Accordingly
notices of military expeditions in the tributary sarkárs are rare
though they were of constant occurrence in the crown districts.

[Crown Zamíndárs.] The position of the zamíndárs of the khálsa or
crown districts was very different from that of the zamíndárs of
self-governed territories. The khálsa zamíndárs had been deprived of
the greater portion of their ancestral estates which were administered
by the viceregal revenue establishment. In some instances their
capitals had been annexed. Even if not annexed the capital was the
seat of faujdár who possessed the authority and encroached daily on
the rights and privileges of the chieftain. The principal chiefs in
this position were those of Rájpípla and Ídar in Gujarát and the
Jám of Navánagar in Káthiáváda. Of the three, Rájpipla had been
deprived of his capital Nándod and of all the fertile districts,
and was reduced to a barren sovereignty over rocks, hills and Bhíls
at Rájpípla. Ídar had suffered similar treatment and the capital was
the seat of a Muhammadan faujdár. Navánagar, which had hitherto been
a tributary sarkár, was during the reign of Aurangzíb made a crown
district. But after Aurangzíb's death the Jám returned to his capital
and again resumed his tributary relations.

[Smaller Zamíndárs.] The lesser holders, including grásiás wántádárs
and others, had suffered similar deprivation of lands and were subject
to much encroachment from the government officials. Throughout the
empire widespread discontent prevailed among subordinate holders
of this description as well as among all the zamíndárs of the crown
districts, so that the successes of Shiváji in the Dakhan found ardent
sympathisers even in Gujarát. When the zamíndárs saw that this Hindu
rebel was strong enough to pillage Surat they began to hope that a
day of deliverance was near. The death of Aurangzíb (A.D. 1707) was
the signal for these restless spirits to bestir themselves. When the
Maráthás began regular inroads they were hailed as deliverers from
the yoke of the Mughal. The Rájpípla chief afforded them shelter and
a passage through his country. The encouragement to anarchy given by
some of the Rájput viceroys who were anxious to emancipate themselves
from the central control further enabled many chieftains girásiás
and others to absorb large portions of the crown domains, and even
to recover their ancient capitals. Finally disaffected Muhammadan
faujdárs succeeded in building up estates out of the possessions
of the crown and founding the families which most of the present
Muhammadan chieftains of Gujarát represent.

[Marátha Ascendancy, 1760-1802.] When the imperial power had been
usurped by the Marátha leaders, the chiefs who had just shaken off
the more powerful Mughal yoke were by no means disposed tamely to
submit to Marátha domination. Every chief resisted the levy of tribute
and Momín Khán reconquered Áhmedábád. In this struggle the Maráthás
laboured under the disadvantage of dissensions between the Peshwa and
the Gáikwár. They were also unaware of the actual extent of the old
imperial domain and were ignorant of the amount of tribute formerly
levied. They found that the faujdárs, who, in return for Marátha
aid in enabling them to absorb the crown parganáhs, had agreed to
pay tribute, now joined the zamíndárs in resisting Marátha demands,
while with few exceptions the desáis and majmudárs either openly allied
themselves with the zamíndárs or were by force or fraud deprived of
their records. [Gáikwár Saved by British Alliance, 1802.] So serious
were the obstacles to the collection of the Marátha tribute that,
had it not been for the British alliance in A.D. 1802, there seems
little doubt that the Gáikwár would have been unable to enforce
his demands in his more distant possessions. The British alliance
checked the disintegration of the Gáikwár's power, and the permanent
settlement of the tribute early in this century enabled that chief
to collect a large revenue at a comparatively trifling cost. Not
only were rebels like Malhárráo and Kánoji suppressed, but powerful
servants like Vithalráv Deváji, who without doubt would have asserted
their independence, were confirmed in their allegiance and the rich
possessions they had acquired became part of the Gáikwár's dominions.

[Power of Chiefs.] It must not be supposed that while the larger
chiefs were busy absorbing whole parganáhs the lesser chiefs were more
backward. They too annexed villages and even Mughal posts or thánáhs,
while wántádárs or sharers absorbed the talpat or state portion, and,
under the name of tora garás, [714] daring spirits imposed certain
rights over crown villages once their ancient possessions, or, under
the name of pál or vol, enforced from neighbouring villages payments
to secure immunity from pillage. Even in the Baroda district of the
thirteen Mughal posts only ten now belong to the Gáikwár, two having
been conquered by girásiás and one having fallen under Broach. In
Sauráshtra except Ránpur and Gogha and those in the Amreli district,
not a single Mughal post is in the possession either of the British
Government or of the Gáikwár. A reference to the Mughal posts in other
parts of Gujarát shows that the same result followed the collapse of
Musalmán power.

[Power of Local Chiefs.] Since the introduction of Musalmán rule in
A.D. 1297 each successive government has been subverted by the ambition
of the nobles and the disaffection of the chiefs. It was thus that
the Gujarát Sultáns rendered themselves independent of Dehli. It was
thus that the Sultán's territories became divided among the nobles,
whose dissensions reduced the province to Akbar's authority. It was
thus that the chiefs and local governors, conniving at Marátha inroads,
subverted Mughal rule. Finally it was thus that the Gáikwár lost his
hold of his possessions and was rescued from ruin solely by the power
of the British.



CHAPTER I.

EARLY MUSALMÁN GOVERNORS.

A.D. 1297-1403.


[Alá-ud-dín Khilji Emperor, 1295-1315.] Except the great expedition
of Mahmúd Ghaznawi against Somnáth in A.D. 1024 [715]; the defeat
of Muhammad Muiz-ud-dín or Shaháb-ud-dín Ghori by Bhím Dev II. of
Anahilaváda about A.D. 1178 [716]; and the avenging sack of Anahilaváda
and defeat of Bhím by Kutb-ud-dín Eibak in A.D. 1194, until the reign
of Alá-ud-dín Khilji in A.D. 1295-1315, Gujarát remained free from
Muhammadan interference. [717] [Ulugh Khán, 1297-1317.] In A.D. 1297,
Ulugh Khán, general of Alá-ud-dín and Nasrat Khán Wazír were sent
against Anahilaváda. They took the city expelling Karan Wághela,
usually called Ghelo The Mad, who took refuge at Devgadh with Rámdeva
the Yádav sovereign of the north Dakhan. [718] They next seized Khambát
(the modern Cambay), and, after appointing a local governor, returned
to Dehli. From this time Gujarát remained under Muhammadan power, and
Ulugh Khán, a man of great energy, by repeated expeditions consolidated
the conquest and established Muhammadan rule. The Kánaddeva Rása says
that he plundered Somnáth, and there is no doubt that he conquered
Jhálor (the ancient Jhálindar) from the Songarha Choháns. [719]
After Ulugh Khán had governed Gujarát for about twenty years, at the
instigation of Malik Káfur, he was recalled and put to death by the
emperor Alá-ud-dín. [720]

[Ain-ul-Mulk Governor, 1318.] Ulugh Khán's departure shook Muhammadan
power in Gujarát, and Kamál-ud-dín, whom Mubárak Khilji sent to quell
the disturbances, was slain in battle. Sedition spread till Ain-ul-Mulk
Multáni arrived with a powerful army, defeated the rebels and [Order
Established, 1318.] restored order. He was succeeded by Zafar Khán,
who after completing the subjection of the country was recalled,
and his place supplied by Hisám-ud-dín Parmár. [721] This officer,
showing treasonable intentions, was imprisoned and succeeded by Malik
Wájid-ud-dín Kuraishi, who was afterwards ennobled by the title of
Táj or Sadr-ul-Mulk. Khusraw Khán Parmár was then appointed governor,
but it is not clear whether he ever joined his appointment. The
next governor to whom reference is made is [Táj-ul-Mulk Governor,
1320.] Táj-ul-Mulk, who about A.D. 1320, was, for the second time,
chosen as governor by Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín Tughlak. He was succeeded
by Malik Mukbil, who held the titles of Khán Jahán and Náib-i-Mukhtár,
and who was appointed by [Muhammad Tughlak Emperor, 1325-1351.] Sultán
Muhammad Tughlak, A.D. 1325-1351. Subsequently the same emperor granted
the government of Gujarát to Áhmad Ayáz, Malik Mukbil continuing to
act as his deputy. Afterwards when Áhmad Ayáz, who received the title
of Khwájah Jahán, proceeded as governor to Gujarát, Malik Mukbil
acted as his minister. And about A.D. 1338, when Khwájah Jahán was
sent against the emperor's nephew Karshásp and the Rája of Kampila
[722] who had sheltered him, Malik Mukbil succeeded to the post of
governor. On one occasion between Baroda and Dabhoi Malik Mukbil,
who was escorting treasure and a caravan of merchants to Dehli, was
plundered by some bands of the Amíráni Sadah or Captains of Hundreds
freelances and freebooters, most of them New Musalmáns or Mughal
converts, and the rest Turk and Afghán adventurers. This success
emboldened these banditti and for several years they caused loss
and confusion in Gujarát. At last, about A.D. 1346, being joined by
certain Muhammadan nobles and Hindu chieftains, they broke into open
rebellion and defeated one Ázíz, who was appointed by the emperor to
march against them. [The Emperor Quells an Insurrection, 1347.] In
the following year, A.D. 1347, Muhammad Tughlak, advancing in person,
defeated the rebels, and sacked the towns of Cambay and Surat. During
the same campaign he drove the Gohil chief Mokheráji out of his
stronghold on Piram Island near Gogha on the Gulf of Cambay, and then,
landing his forces, after a stubborn conflict, defeated the Gohils,
killing Mokheráji and capturing Gogha. Afterwards Muhammad Tughlak left
for Daulatábád in the Dakhan, and in his absence the chiefs and nobles
under Malik Túghán, a leader of the Amíráni Sadah, again rebelled,
and, obtaining possession of Pátan, imprisoned Muîzz-ud-dín the
viceroy. The insurgents then plundered Cambay, and afterwards laid
siege to Broach. Muhammad Tughlak at once marched for Gujarát and
relieved Broach, Malik Túghán retreating to Cambay, whither he was
followed by Malik Yúsuf, whom the emperor sent in pursuit of him. In
the battle that ensued near Cambay, Malik Yúsuf was defeated and slain,
and all the prisoners, both of this engagement and those who had been
previously captured, were put to death by Malik Túghán. Among the
prisoners was Muîzz-ud-dín, the governor of Gujarát. Muhammad Tughlak
now marched to Cambay in person, whence Malik Túghán retreated to
Pátan, pursued by the emperor, who was forced by stress of weather
to halt at Asáwal. [723] Eventually the emperor came up with Malik
Túghán near Kadi and gained a complete victory, Malik Túghán fleeing
to Thatha in Sindh. [Subdues Girnár and Kachh, 1350.] To establish
order throughout Gujarát Muhammad Tughlak marched against Girnár,
[724] reduced the fortress, [725] and levied tribute from the chief
named Khengár. He then went to Kachh, and after subduing that country
returned to Sorath. At Gondal he contracted a fever, and before he
was entirely recovered, he advanced through Kachh into Sindh with the
view of subduing the Sumra chief of Thatha, who had sheltered Malik
Túghán. Before reaching Thatha he succumbed to the fever, and died
in the spring of A.D. 1351. Shortly before his death he appointed
Nizám-ul-Mulk to the government of Gujarát.

[Fírúz Tughlak Emperor, 1351-1388.] In A.D. 1351, Fírúz Tughlak
succeeded Muhammad Tughlak on the throne of Dehli. Shortly after
his accession the emperor marched to Sindh and sent a force against
Malik Túghán. About A.D. 1360 he again advanced to Sindh against Jám
Bábunia. From Sindh he proceeded to Gujarát, where he stayed for some
months. [Zafar Khan Governor, 1371.] Next year, on leaving for Sindh
for the third time, he bestowed the government of Gujarát on Zafar
Khán in place of Nizám-ul-Mulk. On Zafar Khán's death, in A.D. 1373
according to Farishtah and A.D. 1371 according to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi,
he was succeeded by his son Daryá Khán who appears to have governed
by a deputy named Shams-ud-dín Anwar Khán. In A.D. 1376, besides
presents of elephants horses and other valuables, one Shams-ud-dín
Dámghání offered a considerable advance on the usual collections
from Gujarát. As Daryá Khán would not agree to pay this sum he was
displaced and Shams-ud-dín Dámghání was appointed governor. Finding
himself unable to pay the stipulated amount this officer rebelled
and withheld the revenue. Fírúz Tughlak sent an army against him,
and by the aid of the chieftains and people, whom he had greatly
oppressed, Shams-ud-dín was slain. The government of the province
was then entrusted to Farhat-ul-Mulk Rásti Khán. [Farhat-ul-Mulk
Governor, 1376-1391.] In about A.D. 1388, a noble named Sikandar
Khán was sent to supersede Farhat-ul-Mulk, but was defeated and
slain by him. As the emperor Fírúz Tughlak died shortly after
no notice was taken of Farhat-ul-Mulk's conduct and in the short
reign of Fírúz's successor Ghiás-ud-dín Tughlak, no change was made
in the government of Gujarát. During the brief rule of Abu Bakr,
Farhat-ul-Mulk continued undisturbed. [Muhammad Tughlak II. Emperor,
1391-1393.] But in A.D. 1391, on the accession of Násir-ud-dín Muhammad
Tughlak II., a noble of the name of Zafar Khán was appointed governor
of Gujarát, and despatched with an army to recall or, if necessary,
expel Farhat-ul-Mulk.

This Zafar Khán was the son of Wajíh-ul-Mulk, of the Tánk tribe of
Rájputs who claim to be of Suryavansi descent and together with the
Gurjjaras appear from very early times to have inhabited the plains
of the Punjáb. Of Wajíh-ul-Mulk's rise to power at the Dehli court
the following story is told. Before he sat on the throne of Dehli,
Fírúz Tughlak, when hunting in the Punjáb, lost his way and came to a
village near Thánesar, held by chieftains of the Tánk tribe. He was
hospitably entertained by two brothers of the chief's family named
Sáháran and Sádhu, and became enamoured of their beautiful sister. When
his hosts learned who the stranger was, they gave him their sister in
marriage and followed his fortunes. Afterwards Fírúz persuading them
to embrace Islám, conferred on Saháran the title of Wajíh-ul-Mulk,
and on Sádhu the title of Shamshír Khán. Finally, in A.D. 1351, when
Fírúz Tughlak ascended the throne, he made Shamshír Khán and Zafar
Khán, the son of Wajíh-ul-Mulk, his cup-bearers, and raised them to
the rank of nobles.

[Zafar Khán Governor, 1391-1403.] In A.D. 1391, on being appointed
viceroy, Zafar Khán marched without delay for Gujarát. In passing
Nágor [726] he was met by a deputation from Cambay, complaining of
the tyranny of Rásti Khán. Consoling them, he proceeded to Pátan, the
seat of government, and thence marched against Rásti Khán. [Battle of
Jitpur; Farhat-ul-Mulk Slain, 1391.] The armies met near the village of
Khambhoi, [727] a dependency of Pátan, and Farhat-ul-Mulk Rásti Khán
was slain and his army defeated. To commemorate the victory, Zafar
Khán founded a village on the battle-field, which he named Jítpur
(the city of victory), and then, starting for Cambay, redressed the
grievances of the people.

[Zafar Khán Attacks Ídar, 1393.] Zafar Khán's first warlike expedition
was against the Ráv of Ídar, [728] who, in A.D. 1393, had refused to
pay the customary tribute, and this chief he humbled. The contemporary
histories seem to show that the previous governors had recovered
tribute from all or most of the chiefs of Gujarát except from the Ráv
of Junágadh [729] and the Rája of Rájpípla, [730] who had retained
their independence. Zafar Khán now planned an expedition against the
celebrated Hindu shrine of Somnáth, but, hearing that Ádil Khán of
Ásír-Burhánpur had invaded Sultánpur and Nandurbár, [731] he moved his
troops in that direction, and Ádil Khán retired to Ásir. [732] [Exacts
Tribute from Junágadh, 1394.] In A.D. 1394, he marched against the Ráv
of Junágadh and exacted tribute. Afterwards, proceeding to Somnáth,
he destroyed the temple, built an Assembly Mosque, introduced Islám,
left Musalmán law officers, and established a thána or post in the
city of Pátan Somnáth or Deva Pátan. He now heard that the Hindus of
Mándu [733] were oppressing the Muslims, and, accordingly, marching
thither, he beleaguered that fortress for a year, but failing to take
it contented himself with accepting the excuses of the Rája. From Mándu
he performed a pilgrimage to Ajmír. [734] Here he proceeded against
the chiefs of Sámbhar and Dandwána, and then attacking the Rájputs
of Delváda and Jháláváda, [735] he defeated them, and returned to
Pátan in A.D. 1396. About this time his son Tátár Khán, leaving his
baggage in the fort of Pánipat, [736] made an attempt on Dehli. But
Ikbál Khán took the fort of Pánipat, captured Tátár Khán's baggage,
and forced him to withdraw to Gujarát. [Lays Siege to Ídar Fort,
1397.] In A.D. 1397, with the view of reducing Ídar, Zafar Khán
besieged the fort, laying waste the neighbouring country. Before he
had taken the fort Zafar Khán received news of Timúr's conquests,
and concluding a peace with the Ídar Rája, returned to Pátan. [737]
In A.D. 1398, hearing that the Somnáth people claimed independence,
Zafar Khán led an army against them, defeated them, and [Establishes
Islám at Somnáth, 1398.] established Islám on a firm footing.



CHAPTER II.

ÁHMEDÁBÁD KINGS.

A.D. 1403-1573.


The rule of the Áhmedábád kings extends over 170 years and includes the
names of fifteen sovereigns. The period may conveniently be divided
into two parts. The first, lasting for a little more than a century
and a quarter, when, under strong rulers, Gujarát rose to consequence
among the kingdoms of Western India; the second, from A.D. 1536 to
A.D. 1573, an evil time when the sovereigns were minors and the wealth
and supremacy of Gujarát were wasted by the rivalry of its nobles.

The date on which Zafar Khán openly threw off his allegiance to
Dehli is doubtful. Farishtah says he had the Friday prayer or khutbah
repeated in his name after his successful campaign against Jháláváda
and Delváda in A.D. 1396. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari he
maintained a nominal allegiance till A.D. 1403 when he formally
invested his son Tátár Khán with the sovereignty of Gujarát, under
the title of Násir-ud-dín Muhammad Sháh.

[Muhammad I. 1403-1404.] On ascending the throne in A.D. 1403, Muhammad
Sháh made Asáwal his capital, and, after humbling the chief of Nándod
or Nádot in Rájpipla, marched against Dehli by way of Pátan. On
his way to Pátan the king sickened and died. His body was brought
back to Pátan, and the expedition against Dehli came to nothing. It
seems probable that this is a courtly version of the tale; the fact
being that in A.D. 1403 Tátár Khán imprisoned his father at Asáwal,
and assumed the title of Muhammad Sháh, and that Tátár Khán's death
was caused by poison administered in the interest, if not at the
suggestion, of his father Zafar Khán. [738]

[Zafar Khán reigns as Muzaffar, 1407-1419.] After the death of Muhammad
Sháh, Zafar Khán asked his own younger brother Shams Khán Dandáni
to carry on the government, but he refused. Zafar Khán accordingly
sent Shams Khán Dandáni to Nágor in place of Jalál Khán Khokhar,
and in A.D. 1407-8, at Bírpur, at the request of the nobles and
chief men of the country, himself formally mounted the throne and
assumed the title of Muzaffar Sháh. At this time Álp Khán, son of
Diláwar Khán of Málwa, was rumoured to have poisoned his father
and ascended the throne with the title of Sultán Hushang Ghori. On
hearing this Muzaffar Sháh marched against Hushang and besieged him
in Dhár. [739] On reducing Dhár Muzaffar handed Hushang to the charge
of his brother Shams Khán, on whom he conferred the title of Nasrat
Khán. Hushang remained a year in confinement, and Músa Khán one of
his relations usurped his authority. On hearing this, Hushang begged
to be released, and Muzaffar Sháh not only agreed to his prayer,
but sent his grandson Áhmed Khán with an army to reinstate him. This
expedition was successful; the fortress of Mándu was taken and the
usurper Músa Khán was put to flight. Áhmed Khán returned to Gujarát
in A.D. 1409-10. Meanwhile Muzaffar advancing towards Dehli to aid
Sultán Mahmúd (A.D. 1393-1413), prevented an intended attack on that
city by Sultán Ibráhím of Jaunpur. On his return to Gujarát Muzaffar
led, or more probably despatched, an unsuccessful expedition against
Kambhkot. [740] In the following year (A.D. 1410-11), to quell a rising
among the Kolis near Asával, Muzaffar placed his grandson Áhmed Khán in
command of an army. Áhmed Khán camped outside of Pátan. He convened
an assembly of learned men and asked them whether a son was not
bound to exact retribution from his father's murderer. The assembly
stated in writing that a son was bound to exact retribution. Armed
with this decision, Áhmed suddenly entered the city, overpowered
his grandfather, and forced him to drink poison. The old Khán said:
'Why so hasty, my boy. A little patience and power would have come
to you of itself.' He advised Áhmed to kill the evil counsellors of
murder and to drink no wine. Remorse so embittered Áhmed's after-life
that he was never known to laugh.

[Ahmed I. 1411-1441.] On his grandfather's death, Áhmed succeeded with
the title of Násir-ud-dunya Wad-dín Abúl fateh Áhmed Sháh. Shortly
after Áhmed Sháh's accession, his cousin Moid-ud-dín Fírúz Khán,
governor of Baroda, allying himself with Hisám or Nizám-ul-Mulk
Bhandári and other nobles, collected an army at Nadiád in Kaira, and,
laying claim to the crown, defeated the king's followers. Jívandás,
one of the insurgents, proposed to march upon Pátan, but as the
others refused a dispute arose in which Jívandás was slain, and
the rest sought and obtained Áhmed Sháh's forgiveness. Moid-ud-dín
Fírúz Khán went to Cambay and was there joined by Masti Khán, son of
Muzaffar Sháh, who was governor of Surat: on the king's advance they
fled from Cambay to Broach, to which fort Áhmed Sháh laid siege. As
soon as the king arrived, Moid-ud-dín's army went over to the king,
and Masti Khán also submitted. After a few days Áhmed Sháh sent for and
forgave Moid-ud-dín, and returned to Asáwal victorious and triumphant.

[Builds Áhmedábád, 1413.] In the following year (A.D. 1413-14) [741]
Áhmed Sháh defeated Ása Bhíl, chief of Asáwal, and, finding the site of
that town suitable for his capital, he changed its name to Áhmedábád,
and busied himself in enlarging and fortifying the city. [742] During
this year Moid-ud-dín Fírúz Khán and Masti Khán again revolted, and,
joining the Ídar Rája, took shelter in that fortress. [Defeats the
Ídar Chief, 1414.] A force under Fateh Khán was despatched against
the rebels, and finally Fírúz Khán and the Ídar Rája were forced to
flee by way of Kherálu a town in the district of Kadi. Moid-ud-dín
now persuaded Rukn Khán governor of Modása, fifty miles north of
Áhmedábád, to join. They united their forces with those of Badri-ûlá,
Masti Khán, and Ranmal Rája of Ídar and encamped at Rangpura an Ídar
village about five miles from Modása and began to strengthen Modása and
dig a ditch round it. The Sultán camped before the fort and offered
favourable terms. The besieged bent on treachery asked the Sultán to
send Nizám-ul-Mulk the minister and certain other great nobles. The
Sultán agreed, and the besieged imprisoned the envoys. After a three
days' siege Modása fell. Badri-ûlá and Rukn Khán were slain, and Fírúz
Khán and the Rája of Ídar fled. The imprisoned nobles were released
unharmed. The Rája seeing that all hope of success was gone, made his
peace with the king by surrendering to him the elephants, horses and
other baggage of Moid-ud-dín Fírúz Khán and Masti Khán, who now fled
to Nágor, where they were sheltered by Shams Khán Dandáni. Áhmed Sháh
after levying the stipulated tribute departed. Moid-ud-dín Fírúz Khán
was afterwards slain in the war between Shams Khán and Rána Mokal of
Chitor. [Suppresses a Revolt, 1414.] In A.D. 1414-15 Uthmán Áhmed and
Sheikh Malik, in command at Pátan, and Sulaimán Afghán called Ázam
Khán, and Ísa Sálár rebelled, and wrote secretly to Sultán Hushang of
Málwa, inviting him to invade Gujarát, and promising to seat him on
the throne and expel Áhmed Sháh. They were joined in their rebellion
by Jhála Satarsálji [743] of Pátdi and other chiefs of Gujarát. Áhmed
Sháh despatched Latíf Khán and Nizám-ul-Mulk against Sheikh Malik and
his associates, while he sent Imád-ul-Mulk against Sultán Hushang,
who retired, and Imád-ul-Mulk, after plundering Málwa, returned to
Gujarát. Latíf Khán, pressing in hot pursuit of Satarsál and Sheikh
Malik, drove them to Sorath. The king returned with joyful heart
to Áhmedábád.

[Spread of Islám, 1414.] Though, with their first possession of
the country, A.D. 1297-1318, the Muhammadans had introduced their
faith from Pátan to Broach, the rest of the province long remained
unconverted. By degrees, through the efforts of the Áhmedábád kings,
the power of Islám became more directly felt in all parts of the
province. Many districts, till then all but independent, accepted
the Musalmán faith at the hands of Áhmed Sháh, and agreed to the
payment of a regular tribute. In A.D. 1414 he led an army against
the Ráv of Junágadh and defeated him. The Ráv retired to the hill
fortress of Girnár. Áhmed Sháh, though unable to capture the hill,
gained the fortified citadel of Junágadh. Finding further resistance
vain, the chief tendered his submission, and Junágadh was admitted
among the tributary states. This example was followed by the
greater number of the Sorath chiefs, who, for the time, resigned
their independence. Sayad Ábûl Khair and Sayad Kásim were left to
collect the tribute, and Áhmed Sháh returned to Áhmedábád. Next year
he marched against Sidhpur, [744] and in A.D. 1415 advanced from
Sidhpur to Dhár in Málwa. [Áhmed I. Quells a Second Revolt, 1416.] At
this time the most powerful feudatories were the Ráv of Junágadh,
the Rával of Chámpáner, [745] the Rája of Nándod, the Ráv of Ídar,
and the Rája of Jháláváda. Trimbakdás of Chámpáner, Púnja of Ídar,
Siri of Nándod, and Mandlik of Jháláváda, alarmed at the activity
of Áhmed Sháh and his zeal for Islám, instigated Sultán Hushang of
Málwa to invade Gujarát. Áhmed Sháh promptly marched to Modása, [746]
forced Sultán Hushang of Málwa to retire, and broke up the conspiracy,
reproving and pardoning the chiefs concerned. About the same time the
Sorath chiefs withheld their tribute, but the patience and unwearied
activity of the king overcame all opposition. When at Modása Áhmed
heard that, by the treachery of the son of the governor, Násír of Asír
and Gheirát or Ghazni Khán of Málwa had seized the fort of Thálner in
Sirpur in Khándesh, and, with the aid of the chief of Nándod, were
marching against Sultánpur and Nandurbár. Áhmed sent an expedition
against Nasír of Asír under Malik Mahmúd Barki or Turki. When the
Malik reached Nándod he found that Gheirat Khán had fled to Málwa and
that Nasír had retired to Thálner. The Malik advanced, besieged and
took Thálner, capturing Nasír whom Áhmed forgave and dignified with
the title of Khán. [747]

After quelling these rebellions Áhmed Sháh despatched Nizám-ul-Mulk
to punish the Rája of Mandal near Viramgám, and [Expedition against
Málwa, 1417.] himself marched to Málwa against Sultán Hushang, whom
he defeated, capturing his treasure and elephants. In A.D. 1418,
in accordance with his policy of separately engaging his enemies,
[Attacks Chámpáner, 1418.] Áhmed Sháh marched to chastise Trimbakdas
of Chámpáner, and though unable to take the fortress he laid waste
the surrounding country. In A.D. 1419 he ravaged the lands round
Sankheda [748] and built a fort there and a mosque within the fort;
he also built a wall round the town of Mángni, [749] and then marched
upon Mándu. On the way ambassadors from Sultán Hushang met him suing
for peace, and Áhmed Sháh, returning towards Chámpáner, again laid
waste the surrounding country. During the following year (A.D. 1420)
he remained in Ahmedábád bringing his own dominions into thorough
subjection by establishing fortified posts and by humbling the chiefs
and destroying their strongholds. Among other works he built the forts
of Dohad [750] on the Málwa frontier and of Jítpur in Lúnáváda. [751]
In A.D. 1421 he repaired the fort in the town of Kahreth, otherwise
called Meimún in Lúnáváda, which had been built by Ulugh Khán Sanjar
in the reign of Sultán Alá-ud-dín (A.D. 1295-1315) and changed the
name to Sultánpur. [War with Málwa, 1422.] He next advanced against
Málwa and took the fort of Mesar. After an unsuccessful siege of
Mándu he went to Ujjain. [752] From Ujjain he returned to Mándu,
and failing to capture Mándu, he marched against Sárangpur. [753]
Sultán Hushang sent ambassadors and concluded a peace. In spite of the
agreement, while Áhmed Sháh was returning to Gujarát, Sultán Hushang
made a night attack on his army and caused much havoc. Áhmed Sháh,
collecting what men he could, waited till dawn and then fell on and
defeated the Málwa troops, who were busy plundering. Sultán Hushang
took shelter in the fort of Sárangpur to which Áhmed Sháh again laid
siege. Failing to take the fort Áhmed retreated towards Gujarát,
closely followed by Sultán Hushang, who was eager to wipe out his
former defeat. On Hushang's approach, Áhmed Sháh, halting his troops,
joined battle and repulsing Hushang returned to Áhmedábád.

[Defeats the Ídar Chief, 1425.] In A.D. 1425 Áhmed Sháh led an army
against Ídar, defeating the force brought to meet him and driving their
leader to the hills. Ídar was always a troublesome neighbour to the
Áhmedábád kings and one difficult to subdue, for when his country was
threatened, the chief could retire to his hills, where he could not
easily be followed. As a permanent check on his movements, Áhmed Sháh,
in A.D. 1427, built the fort of Ahmednagar, [754] on the banks of the
Háthmati, eighteen miles south-west of Ídar. In the following year the
Ídar chief, Ráv Púnja, attacked a foraging party and carried off one of
the royal elephants. He was pursued into the hills and brought to bay
in a narrow pathway at the edge of a steep ravine. Púnja was driving
back his pursuers when the keeper of the Sultán's elephant urged his
animal against the Ráv's horse. The horse swerving lost his foothold
and rolling down the ravine destroyed himself and his rider. [755]

During the two following years Áhmed Sháh abstained from foreign
conquests, devoting himself to improving his dominions and to working
out a system of paying his troops. The method he finally adopted was
payment half in money and half in land. This arrangement attached the
men to the country, and, while keeping them dependent on the state,
enabled them to be free from debt. Further to keep his officials in
check he arranged that the treasurer should be one of the king's slaves
while the actual paymaster was a native of the particular locality. He
also appointed ámils that is sub-divisional revenue officers. After Ráv
Púnja's death Áhmed Sháh marched upon Ídar, and did not return until
Ráv Púnja's son agreed to pay an annual tribute of £300 (Rs. 3000). In
the following year, according to Farishtah (II. 369) in spite of the
young chiefs promise to pay tribute, Áhmed Sháh attacked Ídar, took the
fort, and built an assembly mosque. Fearing that their turn would come
next the chief of Jháláváda and Kánha apparently chief of Dungarpur
fled to Nasír Khán of Asír. Nasír Khán gave Kánha a letter to Áhmed
Sháh Báhmani, to whose son Alá-ud-dín Násír's daughter was married,
and having detached part of his own troops to help Kánha they plundered
and laid waste some villages of Nandurbár and Sultánpur. Sultán Áhmed
sent his eldest son Muhammad Khán with Mukarrabul Mulk and others to
meet the Dakhanis who were repulsed with considerable loss. On this
Sultán Áhmed Báhmani, under Kadr Khán Dakhani, sent his eldest son
Alá-ud-dín and his second son Khán Jehán against the Gujarátis. Kadr
Khán marched to Daulatábád and joining Nasír Khán and the Gujarát
rebels fought a great battle near the pass of Mánek Púj, six miles
south of Nándgaon in Násik. The confederates were defeated with great
slaughter. The Dakhan princes fled to Daulatábád and Kánha and Nasír
Khán to Kalanda near Chálisgaum in south Khándesh.

[Recovers Máhim, 1429;] In the same year (A.D. 1429), on the death of
Kutub Khán the Gujarát governor of the island of Máhim, now the north
part of the island of Bombay, [756] Áhmed Sháh Báhmani smarting under
his defeats, ordered Hasan Izzat, otherwise called Malik-ut-Tujjár,
to the Konkan and by the Malik's activity the North Konkan passed
to the Dakhanis. On the news of this disaster Áhmed Sháh sent his
youngest son Zafar Khán, with an army under Malik Iftikhár Khán, to
retake Máhim. A fleet, collected from Diu Gogha and Cambay sailed to
the Konkan, attacked Thána [757] by sea and land, captured it, and
regained possession of Máhim. In A.D. 1431 Áhmed Sháh advanced upon
Chámpáner, and Áhmed Sháh Bahmani, anxious to retrieve his defeat at
Máhim, marched an army into [and Báglán, 1431.] Báglán [758] and laid
it waste. This news brought Áhmed Sháh back to Nandurbár. Destroying
Nándod he passed to Tambol, a fort in Báglán which Áhmed Sháh Báhmani
was besieging, defeated the besiegers and relieved the fort. He then
went to Thána, repaired the fort, and returned to Gujarát by way of
Sultánpur and Nandurbár. In A.D. 1432, after contracting his son Fateh
Khán in marriage with the daughter of the Rái of Máhim to the north
of Bassein Áhmed Sháh marched towards Nágor, and exacted tribute and
presents from the Rával of Dúngarpur. [759] From Dúngarpur he went
to Mewár, enforcing his claims on Búndi and Kota, two Hára Rájput
states in south-east Rájputána. He then entered the Delváda country,
levelling temples and destroying the palace of Rána Mokalsingh,
the chief of Chitor. Thence he invaded Nágor in the country of the
Ráthods, who submitted to him. After this he returned to Gujarát,
and during the next few years was warring principally in Málwa, where,
according to Farishtah, his army suffered greatly from pestilence and
famine. Áhmed died in A.D. 1441 in the fifty-third year of his life and
the thirty-third of his reign and was buried in the mausoleum in the
Mánek Chauk in Áhmedábád. His after-death title is Khûdaigán-i-Maghfûr
the Forgiven Lord in token that, according to his merciful promise,
Allah the pitiful, moved by the prayer of forty believers, had spread
his forgiveness over the crime of Áhmed's youth, a crime bewailed by
a lifelong remorse.

Sultán Áhmed is still a name of power among Gujarát Musalmáns. He
is not more honoured for his bravery, skill, and success as a war
leader than for his piety and his justice. His piety showed itself in
his respect for three great religious teachers Sheikh Rukn-ud-dín the
representative of Sheikh Moín-ud-dín the great Khwájah of Ajmír, Sheikh
Áhmed Khattu who is buried at Sarkhej five miles west of Áhmedábád,
and the Bukháran Sheikh Burhán-ud-dín known as Kutbi Álam the father
of the more famous Sháh Álam. Of Áhmed's justice two instances are
recorded. Sitting in the window of his palace watching the Sábarmati
in flood Áhmed saw a large earthen jar float by. The jar was opened
and the body of a murdered man was found wrapped in a blanket. The
potters were called and one said the jar was his and had been sold
to the headman of a neighbouring village. On inquiry the headman
was proved to have murdered a grain merchant and was hanged. The
second case was the murder of a poor man by Áhmed's son-in-law. The
Kázi found the relations of the deceased willing to accept a blood
fine and when the fine was paid released the prince. Áhmed hearing
of his son-in-law's release said in the case of the rich fine is no
punishment and ordered his son-in-law to be hanged. [760]

[Muhammad II. 1441-1452.] Áhmed Sháh was succeeded by his generous
pleasure-loving son Muhammad Sháh, Ghiás-ud-dunya Wad-dín, also styled
Zarbaksh the Gold Giver. In A.D. 1445 Muhammad marched against Bír
Rái of Ídar, but on that chief agreeing to give him his daughter in
marriage, he confirmed him in the possession of his state. His next
expedition was against Kánha Rái of Dúngarpur, who took refuge in the
hills, but afterwards returned, and paying tribute, was given charge
of his country. Muhammad married Bíbi Mughli, daughter of Jám Júna
of Thatha in Sindh. She bore a son, Fateh Khán, who was afterwards
Sultán Mahmúd Begada. In A.D. 1450, Muhammad marched upon Chámpáner,
and took the lower fortress. Gangádás of Chámpáner had a strong ally
in Sultán Mahmúd Khilji, the ruler of Málwa, and on his approach
Muhammad Sháh retired to Godhra, [761] and Mahmúd Khilji continued
his march upon Gujarát at the head of 80,000 horse. Muhammad Sháh was
preparing to fly to Diu, when the nobles, disgusted at his cowardice,
caused him to be poisoned. Muhammad Sháh's after-death title is
Khûdáigán-i-Karím the Gracious Lord.

[Kutb-ud-dín, 1451-1459.] In A.D. 1451 the nobles placed Muhammad's
son Jalál Khán on the throne with the title of Kutb-ud-dín. Meanwhile
Sultán Mahmúd of Málwa had laid siege to Sultánpur. [762] Malik
Alá-ud-dín bin Sohráb Kutb-ud-dín's commander surrendered the fort,
and was sent with honour to [War with Málwa, 1451.] Málwa and appointed
governor of Mándu. Sultán Mahmúd, marching to Sársa-Pálri, summoned
Broach, then commanded by Sídi Marján on behalf of Gujarát. The Sídi
refused, and fearing delay, the Málwa Sultán after plundering Baroda
proceeded to Nadiád, whose Bráhmans astonished him by their bravery
in killing a mad elephant. Kutb-ud-dín Sháh now advancing met Sultán
Mahmúd at [Battle of Kapadvanj, 1454.] Kapadvanj, [763] where, after a
doubtful fight of some hours, he defeated Sultán Mahmúd, though during
the battle that prince was able to penetrate to Kutb-ud-dín's camp and
carry off his crown and jewelled girdle. The Mirat-i-Sikandari ascribes
Kutb-ud-dín's victory in great measure to the gallantry of certain
inhabitants of Dholka [764] called Darwáziyahs. Muzaffar Khán, who is
said to have incited the Málwa Sultán to invade Gujarát, was captured
and beheaded, and his head was hung up at the gate of Kapadvanj. On
his return from Kapadvanj Kutb-ud-dín built the magnificent Hauzi Kutb
or Kánkariya Tank about a mile to the south of Áhmedábád. According
to the Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 50-57) this war between
Málwa and Gujarát was controlled by the spiritual power of certain
holy teachers. The war was brought on by the prayers of Sheikh Kamál
Málwi, whose shrine is in Áhmedábád behind Khudáwand Khán's mosque
near Sháh-i-Álam's tomb, who favoured Málwa. Kutb-ud-dín's cause was
aided by the blessing of Kutbi Álam who sent his son the famous Sháh
Álam time after time to persuade Kamál to be loyal to Gujarát. At last
Kamál produced a writing said to be from heaven giving the victory to
Málwa. The young Sháh Álam tore this charter to shreds, and, as no evil
befel him, Kamál saw that his spiritual power paled before Sháh Álam
and fell back dead. Sháh Álam against his will accompanied Kutb-ud-dín
some marches on his advance to Kapadvanj. Before leaving the army
Sháh Álam blessed a mean camp elephant and ordered him to destroy the
famous Málwa champion elephant known as the Butcher. He also, against
his wish for he knew the future, at the Sultán's request bound his
own sword round Kutb-ud-dín's waist. In the battle the commissariat
elephant ripped the Butcher and some years later Kutb-ud-dín by
accident gashed his knee with the saint's sword and died.

[War with Nágor, 1454-1459.] In the same year Sultán Mahmúd Khilji
attempted to conquer Nágor then held by Fírúz Khán, a cousin of the
Áhmedábád Sultán. Kutb-ud-dín Sháh despatched an army under the command
of Sayad Atáulláh, and, as it drew near Sámbhar, [765] the Málwa Sultán
retired and shortly after Fírúz Khán died. Kúmbha Rána of Chitor [766]
now began interfering in the Nágor succession on behalf of Shams Khán,
who had been dispossessed by his brother Mujáhid Khán, and expelled
Mujáhid. But as Shams Khán refused to dismantle the fortifications
of Nágor, the Chitor chief collected an army to capture Nágor, while
Shams Khán repaired to Kutb-ud-dín Sháh for aid and gave that sovereign
his daughter in marriage. Upon this Kutb-ud-dín sent Rái Anupchand
Mánek and Malik Gadái with an army to Nágor to repulse the Rána of
[War with Chitor, 1455-1459.] Chitor. In a battle near Nágor the
Gujarát troops were defeated, and the Rána after laying waste the
neighbourhood of that city, returned to Chitor. In A.D. 1455-56,
to avenge this raid, Kutb-ud-dín Sháh marched against Chitor. On
his way the Devra Rája of Sirohi [767] attended Kutb-ud-dín Sháh's
camp, praying him to restore the fortress of Ábu, [768] part of the
ancestral domain of Sirohi, which the Rána of Chitor had wrested
from his house. The king ordered one of his generals, Malik Shaâbán,
to take possession of Ábu and restore it to the Devra chieftain,
while he himself continued to advance against Kumbhalmer. Malik
Shaâbán was entangled in the defiles near Ábu, and defeated with
great slaughter, and shortly after Kutb-ud-dín Sháh, making a truce
with Chitor, retired to his own country. On his return the Málwa
sovereign proposed that they should unite against Chitor, conquer the
Rána's territories, and divide them equally between them. Kutb-ud-dín
agreed and in A.D. 1456-57 marched against the Rána by way of Ábu,
which fortress he captured and handed to the Devra Rája. [769] Next,
advancing upon Kumbhalmer, he plundered the country round, and then
turned towards Chitor. On his way to Chitor, he was met by the Rána,
and a battle was fought, after which the Rána fell back on his capital,
and was there besieged by the Gujarát army. The siege was not pressed,
and, on the Rána agreeing to pay tribute and not to harass Nágor,
Kutb-ud-dín withdrew to Gujarát, where he gave himself up to licentious
excess. Meanwhile, the Rána by ceding Mandisor [770] to Málwa, came
to terms with the Sultán of Mándu, and within three months attacked
Nágor. Kutb-ud-dín Sháh, though so overcome with drink as to be unable
to sit his horse, mustered his troops and started in a palanquin. As
soon as the Rána heard that the Gujarát army was in motion he retired,
and the king returned to Áhmedábád. In A.D. 1458, he again led an
army by way of Sirohi and Kumbhalmer against Chitor, and laid waste
the country. Soon after his return, according to one account by an
accidental sword wound, according to another account poisoned by
his wife, Kutb-ud-dín died in May A.D. 1459 after a reign of seven
years and seven days. He was brave with a sternness of nature, which,
under the influence of wine, amounted to fierceness. His after-death
title is Sultán-i-Gházi the Warrior King.

[Mahmúd I. (Begada), 1459-1513.] On the death of Kutb-ud-dín Sháh,
the nobles raised to the throne his uncle Dáúd, son of Áhmed Sháh. But
as Dáúd appointed low-born men to high offices and committed other
foolish acts, he was deposed, and in A.D. 1459 his half-brother Fateh
Khán the son of Muhammad Sháh, son of Áhmed Sháh by Bíbi Mughli a
daughter of Jám Júna of Thatha in Sindh, was seated on the throne at
the age of little more than thirteen with the title of Mahmúd Sháh.

The close connection of Fateh Khán with the saintly Sháh Álam
is a favourite topic with Gujarát historians. According to the
Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 66-70) of his two daughters Jám
Júna intended Bíbi Mughli the more beautiful for the Saint and Bíbi
Mirghi the less comely for the Sultán. By bribing the Jám's envoys
the king secured the prettier sister. The enraged Saint was consoled
by his father who said: My son, to you will come both the cow and the
calf. After Muhammad II.'s death, fear of Kutb-ud-dín's designs against
the young Fateh Khán forced Bíbi Mughli to seek safety with her sister,
and on her sister's death she married the Saint. Kutb-ud-dín made
several attempts to seize Fateh Khán. But by the power of the Saint
when Kutb-ud-dín attempted to seize him, Fateh Khán in body as well
as in dress became a girl. According to one account Kutb-ud-dín met
his death in an attempt to carry off Fateh Khán. As he rode into the
Saint's quarter Death in the form of a mad camel met the king. The
king struck at the phantom, and his sword cleaving the air gashed
his knee. This was the Saint's sword, which against his will, for he
knew it would be the death of the king, Kutb-ud-dín forced Sháh Álam
to bind round him before the battle of Kapadvanj.

[Defeats a Conspiracy, 1459.] The death of his uncle, the late Sultán
Dáúd, who had become a religious devotee, relieved Fateh Khán of one
source of danger. Shortly after certain of the nobles including Seiful
Mulk, Kabír-ud-dín Sultáni surnamed Akd-ul-Mulk, Burhán-ul-Mulk and
Hisám-ul-Mulk represented to the Sultán that the minister Shaâbán
Imád-ul-Mulk contemplated treason and wished to set his son on the
throne. Having seized and imprisoned the minister in the Bhadra citadel
and set five hundred of their trusted retainers as guards over him,
the rebels retired to their homes. At nightfall Abdulláh, the chief
of the elephant stables, going to the young Sultán represented to him
that the nobles who had imprisoned Imád-ul-Mulk were the real traitors
and had determined to place Habíb Khán, an uncle of the Sultán's, on
the throne. The Sultán consulting his mother and some of his faithful
friends ordered Abdulláh at daybreak to equip all his elephants in
full armour and draw them up in the square before the Bhadra. He
then seated himself on the throne and in a voice of feigned anger
ordered one of the courtiers to bring out Shaâbán Imád-ul-Mulk,
that he might wreak his vengeance upon him. As these orders were
not obeyed the Sultán rose, and walking up the Bhadra called: "Bring
out Shaâbán!" The guards brought forth Imád-ul-Mulk, and the Sultán
ordered his fetters to be broken. Some of the nobles' retainers made
their submission to the Sultán, others fled and hid themselves. In
the morning, hearing what had happened, the refractory nobles marched
against the Sultán. Many advised the Sultán to cross the Sábarmati
by the postern gate and retire from the city, and, after collecting
an army, to march against the nobles. Giving no ear to these counsels
the young Sultán ordered Abdulláh to charge the advancing nobles with
his six hundred elephants. The charge dispersed the malcontents who
fled and either hid themselves in the city or betook themselves to
the country. Some were killed, some were trampled by the Sultán's
orders under the elephants' feet, and one was pardoned. [771] His
religious ardour, his love of justice, his bravery, and his wise
measures entitle Mahmúd to the highest place among the Gujarát
kings. One of the measures which the Mirat-i-Sikandari specially
notices is his continuance of land grants to the son of the holder,
and in cases where there was no male issue of half the grant to the
daughter. His firm policy of never ousting the landholder except for
proved oppression or exaction was productive of such prosperity that
the revenue increased two, three and in some cases tenfold. The roads
were safe from freebooters and trade was secure. A rule forbidding
soldiers to borrow money at interest is favourably noticed. [Improves
the Soldiery, 1459-1461.] A special officer was appointed to make
advances to needy soldiers with the power to recover from their pay
in fixed instalments. [772] Mahmúd also devoted much attention to the
culture of fruit trees. [773] In A.D. 1461, or A.D. 1462 according to
Farishtah, Nizám Sháh Báhmani (A.D. 1461-1463), king of the Dakhan,
whose country had been invaded by Sultán Mahmúd Khilji of Málwa,
applied for help to the Gujarát king. [Helps the King of the Dakhan,
1461.] Mahmúd Sháh at once started to Nizám Sháh's aid, and on his way
receiving another equally pressing letter from the Dakhan sovereign,
and being joined by the Báhmani general Khwájáh Jehán Gáwán, he
pushed on with all speed by way of Burhánpur. [774] When Sultán Mahmúd
Khilji heard of his approach, he retired to his own country by way of
Gondwána, [775] from thirst and from the attacks of the Gonds, losing
5000 to 6000 men. The king of Gujarát, after receiving the thanks of
the Dakhan sovereign, returned to his own dominions. In A.D. 1462
Sultán Mahmúd Khilji made another incursion into the Dakhan at the
head of 90,000 horse, plundering and laying waste the country as far
as Daulatábád. Again the Dakhan sovereign applied for help to Mahmúd
Sháh, and on hearing of Mahmúd's advance the Málwa Sultán retired a
second time to his own dominions. Mahmúd Sháh now wrote to the Málwa
Sultán to desist from harassing the Dakhan, threatening, in case of
refusal, to march at once upon Mándu. His next expedition was against
the pirate zamíndárs of the hill fort of Barûr and the bandar of Dûn
or Dáhánu, whose fort he took, and after imposing an annual tribute
allowed the chief to continue to hold his hundred villages. [776]

[Expedition against Junágadh, 1467.] Mahmúd Sháh next turned
his thoughts to the conquest of the mountain citadel of Girnár in
central Káthiáváda. [777] In A.D. 1467 he made an attack on the fort
of Junágadh, and receiving the submission of Ráv Mandlik, the local
ruler, returned to his capital. In the following year, hearing that
the Junágadh chief continued to visit his idol temple in state with
a golden umbrella and other ensigns of royalty, Mahmúd despatched
an army to Junágadh, and the chief sent the obnoxious umbrella to
the king, accompanied by fitting presents. In A.D. 1469 Mahmúd once
more sent an army to ravage Sorath, with the intention of finally
conquering both Junágadh and Girnár. While Mahmúd was on the march
the Ráv Mandlik suddenly joined him, and asking why the Sultán was
so bent on his destruction when he had committed no fault, agreed
to do whatever Mahmúd might command. The king replied there is no
fault like infidelity, and ordered the Ráv to embrace Islám. The
chief, now thoroughly alarmed, fled by night and made his way into
Girnár. [Capture of Girnár, 1472.] In A.D. 1472-73 after a siege of
nearly two years, forced by the failure of his stores, he quitted
the fort and handing the keys to the king, repeated after him the
Muhammadan profession of faith. Though the Ráv's life was spared
Sorath from this date became a crown possession, and was governed
by an officer appointed by the king and stationed at Junágadh. At
the close of the war Mahmúd Sháh repaired the fort Jehánpanáh, the
present outer or town wall of Junágadh, and, charmed with the beauty
of the neighbourhood, settled sayads and learned men at Junágadh and
other towns in Sorath. He induced the nobles to build houses, himself
raised a palace and made the new city his capital under the name of
Mustafábad and enforced his claims as overlord on all the neighbouring
chiefs. It is true that in the times of Áhmed Sháh these chieftains,
including even the Junágadh Ráv himself, had paid tribute. But Mahmúd
established Áhmedábád rule so firmly that the duty of collecting
the tribute was entrusted to an officer permanently settled in the
country. The author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari dilates on the dense
woods round Junágadh, full of mango, ráen, jámbu, gúlar, ámli, and
áonla [778] trees, and notes that this forest tract was inhabited by
a wild race of men called Khánts. [779]

[Disturbances in Chámpáner, 1472.] During Mahmúd Sháh's prolonged
absence from his capital, Malik Jamál-ud-dín was appointed governor
of Áhmedábád, with the title of Muháfiz Khán that is Care-taker. At
this time Jesingh, son of Gangádás the chief of Chámpáner, harassed
the country round Pávágad. The king appointed Bahá-ul-Mulk, who had
the title of Imád-ul-Mulk, to the command of Sankheda; Malik Sárang
Kiwám-ul-Mulk to the command of Godhra; and Táj Khán bin Sálár to the
command of Norkha and Dákhna on the Máhi. In consequence of these
precautions Jesingh abstained from rebellion. At this time the Ráv
Mandlik received the title of Khán Jahán, and lands were bestowed on
him, while the golden idols, which had been taken from the Junágadh
temples, were broken and distributed among the soldiers.

[Conquest of Kachh.] Mahmúd Sháh's next expedition was against
the turbulent inhabitants of the confines of Sindh. These were
Jádejás, though they are described as Rájputs of the Sumra and Sodha
tribes. [780] They appear to have readily submitted, and to have
voluntarily sent men to Junágadh to be instructed in Islám and to
settle in Gujarát. Shortly afterwards they again became troublesome,
and the king advancing into Kachh completely defeated them. About
this time a learned man, Mulla Mahmúd Samarkandi, on his way from
the Dakhan to Central Asia, complained to the king that he had been
robbed by the pirates of Jagat or Dwárka. [781] On hearing of this
outrage Mahmúd Sháh marched to [Jagat Destroyed.] Jagat, took the fort,
and destroyed the idol temples. The pirates, in the first instance,
retired to the island of Shankhodára or Bet, but from this, too, after
a stout resistance they were driven with great slaughter. The king
built a mosque at Jagat, entrusted the government to Farhat-ul-Mulk,
and himself returned to Junágadh. Before this Dwárka had never been
conquered. Bhím, the Rájá of Dwárka, was sent to Muháfiz Khán, the
governor of Áhmedábád, with orders that he was to be hewn in pieces
and a piece fastened to every gate of the city. After settling the
affairs of Sorath, the king turned his face towards Áhmedábád. On the
way hearing that a fleet of Malabár craft were annoying the Gujarát
ports, he marched to Gogha, equipped a fleet to oppose the pirates,
and stopping at Cambay returned to Áhmedábád.

[Conspiracy, 1480.] In A.D. 1480, when Mahmúd Sháh was at Junágadh,
Khudáwand Khán and others, who were weary of the king's constant
warfare, incited his eldest son Áhmed to assume royal power. But
Imád-ul-Mulk, by refusing to join, upset their plans, and on the king's
return the conspiracy was stamped out. In the previous year (A.D. 1479)
Mahmúd Sháh sent an army to ravage Chámpáner, which he was determined
to conquer. About this time, hearing that the neighbourhood was
infested with robbers, he founded the city of Mehmúdábád on the banks
of the Vátrak, about eighteen miles south of Áhmedábád. In A.D. 1482
there was a partial famine in Gujarát, and the Chámpáner country being
exempt from scarcity the commandant of Morámli or Rasúlábád, a post in
the Gáckwár's Sáonli district on the Chámpáner frontier, made several
forays across the border. In return the chief attacked the commandant
and defeated him, killing most of his men and capturing two elephants
and several horses. On hearing this Mahmúd Sháh set out for Baroda with
a powerful army. When Mahmúd reached Baroda the Rával of [War against
Chámpáner, 1482-1484.] Chámpáner, becoming alarmed, sent ambassadors
and sued for forgiveness. The king rejected his overtures, saying:
'Except the sword and the dagger no message shall pass between me and
you.' [782] The Rával made preparations for a determined resistance,
and sent messengers to summon Ghiás-ud-dín Khilji of Málwa to his
aid. To prevent this junction Mahmúd Sháh entrusted the siege to his
nobles and marched to Dohad, on which Sultán Ghiás-ud-dín withdrew
to Mándu. On his return from Dohad the Sultán began building a Jáma
Mosque at Chámpáner to show that he would not leave the place till he
had taken the hill-fort of Pávágad. After the siege had lasted more
than twenty months (April 1483-December 1484), the Musalmáns noticed
that for an hour or two in the morning most of the Rájputs were off
duty bathing and dressing. A morning assault was planned and the first
gate carried. Then Malik Ayáz Sultáni finding a practicable breach
passed through with some of his men and took the great gate. The
Rával and his Rájputs, throwing their women children and valuables
into a huge fire, rushed out in a fierce but unavailing charge. [783]

[Capture of Pávágad, 1484.] The Rával and his minister Dúngarshi fell
wounded into the conqueror's hands, and, on refusing to embrace Islám,
were put to death. The Rával's son, who was entrusted to Seif-ul-Mulk,
and instructed by him in the Muhammadan religion, afterwards, in
the reign of Muzaffar Sháh (A.D. 1523-1526), was ennobled by the
title of Nizám-ul-Mulk. On the capture of Pávágad in A.D. 1484,
Mahmúd Sháh built a wall round the town of Chámpáner, and made it
his capital under the name of Muhammadábád. Under Mahmúd's orders
the neighbourhood became stocked with mangoes, pomegranates, figs,
grapes, sugarcane, plantains, oranges, custard apples, khirnis or ráens
(Mimusops indica or hexandra), jackfruit, and cocoapalms, as well as
with roses, chrysanthemums, jasmins, champás, and sweet pandanus. A
sandal grove near Chámpáner is said to have had trees large enough to
help the Musalmán nobles to build their mansions. At the instance of
the Sultán a Khurásáni beautified one of the gardens with fountains
and cascades. A Gujaráti named Hálur learning the principle improved
on his master's design in a garden about four miles west of Chámpáner,
which in his honour still bears the name Hálol. [784]

In Mahmúd's reign an instance is mentioned of the form of compensation
known as valtar. Some merchants bringing horses and other goods for
sale from Irák and Khurásán were plundered in Sirohi limits. The king
caused them to give in writing the price of their horses and stuffs,
and paying them from his own treasury recovered the amount from the
Rája of Sirohi.

[The Khándesh Succession, 1508.] In A.D. 1494-95 Mahmúd went against
Bahádur Khán Gíláni, a vassal of the Bahmanis, who from Goa and Dábhol
[785] had so harassed the Gujarát harbours that, from the failure of
the supply of betelnut, coriander seed had to be eaten with betel
leaves. The Bahmani Sultán, fearing the consequences to himself,
marched against Bahádur Khán, and, capturing him alive, struck off
his head, and sent it to the Gujarát monarch, who returned to his
own country. In A.D. 1499-1500, hearing that Násir-ud-dín of Málwa
had killed his father Ghiás-ud-dín and seated himself on the throne,
the Sultán prepared to advance against him, but was appeased by
Násir-ud-dín's humble attitude. The next seven years passed without
any warlike expedition. In A.D. 1507, near Daman on his way to Cheul,
Mahmúd heard of the victory gained at Cheul over the Portuguese by the
Gujarát squadron under Malik Ayáz Sultáni, in concert with the Turkish
fleet. [786] In A.D. 1508 Mahmúd succeeded in placing his nephew Mirán
Muhammad Ádil Khán Fárúki on the throne of Ásir-Burhánpur. From 1508
Mahmúd remained at his capital till his death in December A.D. 1513
at the age of sixty-seven years and three months, after a reign of
fifty-four years and one month. Mahmúd was buried at Sarkhej, [787]
and received the after-death title of Khúdáigán-i-Halím or the Meek
Lord. Immediately before his death Sultán Mahmúd was informed that
Sháh Ismáil Safawi of Persia had sent him a friendly embassy headed by
Yádgár Beg Kazil-básh. As the Kazil-báshes were known to be Shíahs the
Sultán, who was a staunch Sunni, prayed that he might not be forced to
see a Shíah's face during his last days. His prayer was heard. He died
before the Persian embassy entered the city. [788] During the last
days of Sultán Mahmúd, Sayad Muhammad of Jaunpur, who claimed to be
the Mahdi or Messiah, came from Jaunpur and lodged in Tájkhán Sálár's
mosque near the Jamálpur gate of Áhmedábád. His sermons drew crowds,
and were so persuasive that he gained a large body of followers,
who believed his eloquence to be due to hál or inspiration. Mahmúd's
ministers persuaded him not to see the Jaunpur preacher.

Mahmúd Begada's court was adorned by several pious and high-minded
nobles. In life they vied with one another in generous acts; and
after death, according to the Persian poet Urfi, they left their
traces in the characters and carvings of stone walls and marble
piles. First among these nobles the Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text,
132, 142) mentions Dáwar-ul-Mulk, whose god-fearing administration
made his estates so prosperous that they were coveted by princes of
the blood. As Thánadár of Amron in north Káthiáváda, he spread the
light of Islám from Morvi to Bhúj, and after his death his fame as a
spirit-ruling guardian drew hosts of sick and possessed to his shrine
near Morvi. The second was Malik Ayáz, governor of Diu, who built the
strong fortress afterwards reconstructed by the Portuguese. He also
built a tower on an under-water rock, and from the tower drew a massive
iron chain across the mouth of the harbour. A substantial bridge
over the creek, that runs through the island of Diu, was afterwards
destroyed by the Portuguese. The third was Khudáwand Khán Alím, the
founder of Alímpura a suburb to the south of Áhmedábád, adorned with
a mosque of sandstone and marble. He introduced the cultivation of
melons figs and sugarcane into Gujarát from Bijápur. The fourth was
Imád-ul-Mulk Asas who founded Ísanpur, a suburb between Sháh Álam's
suburb of Islámpur and Batwa, and planted along the road groves of
khirnis and mangoes. The fifth was Tájkhán Sálár, so loved of his
peers that after his death none of them would accept his title. The
sixth was Malik Sárang Kiwám-ul-Mulk, a Rájput by birth, the founder of
the suburb of Sárangpur and its mosque to the east of Áhmedábád. The
seventh and eighth were the Khurásáni brothers Aâzam and Moâzzam, who
built a cistern, a mosque, and a tomb between Áhmedábád and Sarkhej.

Besides Khalíl Khán, who succeeded him, Mahmúd had three sons: Muhammad
Kála, Ápá Khán, and Áhmed Khán. Kála, son of Ráni Rúp Manjhri died
during his father's lifetime as did his mother, who was buried in Mánek
Chauk in Áhmedábád in the building known as the Ráni's Hazíra. The
second son Ápá Khán was caught trespassing in a noble's harím, and
was ordered by the Sultán to be poisoned. The third son was the Áhmed
Khán whom Khudáwand Khán sought to raise to the throne during Sultán
Mahmúd's lifetime.

[Muzaffar II. 1513-1526.] Muhammad was succeeded by Khalíl Khán, the
son of Ráni Hírábái the daughter of a Rájput chieftain named Nága Rána
who lived on the bank of the Mahi. On ascending the throne, at the age
of twenty-seven, Khalíl adopted the title of Muzaffar Sháh. For some
time before his father's death, Prince Khalíl Khán had been living at
Baroda and shortly after his accession he visited that neighbourhood,
and founded a town which he named Daulatábád. In A.D. 1514 Ráv Bhím,
the son of Ráv Bhán of Ídar, [Expedition against Ídar, 1514.] defeated
Ain-ul-Mulk, governor of Pátan, who was coming to Áhmedábád to pay
his respects to the king. This officer had turned aside to punish the
Ráv for some disturbance he had created, but failing in his purpose,
was himself defeated. On the approach of Muzaffar Sháh, Ídar was
abandoned by the Ráv, who made his peace with difficulty and only
by agreeing to pay a heavy tribute. Meanwhile the king marched to
Godhra, and so to Málwa by way of Dohad, whose fort he caused to be
repaired, and soon after went on to Dhár. After a short stay in Málwa,
thinking it mean to take advantage of the distracted condition of
Mahmúd of Málwa, who was at war with his nobles, Muzaffar returned
to Muhammadábád (Chámpáner). At this time Ráimal, nephew of the late
Ráv Bhím of Ídar, expelled the Ráv's son Bhármal by the aid of his
father-in-law Rána Sánga of Chitor, and succeeded to the chieftainship
of Ídar. The king was displeased at the interference of the Rána, and
directed Nizám Khán, the governor of Ahmednagar, to expel Ráimal and
reinstate Bhármal. Nizám Khán took Ídar and gave it to Bhármal. Ráimal
betook himself to the hills where Nizám Khán incautiously pursuing and
engaging him lost many men. When the rains were over the Sultán visited
Ídar. Shortly after, Nizám Khán, the governor of Ahmednagar, fell sick
and was called to court. He left Ídar in charge of Zahír-ul-Mulk at
the head of a hundred horse. Ráimal made a sudden raid on Ídar and
killed Zahír-ul-Mulk and twenty-seven of his men. On hearing of this
reverse Sultán Muzaffar ordered Nizám Khán to destroy Bíjápur. [789]
[Disturbances in Málwa, 1517.] In A.D. 1517, the nobles of Málwa
besought Muzaffar's interference, alleging that the Hindu minister
Medáni Rái was planning to depose the Málwa Sultán, Mahmúd Khilji,
and usurp the throne. Muzaffar Sháh promised to come to their help,
and shortly after Sultán Mahmúd Khilji, escaping from the surveillance
of Medáni Rái, himself sought the aid of the Gujarát monarch. In
A.D. 1518 Muzaffar Sháh marched by Godhra into Málwa, and on his
arrival at Dhár, that town was evacuated by Medáni Rái. The Gujarát
king next besieged Mándu and Medáni Rái summoned the Chitor Rána to his
aid. [Capture of Mándu, 1518.] When the Rána had reached Sárangpur,
Muzaffar Sháh detaching a force caused the Rána to retire, while the
Gujarát soldiers exerted themselves so strenuously that they captured
Mándu, recovering the girdle which Kutb-ud-dín had lost at the battle
of Kapadvanj. This conquest virtually placed Málwa in Muzaffar's power,
but he honourably restored the kingdom to Sultán Mahmúd Khilji, and,
withdrawing to Gujarát, proceeded to Muhammadábád. In A.D. 1519, news
was received of the defeat and capture of Sultán Mahmúd Khilji by
the Rána of Chitor. Muzaffar Sháh sent a force to protect Mándu. But
the Rána, who distinguished himself by releasing the Sultán of Málwa
and keeping his son in his stead as a hostage, enjoyed continued good
fortune. Some time before these events a bhát or bard in the presence
of Nizám Khán, the governor of Ídar, boasted that the Rána of [War with
Chitor, 1519.] Chitor would never fail to help Rána Ráimal of Ídar. The
angry governor said 'Whose dog is Rána Sánga to help Ráimal while we
are here.' Nizám Khán called a dog Sánga, chained him in the fort, and
dared the Rána to carry him away. His successes enabled Sánga to answer
the challenge. In consequence of dissensions at head-quarters Nizám
Khán withdrew to Ahmednagar leaving a small garrison in Ídar. When Rána
Sánga appeared before Ídar the garrison resisted but were slain to a
man. The Rána advanced to Ahmednagar and severely defeated Nizám Khán
who withdrew to Áhmedábád, while the Rána plundered Vishálnagar. [790]
In A.D. 1521, Malik Ayáz Sultáni, the governor of [The Rána of Chitor
Submits, 1521.] Sorath, was sent with a large and carefully equipped
force to revenge this inroad. Dissensions between Malik Ayáz and the
Gujarát nobles prevented this expedition doing more than burn and
despoil both Dungarpur and Bánsváda. Muzaffar Sháh, greatly displeased
with the result, was preparing to march against Chitor, when he was
dissuaded by a submissive embassy from that chief, who sent his son
to Áhmedábád with valuable presents for the king. Shortly afterwards,
on the death of Malik Ayáz, Muzaffar Sháh confirmed his elder son Malik
Is-hák in his father's rank and possessions. Malik Is-hák remained in
Sorath which was confirmed as his jágir. In the following year the
Sultán went about his dominions strengthening his frontier posts,
especially the fort of Modása, which he rebuilt. About A.D. 1524
prince Báhádur Khán, ostensibly dissatisfied with the smallness of
his estates but really to remove himself from the jealousy of his
brother Sikandar who being appointed heir-apparent was seeking his
life, left Gujarát and withdrew to Hindustán. King Muzaffar, after
formally appointing his son Sikandar Khán his heir, [Dies, 1526.] died
at Áhmedábád in A.D. 1526, after a reign of fourteen years and nine
months. Muzaffar was buried in the shrine of Sheikh Áhmed Khattu
at Sarkhej near his father's grave. He was the most learned and one
of the most pious of the Áhmedábád Sultáns. So extreme an abstainer
was he that not only during his whole life did he eschew intoxicating
drugs and liquor but he never again rode a favourite horse because the
horse was cured by a draught of wine. He was an accomplished musician,
a finished horseman, a practised swordsman, and withal so modest and
humble in his dress and temper that observing once to a favourite
page how simple and yet graceful his own turban was the boy laughed:
'Ay, if the turbans of Mullahs and Bohoras are graceful, then is
your Majesty's.' The Sultán said 'I should have been proud to have my
turban likened to a Mullah's, why compare it with the headdress of a
schismatic Bohora.' Muzaffar was careful never to pain the feelings of
those around him. He suspected Kiwám-ul-Mulk who was in charge of his
drinking water but contented himself with breathing over the water one
of the verses of the Kurâán which make poison harmless. [791] During
his reign cultivation increased so much in Jháláváda that it became
necessary to reserve certain waste land for pasture. In 1526 the rains
held off so long that famine began to rage. The Sultán exclaimed,
'Oh Allah! If thou scourgest the country for the sins of its king
take his life and spare thy creatures.' The prayer was heard and the
soul of the guardian Sultán passed in a flood of gracious rain. [792]

[Sikandar, 1526.] After Sikandar Sháh had been in power a few months
he was murdered by Imád-ul-Mulk Khush Kadam, who seated a younger
brother of Sikandar's, named Násir Khán, on the throne with the title
of [Mahmúd II. 1526.] Mahmúd II. and governed on his behalf. The only
event of Sikandar's reign was the destruction of an army sent against
his brother Latíf Khán who was helped by Rána Bhím of Munga. [793]
The nobles deserted Imád-ul-Mulk's cause, and prince [Bahádur,
1527-1536.] Báhádur Khán, returning to Gujarát from Hindustán,
was joined by many supporters prominent among whom was Táj Khán,
proprietor of Dhandhuka. Bahádur marched at once on Chámpáner, captured
and executed Imád-ul-Mulk and poisoning Násir Khán ascended the throne
in A.D. 1527 with the title of Bahádur Sháh. His brother Latíf Khán,
aided by Rája Bhím of the Kohistan or hill land of Pál, [794] now
asserted his claim to the throne. He was defeated, and fell wounded
into the hands of the Gujarát army and died of his wounds and was
buried at Hálol. Rája Bhím was slain. As Bhím's successor Ráisingh
plundered Dohad, a large force was sent against him, commanded
by Táj Khán, who laid waste Ráisingh's country and dismantled his
forts. Soon after Bahádur Sháh visited Cambay, and found that Malik
Is-hák the governor of Sorath had, in the interests of the Portuguese,
attempted to seize Diu but had been repulsed by the Gujarát admiral
Mahmúd Áka. The Sultán entrusted Diu to Kiwám-ul-Mulk and Junágadh to
Mujáhid Khán Bhíkan and returned to Áhmedábád. In 1527 he enforced
tribute from Ídar and the neighbouring country. During one of his
numerous expeditions he went to hunt in Nándod and received the
homage of the Rája. [Portuguese Intrigues, 1526.] As the Portuguese
were endeavouring to establish themselves on the coast of Sorath,
and, if possible, to obtain Diu, the king was constantly at Cambay
Diu and Gogha to frustrate their attempts, and he now directed the
construction of the fortress of Broach. At this time Muhammad Khán,
ruler of Asír and Burhánpur, requested Bahádur's aid on behalf of
Imád-ul-Mulk, ruler of Berár. Bahádur Sháh started at once and at
Nandurbár was joined by Muhammad Khán Asíri, and thence proceeded
to Burhánpur, where he was met by Imád Sháh from Gávalgad. [Khándesh
Affairs, 1528.] After certain successes he made peace between Burhán
Nizám Sháh and Imád Sháh Gávali, and returned to Gujarát. Jám Fírúz
the ruler of Tatha in Sindh now sought refuge with Bahádur Sháh
from the oppression either of the Ghoris or of the Mughals and was
hospitably received. In A.D. 1528 Bahádur made an expedition into the
Dakhan which ended in a battle at Daulatábád. The issue of this battle
seems to have been unfavourable as hardly any reference to the campaign
remains. Next year (A.D. 1529) at the request of Jaâfar or Khizr Khán,
son of Imád Sháh Gávali, who was sent to Gujarát to solicit Bahádur's
help, he again marched for the Dakhan. As he passed through Muler
Biharji the Rája of Báglán gave him his daughter in marriage and in
return received the title of Bahr Khán. From Báglán Bahr Khán was
told off to ravage Cheul which by this time had fallen into the hands
of the Portuguese. Bahádur himself advanced to Ahmednagar, took the
fort and destroyed many of the buildings. Purandhar also was sacked
of its stores of gold. [795] From Ahmednagar Bahádur Sháh passed to
Burhánpur, and there his general Kaisar Khán gained a victory over
the united forces of Nizám Sháh, Malik Beríd, and Ain-ul-Mulk. After
having the public sermon read in his name both in Ahmednagar and in
Burhánpur Bahádur returned to Gujarát and for some time refrained
from interfering in the affairs of the Dakhan.

[Turks at Diu, 1526-1530.] Between A.D. 1526 and 1530 certain Turks
under one Mústafa came to Gujarát, traders according to one account
according to another part of a Turkish fleet expected to act against
the Portuguese. Diu was assigned them as a place of residence and the
command of the island was granted to Malik Túghán, son of Malik Ayáz,
the former governor. In A.D. 1530 the king marched to Nágor, and gave
an audience both to Prathiráj Rája of Dúngarpur and to the ambassadors
from Rána Ratansi of Chitor. The Rána's ambassadors complained
of encroachments on Chitor by Mahmúd of Málwa. Mahmúd promised to
appear before Bahádur to explain the alleged encroachments. Bahádur
waited. At last as Mahmúd failed to attend Bahádur said he would go
and meet Mahmúd. He invested Mándu and received with favour certain
deserters from Mahmúd's army. The fortress fell and Sultán Mahmúd and
his seven sons were captured. The success of the siege was due to
Bahádur's personal prowess. [Capture of Mándu, 1530.] He scaled an
almost inaccessible height and sweeping down from it with a handful
of men took the fort, a feat which for daring and dash is described
as unsurpassed in the history of Musalmán Gujarát. [796] After passing
the rainy season at Mándu Bahádur Sháh went to Burhánpur to visit his
nephew Mirán Muhammad Sháh. At Burhánpur Bahádur under the influence
of the great priest-statesman Sháh Táhir, was reconciled with Burhán
Nizám and gave him the royal canopy he had taken from Málwa. Bahádur
offered Sháh Táhir the post of minister. Sháh Táhir declined saying he
must make a pilgrimage to Makkah. He retired to Ahmednagar and there
converted Burhán Nizám Sháh to the Shíâh faith. [797] In the same year,
hearing that Mánsingji, Rája of Halvad, [798] had killed the commandant
of Dasáda Bahádur despatched Khán Khánán against him. Víramgám and
Mándal were reft from the Jhála chieftains, and ever after formed part
of the crown dominions. When Sultán Mahmúd Khilji and his sons were
being conveyed to the fortress of Chámpáner, Ráisingh, Rája of Pál,
endeavoured to rescue them. The attempt failed, and the prisoners were
put to death by their guards. In A.D. 1531, on Bahádur's return from
Burhánpur to Dhár, hearing that Silehdi the Rájput chief of Ráisin in
east Málwa kept in captivity certain Muhammadan women who had belonged
to the harím of Sultán Násir-ud-dín of Málwa, Bahádur marched against
him and forced him to surrender and embrace Islám. The chief secretly
sent to the Rána of Chitor for aid and delayed handing over Ráisin. On
learning this Bahádur despatched a force to keep Chitor in check and
pressed the siege. At his own request, Silehdi was sent to persuade
the garrison to surrender. But their reproaches stung him so sharply,
that, joining with them, and after burning their women and children,
they sallied forth sword in hand and were all slain. Ráisin fell into
Bahádur's hands, and this district together with those of Bhilsa and
Chanderi were entrusted to the government of Sultán Álam Lodhi. The
king now went to Gondwána to hunt elephants, and, after capturing many,
employed his army in reducing Gágraun and other minor fortresses. [799]
In A.D. 1532 he advanced against Chitor, but raised the siege on
receiving an enormous ransom. Shortly afterwards his troops took the
strong fort of Rantanbhur. [800] About this time on receipt of news
that the Portuguese were usurping authority the Sultán repaired to
Diu. Before he arrived the Portuguese had taken to flight, leaving
behind them an enormous gun which the Sultán ordered to be dragged
to Chámpáner.

[Quarrel with Humáyún, 1532.] Before A.D. 1532 was over Bahádur
Sháh quarrelled with Humáyún, emperor of Delhi. The original
ground of quarrel was that Bahádur Sháh had sheltered Sultán
Muhammad Zamán Mírza the grandson of a daughter of the emperor Bábar
(A.D. 1482-1530). Humáyún's anger was increased by an insolent answer
from the Gujarát king. Without considering that he had provoked a
powerful enemy, Bahádur Sháh again laid siege to Chitor, and though
he heard that Humáyún had arrived at Gwálior, he would not desist
from the siege. [Fall of Chitor, 1535.] In March 1535 Chitor fell
into the hands of the Gujarát king but near Mandasúr his army was
shortly afterwards routed by Humáyún. According to one account,
the failure of the Gujarát army was due to Bahádur and his nobles
being spell-bound by looking at a heap of salt and some cloth soaked
in indigo which were mysteriously left before Bahádur's tent by an
unknown elephant. The usual and probably true explanation is that
Rúmi Khán the Turk, head of the Gujarát artillery, betrayed Bahádur's
interest. [801] Still though Rúmi Khán's treachery may have had a share
in Bahádur's defeat it seems probable that in valour, discipline,
and tactics the Gujarát army was inferior to the Mughals. [Mughal
Conquest of Gujarát, 1535.] Bahádur Sháh, unaccustomed to defeat,
lost heart and fled to Mándu, which fortress was speedily taken by
Humáyún. From Mándu the king fled to Chámpáner, and finally took refuge
in Diu. Chámpáner fell to Humáyún, and the whole of Gujarát, except
Sorath, came under his rule. At this time Sher Sháh Súr revolted,
in Bihár and Jaunpur, and Humáyún returned to Agra to oppose him
leaving his brother Hindál Mírza in Áhmedábád, Kásam Beg in Broach,
and Yádgár Násir Mírza in Pátan. [Are Driven Out, 1536.] As soon as
Humáyún departed, the country rose against the Mughals, and his old
nobles requested the king to join them. Bahádur joined them, and,
defeating the Mughals at Kaníj near Mahmúdábád, expelled them from
Gujarát. During Humáyún's time of success Bahádur Sháh, being forced to
court the [The Portuguese at Diu, 1536.] Portuguese, had granted them
leave to erect a factory in Diu. Instead of a factory the Portuguese
built a fort. When he recovered his kingdom, Bahádur, repenting of
his alliance with the Portuguese, went to Sorath to persuade an
army of Portuguese, whom he had asked to come to his assistance,
to return to Goa. When the Portuguese arrived at Diu five or six
thousand strong the Sultán hoping to get rid of them by stratagem,
repaired to Diu and endeavoured to get the viceroy into his power. The
viceroy excused himself, and in return invited the king to visit his
ship. [Death of Bahádur, 1536.] Bahádur agreed, and on his way back
was attacked and slain, in the thirty-first year of his life and the
eleventh of his reign. According to the author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari
the reason of Bahádur's assassination was that a paper from him to
the kings of the Dakhan, inviting them to join him in an alliance
against the Portuguese, had fallen into the hands of the Portuguese
viceroy. Whatever may have been the provocation or the intention, the
result seems to show that while both sides had treacherous designs
neither party was able to carry out his original plan, and the end
was unpremeditated, hurried on by mutual suspicions. [802] Up to the
defeat of Sultán Bahádur by Humáyún, the power of Gujarát was at its
height. Cadets of noble Rájput houses, Prithiráj, the nephew of Rána
Sánga of Chitor, and Narsingh Deva the cousin of the Rája of Gwálior,
were proud to enrol themselves as the Sultán's vassals. The Rája of
Baglána readily gave Bahádur Sháh his daughter. Jám Fírúz of Tatha in
Sindh and the sons of Bahlúl Lodhi were suppliants at his court. Málwa
was a dependency of Gujarát and the Nizám Sháhis of Ahmednagar and
Nasírkhan of Burhánpur acknowledged him as overlord, while the Fárúkis
of Khándesh were dependent on Bahádur's constant help. [803]

[Muhammad II. (Ásíri), 1536.] On the death of king Bahádur in
A.D. 1536, the nobles of Gujarát invited his sister's son Muhammad Sháh
Ásíri to succeed him. Muhammad Sháh died shortly after his accession,
and the nobles conferred the crown on Mahmúd Khán, son of Latíf Khán,
brother of Bahádur Sháh, and he ascended the throne in A.D. 1536,
when only eleven years of age. The government of the country was
carried on by Darya Khán and Imád-ul-Mulk, who kept the king under
strict surveillance. Darya Khán resolved to overthrow Imád-ul-Mulk
and acquire supreme power. With this object he obtained an order from
the king, whom, on the pretence of a hunting expedition, he removed
from Áhmedábád, directing Imád-ul-Mulk to retire to his estates in
Jháláváda. Six months later, taking the Sultán with him, Darya Khán
led an army into Jháláváda, and defeating Imád-ul-Mulk in a battle at
Pátri, fifty two miles west of Áhmedábád, pursued him to Burhánpur,
and there defeated Imád-ul-Mulk's ally the ruler of Khándesh and
forced Imád-ul-Mulk to fly to Málwa. [804] After this success Darya
Khán became absorbed in pleasure, and resigned the management of the
kingdom to Álam Khán Lodhi. The king, dissembling his dissatisfaction
at the way he was treated, pretended to take no interest in affairs
of state. Álam Khán Lodhi, seeing the carelessness of Darya Khán,
began to entertain ambitious designs, and retiring to his estate of
Dhandhúka invited the king to join him. Mahmúd Sháh, believing him
to be in earnest, contrived to escape from surveillance and joined
Álam Khán. [Escapes from Control.] On discovering the king's flight,
Darya Khán raised to the throne a descendant of Áhmed Sháh by the
title of Muzaffar Sháh, and striking coin in his name set out with
an army towards Dhandhúka. Álam Khán and the king met him at Dhúr in
Dholka, and a battle was fought in which Mahmúd and Álam Khán were
defeated. The king fled to Ránpur, and thence to Páliád, while Álam
Khán fled to Sádra. Darya Khán occupied Dhandhuka; but his men,
dissatisfied at being placed in opposition to the king, rapidly
deserted, some joining Álam Khan and some Mahmúd Sháh. Soon after the
king joined Álam Khan and marched on Áhmedábád, whither Darya Khán
had preceded them. The citizens closed the gates against Darya Khán,
but he forced an entry by way of the Burhánpur wicket. Hearing of
the king's approach Darya Khán fled to Mubárak Sháh at Burhánpur,
leaving his family and treasure in the fortress of Chámpáner.

[Chooses Evil Favourites.] The king entered Áhmedábád, and soon
after captured Chámpáner. Álam Khán now obtained the recall of
Imád-ul-Mulk, who received a grant of Broach and the port of
Surat. Shortly afterwards Mahmúd Sháh began to show favour to men
of low degree, especially to one Charji, a birdcatcher, whom he
ennobled by the title of Muháfiz Khán. Charji counselled Mahmúd to
put to death Sultán Alá-ud-dín Lodhi and Shujáât Khán, two of the
principal nobles; and the king, without consulting his ministers,
caused these men to be executed. The nobles joining together besieged
Mahmúd Sháh in his palace, and demanded that Muháfiz Khán should be
surrendered to them, but the king refused to give him up. The nobles
then demanded an audience, and this the king granted, Muháfiz Khán,
though warned of his danger, being foolishly present. On entering the
royal presence Álam Khán signalled to his followers to slay Muháfiz,
and he was killed in spite of the king's remonstrances. Mahmúd then
attempted to kill himself, but was prevented and placed under guard,
and the chief nobles took it in turn to watch him. Strife soon
arose between Álam Khán and Mujáhid Khán and his brother, and the
two latter nobles contrived the king's escape and sacked the houses
of Álam Khán and his followers. Álam Khán escaped to Pethápur in
the Mahi Kántha. He then joined Darya Khán, whom he called from the
Dakhan, and obtained help in money from Imád-ul-Mulk of Surat and
from Álp Khán of Dholka. Imád-ul-Mulk wrote to the Sultán asking
forgiveness for the rebels. [Quarrels among the Nobles.] But before
the Sultán, who was mercifully disposed, could grant them pardon,
Álam Khán and Darya Khán again committed themselves by acts of open
revolt. The Sultán displeased with the part Imád-ul-Mulk had taken
in the rising summoned him to Chámpáner where, with the Sultán's
connivance, his camp was given over to pillage. The Sultán disclaimed
all knowledge of this attack and at Imád-ul-Mulk's request allowed
him to go on pilgrimage to Makkah. In A.D. 1545 as he was preparing
to start for Makkah Imád-ul-Mulk was killed. He was succeeded in
Surat by Khudáwand Khán Rúmi, who had held Surat under him, and
who, in spite of Portuguese opposition and intrigue, had five years
before completed the building of Surat Castle. [805] Meanwhile Álam
Khán and Darya Khán were driven from Gujarát and forced to take
shelter with the sovereign of Dehli. The king now appointed as his
own minister Afzal Khán, the minister of the late Bahádur Sháh,
and though Afzal Khán lived in retirement, his counsel was taken
on measures of importance. Other great nobles were Sayad Mubárak,
Fateh Khán Baloch, and Abdul Karím Khán, who received the title of
Ítimád Khán, and was so entirely in the Sultán's confidence that
he was admitted to the harem. Mahmúd now consulted Ásif Khán as to
the propriety of conquering Málwa. [Disturbances, 1545.] Ásif Khán
advised him rather to deprive the Rájput chiefs and proprietors of
their wántas or hereditary lands. The attempt to follow this advice
stirred to resistance the chief men of Ídar, Sirohi, Dúngarpur,
Bánsváda, Lúnáváda, Rájpípla, Dohad, and the banks of the Mahi. The
king strengthened his line of outposts, establishing one at Sirohi and
another at Ídar, besides fresh posts in other places. At the same time
he began to persecute the Hindus, allowing them to be killed on the
slightest pretence, branding Rájputs and Kolis, forcing them to wear
a red rag on the right sleeve, forbidding them to ride in Áhmedábád,
and punishing the celebration of Holi and Diwáli. [806] In A.D. 1554
Burhán, a servant of the king's, conceived the idea of killing him
and reigning in his stead. [Death of Mahmúd, 1554.] He accordingly
gave his master an intoxicating drug, and when he was overcome with
sleep stabbed him to the heart. Then summoning the principal nobles
in the king's name, he put to death Ásaf Khán the prime minister and
twelve others, and endeavoured to have himself accepted as Sultán. No
one aided him; even his accomplices deserted him. Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi,
[807] Ulugh Khán, and others joined to oppose him, and when marching
against them he was cut down by Shirwán Khán. Mahmúd's persecutions had
raised such bitter hate among the Hindus, that they regarded Burhán
as a saviour, and after Burhán's death are said to have made a stone
image of him and worshipped it. [808] Mahmúd moved his capital from
Áhmedábád to Mehmudábád, eighteen miles south of Áhmedábád where he
built a palace and enclosed a deer park. At each corner of the park he
raised a palace the stone walls and ceilings of which were ornamented
with beautiful and precious gold traceries and arabesques. [809] His
strict regard for public morals led him to forbid Muhammadan women
visiting saints' tombs as the practice gave rise to irregularities. He
died at the age of twenty-eight after a reign of eighteen years.

[Ahmed II. 1554-1561.] On the death of Burhán, the nobles elected
as sovereign a descendant of the stock of Áhmed Sháh of the name
of Áhmed Khán, and proclaimed him king by the title of Áhmed Sháh
II. At the same time they agreed that, as the king was young, [Ítimád
Khán Regent.] Ítimád Khán should carry on the government and they
further divided the country among themselves, each one undertaking
to protect the frontiers and preserve the public peace. Mubárak Sháh
of Khándesh, considering this a good opportunity, preferred a claim
to the crown and marched to the frontier. An army led by the chief
Gujarát nobles and accompanied by the young king met the invaders at
the village of Ránpur Kotriá in Broach, the Gujarát army encamping
on the north bank and the Khándesh army on the south bank of the
Narbada. Násir-ul-Mulk, one of the Gujarát nobles, taking certain
of his friends into his confidence, determined to remain neutral
till the battle was over and then to fall on the exhausted troops
and possess himself of both kingdoms. Sayad Mubárak, a descendant of
the saint Sháhi Álam, who led the van of the Gujarát army, becoming
aware of Násir-ul-Mulk's design opened communications with Mubárak
Sháh of Khándesh and induced him to withdraw. [810] Násir-ul-Mulk,
who still aspired to supreme power, gaining several nobles to his
side near Baroda, surprised and defeated the forces of Ítimád Khán
and Sayad Mubárak. The Sayad withdrew to his estate of Kapadvanj and
he was joined by Ítimád Khán, while Násir-ul-Mulk, taking Sultán
Áhmed with him to Áhmedábád, assumed the entire government of the
country. After a short time he assembled an army and marched against
Sayad Mubárak and Ítimád Khán encamping at Kamand, the village now
called Od Kámod, ten miles north-east of Áhmedábád at the head of
50,000 horse. Ítimád feared to attack so strong a force. But Sayad
Mubárak, who knew of the defection of Ulugh Khán and Imád-ul-Mulk,
surprised Násir-ul-Mulk's army at night. During the confusion Ulugh
Khán and Imád-ul-Mulk, disgusted with the assumption of Násir-ul-Mulk,
deserted him and bringing the young Sultán with them joined Sayad
Mubárak and Ítimád Khán. Násir-ul-Mulk was forced to fly, and after
a short time died in the mountains of Pál. [811] Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk,
Fateh Khán Balúch, and Hasan Khán Dakhani now set up another king, a
descendant of Áhmed, named Sháhu. A battle was fought near Mehmúdábád
in which Sháhu and his supporters were defeated and Hasan Khán Dakhani
was slain. Before the battle Fateh Khán Balúch had been induced to
forsake Sháhu, and Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk, taking Sháhu with him, fled. The
nobles now divided Gujarát into the following shares:


[Partition of the Province.]

  Áhmed Sháh for Private     Áhmedábád and the Daskrohi sub-division.
  Purse
  Ítimád Khán and Party      Kádi, Jháláváda, Pitlád, Nadiád, Bhil,
                             Rádhanpur, Sami, Múnjpur, Godhra, and
                             Sorath.
  Sayad Mubárak and Party    Pátan and Cambay, with its Chorási or 84
                             villages, Dholka, Gogha, and Dhandhúka.
                             Chámpáner, Sarnál, Bálásinor, and
                             Kapadvanj.
  Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi and      Broach, Baroda, and Surat as far as the
  Party                      Sultánpur-Nandurbár frontier.
  Nobles under Ítimád Khán   Modása and surrounding districts.


Of these shares Ítimád Khán bestowed the country of Sorath on Tátár
Khán Ghori; the districts of Rádhanpur, Sami, and Múnjpur on Fateh
Khán Balúch; Nadiád on Malik-ush-Shark, and some of the dependencies of
Jháláváda on Álaf Khán Habshi. Sayad Mubárak conferred the territory of
Pátan on Músa Khán and Sher Khán Fauládi, Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi bestowed
the district of Baroda on Álaf Khán Habshi and the port of Surat on
his wife's brother Khudáwand Khán Rúmi.

[Dissensions.] About this time (A.D. 1552) Álam Khán returned, and,
through the influence of Sayad Mubárak, was allowed to remain. The
Sayad gave him and Ázam Humáyún Chámpáner, and Ítimád Khán gave
Godhra to Álp Khán Khatri, a follower of Álam Khán. Álam Khán and
Ítimád Khán shortly after expelled Álaf Khán Habshi from Jháláváda,
and he fled to Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi at Broach, and at his intercession
Álaf Khán received the Bhil district. Álam Khán's success tempted him
to try and get rid of Ítimád Khán and govern in his stead. Ítimád
Khán, discovering his intention, made him leave the city and live
in his own house in the Asáwal suburb. Álam Khán now made overtures
to Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi and became very friendly with him. One day Álam
Khán proposed to get rid of Ítimád Khán; but seeing that Imád-ul-Mulk
Rúmi did not take to his proposal, he next endeavoured to ruin Sayad
Mubárak. But when the Gujarát army marched against him the Sayad
made peace, and Álam Khán's intrigues being apparent, he was attacked
and compelled to fly. He now went to Berár and sought aid of Mubárak
Sháh, who marched an army towards the Gujarát frontier. The Gujarát
nobles, taking Áhmed Sháh with them, advanced to oppose him, and he
retired. Álam Khán now repaired to Sher Khán Fauládi at Pátan, and
they together seized Ítimád Khán's district of Kadi, but, through the
exertions of Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk, Álam Khán was slain and Sher Khán forced
to retire to Pátan. Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi and Ítimád Khán now carried
on the government, but dissension springing up between them, Ítimád
Khán fled to Mubárak Sháh in Khándesh, and induced him to lead an army
against Gujarát. The nobles, fearing this combination, made peaceful
overtures and it was eventually settled that the lands of [Sultánpur
and Nandurbár handed to Khándesh, 1560.] Sultánpur and Nandurbár should
be given to Mubárak Sháh, and that Ítimád Khán should be restored to
his former position. Since this date the districts of Sultánpur and
Nandurbár have been permanently severed from Gujarát and have formed
a part of Khándesh, to which province they now belong. Áhmed Sháh,
finding himself more strictly guarded than ever, contrived to flee
to Sayad Mubárak at Sayadpur, who, though vexed at his coming, would
not refuse him shelter. At this time Háji Khán, a Dehli noble, on his
way from Chitor to help Humáyún, passed through Gujarát with a well
equipped force, and arrived at Pátan. The Gujarát nobles, especially
Ítimád Khán and Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi, conceiving that he came at the
Sayad's invitation, and that the flight of the king was part of the
[Defeat and Death of Sayad Mubárak.] plot, determined to crush the
Sayad ere Háji Khán could join him, and on their march to Sayadpur
meeting Sayad Mubárak near Mehmúdábád defeated him. The Sayad fell
and was buried on the field of battle. His estates were resumed,
though eventually Dholka was restored to his son Sayad Mírán.

[Death of Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi.] The army and the two protectors
returned to Áhmedábád. Dissensions again sprang up between them, and
Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi summoned to his aid his son Changíz Khán from Broach,
while Ítimád Khán sent for Tátár Khán Ghori from Sorath. Tátár Khán
arrived first and Ítimád Khán further strengthened by contingents
from the Fauládis of Pátan and Fateh Khán Balúch from Rádhanpur
ordered Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi to return to his estate; and he, seeing it
would be useless for him to contend against so overwhelming a force,
retired to his possessions at Broach. Shortly after, having marched
against Surat at the request of the inhabitants who were wearied of
the tyranny of Khudáwand Khán, he was decoyed by that chief to an
entertainment and was there assassinated. His son Changíz Khán marched
against Surat to take vengeance for his father's death, and, finding
the fortress too strong for him, summoned to his aid the Portuguese,
to whom, as the price of their assistance, he [Daman District ceded
to the Portuguese, 1550.] surrendered the districts of Daman and
Sanján. [812] The Portuguese, bringing a strong fleet up the Tápti,
cut off the supplies, and Khudáwand Khán was forced to surrender, and
was slain by Changíz Khán in revenge for his father's death. Shortly
afterwards Changíz Khán quarrelled with Jhujhár Khán Habshi of Baroda
because the Habshi had installed his nephew, son of Alif Khán Habshi,
without consulting Changíz. Jhujhár and his nephew being defeated
fled to Ítimád Khán, who allotted them a grant of land. At this time
Fateh Khán Balúch, the proprietor of Rádhanpur and Sami, was Ítimád
Khán's chief supporter, and with his assistance Ítimád Khán marched
to besiege Changíz Khán in Broach. Tátár Khán Ghori and other nobles,
fearing lest Ítimád Khán should become too powerful, endeavoured to
make peace. As their efforts failed, Tátár Khán wrote to the Fauládis
to attack Fateh Khán Balúch. They did so, and Fateh Khán, after
being defeated near Rádhanpur, took refuge in the fort of Fatehkot
or Dhúlkot, which is close to the town. Ítimád Khán raised the siege
of Broach and came to Áhmedábád, where he busied himself in checking
the intrigues of king Áhmed, who was doing all in his power to become
independent. [Assassinated, 1560.] Finally, in A.D. 1560-61, at the
instigation of Wajíh-ul-Mulk and Razí-ul-Mulk Ítimád Khán caused
Áhmed II. to be assassinated. The murder took place in the house
of Wajíh-ul-Mulk. The Sultán's body was thrown on the sands of the
Sábarmati and the story circulated that the Sultán had been killed
by robbers. Áhmed's nominal reign had lasted about eight years.

[Muzaffar III. 1561-1572.] Ítimád Khán then raised to the throne a
youth, whom he styled Muzaffar Sháh III., and who, he asserted, was
a posthumous [A Minor.] son of Mahmúd Sháh, [813] and then marched
towards Pátan to take his revenge on the Fauládis for their attack on
Fateh Khán Balúch. The nobles unwilling to crush the Fauládis, fearing
lest their turn might come next, entered into secret correspondence
with them, and withdrew when battle was joined. The nobles were now
independent in their respective jágirs, in which according to the
Tabakát-i-Akbari they allowed no interference though still owning
nominal allegiance to the throne. [814] Ítimád Khán, forced to return
unsuccessful to Áhmedábád, with a view of again attacking the Fauládis,
summoned Tátár Khán Ghori from Junágadh. The nobles remained aloof,
and even Tátár Khán Ghori made excuses, which so exasperated Ítimád
Khán that he sought to slay him. Tátár Khán escaped to Sorath,
and there openly sided with the Fauládis. Sayad Mírán also left
Áhmedábád for his estate at Dholka, and joining Tátár Khán at Ránpur
they both went over to the Fauládis at Pátan. [Ítimád Khán and the
Fauládis.] Meanwhile Ítimád Khán, again collecting an army, marched
once more towards Pátan. He was met by the Fauládis near the village
of Jhotáná, about thirty miles south of Pátan, where he was defeated
and compelled to return to Áhmedábád. Sayad Mírán now intervened and
made peace. Ítimád Khán still thirsting for revenge on the Fauládis,
invited Changíz Khán, son of Imád-ul-Mulk Rúmi, to the capital, and by
courteous treatment induced him to join in another expedition against
the Fauládis. Like the other nobles Changíz Khán was lukewarm; and
as Músa Khán Fauládi died while Ítimád Khán was marching on Pátan,
Changíz Khán assigned this as a reason for not proceeding further,
averring that it was not fit to war with people in misfortune. Ítimád
Khán perforce returned to Áhmedábád.

Though Ítimád Khán had disgusted the nobles, both by causing the
assassination of Áhmed Sháh and by his enmity with the Fauládis,
as he had charge of Muzaffar Sháh and possession of the capital, the
government of the country was in his hands. [The Mírzás, 1571.] At this
time the Mírzás, [815] who were the sons of Sultán Hussain of Khurásán,
quarrelling with Jalál-ul-dín Muhammad Akbar, entered Gujarát, and
joined Changíz Khán. Changíz Khán now proposed to Sher Khán Fauládi
that they should expel Ítimád Khán and divide Gujarát between them,
the capital and the country south of the Sábarmati falling to the share
of Changíz Khán, and that to the north to Sher Khán Fauládi. Sher Khán
agreed, and Changíz Khán joining him they marched on Áhmedábád. Sayad
Mirán induced Sher Khán to stay in Kadi. But Changíz Khán refused to
listen to him, and a [They Defeat Ítimád Khán.] battle was fought
between him, Ítimád Khán, and the Sayad on the right bank of the
Khári about eight miles south of Áhmedábád. Ítimád Khán was defeated,
and fled with the king to Modása, while Changíz Khán took possession
of the capital. Sher Khán Fauládi now advanced to the Sábarmati, and,
after dividing the province as had been agreed, Sher Khán retired to
Kadi. Ítimád Khán entreated Mírán Muhammad Sháh, king of Khándesh, to
march to his aid, and Changíz Khán invited Ítimád Khán to return. He
came to Mehmudábád, where hearing that Muhammad Sháh had sustained
a defeat and retired to his own country, he took Muzaffar Sháh with
him and returned through Modása to Dungarpur. Changíz Khán remained in
Áhmedábád, and Sher Khán withdrew to Kadi. After this success all the
chief nobles of Gujarát, including the Habshis, joined Changíz Khán,
who was now at the zenith of his power, and began to think of subduing
Sher Khán Fauládi, who on his part was anxious and fearful. At this
time Bijli Khán a Habshi eunuch who was offended with Changíz Khán,
because he had resumed the grant of Cambay, persuaded Álíf Khán and
Jhujhár Khán Habshi that Changíz Khán had determined to kill them. The
Habshi Kháns, resolving to be beforehand, invited Changíz Khán, with
whom they were intimate, to play a game of chaugán or polo. [816]
Changíz agreed and when near the Farhat-ul-Mulk mosque, between the
Bhadar and the Three Gates, Álíf Khán, after making Jhujhár Khán
a signal, attracted Changíz Khán's notice to the horse on which he
was riding saying it was the best of the last batch imported from
the Persian Gulf. [Death of Changíz Khán.] As Changíz Khán turned
to look at the horse, Jhujhár Khán cut him down. The Habshis now
plundered Changíz Khán's house, while the Mírzás, mounting, went
south and took possession of Broach, Baroda, and Chámpáner. Sher
Khán advanced from Kadi, and ordered the Habshis to hand him over
Áhmedábád. While treating with him the Habshis secretly summoned
Ítimád Khán, who, returning with Muzaffar Sháh, entered the city. It
was arranged that Ítimád Khán should take the place of Changíz Khán,
and that the division of Gujarát between Changíz Khán and Sher Khán
should be maintained. Ítimád Khán found the Habshis so domineering
that he withdrew from public affairs. Afterwards Álaf Khán and Jhujhár
Khán, quarrelling over the division of Changíz Khán's property, Álaf
Khán left Áhmedábád and joined Sher Khán, who, advancing from Kadi,
laid siege to Áhmedábád. Ítimád Khán now sought aid from the Mírzás,
and Mírza Ibráhím Husain marched from Broach and harassed Sher Khán's
army with his Mughal archers.

[Ítimád Khán and the Emperor Akbar, 1572.] At the same time Ítimád
Khán turned for help to the emperor Akbar, who, glad of any pretext
for driving the Mírzás from their place of refuge in Gujarát, was
not slow in availing himself of Ítimád Khán's proposal. Early in July
1572 he started for Áhmedábád, and with his arrival in the province,
the history of Gujarát as a separate kingdom comes to an end.



CHAPTER III.

MUGHAL VICEROYS.

A.D. 1573-1758.


[Akbar Emperor, 1573-1605.] To the nobles thus fighting among
themselves, news was brought that the emperor Akbar was at
Dísa. Ibráhím Husain Mírza returned to Broach and the army of the
Fauládis dispersed. From Dísa the imperial troops advanced to Pátan and
thence to Jhotána thirty miles south of Pátan. Sultán Muzaffar, who
had separated from the Fauládis, fell into the hands of the emperor,
who granted him his life but placed him under charge of one of his
nobles named Karam Áli. [817] When the imperial army reached Kadi,
Ítimád Khán, Ikhtiyár Khán, Álaf Khán, and Jhujhár Khán met Akbar and
Sayad Hámid also was honoured with an audience at Hájipur. [818] The
emperor imprisoned Álaf Khán and Jhujhár Khán Habshi and encouraged
the other Gujarát nobles. Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk now fled to Lunáváda, and
the emperor, fearing that others of the Gujarát nobles might follow his
example, sent Ítimád Khán to Cambay and placed him under the charge of
Shahbáz Khán Kambo. [819] From Áhmedábád Akbar advanced to Cambay. At
this time Ibráhím Mírza held Baroda, Muhammad Husain Mírza held Surat,
and Sháh Mírza held Chámpáner. On leaving Cambay to expel the Mírzas,
Akbar appointed Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh his first viceroy of Gujarát. At
Baroda Akbar heard that Ibráhím Mírza had treacherously killed Rustam
Khán Rúmi, who was Changíz Khán's governor of Broach. The emperor
recalled the detachment he had sent against Surat, and overtaking
the Mírza at Sarnál or Thásra on the right bank of the Mahi about
twenty-three miles north-east of Nadiád, after a bloody conflict routed
him. The Mírza fled by Ahmednagar to Sirohi, and Akbar rejoined his
camp at Baroda. The emperor now sent a force under Sháh Kuli Khán to
invest the fort of Surat, and following in person pitched his camp
at Gopi Tálao, a suburb of that city. After an obstinate defence of
one month and seventeen days, the garrison under Hamzabán, a slave
of Humáyún's who had joined the Mírzás, surrendered. Hamzabán was
in treaty with the Portuguese. Under his invitation a large party of
Portuguese came to Surat during the siege, but seeing the strength of
the imperial army, represented themselves as ambassadors and besought
the honour of an interview. [820] [Akbar captures Broach and Surat,
and advances to Áhmedábád, 1573.] While at Surat the emperor received
from Bihár or Vihárji the Rája of Baglána, Sharfuddín Husain Mírza
whom the Rája had captured. [821] After the capture of Surat, the
emperor ordered the great Sulaimáni cannon which had been brought
by the Turks with the view of destroying the Portuguese forts and
left by them in Surat, to be taken to Ágra. Surat was placed in the
charge of Kalíj Khán. The emperor now advanced to Áhmedábád, where
the mother of Changíz Khán came and demanded justice on Jhujhár
Khán for having wantonly slain her son. As her complaint was just,
the emperor ordered Jhujhár Khán to be thrown under the feet of an
elephant. Muhammad Khán, son of Sher Khán Fauládi, who had fled to
the Ídar hills, now returned and took the city of Pátan, besieging
the imperial governor, Sayad Áhmed Khán Bárha, in the citadel. At
this time Mírza Muhammad Husain was at Ránpur near Dhandhúka. When
Sher Khán Fauládi, who had taken refuge in Sorath, heard of Muhammad
Khán's return to Pátan, he met Mírza Muhammad Husain, and uniting
their forces they joined Muhammad Khán at Pátan. The viceroy Mírza
Âzíz Kokaltásh with other nobles marched against them, and after a
hard-fought battle, in which several of the imperial nobles were
slain, Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh was victorious. Sher Khán again took
refuge in Sorath, and his son fled for safety to the Ídar hills,
while the Mírza withdrew to the Khándesh frontier. As the conquest
of Gujarát was completed, Akbar returned to Agra.

From A.D. 1573, the date of its annexation as a province of the
empire, to A.D. 1758, the year of the final capture of Áhmedábád
by the Maráthás, Gujarát remained under the government of officers
appointed by the court of Dehli. Like the rule of the Áhmedábád kings,
this term of 184 years falls into two periods: the first of 134 years
from A.D. 1573 to the death of Aurangzíb in A.D. 1707, a time on the
whole of public order and strong government; the second from A.D. 1707
to A.D. 1758, fifty-one years of declining power and growing disorder.



SECTION I.--A.D. 1573-1707.

[Mirza Âzíz First Viceroy, 1573-1575.] Before leaving Gujarát
Akbar placed the charge of the province in the hands of Mírza Âzíz
Kokaltásh. [822] At the same time the emperor rewarded his supporters
by grants of land, assigning Áhmedábád with Pitlád and several other
districts to the viceroy Mírza Âzíz, Pátan to the Khán-i-Kalán Mír
Muhammad Khán, and Baroda to Nawáb Aurang Khán. Broach was given to
Kutb-ud-dín Muhammad, and Dholka Khánpur and Sami were confirmed to
Sayad Hámid and Sayad Mahmúd Bukhári. As soon as the emperor was gone
Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk and Muhammad Khán, son of Sher Khán, who had taken
shelter in the Ídar hills, issued forth, and the viceroy marched to
Ahmednagar to hold them in check. Mírza Muhammad Husain advancing
rapidly from the Nandurbár frontier, took the fort of Broach,
and went thence to Cambay which he found abandoned by its governor
Husain Khán Karkaráh, while he himself marched to Ahmednagar and Ídar
against Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk. The viceroy ordered Sayad Hámid Bukhári,
Nawáb Naurang Khán, and others to join Kutb-ud-dín Muhammad Khán. They
went and laid siege to Cambay, but Mírza Muhammad managed to evacuate
the town and join Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk and Muhammad Khán. After several
unsuccessful attempts to scatter the enemy the viceroy retired to
Áhmedábád, and the rebels laid siege to the city. Kutb-ud-dín Khán,
Sayad Mírán, and others of the imperial party succeeded in entering
the city and joining the garrison. [Insurrection Quelled by Akbar,
1573.] After the siege had lasted two months, Akbar, making his
famous 600 mile (400 kos) march in nine days from Agra, arrived
before Áhmedábád, and, at once engaging the enemy, totally defeated
them with the loss of two of their leaders Mírza Muhammad Husain
and Ikhtiyár-ul-Mulk.

On the day before the battle Akbar consulting a Hazára Afghán versed
in drawing omens from sheeps' shoulder-blades, was told that victory
was certain, but that it would be won at the cost of the life of one
of his nobles. Seif Khán, brother of Zein Khán Koka, coming in prayed
that he should be chosen to receive the crown of martyrdom. At the end
of the day the only leading noble that was killed was Seif Khán. [823]

After only eleven days' stay, Akbar again entrusting the government
of Gujarát to Mírza Âzíz Koka, returned to Agra. Mírza Âzíz Koka
did not long continue viceroy. In A.D. 1575, in consequence of some
dispute with the emperor, he retired into private life. [Mírza Khán
Second Viceroy, 1575-1577.] On his resignation Akbar conferred the
post of viceroy on Mírza Khán, son of Behrám Khán, who afterwards
rose to the high rank of Khán Khánán or chief of the nobles. As
this was Mírza Khán's first service, and as he was still a youth, he
was ordered to follow the advice of the deputy viceroy, Wazír Khán,
in whose hands the administration of the province remained during
the two following years. [Survey by Rája Todar Mal.] Soon after the
insurrection of 1573 was suppressed the emperor sent Rája Todar Mal
to make a survey settlement of the province. In A.D. 1575 after the
survey was completed Wajíh-ul-Mulk Gujaráti was appointed díwán or
minister. Some historians say that in A.D. 1576 Wazír Khán relieved
Mírza Âzíz Koka as viceroy, but according to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi Mirza
Khán held office with Wazír Khán as his deputy. One Prágdás, a Hindu,
succeeded Wajíh-ul-Mulk as díwán. Troops were sent to reduce the Nándod
and Ídar districts, and the fort of Sirohi was captured by Tarsu Khán,
the military governor of Pátan. Afterwards, through the intervention
of Pahár Khán Jálori, the Sirohi Rája, at an interview with Rája Todar
Mal, presented £6000 (Rs. 12,000) and other articles and was allowed
to serve the provincial governor of Gujarát with 1500 horse. [824]

During Wazír Khán's administration Muzaffar Husain Mírza, son of
Ibráhím Husain Mírza, raised an insurrection in Gujarát. This Mírza
Muzaffar was as an infant carried to the Dakhan from Surat shortly
before its investment by Akbar. He lived peacefully till under the
influence of an ambitious retainer Mihr Ali by name, he gathered an
army of adventurers and entered Nandurbár. Wazír Khán distrusting
his troops shut himself in a fortress, and wrote to Rája Todar Mal,
who was in Pátan settling revenue affairs. The Mírza defeated the
imperial forces in Nandurbár and failing to get possession of Cambay
marched straight to Áhmedábád. On the advance of Rája Todar Mal the
Mírza fell back on Dholka. The Rája and the Khán pursuing defeated
him, and he retired to Junágadh. The Rája then withdrew, but the
Mírza again advanced and besieged him in Áhmedábád. In an attempt to
escalade the city wall Mihr Ali was killed. Muzaffar Mírza withdrew
to Khándesh and the insurrection came to an end.

[Shaháb-ud-dín Third Viceroy, 1577-1583.] In the end of A.D. 1577,
as Wazír Khán's management was not successful, the post of viceroy
was conferred upon Shaháb-ud-dín Áhmed Khán, the governor of
Málwa. Shaháb-ud-dín's first step was to create new military posts
and strengthen the old ones. At this time Fateh Khán Shirwáni,
the commander of Amín Khán Ghori's army, quarrelled with his
chief, and, coming to Shaháb-ud-dín, offered to capture the fort of
Junágadh. [Sends a Force against Junágadh.] Shaháb-ud-dín entertained
his proposal, and sent his nephew Mírza Khán and 4000 horse with
him. When the troops crossed the Sorath frontier, they were met
by envoys from Amín Khán, agreeing, in his name, to pay tribute
and surrender the country, provided he were permitted to retain
the fortress of Junágadh and were allotted a sufficient grant of
land. Mírza Khán rejected these proposals and continued his march
against Junágadh. Amín Khán made a vigorous resistance and applied
for aid to the Jám of Navánagar. At this juncture Fateh Khán died,
and Mírza Khán went and besieged Mángrúl. The Jám's minister Isá
now joined Amín Khán with 4000 horse, and he, quitting Junágadh,
marched to Mángrúl. [825] On their approach Mírza Khán retired to
the town of Kodinár [826] followed by Amín Khán. Here a pitched
battle was fought, and Mírza Khán was defeated with the loss of his
baggage. Many of his men were slain, and he himself, being wounded,
escaped with difficulty to Áhmedábád. Shaháb ud-dín, who had meanwhile
been giving his attention to revenue matters, and to the more correct
measurement of the lands of the province, was rudely recalled from
these peaceful occupations by his nephew's defeat. At the same time
news was brought of the escape of the former king, Muzaffar Khán, who,
eluding the vigilance of the imperial servants, appeared in Gujarát in
A.D. 1583. Muzaffar remained for some time in the Rájpípla country,
and thence came to one Lúna or Lúmbha Káthi, at the village of Khíri
in the district of Sardhár in Sorath.

[Ítimád Khán Gujaráti Fourth Viceroy, 1583-4.] Before he could march
against Muzaffar, Shaháb-ud-dín was recalled, and in A.D. 1583 or
1584 [827] Ítimád Khán Gujaráti was appointed viceroy. At this time
a party of 700 or 800 Mughals, called Wazír Khánis, separating from
Shaháb-ud-dín, remained behind in hope of being entertained by the new
viceroy. As Ítimád Khán declared that he was unable to take them into
his service, they went off in a body and joined Muzaffar at Khíri,
and he with them and three or four thousand Káthi horse marched at
once on Áhmedábád. On hearing this Ítimád Khán, leaving his son Sher
Khán in Áhmedábád, followed Shaháb-ud-dín to Kadi, and entreated
him to return. Shaháb-ud-dín at first affected indifference telling
Ítimád that as he had given over charge he had no more interest
in the province. After two days he consented to return if Ítimád
stated in writing that the country was on the verge of being lost
and that Ítimád being unable to hold it was obliged to relinquish
charge to Shaháb-ud-dín. Ítimád Khán made the required statement and
Shaháb-ud-dín returned with him. [828] [Muzaffar captures Áhmedábád,
1583.] Meanwhile Muzaffar Sháh reached Áhmedábád, which was weakly
defended, and in A.D. 1583, after a brief struggle, took possession of
the city. While the siege of Áhmedábád was in progress Shaháb-ud-dín
and Ítimád Khán were returning, and were within a few miles of the
city, when news of its capture reached them. They continued their
advance, but had barely arrived at Áhmedábád when Muzaffar Sháh
totally defeated them taking all their baggage. Seeing the issue of
the fight, most of their army went over to Muzaffar Sháh, and the
viceroy and Shaháb-ud-dín with a few men fled to Pátan. Kutb-ud-dín
Muhammad Khán Atkah, one of the imperial commanders, who was on the
Khándesh frontier, now advanced by forced marches to Baroda. Muzaffar
marched against him with a large army, recently strengthened by the
union of the army of Sayad Daulát ruler of Cambay. Kutb-ud-dín threw
himself into Baroda, and, in spite of the treachery of his troops,
defended the city for some time. At last, on Muzaffar's assurance
that his life should be spared Kutb-ud-dín repaired to the enemies'
camp to treat for peace. On his arrival he was treated with respect,
but next day was treacherously put to death. The fort of Broach was
also at this time traitorously surrendered to Muzaffar by the slaves
of the mother of Naurang Khán, fief-holder of the district.

[Mírza Abdúr-Rahím Khán (Khán Khánán) Fifth Viceroy 1583-1587.] On
learning of the Gujarát insurrection the emperor, at the close
of A.D. 1583, conferred the government of the province on Mírza
Abdúr-Rahím Khán, son of Behrám Khán, who had formerly (A.D. 1575)
acted as viceroy. Muzaffar, who was still at Broach, hearing of
the advance of the new viceroy with a large army, returned rapidly
to Áhmedábád, and in A.D. 1584 fought a pitched battle with Mírza
Abdúr-Rahím Khán between Sirkhej and Sháh Bhíkan's tomb. [829] In this
engagement [Defeat of Muzaffar, 1584.] Muzaffar was entirely defeated,
and fled to Cambay pursued by Mírza Abdúr-Rahím Khán. Muzaffar now
hearing that Mírza Abdúr-Rahím Khán had been joined by Naurang Khán
and other nobles with the imperial army from Málwa, quitted Cambay,
and made for his old place of shelter in Rájpípla. Finding no rest
in Rájpípla, after fighting and losing another battle in the Rájpípla
hills, he fled first to Pátan and then to Ídar, and afterwards again
repaired to Lúmbha Káthi in Khiri. In reward for these two victories,
the emperor bestowed on Mírza Abdúr-Rahím Khán the title of Khán
Khánán. Broach now submitted, and Muzaffar sought shelter with Amín
Khán Ghori at Junágadh, by whom he was allotted the waste town of
Gondal as a residence. Muzaffar made one more attempt to establish his
power. He advanced to Morvi, and thence made a raid on Rádhanpur and
plundered that town, but was soon compelled to return to Káthiáváda
and seek safety in flight. Amín Khán, seeing that his cause was
hopeless, on pretence of aiding him, induced Muzaffar to give him
about £10,000. [830] When he had obtained the money, on one pretext
or another, Amín Khán withheld the promised aid. The Khán Khánán now
marched an army into Sorath against Muzaffar. The Jám of Navánagar
and Amín Khán sent their envoys to meet the viceroy, declaring that
they had not sheltered Muzaffar, and that he was leading an outlaw's
life, entirely unaided by them. The viceroy agreed not to molest them,
on condition that they withheld aid and shelter from Muzaffar, and
himself marched against him. When he reached Upleta, about fifteen
miles north-west of the fortress of Junágadh, the viceroy heard that
Muzaffar had sought shelter in the Barda hills in the south-west corner
of the peninsula. Advancing to the hills, he halted his main force
outside of the rough country and sent skirmishing parties to examine
the hills. Muzaffar had already passed through Navánagar and across
Gujarát to Dánta in the Mahi Kántha. Here he was once more defeated by
the Parántij garrison, and a third time took refuge in Rájpípla. The
viceroy now marched on Navánagar to punish the Jám. The Jám sent in
his submission, and the viceroy taking from him, by way of fine, an
elephant and some valuable horses, returned to Áhmedábád. He next
sent a detachment against Ghazni Khán of Jhálor who had favoured
Muzaffar. Ghazni Khán submitted, and no further steps were taken
against him.

[Ismáíl Kuli Khán Sixth Viceroy, 1587.] In A.D. 1587 the Khán Khánán
was recalled and his place supplied by Ismáíl Kuli Khán. Ismáíl's
government lasted only for a few months, when he was superseded
by [Mírza Âziz Kokaltásh Seventh Viceroy, 1588-1592.] Mírza Ázíz
Kokaltásh, who was a second time appointed viceroy. In A.D. 1591,
Muzaffar again returned to Sorath. [Muzaffar seeks Refuge in
Káthiáváda.] The viceroy, hearing that he had been joined by the
Jám, the Kachh chief, and Daulat Khán Ghori the son of Amín Khán,
marched with a large army towards Sorath, and, halting at Víramgám,
sent forward a detachment under Naurang Khán, Sayad Kásim, and other
officers. Advancing as far as Morvi, [831] Naurang Khán entered
into negotiations with the Jám, who, however, refused to accede to
the demands of the imperial commander. [Is attacked by the Imperial
Army.] On this the viceroy joined Naurang Khán with the bulk of his
army, and after a short delay marched on Navánagar. On his way, at the
village of Dhokar near Navánagar, Muzaffar and the Jám opposed him,
and an obstinate battle in which the imperialists were nearly worsted,
ended in Muzaffar's defeat. The son and minister of the Jám were slain,
and Muzaffar, the Jám, and Daulat Khán who was wounded, fled to the
fortress of Junágadh. The viceroy now advanced and plundered Navánagar,
and remaining there sent Naurang Khán, Sayad Kásím, and Gújar Khán
against Junágadh. The day the army arrived before the fortress Daulat
Khán died of his wounds. Still the fortress held out, and though the
viceroy joined them the siege made little progress as the imperial
troops were in great straits for grain. The viceroy returned to
Áhmedábád, and after seven or eight months again marched against
Junágadh. The Jám, who was still a fugitive, sent envoys and promised
to aid the viceroy if his country were restored to him. The viceroy
assented on condition that, during the operations against Junágadh,
the Jám should furnish his army with grain. The Jám agreed to provide
grain, and after a siege of three months the garrison surrendered.

News was next received that Muzaffar had taken refuge at Jagat. [832]
The viceroy at once sent Naurang Khán and others with an army in
pursuit. On reaching Jagat it was found that Muzaffar had already
left for a village owned by a Rájput named Sewa Wádhel. Without
halting Naurang Khán started in pursuit, nearly surprising Muzaffar,
[Muzaffar Flies to Kachh.] who escaping on horseback with a few
followers, crossed to Kachh. Sewa Wádhel covering Muzaffar's retreat
was surprised before he could put to sea and fought gallantly with the
imperial forces till he was slain. Naurang Khán then came to Arámra,
a village belonging to Singrám Wádhel, Rája of Jagat, and after
frustrating a scheme devised by that chief to entrap a body of the
troops on board ship under pretence of pursuing Muzaffar's family,
led his men back to Junágadh. The viceroy, hearing in what direction
Muzaffar had fled, marched to Morvi, where the Jám of Navánagar
came and paid his respects. At the same time the Kachh chief, who is
called Khengár by Farishtah and in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi and Bhára in the
Mirat-i-Sikandri, sent a message that if the viceroy would refrain
from invading his country and would give him his ancestral district
of Morvi and supply him with a detachment of troops, he would point
out where Muzaffar was concealed. The Khán-i-Ázam agreed to these
terms and the chief captured Muzaffar and handed him to the force
sent to secure him. The detachment, strictly guarding the prisoner,
were marching rapidly towards Morvi, when, on reaching Dhrol, about
thirty miles east of Jámnagar, under pretence of obeying a call of
nature, Muzaffar withdrew and cut his throat with a razor, so that he
died. [Commits Suicide, 1591-92.] This happened in A.D. 1591-92. The
viceroy sent Muzaffar's head to court, and though he was now recalled
by the emperor, he delayed on pretence of wishing to humble the
Portuguese. His real object was to make a pilgrimage to Makkah,
and in A.D. 1592, after obtaining the necessary permission from the
Portuguese, he started from Verával. [833] During this viceroyalty an
imperial farmán ordered that the state share of the produce should
be one-half and the other half should be left to the cultivator and
further that from each half five per cent should be deducted for the
village headmen. All other taxes were declared illegal, and it was
provided that when lands or houses were sold, half the government
demand should be realized from the seller and half from the buyer.

[Sultán Murád Baksh Eighth Viceroy, 1592-1600.] The emperor, who
was much vexed to hear of the departure of the viceroy, appointed
prince Sultán Murád Bakhsh in his stead with as his minister Muhammad
Sádikkhán one of the great nobles. In A.D. 1593-94 Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh
returned from his pilgrimage and repaired to court, and next year
on prince Murád Bakhsh going to the Dakhan, Súrajsingh was appointed
his deputy. In A.D. 1594-95 Bahádur, son of the late Muzaffar Sháh,
excited a rebellion, but was defeated by Súrajsingh. In A.D. 1600,
owing to the death of Sultán Murád, [Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh Ninth
Viceroy, 1600-1606.] Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh was a third time appointed
viceroy of Gujarát, and he sent Shams-ud-dín Husain as his deputy to
Áhmedábád. Further changes were made in A.D. 1602 when Mírza Âzíz sent
his eldest son Shádmán as deputy; his second son Khurram as governor
of Junágadh; and Sayad Báyazíd as minister. Khurram was afterwards
relieved of the charge of Sorath and Junágadh by his brother Abdulláh.

[Jehángír Emperor, 1605-1627.] In A.D. 1605 Núr-ud-dín Muhammad
Jehángír ascended the imperial throne. Shortly after his accession the
emperor published a decree remitting certain taxes, and also in cases
of robbery fixing the responsibility on the landowners of the place
where the robbery was committed. The decree also renewed Akbar's decree
forbidding soldiers billetting themselves forcibly in cultivators'
houses. Finally it directed that dispensaries and hospital wards should
be opened in all large towns. In the early days of Jehángír's reign
disturbance was caused in the neighbourhood of Áhmedábád by Bahádur
a son of Muzaffar Sháh. Jehángír despatched Patrdás Rája Vikramájit
as viceroy of Gujarát to put down the rising. The Rája's arrival at
Áhmedábád restored order. Some of the rebel officers submitting were
reinstated in their commands: the rest fled to the hills. [834] [Kalíj
Khán Tenth Viceroy, 1606.] On the Rája's return Jehángír appointed
Kalíj Khán to be viceroy of Gujarát; but Kalíj Khán never joined
his charge, allowing Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh to act in his place. In
A.D. 1606, on the transfer of Mírza Âzíz to the Láhor viceroyalty,
[Sayad Murtaza Eleventh Viceroy, 1606-1609.] Sayad Murtaza Khán
Bukhári, who had recently been ennobled in consequence of crushing the
rebellion under Jehángír's son Khusrao, was entrusted with the charge
of Gujarát, Sayad Báyazíd being continued as minister. Sayad Murtaza,
who is said to have further ingratiated himself with the emperor by
the present of a magnificent ruby, appears to have been more of a
scholar than a governor. His only notable acts were the repair of
the fort of Kadi [835] and the populating of the Bukhára quarter of
Áhmedábád. During his tenure of power disturbances broke out, and
Rái Gopináth, son of Rája Todar Mal, with Rája Sursingh of Jodhpur,
were sent to Gujarát by way of Málwa Surat and Baroda. They overcame
and imprisoned Kalián, chief of Belpár, [836] but were defeated by
the Mándwa [837] chieftain, and withdrew to Áhmedábád. Rái Gopináth,
obtaining reinforcements, returned to Mándwa and succeeded in capturing
the chief. He then marched against the rebellious Kolis of the Kánkrej,
and took prisoner their leader, whom, on promising not to stir up
future rebellions, he afterwards restored to liberty.

The first connection of the English with Gujarát dates from Sayad
Murtaza's viceroyalty. In A.D. 1608 he allowed Captain Hawkins to
sell goods in Surat.

[Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh Twelfth Viceroy, 1609-1611.] In A.D. 1609 the
Khán-i-Ázam Mírza Âzíz Kokaltásh was for the fourth time appointed
viceroy of Gujarát. He was allowed to remain at court and send his
son Jehángír Kúli Khán as his deputy with Mohandás Diván and Masûd
Beg Hamadáni. [838] This was the beginning of government by deputy,
a custom which in later times was so injurious to imperial interests.

[Sack of Surat by Malik Âmbar, 1609.] In 1609 Malik Âmbar, chief
minister of Nizám Sháh's court and governor of Daulatábád, invaded
Gujarát at the head of 50,000 horse, and after plundering both the
Surat and Baroda districts retired as quickly as he came. To prevent
such raids a body of 25,000 men was posted at Rámnagar [839] on the
Dakhan frontier, and remained there for four years. The details of
the contingents of this force are:


    The Viceroy of Áhmedábád                          4000 Men.
    The Nobles of his Court                           5000 Men.
    The Chiefs of Sáler and Mulher (Báglán)           3000 Men.
    The Son of the Kachh Chief                        2500 Men.
    The Chief of Navánagar                            2500 Men.
    The Chief of Ídar                                 2000 Men.
                           { Now under the Hilly }
    The Chief of Dúngarpúr { Tracts Agency,      }    2000 Men.
                           { Rájputána.          }
    The Chief of Bánsváda                             2000 Men.
    The Chief of Rámnagar (Dharampur)                 1000 Men.
    The Chief of Rájipípla                            1000 Men.
    The Chief of Áli (Álirájpur under the              300 Men.
      Bhopáwar Agency)
    The Chief of Mohan (a former capital of the        350 Men.
      state of Chhota Udepur in the Rewa Kántha)
                                                    ----------
            Total                                   25,650 Men.


[Abdulláh Khán Fírúz Jang Thirteenth Viceroy, 1611-1616.] In A.D. 1611
Abdulláh Khán Bahádur Fírúz Jang was appointed thirteenth viceroy of
Gujarát, with Ghiás-ud-dín as his minister, under orders to proceed to
the Dakhan to avenge the recent inroad. [840] The viceroy marched to
the Dakhan but returned without effecting anything. In A.D. 1616, he
was again, in company with prince Sháh Jehán, directed to move against
Ahmednagar. This second expedition was successful. The country was
humbled, and, except Malik Ambar, most of the nobles submitted to the
emperor. During this viceroy's term of office an imperial decree was
issued forbidding nobles on the frontiers and in distant provinces to
affix their seals to any communications addressed to imperial servants.

[Mukarrab Khán Fourteenth Viceroy, 1616.] In A.D. 1616 on their
return to Dehli, Mukarrab Khán, a surgeon who had risen to notice
by curing the emperor Akbar and was ennobled by Jehángír, and
who, since A.D. 1608, had been in charge of Surat or of Cambay,
was appointed fourteenth viceroy of Gujarát, with Muhammad Safi as
his minister. [Elephant-hunting in the Panch Maháls, 1616.] In the
following year (A.D. 1617) the emperor Jehángír came to Gujarát to hunt
wild elephants in the Dohad forests. But owing to the density of the
forest only twelve were captured. Early in A.D. 1618 he visited Cambay
which he notes only vessels of small draught could reach and where he
ordered a gold and silver tanka twenty times heavier than the gold
mohar to be minted. From Cambay after a stay of ten days he went to
Áhmedábád and received the Rája of Ídar. As the climate of Áhmedábád
disagreed with him, Jehángír retired to the banks of the Mahi. [841]
Here the Jám of Navánagar came to pay homage, and presented fifty Kachh
horses, a hundred gold mohars, and a hundred rupees, and received
a dress of honour. The emperor now returned to Áhmedábád, where he
was visited by Rái Bhára of Kachh, who presented 100 Kachh horses,
100 ashrafis [842] and 2000 rupees. The Rái, who was ninety years
of age, had never paid his respects to any emperor. Jehángír, much
pleased with the greatest of Gujarát Zamíndárs, who, in spite of his
ninety years was hale and in full possession of all his senses, gave
him his own horse, a male and female elephant, a dagger, a sword with
diamond-mounted hilt, and four rings of different coloured precious
stones. As he still suffered from the climate, the emperor set out to
return to Ágra, and just at that time (A.D. 1618-19) he heard of the
birth of a grandson, afterwards the famous Abúl Muzaffar Muhiyy-ud-dín
Muhammad Aurangzíb who was born at Dohad in Gujarát. [843] In honour
of this event Sháh Jehán held a great festival at Ujjain.

[Prince Sháh Jehán Fifteenth Viceroy, 1618-1622.] Before the
emperor started for Ágra, he appointed prince Sháh Jehán fifteenth
viceroy of Gujarát in the place of Mukarrab Khán whose general
inefficiency and churlish treatment of the European traders he did
not approve. Muhammad Safi was continued as minister. As Sháh Jehán
preferred remaining at Ujjain he chose Rustam Khán as his deputy; but
the emperor, disapproving of this choice, selected Rája Vikramájit in
Rustam Khán's stead. Shortly after, [Sháh Jehán Rebels, 1622-1623.] in
A.D. 1622-23, Sháh Jehán rebelled, and in one of the battles which took
place Rája Vikramájit was killed. Sháh Jehán, during his viceroyalty,
[Builds the Sháhi Bágh at Áhmedábád.] built the Sháhi Bágh and the
royal baths in the Bhadar at Áhmedábád. After the death of Vikramájit,
his brother succeeded as deputy viceroy. While Sháh Jehán was still
in rebellion, the emperor [Sultán Dáwar Baksh Sixteenth Viceroy,
1622-1624.] appointed Sultán Dáwar Baksh the son of prince Khusrao,
sixteenth viceroy of Gujarát, Muhammad Safi being retained in
his post of minister. Sháh Jehán, who was then at Mándu in Málwa,
appointed on his part Abdulláh Khán Bahádur Fírúz Jang viceroy and
a khájahsara or eunuch of Abdulláh Khán his minister. Sultán Dáwar
Baksh, the emperor's nominee, was accompanied by Khán-i-Ázam Mírza
Âzíz Kokaltásh to instruct him in the management of affairs. Prince
Sháh Jehán had directed his minister to carry away all the treasure;
but Muhammad Safi, who appears to have been a man of great ability,
at once imprisoned the prince's partisans in Áhmedábád, and, among
others, captured the eunuch of Abdulláh Khán. When this news reached
the prince at Mándu, he sent Abdulláh Khán Bahádur with an army to
Gujarát by way of Baroda. Muhammad Safi Khán met and defeated him,
and forced him to fly and rejoin the prince at Mándu. For his gallant
conduct Muhammad Safi received the title of Saif Khán, with an increase
in his monthly pay from £70 to £300 (Rs. 700-3000) and the command
of 3000 horse. Meanwhile Sultán Dáwar Baksh, with the Khán-i-Ázam,
arrived and assumed the charge of the government, but the Khán-i-Ázam
died soon after in A.D. 1624, and was buried at Sarkhej. Sultán Dáwar
Baksh was re-called, and Khán Jehán was appointed deputy viceroy
with Yúsuf Khán as his minister. On his arrival at Áhmedábád, prince
Sháh Jehán employed Khán Jehán in his own service, and sent him as
his ambassador to the emperor. Saif Khán, who acted for him, may be
called the seventeenth viceroy, as indeed he had been the governing
spirit for the last eight or ten years. He held the post of viceroy
of Gujarát until the death of the emperor in A.D. 1627.

[Sháh Jehán Emperor, 1627-1658.] On the death of the emperor
Jehángir, his son Abul Muzaffar Shaháb-ud-dín Sháh Jehán ascended
the throne. Remembering Saif Khán's hostility he at once caused
him to be imprisoned, and [Sher Khán Túar Eighteenth Viceroy,
1627-1632.] appointed Sher Khán Túar eighteenth viceroy with Khwájah
Hayát as his minister. When the emperor was near Surat, he appointed
Mír Shams-ud-dín to be governor of Surat castle. In A.D. 1627, Sháh
Jehán on his way to Dehli visited Áhmedábád and encamped outside of the
city near the Kánkariya lake. Sher Khán was advanced to the command
of 5000 men, and received an increase of salary and other gifts. At
the same time Khán Jehán was appointed his minister, and Mîrza Ísa
Tarkhán was made viceroy of Thatta in Sindh. In A.D. 1628 Khwájah Abúl
Hasan was sent to conquer the country of Násik and Sangamner which
he ravaged, and returned after taking the fort of Chándod and levying
tribute from the chief of Báglán. In A.D. 1630, Jamál Khán Karáwal came
to the Gujarát-Khándesh frontier and captured 130 elephants in the
Sultánpur forests, seventy of which valued at a lákh of rupees were
sent to Dehli. [Famine, 1631-32.] In A.D. 1631-32 Gujarát was wasted
by the famine known as the Satiásio Kál or '87 famine. So severe was
the scarcity that according to the Bádsháh Náma, rank sold for a cake,
life was offered for a loaf, the flesh of a son was preferred to his
love. The emperor opened soup kitchens and alms-houses at Surat and
Áhmedábád and ordered Rs. 5000 to be distributed. [844]

[Islám Khán Nineteenth Viceroy, 1632.] Sher Khán was re-called in
A.D. 1632, but died ere he could be relieved by Islám Khán, the
nineteenth viceroy of Gujarát, along with whom Khwájah Jehán was
chosen minister. Islám Khán's monthly salary was £400 (Rs. 4000),
and his command was raised from 5000 to 6000. In A.D. 1632, Khwájah
Jehán went on pilgrimage to Makkah, and was succeeded as minister by
Ágha Afzal with the title of Afzal Khán. Afzal Khán was soon appointed
commander of Baroda, and Riáyat Khán succeeded him as minister. The
post of viceroy of Gujarát appears to have been granted to whichever
of the nobles of the court was in a position to make the most valuable
presents to the emperor. [Disorder, 1632.] Government became lax, the
Kolis of the Kánkrej committed excesses, and the Jám of Navánagar
withheld his tribute. [Bákar Khán Twentieth Viceroy, 1632.] At
this time Bákar Khán presented the emperor with golden and jewelled
ornaments to the value of Rs. 2,00,000 and was appointed viceroy,
Riáyat Khán being continued as minister. In A.D. 1633 [Sipáhdár Khán
Twenty-first Viceroy, 1633.] Sipáhdár Khán was appointed viceroy,
and presented the emperor with costly embroidered velvet tents with
golden posts worthy to hold the famous Takhti-Táús or Peacock Throne
which was just completed at a cost of one kror of rupees. Riáyat
Khán was continued as minister. [Saif Khán Twenty-second Viceroy,
1633-1635.] In A.D. 1635 Saif Khán was appointed twenty-second viceroy,
with Riáyat Khán as minister. During Saif Khán's tenure of power
Mírza Ísa Tarkhán received a grant [845] of the province of Sorath,
which had fallen waste through the laxity of its governors. Before he
had been in power for more than a year Saif Khán was recalled. As he
was preparing to start, he died at Áhmedábád and was buried in Sháhi
Álam's shrine to which he had added the dome over the tomb and the
mosque to the north of the enclosure.

[Ázam Khán Twenty-third Viceroy, 1635-1642.] At the end of A.D. 1635
Ázam Khán was appointed twenty-third viceroy, with Riáyat Khán
in the first instance, and afterwards with Mír Muhammad Sábir, as
minister. The men who had recently been allowed to act as viceroys
had shown themselves unfit to keep in order the rebellious chiefs and
predatory tribes of Gujarát. For this reason the emperor's choice
fell upon Ázam Khán, a man of ability, who perceived the danger of
the existing state of affairs, and saw that to restore the province
to order, firm, even severe, measures were required. When Ázam Khán
reached Sidhpur, the merchants complained bitterly of the outrages
of one Kánji, a Chúnvália Koli, who had been especially daring in
plundering merchandise and committing highway robberies. [Punishes
the Kolis,] Ázam Khán, anxious to start with a show of vigour,
before proceeding to Áhmedábád, marched against Kánji, who fled to
the village of Bhádar in the Kherálu district of Kadi, sixty miles
north-east of Áhmedábád. Ázam Khán pursued him so hotly that Kánji
surrendered, handed over his plunder, and gave security not only that
he would not again commit robberies, but that he would pay an annual
tribute of £1000 (Rs. 10,000). Ázam Khán then built two fortified
posts in the Koli country, naming one Ázamábád after himself, and the
other Khalílábád after his son. He next marched to Káthiáváda [846]
and [Subdues the Káthis.] subdued the Káthis, who were continually
ravaging the country near Dhandhúka, and to check them erected a
fortified post called Sháhpúr, on the opposite side of the river to
Chuda-Ránpur. Ágha Fázil known as Fázil Khán, who had at one time held
the post of minister, and had, in A.D. 1636, been appointed governor
of Baroda, was now selected to command the special cavalry composing
the bodyguard of prince Muhammad Aurangzíb. At the same time Sayad
Ilahdád was appointed governor of Surat fort, Ísa Tarkhán remaining
at Junágadh. In A.D. 1637, Mír Muhammad Sábir was chosen minister in
place of Riáyat Khán, and in A.D. 1638 Muîz-zul-Mulk was re-appointed
to the command of Surat fort. Shortly after Ázam Khán's daughter
was sent to Dehli, and espoused to the emperor's son Muhammad Shujá
Bahádur. In A.D. 1639, Ázam Khán, who for his love of building was
known as Udhai or the Whiteant, devoted his attention to establishing
fortified posts to check rebellion and robbery in the country of the
Kolis and the Káthis. So complete were his arrangements that people
could travel safely all over Jháláváda, Káthiáváda, Navánagar, and
Kachh.[Revolt of the Jám of Navánagar, 1640.] The Jám, who of late
years had been accustomed to do much as he pleased, resented these
arrangements, and in A.D. 1640 withheld his tribute, and set up a
mint to coin koris. [847] When Ázam Khán heard of this, he marched
with an army against Navánagar, and, on arriving about three miles
from the city, he sent the Jám a peremptory order to pay the arrears
of tribute and to close his mint, ordering him, if any disturbance
occurred in that part of the country, at once to send his son to the
viceroy to learn his will. He further ordered the Jám to dismiss to
their own countries all refugees from other parts of Gujarát. The Jám
being unable to cope with Ázam Khán, acceded to these terms; and Ázam
Khán, receiving the arrears of tribute, returned to Áhmedábád. As Ázam
Khán's stern and somewhat rough rule made him unpopular, Sayad Jálál
Bukhári whose estates were being deserted from fear of him brought
the matter to the emperor's notice.

[Ísa Tarkhán Twenty-fourth Viceroy, 1642-1644.] In consequence in
A.D. 1642 the emperor recalled Ázam Khán and appointed in his place
Mírza Ísa Tarkhán, then governor of Sorath, twenty-fourth viceroy of
Gujarát. And as it was feared that in anger at being re-called Ázam
Khán might oppress some of those who had complained against him, this
order was written by the emperor with his own hand. Thanks to Ázam
Khán's firm rule, the new viceroy found the province in good order,
and was able to devote his attention to financial reforms, among
them the introduction of the share, bhágvatái, system of levying land
revenue in kind. When Mírza Ísa Tarkhán was raised to be viceroy of
Gujarát, he appointed his son Ináyatulláh to be governor of Junágadh,
and Muiz-zul-Mulk to fill the post of minister. During the viceroyalty
of Mírza Ísa Sayad Jalál Bukhári a descendant of Saint Sháhi Álam was
appointed to the high post of Sadr-us-Sudúr or chief law officer for
the whole of India. This was a time of prosperity especially in Surat,
whose port dues which were settled on the Pádsháh Begam had risen from
two and a half to five lákhs. Mírza Ísa Tarkhán's term of power was
brief. In A.D. 1644 the emperor appointed prince Muhammad Aurangzíb to
the charge of Gujarát, Muiz-zul-Mulk being ordered by the emperor to
continue to act as his minister. An event of interest in the next year
(A.D. 1645) is the capture of seventy-three elephants in the forests
of Dohad and Chámpáner. [848]

[Prince Muhammad Aurangzíb Twenty-fifth Viceroy, 1644-1646.] Prince
Aurangzíb's rule in Gujarát was marked by religious disputes. In 1644
a quarrel between Hindus and Musalmáns ended in the prince ordering
a newly built (1638) temple of Chintáman near Saraspur, a suburb of
Áhmedábád, above a mile and a half east of the city, to be desecrated
by slaughtering a cow in it. He then turned the building into a mosque,
but the emperor ordered its restoration to the Hindus. In another
case both of the contending parties were Musalmáns, the orthodox
believers, aided by the military under the prince's orders, who was
enraged at Sayad Ráju one of his followers joining the heretics,
attacking and slaughtering the representatives of the Mahdawiyeh
sect in Áhmedábád. Sayad Ráju's spirit, under the name of Rájú
Shahíd or Rájú the martyr, is still worshipped as a disease-scaring
guardian by the Pinjárás and Mansúris and Dúdhwálas of Áhmedábád. [849]
[Sháistah Khán Twenty-sixth Viceroy, 1646-1648.] In consequence of the
part he had taken in promoting these disturbances, prince Aurangzíb
was relieved and Sháistah Khán appointed twenty-sixth viceroy of
Gujarát. In the following year Muiz-zul-Mulk, who had till then acted
as minister, was recalled, and his place supplied by Háfiz Muhammad
Násir. At the same time the governorship of Surat and Cambay was given
to Áli Akbar of Ispahán. This Áli Akbar was a Persian horse merchant
who brought to Agra seven horses of pure Arabian breed. For six of
these Sháh Jehán paid Rs. 25,000. The seventh a bay so pleased the
emperor that he paid Rs. 15,000 for it, named it the Priceless Ruby,
and considered it the gem of the imperial stud. In A.D. 1646 Áli Akbar
was assassinated by a Hindu and Muiz-zul-Mulk succeeded him as governor
of Surat and Cambay. [Prince Muhammad Dárá Shikoh Twenty-seventh
Viceroy, 1648-1652.] As Sháistah Khán failed to control the Gujarát
Kolis, in A.D. 1648 prince Muhammad Dárá Shikoh was chosen viceroy,
with Ghairat Khán as his deputy and Háfiz Muhammad Násir as minister,
while Sháistah Khán was sent to Málwa to relieve Sháh Nawáz Khán. While
Dárá Shikoh was viceroy an ambassador landed at Surat from the court of
the Turkish Sultán Muhammad IV. (A.D. 1648-1687). [850] In A.D. 1651,
Mír Yahyá was appointed minister in place of Háfiz Muhammad Násir,
and in A.D. 1652 prince Dárá was sent to Kandahár. On [Sháistah Khán
Twenty-eighth Viceroy, 1652-1654.] the transfer of the prince Sháistah
Khán became viceroy for the second time, with Mír Yahyá as minister
and Sultán Yár governor of Baroda with the title of Himmat Khán. Mírza
Ísa Tarkhán was summoned to court from his charge of Sorath and his son
Muhammad Sálih was appointed his successor. In A.D. 1653 an ill-advised
imperial order reducing the pay of the troopers, as well as of the
better class of horsemen who brought with them a certain number of
followers, created much discontent. During this year several changes
of governors were made. Muhammad Násir was sent to Surat, Himmat Khán
to Dholka, the governor of Dholka to Baroda, Kutb-ud-dín to Junágadh,
Sayad Sheikhan son-in-law of Sayad Diler Khán to Tharád under Pátan,
and Jagmál, the holder of Sánand, to Dholka. In the same year Sháistah
Khán made an expedition against the Chunvália Kolis, who, since Ázam
Khán's time (A.D. 1642), had been ravaging Víramgám, Dholka, and Kadi,
and raiding even as far as the villages round Áhmedábád.

[Prince Murád Bakhsh Twenty-ninth Viceroy, 1654-1657.] In spite of
Sháistah Khán's success in restoring order the emperor in A.D. 1654
appointed in his place prince Muhammad Murád Bakhsh twenty-ninth
viceroy of Gujarát. Diánat Khán, and immediately after him Rehmat
Khán, was appointed minister in place of Mír Yahyá. Mujáhid Khán
Jhálori relieved Mír Shams-ud-dín as governor of Pátan and Godhra
was entrusted to Sayad Hasan, son of Sayad Diler Khán, and its
revenues assigned to him. When prince Murád Bakhsh reached Jhábua
[851] on his way to Áhmedábád, the chief presented him with £1500
(Rs. 15,000) as tribute; and when he reached Áhmedábád, Kánji, the
notorious leader of the Chunvália Kolis; surrendered through Sayad
Sheikhan, and promised to remain quiet and pay a yearly tribute of
£1000 (Rs. 10,000). Dildost, son of Sarfaráz Khán, was appointed to
the charge of the post of Bíjápur under Pátan; while Sayad Sheikhan
was made governor of Sádra and Píplod, and Sayad Áli paymaster, with
the title of Radawi Khán. Many other changes were made at the same
time, the prince receiving a grant of the district of Junágadh. One
Pírjí, a Bohora, said to have been one of the richest merchants of
Surat, is noted as sending the emperor four Arab horses and prince
Murád as presenting the emperor with eighteen of the famous Gujarát
bullocks. During the viceroyalty of Dárá Shikoh sums of Rs. 1,00,000
to Rs. 2,00,000 used to be spent on articles in demand in Arabia. The
articles were sent under some trustworthy officer and the proceeds
applied to charitable purposes in the sacred cities.

[Murád proclaims himself Emperor, 1657.] At the end of A.D. 1657, on
the receipt of news that Sháh Jehán was dangerously ill prince Murád
Bakhsh proclaimed himself emperor by the title of Murawwaj-ud-dín and
ordered the reading of the Friday sermon and the striking of coin in
his own name. [852] His next step was to put to death the minister
Áli Naki, and direct his men to seize the fort of Surat then held by
his sister the Begam Sáhibah and to take possession of the property
of the Begam. He imprisoned Abdul-Latíf, son of Islám Khán, an old
servant of the empire. Dárá Shikoh representing Murád's conduct
to the emperor obtained an order to [Kásam Khán Thirtieth Viceroy,
1657-1659.] transfer him to the governorship of the Berárs. Murád
Bakhsh borrowing £55,000 (5 1/2 lákhs of rupees) from the sons of
Sántidás Jauhari, £4000 (Rs. 40,000) from Ravídás partner of Sántidás,
and £8800 (Rs. 88,000) from Sánmal and others, raised an army and
arranged to meet his brother prince Aurangzíb, and with him march
against the Mahárája Jasvatsingh of Jodhpur and Kásam Khán, whom Sháh
Jehán had appointed viceroys of Málwa and Gujarát, and had ordered
to meet at Ujjain and march against the princes. [Victory of Murád
and Aurangzíb.] Murád Bakhsh and Aurangzíb, uniting their forces
early in A.D. 1658, fought an obstinate battle with Jasvantsingh,
in which they were victorious, and entered Ujjain in triumph. From
Ujjain prince Murád Bakhsh wrote Muâtamid Khán his eunuch an order
allotting to Mánikchand £15,000 (Rs. 1,50,000) from the revenues of
Surat, £10,000 (Rs. 1,00,000) from Cambay, £10,000 (Rs. 1,00,00)
from Pitlád, £7500 (Rs. 75,000) from Dholka, £5000 (Rs. 50,000)
from Broach, £4500 (Rs. 45,000) from Víramgám, and £3000 (Rs. 30,000)
from the salt works, in all £55,000 (5 1/2 lákhs of rupees). Further
sums of £4000 (Rs. 40,000) are mentioned as due to Ravidás partner of
Sántidás, and £8800 (Rs. 88,000) to Sánmal and others. From Ujjain
the princes advanced on Agra. At Dholpúr they fought a still more
obstinate battle with the imperial forces commanded by prince Dárá
Shikoh and after a long and doubtful contest were victorious. Prince
Dárá Shikoh fled to Dehli, and the princes advanced and took possession
of Agra. After confining his father, Aurangzíb marched for Mathura,
[Aurangzíb confines Murád, 1658.] and having no further use of Murád,
he there seized and imprisoned him. From Mathura, Aurangzíb went to
Dehli from which Dará Shikoh had meanwhile retired to Láhor.

[Aurangzíb Emperor, 1658-1707.] In A.D. 1658, while his father was
still alive, Aurangzíb assumed the imperial titles and ascended the
throne. In A.D. 1659 he appointed Sháh Nawáz Khán Safávi thirty-first
viceroy of Gujarát, with Rahmat Khán as minister. [Sháh Nawáz Khán
Safávi Thirty-first Viceroy, 1659.] On this occasion Sántidás received
a decree directing that the provincial officials should settle his
accounts and Kutb-ud-dín Kheshgi was appointed to Sorath. Sháh Nawáz
Khán was the father-in-law of both Aurangzíb and Murád Bakhsh. Shortly
after his appointment, while Murád's wife was paying a visit to
her father, [Prince Dárá Rebels, 1659.] prince Dárá Shikoh leaving
Kachh, where he had been hospitably received by the Ráv, made a
sudden descent on Gujarát. The viceroy, won over by the entreaties
of his daughter who saw in the success of Dárá a hope of release for
her husband, joined the prince who entered Áhmedábád. After raising
funds from Surat and Áhmedábád he collected an army of 22,000 horse
and appointing Sayad Áhmed deputy viceroy, marched towards Ajmír,
once more to try his chance of empire. [Is Defeated, 1659.] He was
defeated and fled to Áhmedábád, where Sardár Khán, who had confined
Sayad Áhmed, closed the gates of the city in his face. The unhappy
prince retired to Kachh, but finding no support fled to Sindh, where
he was treacherously seized and handed to his brother by the chief
of Jún. [Jasvantsingh Thirty-second Viceroy, 1659-1662.] The emperor
Aurangzíb, forgiving Jasvantsingh his opposition at Ujjain, conferred
on him the government of Gujarát, and in the place of Rahmat Khán
appointed Makramat Khán to act as minister. Sardár Khán was thanked
for his loyal conduct and made governor of Broach. Praise was also
given to Sher and Ábid of the Bábi family. Presents were bestowed on
Kutb-ud-dín, governor of Sorath, and, shortly after, for his refusal to
help prince Dárá, Tamáchi chief of Kachh was rewarded. These measures
removed all signs of disaffection at the accession of Aurangzíb. A
decree was issued directing Rahmat Khán the minister to forbid the
cultivation of the bhang plant. Mohtasibs or censors were appointed
to prevent the drinking of wine or the use of intoxicating drugs and
preparations. On the formal installation of Aurangzíb in A.D. 1658-59
the Áhmedábád Kázi was ordered to read the sermon in his name. The
Kázi objected that Sháh Jehán was alive. Sheikh Abdul Wahháb, a Sunni
Bohora of Pattan, whom on account of his learning and intelligence
Aurangzíb had made Kázi of his camp, contended that the weakness and
age of Sháh Jehán made a successor necessary. The Bohora prevailed
and the sermon was read in Aurangzíb's name.

[Jasvantsinghji sent against Shiváji, 1662.] In A.D. 1662 Jasvantsingh
received orders to march to the Dakhan and join prince Muâzzam against
Shiváji the Marátha leader; and Kutb-ud-dín, governor of Sorath,
was directed to act for him in his absence. In this year Mahábat Khán
was appointed thirty-third viceroy of Gujarát, and Sardár Khán, the
governor of Broach, was sent to Ídar to suppress disturbances. [Mahábat
Khán Thirty-third Viceroy, 1662-1663.] About A.D. 1664 Ranmalji
or Satarsála Jám of Navánagar died, leaving by a Ráhthod mother
a child named Lákha whom the late chief's brother Ráisinghji with
the aid of the Ráv of Kachh and other Jádejás, set aside and himself
mounted the throne. Malik Ísa, a servant of the family, took Lákha to
Áhmedábád and invoked the aid of the viceroy. [Capture of Navánagar
(Islámnagar), 1664.] Kutb-ud-dín marching on Navánagar, defeated and
slew Ráisingh, took possession of Navánagar, and annexed the territory,
changing the name of the city into Islámnagar. Ráisingh's son, Tamáchi,
then an infant, escaped and was sheltered in Kachh. In the same year
(A.D. 1664) a Balúch personating Dárá Shikoh, was joined by many Kolis,
and disturbed the peace of the Chúnvál, now a portion of the Áhmedábád
collectorate north of Víramgám. With the aid of Sherkhán Bábi, Mahábat
Khán quelled these disturbances, and established two new military
posts, one at Gájna under Cambay and one at Belpár under Petlád.

In this year an imperial decree was received requiring the
discontinuance of the following abuses: The charging of blackmail by
executive subordinates; A tax on private individuals on their cutting
their own trees; Forced purchases by state servants; The levy by
local officers of a tax on persons starting certain crafts; The levy
of a tax on laden carts and on cattle for sale; The closing of Hindu
shops on the Jain Pachusan and at the monthly elevenths or Ekádasi;
Forced labour; The exclusive purchase of new grain by revenue officers;
The exclusive sale by officers of the vegetables and other produce
of their gardens; A tax on the slaughtering of cattle in addition
to that on their sale; Payments to the Ahmednagar Kolis to prevent
Musalmáns praying in the Ahmednagar mosque; The re-opening of certain
Hindu temples; The aggressive conduct and obscenity practised during
the Holi and Diváli holidays; The sale by Hindus of toy horses and
elephants during Musalmán holidays; The exclusive sale of rice by
certain rich Banias; The exclusive purchase by Imperial officers of
roses for the manufacture of rosewater; The mixed gatherings of men
and women at Musalmán shrines; The setting up of nezas or holy hands
and the sitting of harlots on roadsides or in markets; The charging
by revenue officers of scarcity rates; The special tax in Parántij,
Modasa, Vadnagar, Bisnápur, and Harsol on Musalmán owners of mango
trees; The levy of duty both at Surat and Áhmedábád from English and
Dutch merchants. [853]

[Shiváji Plunders Surat, 1664.] In the same year (A.D. 1664)
Shiváji made a rapid descent on Surat, then undefended by walls,
and, by plundering the city, created great alarm over the whole
province. The viceroy Mahábat Khán marched to Surat with the following
chiefs and officers: Jagmál, proprietor of Sánand; the governor of
Dholka; Shádimal, chief of Ídar; Sayad Hasan Khán, governor of Ídar;
Muhammad Ábid with 200 superior landholders of the district of Kadi;
the Rája of Dúngarpur; Sabalsingh Rája of Wadhwán and other chiefs
of Jhálávádh; Lál Kalián chief of Mándva in the Gáikwár's dominions
near Atarsumba; the chief of Elol under Ahmednagar in the Mahi Kántha
Agency; Prathiráj of Haldarvás; and the chief of Belpár. Before the
viceroy's army arrived at Surat Shiváji had carried off his plunder
to his head-quarters at Ráygad. [854] After remaining three months
at Surat levying tribute from the superior landholders, the viceroy
returned to Ahmedábád, and Ináyat Khán, the revenue collector of
Surat, built a wall round the town for its protection. About this
time Kutb-ud-dín Khán, governor of Sorath, was sent with an army
to aid the Mahárája Jasvantsingh in the Dakhan and Sardár Khán was
appointed in his place. In A.D. 1666 the Maráthás again attacked and
plundered Surat, and in the same year the deposed emperor Sháh Jehán
died. Aurangzíb attempted to induce the English to supply him with
European artillerymen and engineers. The request was evaded. [Copper
Coinage Introduced, 1668.] In this year the viceroy, Mahábat Khán,
in place of the old iron coins, introduced a copper coinage into
Gujarát. Sardár Khan, the governor of Junágadh, was put in charge of
Islámnagar (Navánagar) and 500 additional horsemen were placed under
him. Special checks by branding and inspection were introduced to
prevent nobles and others keeping less than their proper contingent
of horse. In the same year the cultivator who paid the rent was
acknowledged to be the owner of the land and a system of strengtheners
or takáwi after due security was introduced.

[Khán Jehán Thirty-fourth Viceroy, 1668-1671.] In A.D. 1668, Bahádur
Khán Khán Jehán, who had formerly been viceroy of Allahábád, was
appointed viceroy of Gujarát, with Háji Shafi Khán, and afterwards
Khwájah Muhammad Háshím, as his ministers. Khán Jehán joined his
government in A.D. 1669, and in A.D. 1670 Shiváji again plundered
Surat. In A.D. 1670 Shiváji made an attempt on Janjira, [855]
the residence and stronghold of the Sídi or Abyssinian admirals
of Bíjápur. [Sídi Yákút the Mughal Admiral, 1670.] Sídi Yákút the
commander of Janjira applied for aid to the governor of Surat. On
his offering to become a vassal of the emperor and place his fleet at
the emperor's disposal, Sídi Yákút received the title of Yákút Khán,
and a yearly subsidy of £15,000 (Rs. 1,50,000) payable from the port
of Surat. About the same time Sayad Diler Khán, who had accompanied
Mahárája Jasvantsingh to the Dakhan, was recalled by the viceroy
Khán Jehán and appointed governor of Sorath in place of Sardár Khán,
who was sent to Ídar. Sayad Haidar, in charge of the military post
of Haidarábád, about twenty-four miles south of Áhmedábád, reported
that he had put down the rebellion but recommended that a small fort
should be built. In A.D. 1670 the emperor summoned Diler Khán to
discuss Dakhan affairs, and sent him to the seat of war, replacing
him in the government of Sorath by Sardár Khán.

[Mahárája Jasvantsingh Thirty-fifth Viceroy, 1671-1674.] In A.D. 1671,
Bahádur Khán Khán Jehán was sent as viceroy to the Dakhan. He was
relieved by the Mahárája Jasvantsingh, who, as viceroy, received an
assignment of the districts of Dhandhúka and Pitlád. In A.D. 1673
through the intercession of the viceroy, Jám Tamáchi, the son of
Ráisingh, on condition of serving the viceroy and of keeping order
was restored to Navánagar, and twenty-five villages were granted to
certain dependent Jádeja Rájputs. So long as the emperor Aurangzíb
lived the city of Navánagar (Islámnagar) remained in the hands of a
Musalmán noble, the Jám residing at Khambhália, a town about thirty
miles south-west of the head-quarters of the state. In A.D. 1707,
on Aurangzíb's death, the Jám was allowed to return to Navánagar
where he built a strong fort. Similarly so long as Aurangzíb lived,
the Jám forbore to work the pearl fisheries in the Gulf of Kachh,
but afterwards again made use of this source of revenue. Early in
1674 an order issued forbidding the levy from Musalmáns of rahádari
or transit dues, of taxes on fish vegetables grass firewood and other
forest produce, on Muhammadan artisans, and many other miscellaneous
dues. The officer in charge of Morví, which was then an imperial
district, was ordered to strive to increase its population and revenue,
and the chief of Porbandar, also an imperial district, on condition of
service and of protecting the port was allowed a fourth share of its
revenue. Much discontent was caused by enforcing an imperial order
confiscating all wazífah land, that is all land held on religious
tenure by Hindus.

[Muhammad Amín Khán Umdat-ul-Mulk Thirty-sixth Viceroy,
1674-1683.] About the close of the year A.D. 1674, Mahárája
Jasvantsinghji was relieved and sent to Kábul, and Muhammad Amín Khán
Umdat-ul-Mulk, who had just been defeated at Kábul, was appointed
thirty-sixth viceroy of Gujarát, receiving an assignment of the
districts of Pátan and Víramgám. Among the military posts mentioned
in the Mirat-i-Áhmedi is that of Sádra or Sháhdarah the present
head-quarters of the Mahi Kántha Agency, also called Islámábád,
[856] which was under the command of Sayad Kamál, son of Sayad
Kámil. [Increased Power of the Bábi Family.] The Bábi family were
now rising into importance. Muhammad Muzaffar, son of Sher Khán Bábi,
was governor of Kadi, and Muhammad Mubáriz, another son of Sher Bábi,
was in charge of one of the posts under Kadi. Kamál Khán Jhálori,
who had been removed from the government of Pálanpur and replaced
by Muhammad Fateh, was now restored to his former post. About the
same time, at the representation of Mulla Hasan Gujaráti, twenty-one
villages were taken from Bijápur and Kadi and Pátan and formed into the
separate division of Visalnagar. In A.D. 1676, the fort of Junágadh was
put into repair, and Sheikh Nizám-ud-dín Áhmed, minister of Gujarát,
was sent to Málwa, and was succeeded by Muhammad Sharíf. The Kánkrej
Kolis were again rebellious, and Muhammad Amín Khán Umdat-ul-Mulk went
against them and remained four months in their country, subduing them
and enforcing tribute. In the end of A.D. 1678, the viceroy paid his
respects to the emperor at Ajmír. The emperor forbade the fining of
Musalmán officials as contrary to the Muhammadan law and directed
that if guilty of any fault they should be imprisoned or degraded
from office, but not fined. An order was also given to change the
name of the new Visalnagar district to Rasúlnagar.

At this time (A.D. 1679) the emperor was doing his utmost to crush
both the Rána of Udepur and the Ráthods of Márwár. While the emperor
was at Chitor, Bhímsing the Rána's youngest son raided into Gujarát
plundering Vadnagar Visalnagar and other towns and villages. [Revolt
of Ídar, 1679.] The chief of Ídar, thinking the opportunity favourable
for regaining his independence, expelled the Muhammadan garrison from
Ídar and established himself in his capital. Muhammad Amín Khán sent
Muhammad Bahlol Khán Shirwáni who with the help of the Kasbátis of
Parántij re-took Ídar, and the chief pursued by Bahlol Khán fled to
the hills, where he died in a cave from want of his usual dose of opium
to which he was much addicted. His body was found by a woodcutter who
brought the head to Bahlol Khán. The head was recognized by the chief's
widow, who from that day put on mourning. Muhammad Bahlol Khán was
much praised, and was appointed to the charge of Ídar, and at the same
time the minister Muhammad Sharíf was succeeded by Abdúl Latíf. [857]

To this time belongs an imperial decree imposing the jazyah or head
tax on all subjects not professing the Muhammadan faith, and another
regulating the levy from Musalmáns of the zakát or poor rate. [858]
In 1681 a severe famine led to riots in Áhmedábád. As the viceroy
Muhammad Amín was returning in state from the Íd prayers Abu Bakr an
Áhmedábád Sheikh instigated the people to throw stones and dust. The
viceroy's bodyguard attacked the mob, but owing to the viceroy's
forbearance no serious results followed. On hearing of the riot the
emperor ordered the city to be put under martial law. The more politic
viceroy contented himself by inviting Sheikh Abu Bakr and others to a
banquet. After dinner he gave a piece of a poisoned watermelon to Abu
Bakr, who died and the riot with him. In A.D. 1683 Muhammad Amín the
viceroy died. According to the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, Muhammad Amín was one
of the best of Gujarát governors. The emperor Aurangzíb used to say
'No viceroy of mine keeps order like Amín Khán.'

[Mukhtár Khán Thirty-seventh Viceroy, 1683-1684] Amín Khán was
succeeded by Mukhtár Khán as thirty-seventh viceroy, Abdul Latíf
continuing to hold the office of minister. Fresh orders were passed
forbidding import dues on merchandise, fruit, grass, firewood, and
similar produce entering Áhmedábád. In 1682 a decree was received
ordering pauper prisoners to be provided with rations and dress at
the cost of the state. In 1683 the Sábarmati rose so high that the
water reached as far as the Tín Darwázah or Triple Gateway in the
west of Áhmedábád city. In consequence of disturbances in Sorath the
viceroy called on the minister to advance funds for an expedition. The
minister refused to make advances without special orders from the
emperor. On a reference to court the minister was directed to make
advances in emergent cases. In A.D. 1684, at the request of the
inhabitants of that city Abdúr Rahmán Krori, the governor of Deva
Pátan, was removed and in his place Muhammad Sayad chose Sardár Khán
as governor of Sorath. In the following year on the death of Sardár
Khán at Thatha in Sindh, where he had gone as viceroy, he was, in
the first instance, succeeded in the government of Sorath by Sayad
Muhammad Khán. Not long after Sorath was assigned as a personal estate
to the emperor's second son prince Muhammad Ázam Sháh Bahádur and
during the prince's absence Sháhwardi Khán was sent to manage its
affairs. [Famine, 1684.] In A.D. 1684 a famine in Gujarát raised the
price of grain in Áhmedábád to such a degree that Sheikh Muhy-ud-dín,
the son of the Kázi and regulator of prices, was mobbed.

[Shujáât Khán (Kártalab Khán) Thirty-eighth Viceroy, 1684-1703.] On
the death of the viceroy in 1684 prince Muhammad Ázam Sháh was
nominated to succeed him with Kártalab Khán, governor of Sorath, as
his deputy. Before the prince took charge Kártalab Khán was raised
to the post of viceroy, and Muhammad Táhir appointed minister. In
addition to his command as viceroy of Gujarát, Kártalab Khán was
afterwards placed in charge of Jodhpur. In this rearrangement besides
his previous personal estate, the district of Petlád was assigned to
prince Muhammad Ázam Sháh, and Sher Afghan Khán, son of Sháhwardi
Khán, was appointed governor of Sorath. In A.D. 1687, Sher Afghan
Khán was relieved by Bahlol Shirwáni, but in the following year was
restored to his command. In A.D. 1689, on the news of the death of
its governor Ináyat Khán, Kártalab Khán started to settle the affairs
of Jodhpur. As soon as he left Áhmedábád, a rumour spread that a
new viceroy was coming, and the troops, with whom as well as with
the people of Gujarát Kártalab was most popular, grew mutinous. [He
Quells a Mutiny, 1689.] On hearing of this disturbance Kártalab Khán
at once returned to Áhmedábád and quelled the mutiny. His firmness
so pleased the emperor that he gave him the title of Shujaât Khán,
and placed the governor of Jodhpur under his orders. Shujaât Khán now
proceeded to Jodhpur, where Durgádás Ráthod, who had incited prince
Abkar to rebellion, and Ajítsingh, the son of Mahárája Jasvantsingh,
were causing disturbance. Finding that a strong resident governor was
required to keep the insurgents in check, Shujaât Khán appointed Kázim
Beg Muhammad Amín, a brave and resolute soldier, to be his deputy and
returned to Áhmedábád. During this viceroyalty the pay of the leader
or jamádár of a troop of fifty horse was fixed at £10 (Rs. 100); of
a do-aspah or two-horse trooper at £6 (Rs. 60); and of an ek-aspah or
one-horse trooper at £3 (Rs. 30) a month. An imperial order was also
issued directing the levy on merchandise to be taken at the place
and time of sale instead of the time and place of purchase. As this
change caused loss to the revenue the old system was again adopted. In
A.D. 1690 the minister Amánat Khán, with the title of Ítimád Khán, was
made military governor of Surat, and Sayad Muhsín was chosen minister
in his place. To prevent the peons of great officials extorting fees
and dues officials were forbidden to entertain peons without payment.

[Revolt of Matiás and Momnás, 1691.] In the following year (A.D. 1691)
an attempt on the part of the emperor to suppress a body of Musalmán
sectarians led to a somewhat serious insurrection. Sayad Sháhji was
the religious preceptor of the Matiás of Khándesh and the Momnás of
Gujarát, two classes of converted Hindus closely allied to the Khojás
of Káthiáváda, all of them being followers of Sayad Imám-ud-dín an
Ismáîliáh missionary who came to Gujarát during the reign of Mahmúd
Begada (A.D. 1459-1513). Hearing that his followers paid obeisance to
their veiled spiritual guide by kissing his toe, the emperor ordered
the guide to be sent to court to be examined before the religious
doctors. Afraid of the result of this examination, the Sayad committed
suicide and was buried at Karamtah nine miles south of Áhmedábád. The
loss of their leader so enraged his followers that, collecting from
all sides, they marched against Broach, seized the fort, and slew the
governor. The insurgents held the fort of Broach against the governor
of Baroda who was sent to punish them, and for a time successfully
resisted the efforts of his successor Nazar Áli Khán. At last, at an
unguarded spot, some of the besiegers stole over the city wall and
opening the gates admitted their companions. The Momnás were defeated
and almost all slain as they sought death either by the sword or by
drowning to merit their saint's favour in the next world.

[Disturbances in Káthiáváda, 1692.] In A.D. 1692 Shujáât Khán, during
his tribute-gathering campaign in Jháláváda and Sorath, stormed the
fort of Thán, the head-quarters of the plundering Káthis and after
destroying the fort returned to Áhmedábád. Shujáât Khán was one of
the ablest of Gujarát viceroys. He gave so much of his attention to
the management of Jodhpur, that he used to spend about six months
of every year in Márwár. He beautified Áhmedábád by building the
college and mosque still known by his name near the Lál Gate. In
A.D. 1642 two hundred cart-loads of marble were received from the
ancient buildings at Pátan and the deputy governor Safdar Khán Bábi
wrote that if a thousand cart-loads more were required they could be
supplied from the same source. At this time the emperor ordered that
Sheikh Akram-ud-dín, the local tax-collector, should levy the head tax
from the Hindus of Pálanpur and Jhálor. The viceroy deputed Muhammad
Mujáhid, son of Kamál Khán Jhálori, governor of Pálanpur to help in
collecting. [Disturbances in Márwár.] As Durgádás Ráthod was again
stirring tumults and sedition in Márwár, the viceroy went to Jodhpur,
and by confirming their estates to the chief vassals and landholders
and guaranteeing other public measures on condition of service,
persuaded them to abandon their alliance with Durgádás against whom
he sent his deputy Kázim Beg, who expelled him from Márwár. After
appointing Kunvár Muhkamsingh, governor of Mertha in Márwár, Shujáât
Khán returned to Áhmedábád. In A.D. 1693, at the request of Sher
Afghan Khán, governor of Sorath, the walls of the fort of Jagat
were restored. In this year the viceroy went to Jháláváda to exact
tribute. On his return to Áhmedábád Safdar Khán Bábi, governor of
Pátan, wrote to the viceroy, and at his request the forts of Kambhoi
and Sámprah were repaired. The viceroy now went to Jodhpúr and from
that returned to Áhmedábád. A circumstance in connection with a sum of
Rs. 7000 spent on the repairs of forts illustrates the close imperial
supervision of provincial accounts. The item having come to imperial
notice from the provincial disbursement sheets was disallowed as unfair
and ordered to be refunded under the rule that such charges were to be
met out of their incomes by the local governors and military deputy
governors. Imperial officers were also from time to time deputed
to collect from the books of the desái's statements of provincial
disbursements and receipts for periods of ten years that they might
render an independent check. In this year the emperor hearing that
Ajítsingh and Durgádás were again contemplating rebellion ordered
the viceroy to Jodhpur. Muhammad Mubáriz Bábi was at the same time
appointed deputy governor of Vadnagar, and an order was issued that
the revenue of Pátan should be paid to Shujáât Khán instead of as
formerly into the imperial treasury. In this year also Safdar Khán
Bábi, governor of Pátan, was succeeded by Mubáriz Khán Bábi. Not
long afterwards under imperial orders the viceroy directed Muhammad
Mubáriz Bábi to destroy the Vadnagar temple of Hateshwar-Mahádev the
Nágar Bráhmans' special guardian.

In A.D. 1696, Muhammad Bahlol Shírwáni, governor of Baroda, died,
and his place was supplied by Muhammad Beg Khán. During this year the
viceroy again went to Jodhpúr and remained there for some months. In
A.D. 1697 Buláki Beg the mace-bearer arrived from the imperial
court to settle disputes connected with the Navánagar succession,
and to inquire into complaints made by the inhabitants of Sorath. In
1696 an imperial circular was addressed to all officers in charge
of districts ordering them to show no respect or consideration
for royalty in their efforts to capture or kill the rebel prince
Akbar. [Durgádás Ráthod reconciled to the Emperor, 1697.] About the
same time Durgádás Ráthod, in whose charge were the son and daughter of
prince Akbar, made an application to Shujáât Khán, proposing a truce,
and saying that he wished personally to hand the children to their
grandfather. Shujaât Khán agreed and Durgádás restored Akbar's children
to the emperor. Aurangzíb finding the children able to repeat the
whole Kurâán was much pleased with Durgádás, and made peace with him,
assigning him as a personal estate the lands of Mertha in Jodhpur, and
afterwards adding to this the grant of Dhandhúka and other districts
of Gujarát. In consequence of a failure of crops the price of grain
rose so high that the government share of the produce was brought to
Áhmedábád and sold in public to the poor and needy. About this time
Muhammad Mubáriz Bábi was killed by a Koli who shot him with an arrow
while he was sacking the village of Sámprah. [859] Safdar Khán Bábi
was appointed deputy governor of Pátan in his stead.

In the same year it was reported to the emperor that the money-changers
and capitalists of Áhmedábád in making payments passed money short
of weight to poor men and in receiving charged an exchange of two to
three tankás the rupee. The Súbah and minister were ordered to stop
the currency of rupees more than two surkhs short. [860]

[Scarcity, 1698.] In A.D. 1698, on the death of Ítimád Khán, his son
Muhammad Muhsín was made minister, and he was ordered to hand the
district of Mertha to Durgádás Ráthod. Among other changes Muhammad
Muním was raised to the command of the fort of Jodhpur and Khwájáh
Abdul Hamíd was appointed minister. Owing to a second failure of rain
1698 was a year of much scarcity in Márwár and north Gujarát. The
accounts of this year notice a petition addressed to the viceroy by
a Sinor Bráhman, praying that he might not be seized as a carrier or
labourer. [861] In connection with some revenue and civil affairs,
a difference of opinion arose between Shujáât Khán and Safdar Khán
Bábi, deputy governor of Pátan. Safdar Khán resigned, and, until a
successor was appointed, Muhammad Bahlol Shírwáni was directed to
administer the Pátan district. In the same year the emperor bestowed
the government of Sorath on Muhammad Beg Khán. In A.D. 1699 Durgádás
Ráthod obtained from the emperor not only a pardon for Ajítsingh, son
of the late Mahárája Jasvantsingh, but procured him an assignment of
lands in, as well as the official charge of, the districts of Jhálor
and Sáchor in Márwár. Mujáhid Khán Jhálori, who as representing a
family of landholders dating as far back as the Gujarát Sultáns,
had held Jhálor and Sáchor, now received in their stead the lands in
Pálanpur and Dísa which his descendants still hold. In this year also
(A.D. 1699) Amánat Khán, governor of Surat, died, and the Maráthás
making a raid into the province, Shujáât Khán sent Nazar Áli Khán to
drive them out. About this time an imperial order arrived, addressed
to the provincial díwán directing him to purchase 1000 horses for
the government at the average rate of £20 (Rs. 200).

[Prince Muhammad Aâzam Thirty-ninth Viceroy, 1703-1705.] In A.D. 1700
on the death of Fírúz Khán Mewáti, deputy governor of Jodhpúr, the
viceroy appointed in his place Muhammad Záhid from Víramgám. Rája
Ajítsingh of Márwár was now ordered to repair to court, and as he
delayed, a mohsal or speed fine was imposed upon him in agreement
with Shujáât Khán's directions. About this time an order came to
Kamál Khán Jhálori for the despatch to the emperor of some of the
Pálanpur chítáhs or hunting leopards which are still in demand in other
parts of India. In the same year the manager of Dhandhúka on behalf
of Durgádás Ráthod, asked the viceroy for aid against the Káthis,
who were plundering that district. The viceroy ordered Muhammad Beg,
governor of Sorath, to march against them. At this time Shujáât Khán
despatched Nazar Áli Khán with a large force to join the imperial
camp which was then at Panhála in Kolhápur. Shujáât Khán, who had so
long and ably filled the office of viceroy in a most critical time,
died in A.D. 1703. In his place prince Muhammad Aâzam Sháh, who was
then at Dhár in Málwa, was appointed thirty-ninth viceroy of Gujarát,
as well as governor of Ajmír and Jodhpur; and until his arrival
the minister Khwájáh Abdul Hamíd Khán was ordered to administer the
province. Owing to the recall of the late governor's troops from many
of the posts disorders broke out in the Pátan districts and the Kolis
plundered the country and made the roads impassable.

On his way from the Dakhan to Áhmedábád, the chief of Jhábua, a state
now under the Bhopáwar Agency, paid his respects to the new viceroy
and presented him with a tribute of £1600 (Rs. 16,000). Among other
arrangements the prince sent to Jodhpur Jáfar Kuli, son of Kázim
Beg, as deputy governor, and appointed Durgádás Ráthod governor of
Pátan. Shortly after, on suspicion of his tampering with the Ráthod
Rájputs, an order came from the emperor to summon Durgádás to the
prince's court at Áhmedábád, and there confine him or slay him. [862]
[Intrigue against Durgádás Ráthod, 1703.] Safdar Khán Bábi, who,
in displeasure with Shujáât Khán had retired to Málwa, returned and
offered to slay or capture Durgádás, who was accordingly invited to
the prince's court at Áhmedábád. Durgádás came and pitched his camp
at the village of Báreja on the Sábarmati near Áhmedábád. On the day
Durgádás was to present himself, the prince, on pretence of a hunt,
had ordered the attendance of a strong detachment of the army. When
all was ready and Safdar Khán Bábi and his sons appeared mailed and
gauntleted the prince sent for Durgádás. As this day was an eleventh or
agiáras Durgádás had put off waiting on the prince until the fast was
over. [Durgádás Ráthod Escapes.] Growing suspicious of the number of
messengers from the prince, he burned his tents and fled. Safdar Khán
Bábi was sent in pursuit. He was overtaking Durgádás when Durgádás'
grandson praying his grandfather to make good his escape, stayed behind
with a band of followers, charged the pursuers, and after a gallant
combat, he and his Rájputs were slain. The grandson of Durgádás was
killed in a hand-to-hand fight with Salábat Khán, the son of Safdar
Khán Bábi. Emerald rings are to this day worn by youths of the Bábi
families of North Gujarát in memory of the emerald earrings which
adorned the young Rájput and were afterwards worn by Salábat as
trophies of this fight. Meanwhile Durgádás had reached Unjáh-Unáwa,
forty miles east of Pátan, and from Unjáh made his way to Pátan. From
Pátan, taking his family with him, he retired to Tharád, and from
that to Márwár, where he was afterwards joined by Ajítsingh of Márwár,
whom the emperor opposed on the ground of illegitimacy. The imperial
troops followed and took possession of Pátan, putting to death the
head of the city police.

In his old age the emperor Aurangzíb became more and more strict in
religious matters. In 1702 an imperial order forbad the making of
almanacs as contrary to the Muhammadan law. Hindus were also forbidden
to keep Muhammadan servants.

[Surat, 1700-1703.] About this time (A.D. 1700) news arrived that
the Maráthás with a force of 10,000 horse were threatening Surat
from the foot of the Kására pass and the confines of Sultánpur and
Nandurbár. The viceroy despatched a body of troops to guard Surat
against their incursions. Disputes between the government and
the Portuguese were also injuring the trade of the province. In
A.D. 1701 the viceroy received an order from Court directing him
to destroy the temple of Somnáth beyond possibility of repair. The
despatch adds that a similar order had been issued at the beginning
of Aurangzíb's reign. In A.D. 1703, at the request of the merchants
of Gujarát, with the view of inducing the Portuguese to let ships
from Surat pass unmolested and release some Musalmáns who had been
imprisoned on their way back from Makkah, orders were issued that
certain confiscated Portuguese merchandise should be restored to its
owners. An imperial order was also received to encourage the art of
brocade weaving in Áhmedábád. In A.D. 1704, Safdar Khán Bábi was
raised to be governor of Bijápur, about fifty miles north-east of
Áhmedábád. Sarandáz Khán was at the same time appointed to Sorath
instead of Muhammad Beg Khán, who was placed in charge of the lands
round Áhmedábád. As the Maráthás once more threatened Surat, Mustafa
Kuli, governor of Broach, was sent with 1000 horse to defend the city.

Certain passages in Aurangzíb's letters to prince Aâzam when
(A.D. 1703-1705) viceroy of Gujarát, show how keen and shrewd an
interest the aged emperor maintained in the government of his
viceroys. In Letter 19 he writes to prince Aâzam: To take the
government of Sorath from Fateh Jang Khán Bábi and give it to your
chamberlain's brother is to break a sound glass vessel with your own
hands. These Bábis have been time out of mind a respected race in
Gujarát and are well versed in the arts of war. There is no sense
in giving the management of Sorath to anyone but to a Bábi. Sorath
is a place which commanders of five thousand like Hasan Álikhán and
Safshikan Khán have with difficulty administered. If your officers
follow the principles laid down by the late Shujáât Khán, it will be
well. If they do not, the province of Gujarát is such that if order
is broken in one or two places, it will not soon be restored. For
the rest you are your own master. I say not, do this or do that; look
that the end is good, and do that which is easiest. In another passage
(Letter 37 to the same prince Aâzam) Aurangzíb writes: You who are a
well intentioned man, why do you not retaliate on oppressors? Over
Hájipúr Aminpúr and other posts where atrocities occur every day,
and at Kapadvanj where the Kolis rob the highways up to the posts,
you have made your chamberlain and artillery superintendent your
commandant. He entrusted his powers to his carrion-eating and
fraudulent relatives. Owing to his influence the oppressed cannot
come to you.... You ought to give the command to one of the Gujarátis
like Safdar Khán Bábi or one of the sons of Bahlúl Shírwáni who have
earned reputations during the administration of the late Shujáât Khán
and who are popular with the people. Else I tell you plainly that on
the Day of Justice we shall be caught for neglecting to punish the
oppressions of our servants.

[Ibráhím Khán Fortieth Viceroy, 1705.] In A.D. 1705, as the climate
of Gujarát did not agree with prince Aâzam, Ibráhím Khán, viceroy
of Kashmír, was appointed fortieth viceroy of Gujarát, and his son
Zabardast Khán, viceroy of Láhor, was appointed to the government of
Ajmír and Jodhpur. Prince Aâzam at once went to Burhánpur in Khándesh,
handing charge of Gujarát to the minister Abdúl Hamíd Khán until
the new viceroy should arrive. Durgádás Ráthod now asked for and
received pardon. Abdúl Hamíd Khán was ordered to restore the lands
formerly granted to Durgádás, and Durgádás was directed to act under
Abdúl Hamíd's orders. In A.D. 1705 the emperor learned that Khánji, a
successor of Kutb the high priest of the Ismáîlia Bohorás, had sent out
twelve missionaries to win people to his faith, and that his followers
had subscribed Rs. 1,14,000 to relieve those of their number who were
imprisoned. The emperor ordered that the twelve missionaries should be
secured and sent to him and appointed Sunni Mullás to preach in their
villages and bring the Bohoras' children to the Sunni form of faith.

[The Maráthás enter Gujarát.] About this time (A.D. 1705) the Maráthás,
who had long been hovering on the south-east frontiers of the province,
bursting into south Gujarát with an army 15,000 strong, under the
leadership of Dhanáji Jádhav, defeated the local forces and laid
the country waste. Abdúl Hamíd Khán, who was then in charge of the
province, ordered all governors of districts and officers in charge
of posts to collect their men and advance to Surat. Between Nazar
Áli Khán and Safdar Khán Bábi, the officers in command of this army,
an unfortunate jealousy prevailed. Not knowing where the Maráthás
were to be found, they halted on the Narbada near the Bába Piárah
ford. Here they remained for a month and a half, the leaders contenting
themselves with sending out spies to search for the enemy. At last,
hearing of the approach of the Maráthás, they sent to head-quarters
asking for artillery and other reinforcements. In reply, Abdúl Hamíd
Khán, a man of hasty temper, upbraided them for their inactivity
and for allowing so much time to pass without making their way to
Surat. [Battle of Ratanpúr. Defeat of the Musalmáns, 1705.] Orders
were accordingly at once issued for an advance, and the army next
halted at Ratanpúr in Rájpípla. Here, apparently from the jealousy
of the commanders, the different chiefs pitched their camps at some
distance from each other. Finding the enemy's forces thus scattered,
the Maráthás, under the command of Dhanáji Jádhav, lost no time in
advancing against them. First attacking the camp of Safdar Khán Bábi,
they defeated his troops, killed his son, and took prisoner the chief
himself. Only a few of his men, with his nephew Muhammad Aâzam, escaped
to the camp of Nazar Áli Khán. Next, the Maráthás attacked the army
under Muhammad Purdil Khán Shirwáni; and it also they defeated. Of
the Musalmán army those who were not slain, drowned in the Narbada,
or captured, reached Broach in miserable plight, where they were
relieved by Akbar Áli Khán. Nazar Áli Khán burned his tents and
surrendered to the Maráthás, by whom he was well treated.

[Battle of the Bába Piárah Ford. Second Defeat of the Musalmáns,
1705.] The Maráthás now heard that Abdúl Hamíd Khán was coming with
an army to oppose them. Thinking he would not risk a battle, they
went to the Bába Piárah ford, and there crossed the Narbada. That
very day Abdúl Hamíd Khán, with Muhammad Sher and Muhammad Salábat,
sons of Safdar Khán Bábi, and others came to the spot where the
Maráthás were encamped. All night long they were harassed by the
Maráthás, and next morning found the enemy ready for a general
attack. The Muhammadans, weary with watching, dispirited from the
defeats of Safdar Khán, and inferior in number to their assailants,
were repulsed and surrounded. The two sons of Safdar Khán Bábi,
and two other nobles, seeing that the day was lost, cut their way
through the enemy and escaped, Abdúl Hamíd Khán, Nazar Áli Khán,
and many others were taken prisoners. The Maráthás plundered the
Muhammadan camp, declared their right to tribute, levied sums from
the adjacent towns and villages and extorted heavy ransoms which in
the case of Abdúl Hamíd Khán was fixed at as large a sum as £30,000
(Rs. 3 lákhs). [Koli Disturbances.] The Kolis, seeing the disorganized
state of Gujarát, began ravaging the country, and plundered Baroda
for two days. At Áhmedábád Muhammad Beg Khán, who had been appointed
governor of Sorath, was recalled to defend the capital. When the news
of the defeat at Bába Piárah reached Dehli, the emperor despatched
prince Muhammad Bidár Bakht with a large army to drive out the
invaders. Before this force reached Gujarát the Maráthás had retired.

[Prince Muhammad Bídár Bakht Forty-First Viceroy, 1705-1706.] Prince
Muhammad Bídár Bakht arrived in A.D. 1705 as forty-first viceroy, and
appointed Amánat Khán governor of the ports of Surat and Cambay. News
was now received that Ajítsingh of Jodhpur and Verisálji of Rájpípla
were about to rebel, and the prince took measures to check their
plans. About this time the emperor, hearing that an attack had
been made on the Muhammadan post at Dwárka, ordered the temple to
be levelled to the ground. It seems doubtful whether this order was
carried out. Nazar Áli Khán, who had formerly enjoyed a grant of Halvad
in Jháláváda, had been driven out by Chandrasingh, chief of Vánkáner;
but, on condition of his expelling Chandrasingh, these lands were again
granted to him. Kamál Khán Jhálori, leaving under his son Fírúz Khán
at Pálanpur a body of men for the defence of his charge, advanced to
Áhmedábád to guard the city from Marátha attack. He petitioned that
according to Gujarát custom his troops should receive rations so long
as they were employed on imperial service. To this request the emperor
agreed and issued orders to the provincial minister. [Durgádás Ráthod
again in Rebellion.] Shortly after Durgádás Ráthod took advantage of
the general confusion to rejoin Ajítsingh, and an army was sent to
Tharád against them. Ajítsingh was at first forced to retire. Finally
he succeeded in defeating Kunvar Muhkamsingh, and marching on Jodhpur
recovered it from Jaâfar Kuli, son of Kázím Beg. Durgádás meanwhile had
taken shelter with the Kolis. At the head of a band of robbers, meeting
Sháh Kúli the son of Kázím Beg on his way to join his appointment
as deputy governor of Pátan, Durgádás attacked and killed him. And
soon after at Chaniár in the Chunvál, laying in wait for Maâsúm Kúli,
the governor of Víramgám, he routed his escort, Maâsum Kúli escaping
with difficulty. On condition of being appointed governor of Pátan
Safdar Khán Bábi now offered to kill or capture Durgádás. His offer
was accepted, and as from this time Durgádás is no more heard of, it
seems probable that Safdar Khán succeeded in killing him. [Ibráhím
Khán Forty-second Viceroy, 1706.] As the disturbed state of the
province seemed to require a change of government Ibráhím Khán, who
had been appointed viceroy in the previous year, was ordered to join
his post. This order he reluctantly obeyed in A.D. 1706.



SECTION II.--Fifty Years of Disorder, 1707-1757.

[The Maráthás advance to Áhmedábád and levy Tribute, 1707.] With the
death of the emperor Aurangzíb, early in A.D. 1707, the period of
strong government which had latterly from year to year been growing
weaker came to an end. As soon as Aurangzíb's death was known, the
Maráthás under Báláji Vishvanáth burst into east Gujarát, marching
by Jhábua and Godhra, where they were ineffectually opposed by
the governor Murád Baksh. From Godhra they went to and plundered
the town of Mahuda in Kaira, and proposed marching on Áhmedábád by
way of Nadiád. The viceroy prepared to resist them, and, enlisting
special troops, camped outside of the city near the Kánkariya lake. Of
the warlike population on the north bank of the Sábarmati opposite
Áhmedábád nearly eight thousand Musalmán horse and three thousand foot
together with four thousand Rájpúts and Kolis in three days gathered
at the Kánkariya camp. The viceroy was also joined by Abdúl Hádi
Pandemal the viceroy's minister, Abdúl Hamíd Khán provincial minister,
Muhammad Beg Khán, Nazar Áli Khán, Safdar Khán Bábi, and several other
deputy governors with their retinues and artillery. Though strong in
numbers the practised eye of the viceroy failed to find in the host
that firmness and unity of purpose which could alone ensure victory
over the Marátha hordes. The Maráthás did much mischief, plundering as
far as Batva, only four-and-a-half miles from the viceroy's camp. The
author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, whose father was an actor in these
scenes, describes the panic in the capital of Gujarát which since
its capture by Muzaffar in A.D. 1583 had been free from the horrors
of war. Crowds of scared and terror-stricken men, women and children
laden with as much of their property as they could carry were pressing
from the suburbs into the city. In the city the streets were crowded
with squatters. The cries of parents bereft of children, added to
the din and turmoil of the soldiery, was like the horror of the Day
of Resurrection. The dejected faces of the soldiers beaten in the
late engagements added to the general gloom. The viceroy, thoroughly
alarmed, concluded a treaty with Báláji, and on receiving a tribute of
£21,000 (Rs. 2,10,000) the Maráthás withdrew. Meanwhile, in the contest
between the princes for the throne of Dehli, prince Muhammad Aâzam Sháh
was defeated and slain, and prince Muhammad Muâzzam Sháh mounted the
throne with the title of Bahádur Sháh. Ibráhím Khán was confirmed in
the post of viceroy of Gujarát, but, fearing that the emperor might
be displeased at his concession of tribute to the Maráthás, he went
to Dehli to explain his conduct, and there resigned office.

[Gházi-ud-dín Forty-third Viceroy, 1708-1710.] In A.D. 1708, in
consequence of Ibráhím Khán's resignation, Gházi-ud-dín Khán Bahádur
Fírúz Jang was appointed forty-third viceroy of Gujarát. The leaning
of the new emperor towards Shíâh tenets and his order to insert
in the Friday sermon the words the lawful successor of the Prophet
after the name of 'Ali, the fourth Khalífah, besides giving general
dissatisfaction, caused a small disturbance in Áhmedábád. On the
first Friday on which the sermon was read the Túráni or Turk soldiers
publicly called on the preacher to desist on pain of death. The
preacher disregarding their threats on the next Friday was pulled
down from the pulpit by the Túránis and brained with a mace. In the
same year (A.D. 1708), hearing that the representative of Sháhi Álam
had a copy of a Kurâan written by the Imám Áli Taki son of Músa Razá
(A.D. 810-829), the emperor expressed a wish to obtain a sight of it,
and the viceroy sent it to him at Mándu in charge of Sayad Âkil and
Salábat Khán Bábi. In A.D. 1709, Shariât Khán, brother of Abdúl Hamíd
Khán, was appointed minister in place of his brother, who obtained
the office of chief Kázi. Much treasure was sent to the imperial
camp by order of the emperor. Ajítsingh of Márwár now rebelled and
recovered Jodhpur. As the emperor wished to visit Ajmír the viceroy
of Gujarát was directed to join him with his army. At this time
the pay of a horseman is said to have been £3 8s. (Rs. 34) and of
a footman 8s. (Rs. 4) a month. During his administration Fírúz Jang
introduced the practice, which his successors continued, of levying
taxes on grain piece-goods and garden produce on his own account, the
viceroy's men by degrees getting into their hands the whole power of
collecting. In A.D. 1710, when on tour exacting tribute, the viceroy
fell ill at Dánta and was brought to Áhmedábád, where he died. As
Fírúz Jang had not submitted satisfactory accounts, his property
was confiscated, and in A.D. 1711 Amánat Khán, governor of Surat,
was appointed deputy viceroy with the title of Shahámat Khán. When
Shahámat Khán was levying tribute from the Kadi and Bijápur districts,
he heard that a Marátha force had advanced to the Bába Piárah ford
on the Narbada. He at once marched to oppose them, summoning Sayad
Áhmed Gíláni, governor of Sorath, to his assistance. When he reached
Ankleshvar, the Maráthás met him, and a battle was fought in which
the Maráthás were defeated. Shahámat Khán then proceeded to Surat,
and, after providing for its safety returned to Áhmedábád. In spite
of their reverse at Ankleshvar the Maráthás from this time began to
make yearly raids into Gujarát.


[Jehándár Sháh Emperor, 1712-1713.] In A.D. 1712, the emperor died,
and was succeeded by his son Abúl Fateh Muîzz-ud-dín Jehándár Sháh,
and Ásif-ud-daulah Asad Khán Bahádur was appointed [Ásif-ud-Daulah
Forty-fourth Viceroy, 1712-13.] forty-fourth viceroy of Gujarát. As
Muhammad Beg Khán, who was then at Kharkol, was a favourite of the
new viceroy and through his interest was appointed deputy, he went to
Áhmedábád, and Shahámat Khán was transferred to Málwa as viceroy. In
the meantime Muhammad Beg Khán was appointed governor of Surat, and
Sarbuland Khán Bahádur was sent to Áhmedábád as deputy viceroy. On
his way to Gujarát, Sarbuland Khán was robbed in the Ságbára wilds to
the east of Rájpípla. On his arrival he promptly marched against the
rebellious Kolis of the Chunvál and subdued them. At the end of the
year, as Farrukhsiyar son of Ázím-us-Shán, second son of the late
emperor, was marching with a large army on the capital, Sarbuland
Khán returned to Dehli.

[Farrukhsiyar Emperor, 1713-1719.] This expedition of Farrukhsiyar
was successful. He put Jehándár Sháh to death and mounted the throne
in A.D. 1713. As he had been raised to the throne mainly by the aid
of Sayads Husain Áli and Abdullah Khán, the new emperor fell under the
power of these nobles. Husain Áli was sent against Ajítsingh of Márwár,
and concluded a treaty with that chief, whereby Ajítsingh engaged
to send his son to court and to give his daughter to the emperor in
marriage: and the marriage was solemnised in A.D. 1715. In A.D. 1714,
shortly after this treaty was concluded, Ajítsingh sent his son
Abheysingh to court, and on him in place of one Sayad Áhmed Gíláni
was conferred the post of governor of Sorath. Abheysingh remained
at court and sent his deputy Káyath Fatehsingh to Junágadh. Abdúl
Hamíd Khán was appointed revenue officer of Surat. After some time
he resigned his Surat office and went to court, where on being made
superintendent of the shrine of Sheikh Ahmed Khattu he returned to
Áhmedábád. In A.D. 1713 Muhtarim Khán was appointed to succeed him
in Surat. Early in A.D. 1714, [Shahámat Khán Forty-fifth Viceroy,
1713.] Shahámat Khán, who had been appointed forty-fifth viceroy of
Gujarát, was superseded by Dáud Khán Panni as forty-sixth viceroy. The
reckless courage of Dáud Khán Panni was renowned throughout India. His
memory survives in the tales and proverbs of the Dakhan. On giving
battle he used to show his contempt for his enemies by wearing nothing
stronger than a muslin jerkin. So stern was his discipline that
none of his Afghán soldiers dared to touch a leaf of the standing
crops where they were encamped. When at Áhmedábád he was either
engaged in scattering the Kolis or in coursing with greyhounds. He
preferred life under canvas on the Sábarmati sands to the viceregal
surroundings of the Bhadar Palace. His civil work he used to trust
to Dakhan Bráhmans and Pandits. He was much devoted to the use of
bhang. [Dáud Khán Panni Forty-sixth Viceroy, 1714-15.] Until Dáud
Khán's arrival Abdúl Hamíd Khán was appointed viceroy and took charge
of the province from Shahámat Khán. At this time, on the security of
Rája Muhkamsingh of Nágor, a sum of £5000 (Rs. 50,000) was granted to
the brother of Durgádás Ráthod. In A.D. 1714 in Áhmedábád Harírám,
the agent of Madan Gopál a successful North Indian banker, who came
to Áhmedábád as treasurer with Fírúz Jang, while celebrating the Holi
with his friends, seized a Musalmán gentleman and handled him with
great roughness. [Religious Riots in Áhmedábád, 1714.] Aggrieved
with this treatment the Musalmán complained to a preacher of much
eloquence and influence, Mulla Muhammad Áli. The preacher took the
Muslim to the Assembly Mosque and sent for Mulla Abdúl Âzíz the
chief or leading member of the Sunni Bohora community. He answered
the call with a strong party of his men, and on his way was joined by
numbers of Musalmáns both soldiers and citizens. With cries of 'Dín'
'Dín' they went to the mosque and carried off the insulted man and the
priest and the Bohora leader to the house of the Kázi Khair-ul-láh. The
Kázi closed his doors against the crowd who returned abusing him to
the Jewellers' quarter pillaging and killing as they went. They next
swarmed towards Madan Gopál's Haveli in the Jewellers' quarters. But
the Nagarsheth Kapurchand Bhansáli closed its strong gates and with
his Musalmán soldiers met the swarm with firearms. The viceroy who was
camped at the Sháhi Bágh sent soldiers and under the influence of the
leading citizens of both classes the disturbance was quelled. When
the particulars of the riots were known in the imperial camp the
Hindus, clamouring against Mulla Muhammad Áli and Sheikh Abdúl Âzíz
Gujaráti, struck business and closed their shops. The emperor ordered
mace-bearers to proceed to Gujarát and bring the Musalmán ringleaders
together with the Hindu Nagarsheth Kapurchand Bhansáli. Some Bohoras at
the imperial camp, sending advance news to Áhmedábád, the Mullah and
the Bohora Sheth and after him the Bhansáli started for the imperial
camp. On reaching the camp the Mulla, who was very impressive and
eloquent, preached a sermon in the Assembly Mosque and his fame
reaching the emperor he was called to court and asked to preach. He
and the Sheth were now able to explain their case to the emperor and
the Bhansáli was imprisoned. It is said that the Bhansáli made the
Mulla the medium of his release and that he and the Bohora returned to
Gujarát while the Mulla remained in honour at court till he died. About
the same time a great flood in the Sábarmati did much damage.

Abdúl Hamíd Khán was now chosen governor of Sorath in place of
Abheysingh, and Momín Khán was appointed from Dehli, governor of Surat,
and was at the same time placed in charge of Baroda, Broach, Dholka,
Petlád, and Nadiád. Dáud Khán the viceroy now went into Káthiáváda and
Navánagar to collect tribute, and on his return to Áhmedábád, married
the daughter of the chief of Halvad in the Jháláváda sub-division
of Káthiáváda. It is related that this lady, who was with child, on
hearing of Dáud Khán's death cut open her womb and saved the child at
the sacrifice of her own life. [863] Dáud Khán, though an excellent
soldier and strict disciplinarian failed to distinguish himself as a
civil administrator. He introduced Dakhani pandits into official posts,
who levied a fee called chithyáman from landholders and took taxes
from the holdings of Sayads and otherwise made themselves unpopular.

About this time Momín Khán, governor of Surat, arrived in Gujarát,
and placing his deputies in Petlád, Dholka, Baroda, and Nadiád, went
himself to Surat in A.D. 1715. Here he was opposed by the commandant
of the fort, Zia Khán, who was obliged to give way, his subordinate,
Sayad Kásim, being defeated by Fidá-ud-dín Khán. [Further Riots in
Áhmedábád, 1715.] At this time much ill-feeling was caused by the
plunder by Muhammadan troops of the shops of some Hindu merchants
in Áhmedábád. On this account, and for other reasons, Dáud Khán was
recalled, and Ghazni Khán Jhálori was directed to act in his place
until the arrival of a new viceroy. [Mahárája Ajítsingh Forty-seventh
Viceroy, 1715-16.] In this year, A.D. 1715, the Mahárája Ajítsingh
was appointed forty-seventh viceroy of Gujarát, and his son Kunvar
Abheysingh was appointed governor of Sorath. Ajítsingh sent Vajeráj
Bhandári to act as his deputy until his arrival, and Fatehsingh
Káyath was chosen deputy governor of Sorath. Perhaps one of the most
remarkable appointments of this time was that of Haidar Kúli Khán
to be minister as well as military commandant of Baroda, Nándod,
Arhar-Mátar in the district [864] of Kaira, and of the ports of Surat
and Cambay. Haidar Kúli chose an officer to act for him as minister,
and after appointing deputies in his different charges himself went
to Surat.

The Mahárája Ajítsingh, on reaching Áhmedábád, appointed Ghazni
Khán Jhálori governor of Pálanpur and Jawán Mard Khán Bábi governor
of Rádhanpur. [865] During this year an imperial order conferred on
Haidar Kúli Khán, Sorath and Gohilvád or south-east Káthiáváda [866]
then in charge of Fatehsingh, the viceroy's deputy. [867] On receiving
this order Haidar sent Sayad Âkil as his deputy, and that officer went
to Jambúsar, and, collecting men, set out to join his appointment. He
first camped at Loliánah, where the province of Sorath begins, and from
Loliánah marched against Pálitána and plundered the town. [Disagreement
between the Viceroy and Haidar Kúli Khán, 1715.] The viceroy, who
was by no means well disposed to Haidar Kúli Khán, sent a message
that if any injury was done in Sorath he would take vengeance on the
aggressors; and as neither Ajítsingh nor Haidar Kúli Khán was of a
very compliant temper, civil war was on the point of breaking out. By
the help of Salábat Khán Bábi, the deputy in Gohilváda, matters were
arranged, and Sayad Âkil returned from Sorath. Haidar was anxious to
send Salábat Khán as deputy to Sorath. But as Salábat demanded too
high a salary, Raza Kúli, brother of the late governor of Baroda,
was chosen. When this officer, with his brother Maâsúm Kúli, reached
Amreli Fatehsingh, the viceroy's deputy, evacuated Junágadh. After
this Haidar Kúli Khán, in company with Kázím Beg, governor of Baroda,
marched against and defeated the chief of Munjpur, now under Rádhanpur,
who had refused to pay the usual tribute. The viceroy went to Sorath
to collect the imperial revenue, and, owing to his excessive demands,
met with armed resistance from the Jám of Navánagar. Finally, the
matter of tribute was settled, and after visiting the shrine of Dwárka,
the viceroy returned to Áhmedábád.

[Khán Daurán Nasrat Jang Bahádur Forty-eighth Viceroy, 1716-1719.] In
A.D. 1716, while the viceroy was at Dwárka, in consequence of numerous
complaints against Ajítsingh and his Márwári followers, the emperor
sent Samsám-ud-daulah Khán Daurán Nasrat Jang Bahádur as forty-eighth
viceroy of Gujarát. As it was expected that Ajítsingh would not give
up his government without a contest, an army was prepared to compel
him to leave. On the arrival of the army Ajítsingh marched straight
on Áhmedábád and encamped at Sarkhej, but Nahar Khán persuaded him
to retire to Jodhpur without giving battle. In A.D. 1717, after the
departure of Ajítsingh, Haidar Kúli Khan, who had been appointed
deputy viceroy, leaving Surat set out for Áhmedábád. When Haidar
arrived at Petlád, some of the Áhmedábád nobles, among whom was
Safdar Khán Bábi, went out to meet him. A dispute arose between
one of Haidar's water carriers and a water-carrier in the army of
the Bábi, which increased to a serious affray, which from the camp
followers spread to the soldiers and officers, and the Bábi's baggage
was plundered. Safdar Khán took serious offence, and returning to
Áhmedábád collected his kinsmen and followers and marched against
Haidar Kúli Khán. In a battle fought on the following day Safdar Khán
was defeated. The other Bábis escaped to Pálanpur, and Safdar Khán,
who in the first instance had fled to Atarsumba, joined his party
at Pálanpur. Muhammad Fírúz Jhálori, governor of Pálanpur, with
the title of Ghazni Khán, afterwards succeeded in reconciling the
Bábis and Haidar Kúli Khán. [Famine, 1719.] A.D. 1719 was a year of
great famine. Abdúl Hamíd Khán, who had filled so many appointments
in Gujarát, went to court, and was made governor of Sorath. Haidar
Kúli Khán now marched against the Mahi Kolis. In the meantime news
was received of the appointment of a new viceroy, and Ghazni Khán,
governor of Pálanpur, was ordered to stay at Áhmedábád for the defence
of the city.

[Muhammad Sháh Emperor, 1721-1748.] Early in A.D. 1719, the emperor
Farrûkhsiyar was deposed and put to death by the Sayads; and a prince
named Rafíâ-ud-Daraját, a grandson of the emperor, was raised to the
throne. Rafíâ-ud-Daraját was put to death by the Sayads after a reign
of three months, and his brother Rafíâ-ud-daulah, who succeeded him,
also died after a few days' reign. The Sayads then raised to the throne
prince Raushan Akhtar with the title of Muhammad Sháh. [Mahárája
Ajítsingh Forty-ninth Viceroy, 1719-1721.] After the murder of
Farrûkhsiyar, the most powerful vassal in the neighbourhood of Delhi
was Ajítsingh of Márwár. To win him to their side the Sayads granted
him the viceroyalty of Gujarát, and Míhr Áli Khán was appointed to
act for him until his arrival, while Muhammad Bahádur Bábi, son of
Salábat Muhammad Khán Bábi, was placed in charge of the police of
the district immediately round Áhmedábád. Shortly after, through the
influence of the Mahárája Ajítsingh, Náhir Khán superseded Míhr Áli
Khán as deputy viceroy. Náhir Khán was also appointed to the charge
of Dholka Dohad and Petlád, and made superintendent of customs. About
this time the head tax was repealed, and orders were issued that its
levy in Gujarát should cease.

[Píláji Gáikwár at Songad, 1719.] In the same year, A.D. 1719, Píláji
Gáikwár marched on Surat with a large army and defeated the imperial
troops commanded by Sayad Âkil and Muhammad Panáh, the latter commander
being taken prisoner and forced to pay a heavy ransom. Píláji, finding
Gujarát an easy prey, made frequent incursions, and taking Songad in
the extreme south-east established himself there. Míhr Áli Khán, who
had been acting for Náhir Khán, marched against and subdued the Kolis,
who were committing piracy in the Mahi estuary. [Decay of Imperial
Power, 1720.] From this year Mughal rule in Gujarát was doomed. Píláji
Gáikwár was established at Songad, and in the anarchy that ensued, the
great Gujarát houses of the Bábis and Jháloris, as well as the newly
arrived Momín Khán, turned their thoughts to independence. Ajítsingh
so hated Muhammadan rule that he secretly favoured the Maráthás, and
strove to establish his own authority over such portions of Gujarát
as bordered on Márwár. In after years, Sarbuland Khán made a vigorous
attempt to reassert imperial dominion, but the seeds of dissolution
were sown and efforts at recovery were vain.

In A.D. 1720, Ajítsingh the viceroy sent Anopsingh Bhandári to Gujarát
as his deputy. In this year Nizám-ul-Mulk, viceroy of Ujjain, was
superseded by Sayad Diláwar Khán. While Diláwar Khán was yet on the
Málwa frontiers the Nizám desirous of possessing himself of the Dakhan
and its resources retired to Burhánpur pursued by Sayad Diláwar Khán,
who giving battle was killed, the Nizám retiring to Aurangábád in the
Dakhan. Álam Áli Khán, deputy viceroy of the Dakhan, was directed to
march against him, while from north Gujarát Anopsingh Bhandári was
ordered to send 10,000 horse to Surat, and Náhir Khán, the deputy
viceroy, was instructed to proceed thither in person. The Nizám and
Álam Áli Khán met near Bálápur in the Berárs and a battle was fought
in which the Nizám was successful and Álam Khán was slain. At this
time Anopsingh Bhandári committed many oppressive acts, of which the
chief was the murder of Kapurchand Bhansáli, the leading merchant of
Áhmedábád. The cause of Kapurchand's murder was that he had hired a
number of armed retainers who used to oppose the Bhandári's orders and
set free people unjustly imprisoned by him. To remove this meddler
from his way the Bhandári got him assassinated. [Nizám-ul-Mulk
Prime Minister, of the Empire, 1721.] In A.D. 1721, Nizám-ul-Mulk
was appointed prime minister of the empire, Abdúl Hamíd Khán was
recalled from Sorath, and in his stead Asad Kuli Khán, with the title
of Amir-ul-Umara, was appointed governor of Sorath and sent Muhammad
Sharíf Khán into Sorath as his deputy.

[Haidar Kúli Khán Fiftieth Viceroy, 1721-22.] In A.D. 1721, in
conjunction with Muhammad Amín and Saádat Khán, Haidar Kúli Khán
freed the emperor from the tyranny of the Sayads, and was rewarded
with the title of Muîz-ud-daulah Haidar Kúli Khán Bahádur Zafar
Jang and the viceroyalty of Gujarát. He obtained the appointment
of minister for his brother Jaâfar Kúli Khán. Maâsúm Kúli Khán was
dignified by the title of Shujáât Khán Bahádur and appointed deputy
viceroy. As soon as this change was notified, the people of Áhmedábád,
who were discontented with the rule of Anopsingh, attacked his palace,
the Bhadar, and he escaped with difficulty. [Disorder in Áhmedábád,
1721.] In consequence of the enmity between Haidar Kúli Khán and the
Márwáris, Shujáât Khán, the deputy viceroy, attacked the house of Náhir
Khán who had been Ajítsingh's minister, and forced him to pay £10,000
(Rs. 1 lákh) and leave the city. Shujáât Khán next interfered with
the lands of Safdar Khán Bábi, the deputy governor of Godhra, and his
brothers. On one of the brothers repairing to Dehli and remonstrating,
Haidar Kúli, who, above all things, was a Muhammadan and anxious to
strengthen himself with the Muhammadan nobility of Gujarát, restored
their lands to the Bábis. In consequence of this decision ill-feeling
sprung up between Shujáât Khán and the Bábis, and when Shujáât Khán
went to exact tribute he forced Muhammad Khán Bábi, governor of Kaira,
to pay a special fine of £1000 (Rs. 10,000). Shortly after one of the
viceroy's officers, Kásím Áli Khán, while employed against the Kolis
of that part of the country, was killed at Pethápur. Shujáât Khán
advanced, and revenged Kásím Áli's death by burning the town. Next, he
passed into Sorath, and after exacting tribute, crossed to Kachh. The
chief opposed him, and in the fight that followed was beaten and
forced to pay about £22,500 (Rs. 2 1/4 lákhs). [868] In A.D. 1721,
a Sayad was sent to Sorath as deputy governor in place of Muhammad
Sharíf, and Haidar Kúli was appointed governor of Kadi, the Chúnvál,
and Halvad (called Muhammadnagar), and put in charge of Tharád,
Arjanpur, Bhámnárli, Pethápur, and Kherálu in place of Vakhatsingh,
son of the Mahárája Ajítsingh.

[Leaves Dehli for Gujarát, 1722.] Early in A.D. 1722, Nizám-ul-Mulk
took up the office of prime minister of the empire, to which he had
been appointed in the previous year. Strenuous efforts were made to
embroil him with Haidar Kúli Khán, as the Nizám's austerity and craft
were a source of not less anxiety to the Dehli court than Haidar
Kúli's more daring and restless ambition. Haidar Kúli Khán, unable
to contend with the Nizám, left Dehli and retired to Gujarát. On his
way the villagers of Dabháli opposed him killing one of his chief men
named Alif Beg Khán. Haidar burned the village and put all the people
to death, a severity which caused such terror that throughout his rule
no difficulty was experienced in realizing tribute or in keeping the
roads safe. About this time, among other changes, Muhammad Bahádúr,
son of Salábat Khán Bábi, was placed in charge of Sádra and Vírpur,
with the title of Sher Khán. Shortly after his arrival the viceroy
marched against and subdued the rebellious Kolis of the Chunvál,
appointing Rustam Áli Khán his governor there. Then, returning to
Áhmedábád, he took up his residence in the Bhadra. [Shows signs of
Independence and is Recalled, 1722.] There is little doubt that at
this time Haidar Kúli aimed at bringing all Gujarát under his rule. He
seized the imperial horses which passed through Áhmedábád on their way
to Dehli, and confiscated many estates and gave them to his own men. On
his way to enforce tribute from the Dungarpúr chiefs, he levied £8000
(Rs. 80,000) from Lunáváda. Through the mediation of the Udepur Rána,
and as he agreed to pay a tribute of £10,000 (1 lákh of rupees), the
Rával of Dungarpur escaped. Haidar Kúli next proceeded to Bijápur,
north of Áhmedábád, but hearing that the emperor was displeased at
his assumption of the power of giving and changing grants of land,
he returned to Áhmedábád and restored several estates which he had
confiscated. [Nizám-ul-Mulk Fifty-first Viceroy, 1722.] The court
continued to distrust him, and at the close of A.D. 1722 appointed
Jumlat-ul-Mulk Nizám-ul-Mulk fifty-first viceroy.

Haidar Kúli Khán, finding himself no match for the Nizám, was
induced to retire quietly, and accordingly left Gujarát by way of
Dungarpur. Shujáât Khán and Rustam Áli Khán accompanied him as far
as Dungarpúr, and then returned to Áhmedábád. In the meantime the
Nizám had reached Ujjain, and thence directed Safdar Khán Bábi to
carry on the government till he should arrive, appointing at the
same time his uncle [Hámid Khán Deputy Viceroy; Momín Khán Governor
of Surat, 1722.] Hámid Khán as deputy viceroy and Fidwi Khán as
minister. Subsequently the Nizám came to Gujarát and chose officers
of his own for places of trust, the chief of whom was Momín Khán, who
was appointed governor of Surat. The Nizám then returned to Dehli,
but, after a short time, disgusted with his treatment at court,
he retired to the Dakhan, where, making Haidarábád his capital, he
gradually began to act as an independent ruler. Meanwhile in Gujarát
dissensions sprang up between Hámid Khán and other officers, but
matters were arranged without any outbreak of hostility. Tribute was
exacted from the chiefs on the banks of the Vátrak and from Modhera
an unruly Koli village was burned down, and garrisons were placed
in the Koli country. In A.D. 1723 Rustam Áli Khán and Shujáât Khán
were ordered from Dehli to march on Jodhpur, which they captured and
plundered, and then returned to Áhmedábád.

[Increase of Marátha Power, 1723.] In A.D. 1723 Piláji Gáikwár,
who had been long hovering on the frontier, marched on Surat and was
opposed by Momín Khán, whom he defeated. After levying contributions
from the surrounding country, he returned to his head-quarters at
Songad, and from this overran a considerable portion of the Surat
territory, building several forts in the Rájpípla country. At the same
time Kántáji Kadam Bánde, invading Gujarát from the side of Dohad,
began to levy fixed contributions. Though before this occasional
demands had often been made, A.D. 1723 was the first year in which
the Maráthás imposed a regular tribute on Gujarát. Momín Khán was now
appointed provincial minister, and Rustam Áli Khán succeeded him as
revenue officer of Surat, and, as the Nizám had gone to the Dakhan
without the emperor's leave, [Sarbuland Khán Fifty-second Viceroy,
1723-1730.] Mubáriz-ul-Mulk Sarbuland Khán Bahádur Diláwar Jang was
appointed fifty-second viceroy of Gujarát. [Appoints Shujáât Khán
his Deputy.] He selected Shujáât Khán as his deputy, and made other
arrangements for the government of the province. Hámid Khán, uncle and
deputy of the Nizám, prepared to oppose Shujáât Khán, but through the
intervention of Bábis Salábat Khán, Safdar Khán, and Jawán Mard Khán,
Hámid Khán evacuated the Bhadra, and withdrew to Dohad. Shujáât Khán
now went to collect tribute, leaving Ibráhím Kúli Khán at Áhmedábád,
while Rámrái was posted at Mahudha in Kaira, with orders to watch
the movements of Hámid Khán. As the viceroy was in need of money,
he farmed to one Jívan Jugal the districts of Jambúsar, Makbúlábad or
Ámod about twenty-two miles north of Broach, Dholka, and Broach. In
A.D. 1724, he came to Áhmedábád with Áli Muhammad Khán father of the
author of the Mirát-i-Áhmedi, as his private minister.

[Nizám-ul-Mulk and Sarbuland Khán.] Rustam Áli, governor of Surat,
having succeeded twice or thrice in defeating the Maráthás under
Píláji Gáikwár, now offered, in conjunction with his brother Shujáât
Khán, that if 20,000 men were placed under their orders, they would
march against the Nizám. The emperor accepted this offer, allowing
Rustam Áli to draw on the Surat treasury to the extent of £20,000
(Rs. 2 lákhs). Rustam Áli accordingly, with the aid of Áhmed Kúli his
brother's son, equipped an army. In the meantime the Nizám was not
idle. He promised to Kántáji Kadam Bánde a one-fourth share of the
revenue of Gujarát, provided he should be able, in concert with Hámid
Khán, to re-conquer the province from Mubáriz-ul-Mulk. Shujáât Khán,
who was now at Kadi, instead of following the advice of his minister
and carefully watching Hámid Khán's movements from Kapadvanj, went to
a distant part of the province. Hámid Khán seeing his opportunity,
united his forces with those of Kántáji Kadam, and marched to
Kapadvanj. [Sarbuland Khán's Deputy Defeated, 1724.] Shujáât Khán
hearing of this, advanced towards Áhmedábád and encamped at Dabhora
under Bahyal, eighteen miles east of Áhmedábád and thence proceeded
to Mota Medra, about six miles east of the capital. When he came
so near Áhmedábád, many of his soldiers went without leave into the
city to visit their families. The Maráthás attacked his rear guard,
and his men giving way took to flight. Hámid Khán seeing that Shujáât
Khán had but a small force, marched between him and the capital. A
battle was fought, in which Shujáât Khán was slain, and his two sons
Hasan Kúli and Mustafa Kúli were taken prisoners. Shujáât Khán's
head was cut off and sent to Safdar Khán Bábi, to be sent to Ibráhím
Kúli his son, who was doing duty as commandant at Áhmedábád. Hámid
Khán took up his quarters in the Sháhi Bágh, and got possession of
all Áhmedábád except the city. Hámid Khán now sent a message to the
emperor, that the Maráthás had been successful in defeating Shujáât
Khán and conquering Gujarát, but that he had defended Áhmedábád
against them. The emperor sent him a dress of honour, but after a
few days discovered that Hámid's message was false. The Maráthás now
marched through the country, collecting their chauth or one-fourth
and their sardeshmukhi or one-tenth shares of the revenue. Kántáji
went to Víramgám and besieged the town, but on the promise of one of
the chief inhabitants to raise a sum of £35,000 (Rs. 3 1/2 lákhs) the
Maráthás retired. Hámid Khán who was now independent began to bestow
lands and districts many of which remained with the grantees and were
never recovered by future governors. Ibráhím Kúli, son of Shujáât
Khán, in revenge for his father's death, determined to assassinate
Hámid Khán. The attempt failed. Hámid Khán escaped and Ibráhím Kúli
was slain.

[The Maráthás engaged as Allies.] Rustam Áli Khán, governor of Surat,
in the hope of being revenged on Hámid Khán, invited the aid of Píláji
Gáikwár, and it was agreed that they should meet on the north bank of
the Narbada. Píláji promised to aid Rustam Khán, and the allied armies,
crossing the Mahi, encamped at Aras in the plain between Anand and the
Mahi. Hámid Khán, accompanied by Mír Nathu, Muhammad Salábat Rohila,
and Kántáji Kadam, marched to oppose Rustam Khán. Hámid Khán also
entered into secret negotiations with Píláji Gáikwár, who resolved to
remain neutral and side with the conqueror. [Battle of Arás. Hámid
Khán defeated by Rustam Áli, 1723.] A battle was fought, in which,
though Piláji took no part, Hámid Khán was defeated and put to flight,
and Mír Nathu was killed. After the fight Rustam Áli remained on the
field of battle and liberated his nephews, plundering Hámid Khán's
camp. Píláji plundered Rustam Áli's camp and then moved off, while
Kántáji carried away what was left in the camp of Hámid Khán. Hámid
Khán reproached Kántáji for his inactivity; but he pleaded in excuse
that he was watching the mode of warfare amongst Muhammadans, and
promised to attack Rustam Áli shortly. [Maráthás join Hámid Khán
against Rustam Áli.] Now, as the Maráthás really desired to ruin
Rustam Áli, who was their bitter foe, they after a few days surrounded
him and cut off his supplies. Rustam Áli stood a blockade of eight
days, and then forced his way through his enemies and went to Nápád,
about fourteen miles west of the Vásad railway station in the Anand
sub-division of the Kaira district, and thence through Kalamsar to
Nápa or Nába under Petlád. The Maráthás still pursuing Rustam Áli
retired to Vasu under Petlád, ten miles east of Nadiád and about
twenty-five miles south of Áhmedábád, where he gave battle, and
by a furious charge broke the Marátha line. The Maráthás rallied,
and Rustam Áli and his men were defeated, Rustam Áli being slain and
his nephews again taken prisoners. Rustam was buried on the field of
battle and his head sent to Áhmedábád.

Hámid Khán returned to Áhmedábád with the Maráthás, who saw that
their only means of effecting a permanent footing in the province
was by supporting him. Hámid Khán then assigned a one-fourth share
of the revenue of the territory north of the Mahi to Kántáji,
and to Píláji a corresponding interest in the territory south of
the Mahi, including Surat and Baroda. After this Hámid Khán acted
tyrannically. He extorted large sums from the rich, and poisoned the
two sons of Shujáât Khán. When the news of Kántáji's and Píláji's
success reached the Dakhan, Trimbakráv Dhábáde, son of Khanderáv
Senápati, came with a large army and laid siege to Cambay. While
the siege was being pressed a quarrel among the Marátha leaders
culminated in strife and bloodshed. Trimbakráv Senápati was wounded
and the Marátha army had to disperse and retire. [869] Salábat Khán,
leaving Áhmedábád, went to Víramgám, and after some time, placing
his nephew at Víramgám, he went into Gohilváda. When the news of the
defeat and death of Rustam Áli reached Dehli, the emperor ordered
[Mubáriz-ul-Mulk sent against the Maráthás, 1725.] Mubáriz-ul-Mulk
to take a strong army and proceed in person to Gujarát and expel
Hámid Khán and the Maráthás. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk marched on Gujarát
with a large army, assisted by Mahárája Abheysingh of Jodhpur,
Chatarsingh Rája of Narwar in Bundelkhand, Gandrapsingh, and the
Mahárána of Udepur. On his arrival at Ajmír Mubáriz-ul-Mulk was
received by his private minister Áli Muhammad Khán, who afterwards
joined Jawán Mard Khán Bábi in Rádhanpur, and united their troops
with those under Mubáriz-ul-Mulk. At that time Salábat Khán was
removed from his government, and Safdar Khán Bábi died. In obedience
to the imperial order, Mubáriz-ul-Mulk marched from Ajmír and came
to the Gujarát frontier. On his approach Hámid Khán returned to
Áhmedábád. He placed Rúpsingh and Sardár Muhammad Ghorni in charge
of the city and himself withdrew to Mehmúdábád. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk now
sent Sheikh Alíyár in advance with an army against Áhmedábád. When
Sheikh Alíyár arrived before the city, Muhammad Ghorni, who was
dissatisfied with Hámid Khán for bringing in the Maráthás, persuaded
Rúpsingh to fly. [Hámid Khán and other Maráthás Retire.] In the
meantime Mubáriz-ul-Mulk with the main body of his forces reached
Sidhpur. Hámid Khán, accompanied by a detachment of Marátha horse,
now returned to Áhmedábád; but Muhammad Ghorni closed the gates,
and would not suffer him to enter the city. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk marched
to Mesána. About this time Áli Muhammad Khán, the father of the
author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, who was now with Mubáriz-ul-Mulk at
Mesána, advised him to conciliate the influential Muhammadan family
of Bábi. Under his advice, Salábat Muhammad Khán Bábi was appointed
governor of Víramgám, and Jawán Mard Khán governor of Pátan. Shortly
afterwards Murlidhardás, the Gujaráti minister of Hámid Khán, deserted
his master's declining cause. When Kantáji heard that Mubáriz-ul-Mulk
had arrived at Pethápur, only eighteen miles from Áhmedábád, he retired
to Mehmúdábád. [Mubáriz-ul-Mulk enters Áhmedábád, 1725.] Before the
close of A.D. 1725, Mubáriz-ul-Mulk reached Áhmedábád, where he was
well received by the officials and merchants.

Hámid Khán and Kantáji, who had by this time reached the banks of
the Mahi, were now joined by Píláji Gáikwár. The Marátha leaders,
seeing that the only way to preserve their footing in the province
was to espouse the cause of Hámid Khán, united their forces with
his, and prepared to march on Áhmedábád. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk deputed
his son Khánahzád Khán with an army to oppose them, and made several
appointments, among other changes raising Áli Muhammad Khán to the
post of minister. [Defeat of the Maráthás at Sojitra and Kapadvanj,
1725.] Khánahzád Khán met the Maráthás near Sojitra, about ten miles
north-west of Petlád, and defeated them, pursuing them as far as
the Mahi. Then, returning, he was reinforced by his brother Sháh
Nawáz Khán, and marched against the Maráthás, who were encamped at
Kapadvanj. Another battle was fought, and the Maráthás were again
defeated and pursued as far as the hills of Áli-Mohan now Chhota
Udepur in the extreme east of the province. Khánahzád Khán now
appointed Hasan-ud-dín governor of Baroda, Broach, Jambúsar, and
Makbulábád. [Marátha Expedition against Vadnagar, 1725.] Meanwhile
Antáji Bháskar, a Marátha noble, entering Gujarát from the side of
Ídar, laid siege to the town of Vadnagar, which, according to the
old Gujarát proverb, with Umreth in the Kaira district, are the two
golden feathers of the kingdom of Gujarát. Vadnagar was inhabited
by wealthy Bráhmans of the Nágar caste who prayed Mubáriz-ul-Mulk
to march to their relief; but as both his sons were in pursuit of
the other Marátha bands defeated at Kapadvanj, the viceroy had no
troops to spare from the Áhmedábád garrison. The Nágars accordingly,
seeing no prospect of help, paid a sum of £40,000 (Rs. 4 lákhs) and
Antáji Bháskar retired. Kantáji and Píláji, encouraged by this raid
of Antáji's, entered Gujarát from different quarters. Kántáji again
laid siege to Vadnagar. The Nágars, unable to pay the contribution
demanded, leaving their property fled and Kántáji in his attempts to
unearth the buried treasure burned down the town. Shortly afterwards
Umreth in the Kaira district suffered a similar fate at the hands
of Kántáji. In one of his raids Píláji Gáikwár advancing as far as
Baroda was met by Khánahzád Khán, the son of the viceroy. Distrusting
the issue of a battle Píláji fled to Cambay, and from Cambay withdrew
to Sorath. For these services the emperor raised Khánahzád Khán to
the rank of a noble, with the title Ghálib Jang. About this time Áli
Muhammad Khán was dismissed from the post of minister, and in his
stead first Muhammad Sayad Beg and afterwards Muhammad Sulaimán were
appointed. Not long afterwards Áli Muhammad Khán was again entrusted
with a command and raised to be governor of Dholka.

[Mubáriz-ul-Mulk pays the Marátha Tribute, 1726.] The Maráthás retired
to the Dakhan, but, returning in A.D. 1726, compelled Mubáriz-ul-Mulk
to confirm his predecessor's grants in their favour. The emperor
refused to acknowledge any cessions of revenue to the Maráthás; and
the viceroy, hard pressed for money, unable to obtain support from
the court and receiving little help from his impoverished districts,
was forced to impose fresh taxes on the citizens of Áhmedábád, and
at the same time to send an army to collect their tribute from the
Mahi chiefs. As part of the agreement between Mubáriz-ul-Mulk and
the Marátha chiefs Píláji was to receive a share in the revenue of
the districts south of the Mahi. But Peshwa Bájiráv Balál, to whom,
as agent of his rival Khanderáv Dábháde, Píláji was obnoxious, sent
Udáji Pavár to drive Píláji away. In this Udáji was successful, and
defeating Píláji forced him to seek the aid of Kántáji. Kántáji,
perceiving that if the Peshwa became supreme his own independence
would suffer, joined Píláji, and marching together upon Baroda they
endeavoured, but without success, to prevent the Musalmán governor
Sadr-ud-dín Khán from entering the city. About this time want of
funds forced Mubáriz-ul-Mulk to sell the greater part of the Dholka
district to different landholders.

[Alliance with the Peshwa, 1727.] In the following year, A.D. 1727,
Bájiráv Peshwa began to negotiate with Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, undertaking
that if the one-fourth and one-tenth shares in the revenue of the
province were guaranteed to him, he would protect Gujarát from other
invaders. Though he did not consent to these proposals, the viceroy
so far accepted the alliance of the Peshwa as to allow the governor
of Baroda to aid Udáji Pavár against Píláji. [Piláji Gáikwár obtains
Baroda and Dabhoi, 1727.] Piláji and Kántáji outmanoeuvred Udáji and
prevented him from effecting a junction with the governor of Baroda,
who in the end was forced to abandon both that city and the stronghold
of Dabhoi, while Udáji retired to Málwa. Píláji Gáikwár now obtained
possession of Baroda. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, still sorely pressed for funds,
marched into Sorath to exact tribute. On reaching Víramgám, Salábat
Muhammad Khán Bábi, on behalf of the Jám of Navánagar, presented the
viceroy with £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh), and for this service was rewarded
with the gift of an elephant. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk then marched against
Chháya, the capital of the chief of Porbandar in the south-west
of Káthiáváda. This chief, by putting to sea, hoped to escape the
payment of tribute. But on hearing that the viceroy proposed to annex
his territory and appoint an officer to govern it, he returned and
agreed to pay a tribute of £4000 (Rs. 40,000). [870] On his way back
to Áhmedábád, Mubáriz-ul-Mulk passed through Halvad in Jháláváda,
and there married the daughter of Jhála Pratápsingh, the chief
of that district, whom he accordingly exempted from the payment of
tribute. About this time the viceroy received orders from the emperor
to restore certain land which he had confiscated, and as he neglected
to obey, certain estates of his in the Panjáb were resumed. [Capture
of Chámpáner by the Maráthás, 1728.] In the meantime Krishnáji, foster
son of Kántáji, made a sudden attack upon Chámpáner and captured that
fortress, and from that time Kántáji's agents remained permanently
in Gujarát to collect his share of the tribute.

In A.D. 1728 the minister Momín Khán died, and in his place the
emperor selected Momín Khán's brother Abd-ul-Ghani Khán. About
this time Asad Áli, governor of Junágadh, also died, and on his
deathbed appointed Salábat Muhammad Khán Bábi deputy governor of
that fortress. Salábat Muhammad Khán sent his son Sher Khán Bábi
to act on his behalf. When the emperor heard of the death of Asad
Áli, he appointed Ghulám Muhy-ud-dín Khán, son of the late Asad Áli,
governor. Ghulám Muhy-ud-dín did not proceed to Junágadh but continued
Sher Khán Bábi as his deputy. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, now perceiving that
neither Píláji nor Kántáji afforded any protection to Gujarát,
but rather pillaged it, closed with the offers of Bájiráv Peshwa,
and [Grant of Tribute to the Peshwa, 1729.] in A.D. 1729 formally
granted to him the one-fourth and one-tenth shares of the revenue of
the province. The Peshwa accordingly sent his brother Chimnájiráv to
collect the tribute. Chimnáji plundered Dholka and the country near
Chámpáner, while Mubáriz-ul-Mulk exacted tribute from the chiefs on
the banks of the Vátrak. Kántáji now entered Gujarát and prepared for
war in case Chimnáji and the viceroy should unite against him. His
movements were not interfered with, and after collecting his share of
the tribute, he retired to Sorath. The viceroy now marched against the
Kolis, and after destroying many of them together with their wives and
children, returned to Áhmedábád by way of Modasa and Ahmednagar. Ghulám
Muhy-ud-dín Khán, governor of Junágadh, who had not yet proceeded to
his command, appointed a second deputy. Through the influence of the
viceroy this appointment was not confirmed, and instead Sher Khán Bábi,
son of Salábat Muhammad Khán, was placed in charge of that fortress.

[Mulla Muhammad Áli raises a Disturbance at Surat, 1729.] In Surat
the year A.D. 1729 was marked by a severe flood in the Tápti and by a
somewhat serious local disturbance. The chief cause of the disturbance
was Mulla Muhammad Áli, a rich Musalmán trader of Surat. This man who,
as Ûmda-tut-tujjár or chief of the merchants, had already a special
rank in the city, was tempted to take advantage of the disorders
of the time to raise himself to the position of an independent
ruler. With this object he chose as his head-quarters the island of
Píram in the Gulf of Cambay, near the port of Gogha, and there spent
considerable sums in strengthening the island and tempting settlers
to place themselves under his protection. As Píram was not popular
Mulla Muhammad fixed on the village of Athva, on the left bank of
the Tápti, about twelve miles from its mouth. Here he began to build
a fort, but was ordered to desist by Sohráb Khán, the governor of
Surat, from which city the proposed stronghold was only three miles
distant. Mulla Muhammad so far from obeying, persuaded Beglar-Beg Khán
the commander of the fort of Surat to side with him. Accordingly, next
day, Beglar-Beg Khán bombarded the governor Sohráb Khán's residence,
proclaiming that his own brother Teghbeg Khán was appointed governor
of Surat. In the end Mulla Muhammad Áli induced the chief merchants
of the city to pray for the removal of Sohráb who pending receipt of
orders from the emperor was made to hand over his official residence
in the city to Teg-Beg Khán.

[Nadiád given in Farm, 1729.] In the same year, A.D. 1729, Jawán
Mard Khán Bábi was chosen governor of Petlád, Áli Muhammad Khán
was made collector of Áhmedábád, and Áli Muhammad's son, the author
of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi and his brother were appointed governor and
superintendent of the customs of that district. Áli Muhammad Khán
shortly resigned and was succeeded by Rú-ín Khán. At this time Jawán
Mard Khán Bábi, while punishing the Kolis of Bálor, probably Bhátod
about fifteen miles east of Broach, was killed by a man of that tribe,
and in revenge for his death the town of Bálor was plundered. On the
death of Jawán Mard Khán, at the request of Salábat Muhammad Khán
Bábi, his eldest son Kamál-ud-dín Khán Bábi received the districts
of Sami and Munjpur and the title of Jawán Mard Khán. At the same
time the second son, Muhammad Anwar, with the title of Safdar Khán,
was appointed to the government of Rádhanpur. The viceroy now went
to Nadiád, where Rái Kishandás, agent of Jawán Mard Khán, received
the district of Petlád in farm. From Nadiád Mubáriz-ul-Mulk went to
collect tribute from Sardársingh, the chief of Bhádarva in the Rewa
Kántha about fifteen miles north of Baroda, on the banks of the Mahi,
who, after some fighting, agreed to pay a sum of £2000 (Rs. 20,000). On
his way back to Áhmedábád the viceroy levied tribute from the chief
of Umeta, fifteen miles west of Baroda. As Rái Kishandás failed to pay
the sum agreed on for the farm of Petlád, an order was issued for his
imprisonment. To save himself from the indignity he committed suicide.

[Athva Fort, 1730.] When Kántáji returned from Sorath he camped at
Sánand, and his advanced guard carried off some of the viceroy's
elephants which were grazing there. Men were sent in pursuit, but in
vain, and the Maráthás escaped. Meanwhile, at Surat, Mulla Muhammad
Áli continued to build the fort at Athva. At last his accomplice,
Beglar-Beg Khán the commander of the Surat fort, began to perceive that
if the Athva fort were completed the Mulla would be in a position to
obstruct the trade of the port of Surat. He consequently ordered him
to stop building. In spite of this the Mulla succeeded in persuading
Sohráb Khán to allow him to go on with his fort promising in return to
get him confirmed as governor of Surat. Sohráb Khán agreed, and the
fort was completed, and Sohráb Khán was duly appointed governor. As
the fort was immediately below Surat the revenue of Surat was greatly
diminished, and Sohráb Khán, when it was too late, saw his mistake.

[The Viceroy in Káthiáváda and Kachh, 1730.] In A.D. 1730
Mubáriz-ul-Mulk went into Gohilváda in south-east Káthiáváda and
levied tribute from Bhávsingh, chief of Sihor; thence he proceeded
to Mádhupur, a town under Porbandar, and laid it waste. While engaged
at Mádhupur, Momín Khán, son-in-law of the late Momín Khán, owing to
some misunderstanding with the viceroy suddenly set out for Áhmedábád
and from Áhmedábád proceeded to Ágra. The viceroy now marched in the
direction of Kachh and refusing the offer of a yearly tribute of about
£33,000 (10,00,000 mahmúdis), advanced against Bhúj. He experienced
great difficulty in crossing the Ran, and as the Ráo had cut off all
supplies, and as at the same time news arrived of disturbances in
Áhmedábád, he was obliged, after a month and a half, to retire to
Rádhanpur. [Riots at Áhmedábád.] The author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi
was ordered to suppress the Áhmedábád riots, which had arisen out
of the levy of some fresh taxes, and was invested with the title
of Hasan Muhammad Khán. In this year Udaikaran, Desái of Víramgám,
was murdered by a Kasbáti [871] of that town named Áli, and Salábát
Muhammad Khán Bábi, who was sent to investigate this murder, died
on his way at Páldi, a village on the right bank of the Sábarmati
opposite to Áhmedábád.

[Mahárája Abheysingh Fifty-third Viceroy, 1730-1733.] News was
now (A.D. 1730) received that Mahárája Abheysingh of Jodhpur
had been appointed viceroy and had reached Pálanpur. The friends
of order endeavoured to arrange a peaceable transfer between the
Mahárája and the late viceroy, but [Mubáriz-ul-Mulk Resists the New
Viceroy.] Mubáriz-ul-Mulk determined to try the chances of war,
and prepared for resistance. At this time Mír Ismáíl, deputy of
Ghulám Muhy-ud-dín Khán, arrived and took charge of the government
of Junágadh from Sher Khán Bábi. Mahárája Abheysingh, after making
various appointments, set out with his brother Vakhatsingh and 20,000
men to take over the government of Gujarát. When he reached Pálanpur
and saw that Mubáriz-ul-Mulk was determined on resistance, he sent
an order to Sardár Muhammad Ghorni appointing him his minister and
directing him to take possession of the city of Áhmedábád and drive
out the late viceroy. As Sardár Muhammad was not strong enough to
carry out these orders he awaited the Mahárája's arrival. When the
Mahárája reached Sidhpur he was joined by Safdar Khán Bábi and Jawán
Mard Khán Bábi from Rádhanpur. They then advanced together to Adálaj,
distant only about eight miles from the capital, their army increasing
daily. [Battle of Adálaj; the Mahárája defeated by Mubáriz-ul-Mulk,
1730.] Mubáriz-ul-Mulk was already encamped between Adálaj and the
city, and on the approach of the Mahárája a battle was fought in which
the Mahárája was defeated. Abheysingh changed his position, and another
and bloodier engagement took place, in which both sides tried to kill
the opposing commander. But as both Mubáriz-ul-Mulk and the Mahárája
fought disguised as common soldiers, neither party succeeded. At first
the Mahárája who had the advantage in position repulsed the enemy,
but Mubáriz-ul-Mulk fought so desperately in the river-bed that the
Ráthods gave way. They rallied and made one more desperate charge,
but were met, repulsed, and finally pursued as far as Sarkhej. The
Mahárája, who had not expected so determined an opposition, now sent
Momín Khán and Amarsingh to negotiate with Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, who was
still determined to resist to the uttermost. It was finally agreed
that [Mubáriz-ul-Mulk Retires.] Mubáriz-ul-Mulk should receive a
sum of £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh) and should surrender Áhmedábád to the
Mahárája. Mubáriz-ul-Mulk accordingly quitted the city and left for
Ágra by way of Udepur.

[Government of Abheysingh.] The Mahárája entering Áhmedábád, appointed
Ratansingh Bhandári his deputy, and placed Fidá-ud-dín Khán, cousin
of Momín Khán, in charge of the city police. Shortly afterwards
Karímdád Khán Jhálori, governor of Pálanpur, who had accompanied the
Mahárája into Gujarát, died. After the death of Salábat Muhammad Khán
Bábi, his son, Sher Khán Bábi, was dismissed from the government of
Junágadh. He retired to his estate of Gogha, and when the Mahárája
arrived in Áhmedábád he paid his respects, presenting the viceroy
with an elephant and some horses. The Mahárája confirmed the lands
assigned to his father, and reported his action to the emperor. [Momín
Khán Ruler of Cambay, 1730.] Momín Khán was made ruler of Cambay, and
Fidá-ud-dín Khán, his cousin, was made governor of the lands near that
city, the revenue of which had been assigned to the Mahárája. So great
was the fear of the Maráthás, that Mustafíd Khán, the governor elect
of Surat, instead of proceeding direct by land, went to Cambay. From
Cambay he moved to Broach, and from Broach entered into negotiations
with Píláji Gáikwár, promising, if allowed to retain possession of
Surat, to pay Píláji the one-fourth share of its revenues. Píláji
agreed, but Sohráb Khán, who was still in possession of Surat, refused
to hand it over to Mustafíd Khán. In this year also Vakhatsingh,
brother of the Mahárája Abheysingh, was appointed governor of Pátan,
and sent a deputy to act for him. About the same time Mír Fakhr-ud-dín,
a follower of the late viceroy Mubáriz-ul-Mulk, leaving him secretly,
came to Áhmedábád, and in an interview with the Mahárája obtained for
himself the post of deputy governor of Junágadh. When he proceeded to
take up his appointment he was opposed by Mír Ismáíl, and was killed
in a battle fought near Amreli in central Káthiáváda. Muhammad Pahár,
son of Karímdád Khán Jhálori, was appointed governor of Pálanpur in
succession to his father, and Jawán Mard Khán was sent to Vadnagar.

[The Peshwa and Viceroy against Piláji Gáikwár, 1731.] In the following
year, A.D. 1731, Bájiráv Peshwa, entering Gujarát at the head of
an army, advanced against Baroda, then in the possession of Píláji
Gáikwár. Afterwards, at the invitation of the Mahárája, he visited
Áhmedábád and had a meeting with the viceroy in the Sháhi Bágh. At
this meeting it was agreed that Bájiráv should assist Ázmatulláh, the
governor of Baroda, in taking possession of that town and in expelling
Píláji Gáikwár. By this arrangement the viceroy hoped by playing off
the Peshwa against Píláji, to succeed in getting rid of the latter,
while the Peshwa intended that if Píláji was forced to give up Baroda,
he himself should gain possession of that city. Accordingly the Peshwa,
together with an army from the viceroy, marched on Baroda. They
had scarcely laid siege to the city when the Peshwa heard that
Nizám-ul-Mulk was advancing on Gujarát against him. [The Peshwa
Withdraws.] Abandoning all operations against Baroda, the Peshwa
withdrew, with all speed, to the Dakhan. On his way he encountered
the army of Trimbakráv Senápati, who, together with Piláji Kántáji
and Udáji Pavár, had united to resist the pretensions of the Peshwa
in Gujarát, and were also secretly leagued with the Nizám. [Defeats
his Opponents.] An engagement was fought in which the Peshwa was
victorious and Trimbakráv was slain. [872] The Peshwa at once pushed
on to the Dakhan, contriving to avoid the Nizám, though his baggage
was plundered by that chief, who had camped at Ghala Kámrej, on the
river Tápti, about ten miles above Surat.

[Abdúlláh Beg appointed the Nizám's Deputy at Broach.] During
these changes the city of Broach, which on account of the strength
of its fort the Maráthás had failed to take, was governed by
Abdúlláh Beg, an officer originally appointed to that command by
Mubáriz-ul-Mulk. Dissatisfied that the government of Gujarát should
be in the hands of Abheysingh, Abdúlláh Beg, in A.D. 1731, entered
into negotiations with the Nizám, offering to hold Broach as the
Nizám's deputy. Nizám-ul-Mulk agreed, appointed Abdúlláh his deputy,
and ennobled him with the title of Nek Álam Khán. About the same time
Vakhatsingh, brother of the viceroy, withdrew to his chiefship of Nágor
in Jodhpur, and Ázmat-ulláh went to Ágra. After his safe arrival in
the Dakhan Bájiráv Peshwa entered into an agreement with the Nizám
under the terms of which the grants of Dholka, Broach, Jambusar, and
Makbúlábád were continued to the Nizám. Momín Khán received the farm
of Petlád, and Kántáji was confirmed in the share he had acquired of
the revenues of Gujarát. In A.D. 1732 the paymaster, Amánatdár Khán,
died, and was succeeded by Ghulám Hasan Khán, who sent Mujáhid-ud-dín
Khán to act as his deputy. Through the influence of Mulla Muhammad
Ali, Sohráb Áli was now confirmed as governor of Surat, and Mustafíd
Khán was obliged to return to Áhmedábád.

Píláji Gáikwár as the agent of the deceased Khanderáv Dábháde Senápati,
as the owner of the fort of Songad, and as the ally of the Bhíls and
Kolis, was naturally a thorn in the side of the viceroy Abheysingh. The
recent acquisition of the town of Baroda and of the strong fortress of
Dabhoi had made Piláji still more formidable. [The Viceroy procures the
Death of Piláji Gáikwár, 1732;] Under these circumstances, Abheysingh,
who had long wished to recover Baroda and Dabhoi determined to
assassinate Piláji, and this was effected by a Márvádi at the holy
village of Dákor. The Maráthás slew the assassin and withdrew across
the Mahi, burning the body of Piláji at the village of Sánoli or
Sáonli, fourteen miles north of Baroda. They then evacuated the
district of Baroda, retiring to the fortress of Dabhoi. On hearing
of the death of Píláji the viceroy immediately advanced against the
Maráthás, and, [and takes Baroda.] after taking possession of Baroda,
laid siege to Dabhoi. He failed to capture this fortress, and as the
rainy season had set in and provisions were scarce, he was obliged
to retire. He then went to Baroda, and after placing Sher Khán Bábi
in charge of the city, returned to Áhmedábád. In this year, [Famine,
1732.] A.D. 1732, Gujarát was wasted by famine.

[Affairs at Surat, 1732.] Meanwhile at Surat Múlla Muhammad Ali of
Athva was again the cause of disturbance. Resisting with force the
demand of a sum of £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh) by Sohráb Khán, the governor
of Surat, he succeeded in driving Sohráb Khán out of the city, and
the government of Surat was then usurped by [Teghbeg Khán Governor of
Surat.] Teghbeg Khán, a brother of Beglar-Beg Khán. The success of the
Múlla against Soráb Khán made him so forgetful of his position that
he arrogated to himself all the emblems of the governor's office and
wrote to the emperor asking a patent of the governorship of Surat in
the name of his son Múlla Fakhr-ud-dín. The messengers bearing these
communications were intercepted at Broach by the partisans of Teghbeg,
who determined to remove this powerful cause of anxiety. Teghbeg Khán,
inviting Muhammad Ali to an entertainment, placed him in confinement,
and after keeping him in prison for two years, in A.D. 1734 put him
to death. Teghbeg also took possession of the fort of Athva, and
plundered it. Sohráb Khán, seeing that he could not recover Surat,
went with Sayad Wali to Gogha, where his relatives lived, and from
that, proceeding to Bhávnagar settled there. When the emperor heard
what had happened, he appointed Momín Khán to Surat and Teghbeg Khán
to Cambay. Momín Khán sent Sayad Núrullah to act for him, but he was
defeated by Teghbeg Khán, who afterwards contrived, in A.D. 1733,
to be formally appointed governor of Surat with the title of Bahádur.

When Umábái, widow of Khanderáv Senápati, heard of the assassination of
Píláji Gáikwár, she determined to avenge his death. Collecting an army
and taking with her Kántáji Kadam and Dámáji Gáikwár, son of Píláji,
she marched upon Áhmedábád. As the Maráthás failed to do more than
slay a Rájput leader named Jívaráj they came to terms. In the end
it was agreed that in addition to the one-fourth and the one-tenth
shares of the revenue a sum of £8000 (Rs. 80,000) should be paid from
the Áhmedábád treasury, Jawán Mard Khán being kept as a hostage till
the payments were made. For his services on this occasion Jawán Mard
Khán was made governor of Víramgám. During this year an imperial order
appointed Khushálchand Sheth, son of Sántidás, Nagar Sheth or chief
merchant of Áhmedábád. The Maráthás plundered Rasúlábád a mile south of
Áhmedábád and its excellent library was pillaged. Umábái now marched
upon Baroda, and the governor, Sher Khán Bábi, prepared to oppose the
Maráthás. But Umábái, sending a message to Sher Khán, explained that
she had just concluded a peace with the Mahárája, and was suffered to
pass unmolested. The emperor, satisfied with the arrangements made
by the Mahárája, presented him with a dress of honour. [Ratansingh
Bhandári Deputy Viceroy, 1733-1737.] In this year the Mahárája went
to court by way of Jodhpur, and appointed Ratansingh Bhandári as his
deputy, and the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi as news recorder. In the
same year, A.D. 1733, Ghulám Muhy-ud-dín Khán, governor of Junágadh
died, and his son Mír Hazabr Khán was selected to fill his place.

[The Maráthás Return.] Meanwhile as the Maráthás had not received their
rights, Jádoji Dábháde, son of Umábái, returned to Gujarát. Peace
was concluded on the former basis, and Jádoji marched into Sorath
to exact tribute. In this year the Kolis of the Chúnvál and Kánkrej
committed many excesses, and a Rájput noble was robbed in the Pátan
district. In the meantime Sohráb Khán, the former governor of Surat,
who had been kindly received by Bhávsinghji the chief of Sihor,
began to raise a following and was appointed collector of arrears
in Sorath. He chose Sayad Núrullah as his deputy, and sent him to
recover the revenue for the current year.

[Contest for the government of Gogha.] On the death of Salábat
Khán Bábi, though the Mahárája had endeavoured to get Sher Khán
Bábi appointed in place of his father, Gogha had been granted
to Burhán-ul-Mulk, who chose Sohráb Khán as his deputy. At this
time Sher Khán Bábi was at Baroda, and his younger brother, though
he resisted, was compelled to leave Gogha. The deputy governor of
Sorath complained to the governor of the oppressive conduct of Sohráb
Khán. But Burhán-ul-Mulk supported Sohráb and having obtained for
himself the government of Sorath, sent Sohráb Khán as his deputy to
Junágadh. [Disturbance at Víramgám, 1734.] In A.D. 1734, Ratansingh
Bhandári, the deputy viceroy, who held in hatred Bhávsingh, son of
Udaikaran, the hereditary officer of Víramgám, persuaded Jawán-Mard
Khán to imprison him and send him to Áhmedábád. Jawan-Mard Khán went
so far as to arrest Bhávsingh, but was forced by his supporters to
release him.

[Baroda recovered by the Maráthás, 1734.] In this year Sher Khán Bábi,
governor of Baroda, went to visit his lands at Bálásinor, leaving
Muhammad Sarbáz in command at Baroda, Máhadáji Gáikwár, brother of
Píláji, who then held Jambúsar, sending to Songad to Dámáji for aid,
marched on Baroda with a strong force. The garrison made a brave
defence, and Sher Khán hearing of the attack at Bálásinor, called for
aid from Ratansingh Bhandári, the deputy viceroy, who directed Momín
Khán, the governor of Cambay, to join Sher Khán and drive back the
Maráthás. Sher Khán started at once for Baroda. But Máhadaji leaving
a sufficient force before the town pushed on with the bulk of his
army to meet Sher Khán, and, though he and his men fought bravely,
defeated him, and then returned to Baroda, Sher Khán retiring to
Bálásinor. Momín Khán, who arrived after Sher Khán's defeat, did not
deem it prudent to engage the Maráthás, and retired to Cambay. In the
meantime the garrison of Baroda, hopeless of succour, surrendered the
town, and since that day Baroda has continued to be the head-quarters
of the Gáikwár family.

[Change of Governor at Víramgám.] Since Jawán Mard Khán's capture of
Bhávsingh of Víramgám he had become much disliked. For this reason
Ratansingh Bhandári, the deputy viceroy, transferred him to Kadi
and Bijápur, and in his place appointed Sher Khán Bábi, whose father
Muhammad Salábát Khán Bábi had been a popular governor of Víramgám. At
this time Dhanrúp Bhandári, governor of Petlád, died, and the farm of
the districts of Nadiád, Arhar-Mátar, Petlád, and Mahudha was given
to Momín Khán. Mulla Muhammad Áli managed to write letters from his
confinement at Surat to the Nizám; and as that chief was now not far
from Surat, he wrote urgently to Teghbeg Khán to release him. Teghbeg
Khán put the Mulla to death, and bribing the Nizám's messenger,
gave out that he had died of joy at his release. Khushálchand, the
chief of the merchants of Áhmedábád, having had a difference with
Ratansingh, was forced to leave the city, and sought shelter at Cambay
and afterwards at Junágadh. [Jawán Mard Khán fails in an attempt
on Ídar.] Jawán Mard Khán, who was of an ambitious temperament, now
conceived the design of conquering Ídar from Anandsingh and Ráisingh,
brothers of the Mahárája Abheysingh. He accordingly marched upon Ídar,
taking with him as allies Aghráji Koli of Katosan and Koli Amra of
Elol Kánrah. In this strait Anandsingh and Ráisingh sought the aid of
Malhárráv Holkar and Ránoji Sindia, who were at this time in Málwa. The
Marátha chiefs at once marched to the help of Ídar, and Jawán Mard
Khán, disbelieving the report of Marátha aid, continued to advance
until he found himself opposed by an overwhelming force. Negotiations
were entered into, and Jawán Mard Khán agreed to pay a sum of £17,500
(Rs. 1,75,000). Of the total amount £2500 (Rs. 25,000) were paid at
once, and Zoráwar Khán, brother of Jawán Mard Khán, and Ajabsingh,
agent of Aghráji Koli, were kept as hostages until the balance
should be paid. In this year Teghbeg Khán of Surat caused a wealthy
merchant named Áhmed Chalabi to be assassinated, and confiscated his
property. He also caused a fanatic named Sayad Áli to be put to death
by certain Afgháns, as he considered that he might excite sedition.

[Rivalry of Ratansingh Bhandári and Sohráb Khán, 1735.] In the
following year (A.D. 1735) Dholka was assigned to Ratansingh Bhandári,
and through the influence of Burhán-ul-Mulk, Sohráb Khán was appointed
governor of Víramgám. Ratansingh resented this, and eventually Víramgám
was conferred on the Mahárája Abheysingh. When this order reached
Sohráb Khán, he forwarded it to Burhán-ul-Mulk, and in consequence
of Burhán-ul-Mulk's remonstrances, the arrangements were changed and
Sohráb Khán appointed governor. Upon this Sohráb Khán, leaving Sádak
Ali as his deputy in Junágadh, marched for Víramgám; while Ratansingh
Bhandári, hearing of Sohráb Khán's approach, summoned Momín Khán and
others to his assistance, and with his own army proceeded to Dholka and
plundered Koth. From Koth he advanced and pitched at Harálah, about ten
miles from Sohráb Khán's camp, and here he was joined by Momín Khán and
others whom he had summoned to support him. [Battle of Dholi. Defeat
and Death of Sohráb Khán, 1735.] After the union of these forces he
marched to Dholi, six miles from Dhandhuka, at which place Sohráb Khán
was then encamped. Ratansingh Bhandári now proposed that peace should
be concluded, and that Sohráb Khán should enjoy Víramgám until final
orders were passed by the emperor. Safdar Khán Bábi and others went to
Sohráb Khán and endeavoured to bring him to consent to these terms;
but he would not listen, and on both sides preparations were made
for battle. During the following night Ratansingh Bhandári planned
an attack on Sohráb Khán's camp. The surprise was complete. Sohráb
Khán's troops fled, and himself, mortally wounded, shortly afterwards
died. By the death of Sohráb Khán the family of Kázím Beg Khán became
extinct. He was buried at Sihor in Káthiáváda.

[Rivalry between Ratansingh Bhandári and Momín Khán, 1735.] After this
success a single horseman attacked and wounded Ratansingh Bhandári
in two places. The horseman was at once slain, but no one was able
to recognize him. Ratansingh, who in two months had recovered from
his injuries, now determined to attack Momín Khán, as that officer
in the recent struggle had taken part with Sohráb Khán. Momín Khán
hearing of Ratansingh's intentions, withdrew to Cambay. In the course
of this year, on the expiry of the period of the farm of Mahudha,
Arhar-Mátar, and Nadiád, these districts were transferred from
Momín Khán to Safdar Khán Bábi. Kaliánchand, a man of low origin,
was appointed to Víramgám in place of Sher Khán Bábi, and instead of
Sohráb Khán, Muhsin Khán Khálvi was made deputy governor of Sorath.

[Marátha Affairs.] About this time Dámáji Gáikwár, who had been
chosen by Umábái as her representative in Gujarát, appointed Rangoji
to act as his agent. [Dámáji Gáikwár and Kántáji, 1735.] Kántáji being
dissatisfied with this arrangement, in which his rights were ignored,
marched into Gujarát. Rangoji met him, and a battle was fought at
[Battle of Ánand-Mogri. Defeat of Kántáji.] Ánand-Mogri, twenty-five
miles south-east of Kaira, in which Kántáji was defeated and his son
killed. In consequence of this reverse Kántáji retired to Petlád. Momín
Khán, who with his army was drawn up near Petlád to oppose Rangoji,
was compelled to retire to Cambay, where peace was concluded on
condition that Dámáji should receive the one-fourth share of the
revenues of the country north of the Mahi. As the districts where
these battles were fought were held in farm by Safdar Khán Bábi, he
suffered much loss, and consequently retired to Rádhanpur. Rangoji
was joined by Dámáji Gáikwár, and these two leaders went together
to Dholka. While they were there, [The Maráthás help Bhávsingh to
expel the Víramgám Kasbátis.] Bhávsingh of Víramgám invited them to
that town, both on account of the annoyance he suffered from the
Márvádis and that he might take vengeance on the Kasbátis for the
murder of his father Udaikaran. He accordingly treacherously admitted
the Maráthás and slew Daulat Muhammad Tánk, brother of the murderer
of his father, and expelled the rest of the Kasbátis, while Kalián,
the Márvádi administrator, was permitted to go to Áhmedábád. Leaving
Rangoji at Víramgám, Dámáji marched into Sorath to levy tribute from
the chiefs, and after collecting a portion of his dues, returned to
the Dakhan. In the following year (A.D. 1736) Rangoji advanced as
far as Bávla near Dholka wasting the country. Ratansingh Bhandári,
the deputy viceroy, marched against him, and forced him to retire
to Víramgám. Ratansingh pursued the Maráthás to Víramgám, attacked
and defeated them capturing their baggage, but failed to prevent
them taking shelter in the town. About this time some Marátha horse
who were at Sarnál, otherwise called Thásra, joined the Kolis of
those parts, advanced with them against Kapadvanj and without any
serious resistance succeeded in capturing the town. Meanwhile though
Ratansingh had summoned Momín Khán to his aid, he delayed coming,
as he began to scheme independence at Cambay.

Ratansingh Bhandári heard that Pratápráv, brother of Dámáji, and
Deváji Tákpar were advancing on Áhmedábád with 10,000 horse. At first
he thought this a device to draw him from Víramgám, to whose walls
his mines had reached. On ascertaining from trusty spies that the
report was true, he raised the siege of Víramgám, returned rapidly
to Áhmedábád, and pushing forward to meet Pratápráv, exacted tribute
from the chiefs on the banks of the Vátrak. As Pratápráv drew near,
the governor of the Bhíl district retired before him, and he continuing
his advance, passed through Valad and Pethápur, and so by way of Chhála
reached Dholka. Here, through Muhammad Ismáíl, the governor of Dholka,
he demanded from the Bhandári his share of the revenue. Afterwards,
leaving 2000 horse in Dholka, he went to Dhandhúka. [The Gáikwár
and Peshwa Plunder the Country.] In the meantime Kántáji, who was a
follower of Bájiráv Peshwa, joining with Malhárráv Holkar, advanced
upon Ídar, and coming against Dánta, plundered that town. Some
Nágar Bráhmans of the town of Vadnagar, who were settled in Dánta,
tried to escape to the hills, but were intercepted and pillaged. The
Maráthás then proceeded to Vadnagar and plundered the town. From
Vadnagar they went as far as Pálanpur, where Pahár Khán Jhálori,
being unable to oppose them, agreed to pay a tribute of £10,000 (Rs. 1
lákh). Kántáji and Malhárráv Holkar then marched into Márwár, while
Pratápráv and Rangoji crossed over from Dhandhuka into Káthiáváda and
Gohilváda. About this time Muhammad Pahár Khán Jhálori was appointed
deputy governor of Pátan on behalf of Vakhatsingh. As no settlement
of his demands on the revenues of Dholka had yet been made, Pratápráv
returned to that town and sent Narhar Pandit to receive the tribute
due to him. Afterwards proceeding to Baroda with Rangoji they were
summoned to Sorath by Dámáji to assist him. Sher Khán Bábi, who up to
his time had been at Kaira, now came to Áhmedábád, and as the deputy
viceroy was displeased with Momín Khán's conduct when Víramgám was
besieged, he appointed Sher Khán his own deputy at Petlád, Arhar-Mátar,
and Nadiád. Afterwards on Momín Khán's remonstrance Subháchand Márvádi
was appointed to examine the accounts and receive the revenue in place
of Sher Khán. In A.D. 1737 Dámáji's brother Pratápráv, returning to
his country after exacting tribute from the chiefs of Sorath, died of
small-pox at Kánkar near Dholka. Momín Khán seeing that Sher Khán had
not yet left Kaira, collected some men and came to Petlád, while Sher
Khán went to Dehgám and awaited the departure of Rangoji. Ratansingh
Bhandári made preparations to help Sher Khán and Momín Khán returned
to Cambay.

[Momín Khán Fifty-fourth Viceroy, 1737.] At this time as the Mahárája
Abheysingh was not in favour at court, Momín Khán was appointed
fifty-fourth viceroy. As he was unable to effect anything by himself
he persuaded Jawán Mard Khán Bábi to join him by a promise of the
government of Pátan and directed him to proceed and take up that
appointment. Now the Jháloris were allies of the Ráthods, and Pahár
Khán Jhálori, then in command of Pátan, opposed Jawán Mard Khán, but
was finally obliged to vacate Pátan. Momín Khán, who had not hitherto
produced the order appointing him viceroy, now made it public and
began to act as viceroy with the title of Najm-ud-dauláh Momín Khán
Bahádur Fírúz Jang, and in A.D. 1737 sent a copy of this order to
Abdúl Husain Khán, the deputy minister, and to Mustafíd Khán, who
held the office of Kázi.

Sher Khán Bábi, wishing to remain neutral, retired to Bálásinor and
Momín Khán summoned Rangoji, who was in the neighbourhood of Cambay,
to his assistance. Rangoji agreed to aid him in expelling the Márvádis,
on condition that, if successful, he should be granted one-half of
the produce of Gujarát except the city of Áhmedábád, the lands in the
neighbourhood of the city, and the port of Cambay. This disastrous
alliance with the Maráthás gave the last blow to Mughal power in
Gujarát, which otherwise might have lingered for at least a quarter
of a century. Momín Khán lived to repent his conduct.

When Ratansingh Bhandári heard of the appointment of Momín Khán to
be viceroy he wrote to Mahárája Abheysingh for orders. Meanwhile he
sent Muhammadan officials to Cambay to persuade Momín Khán to take
no further steps until a reply should be received to the reference
Momín Khán had made to Ágra. The reply of the Mahárája was that
Ratansingh should resist Momín Khán if he could. Ratansingh prepared
to defend Áhmedábád while Momín Khán collecting an army, camped at
the Náransar lake.

From the Náransar lake where Momín Khán remained encamped for one and
a half months collecting his partisans he advanced to Sojitra, where
he was joined by Jawán Mard Khán Bábi; and proceeding together they
came to Vasu under Petlád, about twenty-six miles from Áhmedábád,
and from Vasu to Kaira, about eighteen miles from the capital. At
Kaira they encamped on the banks of the Vátrak, where, owing to the
incessant rain, they were forced to remain for about a month. When
the rain abated and the rivers were fordable, Momín Khán, moving to
Áhmedábád, encamped in front of the city on the Kánkariya tank and
[Lays Siege to Áhmedábád.] prepared for a siege. About the same time
Momín Khán's manager, Vajerám, whom he had sent to Songad to solicit
Dámáji to march in person to his assistance, arrived and informed him
that Dámáji would join him shortly. Zoráwar Khán, who had been left
at the Marátha camp as security for the payment of the tribute, was
recalled, and instead the district of Parántij was formally assigned to
the Maráthás in payment of their demands. Some of the Mahárája's guns,
which were being sent to Áhmedábád by his agents at Surat through
Cambay for facility of transit, were about this time captured by
a party of Momín Khán's men. When Ratansingh Bhandári wrote to the
Mahárája of Momín Khán's advance on Áhmedábád, the Mahárája was much
displeased, and went from the emperor's presence in anger. The nobles
fearing the consequences, recalled him, and persuaded the emperor to
re-appoint him viceroy of Gujarát.

[Momín Khán continues the Siege of Áhmedábád.] Momín Khán was secretly
enjoined to disregard the Mahárája's appointment and persevere in
expelling the Ráthods, and was assured of the emperor's approbation
of this line of conduct. He therefore continued to prosecute the
siege with vigour. In the meantime another order was received from
the imperial court, confirming the reappointment of the [Mahárája
Abheysingh Fifty-fifth Viceroy, 1737.] Mahárája and appointing
Fidá-ud-dín Khán to guard the city with 500 men, directing also that
Momín Khán should return to Cambay. It was further stated that, as
Ratansingh Bhandári had acted oppressively, some other person should be
appointed deputy to fill his place, and that in the meantime a Rájput
noble, named Abhaikaran, was to carry on the government. Shortly
before this Muhammad Bákir Khán, son of Muâtamid Khán, joined Momín
Khán from Surat, while Sádik Áli Khán and his nephew reinforced him
from Junágadh. When Momín Khán was informed of the purport of the
imperial order he agreed to return to Cambay, provided Ratansingh
Bhandári would quit the city, hand over charge to Abhaikaran, and
admit Fidá-ud-dín Khán and his men into the city.

[Defence of the City by Ratansingh Bhandári.] Ratansingh Bhandári
determined not to leave the city, and prepared to defend himself to
the last. Dámáji Gáikwár now joined Momín Khán from Songad. Momín
Khán met Dámáji at Ísanpur, three miles from Áhmedábád, and made
great show of friendship, calling him his brother. When Ratansingh
Bhandári heard of the arrangements made between Dámáji and Momín Khán,
he sent a message to Dámáji saying, 'Momín Khán has promised Rangoji
half of the revenues of Gujarát excepting the city of Áhmedábád,
the lands immediately round it, and Cambay. If you will join me, I
will give you half of everything not excepting the city nor Cambay,
and will send to your camp some of my chief landholders as security
if you agree.' Dámáji showed this to Momín Khán, and asked him what
he proposed to do. Momín Khán now perforce agreed to do the same;
but instead of Cambay offered to make over to the Maráthás the
whole district of Víramgám. Dámáji, accepting these terms, ceased to
negotiate with Ratansingh. He then went on pilgrimage to Dúdesar, and
returning in the same year, A.D. 1738, he and Rangoji began active
operations against Áhmedábád. Their bombardment did so much damage
to the city that Momín Khán repented having called them to his aid,
and foresaw that if the Maráthás once gained any portion of the city
it would be no easy matter to drive them out. Momín Khán now sent the
writer of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi to Ratansingh Bhandári, in hopes that
he might withdraw peaceably, but Ratansingh refused to listen to any
terms. After some time the Musalmáns under Kázim Áli Khán and others,
and the Maráthás under Báburáv endeavoured to take the city by storm,
but after a bloody contest were forced to retire. Next day Ratansingh,
seeing that he could not long hold the city, entered into a negotiation
with Momín Khán, and, on receiving a sum of money for his expenses,
and on being allowed to retire with the honours of war, left the city.

[Momín Khán captures Áhmedábád, 1738.] Momín Khán entered Áhmedábád. On
the capture of the city, in accordance with Momín Khán's engagement,
half of it was handed to the Maráthás. Momín Khán sent news of what
had taken place to the emperor, and appointed Fidá-ud-dín Khán his
deputy. Dámáji, who in the meantime had been to Sorath, now returned
and was met by Rangoji, who accompanied him as far as the banks of the
Mahi, whence Rangoji proceeded to Dholka. After spending a few days
at Dholka, Rangoji returned to Áhmedábád and took charge of his share
of the city, which comprised the Ráikhar, Khánjchán, and Jamálpur
quarters as far as the Astoria and Ráipur gates. The city was thus
equally divided, and the Astoria and Raipur gates were guarded by
the Maráthás. At that time the inhabitants of Áhmedábád were chiefly
Muhammadans, and the Maráthás, accustomed to extortion, attempting
to oppress them, they rose against the strangers, and after a severe
affray expelled the greater part of them from the city. Momín Khán,
though secretly pleased, affected ignorance and sent Fidá-ud-dín Khán
to reassure Rangoji. This with some difficulty he succeeded in doing
and Rangoji remained in the city. Jawán Mard Khán was sent to Pátan,
and, instead of Parántij, the district of Kherálu was granted to
Zoráwar Khán Bábi.

[Prosperity of Áhmedábád, 1738.] With the cessation of Marátha
oppression, Áhmedábád began to recover its splendour and opulence. The
emperor was much pleased with Momín Khán, and, raising his rank,
presented him with a dress of honour, a sword, and other articles
of value. [Momín Khán Fifth-sixth Viceroy, 1738-1743.] At the close
of the rainy season Momín Khán went to levy tribute from the chiefs
on the banks of the Sábarmati, and Rangoji was asked to accompany
him. They marched to Adálaj whence Fidá-ud-dín Khán, the deputy
viceroy, returned to the city accompanied by Rámáji as deputy of
Rangoji. Jawán Mard Khán and Sher Khán Bábi now joined the viceroy's
camp, and, about the same time Hathising, chief of Pethápur, paid
a visit to the viceroy and settled his tribute. From Adálaj they
advanced to Mánsa, and were met by the Mánsa chief. From Mánsa they
proceeded to Kadi, and from Kadi to Bíjápur. After Momín Khán left
the people of Áhmedábád were badly treated, and Rangoji, leaving his
brother Akoji in camp, returned to the capital, whence he marched
towards Víramgám and Sorath. Momín Khán went from Bíjápur to Ídar,
and there levied tribute from the chiefs of Mohanpur and Ranásan.

When Momín Khán arrived at Ídar, Ánandsingh and Ráisingh, brothers
of Mahárája Abheysingh, went to him and paid the tribute of Mohanpur
and Ranásan as being within the limits of the Ídar territory. The
matter was amicably settled, and the two brothers accompanied the
viceroy as far as the Ídar frontier, when Ánandsingh returned to
Ídar, and Ráisingh, at Momín Khán's request, remained with him,
Momín Khán undertaking to pay the expenses of his men. Prathiráj,
the chief of Mánsa, [The Viceroy collects Tribute, 1738.] agreed to
pay £2300 (Rs. 23,000) and the chief of Varsoda £1000 (Rs. 10,000)
as tribute. At this time Sher Muhammad Khán Bábi was appointed to
succeed Mír Dost Áli as deputy governor of Sorath. The Maráthás,
who had attempted to deprive some of the Rasúlábád and Batwa Sayads
of their land, were attacked by the Muhammadan population, and a few
men were wounded on either side. Momín Khán, receiving tribute from
various chiefs, had now reached Pálanpur, and Pahár Khán Jhálori,
the governor of that place, was introduced to the viceroy by Sher Khán
Bábi. As news was now received that Deváji Tákpar was advancing through
the Baroda districts, Momín Khán marched towards Áhmedábád, dismissing
Pahár Khán Jhálori on the Pálanpur frontier. Jawán Mard Khán Bábi,
appointing his brother Safdar Khán Bábi as his deputy at Pátan, pushed
forward in advance for Áhmedábád. Mámúr Khán, who had been chosen by
Mír Huzabr Áli as his deputy in Sorath, now arrived and complained
to Momín Khán regarding Sher Khán Bábi's appointment. Momín Khán said
that, as neither had assumed charge of their duties, they should await
final orders from the emperor. He then advanced to Hájipur, and thence
encamped on the side of the city near Bahrámpur and occupied himself
in strengthening the city defences. From that camp he proceeded to
Ísanpur four miles south of Áhmedábád on his way to levy tribute from
the Koli chiefs of the banks of the Vátrak. After this he proceeded to
Kúlej on the Vátrak and levied tribute from the Koli chiefs of that
neighbourhood. Hearing that Dámáji had left Songad, and crossing the
Mahi had gone to Arás, Momín Khán struck his camp and returned to the
city, while Dámáji going to Dholka marched from that to Sorath. Momín
Khán now permitted Sher Khán to return to his lands in Gogha, whence he
proceeded to Junágadh and took charge of the office of deputy governor.

[Sher Khán Bábi Deputy Governor of Sorath, 1738.] In A.D. 1738,
Mír Huzabr Khán, the governor of Sorath, died, and as Sher Khán
had occupied Junágadh, and taken into his employ all the troops of
Mir Dost Áli, Mámúr Khán was obliged to resign his pretensions and
return. The emperor now appointed Himmat Áli Khán, nephew of Momín
Khán, governor of Sorath, and he wrote to his uncle to choose a fitting
deputy. Momín Khán, as the Marátha incursions into Sorath increased
yearly, and as Sher Khán Bábi was a man able to hold his own with them,
suffered him to remain as deputy. When Dámáji returned to Víramgám,
after levying tribute from the chiefs of Sorath, he was obliged to
march against Kánji Koli, the chief of Chhaniár in the Chúnvál. As he
could not prevail against them he was forced to call on Momín Khán for
aid. Momín Khán sent Fidá-ud-dín Khán at the head of a well-equipped
army. On their approach the Kolis fled, and the village was burned,
and Fidá-ud-dín Khán returned to the capital. Dámáji, leaving Rangoji
as his deputy, returned to Songad. In this year, A.D. 1738, Hindustán
was invaded by the great Persian Nádir Sháh, Dehli sacked, and the
emperor made prisoner. Except that coin was struck in Nádir's name,
the collapse of Mughal power caused little change in Gujarát.

[The Deputy Viceroy collects Tribute, 1739.] In A.D. 1739 Fidá-ud-dín
Khán was sent to levy tribute from the chiefs on the banks of the
Sábarmati, and, accompanied by Jawán Mard Khán Bábi and Rája Ráisingh
of Ídar, marched to Charárah. As the village of Pánmul under Bijápur
had been assigned to the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, he accompanied
Fidá-ud-dín Khán, who marched to Ahmednagar, and demanded tribute from
Jítsingh of Mohanpur and Ranásan. Jítsingh resisted and a doubtful
battle was fought. Next day Fidá-ud-dín Khán changed his position
and again attacked Jítsingh, who being defeated agreed to pay £1000
(Rs. 10,000). They then went to Ídar, where they were hospitably
received by Rája Ráising, who presented the leaders with horses. From
Ídar they proceeded to Vadnagar, which was under Jawán Mard Khán, who
also received them courteously and presented horses. The army then
marched to Visalnagar. On the arrival of the troops at Visalnagar,
Jawán Mard Khán requested Fidá-ud-dín Khán to subdue Jámáji the Koli
chief of Thara-Jámpur in the Kánkrej, who was then at Bálísana under
Pátan and who was continually plundering the country. Fidá-ud-dín
Khán marched to Bálísána, but Jámáji fled to Thara-Jámpur without
risking a battle and the Muhammadans plundered Thara-Jámpur. From
Bálísána Fidá-ud-dín marched to Kadi, and allowing Jawán Mard Khán
to return to Pátan proceeded to Áhmedábád.

At Áhmedábád disputes between Rangoji and Momín Khán regarding the
government of the city were frequent. In one serious disturbance
Momín Khán was worsted and forced to sue for peace and grant Rangoji
his half share both in the government and revenue, which, since the
affray in A.D. 1738, Momín Khán had withheld. A formal agreement
was drawn up but did not long remain in force. About this time Momín
Khán's nephew Muhammad Momín Khán Bakhshi received a patent granting
him the title of Nazar Áli Khán. The year A.D. 1739 was marked by a
disastrous flood in the Sábarmati. [Capture of Bassein by the Maráthás,
1739.] In this year also the Maráthás under Chimnáji Ápa achieved the
memorable success of taking the fort of Bassein from the Portuguese.

[Tribute Expedition, 1740.] In A.D. 1740 on his return from Sorath,
Dámáji Gáikwár took Rangoji to the Dakhan and appointed Malhárráv
Khúni his deputy at Áhmedábád. Fidá-ud-dín Khán met the new deputy
at Ísanpur and escorted him to the city. Shortly after Fidá-ud-dín
Khán and Nazar Áli Khán started to collect tribute, and Jawán Mard
Khán sent his brother Zoráwar Khán Bábi to accompany them. They
advanced against Dabhora under Bahyal eighteen miles east of Áhmedábád
in the Bhíl district and fought with the chief, who agreed to pay
tribute. Thence they went to Atarsumba, where the Kolis after a vain
attempt to carry off their cannon agreed to pay tribute. The force
then proceeded to Mándva and levied a contribution from the Mándva
chief. They next went to Kapadvanj, and passing through Bálásinor
reached Vírpur under Lunáváda. Here, from Sultánsingh, agent of
the Lunáváda chief, they received two horses and £300 (Rs. 3000) as
tribute. While at Lunáváda an order of recall came from Momín Khán,
who intimated that Malhárráv Khúni had laid up large stores of grain
and contemplated war. Fidá-ud-dín Khán at once pushed forward through
Bálásinor and Kapadvanj, advancing rapidly towards the capital. On
the way he received a second despatch from Momín Khán saying that,
as the risk of war had for the present passed, they should advance
to Petlád, where they would find Malhárráv Khúni and settle with
him about the revenue accounts. They continued their march, and in
two days reached Kaira, being joined on the way by Muhammad Kúli
Khán, who was charged with messages from Momín Khán. At Kaira they
found Muhammad Husain, nephew of Fidá-ud-dín Khán who had been sent
with a force to Mahudha. As Malhárráv Khúni was at Pinj near Kaira,
Fidá-ud-dín Khán expressed a wish to meet him, and it was agreed that
both sides should go to the Petlád district and there settle the
disputed collections. Shortly after they met and arrangements were
in progress when the Kolis of the Bhíl district rebelled and Abdúl
Husain Khán and Vajerám were sent against them. After burning two or
three villages this detachment rejoined the main body, and not long
after all returned to Áhmedábád. During A.D. 1740 Bájiráv Peshwa died.

[The Viceroy at Cambay, 1741.] In A.D. 1741 Momín Khán went to Cambay,
and while residing at Ghiáspur near that city received information that
Dámáji had again appointed Rangoji his deputy in place of Malhárráv
Khúni, and shortly after Rangoji arrived at Petlád. At this time Momín
Khán turned his attention to the falling off in the customs revenue of
Cambay and appointed Ismáil Muhammad collector of customs. As he was
anxious to clear some misunderstanding between Rangoji and himself,
Momín Khán set out to visit Rangoji and assure him of his good
wishes. At this time Bhávsingh of Víramgám, who found the Maráthás
even more troublesome than the Muhammadans, as soon as he heard of
Malhárráv's recall, suddenly attacked the fort of Víramgám and with
the aid of some Arabs and Rohillás expelled the Marátha garrison and
prepared to hold the fort on his own account. Shortly after Rangoji
demanded that a tower in Áhmedábád, which had been raised a story
by Momín Khán so as to command the residence of the Marátha deputy
at the Jamálpur gate, should be reduced to its original height. At
the same time he suggested that Momín Khán and he, uniting their
forces, should advance and expel Bhávsingh from Víramgám. Momín
Khán agreed to both proposals. The addition to the tower was pulled
down, and Momín Khán and Rangoji, marching against Víramgám, laid
siege to the town. Bhávsingh made a gallant defence, and Momín Khán,
who was not sorry to see the Maráthás in difficulties, after a time
left them and marched to Kadi and Bijápur to levy tribute. [Bhávsingh
surrenders Víramgám and receives Pátdi.] Rangoji continued the siege,
and as Bhávsingh saw that even without Momín Khán the Marátha army
was sufficient to reduce the place, he agreed to surrender Víramgám,
provided the fort of Pátdi and its dependent villages were granted to
him. Rangoji agreed, and thus the Maráthás again obtained possession
of Víramgám, while Bhávsingh acquired Pátdi, [873] a property which
his descendants hold to this day.

[Siege of Broach by the Maráthás, 1741.] When Momín Khán arrived at
Mánsa, about twenty-six miles north-west of Áhmedábád, hearing that
Dámáji had crossed the Mahi with 10,000 men, he at once returned to
the capital. Dámáji arrived at Mánsa and besieged it. The chiefs and
Kolis defended the place bravely for about a month, when it fell into
Dámáji's hands, who not only cleared the prickly-pear stockade which
surrounded it, but also burned the town. From Mánsa Dámáji marched
to Sorath. On his return he laid siege to Broach, a fort which,
from its natural strength as well as from its favourable position
on the Narbada, it had been the constant ambition both of Dámáji and
of his father Píláji to capture. On the approach of Dámáji, Nek Álam
Khán, who held the place in the interests of the Nizám, prepared to
defend the fort, and wrote to the Nizám for aid. In reply the Nizám
warned Dámáji not to attack his possessions. On receiving this letter
Dámáji raised the siege and returned to Songad. It seems probable that
concessions were made to tempt Dámáji to retire from Broach, and that
the Gáikwár's share in the Broach customs dates from this siege.

[Battle of Dholka. Defeat of the Maráthás, 1741.] In A.D. 1741 in
a battle between Káim Kúli Khán, governor of Dholka, and Rangoji's
deputy, the Maráthás were defeated. Momín Khán, at the request of
Rangoji, made peace between them. Fidá-ud-dín Khán, who had recently
been raised in rank with the title of Bahádur, starting to collect
tribute burned down the refractory Koli village of Dabhora, and placing
a post there, passed to Sátumba, Bálásinor, and Thásra. After the
battle at Dholka, the building by Rangoji of the fort of Borsad,
caused renewed fighting between the Muhammadans and Maráthás of
Dholka. At the request of Muhammad Hádi Khán, governor of Dholka,
Fidá-ud-dín Khán, passing through Mahudha to Petlád pushed forward
to help him. [Contests between the Musalmáns and Maráthás.] In
the meantime a battle was fought, in which the Maráthás under
Malhárráv attacked Muhammad Hádi Khán, and after a short contest
withdrew. Next day the Muhammadans, strengthened by the arrival of
Fidá-ud-dín Khán, besieged Sojitra. A letter was written to Rangoji,
asking the meaning of the attack, and he replied excusing himself and
attributing it to the ignorance of Malhárráv. Muhammad Hádi Khán and
the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi eventually met Rangoji at Borsad,
and settled that he and Fidá-ud-dín Khán should come together and
arrange matters. But Rangoji in his heart intended to fight and wrote
to his deputy Rámáji at Áhmedábád to be ready for war. Malhárráv now
joined Rangoji at Borsad. At this time many misunderstandings and
several fights between the Maráthás and the Muhammadans were appeased
by Momín Khán and Rangoji, who, in spite of the ill-feeling among
their subordinates and a certain distrust of each other's designs,
appear throughout to have maintained a warm mutual regard. Dámáji from
his stronghold at Songad was too much occupied in Dakhan politics to
give much attention to Gujarát. Rangoji, on the other hand, gained so
much influence with the Gujarát chiefs, that at one time he succeeded
in engaging Sajansingh Hazári in his service, and also induced Rája
Ráisingh of Ídar to join him. But Momín Khán detached Ráisingh from
this alliance, by placing him in charge of the post of Amaliára and
granting him the districts of Modása, Meghrej, Ahmednagar, Parántij,
and Harsol. Moreover the customary Gujarát sum at first sent daily
by Rangoji to Rája Ráisingh for the expenses of his troops had begun
to fall into arrears. Rája Ráisingh made his peace with Momín Khán
through the mediation of Nazar Áli Khán, Momín Khán's nephew, who
appears to have been one of the leading spirits of the time.

[Disturbance at Áhmedábád, 1742.] In A.D. 1742 in another fight between
the Maráthás and Muhammadans in Áhmedábád, the Muhammadans gained
a slight advantage. After this Rangoji left the city, appointing
as before Rámáji as his deputy, and joining Jagjíwan Pavár went
to Borsad, where he had built a fort. At this time one Jívandás
came with authority from the Nizám to act as collector of Dholka,
part of the lands assigned to the Nizám as a personal grant, but
failed to enforce his position. Shortly after this Rája Ánandsing
of Ídar was killed, and his brother Ráising, taking leave, went
to Ídar to settle matters. Momín Khán had his patent increased
to the personal rank of commander of 6000 with a contingent of
6000 cavalry. He received a dress of honour, a jewelled turban, a
plume, six pieces of cloth, an elephant, the order of Máhi-marátib,
[874] and the title of Najm-ud-daulah Momín Khán Bahádur Diláwar
Jang. Differences again broke out between Momín Khán and Rangoji,
and again matters were settled by a friendly meeting between the two
chiefs at Borsad, where Rangoji had taken up his residence. Momín Khán
now went to Petlád, and from that to Cambay, where he was taken ill,
but after six weeks came to Vasu, where Rangoji visited him. Here
though again unwell he went to Dholka, and shortly afterwards he and
Rangoji marched upon Limbdi, which at this time is mentioned as under
Víramgám. While before Limbdi, Rangoji was summoned by Dámáji to help
him against Bápu Náik, and at once started to his assistance. Momín
Khán now marched into Gohilváda, and proceeded by Loliána to Gogha,
then under the charge of a resident deputy of Sher Khán Bábi. Here
he received tribute from the chief of Sihor, and from that, marching
into Hálár, went against Navánagar. [The Viceroy collects Tribute in
Káthiáváda.] The Jám resisted for twenty days, and eventually, on his
agreeing to pay £5000 (Rs. 50,000) as tribute, Momín Khán returned to
Áhmedábád. During his absence in spite of stubborn resistance Nazar Áli
Khán and Vajerám had collected tribute from the Koli chiefs. Rangoji,
who had now left Dámáji, joined battle with Bápu Náik ere he crossed
the Mahi, and Bápu Náik turned back. Rangoji therefore remained at
Borsad, but hearing that Momín Khán's illness had become serious,
he went once or twice to Áhmedábád to visit him.

[Death of Momín Khán, 1743.] In A.D. 1743 Momín Khán died. His wife,
fearing lest Fidá-ud-dín Khán and Muftakhir Khán, Momín Khán's son,
would deprive her of her estate, sought the protection of Rangoji. In
the meantime [Fidá-ud-dín acts as Viceroy, 1743.] Fidá-ud-dín
Khán and Muftakhir Khán received an imperial order to carry on the
government until a new viceroy should be appointed. At this time a
man named Ánandrám, who had been disgraced by Momín Khán, went over
to Rangoji and incited him to murder Fidá-ud-dín Khán and Muftakhir
Khán. Rangoji with this intention invited them both to his house,
but his heart failed him, and shortly afterwards Fidá-ud-dín Khán
went to Cambay. Rangoji now determined at all hazards to assassinate
Muftakhir Khán. With this object he took Muftakhir Khán's associates,
Vajerám and Káim Kúli Khán, into his confidence. Muftakhir Khán
accidentally heard of his designs, and remained on his guard. As
Rangoji had failed to carry out his promise to raise Sher Khán Bábi
to the post of deputy viceroy, Sher Khán advanced to Dholka and
began plundering some Cambay villages. Rangoji, after another futile
attempt to assassinate Muftakhir Khán, sent for his deputy Rámáji,
who was then in the neighbourhood, and prepared to fight. [Muftakhir
Khán Defeats the Maráthás.] Muftakhir Khán, on his part, summoned
Fidá-ud-dín Khán from Cambay, and in a few days they succeeded in
uniting their forces. Sher Khán Bábi deserting the cause of Rangoji,
the Maráthás were worsted and Rangoji's house was besieged. Rangoji,
being hard pressed, agreed to give up Ánandrám and to surrender both
Borsad and Víramgám, Sher Khán Bábi becoming his security. In this
way Fidá-ud-dín Khán became sole master of Gujarát.

[Dámáji Gáikwár Returns to Gujarát.] Shortly after Dámáji Gáikwár
returned from Sátára and came to Cambay. In the meantime Rangoji,
who had been living with Sher Khán Bábi, his security, contrived,
with the connivance of Sher Khán, to escape together with his
family. Fidá-ud-dín Khán was so greatly enraged with Sher Khán for this
treachery, that Sher Khán leaving Áhmedábád on pretence of hunting,
escaped to Bálásinor, where his wife joined him. Fidá-ud-dín Khán put
Ánandrám to death, while Rangoji through the aid of Sher Khán Bábi's
wife, made good his escape to Borsad. Fidá-ud-dín Khán had set out to
collect tribute, when news arrived that Khanderáv Gáikwár, brother of
Dámáji, had crossed the Mahi and joining Rangoji had laid siege to
Petlád. On hearing this, Fidá-ud-dín at once returned to Áhmedábád,
and sent Valabhdás Kotwál to Khanderáv to complain of the misconduct
of Rangoji.

[Abdúl Ázíz Khán of Junnar, Viceroy (by a forged order).] After the
death of Momín Khán, Jawán Mard Khán Bábi was the greatest noble in
Gujarát. He began to aspire to power, and Fidá-ud-dín, who was not good
in the field, had thoughts of appointing him as a deputy. While matters
were in this state, and Jawán Mard Khán was already laying claim to
the revenue of the district round Áhmedábád, an order was received
appointing Abdúl Ázíz Khán the commander of Junnar, near Poona, to be
viceroy of Gujarát. This order was forged by Abdúl Ázíz Khán in Jawán
Mard Khán's interests, whom he appointed his deputy. Though Fidá-ud-dín
Khán doubted the genuineness of the order, he was not powerful enough
to remove Jawán Mard Khán, who accordingly proclaimed himself deputy
viceroy. [Mutiny of the Troops.] At this time the troops, clamorous on
account of arrears, placed both Fidá-ud-dín Khán and Muftakhir Khán
under confinement. Jawán Mard Khán assumed charge of the city and
stationed his own men on guard. While Fidá-ud-dín Khán and Muftakhir
Khán were in confinement, Khanderáv Gáikwár sent them a message that
if they would cause the fort of Petlád to be surrendered to him,
he would help them. To this they returned no answer. Fidá-ud-dín
Khán now entreated Jawán Mard Khán to interfere between him and
his troops. Jawán Mard Khán accordingly persuaded the mutineers to
release Fidá-ud-dín Khán, who eventually escaped from the city and
went to Ágra.

[Maráthás Capture Petlád.] Meanwhile Rangoji continued to press
the siege of Petlád and the commander, Ágha Muhammad Husain,
after in vain appealing for help to Jawán Mard Khán, was forced to
surrender. Rangoji demolished the fort of Petlád and marched upon
Áhmedábád. As he approached the city Jawán Mard Khán sent the writer
of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi and Ajabsingh to negotiate with Rangoji, who
demanded all his former rights and possessions.

[Muftakhir Khán Fifty-seventh Viceroy, 1743-44.] News had now reached
Dehli that a false viceroy was governing Gujarát, and accordingly
Muftakhir Khán was chosen fifty-seventh viceroy, the order explaining
that Abdúl Ázíz had never been appointed viceroy, and directing
Jawán Mard Khán to withdraw from the conduct of affairs. Muftakhir
Khán was perplexed how to act. He succeeded in persuading his troops
that he would be able to pay them their arrears, and he sent a copy
of the order to Jawán Mard Khán; and, as he dared not displace him,
[Appoints Jawán Mard Khán his Deputy.] he informed Jawán Mard Khán
that he had appointed him as his deputy, and that he himself would
shortly leave Áhmedábád. Jawán Mard Khán, so far from obeying, ordered
Muftakhir Khán's house to be surrounded. Eventually Muftakhir Khán,
leaving the city, joined Rangoji, and then retired to Cambay.

[The Maráthás in Áhmedábád.] Khanderáv Gáikwár returned, and, with the
view of enforcing his claims, uniting with Rangoji, marched to Banjar,
about five miles south of Áhmedábád. Jawán Mard Khán issuing from
the city camped near the Kánkariya lake. Narhar Pandit and Krishnáji
on behalf of the Marátha leaders were sent to Jawán Mard Khán to
demand their former rights and possessions. Jawán at first refused,
but in the end gave way and the Maráthás appointed Dádu Morár deputy
of the city. Sher Khán Bábi now returned to Bálásinor. Khanderáv and
Kánáji then went to Dholka, Rangoji to Petlád, and Khanderáv Gáikwár
to Sorath. Fidá-ud-dín Khán requested Rangoji to help Muftakhir Khán;
he replied that he was willing to help him, but had no money. Rangoji
then accompanied Fidá-ud-dín Khán to Cambay, where Muftakhir Khán
was. Negotiations were entered into, and the Kháns tried to collect
£10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh) which Rangoji asked for to enable him to make
military preparations to aid them. They raised £8000 (Rs. 80,000)
with great difficulty and admitted Rangoji's Náib to a share in the
administration. Rangoji withdrew to Borsad with the £8000 (Rs. 80,000)
under the pretext that when the remaining £2000 (Rs. 20,000) were paid
he would take action. Fidá-ud-dín Khán, annoyed at Rangoji's conduct,
went to reside at Dhowan, a village belonging to Jálam Jália Koli.

In A.D. 1744 Jawán Mard Khán, after appointing one of his brothers,
Zoráwar Khán, his deputy at Pátan, and keeping his other brother
Safdar Khán at Áhmedábád, advanced from the city to Kadi to collect
tribute. His next step was to invite Abdúl Ázíz Khán, the commander
of Junnar, near Poona, to join him in Gujarát. Abdul Ázíz accordingly
set out from Junnar, taking with him Fatehyáb Khán, commander of the
fort of Mulher in Báglán and Rustamráv Marátha. Directing his march
in the first instance to Surat he was there watched in the interests
of Dámáji Gáikwár, by Deváji Tákpar, the lieutenant of that chief,
who, seeing that on leaving Surat, Abdúl Ázíz continued to advance
to Áhmedábád, [Battle of Kím Kathodra.] pursued him to Kím Kathodra,
about fifteen miles north-west of Surat, and there attacked him. In
the engagement Deváji Tákpar, who had gained over Rustamráv Marátha,
one of the leading men in Abdúl Ázíz's army, was victorious. Abdúl
Ázíz Khán retired, but was so closely followed by the Maráthás,
that at Pánoli he was forced to leave his elephant, and, mounting a
horse, fled with all speed towards Broach. On reaching the Narbada he
failed to find any boats, and, as his pursuers were close upon him,
putting his horse at the water, [Defeat and Death of Abdúl Ázíz Khán,
1744.] he tried to swim the river; but, sticking fast in the mud,
he was overtaken and slain by the Maráthás.

[Fakhr-ud-daulah Fifty-eighth Viceroy, 1744-1748.] On hearing of the
death of Abdúl Ázíz, Jawán Mard Khán thought of joining Muftakhir
Khán. Ere he could carry this plan into effect, the emperor receiving,
it is said, a present of £20,000 (Rs. 2 lákhs) for the nomination,
appointed Fakhr-ud-daulah Fakhr-ud-dín Khán Shujáât Jang Bahádur
fifty-eighth viceroy of Gujarát. The new viceroy forwarded a blank
paper to a banker of his acquaintance named Sitárám, asking him to
enter in it the name of a fitting deputy. [Jawán Mard Khán Bábi,
Deputy Viceroy.] Sitárám filled in the name of Jawán Mard Khán, and
Fakhr-ud-daulah was proclaimed viceroy. About this time Safdar Khán
Bábi, after levying tribute from the Sábarmati chiefs, returned to
Áhmedábád, and Khanderáv Gáikwár, as he passed from Sorath to Songad,
appointed Rangoji his deputy. On being appointed deputy Rangoji sent
Krishnáji instead of Morár Náik as his deputy to Áhmedábád, and himself
proceeded to Arhar-Mátar on the Vátrak, and from that moved to Kaira to
visit Jawán Mard Khán, with whom he established friendly relations. In
the same year Áli Muhammad Khán, superintendent of customs, died, and
in his place the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi was appointed. In this
year, too, Pahár Khán Jhálori died, and his uncle, Muhammad Bahádur,
was appointed governor of Pálanpur in his stead.

[Khanderáv Gáikwár called to Sátára.] About this time Umábái, widow
of Khanderáv Dábháde, summoned Khanderáv Gáikwár to help her in
her attempt to lessen the power of the Peshwa. As Dámáji Gáikwár
could not be spared from the Dakhan Khanderáv was appointed his
deputy in Gujarát, and he chose one Rámchandra to represent him at
Áhmedábád. When Fakhr-ud-daulah advanced to join his appointment as
viceroy he was received at Bálásinor with much respect by Sher Khán
Bábi. Jawán Mard Khán Bábi, on the other hand, determining to resist
Fakhr-ud-daulah to the utmost of his power, summoned Gangádhar with a
body of Marátha horse from Petlád, and posting them at Ísanpur, about
ten miles south-west of the city, himself leaving the fortifications
of Áhmedábád, encamped at Asárva, about a mile and a half from the
walls. During his progress towards the capital the new viceroy was
joined by Ráisinghji of Ídar at Kapadvanj, and, advancing together,
they arrived at Bhílpur, eighteen miles east of Áhmedábád. On their
approach Jawán Mard Khán sent Safdar Khán and Gangádhar to oppose
them, and the two armies met about six miles from the capital. After
some fighting Fakhr-ud-daulah succeeded in forcing his way to the
suburb of Rájpura, and next day continuing to drive back the enemy
occupied the suburb of Bahrámpura and began the actual siege of the
city. At this point affairs took a turn. Fakhr-ud-daulah was wounded
and returned to his camp, while Jawán Mard Khán succeeded in winning
over to his side Sher Khán Bábi and Ráisinghji of Ídar, two of the
viceroy's chief supporters. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi especially notes that
Rája Ráisingh asked for money to pay his troops but Fakhr-ud-daulah,
not knowing that this rule had long been a dead letter, said that
as he held a district on service tenure, it was not proper for him
to ask for a money aid when on imperial service. [Defeat and capture
of the Viceroy by Jawán Mard Khán Bábi.] Next day Fakhr-ud-daulah was
surrounded by Safdar Khán Bábi and the Maráthás, and himself one wife
and some children were taken prisoners, while another of his wives
and his son, who had managed to escape to Sidhpur, were captured and
brought back to Áhmedábád.

[Rangoji Disgraced by Khanderáv Gáikwár.] After this Khanderáv
Gáikwár returned to Gujarát to receive his share of the spoil taken
from Fakhr-ud-daulah. Reaching Borsad, he took Rangoji with him
as far as Áhmedábád, where he met Jawán Mard Khán, and obtained
from Rangoji his share of the tribute. Khanderáv was not satisfied
with Rangoji's accounts, and appointing a fresh deputy, he attached
Rangoji's property, and before leaving Áhmedábád for Sorath, put him in
confinement at Borsad. He also confined Fakhr-ud-daulah in the Ghiáspur
outpost on the bank of the river Mahi. Meanwhile in consequence of
some misunderstanding between Jawán Mard Khán Bábi and his brother
Safdar Khán, the latter retired to Udepur, and Jawán Mard Khán went
to Visalnagar then in the hands of his brother Zoráwar Khán. From
Visalnagar, Jawán Mard Khán proceeded to Rádhanpur, and meeting his
brother Safdar Khán, they became reconciled, and returned together
to Áhmedábád. Khanderáv Gáikwár, who had in the meantime returned
from Sorath, encamping at Dholka appointed Trimbakráv Pandit as his
deputy at Áhmedábád in place of Moro Pandit. On hearing that Rangoji
had been thrown into confinement, Umábái sent for him, and he along
with Khanderáv Gáikwár repaired to the Dakhan.

[Punáji Vithal and Fakhr-ud-daulah oppose Rangoji and Jawán Mard
Khán.] Shortly afterwards Punáji Vithal, in concert with Trimbak
Pandit, being dissatisfied with Jawán Mard Khán, began to intrigue with
Fakhr-ud-daulah. In the meantime Umábái had appointed Rangoji as her
deputy, and, as he was a staunch friend of Jawán Mard Khán, he expelled
Trimbakráv from Áhmedábád, and himself collected the Marátha share of
the city revenues. Upon this Punáji Vithal sent Gangádhar and Krishnáji
with an army, and they, expelling the Muhammadan officers from the
districts from which the Maráthás levied the one-fourth share of the
revenue, took the management of them into their own hands. Rangoji now
asked Sher Khán Bábi to help him. Sher Khán agreed; but as he had not
funds to pay his troops, he delayed, and afterwards plundered Mahudha
and Nadiád. As Rangoji failed to join him, Sher Khán proceeded by
himself to Kapadvanj, and from Kapadvanj marched against the Marátha
camp, with which Fakhr-ud-daulah was then associated. On the night
after his arrival, the Maráthás made an attack on Sher Khán's camp,
in which many men on both sides were slain. Next morning the battle
was renewed, but on Sher Khán suggesting certain terms the fighting
ceased. That very night, hearing that Rangoji had reached Bálásinor,
Sher Khán stole off towards Kapadvanj. Punáji and Fakhr-ud-daulah
followed in pursuit but failed to prevent Rangoji and Sher Khán from
joining their forces.

[Siege of Kapadvanj by Fakhr-ud-daulah, 1746.] In A.D. 1746 a battle
was fought in the neighbourhood of the town of Kapadvanj in which
Sher Khán was wounded. He was forced to take shelter with Rangoji
in Kapadvanj, while Fakhr-ud-daulah, Gangádhar, and Krishnáji laid
siege to that town. At this time the Lunáváda chief asked Malhárráv
Holkar on his way back from his yearly raid into Málwa, to join him
in attacking Virpur. Holkar agreed and Virpur was plundered. Rangoji,
hearing of the arrival of Holkar, begged him to come to his aid,
and on promise of receiving a sum of £20,000 (Rs. 2 lákhs) and two
elephants, Holkar consented. [At the approach of Holkar the Siege is
raised.] Gangádhar, Krishnáji, and Fakhr-ud-daulah, hearing of the
approach of Holkar, raised the siege of Kapadvanj, and marching to
Dholka expelled the governor of that district. Shortly afterwards
on a summons from Dámáji and Khanderáv Gáikwár Rangoji retired
to Baroda. Meanwhile Fakhr-ud-daulah, Krishnáji, and Gangádhar
advanced to Jetalpur in the Daskroi sub-division of Áhmedábád and,
taking possession of it, expelled Ámbar Habshi, the deputy of Jawán
Mard Khán. Dámáji and Khanderáv Gáikwár passed from Baroda to Vasu,
where they were met by Krishnáji and Gangádhar, whom Dámáji censured
for aiding Fakhr-ud-daulah. On this occasion Dámáji bestowed the
districts of Baroda Nadiád and Borsad on his brother Khanderáv,
an action which for ever removed any ill feeling on the part of
Khanderáv. Then, proceeding to Goklej, Dámáji had an interview with
Jawán Mard Khán. From Goklej he sent Kánoji Tákpar with Fakhr-ud-daulah
to Sorath, and himself returned to Songad. As Borsad had been given
to Khanderáv, Rangoji fixed on Umreth as his residence.

In this year, A.D. 1746, Teghbeg Khán, governor of Surat, died, and was
succeeded by his brother Safdar Muhammad Khán, who, in acknowledgment
of a present of seven horses, received from the emperor the title
of Bahádur. At this time Tálib Áli Khán died, and the writer of the
Mirat-i-Áhmedi was appointed minister by the emperor. In A.D. 1747
Rangoji returned to Áhmedábád, and Jawán Mard Khán had an interview
with him a few miles from the city. Shortly after this the Kolis of
Mehmúdábád and Mahudha rebelled, but the revolt was speedily crushed
by Sháhbáz Rohilla.

[Momín Khán II. Governor of Cambay, 1748.] During this year Najm Khán,
governor of Cambay, died. Muftakhir Khán, son of Najm-ud-daulah Momín
Khán I., who had also received the title of Momín Khán, informed
the emperor of Najm Khán's death, and himself assumed the office of
governor in which in A.D. 1748 he was confirmed. On hearing of the
death of Najm Khán, on pretence of condoling with the family of the
late governor, Fidá-ud-dín Khán marched to Cambay, but as he was not
allowed to enter the town he retired. He afterwards went to Umreth and
lived with Rangoji. Kánoji Tákpar, who had gone with Fakhr-ud-daulah
into Sorath, now laid siege to and took the town of Vanthali. As it
was nearly time for the Maráthás to return to their country, Kánoji
and Fakhr-ud-daulah, retiring to Dholka, expelled Muhammad Jánbáz,
the deputy governor. Rangoji, who had at this time a dispute with
Jawán Mard Khán regarding his share of tribute, now came and joined
them, and their combined forces marched upon Sánand, where, after
plundering the town, they encamped. It was now time for Kánoji to
withdraw to the Dakhan. Rangoji and Fakhr-ud-daulah, remaining behind
to collect tribute from the neighbouring districts, marched to Ísanpur,
where they were opposed by Jawán Mard Khán. [Increased Strength of
Fakhr-ud-daulah's Party.] On this occasion both Jawán Mard Khán and
Fakhr-ud-daulah sought the alliance of Rája Ráisingh of Ídar. But,
as he offered more favourable terms, Rája Ráisingh determined to join
Fakhr-ud-daulah. Sher Khán Bábi also joined Fakhr-ud-daulah, who,
thus reinforced, laid siege to Áhmedábád. While these events were
passing at Áhmedábád, Hariba, an adopted son of Khanderáv Gáikwár,
at that time in possession of the fort of Borsad, began to plunder
Rangoji's villages under Petlád, and, attacking his deputy, defeated
and killed him. [Dissensions among the Maráthás.] On this Rangoji
withdrew from Áhmedábád, attacked and captured the fort of Borsad,
and forced Hariba to leave the country. Jawán Mard Khán now sent
for Janárdhan Pandit, Khanderáv's deputy at Nadiád, and, in place of
Rangoji's representative, appointed him to manage the Marátha share
of Áhmedábád.

[Surat Affairs, 1748.] During these years important changes had
taken place in the government of Surat. In A.D. 1734, when Mulla
Muhammad Áli, the chief of the merchants and builder of the Athva
fort, was killed in prison by Teghbeg Khán, the Nizám sent Sayad
Miththan to revenge his death. Sayad Miththan was forced to return
unsuccessful. After Teghbeg Khán's death Sayad Miththan again came to
Surat and lived there with his brother Sayad Achchan, who held the
office of paymaster. Sayad Miththan tried to get the government of
the town into his hands, but, again failing, committed suicide. His
brother Sayad Achchan then attacked and took the citadel, expelling
the commander; and for several days war was waged between him and the
governor Safdar Muhammad Khán with doubtful success. At last Sayad
Achchan called to his aid Malhárráv, the deputy at Baroda, and their
combined forces took possession of the whole city. During the sack
of the city Malhárráv was killed and the entire management of affairs
fell into the hands of Sayad Achchan. Safdar Muhammad Khán, the late
governor, though obliged to leave the city, was determined not to
give up Surat without a struggle, and raising some men opened fire on
the fort. Sayad Achchan now begged the Arab, Turk, English, Dutch and
Portuguese merchants to aid him. A deed addressed to the emperor and
the Nizám, begging that Sayad Achchan should be appointed governor,
was signed by all the merchants except by Mr. Lamb the English chief,
and though he at first refused, he was in the end persuaded by the
other merchants to sign. The merchants then assisted Sayad Achchan,
and Safdar Muhammad Khán retired to Sindh.

Meanwhile, on account of some enmity between Mulla Fakhr-ud-dín,
the son of Mulla Muhammad Áli, chief of the merchants, and Sayad
Achchan, the Mulla was thrown into prison. Mr. Lamb went to Sayad
Achchan, and remonstrating with him suggested that the Mulla should
be sent for. [Mulla Fakhr-ud-din Escapes to Bombay.] Sayad Achchan
agreed, but on the way Mr. Lamb carried off Mulla Fakhr-ud-dín to the
English factory, and afterwards sent him to Bombay in disguise. In the
meantime Kedárji Gáikwár, a cousin of Dámáji's, whom, with Malhárrav,
Sayad Achchan had asked to his help, arrived at Surat, and though
Sayad Achchan had been successful without his aid, Kedárji demanded
the £30,000 (Rs. 3 lákhs) which had been promised him. As the Sayad
was not in a position to resist Kedárji's demands, and as he had no
ready money to give him, [Cession of Surat Revenue to the Gáikwár,
1747.] he made over to him a third of the revenues of Surat until the
amount should be paid. As before this another third of the revenues
of Surat had been assigned to Háfiz Masûud Khán, the deputy of Yákut
Khán of Janjira, the emoluments of the governor of Surat were reduced
to one-third of the entire revenue and this was divided between the
Mutasaddi and Bakhshi.

[Famine, 1747.] In this year (A.D. 1747, S. 1803) there was a severe
shock of earthquake and a great famine which caused many deaths. In
the following year Jawán Mard Khán endeavoured to recapture Jetalpur,
but failed. [Marátha Dissensions.] About the same time Umábái died,
and Dámáji's brother Khanderáv, who was on good terms with Ambiká
wife of Báburáv Senápati, the guardian of Umábái's son, procured
his own appointment as deputy of his brother Dámáji in Gujarát. On
being appointed deputy Khanderáv at once marched against Rangoji to
recover Borsad, which, as above mentioned, Rangoji had taken from
Hariba. Their forces were joined by two detachments, one from Momín
Khán under the command of Ágha Muhammad Husain, the other from Jawán
Mard Khán commanded by Janárdhan Pandit. The combined army besieged
Borsad. After a five months' siege [Fall of Borsad.] Borsad was taken,
and Rangoji was imprisoned by Khanderáv. On the fall of Borsad Sher
Khán Bábi and Rája Ráisingh of Ídar, who were allies of Rangoji,
returned to Bálásinor and Ídar; Fakhr-ud-daulah was sent to Petlád
and Fidá-ud-dín Khán, leaving Umreth, took shelter with Jetha, the
chief of Atarsumba.

[Ahmed Sháh Emperor 1748-1754.] In this year the emperor Muhammad Sháh
died and was succeeded by his son Ahmed Sháh (A.D. 1748-1754). Shortly
after Ahmed's accession Mahárája Vakhatsingh, brother of Mahárája
Abheysingh, was appointed [Mahárája Vakhatsingh Fifty-ninth Viceroy,
1748.] fifty-ninth viceroy of Gujarát. When he learned what was the
state of the province, he pleaded that his presence would be more
useful in his own dominions, and never took up his appointment of
viceroy. Vakhatsingh was the last viceroy of Gujarát nominated
by the imperial court, for although by the aid of the Maráthás
Fakhr-ud-daulah was of importance in the province, he had never been
able to establish himself as viceroy. In this year also occurred the
death of Khushálchand Sheth, the chief merchant of Áhmedábád.

Khanderáv Gáikwár appointed Rághavshankar his deputy at Áhmedábád, and
Safdar Khán Bábi issued from Áhmedábád with an army to levy tribute
from the chiefs on the banks of the Sábarmati. When Fakhr-ud-daulah,
the former viceroy, heard of the appointment of Mahárája Vakhatsingh,
seeing no chance of any benefit from a longer stay in Gujarát, he
retired to Dehli. In A.D. 1748 Ásif Jáh, Nizám-ul-Mulk, died at an
advanced age, leaving six sons and a disputed succession.

[Disorder Spreads.] About the same time Bálájiráv Peshwa, who was
jealous of the power of the Gáikwár, sent a body of troops, and
freed Rangoji from the hands of Khanderáv Gáikwár. During these years
adventurers, in different parts of the country, taking advantage of
the decay of the central power, endeavoured to establish themselves
in independence. Of these attempts the most formidable was the revolt
of one of the Pátan Kasbátis who established his power so firmly in
Pátan that Jawán Mard Khán found it necessary to proceed in person to
reduce him. Shortly afterwards Jawán Mard Khán deemed it advisable to
recall his brothers Safdar Khán and Zoráwar Khán, who were then at
Únja under Pátan, and took them with him to Áhmedábád. Fidá-ud-dín
Khán who had been residing at Atarsumba now asked permission to
return to Áhmedábád, but as Jawán Mard Khán did not approve of this
suggestion, Fidá-ud-dín departed to Broach and there took up his
residence. Janárdhan Pandit marched to Kaira and the Bhíl district
to levy tribute, and Khanderáv appointed Shevakrám his deputy.

[Surat Affairs, A.D. 1750.] In the meantime at Surat, Sayad Achchan
endeavoured to consolidate his rule, and with this view tried
to expel Háfiz Masûud Habshí, and prevent him again entering the
city. But his plans failed, and he was obliged to make excuses for his
conduct. [Sayad Achchan Unpopular.] Sayad Achchan then oppressed other
influential persons, until eventually the Habshí and others joining,
attacked him in the citadel. Except Mr. Lamb, who considered himself
bound by the deed signed in A.D. 1747 in favour of Sayad Achchan,
all the merchants of Surat joined the assailants. [Safdar Muhammad
brought back by the Dutch.] Among the chief opponents of Sayad Achchan
were the Dutch, who sending ships brought back Safdar Muhammad Khán
from Thatta, and established him as governor of Surat. The English
factory was next besieged, and, though a stout resistance was made,
the guards were bribed, and the factory plundered. [Sayad Achchan
Retires.] In A.D. 1750 Sayad Achchan, surrendering the citadel to
the Habshí, withdrew first to Bombay and then to Poona, to Bálájiráv
Peshwa. Shortly afterwards, in consequence of the censure passed upon
him by the Bombay Government for his support of Sayad Achchan, Mr. Lamb
committed suicide. Wearied by these continual contests for power, the
merchants of Surat asked Rája Raghunathdás, minister to the Nizám,
to choose them a governor. Rája Raghunathdás accordingly nominated
his own nephew, Rája Harprasád, to be governor, and the writer of the
Mirat-i-Áhmedi to be his deputy. But before Rája Harprasád could join
his appointment at Surat, both he and his father were slain in battle.

In the same year, A.D. 1750, occurred the deaths of Rája Ráisingh
of Ídar, of Safdar Khán Bábi of Bálásinor, and of Fidá-ud-dín Khán,
who had for some time been settled at Broach. [Jawán Mard Khán
and the Peshwa, 1750.] Jawán Mard Khán, who, seeing that they were
inclined to become permanent residents in Gujarát, was always opposed
to the Gáikwár's power, now entered into negotiations with Bálájiráv
Peshwa. He chose Patel Sukhdev to collect the Marátha revenue and asked
the Peshwa to help him in expelling Dámáji's agents. The Peshwa, being
now engaged in war in the Dakhan with Salábat Jang Bahádur, son of the
late Nizám, was unable to send Jawán Mard Khán any assistance. Towards
the close of the year Jawán Mard Khán started from Áhmedábád to collect
tribute from the Sábarmati chiefs. Returning early in A.D. 1751,
at the request of Jetha Patel a subordinate of Bhávsingh Desái, he
proceeded to Banod or Vanod under Víramgám and reduced the village. Áli
Muhammad Khán, the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, who about this time
was raised in rank with the title of Bahádur, states that owing to
the Marátha inroads most of the districts had passed entirely into
their possession; in others according to agreements with Jawán Mard
Khán they held a half share. Consequently in spite of new taxes, the
entire remaining income of the province was only four lákhs of rupees,
and it was impossible to maintain the military posts or control the
rebellious Kolis.

[The Peshwa and Gáikwár, 1751.] It was in this year (A.D. 1751)
that the Peshwa, decoying Dámájiráv into his power, imprisoned him
and forced him to surrender half of his rights and conquests in
Gujarát. Taking advantage of the absence of the Gáikwár and his army
in the Dakhan, Jawán Mard Khán marched into Sorath. He first visited
Gogha, and then levying tribute in Gohilváda advanced into Káthiáváda
and marched against Navánagar, and, after collecting a contribution
from the Jám, returned to Áhmedábád: In the following year (A.D. 1752),
as soon as the news reached Gujarát that the Maráthás' share in the
province had been divided between the Peshwa and Gáikwár, Momín Khán,
who was always quarrelling with the Gáikwár's agent, sending Varajlál
his steward to Bálájiráv Peshwa begged him to include Cambay in his
share and send his agent in place of the Gáikwár's agent. Bálájiráv
agreed, and from that time an agent of the Peshwa was established at
Cambay. In the same year Raghunáthráv, brother of the Peshwa, entering
Gujarát took possession of the Rewa and Mahi Kántha districts and
marched on Surat. Shiaji Dhangar was appointed in Shevakrám's place
as Dámáji's deputy, and Krishnáji came to collect the Peshwa's share.

[Broach Independent, 1752.] Up to this time the city of Broach had
remained part of the Nizám's personal estate, managed by Abdúllah Beg,
whom, with the title of Nek Álam Khán, Ásif Jáh the late Nizám-ul-Mulk
had chosen his deputy. On the death of Abdúllah Beg in A.D. 1752 the
emperor appointed his son to succeed him with the same title as his
father, while he gave to another son, named Mughal Beg, the title of
Khertalab Khán. During the contests for succession that followed upon
the death of the Nizám in A.D. 1752, no attempt was made to enforce
the Nizám's claims on the lands of Broach; and for the future, except
for the share of the revenue paid to the Maráthás, the governors of
Broach were practically independent.

The Peshwa now sent Pándurang Pandit to levy tribute from his
share of Gujarát, and that officer crossing the Mahi marched upon
Cambay. Momín Khán prepared to oppose him, but the Pandit made
friendly overtures, and eventually Momín Khán not only paid the sum
of £700 (Rs. 7000) for grass and grain for the Pandit's troops,
but also lent him four small cannon. [Pándurang Pandit Repulsed
at Áhmedábád, 1752.] Pándurang Pandit then marched upon Áhmedábád,
and encamping near the Kánkariya lake laid siege to the city which
was defended by Jawán Mard Khán. During the siege Pándurang Pandit,
sending some troops, ravaged Níkol, part of the lands of Áli Muhammad
Khán Bahádur, the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi. Meanwhile, as the
operations against Áhmedábád made no progress, Pándurang Pandit made
offers of peace. These Jawán Mard Khán accepted, and on receiving
from Jawán Mard Khán the present of a mare and a small sum of money
under the name of entertainment, the Marátha leader withdrew to Sorath.

[Marátha Invasion.] About this time the Peshwa released Dámáji Gáikwár
on his promise to help the Peshwa's brother Raghunáthráv, who was
shortly afterwards despatched with an army to complete the conquest of
Gujarát. Meanwhile Jawán Mard Khán's anxiety regarding the Maráthás
was for a time removed by the departure of Pándurang Pandit. And, as
the harvest season had arrived, he with his brother Zoráwar Khán Bábi,
leaving Muhammad Mubáriz Sherwáni behind as his deputy, set out from
Áhmedábád to levy tribute from the chiefs of the Sábar Kántha. Certain
well informed persons, who had heard of Raghunáthráv's preparations
for invading Gujarát, begged Jawán Mard Khán not to leave the city but
to depute his brother Zoráwar Khán Bábi to collect the tribute. Jawán
Mard Khán, not believing their reports, said that he would not go more
than from forty-five to sixty miles from the city, and that, should
the necessity of any more distant excursion arise, he would entrust it
to his brother. Jawán Mard Khán then marched from the city, levying
tribute until he arrived on the Pálanpur frontier about seventy-five
miles north of Áhmedábád. Here meeting Muhammad Bahádur Jhálori, the
governor of Pálanpur, Jawán Mard Khán was foolishly induced to join him
in plundering the fertile districts of Sirohi, till at last he was not
less than 150 miles from his head-quarters. Meanwhile Raghunáthráv,
joining Dámáji Gáikwár, entered suddenly by an unusual route into
Gujarát, and news reached Áhmedábád that the Maráthás had crossed
the Narbada. On this the townspeople sent messenger after messenger
to recall Jawán Mard Khán, and building up the gateways prepared for
defence, while the inhabitants of the suburbs, leaving their houses,
crowded with their families into the city for protection. Raghunáthráv,
hearing that Jawán Mard Khán and his army were absent from the city,
pressed on by forced marches, and crossing the river Mahi despatched
an advance corps under Vithal Sukhdev. Kosáji, proprietor of Nadiád, at
Dámáji Gáikwár's invitation also marched towards Áhmedábád, plundering
Mehmúdábád Khokhri, only three miles from the city. In the meantime
Vithal Sukhdev reached Kaira, and taking with him the chief man of
that place, Muhammad Daurán, son of Muhammad Bábi, continued his
march. He was shortly joined by Raghunáthráv, and the combined forces
now proceeded to Áhmedábád and encamped by the Kánkariya lake. Next
day Raghunáthráv moved his camp to near the tomb of Hazrat Sháh
Bhíkan, [875] on the bank of the Sábarmati to the south-west of the
city. Raghunáthráv now proceeded to invest the city, distributing his
thirty to forty thousand horse into three divisions. The operations
against the north of the city were entrusted to Dámáji Gáikwár;
those on the east to Gopál Hari; while the troops on the south and
west were under the personal command of Raghunáthráv and his officers.

[Return of Jawán Mard Khán.] After leaving Sirohi Jawán Mard Khán
had gone westwards to Tharád and Váv, so that the first messengers
failed to find him. One of the later messengers, Mándan by name,
who had not left Áhmedábád until the arrival of Raghunáthráv at the
Kánkariya lake, made his way to Váv and Tharád, and told Jawán Mard
Khán what had happened. Jawán Mard Khán set out by forced marches
for Rádhanpur, and leaving his family and the bulk of his army at
Pátan, he pushed on with 200 picked horsemen to Kadi and from that
to Áhmedábád, contriving to enter the city by night. [He enters
Áhmedábád.] The presence of Jawán Mard Khán raised the spirits of
the besieged, and the defence was conducted with ardour. In spite of
their watchfulness, a party of about 700 Maráthás under cover of night
succeeded in scaling the walls and entering the city. Ere they could
do any mischief they were discovered and driven out of the town with
much slaughter. The bulk of the besieging army, which had advanced in
hopes that this party would succeed in opening one of the city gates,
were forced to retire disappointed. Raghunáthráv now made proposals
for peace, but Jawán Mard Khán did not think it consistent with his
honour to accept them. On his refusal, the Marátha general redoubled
his efforts and sprung several mines, but owing to the thickness
of the city walls no practicable breach was effected. Jawán Mard
Khán now expelled the Marátha deputies, and [Gallant Defence of the
City.] continuing to defend the city with much gallantry contrived at
night to introduce into the town by detachments a great portion of his
army from Pátan. At length, embarrassed by want of provisions and the
clamour of his troops for pay, he extorted £5000 (Rs. 50,000) from the
official classes. As Jawán Mard was known to have an ample supply of
money of his own this untimely meanness caused great discontent. The
official classes who were the repository of all real power murmured
against his rule and openly advocated the surrender of the city, and
[Jawán Mard Khán Surrenders.] Jawán Mard Khán, much against his will,
was forced to enter into negotiations with Raghunáthráv.

Raghunáthráv was so little hopeful of taking Áhmedábád that he
had determined, should the siege last a month longer, to depart on
condition of receiving the one-fourth share of the revenue and a safe
conduct. Had Jawán Mard Khán only disbursed his own money to pay the
troops, and encouraged instead of disheartening the official class, he
need never have lost the city. At last to Raghunáthráv's relief, Jawán
Mard Khán was reduced to treat for peace through Vithal Sukhdev. It
was arranged that the Maráthás should give Jawán Mard Khán the sum
of £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh) to pay his troops, besides presenting him
with an elephant and other articles of value. It was at the same time
agreed that the garrison should leave the city with all the honours
of war. And that, for himself and his brothers, Jawán Mard Khán
should receive, free from any Marátha claim, the districts of Pátan,
Vadnagar, Sami, Munjpur, Visalnagar, Tharád, Kherálu, and Rádhanpur
with Tervada and Bijápur. It was further agreed that one of Jawán Mard
Khán's brothers should always serve the Maráthás with 300 horse and
500 foot, the expenses of the force being paid by the Maráthás. It
was also stipulated that neither the Peshwa's army nor his deputy's,
nor that of any commander should enter Jawán Mard Khán's territory,
and that in Áhmedábád no Marátha official should put up at any of the
Khán Bahádur's mansions, new or old, or at any of those belonging to
his brothers followers or servants. Finally that the estates of other
members of the family, namely Kaira, Kasba Mátar and Bánsa Mahudha,
which belonged to Muhammad Khán, Khán Daurán, and Ábid Khán were not
to be meddled with, nor were encroachments to be allowed on the lands
of Káyam Kúli Khán or of Zoráwar Khán. This agreement was signed and
sealed by Raghunáthráv, with Dámáji Gáikwár (half sharer), Malhárráv
Holkar, Jye Ápa Sindhia, Rámchandar Vithal Sukhdev, Sakhárám Bhagvant,
and Mádhavráv Gopálráv as securities. [The Maráthás take Possession,
1753.] The treaty was then delivered to Jawán Mard Khán, and he and
his garrison, marching out with the honours of war, the Maráthás took
possession of Áhmedábád on April 2nd, 1753.

[Collect Tribute.] On leaving Áhmedábád Jawán Mard Khán retired
to Pátan. At Áhmedábád Raghunáthráv with Dámáji arranged for the
government of the city, appointing Shripatráv his deputy. He then
marched into Jháláváda to levy tribute from the Limbdi and Wadhwán
chiefs; and was so far successful that Harbhamji of Limbdi agreed
to pay an annual tribute of £4000 (Rs. 40,000). As the rainy season
was drawing near Raghunáthráv returned to Dholka, while Patel Vithal
Sukhdev forced Muhammad Bahádur, the governor of Pálanpur, to consent
to a payment of £11,500 (Rs. 1,15,000). From Dholka Raghunáthráv went
to Tárápur, about twelve miles north of Cambay, and compelled Momín
Khán to submit to an annual payment of £1000 (Rs. 10,000). At the same
time Áli Muhammad Khán Bahádur, the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, was
appointed collector of customs, and his former grants were confirmed
and he was allowed to retain his villages of Sayadpur and Kûjádh close
to Áhmedábád, as well as the village of Pánmûl in Bijápur. Dámáji
Gáikwár, after levying tribute in the Vátrak Kántha, went to Kapadvanj,
which he took from Sher Khán Bábi. From Kapadvanj he passed to Nadiád
and appointed Shevakrái to collect his half share of the revenue of
Gujarát. [Mughal Coinage Ceases.] In the Áhmedábád mint, coin ceased
to be struck in the emperor's name and the suburbs of the city which
had been deserted during the siege were not again inhabited. The
Kolis commenced a system of depredation, and their outrages were so
daring that women and children were sometimes carried off and sold
as slaves. After the rains were over (A.D. 1754) Shetuji, commander
of the Áhmedábád garrison, and Shankarji, governor of Víramgám,
were sent to collect tribute from Sorath. Though the imperial power
was sunk so low, the emperor was allowed to confer the post of Kázi
of the city on Kázi Rûkn-ul-Hak Khán who arrived at Áhmedábád and
assumed office. [Failure of an Attempt on Cambay, 1753.] At the close
of the year Shripatráv, who was anxious to acquire Cambay, marched
against Momín Khán. After two doubtful battles in which the Maráthás
gained no advantage, it was agreed that Momín Khán should pay a sum
of £700 (Rs. 7000), and Shripatráv departed from Áhmedábád early in
A.D. 1754. [The Kolis.] When the Kolis heard of the ill success of
the Maráthás at Cambay, they revolted and Rághoshankar was sent to
subdue them. In an engagement near Luhára in Bahyal in His Highness
the Gáikwár's territory about eighteen miles east of Áhmedábád,
Rághoshankar scattered the Kolis, but they again collected and forced
the Maráthás to retire. At this time Shetuji and Shankarji returned
from Sorath, where they had performed the pilgrimage to Dwárka. Shetuji
was sent to the Bhíl district against the Kolis. He was unsuccessful,
and was so ashamed of his failure that he returned to the Dakhan and
Dandu Dátátri was appointed in his place.

In this year died Nek Álam Khán II. governor of Broach. He was
succeeded by his brother Khertalab Khán who expelled his nephew
Hámid Beg, son of Nek Álam Khán. Hámid Beg took refuge in Surat. At
Bálásinor a dispute arose between Sher Khán Bábi and a body of Arab
mercenaries who took possession of a hill, but in the end came to
terms. With the Peshwa's permission his deputy Bhagvantráv marched
on Cambay. But Varajlál, Momín Khán's steward, who was then at
Poona, sent word to his master, who prepared himself against any
emergency. When Bhagvantráv arrived at Cambay he showed no hostile
intentions and was well received by Momín Khán. Subsequently a
letter from Bhagvantráv to Sálim Jamádár at Áhmedábád ordering him
to march against Cambay fell into Momín Khán's hands. He at once
surrounded Bhagvantráv's house and made him prisoner. [Maráthás
Attack Cambay, 1754.] When the Peshwa heard that Bhagvantráv had been
captured, he ordered Ganesh Ápa, governor of Jambusar, as well as
the governors of Víramgám, Dhandhuka, and other places to march at
once upon Cambay. They went and besieged the town for three months,
but without success. Eventually Shripatráv, the Peshwa's deputy,
sent the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi to negotiate, and it was agreed
that Bhagvantráv should be released and that no alteration should be
made in the position of Momín Khán. Shortly afterwards Shripatráv was
recalled by the Peshwa and his place supplied by an officer of the
name of Rágho. About this time Khertalab Khán, governor of Broach,
died, and quarrels arose regarding the succession. Ultimately Hamid
Beg, nephew of Khertalab Khán, obtained the post, and he afterwards
received an imperial order confirming him as governor, and bestowing
on him the title of Neknám Khán Bahádur.

[Álamgir II. Emperor, 1754-1759.] At Dehli, during A.D. 1754, the
emperor Áhmed Sháh was deposed, and Âzíz-ud-dín, son of Jahándár Sháh,
was raised to the throne with the title of Álamgír II. After his
release Bhagvantráv established himself in the Cambay fort of Nápád
and not long after began to attack Momín Khán's villages. [Contest with
Momín Khán Renewed, 1754.] After several doubtful engagements peace was
concluded on Momín Khán paying £1000 (Rs. 10,000) on account of the
usual share of the Maráthás which he had withheld. This arrangement
was made through the mediation of Tukáji, the steward of Sadáshiv
Dámodar, who had come to Gujarát with an army and orders to help
Bhagvantráv. As Momín Khán had no ready money Tukáji offered himself
as security and Bhagvantráv and Tukáji withdrew to the Dakhan. Momín
Khán's soldiery now clamoured for pay. As he was not in a position
to meet their demands he sent a body of men against some villages to
the west belonging to Limbdi and plundered them, dividing the booty
among his troops. In the following year, [Momín Khán takes Gogha,
1755.] A.D. 1755, Momín Khán went to Gogha, a port which, though at
one time subordinate to Cambay, had fallen into the hands of Sher Khán
Bábi, and was now in the possession of the Peshwa's officers. Gogha
fell and leaving a garrison of 100 Arabs under Ibráhím Kúli Khán, Momín
Khán returned to Cambay, levying tribute. He then sent the bulk of his
army under the command of Muhammad Zamán Khán, son of Fidá-ud-dín Khán,
and Varajlál his own steward, to plunder and collect money in Gohilváda
and Káthiáváda. Here they remained until their arrears were paid off,
and then returned to Cambay. After this Momín Khán plundered several
Petlád villages and finally, in concert with the Kolis of Dhowan,
attacked Jambusar and carried off much booty. Momín Khán next marched
against Borsad, and was on the point of taking the fort when Sayáji,
son of Dámáji Gáikwár, who lived at Baroda, hearing of Momín Khán's
success, came rapidly with a small body of men to the relief of the
fort and surprised the besiegers. The Muhammadan troops soon recovered
from the effects of the surprise, and Sayáji fearing to engage them
with so small a force retired. On Sayáji's departure Momín Khán raised
the siege of Borsad and returned to Cambay.

[Momín Khán recovers Áhmedábád, 17th Oct. 1756.] In the year A.D. 1756
the rains were very heavy, and the walls of Áhmedábád fell in many
places. Momín Khán, hearing of this as well as of the discontent of the
inhabitants, resolved to capture the city. He sent spies to ascertain
the strength of the garrison and set about making allies of the chief
men in the province and enlisting troops. About this time Rághoji,
the Marátha deputy, was assassinated by a Rohilla. As soon as Momín
Khán heard of Rághoji's death he sent his nephew, Muhammad Zamán Khán,
with some men in advance, and afterwards himself at the close of the
year, A.D. 1756, marched from Cambay and camped on the Vátrak. From
this camp they moved to Kaira, and from Kaira to Áhmedábád. After
one or two fights in the suburbs the Muhammadans, finding their way
through the breaches in the walls, opened the gates and entered the
town. The Kolis commenced plundering, and a hand-to-hand fight ensued,
in which the Maráthás were worsted and were eventually expelled from
the city. The Kolis attempted to plunder the Dutch factory, but met
with a spirited resistance, and when Shambhúrám, a Nágar Bráhman,
one of Momín Khán's chief supporters, heard it he ordered the Kolis
to cease attacking the factory and consoled the Dutch.

[Jawán Mard Khán allies himself with the Maráthás.] In the meantime
Jawán Mard Khán, who had been invited by the Maráthás to their
assistance, set out from Pátan, and when he arrived at Pethápur
and Mánsa he heard of the capture of Áhmedábád. On reaching Kalol
he was joined by Harbhamrám, governor of Kadi. They resolved to send
Zoráwar Khán Bábi to recall Sadáshiv Dámodar, and to await his arrival
at Víramgám. Shevakrám, the Gáikwár's deputy, had taken refuge at
Dholka. Momín Khán himself now advanced, and entering Áhmedábád on the
17th October 1756, appointed Shambhúrám his deputy. Sadáshiv Dámodar
now joined Jawán Mard Khán at Víramgám, and at Jawán Mard Khán's advice
it was resolved, before taking further steps, to write to the Peshwa
for aid. Jawán Mard Khán, although he held large service estates,
charged the Maráthás £150 (Rs. 1500) a day for his troops. Jawán Mard
Khán and the Maráthás then advanced to Sánand and Jitalpur, and thence
marched towards Cambay. On their way they were met, and, after several
combats, defeated by a detachment of Momín Khán's army. Momín Khán
sent troops to overrun Kadi, but Harbhamrám, the governor of Kadi,
defeated the force, and captured their guns. When the emperor heard
of the capture of Gogha, he sent a sword as a present to Momín Khán;
and when the news of the capture of Áhmedábád reached Ágra, Momín
Khán received many compliments. Bálájiráv Peshwa on the other hand
was greatly enraged at these reverses. He at once sent off Sadáshiv
Rámchandra to Gujarát as his deputy, and Dámáji and Khanderáv Gáikwár
also accompanied him with their forces. Momín Khán refusing to give
up Áhmedábád, prepared for defence. Sadáshiv Rámchandra, Dámáji
and Khanderáv Gáikwár advanced, and, crossing the Mahi, reached
Kaira. Here they were met by Jawán Mard Khán and the rest of the
Marátha forces in Gujarát, and the combined army advancing against
the capital camped by the Kánkariya lake.

[Maráthás Invest Áhmedábád, 1756.] The Maráthás now regularly invested
the city, but Momín Khán, aided by Shambhúrám, made a vigorous
defence. Up to this time Jawán Mard Khán was receiving £150 (Rs. 1500)
daily for the pay of his own and his brother's troops. Sadáshiv
Rámchandra, considering the number of the troops too small for so
large a payment, reduced the amount and retained the men in his
own service. After a month's siege, Momín Khán's troops began to
clamour for pay, but Shambhúrám, by collecting the sum of £10,000
(Rs. 1 lákh) from the inhabitants of the town managed for the time
to appease their demands. When they again became urgent for pay,
Shambhúrám diverted their thoughts by a general sally from all the
gates at night. On this occasion many men were slain on both sides,
and many of the inhabitants deserted the town. The copper vessels of
such of the townspeople as had fled were melted and coined into money
and given to the soldiery. In this state of affairs an order arrived
from the imperial court bestowing on Momín Khán a dress of honour
and the title of Bahádur. Although the imperial power had for years
been merely a name Momín Khán asked and obtained permission from the
besiegers to leave the city and meet the bearers of the order. The
Maráthás redoubled their efforts. Still though the besiegers were
successful in intercepting supplies of grain the garrison fought
gallantly in defence of the town.

[Ráv of Ídar helps Momín Khán, 1757.] At this juncture, in
A.D. 1757, Rája Shivsingh of Ídar, son of the late Anandsingh, who
was friendly to Momín Khán, sent Sajánsingh Hazári with a force to
assist the besieged. On their way to Áhmedábád, Harbhamrám with a
body of Maráthás attacked this detachment, while Momín Khán sent to
their aid Muhammad Lál Rohilla and others, and a doubtful battle was
fought. Shortly afterwards Sadáshiv Rámchandar made an attempt on the
fort of Kálikot. The fort was successfully defended by Jamádár Núr
Muhammad, and the Maráthás were repulsed. The Maráthás endeavoured
in vain to persuade Shambhúrám to desert Momín Khán, and though the
garrison were often endangered by the faithlessness of the Kolis and
other causes, they remained staunch. Momín Khán, though frequently in
difficulties owing to want of funds to pay his soldiery, continued
to defend the town. The Maráthás next tried to seduce some of Momín
Khán's officers, but in this they also failed, and [Successful Sally
under Shambhurám.] in a sally Shambhúrám attacked the camp of Sadáshiv
Rámchandar, and burning his tents all but captured the chief himself.

[Negotiations for Peace.] When the siege was at this stage, Hassan
Kúli Khán Bahádur, viceroy of Oudh, relinquishing worldly affairs
and dividing his property among his nephews, set out to perform a
pilgrimage to Makkah. Before he started Shuja-ûd-daulah, the Nawáb of
Lucknow, requested him on his way to visit Bálájiráv, and endeavour
to come to some settlement of Áhmedábád affairs. Accordingly, adopting
the name of Sháh Núr, and assuming the dress of an ascetic, Hassan Kúli
made his way to Poona, and appearing before the Peshwa offered to make
peace at Áhmedábád. Sháh Núr with much difficulty persuaded the Peshwa
to allow Momín Khán to retain Cambay and Gogha without any Marátha
share, and to grant him a lákh of rupees for the payment of his troops,
on condition that he should surrender Áhmedábád. He obtained letters
from the Peshwa addressed to Sadáshiv Rámchandra to this effect, and
set out with them for Áhmedábád. When he arrived Sadáshiv Rámchandra
was unwilling to accede to the terms, as the Áhmedábád garrison were
reduced to great straits. Sháh Núr persuaded him at last to agree,
provided Momín Khán would surrender without delay. Accordingly Sháh
Núr entered the city and endeavoured to persuade Momín Khán. Momín
Khán demanded in addition a few Petlád villages, and to this the
Maráthás refused their consent. Sháh Núr left in disgust. Before
many days Momín Khán was forced to make overtures for peace. After
discussions with Dámáji Gáikwár, it was agreed that Momín Khán should
surrender the city, receive £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh) to pay his soldiery,
and be allowed to retain Cambay as heretofore, that is to say that the
Peshwa should, as formerly, enjoy half the revenues. In addition to
this Momín Khán had to promise to pay the Maráthás a yearly tribute
of £1000 (Rs. 10,000) and to give up all claims on the town of Gogha
and hand over Shambhúrám to the Maráthás. It was also arranged that
the £3500 (Rs. 35,000) worth of ashrafis which he had taken through
Jamádár Sálim should be deducted from the £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh). Momín
Khán surrendered the town on February 27th, 1758.

[Marátha Arrangements in Áhmedábád.] Sadáshiv Rámchandar and Dámáji
Gáikwár entered the city and undertook its management on behalf of
the Maráthás. Of the other chiefs who were engaged in prosecuting
the siege, Sadáshiv Dámodar returned to the Dakhan and Jawán Mard
Khán receiving some presents from Sadáshiv Rámchandar departed for
Pátan after having had a meeting with Dámáji Gáikwár at a village a
few miles from the capital. Shambhurám, the Nágar Bráhman, who had so
zealously supported Momín Khán, when he saw that further assistance
was useless, tried to escape, but was taken prisoner and sent in
chains to Baroda. Sadáshiv Rámchandar, on taking charge of the city,
had interviews with the principal officials, among whom was the author
of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, and, receiving them graciously, confirmed most
of them in their offices. Then, after choosing Náro Pandit, brother
of Pándurang Pandit, to be his deputy in Áhmedábád, he started on an
expedition to collect tribute in Jháláváda and Sorath. [New Coins.] On
receiving the government of the city the Marátha generals ordered
new coin bearing the mark of an elephant goad to be struck in the
Áhmedábád mint. Sayájiráv Gáikwár remained in Áhmedábád on behalf of
his father Dámáji, and shortly afterwards went towards Kapadvanj to
collect tribute. Thence at his father's request he proceeded to Sorath
to arrange for the payment of the Gáikwár's share of the revenues of
that district. On his return to Cambay Momín Khán was much harassed
by his troops for arrears of pay. The timely arrival of his steward
Varajlál with the Peshwa's contribution of £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh)
enabled him to satisfy their demands.

[Momín Khán at Cambay.] Momín Khán now began to oppress and extort
money from his own followers, and is said to have instigated the murder
of his steward Varajlál. Sadáshiv Rámchandar went from Porbandar to
Junágadh, where he was joined by Sayájiráv Gáikwár. At Junágadh Sher
Khán Bábi presented Sadáshiv Rámchandra and Siyájiráv with horses
and they spoke of the necessity of admitting a Marátha deputy into
Junágadh. Nothing was settled as the Maráthás were forced to return to
Áhmedábád. In accordance with orders from the Peshwa, Shambhurám and
his sons, who were still in confinement, were sent to Poona. Dámáji
Gáikwár was also summoned to Poona, but he did not go. In this year
Ráo Lakhpat of Kachh presented Kachh horses and Gujarát bullocks to
the emperor, and in return received the title of Mírza Rája.

[Expedition from Kachh against Sindh, 1758.] About this time the Ráo
of Kachh, who planned an expedition against Sindh, solicited aid both
from Dámáji Gáikwár and Sadáshiv Rámchandar to enable him to conquer
Thatta, and, as he agreed to pay expenses, Sadáshiv sent Ranchordás,
and Dámáji sent Shevakrám to help him. In this year also Neknám Khán,
governor of Broach, received the title of Bahádur and other honours. In
A.D. 1758, Sadáshiv Rámchandar advanced to Kaira and after settling
accounts with Dámáji's agent proceeded against Cambay. Momín Khán,
who was about to visit the Peshwa at Poona, remained to defend the
town, but was forced to pay arrears of tribute amounting to £2000
(Rs. 20,000). In this year Sher Khán Bábi died at Junágadh, and the
nobles of his court seated his son Muhammad Mahábat Khán in his place.

[The Maráthás levy Tribute.] Shortly after at the invitation of the
Peshwa, Dámáji Gáikwár went to Poona, and sent his son Sayájiráv
into Sorath. After his success at Cambay Sadáshiv Rámchandra levied
tribute from the chiefs of Umeta, and then returned. On his way
back, on account of the opposition caused by Sardár Muhammad Khán
son of Sher Khán Bábi, the chief of Bálásinor, Sadáshiv Rámchandar
besieged Bálásinor and forced the chief to pay £3000 (Rs. 30,000). Next
marching against Lunáváda, he compelled the chief Dípsingh to pay £5000
(Rs. 50,000). Sadáshiv then went to Visalnagar and so to Pálanpur,
where Muhammad Khán Bahádur Jhálori resisted him; but after a month's
siege he agreed to pay a tribute of £3500 (Rs. 35,000). Passing south
from Pálanpur, Sadáshiv went to Únja-Unáva, and from that to Katosan
where he levied £1000 (Rs. 10,000) from the chief Shuja, and then
proceeded to Limbdi.

[Surat Affairs, 1758.] During A.D. 1758 important changes took place
in Surat. In the early part of the year Sayad Muîn-ud-dín, otherwise
called Sayad Achchan, visited the Peshwa at Poona, and received from
him the appointment of governor of Surat. Sayad Achchan then set out
for his charge, and as he was aided by a body of Marátha troops under
the command of Muzaffar Khán Gárdi and had also secured the support of
Neknám Khán, the governor of Broach, he succeeded after some resistance
in expelling Áli Nawáz Khán, son of the late Safdar Muhammad Khán, and
establishing himself in the government. During the recent troubles, the
English factory had been plundered and two of their clerks murdered by
Ahmed Khán Habshi, commandant of the fort. [The English take command of
Surat, 1759.] The English therefore determined to drive out the Habshi
and themselves assume the government of the castle. With this object
men-of-war were despatched from Bombay to the help of Mr. Spencer,
the chief of the English factory, and the castle was taken in March
A.D. 1759, and Mr. Spencer appointed governor. The Peshwa appears to
have consented to this conquest. The Marátha troops aided and made a
demonstration without the city, and a Marátha man-of-war which had
been stationed at Bassein, came to assist the English. A Mr. Glass
appears to have been appointed kiledár under Governor Spencer.

[Momín Khán Visits Poona, 1759.] Shortly afterwards Momín Khán, by the
advice of Sayad Husain, an agent of the Peshwa, contracted friendship
with the English through Mr. Erskine, the chief of the English factory
at Cambay. Momín Khán then asked Mr. Erskine to obtain permission
for him to go to Poona by Bombay. Leave being granted, Momín Khán set
out for Surat, and was there received by Mr. Spencer. From Surat he
sailed for Bombay, where the governor, Mr. Bourchier, treating him
with much courtesy, informed the Peshwa of his arrival. The Peshwa
sending permission for his further advance to Poona, Momín Khán took
leave of Mr. Bourchier and proceeded to Poona.

[Sadáshiv Rámchandra Peshwa's Viceroy, 1760.] From Limbdi, to which
point his tribute tour has been traced, Sadáshiv Rámchandra advanced
against Dhrángadhra, when the chief who was at Halvad sent an army
against him. The Maráthás, informed of the chief's design, detaching a
force, attacked Halvad at night, and breaching the walls forced open
the gates. The chief retired to his palace, which was fortified,
and there defended himself, but was at last forced to surrender,
and was detained a prisoner until he should pay a sum of £12,000
(Rs. 1,20,000). The neighbouring chiefs, impressed with the fate of
Halvad, paid tribute without opposition. [The Maráthás in Káthiáváda,
1759.] Sadáshiv Rámchandra now went to Junágadh, but ere he could
commence operations against the fortress, the rainy season drew near,
and returning to Áhmedábád he prepared to depart for Poona. Sayáji
Gáikwár, who was also in Sorath collecting tribute, amongst other
places besieged Kundla, and levying from that town a tribute of £7500
(Rs. 75,000) returned to the capital. During this time Khanderáv
Gáikwár had been levying tribute from the Kolis, and after visiting
the Bhíl district went to Bijápur, Ídar, Kadi, Dholka, and Nadiád. The
chief of Halvad on paying his £12,000 (Rs. 1,20,000) was allowed
to depart, and Dípsingh of Lunáváda, who was also a prisoner, was
sent to Lunáváda and there released after paying his tribute. On
receiving the news of the capture of the Surat fort by the English
the emperor issued an order, in the name of the governor of Bombay,
confirming the command of the fort to the English instead of to the
Habshis of Janjira, appointing the Honourable East India Company
admirals of the imperial fleet, and at the same time discontinuing
the yearly payment of £2000 (Rs. 20,000) formerly made to the Habshi
on this account. When in the course of the following year, A.D. 1760,
this imperial order reached Surat, Mr. Spencer and other chief men of
the city went outside of the walls to meet and escort the bearers of
the despatch. Sadáshiv Rámchandra was appointed viceroy of Áhmedábád
on behalf of the Peshwa. Bhagvantráv now conquered Bálásinor from
Sardár Muhammad Khán Bábi, and then marching to Sorath, collected the
Peshwa's share of the tribute of that province, according to the scale
of the previous year. Sayáji Gáikwár, when Bhagvantráv had returned,
set out to Sorath to levy the Gáikwár's share of the tribute. He was
accompanied by Harbhamrám whom Dámáji Gáikwár had specially sent from
his own court to act as Kámdár to Sayáji. When Sadáshiv Rámchandra
reported to the Peshwa the conquest of Bálásinor by Bhagvantráv he
was highly pleased, and gave Bhagvantráv a dress of honour and allowed
him to keep the elephant which he had captured at Lunáváda; and passed
a patent bestowing Bálásinor upon him. Momín Khán, after making firm
promises to the Peshwa never to depart from the terms of the treaty
he had made with the Maráthás, left Poona and came to Bombay, where he
was courteously entertained by the Governor, and despatched by boat to
Surat. From Surat he passed to Cambay by land through Broach. Sayáji
Gáikwár had returned to Áhmedábád from Sorath in bad health, and his
uncle Khanderáv Gáikwár, who had been vainly endeavouring to subdue
the Kolis of Lúhára, came to Áhmedábád and took Sayáji Gáikwár to
Nadiád. In 1761 Sadáshiv Rámchandra was displaced as viceroy of Gujarát
by [Ápa Ganesh Viceroy, 1761.] Ápa Ganesh. This officer acted in a
friendly manner to Momín Khán, and marching to Cambay, he fixed the
Marátha share of the revenues of that place for that year at £8400
(Rs. 84,000), and then went to Áhmedábád by way of Dákor. Narbherám
collected this year the Gáikwár's share of the tribute of Sorath and
Sayáji Gáikwár went to Baroda. On his return to Áhmedábád at the end
of the year, Sayáji sacked and burned the Koli village of Lúhára in
Bahyal about eighteen miles east of Áhmedábád. Jawán Mard Khán now
issued from Pátan and levied small contributions from the holdings in
Vágad, as far as Anjár in Kachh. From Vágad he proceeded to Sorath,
and in concert with Muhammad Mahábat Khán of Junágadh and Muhammad
Muzáffar Khán Bábi, between whom he made peace, he levied tribute in
Sorath as far as Loliyána, and returned to Pátan.

[Pánipat, 1761.] While their power and plunderings were thus prospering
in Gujarát the crushing ruin of Pánipat (A.D. 1761) fell on the
Maráthás. Taking advantage of the confusion that followed, the Dehli
court despatched instructions to the chief Musalmán nobles of Gujarát,
directing Momín Khán, Jawán Mard Khán, and the governor of Broach
to join in driving the Maráthás out of the province. In consequence
of this despatch Sardár Muhammad Khán Bábi, defeating the Marátha
garrison, regained Bálásinor, while the governor of Broach, with the
aid of Momín Khán, succeeded in winning back Jambúsar. Ápa Ganesh,
the Peshwa's viceroy, remonstrated with Momín Khán for this breach of
faith. In reply his envoy was shown the despatch received from Dehli,
and was made the bearer of a message, that before it was too late,
it would be wisdom for the Maráthás to abandon Gujarát. Things were
in this state when Dámáji Gáikwár, wisely forgetting his quarrels with
the Peshwa, marched to the aid of Sadáshiv with a large army. Advancing
against Cambay he attacked and defeated Momín Khán, plundering one of
his villages. But the Maráthás were too weak to follow up this success,
or exact severer punishment from the Musalmán confederates. Ápa
Ganesh invited Sardár Muhammad Khán Bábi to Kaira, and on condition
of the payment of tribute, agreed to allow him to keep possession of
Bálásinor. Subsequently Dámáji's energy enabled him to enlarge the
power and possessions of the Gáikwár's house, besides acquisitions
from other chiefs, recovering the districts of Visalnagar, Kherálu,
Vadnagar, Bijápur, and Pátan from Jawán Mard Khán. After the death
of the great Dámáji, the importance of the Gáikwár's power sensibly
diminished. Had it not been for their alliance with the British,
the feeble hands of Sayájiráv I. (A.D. 1771-1778) would probably have
been the last to hold the emblem of Gáikwár rule. If in the zenith of
Gáikwár power Momín Khán could reconquer, and for so long successfully
defend Áhmedábád, what might not have been possible in its decline?



APPENDIX I.

The Death of Sultán Bahádur, A.D. 1526-1536. [876]


Colonel Briggs (Muhammadan Power in India, IV. 132) gives the following
summary of the events which led to the fatal meeting of Sultán Bahádur
and the Portuguese viceroy Nono da Cunha in the beginning of 1536-37:

When in 1529 Nono daCunha came as viceroy to India he held instructions
to make himself master of the island of Diu. In the following year a
great expedition, consisting of 400 vessels and 15,600 men, met in
Bombay and sailed to the Káthiáváda coast. After vigorous assaults
it was repulsed off Diu on the 17th February 1531. From that day
the Portuguese made ceaseless efforts to obtain a footing on the
island of Diu. In 1531 besides harrying the sea trade of Gujarát
the Portuguese sacked the towns of Tárápur, Balsár, and Surat, and,
to give colour to their pretensions, received under their protection
Chánd Khán an illegitimate brother of Bahádur. In 1532, under James
de Silveira, the Portuguese burned the south Káthiáváda ports of
Pattan-Somnáth, Mangrul, Talája, and Muzaffarábád, killing many of the
people and carrying off 4000 as slaves. Shortly after the Portuguese
took and destroyed Bassein in Thána obtaining 400 cannon and much
ammunition. They also burned Daman, Thána, and Bombay. "All this"
says the Portuguese historian "they did to straiten Diu and to oblige
the king of Gujarát to consent to their raising a fort on the island
of Diu." When Bahádur was engaged with the Mughals (A.D. 1532-1534)
the Portuguese Governor General deputed an embassy to wait on Humáyún
to endeavour to obtain from him the cession of Diu, hoping by this
action to work indirectly on the fears of Bahádur. At last in 1534
Bahádur consented to a peace by which he agreed to cede the town
of Bassein to Portugal; not to construct ships of war in his ports;
and not to combine with Turkish fleets against Portugal.

Permission was also given to the Portuguese to build in Diu. In
consideration of these terms the Portuguese agreed to furnish Bahádur
with 500 Europeans of whom fifty were men of note. According to the
Portuguese historian it was solely because of this Portuguese help that
Bahádur succeeded in driving the Mughals out of Gujarát. Bahádur's
cession of land in Diu to the Portuguese was for the purpose of
building a mercantile factory. From the moment Bahádur discovered
they had raised formidable fortifications, especially when by the
withdrawal of the Mughals he no longer had any motive for keeping on
terms with them, he resolved to wrest the fort out of the hands of the
Portuguese. On the plea of separating the natives from the Europeans,
Bahádur instructed his governor of Diu to build a wall with a rampart
capable of being mounted with guns. But as this created much dispute
and ill-will the rampart was given up. Bahádur next attempted to
seize Emanuel de Souza the captain of Diu fort. With this object he
invited DeSouza to his camp. DeSouza was warned but determined to
accept Bahádur's invitation. He went attended by only one servant,
an act of courage which Bahádur so greatly admired that he treated
him with honour and allowed him to return in safety. Bahádur next
schemed to secure DeSouza in the fort by surprise. With this end he
began to pay the Portuguese officers visits at all hours. But DeSouza
was always on his guard and Bahádur's surprise visits failed to give
him an opportunity. In 1536 DeSouza wrote to the viceroy complaining
of the bad feeling of the Gujarát Moors towards the Portuguese in
Diu and of the efforts of the king to drive them out of the fort. In
consequence of DeSouza's letter Nono daCunha the viceroy arrived at
Diu early in 1536-7. Bahádur went to visit the viceroy on board the
viceroy's ship. On his return he was attacked and leaping into the
water was killed by a blow on the head and sank.

Of the unplanned and confused circumstances in which the brave Bahádur
met his death four Musalmán and four Portuguese versions remain. The
author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 280-281) states that
the Portuguese, who offered their help to Bahádur in the days of his
defeat by the emperor Humáyún, obtained from him the grant of land
at Diu, and on this land built a fort. After the re-establishment
of his power the Sultán, who had no longer any need of their help,
kept constantly planning some means of ousting the Portuguese from
Diu. With this object Bahádur came to Diu and opened negotiations with
the Portuguese viceroy, hoping in the end to get the viceroy into his
power. The viceroy knowing that Bahádur regretted the concessions he
had made to them was too wary to place himself in Bahádur's hands. To
inspire confidence Bahádur, with five or six of his nobles all unarmed,
paid the viceroy a visit on board his ship. Suspecting foul play
from the behaviour of the Portuguese the king rose to retire, but
the Portuguese pressed upon him on all sides. He had nearly reached
his boat when one of the Portuguese struck him a blow with a sword,
killed him, and threw his body overboard.

The same author gives a second version which he says is more generally
received and is probably more accurate. According to this account the
Portuguese had come to know that Bahádur had invited the Sultáns of
the Dakhan to co-operate with him in driving the Portuguese from the
Gujarát, Konkan, and Dakhan ports. That the Portuguese viceroy had come
with 150 ships and had anchored at Diu off the chain bastion. That
Sultán Bahádur not suspecting that the Portuguese were aware of his
insincerity went in a barge to see the fleet, and when he got in the
midst of their ships, the Portuguese surrounded his barge and killed
him with lances.

According to Farishtah (II. 442, 443, Pers. Text) on the invasion
of Gujarát by the emperor Humáyún, Sultán Bahádur had asked help of
the Portuguese. When his power was re-established, Bahádur, hearing
of the arrival of between five and six thousand Portuguese at Diu,
feared they would take possession of that port. He therefore hastened
to Diu from Junágadh. The Portuguese who were aware that Humáyún had
withdrawn and that Bahádur had re-established his power, preferred to
attempt to gain Diu by stratagem rather than by force. Bahádur asked
the viceroy to visit him. The viceroy feigned sickness and Bahádur
with the object of proving his goodwill offered to visit the viceroy
on board his ship. On leaving the viceroy's ship to enter his own
barge the Portuguese suddenly moved their vessel and Bahádur fell
overboard. While in the water a Portuguese struck the king with a
lance and killed him.

Abul Fazl's account A.D. 1590 (Akbarnámah in Elliot, VI. 18) seems
more natural and in better keeping with Bahádur's impetuous vigour
and bravery than either the Gujarát or Farishtah's narratives. The
Portuguese chief was apprehensive that as the Sultán was no longer in
want of assistance he meditated treachery. So he sent to inform the
Sultán that he had come as requested, but that he was ill and unable
to go on shore, so that the interview must be deferred till he got
better. The Sultán, quitting the royal road of safety, embarked on the
12th February 1536 (3rd Ramazan H. 943) with a small escort to visit
the viceroy on board the viceroy's ship. As soon as Bahádur reached
the vessel he found the viceroy's sickness was a pretence and regretted
that he had come. He at once sought to return. But the Portuguese were
unwilling that such a prey should escape them and hoped that by keeping
him prisoner they might get more ports. The viceroy came forward and
asked the Sultán to stay a little and examine some curiosities he had
to present. The Sultán replied that the curiosities might be sent after
him and turned quickly towards his own boat. A European kázi or priest
placed himself in the Sultán's way and bade him stop. The Sultán,
in exasperation, drew his sword and cleft the priest in twain. He
then leaped into his own boat. The Portuguese vessels drew round
the Sultán's boat and a fight began. The Sultán and Rúmi Khán threw
themselves into the water. A friend among the Portuguese stretched
a hand to Rúmi Khán and saved him: the Sultán was drowned in the waves.

Of the four Portuguese versions of Bahádur's death the first appears
in Correa's (A.D. 1512-1550) Lendas Da Asia, A.D. 1497 to 1550;
the second in DeBarros' (died A.D. 1570) Decadas, A.D. 1497 to 1539;
the third in Do Couto's (died A.D. 1600 ?) continuation of DeBarros,
A.D. 1529 to 1600; and the fourth in Faria-e-Souza's (died A.D. 1650)
Portuguese Asia to A.D. 1640. A fifth reference to Bahádur's death
will be found in Castaneda's Historia which extends to A.D. 1538.

As Correa was in India from A.D. 1512 till his death in Goa in
A.D. 1550, and as his narrative which was never published till
A.D. 1856-64 has the highest reputation for accuracy of detail his
version carries special weight. According to Correa (Lendas Da Asia,
Vol. III. Chap. XCV.) during the monsoon of 1536, Nono DaCunha the
viceroy received by land a letter from Manoel deSouza the captain
of Diu fort, telling him of the discontent of the Gujarát Moors with
king Bahádur for allowing the Portuguese to build a fort at Diu. In
consequence of this information early in the fair season Nono daCunha
sailed from Goa in his own galleon accompanied by about ten small
vessels fustas and katurs under the command of Antonio deSylveira. Nono
reached Diu about the end of December. King Bahádur was glad that the
viceroy should come to Diu almost alone since it seemed to show he was
not aware of Bahádur's designs against the Portuguese. When Bahádur
arrived at Diu he sent a message to the viceroy inviting him to come
ashore to meet him as he had important business to transact. The
king's messenger found the viceroy ill in bed, and brought back a
message that the viceroy would come ashore to meet the king in the
evening. Immediately after the king's messenger left, Manoel deSouza,
the captain of Diu fort, came on board to see the viceroy. The viceroy
told Manoel to go and thank the king and to return his visit. The
king expressed his grief at the viceroy's illness and proposed to
start at once to see him. He went to his barge and rowed straight to
the viceroy's galleon. The king had with him, besides the interpreter
St. Jago, seven men and two pages one carrying a sword and the other
a bow. The captain of the fort and some other officers in their own
barges followed the king. Bahádur, who was the first to arrive, came
so speedily that the viceroy had hardly time to make preparations to
receive him. He put on heavy clothes to show he was suffering from
ague and ordered all the officers to be well armed. When Bahádur
came on board he saw the men busy with their weapons but showed no
signs that he suspected foul play. He went straight to the viceroy's
cabin. The viceroy tried to get up but Bahádur prevented him, asked
how he was, and returned at once to the deck. As Bahádur stood on the
deck the captain of the fort boarded the galleon, and, as he passed to
the cabin to see the viceroy, Bahádur laughingly upbraided him with
being behind time. Then without taking leave of the viceroy Bahádur
went to his barge. When the viceroy learned that the king had left he
told the captain to follow the king and to take him to the fort and
keep him there till the viceroy saw him. The captain rowed after the
king who was already well ahead. He called to the king asking him to
wait. The king waited. When the captain came close to the king's barge
he asked the king to come into his vessel. But the interpreter without
referring to the king replied that the captain should come into the
king's barge. DeSouza ordered his boat alongside. His barge struck
the king's barge and DeSouza who was standing on the poop tripped and
fell into the water. The rowers of the royal barge picked him out
and placed him near the king who laughed at his wet clothes. Other
Portuguese barges whose officers thought the Moors were fighting
with the captain began to gather. The first to arrive was Antonio
Cardoza. When Cardoza came up the interpreter told the king to make
for land with all speed as the Portuguese seemed to be coming to seize
and kill him. The king gave the order to make for the shore. He also
told the page to shoot the hollow arrow whose whistling noise was a
danger signal. When the Moors in the king's barge heard the whistle
they attacked Manoel deSouza, who fell dead into the sea. Then Diogo
de Mesquita, D'Almeida, and Antonio Correa forced their way on to the
king's barge. When the king saw them he unsheathed his sword and the
page shot an arrow and killed Antonio Cardoza, who fell overboard
and was drowned. D'Almeida was killed by a sword-cut from a Moor
called Tiger and Tiger was killed by Correa. At that moment Diogo de
Mesquita gave the king a slight sword-cut and the king jumped into the
sea. After the king, the interpreter and Rúmi Khán, two Moors, and all
the rowers leapt into the water. The Portuguese barges surrounded them
and the men struck at the three swimmers with lances and oars. The king
twice cried aloud 'I am Sultán Bahádur,' hoping that some one would
help him. A man who did not know that he was the king struck Bahádur
on the head with a club. The blow was fatal and Bahádur sank. The
second version is given by Barros (A.D. 1560) in his Decadas da Asia,
Vol. V. page 357 of the 1707 edition. The third version by Do Couto
(A.D. 1600) in his continuation of Barros' Decadas, and the fourth by
Faria-e-Souza (A.D. 1650) in his Portuguese Asia are in the main taken
from De Barros. The following details are from Steevens' (A.D. 1697)
translation of Faria given in Briggs' Muhammadan Power in India,
IV. 135-138.

Bahádur king of Cambay, who had recovered his kingdom solely by the
assistance of the Portuguese, now studied their ruin, and repenting
of the leave he had granted to build a fort at Diu endeavoured
to take it and to kill the commander and the garrison. Nono da
Cunha the Portuguese viceroy understood his designs and prepared to
prevent them. Emanuel deSouza who commanded at Diu was warned by a
Moor that the king would send for him by a certain Moor and kill
him. DeSouza determined to go, and, when sent for, appeared with
only one servant. Admiring DeSouza's courage the king treated him
honourably and allowed him to return in safety. The king's mother
tried to dissuade her son from plotting against DeSouza but to
no effect. To remove suspicion Bahádur began to pay the Portuguese
officers visits at unseasonable hours, but was ever received by DeSouza
on his guard. Meanwhile, on the 9th January 1536, Nono daCunha the
Portuguese viceroy set out from Goa for Diu with 300 sail. When he
put in at Cheul he found Nizám-ul-Mulk who pretended he had come to
divert his women at sea but really with designs on that place. When
Nono reached Diu the king was hunting in the mountains and Nono
apprised him of his arrival. The king sent for him by a Portuguese
apostate of the name of John de St. Jago called Firangi Khán, but
Nono daCunha pleaded illness. The king pretending great friendship
came to Diu accompanied by Emanuel deSouza, who had brought the last
message from DaCunha. At Diu the king went on board the viceroy's
ship and for a time they discoursed. The king was troubled at a page
whispering something to DaCunha, but as DaCunha took no notice his
suspicions were allayed. The message was from DeSouza, stating that
the captains whom he had summoned were awaiting orders to secure
or kill the king. DaCunha thought it strange that DeSouza had not
killed the king while he was in his power in the fort; and DeSouza
thought it strange that DaCunha did not now seize the king when he
was in his power in the ship. DaCunha directed all the officers to
escort the king to the palace and then accompany DeSouza to the fort,
where DaCunha intended to seize the king when he came to visit him. The
king on his part had resolved to seize DaCunha at a dinner to which he
had invited him and send him in a cage to the Great Turk. De Souza who
was going to invite the king to the fort after DaCunha had entered it,
came up with the king's barge and delivered his invitation through Rúmi
Khán. Rúmi Khán warned the king not to accept it. The king disregarding
this warning invited DeSouza into his barge. While stepping into the
king's barge DeSouza fell overboard, but was picked up by officers
who carried him to the king. At this time three Portuguese barges
came up and some of the officers seeing DeSouza hastily enter the
king's barge drew close to the king's barge. The king remembering
Rúmi Khán's warning ordered Emanuel deSouza to be killed. James de
Mesquita understanding the order flew at and wounded the king. An
affray followed and four Portuguese and seven of the king's men were
killed. The king tried to get away in a boat but a cannon shot killed
three of his rowers and he was stopped. He next attempted to escape
by swimming, but being in danger of drowning discovered himself by
crying for help. A Portuguese held out an oar to him; but others
struck him fatal blows, so that he sank.

The conclusion to be drawn from these four Musalmán and four
Portuguese versions is that on either side the leader hoped by some
future treachery to seize the person of the other; and that mutual
suspicion turned into a fatal affray a meeting which both parties
intended should pass peacefully and lull the other into a false and
favourable security.



APPENDIX II.

THE HILL FORT OF MÁNDU.


PART I.--DESCRIPTION.

Mándu, about twenty-three miles south of Dhár in Central India, is a
wide waving hill-top, part of the great wall of the Vindhyan range. The
hill-top is three to four miles from north to south and four to five
miles from east to west. On the north, the east, and the west, Mándu
is islanded from the main plateau of Málwa by valleys and ravines that
circle round to its southern face, which stands 1200 feet out of the
Nímár plain. The area of the hill-top is over 12,000 English acres,
and, so broken is its outline, that the encircling wall is said to have
a length of between thirty-seven and thirty-eight miles. Its height,
1950 feet above the sea, secures for the hill-top at all seasons the
boon of fresh and cool air.

About twenty miles south of Dhár the level cultivated plateau breaks
into woody glades and uplands. Two miles further the plain is cleft
by two great ravines, which from their deeper and broader southern
mouths 700 to 800 feet below the Dhár plateau, as they wind northwards,
narrow and rise, till, to the north of Mándu hill, they shallow into
a woody dip or valley about 300 yards broad and 200 feet below the
south crest of Málwa. From the south crest of the Málwa plateau,
across the tree tops of this wild valley, stand the cliffs of the
island Mándu, their crests crowned by the great Dehli gateway and its
long lofty line of flanking walls. At the foot of the sudden dip into
the valley the Âlamgír or World-Guarding Gate stands sentinel. [877]
Beyond the gateway, among wild reaches of rock and forest, a noble
causeway with high domed tombs on either hand fills the lowest dip of
the valley. From the south end of the causeway the road winds up to a
second gateway, and beyond the second gateway between side walls climbs
till at the crest of the slope it passes through the ruined but still
lofty and beautiful Dehli or northern gateway, one of the earliest
works of Diláwar Khán (A.D. 1400), the founder of Musalmán Mándu.

Close inside of the Dehli gate, on the right or west, stands the
handsome Hindola Palace. The name Hindola, which is probably the title
of the builder, is explained by the people as the Swingcot palace,
because, like the sides of the cage of a swinging cot, the walls of
the hall bulge below and narrow towards the top. Its great baronial
hall and hanging windows give the Hindola palace a special merit and
interest, and an air of lordly wealth and luxury still clings to the
tree-covered ruins which stretch west to large underground cisterns
and hot weather retreats. About a quarter of a mile south stand the
notable group of the Jaház Mehel or Ship palace on the west, and the
Tapela Mehel or Caldron palace on the south, with their rows of lofty
pointed arches below deep stone caves, their heavy windowless upper
stories, and their massive arched and domed roof chambers. These
palaces are not more handsomely built than finely set. The massive
ship-like length of the Jaház Mehel lies between two large tree-girt
ponds, and the Tapela, across a beautiful foreground of water and
ruin, looks east into the mass of tangled bush and tree which once
formed part of the 130 acres of the Lál Bágh or Royal Gardens.

The flat palace roofs command the whole 12,000 acres of Mándu hill,
north to the knolls and broken uplands beyond the great ravine-moat and
south across the waving hill-top with its miles of glades and ridges,
its scattered villages hamlets and tombs, and its gleaming groves of
mangoes, khirnis, banyans, mhowras, and pipals. In the middle distance,
out from the tree-tops, stand the lofty domes of Hoshang's tomb and
of the great Jámá mosque. Further south lies the tree-girt hollow
of the Ságar Taláv or Sea Lake, and beyond the Ságar lake a woody
plateau rises about 200 feet to the southern crest, where, clear
against the sky, stand the airy cupolas of the pavilion of Rúp Mati,
the beautiful wife of Báz Bahádur (A.D. 1551-1561), the last Sultán
of Málwa. Finally to the west, from the end of the Rúp Mati heights,
rises even higher the bare nearly isolated shoulder of Songad, the
citadel or inner fort of Mándu, the scene of the Gujarát Bahádur's
(A.D. 1531) daring and successful surprise. This fair hill-top,
beautiful from its tangled wildness and scattered ruins, is a strange
contrast to Mándu, the capital of a warlike independent dynasty. During
the palmy days of the fifteenth century, of the 12,000 acres of the
Mándu hill-top, 560 were fields, 370 were gardens, 200 were wells,
780 were lakes and ponds, 100 were bazár roads, 1500 were dwellings,
200 were rest-houses, 260 were baths, 470 were mosques, and 334 were
palaces. These allotments crowded out the wild to a narrow pittance
of 1560 acres of knolls and ridges.

From the Jaház Mehel the road winds through fields and woods, gemmed
with peafowl and droll with monkeys, among scattered palaces mosques
and tombs, some shapely some in heaps, about a mile south to the
walled enclosure of the lofty domed tomb of the establisher of Mándu's
greatness, Hoshang Sháh Ghori (A.D. 1405-1432). Though the badly-fitted
joinings of the marble slabs of the tomb walls are a notable contrast
to the finish of the later Mughal buildings, Hoshang's tomb, in
its massive simplicity and dim-lighted roughness, is a solemn and
suitable resting-place for a great Pathán warrior. Along the west of
the tomb enclosure runs a handsome flat-roofed colonnade. The pillars,
which near the base are four-sided, pass through an eight-sided and
a sixteen-sided belt into a round upper shaft. The round shaft ends
in a square under-capital, each face of which is filled by a group
of leafage in outline the same as the favourite Hindu Singh-múkh or
horned face. Over the entwined leafy horns of this moulding, stone
brackets support heavy stone beams, all Hindu in pattern. [878]
Close to the east of Hoshang's tomb is Hoshang's Jámá Masjid or
Great Mosque, built of blocks of red limestone. Hoshang's mosque is
approached from the east through a massive domed gateway and across a
quadrangle enclosed on the east north and south by wrecked colonnades
of pointed arches. The west is filled by the great pointed arches
of the mosque in fair repair. On the roof of the mosque from a thick
undergrowth of domelets rise three lofty domes. [879]

In front of the gateway of the Great Mosque, in the centre of a masonry
plinth about three feet high, stands an iron pillar about a foot in
diameter at the base and twenty feet high. Close to the east of the
gateway is the site of Mehmúd's (A.D. 1442) Tower of Victory, traces of
which remained as late as A.D. 1840. About fifty yards further east are
the ruins of a great building called the Ashrafi Mehel, said to have
been a Musalmán college. To the north-east a banner marks a temple and
the local state offices. South the road passes between the two lines
of small houses and huts that make modern Mándu. Beyond the village,
among ruins and huge swollen baobab stems, the road winds south along
a downward slope to the richly-wooded lowland, where stretches to
the west the wide coolness of the Ságar Taláv or Sea lake. Its broad
surface covering 600 acres is green with fanlike lotus leaves, reeds,
and water-grasses. Its banks are rough with brakes of tangled bush
from which, in uncramped stateliness, rise lofty mhauras, mangoes,
kirnis, and pípals. To the east round a smaller tank, whose banks are
crowned by splendid mangoes and tamarinds, stand the domes of several
handsome tombs. Of some of these domes the black masses are brightened
by belts of brilliant pale and deep-blue enamel. To the north of this
overflow-pool a long black wall is the back of the smaller Jámá or
congregation mosque, badly ruined, but of special interest, as each
of its numerous pillars shows the uninjured Hindu Singh-múkh or horned
face. By a rough piece of constructive skill the original cross corners
of the end cupolas have been worked into vaulted Musalmán domes. [880]

From the Sea Lake, about a mile across the waving richly-wooded plain,
bounded by the southern height of the plateau, the path leads to
the sacred Rewa Kund or Narbada Pool, a small shady pond lined with
rich masonry, and its west side enriched by the ruins of a handsome
Bath or Hammám Khánah. From the north-east corner of the Rewa Pool a
broad flight of easy stairs leads thirty or forty feet up the slope
on whose top stands the palace of Báz Bahádur (A.D. 1551-1561) the
last independent chief of Mándu. [881] The broad easy flight of steps
ends in a lofty arched gateway through which a roomy hall or passage
gives entrance into a courtyard with a central masonry cistern and an
enclosing double colonnade, which on the right opens into an arched
balcony overlooking the Rewa Kund and garden. Within this courtyard
is a second court enclosed on three sides by an arched gallery. The
roof of the colonnades, which are reached by flights of easy steps,
are shaded by arched pavilions topped by cupolas brightened by belts
of blue enamel.

To the south of Báz Bahádur's Palace a winding path climbs the steep
slope of the southern rim of Mándu to the massive pillared cupolas of
Rúp Mati's palace, which, clear against the sky, are the most notable
ornament of the hill-top. From a ground floor of heavy masonry walls
and arched gateways stairs lead to a flat masonry terrace. At the north
and south ends of the terrace stand massive heavy-eaved pavilions,
whose square pillars and pointed arches support lofty deep-grooved
domes. The south pavilion on the crest of the Vindhyan cliff commands
a long stretch of the south face of Mándu with its guardian wall
crowning the heights and hollows of the hill-top. Twelve hundred
feet below spreads the dim hazy Nímár plain brightened eastwards by
the gleaming coil of the Narbada. The north pavilion, through the
clear fresh air of the hill-top, looks over the entire stretch of
Mándu from the high shoulder of Songad in the extreme south-west
across rolling tree-brightened fields, past the domes, the tangled
bush, and the broad gray of the Sea Lake, to the five-domed cluster
of Hoshang's mosque and tomb, on, across a sea of green tree tops,
to the domed roof-chambers of the Jaház and Tapela palaces, through
the Dehli gateway, and, beyond the deep cleft of the northern ravine,
to the bare level and the low ranges of the Málwa plain.

From the Rewa Pool a path, along the foot of the southern height
among noble solitary mhauras and khirnis, across fields and past
small clusters of huts, guides to a flight of steps which lead down
to a deep shady rock-cut dell where a Muhammadan chamber with great
open arched front looks out across a fountained courtyard and sloping
scalloped water table to the wild western slopes of Mándu. This is
Nilkanth, where the emperor Akbar lodged in A.D. 1574, and which
Jehángír visited in A.D. 1617. [882]

From the top of the steps that lead to the dell the hill stretches
west bare and stony to the Songad or Tárápúr gateway on the narrow
neck beyond which rises the broad shoulder of Songad, the lofty
south-west limit of the Mándu hill-top. [883]



PART II.--HISTORY. [884]


[HISTORY] The history of Mándu belongs to two main sections, before
and after the overthrow by the emperor Akbar in A.D. 1563 of the
independent power of the Sultáns of Málwa.



SECTION I.--THE MÁLWA SULTÁNS, A.D. 1400-1570.

[The Málwa Sultáns, A.D. 1400-1570.] Of early Hindu Mándu, which
is said to date from A.D. 313, nothing is known. [885] Hind spire
stones are built into the Hindola palace walls; and the pillars of
the lesser Jámá mosque, about a hundred yards from the east end of
the sea or Ságar Lake, are Hindu apparently Jain. Of these local Hind
chiefs almost nothing is known except that their fort was taken and
their power brought to an end by Sultán Shams-ud-dín Altamsh about
A.D. 1234. [886] Dhár, not Mándu, was at that time the capital. It
seems doubtful whether Mándu ever enjoyed the position of a capital
till the end of the fourteenth century. In A.D. 1401, in the ruin
that followed Timúr's (A.D. 1398-1400) conquest of Northern India, a
Pathán from the country of Ghor, Diláwar Khán Ghori (A.D. 1387-1405),
at the suggestion of his son Alp Khán, assumed the white canopy
and scarlet pavilion of royalty. [887] Though Dhár was Diláwar's
head-quarters he sometimes stayed for months at a time at Mándu,
[888] strengthening the defences and adorning the hill with buildings,
as he always entertained the desire of making Mándu his capital. [889]
Three available inscriptions of Diláwar
Khán (A.D. 1387-1405) seem to show that he built an assembly mosque
near the Ship Palace, a mosque near the Dehli Gate, and a gate at
the entrance to Songadh, the south-west corner and citadel of Mándu,
afterwards known as the Tárápúr Gate.

In A.D. 1398 Alp Khán, son of Diláwar Khán, annoyed with his father
for entertaining as his overlord at Dhár Mehmúd Tughlak, the refugee
monarch of Dehli, withdrew to Mándu. He stayed in Mándu for three
years, laying, according to Farishtah, the foundation of the famous
fortress of solid masonry which was the strongest fortification in that
part of the world. [890] On his father's death in A.D. 1405 Alp Khán
took the title of Sultán Hoshang, and moved the capital to Mándu. The
rumour that Hoshang had poisoned his father gave Diláwar's brother
in arms, Muzaffar Sháh of Gujarát (A.D. 1399-1411), an excuse for an
expedition against Hoshang. [891] Hoshang was defeated at Dhár, made
prisoner, and carried to Gujarát, and Muzaffar's brother Nasrat was
appointed in his place. Nasrat failed to gain the goodwill either
of the people or of the army of Málwa; and was forced to retire
from Dhár and take refuge in Mándu. In consequence of this failure
in A.D. 1408, at Hoshang's request Muzaffar set Hoshang free after a
year's confinement, and deputed his grandson Ahmed to take Hoshang to
Málwa and establish Hoshang's power. [892] With Ahmed's help Hoshang
took Dhár and shortly after secured the fort of Mándu. Hoshang
(A.D. 1405-1431) made Mándu his capital and spread his power on
all sides except towards Gujarát. [893] Shortly after the death of
Muzaffar I. and the accession of Ahmed, when (A.D. 1414) Ahmed was
quelling the disturbances raised by his cousins, Hoshang, instead
of helping Ahmed as requested, marched towards Gujarát and created
a diversion in favour of the rebels by sending two of his nobles to
attack Broach. They were soon expelled by Ahmed Sháh. Shortly after
Hoshang marched to the help of the chief of Jháláváda in Káthiáváda,
and ravaged eastern and central Gujarát. [894] To punish Hoshang for
these acts of ingratitude, between A.D. 1418 and 1422, Ahmed twice
besieged Mándu, and though he failed to take the fort his retirement
had to be purchased, and both as regards success and fair-dealing
the honours of the campaign remained with Ahmed. [895] In A.D. 1421
Hoshang went disguised as a horse-dealer to Jájnagar (now Jájpur)
in Cuttack in Orissa. He took with him a number of cream-coloured
horses, of which he had heard the Rája was very fond. His object was
to barter these horses and other goods for the famous war elephants
of Jájnagar. An accident in the camp of the disguised merchants led
to a fight, in which the Rája was taken prisoner and Hoshang was
able to secure 150 elephants to fight the Gujarát Sultán. [896]
During Hoshang's absence at Jájnagar Ahmed pressed the siege of
Mándu so hard that the garrison would have surrendered had Hoshang
not succeeded in finding his way into the fort through the south
or Tárápur Gate. [897] For ten years after the Gujarát campaign,
by the help of his minister Malik Mughís of the Khilji family and
of his minister's son Mehmúd Khán, Málwa prospered and Hoshang's
power was extended. Hoshang enriched his capital with buildings,
among them the Great Mosque and his own tomb, both of which he left
unfinished. Hoshang's minister Malik Mughís (who received the title of
Ulugh Aâzam Humáyún Khán) appears to have built the assembly mosque
near the Ságar Lake in Hoshang's life-time, A.D. 1431. Another of
his buildings must have been a mint, as copper coins remain bearing
Hoshang's name, and Mándu Shádiábád as the place of mintage. [898]
In A.D. 1432, at Hoshangábád, on the left bank of the Narbada, about
120 miles east of Mándu, Hoshang, who was suffering from diabetes,
took greatly to heart the fall of a ruby out of his crown. He said:
A few days before the death of Fírúz Tughlak a jewel dropped from
his crown. Hoshang ordered that he should be taken to Mándu. Before
he had gone many miles the kin