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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume XLVIII, 1751-1765 - Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the - islands and their peoples, their history and records of - the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books - and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial - and religious conditions of those islands from their - earliest relations with European nations to the close of - the nineteenth century,
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Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume XLVIII, 1751-1765 - Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the - islands and their peoples, their history and records of - the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books - and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial - and religious conditions of those islands from their - earliest relations with European nations to the close of - the nineteenth century," ***
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century,
Volume XLVIII, 1751-1765
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVII
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLVIII
Preface 13
Documents of 1751-1762:
Usurpation of Indian lands by friars. Fernando VI;
San Lorenzo, November 7, 1751 27
Moro raids repulsed by Visayans. [Unsigned];
Manila, [1755] 37
Augustinian parishes and missions, 1760. Pedro Velasco,
O.S.A.; Tondo, April 16, 1760 52
Later Augustinian and Dominican missions. Antonio
Mozo, O.S.A.; Madrid, 1763. Bernardo Ustáriz, O.P.;
Manila, 1745 59
Events in Filipinas, 1739-1762. [Compiled from Martinez
de Zúñiga and other writers.] 137
Memorial of 1765. Francisco Leandro de Viana; Manila,
February 10, 1765 197
Bibliographical Data 339
ILLUSTRATIONS
Map of the Philippine Islands; photographic facsimile from
original map in Murillo Velarde's Historia de la provincia
de Philipinas (Manila, 1749); from copy in possession of
Edward E. Ayer, Chicago Frontispiece
Map of Leyte, from original MS. of P. Pagteel, in
collection of Charts by Alexander Dalrymple ([London],
1788), ii, p. 76; photographic facsimile from copy in
Library of Congress 39
Plan of the new Alcaicería of San Fernando, 1756;
photographic facsimile from original manuscript in
Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla 181
View of Spanish city and fort of Gammalamma, Terrenate;
photographic facsimile from Recueil des voiages Comp.
Indes orientales (Amsterdam, 1725); iii, p. 348; from
copy in library of Wisconsin Historical Society 213
Plan of the citadel of Santiago at Manila; photographic
facsimile from original manuscript in Archivo general de
Indias, Sevilla 219
Map of Mindanao, 1757; by Nicolás Norton Nicols;
photographic facsimile from original manuscript in Archivo
general de Indias, Sevilla 281
PREFACE
The contents of the present volume (dated 1751-65) include accounts
of the missionary efforts of the Augustinian and Dominican orders, and
events in Filipinas from 1739 to the beginning of the English invasion;
and the survey of the condition and needs of the islands which is
presented in the memorial by the royal fiscal Viana. A valuable
feature in the missionary reports is the ethnological information
furnished therein regarding the savage tribes of Central Luzón;
and the self-sacrifice and devotion of the missionaries themselves
appear in striking contrast with the unscrupulous greed displayed,
as one of the short documents shows, in the management of the friar
estates near Manila. The times are troublous for the colony: several
insurrections occur among the natives, the Acapulco galleon of 1743
is captured by the English, the Moro pirates ravage the archipelago
with enormous destruction of life and property, and the Spaniards
are defeated by them. Governor Arandia attempts to establish reforms,
and thus incurs much odium; he is engaged in numerous controversies,
and finally dies. Viana's memorial presents a vivid picture of the
distressed condition of the Philippine colony after the English
invasion, its urgent need of relief, and the ways in which this may
be accomplished.
A letter by Fernando VI to the Manila Audiencia (November 7, 1751)
expresses his approval of the proceedings of Auditor Enriquez in
pacifying the insurgent Indians of certain villages near Manila and
in Bulacan--a revolt caused by the usurpation of Indian lands by
the managers of the friar estates, and the fraudulent proceedings of
government officials who aided such usurpation. Enriquez had pacified
the natives, deprived the friars of such lands as they held illegally,
and distributed these among those natives who were aggrieved; he also
investigated the titles by which the orders held their estates, and
regulated the proper boundaries of their lands. The king also commands
the Manila government to exercise vigilant care for the welfare of
the Indians, and to notify them that in their difficulties they must
have recourse to the royal fiscal for redress or aid.
In a rare pamphlet published at Manila in 1755, apparently written
by one of the Jesuit missionaries in Leyte, are enumerated various
instances when the raids of Moro pirates against the Visayan villages
in 1754 are repulsed by the natives, under the direction of their
spiritual guides; and one of these, the defense of Palompong, is
related at length. An official report (in MS.) made by the Augustinian
provincial (1760) shows the parishes and missions then in charge of
his order in the Philippines, with the population (classified as to
sex, age, etc.) of each one.
In the eighteenth century several important missions were conducted
by the Augustinians and Dominicans among the savage and untamed
head-hunting tribes of Central Luzón. Those of the former order are
recorded by Fray Antonio Mozo in his Noticia histórico natural (Madrid,
1763); he presents much valuable information regarding those people,
whose first contact with European civilization was mainly found in
their intercourse with those missionaries. This begins, for the Italons
(now called Ibilao) and Abacas in 1702, when the Augustinians attempt
to christianize them--with fair success, considering the wildness and
ferocity of those people. They also carry the gospel among the Isinay,
a work which the Dominicans had been compelled to abandon as hopeless;
and within a quarter of a century the entire tribe have been baptized
and civilized by Fray Alejandro Cacho. In 1740 these Isinay missions
are ceded to the Dominican order. Among all these wild peoples, the
missionaries have introduced not only the gospel, but instruction
in farming and irrigation, and supplies of cattle and plows; and,
wherever possible, they have formed "reductions" or settlements of
their converts, usually in localities best adapted to the cultivation
of the soil.
The Augustinians carry on their missions among the Ilocans, the
Tinguians, the Igorots, the Zambals, and the Negritos--this last
having stations throughout the islands; also in Cebú and Panay,
and in China. Mozo narrates the progress of these missions, but
devotes much of his space to accounts of the wild tribes and their
peculiar customs and beliefs; this is especially fortunate for our
purpose in regard to the Negritos, about whom less has been known than
about the other Philippine peoples, Mozo's residence of three years
among them rendering his observations extremely valuable. He also
gave particular attention to the practices and medicines used by the
natives in sickness, and to the plants which are useful therein. Among
these missions the most arduous, according to our writer, was that
to the "apostates" and infidels who had taken refuge in a certain
mountainous and densely-wooded district; these renegades and heathen
dwelt together, each making the other worse. Among these people were
preserved many of the ancient pagan customs which the missionaries
had in most places been able to extirpate; and these are described by
Mozo. Even in this hard field, "multitudes of infidels were baptized
and hundreds of apostates reclaimed." The Augustinians also conduct
missions in the interior of Cebú and Panay, where not only are the
mountains rugged and the forests dense, but there are wizards among
the natives who "by conversing with the demon do things which cause
terror;" some account of their practices is given, as also of the
converts gained by missionaries among those people. He then describes
some of the medicines that are used by the natives. Among these are the
gall and fat of the python; a stone which, when applied to a woman's
thigh, would facilitate childbirth; and a plant which intoxicates
and infuriates those who go into battle. Another plant temporarily
paralyzes the muscular system. Mozo concludes with an account of the
Augustinian missions in China, which does not concern our work.
Some account of the Dominican missions in Central Luzón is
given by Bernardo Ustáriz (Manila, 1745) and Manuel del Río
(Mexico? ca. 1740). In Paniqui the missionaries have formed within
six years seven native churches, with nearly a thousand converts;
they are erecting substantial wooden buildings for religious purposes,
and have opened new roads and repaired old ones in order to facilitate
intercourse between the provinces. A neighboring tribe of head-hunters
have harassed the Christian districts, but a government expedition is
sent against them and checks their insolence; this success greatly
increases that of the missions, to which hundreds of natives flock
for instruction and baptism. Río gives a more detailed account of
the Paniqui mission, and of its early beginnings. Some of the first
missionaries were poisoned by heathen savages. The most interesting
feature of the Dominicans' labor in this region is their opening a
high-road from Asingan, Pangasinan, to Buhay in Ituy.
A brief résumé of events during the period 1739-62 is compiled from the
histories of the time; we have used for most of it Zúñiga's narrative,
copiously annotated from Concepción's and others. The royal fiscal
Arroyo is imprisoned by Governor Torre, in accordance with an order
issued by his predecessor; finally, the king orders restitution of
the fiscal's office, salary, and confiscated goods, but this finds
the unfortunate prisoner dead (1743). In the same year the English
commander Anson captures the Acapulco galleon "Covadonga," which causes
heavy loss to Manila. Two years later, Governor Torre dies, after a
troublous administration in which he incurs general odium. A revolt of
the natives in Balayan and Taal is promptly quelled. Torre is succeeded
by the bishop of Nueva Caceres, Juan de Arrechedera, a Dominican; his
administration is vigorous, and he does much for the defense of Manila
against possible enemies. In 1747 the new archbishop of Manila arrives
in the islands, but Arrechedera retains the office of governor. An
insurrection of the natives in Bohol is easily quelled. The king of
Spain writes conciliatory letters to the sultans of Mindanao and Joló,
who profess friendship, but prove to be scheming and unreliable;
they permit Jesuit missionaries to enter their countries, but these
are soon obliged to take refuge in Zamboanga. A rebellion in Joló
obliges its ruler to flee to Manila. In 1750 a new governor arrives
there, Francisco de Ovando; he finds much to do in making the little
navy of the islands effective and in equipping a squadron against
the Moros. He sends Alimudin back to his kingdom; but at Zamboanga
the sultan's actions are so indicative of treachery that he and all
his household are arrested and sent to Manila. War is then declared
against the Joloans, and another expedition is sent to attack them, but
the Spaniards are obliged to fall back on Zamboanga. This is followed
by piratical ravages throughout Filipinas, causing enormous losses of
property, and of persons taken captive by the Moros. Ovando sends the
captive Alimudin with a fleet to restore him to the throne of Joló; but
at Zamboanga he is suspected of disloyalty and treachery, and is sent
back to Manila as a prisoner. The Spaniards attack the town of Joló,
but are repulsed; this encourages the pirates to renew their raids,
and the Visayan Islands (and even Luzón) are cruelly harried. Ovando
is succeeded (1754) by Arandia as governor; he institutes reforms
in all directions, thus drawing upon himself much animosity, in both
secular and ecclesiastical quarters; and he makes treaties with the
Joloans. The Dominican missions are reestablished in the Batanes
Islands; and that order takes charge of the Isinay missions in Luzón,
which are conferred on it by the Augustinians. Zúñiga records his
opinions regarding the character of the Filipino natives and the
proper methods of conducting missions among them. In 1757 certain
ecclesiastical controversies in Tungquin are ended by decrees issued
at Rome. Arandia expels the heathen Chinese from the islands, and
builds for their trade the market of San Fernando. He becomes involved
in numerous controversies with the religious orders, and draws upon
himself much popular hatred--largely due to the acts of his favorite
Orendain. He makes the utmost exertions for the service of his king
and the islands, and finally, worn out by these fatigues, dies (May
31, 1759), an event probably hastened by poison. The government is
assumed by Bishop Espeleta, who even usurps it from Archbishop Rojo
for a time; but the latter becomes governor (1761) by royal decree. He
releases Orendain, who had been imprisoned for his official acts,
and provides comfortable quarters for the captive sultan of Joló. In
the following year occurs the siege and capture of Manila, which will
be related in VOL. XLIX.
Nearly half of this volume is occupied by the valuable memorial written
in 1765 by Francisco Leandro de Viana, then royal fiscal at Manila,
"Demonstration of the deplorably wretched state of the Philipinas
Islands." We are told that the Council of Indias refused to print this
document, a fact which indicates both the apathy and the corruption
existing in the Spanish court. Viana was a man of keen and logical
mind, clear and far vision, and great enthusiasm and energy; and he
evidently felt a deep sense of official responsibility and ardent zeal
as a Spanish patriot. In this memorial he describes the weakness,
danger, and almost destitution of the Philippine colony, and shows
the necessity of either abandoning it entirely or providing for it
suitable means of support; demonstrates that the latter course should
be adopted, and that it can be pursued if the natural resources of the
islands are developed. Viana sets forth the advantageous location of
the islands from both the commercial and strategic points of view,
and asserts that the English covet the islands as a vantage-point
for themselves, especially as a basis for their explorations on the
western coast of North America--of which, and of certain Spanish
explorations made in 1640, he gives some account--and for attacks on
the Spanish possessions in America. If Spain keeps the Philippines,
they must be put into a condition of defense, for which Viana makes
various suggestions, some as less costly alternatives for others. The
military forces of the islands should be enlarged, and the pay of
both officers and men increased, so that they may have the means to
support themselves decently. After this is accomplished, "the reduction
of all the Indian villages ought to be resolutely undertaken, as a
matter that is absolutely essential." This would result in a great
increase of the tribute-money, and in many benefits to both the
government and the Indian natives. Viana proposes an increase in the
rate of the tribute exacted from the natives, and various economies
in the administration of the islands; and urges that the Moros be
thoroughly punished. He devotes a long chapter to "arguments which
justify the increase of tributes." The expenses of administration in
the islands have steadily increased since their conquest, as also
have the needs of the Spanish crown; yet the Indians have not been
further taxed to meet these demands, as have the people of Spain;
they should now pay their share of the burden, and, moreover, they are
taxed very moderately. They are idle, improvident, and extravagant;
they might be rich, if they would labor even moderately; and an
increase in their tributes would require but little additional work
from them, which would also help to correct their slothfulness. This
vice, however, is also the bane of their Spanish masters, whom Viana
bitterly rebukes; but he urges that the Indians be compelled to do a
certain amount of work, especially in agricultural production. The
various rebellions of the natives of Filipinas constitute another
valid reason for increasing their tributes. Viana declares that, in
proposing this measure, he must at the same time protest against the
misuse or theft of its proceeds; and he rebukes, in scathing terms, the
recklessness, extravagance, and dishonesty of the Spanish officials,
and the unpunished corruption and misgovernment that prevail in Spain's
colonial administration. The increase of tributes can be secured only
by maintaining in the islands a military force sufficient to punish
and prevent the Moro raids, and to keep the Indians in wholesome awe;
and the alcaldes-mayor of the provinces should be more carefully chosen
and better paid. All military supplies should be kept at Cavite instead
of (as now) Manila. As an alternative for increasing the tributes,
Viana suggests the establishment of church tithes, by which the royal
treasury would be relieved of the heavy burden of supporting the
ecclesiastical estate; or the imposition on the Indians and mestizos
of a tax for the support of the military posts in the provinces.
Part ii of Viana's memorial is devoted to "navigation and commerce;
the method for establishing them in these islands, and their great
benefits." He begins by showing the necessity of navigation and
commerce for the maintenance of every nation, which he illustrates from
the history of the several European nations, deploring the neglect
of these industries by the Spaniards. The latter, notwithstanding
the contrary claim made by the Dutch, are free to navigate by way of
Cape of Good Hope; and all powers have an equal right to sail the
high seas. Viana enumerates the advantages of the Cape Good Hope
route for commerce--convenience, promptness, saving of expense, a
wider market for the commodities of both Spain and the Philippines,
better administration of the colony and stricter enforcement of the
laws. Moreover, the commerce of other European nations, especially that
with Mexico, could be greatly diminished, in favor of Spanish trade;
and the proceeds of the latter would remain among the Spaniards,
instead of being carried away to foreign lands and benefiting the
enemies of Spain. Viana here, as in many other passages, laments the
fatal indolence, negligence, and pride of his fellow-countrymen,
which have prevented them from securing, as they might have done,
the power and wealth which other nations have attained. He enumerates
the valuable products of the islands, which ought to be developed
and made available; chief among these are cinnamon and iron. Viana
sets forth his project for retrieving the condition of the islands
by establishing a Spanish trading company. He relates the great
success, power, and wealth gained by the trading companies of the
other nations; and urges that Spain follow their example, and thus
obtain a share of those benefits and gains. Not least of these will
be the awakening of the Spaniards, especially the upper classes,
to a more active and useful mode of life, banishing the ignorance,
idleness, and vice which are so prevalent among them. For this purpose,
appeal is made to the king to encourage and favor the formation of a
trading company. Viana advocates the establishment of shipyards in the
islands, and enumerates the resources of Filipinas for supporting this
industry. By establishing a Spanish company, many benefits could be
enjoyed by the provinces of Filipinas, especially in developing their
resources and furnishing employment to the natives; and many valuable
products of the islands are enumerated which ought to be included in
their commerce. An important advantage for Viana's proposed company
is the friendly attitude of the peoples throughout India toward the
Spaniards. He finds Manila's Asiatic commerce now reduced to that
with the Chinese ports; but it should be reestablished with India,
Siam, and other countries. Moreover, the proposed company can give
new life to the Acapulco trade, and compel the Mexican traders
to give fairer treatment and more advantageous sales to those of
Manila. Viana remonstrates against the restrictions imposed on the
commerce of the Spanish colonies, which really serve only to increase
the gains of foreigners. These restrictions are caused largely by
influences emanating from Cadiz and Acapulco; the arguments alleged
in favor of them are vigorously refuted by Viana. In his opinion,
it is the foreign merchants at Cadiz who are at the bottom of the
opposition to Manila's commerce; and they are obtaining control of
Spain's wealth, and causing much more injury to her industries than can
the little competition of Manila. Far greater is the damage caused by
the fraudulent dealings of foreign merchants who sell in Spain goods
from China as if they were made in European countries; and by the
commercial restrictions which prevent Spaniards from competing with
those foreigners. These injuries could largely be prevented by the
proposed Spanish trading company, which would also assure to Spain
various positive advantages; and Viana suggests for that company free
trade with Nueva España. No slight benefit resulting therefrom would
be the great diminution of the illicit trade which the foreign nations
are conducting in the Spanish-American dominions. Viana mentions the
difficulties which that company will encounter, and proposes some
measures to remedy these. One hindrance may be the jealousy of other
nations; but they will not unite against Spain, and, in case of war,
Holland and France would be inclined to side with her against the
English. The greatest difficulty, however, will be the opposition
of the Philippine officials of the crown to the company, which may
be a check to its activities; Viana cleverly proposes to forestall
this by entrusting to the company the government and management of
the islands, the crown making over to it the tributes and customs
duties. In the final chapter, he proposes to conduct the commerce
of Manila with Nueva España via the Panama route, in case that by
Cape Good Hope prove impracticable, and sets forth its advantages;
he suggests that for this purpose that route be improved, and perhaps
a canal be made between the two oceans; and closes with an appeal to
the Spanish government for aid to this project.
The Editors
January, 1907.
DOCUMENTS OF 1751-1762
Usurpation of Indian lands by friars. Fernando VI; November 7, 1751.
Moro raids repulsed by Visayans. [Unsigned; 1755]
Augustinian parishes and missions, 1760. Pedro Velasco, O.S.A.;
April 16, 1760.
Later Augustinian and Dominican missions. Antonio Mozo, O.S.A.;
1763. Bernardo Ustáriz, O.P.; 1745.
Events in Filipinas, 1739-1762. [Compiled from Martinez de Zúñiga
and other writers.]
Sources: The first of these documents is obtained from La
Democracia (Manila), November 25, 1901; the second, from a rare
pamphlet published at Manila (1755), in the possession of Edward
E. Ayer, Chicago; the third, from an original MS. in possession
of Mr. Ayer; the fourth, from Mozo's Noticia histórico natural
(Madrid, 1763), and a rare pamphlet by the Dominican Ustáriz, both
from copies in the Library of Congress; the fifth, compiled from
Zúñiga's Historia (Sampaloc, 1803), pp. 546-601, and Concepción's
Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 89-237, fully annotated from other
writers.
Translations: That of the third document is made by James Alexander
Robertson; all the rest, by Emma Helen Blair.
USURPATION OF INDIAN LANDS BY FRIARS
To the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia of the Filipinas
Islands, resident in the city of Manila: [1] Don Pedro Enriquez, an
auditor of that same Audiencia, made a report, with sworn statements
of his proceedings; of what he had done under the commission which
was conferred on him by the government there for the pacification of
the villages of Taguig, Hagonoy, Parañaque, Bacoor, Cavite el Viejo,
and other places attached to them which lie near that capital, all
which had revolted. [He reported that] they were pacified by merely
the proclamation of a general pardon (except to the chief instigators
of the revolt) which he published, and by the promise that their
complaints should be heard and justice done to them; but the village
of San Mateo also revolted, and he proceeded to its punishment and
left it in ruins, because the people had not surrendered their arms;
it was, however, already [re]peopled, with inhabitants who were more
numerous and of more peaceable disposition. A similar insurrection or
revolt occurred in most of the villages of the province of Bulacan,
and these, like the former, by an agreement which they had formed
by a public writing with the village of Silang protested, as they
afterward made evident in their petitions, against the injuries which
the Indians received from the managers of the estates which are owned
by the religious of St. Dominic and those of St. Augustine, both calced
and discalced--usurping the lands of the Indians, without leaving them
the freedom of the rivers for their fishing, or allowing them to cut
wood for their necessary use, or even to collect the wild fruits;
nor did they allow the natives to pasture on the hills near their
villages the carabaos which they used for agriculture. [2] Accordingly
[the said auditor] determined to free them from these oppressions, [3]
and decided that they should not pay various unjust taxes which the
managers exacted from them. Having proved to be capable in the other
task assigned him, he received a commission as subdelegate judge of
the adjustment of land-titles, in consequence of which he demanded
from the aforesaid religious orders the titles of ownership for the
lands which they possessed; and, notwithstanding the resistance that
they made to him, repeatedly refusing [to obey], he distributed to
the villages the lands which the orders had usurped, and all which
they held without legitimate cause [4] he declared to be crown lands
[realengas]--as occurred with the convent of San Pablo, belonging
to the calced religious of St. Augustine, assigning to it [i.e.,
the crown] a farm for horned cattle and two caballerías of land
which were supposed to belong to it, according to the testimony of
the village of San Mateo. He also took other measures which seemed
to him proper for the investigation of the fraudulent proceedings
in the measurement of the lands in the estate of Biñan, which is
owned by the religious of St. Dominic--fraud which was committed in
the year 1743 by the court clerk of that Audiencia [of Manila] with
notable fraud and trickery, in which participated the two surveyors
(appointed through ignorance or evil intent), to the grave injury of
the village of Silang. This had caused the disturbances, revolts, and
losses which had been experienced in the above-mentioned villages. The
aforesaid proceedings [by the auditor] were considered and examined
with the closest attention in my Council of the Indias, with the
decrees that were also sent by the Audiencia there in the course
of the proceedings in a second appeal interposed by the village of
Silang--decrees obtained in that suit by the natives of that village
against the college of Santo Tomas de Aquino, in regard to lands
usurped [from them] and annexed to the estate of Biñan, which the
religious own. On the subject of the disturbance among the aforesaid
Indians, Governor Don Gaspar de la Torre, his successor the bishop
of Nueva Segovia, and the provincials of the aforesaid religious
orders set forth the allegations made in the name of the orders by
father Fray Miguel Vivas as their procurator-general at this court,
and by Father Pedro Altamirano, who acts in that capacity for the
Society of Jesus for its provinces of the Indias (on the point that
the province of San Ignacio in those islands had no share in the
commotions in those villages, as was shown by various testimonies),
and the explanations made by my fiscal, who was cognizant of the
whole matter. It has therefore appeared expedient to me to advise
you of the receipt of your letters of July 30, 1745, and July 17,
1746, and of the acts which accompany them; and to notify you that
by a despatch of this date I approve, and regard as just and proper,
all that was performed by the aforesaid Don Pedro Calderon Enriquez
in virtue of the commission and appointment which was conferred
upon him by Governor Don Gaspar de la Torre by the advice of the
Audiencia there, in order that he might proceed to the pacification
of the insurgent villages in the jurisdictions of Silang, Imus and
San Nicolas, Cavite el Viejo, and the other districts which united on
account of the controversy over the ownership of the lands which the
religious--Dominicans, and both calced and discalced Augustinians--are
endeavoring to keep. I also give him thanks for the judicious conduct
and measures which he employed for the aforesaid pacification; and
I likewise approve what he accomplished as subdelegate judge of the
settlement of land-titles, in regard to the survey and boundaries
of the estates which, in accordance with their legitimate titles,
belong to each of those orders, in view of the more accurate and
reliable information [obtained] from the interpretations of the four
surveyors whom he appointed--the latter bearing in mind, to this end,
the measures put into execution by the auditor Ozaeta in the year 1699,
in accordance with the chart printed by the pilot Bueno, in his book
entitled Navegación especulativa y practica [5] [i.e., "Navigation,
theoretical and practical"] (which chart serves in those islands as
the standard for the surveys)--assigning to the aforesaid religious
that which belongs to them by their [legal] titles, which is the
same that was ordained in the executory decree despatched by the
Audiencia there. I also approve what he did in adjudging to my royal
crown the lands which the aforesaid religious orders had usurped, and
in allotting lands to the Indians for the sum of two thousand pesos,
at times and terms stipulated with them.
From the aforesaid investigations charges resulted against Don Juan
Monroy, court clerk of that Audiencia, who was engaged in the survey
and adjustment of boundaries made in those same lands of Biñan in
the year 1743--in which, by the declaration of the two surveyors
who took part in it, is evident their ignorance of such work, and
of the rules and measures [to be used]. Although [sc., after?] the
lands had been measured and a chart of the estates had been drawn, the
computations were made by the said Monroy, and the surveyors signed it,
supposing that it was correct; but it was acknowledged that in that
same year, later, another survey and adjustment of boundaries was
made by the aforesaid court clerk and one of the said surveyors on
some lands over which there were lawsuits--some, in particular, with
the religious of St. Augustine--in which survey there was assigned to
each cattle-farm 3,024,574 square brazas of land, this being different
from the previous survey, which was computed at 8,695,652 brazas. In
this was proved the fraud with which the said Monroy acted, in giving
to the said religious more than half of the land which belonged to
Silang. Accordingly, it has appeared to me proper to condemn him to
two years' suspension from his office, and to lay upon him a fine
of two thousand pesos, applied to the fund of fines paid into the
royal treasury; and for this exaction there is issued, on this same
date, the proper despatch to the Marqués de Regalía, a minister of
the said my Council and tribunal of the Indias, and exclusive judge
of rents, settlement of land-titles, and collection of fines and
condemnations. By another despatch of the same date, the government of
those islands is commanded to exercise hereafter the utmost vigilance
in order that the Indians of the said villages may not be molested
by the religious, and that the latter shall be kept in check in the
unjust acts which they may in future attempt against not only those
Indians but other natives of those islands. In this, the government
must always bear in mind the reiterated commands given in the laws
[of the empire], and the frequent royal decrees that have been issued,
to the end that the Indians shall be well treated and shall not suffer
oppression or extortion; and shall direct that my fiscal there shall
appear as their representative and in their defense on every occasion
which shall present itself in this regard. Considering how important
it is that the Indians shall know of the recourse which they can have
when they are oppressed or ill-treated, and in their controversies,
it would be very expedient that the government give them information
of this, so that they may not be ignorant thereof, and that they may
use these [peaceable] means without going to the extreme, as they
did on this occasion, by employing armed force. For this time, my
royal charity and clemency overlooks their proceedings, considering
their heedless disposition; but when they shall have been advised of
what they ought to do in such cases, and in others of a different
nature, if they fail to use those means they shall be chastised
with the utmost severity. I have resolved to notify you of this,
in order that you may be acquainted with this my royal decision,
and in order that, so far as you are concerned, you may make known
my decree; and I command the most prompt and effective measures,
to the end that it may be fully and duly carried into effect; for
such is my will. Dated at San Lorenzo, on November 7, 1751.
I the King
By command of the king our sovereign:
Doctor Josef Ignacio de Goyenechea
[Farther down on this decree were three rubricas of the lords of the
royal and supreme Council of the Indias.]
In the regular official session of the Audiencia of Manila,
in September, 1753. The honorable president and auditors of the
Audiencia, being in session in the royal halls of the said court,
having officially considered a royal decree dated at San Lorenzo on
November 7, 1751, by which his Majesty (whom may God preserve) was
pleased to approve what was done by the auditor Don Pedro Calderon
Enriquez in the pacification of the villages which had revolted,
and to command him to execute what is expressed therein, with the
other provisions of the said royal despatch and the claims of the
fiscal, the said president and auditors declare: That they must
command and did command that the orders given by his Majesty in
his royal despatch be observed, fulfilled, and executed; and, in
order that it may have due effect, the contents of the said royal
decree shall be communicated to the reverend provincials of the holy
orders of St. Dominic, St. Augustine, the Recollects, the Society
of Jesus, and to the prior of the convent of St. John of God, in
these islands. Attested copies of it shall be made, and sent to the
alcaldes-mayor of the provinces of these islands, in order that,
translating the decree into the language of the country, they may
print it [6] and make known its contents to the natives of the said
provinces, so that the Indians may be informed of what is provided and
ordered by his Majesty in the said royal decree--the alcaldes sending
to the [proper] official of the court a sworn statement that they have
thus executed the decree; and likewise notifying the clerk of court,
in order that, in virtue thereof, he may fulfil what is herein ordered
and forbear in the exercise of his office, and may appoint a notary
approved to his satisfaction so that he may be responsible for the
deposit of those papers and the record of these proceedings. Such
were the orders and commands of the said honorable members, and they
signed their names. [7]
Obando Licentiate Arzadun Calderon Enriquez
Before me:
Manuel de Antiquia, notary and secretary.
[This is a copy.]
MORO RAIDS REPULSED BY VISAYANS
Relation of the valorous defense of the Bisayan natives of the village
of Palompong, in the island of Leyte, of the province of Catbalogan,
in the Philipinas Islands, which they made against the Mahometan
forces of Ylanos and Malanaos, in the month of June, 1754.
On the ninth day of the above month, about five o'clock in the
afternoon, twenty-five Moro joangas came into this port of Palompong,
with another small vessel, and entered the harbor with so little
fear of being attacked by any armada that during the entire siege
they left their vessels [sacayanes], high and dry, as if they were in
their own land and enjoying an Octavian peace. At their arrival their
vessels displayed a great number of banners, streamers and pennons,
all of red silk; but they did not land until the following day,
at seven o'clock in the morning. So many of them landed that they
numbered more than a thousand, and so boldly that they immediately
surrounded and encompassed the church; and at the first attack they
succeeded in burning the sacristy (over which was the dwelling of the
father minister), notwithstanding it was defended with two bulwarks,
and fortified by two rows of palma brava and two other rows of wooden
palisades with a rampart. In this conflagration were destroyed all
the furniture of the church and the house there, as also the goods
of the people who had gone into the church; and the fire was so
fierce that it gave no opportunity to save two lantacas, two versos,
and the supplies that were stored there--gunpowder and balls, and
rice for the food of the people. These took refuge in the church in
great confusion and fear, at seeing themselves surrounded by so many
enemies, and trying to prevent the fire--which, notwithstanding that
the church was unroofed, had already caught on the ridgepole and
other timbers--from going further.
At the time when they burned the sacristy, the Moros made five trenches
very near the church, and immediately began to fire their artillery;
this consisted in lantacas of various sizes, and other pieces up to
the caliber of three-libra balls, as far as we could judge by the
balls which were picked up. Besides this, there were among them many
musketeers that were very skilful, and the rest occupied themselves
in hurling sumbilins and stones; and others threw a sort of wooden
bar, sharp at one end, and with fire on the other; this caused much
annoyance to the people, who, on account of the danger of fire,
were manifestly without any protection by day or by night.
On this first day there were three killed and five wounded on our
side, and all by balls, for there was no special harm done by the
rest of their missiles. Since the Moros were so numerous that they
could renew their forces, they fought so continuously that they gave
us no opportunity to rest night or day, so that some of our dead
could not be buried until after several days. At last the women,
besides providing some little food for the men, were continually
occupied in drawing water to extinguish the fire, and even putting
it out themselves, and in making wadding, cartouches, etc.
On the second day, which was Tuesday, we had two killed and five
wounded; for the balls rained on us, so that in some planks which
were placed on the parapet I counted as many as ten holes in each
one. Besides the continual fire from their trenches, the Moros made
two covers resembling tortoises, with two rows of planks, and under
these they steadily approached the two gates which communicate with
the sacristy. From the mouths of these they continually hurled fire,
pieces of wood, etc., in order to burn the repairs which were made
by those within, so that they could burn down the doors, in order to
fire afterward a cannon from under the said tortoises, and carry away
with it the entire church; but those inside frustrated the intention
of the enemy by continually throwing water and dirt [on the fire].
The Moros also made a bulwark, or cavalier, which overtopped the walls
of the church, and through Wednesday night and Thursday morning they
were pushing this close up to the church; but those inside, who by this
time had recovered from their fear and consternation, in the midst of
their total lack [of defenses], contrived to make a shelter of planks
on top of the church, from which to fire a lantaca. When this was seen
by the Moros, they desisted from pushing their machine close to the
church, but they began another piece of work which was worse; for,
as the side of the church was undefended after the burning of the two
bulwarks, and no one could put his head out of the window on account of
the furious rain of balls and bullets, the Moros stationed themselves
at the foot of the wall and began to place against it a great quantity
of wood, and whatever [fuel] the houses of the Indians supplied them,
and set fire to this at a time when a very brisk wind was blowing;
this carried the flames even within the church, and, notwithstanding
they incessantly threw water on the fire, many timbers were burned,
and the stone sills of the church were reduced to lime and ashes.
About this time they tried to scale the church on both sides, and a
Moro ascended up to a window; but he was thrown down by a blow in
the face which was given him, and his companions who were beneath
were put to flight by throwing at them pieces of stone. At this the
Moros were somewhat checked; and, seeing that on the side where they
had made their greatest efforts to possess themselves of the church,
repairs in proportion had been made within, they erected on the other
side of the church two more bulwarks or cavaliers, which were higher
than the first one. As fast as this was done, those within topped their
walls with a parapet of molave planks; when they saw this the courage
of the Moros fell somewhat, and the Christians were so much encouraged
that on the following day (the fifteenth of the month and the fifth of
the blockade) they made a sally, scorning the firearms of the enemies,
especially the guns, of which those within were entirely destitute.
In this sally the captain of the village killed a Moro with a
lance-thrust, and the rest took to flight. A drum and three shields
were captured from them, but the Christians did not dare to go very
far for fear of some ambush. On retreating, and trying to enter by
a very narrow gate, the Moros charged upon them with a shower of
sumbilins, and a shot from a lantaca at a distance of four brazas,
when the unconquerable St. Xavier so well defended his children that
not even one of them was wounded. On another day those within again
made a sally, and the Moros did not dare to face them; consequently
the Christians were able to destroy their machines. They again made
a sally on Monday, but not only did the Moros refuse to fight, but
even in haste dragged out their boats, which were still on dry land;
and vigorously rowing, with some of their boats flying a black flag,
they quietly left the harbor, directing their course toward Carigara.
As for the Moros, it is known with certainty that those slain in this
siege are forty-six who were shot, and three killed with sumbilins;
and one from a lance-thrust. The number wounded is not known, nor is
that of those who were killed at night, but certainly it would be
a great number, because their fiercest attacks were always made at
night; and as there were so many of them, and on our side a continual
fire of lantacas with almost marvelous success in their shots, we
do not doubt that a much greater number would be killed by night
than by day. It is certain that after the Moros had gone all these
shores were full of corpses; and it is known by captives who made
their escape that the Moros, after they had gone away, proceeded to
throw many of the wounded into the waters of the bay. It is also known
through the captives that the Moros, astonished at such destruction,
asked not only each other but the captives how it could be that
in Hilongos, which is a large village, they had lost so few men,
and in Palompong, so small a village, they had lost so many. Besides
those who were killed and wounded by the gunshots, it is known that
many were wounded by certain poisoned darts which they call borot,
[8] and doubtless many were rendered useless by their wounds.
Throughout this siege has been manifestly visible the power and
protection of St. Francis Xavier, the patron of the village; it is not
the least argument for this with me that this people in the absence
of the father minister--who everywhere is usually the soul of the
community, and whose presence is more necessary here on account of the
disunited condition of the natives, who, as forming a new village,
are of various factions, with continual jealousies--nevertheless
could be encouraged to enter the church, when it is a fact that,
left to themselves, they have a sort of aversion and horror of being
shut in. Another evidence is, that in the burning of the sacristy God
in His lofty judgments permitted that the fire, although so fierce,
was not communicated to the church; nor did it cause in those people
the horror which usually impels them irresistibly to flee even from
less dangerous fires. The third, that inside the church water was
obtained with such facility that throughout the blockade it was not
lacking, although they were continually drawing it in order to put
out the fire; while in the deepest old wells, on an occasion when
they were making repairs, I have noticed that the water failed many
times. And for stronger evidence that it did not fail in the time
of the siege (although it was a time of drought), after the siege,
although it rained heavily, I did not see any water in the five wells
which they made inside the church. Fourth, that although in the fire
there were hardly saved, in the judgment of all, some twenty cavans
of rice, that scanty provision was sufficient for one hundred and
thirty-five men, and some two hundred women and children, during
the nine days of the siege. Fifth, that although in the said fire
hardly four gantas, or zelemins, of gunpowder were saved, and the
fire of the lantacas was continual by day and night, that supply was
enough for the same number of days; for several persons have assured
me that on three successive days there was not in their opinion more
powder than enough for one day, and on the next day the amount that
had been used was not missed. The sixth, that the Bisayans, who when
left to themselves are so given to sleep, did not sleep an instant
throughout the time of the siege. Seventh, that although they saw the
wounded and dead beside them it made no greater impression on them
than if it were a representation in a comedy. Eighth, when many of
those who talked most valiantly had decided, in view of the lack of
provisions and gunpowder, to leave the place and flee to the woods,
on three successive nights, when they tried after prayers to open a
door, they could never succeed in opening it before daylight. In this
determination to go away many of the women were ready to die rather
than surrender themselves to such a rabble, and on this account they
had been armed in order that, by defending themselves, they might
more easily meet death; and there was a man who had determined to kill
his wife and children rather than see them in the power of enemies so
cruel to soul and body. Notwithstanding all this, they never failed
in the strong hope that their illustrious patron, St. Francis Xavier,
would not abandon them. He was continually invoked, and his image was
carried in procession by those who were not occupied with the defense;
and this confidence increased on Friday (a day which so belonged to
that saint), because on that day the face of St. Xavier's image was
seen to be very smiling and joyous, a certain omen of victory. Greater
than ever was their confidence in the saint's protection on Sunday,
when, although their provisions were so short and the enemy was seen
in every direction, all believed that on the next day before noon
they would find themselves free from the siege, for the very reason
that it seemed impossible for them to maintain their position any
longer. They asked this from their glorious patron with a promise
of a novenary; and the saint made full response to their confidence,
delivering his children from the siege on Monday morning.
With the departure of the Moros, the people were left in great
anxiety whether they would come back, as they were wont to do; for
there was absolutely nothing to eat, and no place in which to find
food, because the Moros had gone about ravaging and destroying all
the grain-fields that they found. The people therefore are entirely
destitute, suffering terribly from hunger, and without having any
means with which to find food. For neither cotton, nor abaca, nor
woven cloth were left for the women; and the men, besides seeing
their grain-fields and boats destroyed, had no implements with which
to cultivate the earth, or to fish in the sea.
Of those who fled to the hills there were seventeen captured and nine
slain, and there was one Moro killed. The Moros were on the march and
went as far as the vicinity of Ogmuc, following the Christians who
were retreating. Finally, it is known by the captives who escaped that
the chief dato went away from here wounded in the face with a ball,
and their chief pandita was dying from a wound in his bowels.
Particular relation should be made of this valorous defense for being
distinguished and aided, as is evident from its occurrences, by the
powerful arm of the Highest; and therefore the glorious defenses of
other villages which, with warning to the Moros, are celebrating
the triumph of their bravery, I will reduce to a brief summary,
which will thus make the memory of these eternal, without wearying
the public with a diffuse account of their circumstances.
In the month of February of this year, the Moros, elated at the
destruction of some little villages on that coast of the island
[of Leyte] opposite Carigara, attacked the important village of
Hilongos. There were some two thousand of them, and they besieged the
place for eleven days; but the natives of the village, encouraged by
the presence and advice of their father minister, who was with them,
made various sallies to hinder the formation of the enemy's trenches;
and they repulsed his assaults with the death of many Mahometans,
without losing even one of our men in so frequent encounters.
In the month of May of the same year, four joangas made port at the
island of Marinduque, with more than two thousand Moros, and for a
week they besieged the little fort of the village of Gazang, which was
defended by its natives from repeated assaults, under the judicious
management of their courageous father minister; and the Mahometans,
not carrying out their depraved intentions, smothered their fury,
ravaging and sacking whatever they found outside the precincts of the
said fort. During the continual fighting of those days, the Moros
had more than ninety killed, and many more were wounded; while on
our side there was no more than one killed, and another one wounded.
The Moros who went away unsuccessful from Marinduque sent eight joangas
to the island of Luban, where they landed thinking that they would find
very little resistance; but the father cura and the alcalde-mayor, with
a few people who hastily gathered about them, defended themselves from
behind a palisade which they had formed, with so notable intrepidity
that with only the firearms of the alcalde-mayor they killed seven
Moros; and, sallying from the trenches, they fell upon the enemies
until they compelled them to a shameful flight.
A squadron of more than twenty joangas of the Mahometans almost at
the same time attacked the village of Antiqui in the island of Panay;
but they experienced a vigorous resistance from its inhabitants,
which originated from the fiery spirit and persuasions of their
father prior. The same thing happened to another squadron of the
same or greater number in the island of Cuyo, the natives of which,
with their father prior, not only defended themselves in their fort,
but in a glorious sortie on the Moros--who were terrified, as was
proved by the weapons and armor which the Indians secured as spoil.
Twice was the village of Ylog, the chief town on the island of Negros,
attacked by thirty joangas of Moros, but on both occasions their
designs were frustrated, with notable loss to their hosts; this was
attained through the noble intrepidity of the natives, urged on by
the fiery courage and direction of their father minister; and the
Moros, seeing themselves attacked by the besieged, left several of
their companions lying on the ground in the haste and confusion with
which they embarked in their joangas, the moorings of which they cut
in order to hasten their flight.
On the twenty-fifth of July, the day of the illustrious patron of the
Spains, St. James the apostle, fifty boat-loads of Moros arrived at
the important village of Catbalogan, and, divided into two bands,
attacked the village on both sides. One of these parties gained
possession of a high hill from which their lantacas dominated the
fort, in which was enclosed the house and church of the [Jesuit]
college; the other party attacked on the side of the village, and
for a week the rest of the Moros hurled on it continual attacks; but
all these were repelled with singular courage. The Moros therefore,
many of them having perished with their dato, the chief in command
of the squadron, withdrew the rest of their forces, making the boast
that they would return with a stronger force to avenge their injuries.
The Moros then proceeded to the village of Calviga, which is situated
on the same coast up the river, about half a legua from the shore,
where some three hundred of them landed. These, on leaving their
vessels, marched toward the village, regarding themselves as certain
of taking it; but the natives, by the instruction of their father
minister, waited for the enemy until they came within range of a
cannon-shot. Thus they secured the effective fire of their lantacas,
with which they killed fifteen Moros; and this alone was enough to
make the enemy turn in precipitate flight. From here they went to
the village of Boad, which was on an island near by called Palasan;
and although they besieged it for three days, with redoubled efforts
in their assaults, when they saw the vigorous resistance that was
made by the natives and their father minister they retreated, balked
in their intentions.
About the month of September, in the province of Albay the Moros
found their arrogance defeated by the union which was formed among the
natives in three villages, under the conduct of an ardent Franciscan;
and by main force the natives compelled the enemy to go away from the
province, rebuffed. Last of all, the two villages Ynitao and Lubungan,
on the northern coast of the island Mindanao, especially experienced
the fierce attacks of the Mahometans on four occasions, when they
sustained continuous assaults, repulsing them with vigorous sallies,
and inflicting heavy punishment, with evident losses, on the Moros. [9]
By this brief narration it is clearly proved that, although these
favorable results have not preserved the villages from the ravaging
of their fields and other injuries, at least their inhabitants were
delivered from slavery; [10] while, on the contrary, those who through
cowardice did not make valorous resistance to the Mahometan enemy have
not only lost their goods, but they groan in captivity, unless they
have been delivered by the victorious arms of his Majesty. And thus
the natives of this archipelago, arousing their own courage by the
fortunate successes of their countrymen, can take example therefrom
in order to avoid misfortunes in the future. [11]
AUGUSTINIAN PARISHES AND MISSIONS, 1760
Report of the villages, tributes, those exempted by age and sickness,
unmarried men and girls, schools for boys and girls, infants, missions,
catechumens, and those newly baptized, of the provinces and ministries
of the Order of our father St. Augustine, in these Philipinas Islands,
this present year of 1760.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
Provinces | Villages | Tributes of men and women
| | | Exempt
| | | | Young men
| | | | | Young women
| | | | | | Escolapios [12]
| | | | | | | Young children
| | | | | | | |
Spaniards,
| | | | | | | | men and
| | | | | | | | women
-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------
Tondo |Tondo |1,810 | 500| 450| 868| 1,400| 1,904| 35
|Passig |1,520 | 490| 400| 600| 1,310| 1,450| 0
|Taguiig | 700 | 308| 204| 310| 600| 702| 3
|Parañaque |1,025 | 330| 300| 400| 820| 1,090| 6
|Malate | 512 | 162| 135| 200| 416| 640| 2
|Tambobong |1,650 | 500| 510| 650| 1,130| 1,710| 12
|-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------
| Total |7,217 |2,290|1,999|3,028| 5,676| 7,496| 58
-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------
Bulacan |Bulacan |1,250 | 380| 450| 580| 1,000| 1,150| 12
|Guiguintô | 300 | 52| 80| 100| 125| 280| 0
|Bigaa | 450 | 146| 162| 200| 350| 600| 0
|Angat | 622 | 160| 220| 316| 502| 916| 2
|Baliuag |1,000 | 317| 372| 500| 910| 1,320| 0
|Quingua | 800 | 290| 310| 346| 614| 1,192| 1
|Calumpit | 550 | 140| 150| 210| 300| 718| 0
|Hagonoy | 750 | 240| 300| 390| 630| 1,030| 0
|Paombong | 250 | 70| 60| 90| 110| 250| 0
|Malolos |1,300 | 425| 520| 625| 1,000| 1,154| 0
|-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------
| Total |7,272 |2,220|2,624|3,357| 5,541| 8,610| 15
-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------
Balayan |Taal | 800 | 106| 250| 410| 612| 1,025| 0
|Bauang |1,225 | 150| 310| 600| 1,010| 1,212| 0
|Batangas |1,200 | 150| 350| 600| 1,100| 1,210| 6
|Lipa | 650 | 150| 200| 300| 525| 680| 0
|Tiyauong | 350 | 134| 120| 118| 200| 230| 0
|San Pablo | 850 | 140| 200| 420| 750| 892| 0
|Tanauan | 420 | 70| 100| 190| 300| 512| 6
|-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------
| Total |5,495 | 900|1,630|2,638| 4,497| 5,761| 12
-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------
Pampanga |Macabebe | 855 | 322| 150| 200| 550| 810| 4
|Minalin | 760 | 300| 200| 351| 563| 850| 0
|Sesmoan | 254 | 62| 70| 85| 80| 270| 0
|Lubao | 520 | 160| 130| 210| 400| 525| 9
|Uauâ | 680 | 250| 160| 302| 550| 560| 18
|Betis | 260 | 61| 80| 88| 90| 270| 0
|Santa Rita | | | | | | |
| y Porac | 420 | 80| 91| 102| 150| 370| 0
|Bacolor |1,150 | 400| 504| 510| 220| 1,300| 40
|San | | | | | | |
| Fernando | 525 | 150| 128| 200| 350| 625| 2
|Mexico |1,100 | 315| 230| 504| 1,006| 1,500| 4
|Pinpin | 500 | 140| 120| 200| 312| 532| 0
|Arayat | 800 | 309| 200| 290| 525| 850| 0
|Magalang | 300 | 70| 90| 100| 105| 312| 1
|Tarlac | 410 | 60| 116| 134| 220| 513| 1
|San Joseph | 150 | 20| 32| 44| 80| 200| 0
|Tayug | 62 | 16| 20| 25| 30| 64| 0
|Santor | 555 | 106| 100| 130| 258| 340| 0
|Gapang | 660 | 202| 140| 180| 465| 684| 0
-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------------
Ylocos |Namacpacan | 1,020| 230| 211| 358| 590| 1,114| 0
|Bangar | 700| 212| 130| 254| 307| 595| 0
|Candong | 600| 162| 124| 214| 368| 585| 0
|Narbacan | 1,150| 260| 110| 326| 515| 1,119| 0
|Santa | | | | | | |
Catharina | 818| 210| 162| 228| 480| 910| 0
|Bantay | 830| 208| 162| 300| 500| 930| 0
|Magsingal | 855| 183| 154| 257| 483| 663| 4
|Cabugao | 1,125| 332| 246| 359| 754| 1,140| 0
|Sinait | 495| 110| 115| 200| 398| 612| 0
|Badoc | 558| 120| 140| 204| 390| 589| 0
|Pauay | 1,560| 418| 500| 690| 1,004| 1,515| 0
|Batac | 1,780| 506| 512| 790| 1,102| 1,655| 35
|San | | | | | | |
| Nicolas | 825| 208| 180| 400| 610| 920| 0
|Ylauag | 2,250| 400| 710|1,125| 1,550| 2,310| 0
|Sarrat | 480| 75| 102| 224| 237| 508| 0
|Dingras | 800| 240| 196| 248| 25| 801| 0
|Bacarra | 1,125| 251| 203| 401| 892| 1,151| 2
|Bangui | 312| 36| 46| 74| 102| 347| 0
|-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------------
| Total |17,283|4,151|4,001|6,652| 7,707|17,464| 41
-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------
Zebu |San Nicolas| 700| 56| 103| 154| 392| 726| 0
|Argao | 225| 300| 325| 506| 925| 1,136| 0
|Bolohon | 650| 90| 170| 214| 354| 630| 0
|Opon | 790| 104| 164| 259| 448| 770| 0
|Cabcar | 500| 75| 100| 190| 301| 532| 0
+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------
| Total | 2,865| 625| 862|1,323| 2,420| 3,794| 0
-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------
Yloylo |Oton | 1,000| 164| 203| 298| 998| 1,000| 0
|Alimodian | 1,490| 125| 656| 780| 1,309| 1,050| 0
|Maasin | 1,390| 380| 268| 340| 1,100| 1,200| 0
|Matagub | 825| 108| 203| 260| 752| 834| 0
|Tigbauan | 1,260| 398| 360| 594| 916| 1,300| 0
|Guimbal | 1,280| 209| 230| 386| 910| 1,050| 0
|Miagao | 1,325| 309| 400| 602| 932| 1,125| 0
|Antique | 990| 180| 295| 358| 510| 890| 0
|Sibalon | 930| 260| 239| 420| 519| 990| 0
|Bugason | 1,200| 302| 410| 660| 925| 1,150| 0
|Xaro | 1,271| 320| 410| 625| 1,004| 1,261| 14
|Dumangas | 724| 142| 157| 209| 604| 767| 4
|Anilao | 430| 75| 90| 130| 140| 344| 0
|Camando | 1,230| 465| 274| 446| 750| 922| 0
|Cabatuan | 1,780| 502| 750|1,050| 1,213| 1,942| 0
|Pototan | 1,050| 280| 310| 518| 861| 1,200| 0
|Laglag | 800| 200| 284| 391| 500| 709| 0
|Lambunao | 772| 182| 204| 310| 435| 719| 0
|Passi | 622| 128| 193| 248| 301| 583| 0
|Ygbaras | 550| 103| 155| 243| 258| 495| 0
+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------
|Total[13] |20,889|5,132|5,991|8,868|14,937|19,976| 18
-----------+-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------
Panay |Panay | 1,019| 350| 375| 496| 784| 847| 3
|Capis | 730| 182| 200| 343| 402| 654| 16
|Dumalag | 1,080| 223| 350| 589| 703| 994| 3
|Dumarao | 750| 220| 266| 422| 451| 730| 0
|-----------+------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+-----------
| Total | 3,579| 975|1,191|1,850| 2,340| 3,225| 22
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
General summary of all the classes contained in this table
-----------------------------------------------------------------
The above provinces
|Tributes of men and women
| |Exempted, by age and infirmity
| | |Young men
| | | |Young women
| | | | |Escolapios
| | | | | |Young children
| | | | | | |Spaniards,
| | | | | | | men and
| | | | | | | women
-----------+-------------+------+------+------+------+-----------
Tondo | 7,217| 2,290| 1,999| 3,028| 5,676| 7,296| 58
Bulacan | 7,272| 2,220| 2,624| 3,357| 4,541| 8,610| 15
Balayan | 5,495| 900| 1,630| 2,638| 4,497| 5,761| 12
Pampanga |10,451| 7,615| 3,087| 4,399| 8,361|13,297| 100
Pangasinan | 3,064| 725| 541| 843| 1,568| 3,001| 0
Ylocos |17,283| 4,151| 4,001| 6,652| 7,707|17,464| 41
Zebu | 2,865| 625| 862| 1,323| 2,420| 3,794| 0
Yloylo |20,889| 5,132| 5,991| 8,868|14,937|19,976| 18
Panay | 3,579| 975| 1,191| 1,850| 2,340| 3,225| 22
|------+------+------+------+------+------+-----------
Total |78,115|24,633|21,926|32,958|52,047|82,424| 266
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Missions of various nations belonging to the province of Pampanga
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Villages | Tribes | New Christians|Catechumens
| | of both sexes |
----------------------------+--------+---------------+-------------
Mission of Magalang y Tarlac|Zambals | 85 | 82
Mission of Tayug |Igorrots| 343 | 60
Visita of Lupao |Balugas | 62 | 20
Mission of Santor |Balugas | 24 | 40
+--------+---------------+-------------
| Total | 514 | 202
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Missions of Igorrots and Tingyans belonging to the province of Ylocos
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Villages | Tribes | New Christians|Catechumens
| | of both sexes |
-------------------------------+--------+---------------+-------------
Village of Santiago |Tingyans| 352 | 200
Village of San Augustin de Bana|Tingyans| 85 | 50
Territory of Batac |Tingyans| 11 | 20
Territory of Narbacan |Igorrots| 5 | 12
Territory of Candon |Igorrots| 35 | 39
Territory of Bangar |Igorrots| 79 | 33
Territory of Namacpacan |Igorrots| 12 | 30
Territory of Agoo |Igorrots| 12 | 9
Territory of Iringay |Igorrots| 0 | 20
Territory of Bauan |Igorrots| 3 | 5
Territory of Magsingal |Tingyans| 6 | 4
Territory of Bacarra |Apayos | 5 | 4
+--------+---------------+-------------
| Total | 605 | 426
----------------------------------------------------------------------
[Missions in] China
----------------------------------------------------------------------
| New Christians| Catechumens
| of both sexes |
----------------------------------------+---------------+-------------
Missions of China in various villages of| |
that extensive empire | 680 | 800
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Total summary of the classes included in this table reduced to persons
[Notice is given that in the total of tributes it must be understood
that each single whole tribute means two persons; and thus it will
be noted in the figures. The total is as set forth below.]
Tributes 156,230
Exempt 24,633
Young men 21,926
Young women 32,958
Escolapios 52,047
Young children 82,424
Spaniards, men and women 266
Missions of these islands 1,693
Missions of China 1,480
-------
Total 373,663
I, Master Fray Pedro Velasco, provincial of this province of Santísimo
Nombre de Jesus of Philipinas of the Order of the Hermits of our
father St. Augustine, certify that the lists of villages and souls
contained in this table and which are administered by the religious
of this said province, are set forth truly; and in order that this
may be suitably evident, I have affixed my signature in this convent
of Tondo, on April sixteenth, one thousand seven hundred and sixty.
Fray Pedro Velasco, provincial of St. Augustine.
LATER AUGUSTINIAN AND DOMINICAN MISSIONS
AUGUSTINIAN MISSIONS
[The following account of Augustinian missions in the first half
of the eighteenth century is translated from Antonio Mozo's Noticia
histórico natural (Madrid, 1763). [14] It is presented partly in full,
and partly in synopsis, preferring for the former such parts as are
of ethnological interest.]
CHAPTER I
In which account is given of the progress of the mission to the
Italons, from the year 1700 to the present time.
After we had been able to reduce to our holy faith two tribes who
dwelt at the summits of the most rugged mountains in the province of
Pampanga, the Caraclans and Buquids, and from them had been formed
three villages--Santor and Bongabon, quite populous; and Pantabangan,
of smaller numbers, and lying more within the mountains [15]--this
gate being now opened so that we could proceed further, it only needed
that we should have the courage to do so. For at the first step were
encountered two contiguous tribes: the Italons, a people fierce, brave,
and bold; and the Abacas, who are somewhat less so. The religious
therefore feared that those people, to judge from their ferocious
natures, would without doubt tear them to pieces at the very outset,
without even listening to them; and for this very reason they greatly
dreaded to set foot within the territory of those tribes. While we
were in these straits, our provincial then being our father reader
Fray Francisco Zamora, about the year 1702 he selected for this purpose
father Fray Antolin de Arzaga, [16] whose virtue and ardor he knew well
from experience, and entrusted to him this enterprise, as dangerous
as difficult. [This gospel pioneer went out, equipped with what was
necessary for administering the sacraments and with some trinkets to
give the natives, "and with no other arms than his confidence in God."]
[On August 16, 1702, a letter from Father Arzaga to his superior gave
account of his progress thus far; it was written from Pantabangan,
which is "distant from Santor eight leguas by a very difficult
road." From the latter village he sent a message, by the hands of four
chiefs, to the chief of Lublub, who came out to meet him with forty
infidels; but the father finally persuaded them to let him enter
their village, where he exhorted and instructed them, receiving an
attentive hearing. "This village [i.e., Lublub] has about one hundred
and fifty persons; it is distant from this one [of Pantabangan] four
leguas to the east, by an uneven road. This Italon tribe consists of
fifty-six villages (so far as I have yet ascertained), which lie on
the shores of two deep rivers, toward the north. They have a general
language which is entirely separate from those of Tagalos and Pampanga;
they have well-kept villages, with high houses. They take great care
of their fields, and keep their grain in tambobos, or granaries, thus
anticipating times of sterility and sickness. The fishing, as also the
hunting, is abundant and good; the climate is temperate; and there are
many open plains, beautiful to see. The people are kindly, but very
warlike and of courageous dispositions; they are quite ingenious, and
are hospitable. They understand that there is a God, and that He is in
heaven, caring for all whom He creates--to whom they offer sacrifices,
only when they make agreements of peace--and that there is no other
God than He. They say that He rewards the good and punishes the bad,
but they do not know in what manner; and they admit that they have
immortal souls. They make a contract of marriage with one wife only,
which lasts until death; they do not allow concubinage; and they do not
marry their relatives. They observe the truth well; and, what is more,
they desire to be Christians." [17] Certain "bad Christians" have told
these Italons that the Spaniards are trying to load them with tributes
and take away their liberty; therefore they are waiting to make their
decision, and fifteen of them, accompanied by an Augustinian religious,
are carrying Arzaga's letter to Manila. He continues:]
"The Abaca tribe consists of ten villages, divided into two
jurisdictions, one of which belongs to this village and contains six
villages toward the north, extending, as they have told me, to the
boundaries of the Igorrots. Twenty-two persons in the first village,
called Diama, came to visit me as soon as I arrived here; having
explained to them some mysteries of our holy faith, they returned to
their own village. I visited them there, and they received me thus:
They had placed a tall cross at the entrance of their jurisdiction,
and from that place to the village they had cleared the roads, which
are very bad, adorning them with arches up to the front of the house
in which they lodged me; and there they had built another cross, even
taller. This village is distant a legua and a half [from Pantabangan],
and from it the gate is open for the entire Italon and Abaca tribes;
it has wars with the Italons in regard to certain murders. I conferred
with them about their making peace [with those villages], and their
learning the truth which our holy faith teaches. They listened
attentively to what I said to them; and, in conclusion, we made an
agreement that they will at once become Christians and make peace. They
ask that I catechize them, build a church, and baptize them. They are
almost of the same type as the Italons; but some of them have several
wives, and this is not so liberal a people as the former one. This
village [of Diama] contains over a hundred persons; they speak a
different language, for which reason it is necessary that there be a
minister who can learn it, and devote himself to their instruction,
for I am studying the Italon tongue. What I state to your Reverence
is, that a minister is needed whom we can consult about some cases
which are presenting themselves here; for it is very discouraging
to act in the midst of scruples, in matters of conscience. What your
Reverence shall ordain will be in every way most just.
"The second jurisdiction of this people pertains to Caranglan, to which
I went with the determination to visit the four remaining villages;
for father Fray Francisco de la Maza wrote to me from Itui that two of
those villages desired to be converted, and were asking for a minister
of our order, on account of being in our jurisdiction. I asked about
this in Caranglan, and they said that it was true as regards one of
them, which is an important village and is already Christian; and in
the other village there are many persons who are Christians, although
for lack of a minister they are going without administration. These
two villages are a half-day's journey from Caranglan, by a bad road,
and one is contiguous to Itui, on the western side. There are many
rivers to be crossed; and, as these were filled by a storm which
caught me at Caranglan, I could not cross them, although I waited a
week. One Abaca has continued forty years in apostasy; he asks that
I will reconcile him with the church, and baptize his wife and three
children, and I am instructing them in order to do this. I am sending
away the Italons [with this letter], and tomorrow the Indian who went
to Manila will come, to go with me to the Abaca villages; we will do
what is possible there, until the coming of another minister. When
he shall come, I will go on to the Italons who are further up [the
river]; they tell me that it will require two months, only to go to
the villages. I have information that they desire to see a father, and
to be Christians; this was furnished to me by Nicolàs de los Santos,
who has been among these people; and he has done and is doing much
good to their souls. He is my constant companion in my journeys, and
serves me in everything; I earnestly commend him to your Reverence."
[The Italons who carried this letter to Manila were received with
great kindness by Governor Zabalburu; and on their return they were
accompanied by the minister for whom Arzaga had asked, for which post
was selected his uncle, Fray Balthasar de Santa Maria Isisigana, [18]
who went as superior of that mission. The two entered upon its labors
with indefatigable zeal and energy, and on December 28, 1702, Isisigana
sent in an encouraging report of what they had accomplished. Arzaga
had already built a church at a place four leguas from Pantabangan,
which he dedicated to St. Thomas de Villanueva; and Isisigana writes
that they have just erected another at San Agustin, and built a
house for the minister, while at Santo Christo de Burgos, about six
leguas distant from this, the timber is already being cut for another
church and convent. Most of the people, whether adults or children,
desire to embrace the Catholic faith; and the missionaries go about,
surrounded by the children, who sing and dance with joy. In building
the church of San Agustin, the fathers were aided by thirty infidels
from another village, one and one-half leguas distant, who came
of their own accord, simply because they had heard that a church
was being erected there. Fray Arzaga went to the upper Italons,
by wretched roads; he went on foot from Pantabangan to Tablayàn,
the first Italon village, about eighteen leguas. Many natives
visited him there; he desired to go farther, but was attacked with
an illness which almost proved mortal, and was obliged to return to
Pantabangan. The chief of Tablayan, with his family, accompanied him
thither; and they were ready to build him a church and house at once,
if he could have remained with them. The missionaries asked for cattle
from Manila, and the provincial sent them two hundred and twenty. As
they grew skilled in the native dialects, they were able to extend
their labors further, and they baptized many people from the tribes
in that region, Abaca, Italon, and Irapi; and by 1704 they had formed
several villages and erected five churches. The fruits of their zeal,
and those gathered by other Augustinian missionaries in the islands,
are shown by a certificate given to the governor in that year by the
provincial of the order, which reads as follows:]
"I, Fray Juan Bautista de Olarte, pensioned lecturer in sacred
theology, provincial of the province of Santissimo Nombre de Jesus
of the hermits of our father St. Augustine, do certify that, from
the eighth day of October, 1702, until the twentieth of May in this
present year, the two missionary religious of the said my order
who were employed in the conversion of the natives in the Italon and
Abaca tribes, who dwell in the mountains of Pantabangàn and Caranglàn,
[19] have founded five villages, to wit: Santo Tomàs de Villanueva,
which is composed of eighty families; Santo Christo de Burgos, one
hundred families; San Agustin, one hundred and sixty; San Pablo,
one hundred and forty; San Joseph, seventy families. They all have
accepted the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the holy sacrament of
baptism has been administered to four hundred and seventy-nine persons,
all adults, who are instructed and taught in the Christian doctrine
and the mysteries of our holy faith; and those who at present are
being catechized and instructed for baptism number more than eight
hundred persons.
"I also certify that in the said mountains of Pantabangàn and Caranglàn
dwell the tribes called Igorrots, Irapis, and Sinay, and others,
which contain a great number of natives who live in their pagan
state; and that the Italon tribe alone contains fifty-six villages,
all infidels, who have offered to become Christians when they shall
have ministers who can teach them and preach the religion of our Lord
Jesus Christ; and that the said missionaries of my order are employed
in this ministry.
"I also certify that the minister of my order who serves in the
villages of Tarlac, Magalan, and Bucsi, Zambal villages in the province
of Pampanga, has catechized and baptized, from the year 1702 up to
May 20 of this present year, fifty-eight adults, all of whom have
come down from the mountains of the said villages.
"I also certify that the minister who serves in the village of Pórac
in the said province of Pampanga has catechized, instructed, and
baptized, in the missions which he has carried on in the mountains
of the said village during the said two years, twenty-six natives
among the blacks who dwell in that neighborhood.
"I also certify that the religious of the said my order who serve
in the villages of Agoò, Bavang, and Bacnotan in the province of
Pangasinan have converted to our holy faith, and instructed and
baptized, in the period of two years twenty-six natives from the
tribe called Igorrots, who dwell in the said mountains.
"I also certify that the ministers who serve in the province of
Ilocos have in the period of two years converted to our holy faith and
baptized one hundred and fifty-six natives from the infidel Tinguians
who are in and belong to the said province, and live in its mountains
and hills.
"I also certify that the minister for the village of Antique in
the province of Octong has in his charge and care the islets which
are called Cagayàn, and has labored for seven years to convert the
natives inhabiting them to our holy faith. Having gone thither to
visit the Christians, in the past year of 1703, he gave instruction
in the Christian doctrine and the mysteries of our holy faith to
forty-four adults, and baptized them, with others, who were the
children of Christian parents; and he heard the confessions of all the
old Christians, for he remained in that mission four months. In the
said province of Ogtòn, the religious who are ministers at Guimbal,
Tigbavan, and Xaro have converted to our holy faith and baptized
thirty-six adults, on various occasions when they have gone into the
mountains in their respective jurisdictions. That there has not been
a greater increase [in the number of conversions] not only in this
province, but in those of Pampanga, Pangasinan, and Ilocos, is [due
to] the lack of religious ministers; for those in my province are not
enough for even the maintenance of the villages and Christians who
are in their charge. And in order that these things may be evident
in the proper place, I give the present at the demand and order of
the captain-general of these islands, and president of the royal
Audiencia, Don Domingo Zabalburu; it is dated at this royal convent
of San Pablo at Manila, on the twenty-sixth day of May, in the year
one thousand seven hundred and four.
Fray Juan Bautista Olarte, provincial."
[So great was the zeal of Arzaga and Isisigana that they devoted
themselves to seeking out the heathen among those wild mountains,
enduring privations, exposure, and sufferings, until the health of
both was broken down. Arzaga was again attacked by a sickness which
prostrated him, and died in 1707; his uncle held out three years
longer, and was then called in from the field, in order to recruit
his strength, but he was never able to return to his labors, and died
in 1716, in the convent of Vava. [20] In their place was sent to this
mission field Fray Alexandro Cacho, [21] in zeal and courage a worthy
successor to them. He succeeded in converting a chief named Dinalavang,
dreaded as well as renowned for his fierce and warlike disposition and
for his skill in all military exercises; also a sister of this man,
as valiant and dextrous as he, baptized as Doña Maria. Mozo gives an
interesting account of the fierce and cruel practices of these savage
tribes (whom he compares to the Huns), "which more than once I have
rebuked, when I have been among those people." "If they succeed in
killing a person they try to drink his blood; and, cutting off pieces
of his lungs, together with the testicles [22] and other parts, they
also draw out the entrails, and then divide these among themselves and
eat them raw--not only to make themselves terrible, but also because
they say it is a powerful medicine for exciting courage, fierceness,
and fortitude in their battles. They also cut off the head, and carry
it away in order to celebrate their festivals, with great gluttony and
carousing, [filling the skull] with a sort of wine which they make from
sugarcane and call ilang. Afterward, they take the grinders and teeth
and set these in the hilts of their cutlasses; and, as a consequence,
there is hardly any one in this tribe or in the Ibilaos whose cutlass
is not adorned with many teeth of those whom he has killed, or who
has not in his hut a collection of the skulls from human heads--this
very thing inspiring them with greater courage when they fight, in the
same way as it happened, as Virgil sings, to Æneas when he saw on his
antagonist Turnus the scarf of his beloved Pallas. So these people,
when they see the teeth of their own tribesmen on the sword-hilts
of their opponents, fling themselves upon the latter like mad dogs;
and from this may be readily inferred what degree of ferocity and
barbarism theirs must be, and what sort of hardships and labors it
will cost to free them from the power of the demon.... They greatly
dislike arrogance in their neighbors; and they likewise abhor every
sorcerer and wizard, a motive which makes them treat without mercy
any one of these whom they seize, cutting him to pieces with their
knives; and even at their feasts, and in the superstitious rites
which they practice, they utter a thousand execrations against such
persons, hurling at them a thousand curses, and swearing that they
will not spare any one of them who may fall into their hands, [an
oath] which they fulfil exactly." Mozo describes the secret raids
made by these people against their enemies, marching at night and
attacking a defenseless village at daybreak; and he accuses them
of aiding their ordinary weapons with a diabolical practice--"they
throw into a hole in some creek a root and herbs which they carry,
provided [for this purpose], and, by their using various magic spells
which the demon has taught to them, so violent a wind is raised,
and a tempest of rain, that with the noise thus caused they are not
observed, and likewise are better protected from the villages against
which they march." He adds, "I do not relate fables;" and states that
he has several times endeavored to restrain them from this devilish
proceeding. Sometimes, he says, the proceedings are reversed, and
the aggressors are, in their turn, surprised by those whom they
have attacked, who then take revenge upon them. Mozo relates how,
on one occasion, a hostile band of heathen attacked some Christians,
and captured a loaded musket, its match still lighted; they examined
it carefully, and, while handling it, incautiously let the match fall
on the priming. The gun was discharged, killing some and crippling
others of the group crowded around it; the survivors fled in terror,
but afterward returned to the spot, and with a cord dragged the gun
to their village and buried it in the ground. Learning that its owner
lived in Bongabon, they immediately rated the people of that village
as sorcerers, who had placed a powerful magic in the gun; and for more
than fifty years they taught their children, as soon as the latter
could speak, to avoid the dwellers in Bongabon as dangerous sorcerers.]
CHAPTER II
The glorious triumphs among the Isinay and adjoining tribes are related
In the wild and impenetrable mountain ranges which extend to the
northeast and north, and separate the provinces of Pampanga and Nueva
Segovia, there are various tribes who have almost the same customs
as those of the Abaca and Ibilaos; one of these is the one called
Isinay. [23] To them, and to the adjacent tribes, the fervent zeal
of the fathers belonging to the illustrious Order of St. Dominic [24]
had been directed, years before; but they found so much stubbornness,
violence, and cruelty that--after immense labors, and having been
in danger of losing their lives--they were not able to secure the
conversion of one of those people to our holy faith. For this reason
the fathers were obliged to withdraw from them, seeing that they were
wasting time without having any result, or even the hope of it. [The
Augustinian Cacho took up this task, and went on foot among those wild
mountains and wilder savages; at first they repulsed him, and even
tried to kill him, but finally his perseverance and patience softened
their hard hearts, and they were willing to listen to him.] From the
year 1715 until 1723, he was able to found four new villages of the
Isinay people, not to mention many others besides, from other tribes,
whom he baptized, and who united themselves with the other villages
previously mentioned. Finally, continuing unweariedly in his holy
task, and enduring the hardships which may be guessed, by the year
1738 he had come to the end of baptizing and converting the entire
Isinay tribe, with a large part of other tribes, whom he settled
in different villages. All these, thoroughly subdued and tamed,
baptized, and established in a well civilized mode of life, the
[Augustinian] province surrendered to the holy Order of St. Dominic,
with churches, dwellings for the religious, the sacred vessels,
and the other ornaments of the sacristy, because that of our father
St. Augustine found that it had many missions for which to care, and
not religious enough for all. This surrender was made in the year 1740
[25] preceding the permission of the governor and examination by the
judge whom he appointed for that task. The latter recorded a judicial
inventory of everything that was surrendered, and even copied from
the baptismal registers the numbers of the persons baptized, that
these matters might be evident for all time; and at the same time
he made a judicial investigation, showing who those were who began
to evangelize the said tribes--from which it appeared that when our
religious began their labors there, there was not any Christian in
those places. This surrender being accomplished, then, our religious
withdrew to their other missions, in which there are fifteen villages
which have been formed since the year 1702, at which time that mission
was commenced for the aforesaid places. In these glorious triumphs,
those who attained greatest eminence and were most fortunate in
winning souls, next to the three religious [already named], sons of
this province of Castilla, were: our father Fray Vicente Ibarra,
[26] who afterward was provincial; the father definitor Fray Juan
Velloxin, a most guileless man, full of virtue, and unwearied in
labors; the father Fray Diego Nogueròl, who is still living, and has
been definitor--all these three from this province of Castilla--and
the father commissary Fray Joseph Gonzalez, a son of the province of
Philipinas; also others, whom, in order not to be tedious, I omit.
[News of this change reached Spain in 1742, and the general public
impression was that the aforesaid conversions had been accomplished
by the Dominican fathers. At the representations of the Augustinian
procurator at Madrid, the king issued a decree (dated December 19,
1742), approving and confirming the transfer made to the Dominicans,
setting forth the facts in the case and giving the credit for these
labors to the Augustinians. In the rehearsal of their achievements
various interesting facts are stated. The people of Ituy were formerly
called Isinay, a name given to them by the Italons. The first three
Augustinian missionaries baptized, from the year 1715 to 1723, six
hundred and ninety-five persons of all ages among these Ituis, not
counting many others who were being prepared for baptism. Of these
converts they formed four villages with their churches: Bujay (the
chief village), Pigpig, Marian, and Canan. In this and the Italon
mission they baptized in that period three thousand, four hundred
and thirteen persons. In 1723 the order applied to the governor
for further aid; he sent Auditor Pabón to inspect the missions,
whose report led to the appointment of three more missionaries
there, their stipends paid from the royal treasury. The eighteen
Isinay villages had been reduced to nine [27] by the missionaries;
all of these contained church buildings, and most of them convents;
and the people were considerably civilized. The missionaries had
provided them with beasts of burden, and with "all the rest that was
necessary for the cultivation of their grain-fields." Through the
efforts of these missionaries, in conjunction with the Dominicans,
a road was constructed from Pampanga to Cagayan; [28] and another,
from Pangasinan to Paniqui, was opened by the Dominicans, in which they
were aided greatly by the Augustinians. The eighteen Italon villages,
with two others, were reduced to fifteen: within the mountains, Puncàn,
Caranglan, San Miguèl, Santa Rita, Bolo, Pantabangan, San Juan, and
Santo Thomàs; in the valleys, Tayog, Umingan, Lupào, San Joseph,
Palosapes (or Urorin), San Agustin, and Santa Monica. Perhaps the
greatest among the Augustinian missionaries was Alexandro Cacho,
who died in 1745. After him came Fray Agustin Barriocanal, [29]
a man of great zeal, who formed a village called Ambayavan; in the
flower of his youth he was drowned while trying to ford a swollen
stream (June 5, 1747). Another noted missionary was Pedro Freyre;
he converted eighty families in the Jumangi tribe, and gathered
them into a village, with their own church; and he converted great
numbers from the Italon, Abaca, Ibilao, Irapi, and Ilongot tribes,
and even some of the blacks (Negritos). Mozo cites their labors in
order to show that the missionary spirit was then even more active
and aspiring than in the early days of the conquest; and confirms
it by describing the mode of life of these mountain tribes, and the
consequent difficulties in missionary labor among them, saying:]
The tribes converted by the early missionaries were more civilized,
dwelt on the plains, and had a more orderly mode of life, sowing grain
and gathering enough for their support; but these of whom we speak,
besides being rough in their behavior, hardly know any tillage of
the soil, living generally by hunting. Their mode of cultivating what
little they plant is as follows: They first clear some little piece
of ground from the brush and weeds on it, with their knives (which
resemble those which the butchers use); then with the point of the
knife they make holes in the ground, in rows, and throw into each
a few grains of seed; they know no other plow, or any other thing
which might serve as one, for which reason the harvest that they
gather is always very small. They do the same for any planting of
sugarcane which they make--from which, when the cane is mature, they
press out the juice and make wine for drinking at their feasts; after
cutting out of the soil the grass to the roots, they make little holes
in it, and then thrust into these the shoots from the mature canes
which they had cut. For this reason, and because it is necessary to
provide means by which those who are converted may obtain a suitable
support, so that for lack of this they may not go wandering about,
as soon as we begin to confer baptism we endeavor to find animals
and other necessaries for the cultivation of the land--the religious
being often the first one who begins to plow and sow, directing them
in this way, so that they may learn how to do it. The same thing
occurs with reaping. They do not use sickles, but go on picking the
grain spike by spike; and, as there is so little of it, they soon
end their task. But, now that they are taught to plow, it is also
necessary to teach them to cut and winnow the grain; and this is done,
the religious being the ones who commence it, in order that the people
may imitate them--in which the work alone is for them, as they give
up all the fruit of it for the benefit of the said barbarians. [The
missionaries also had to contend with the attachment of the savages
to their mountains, for they abhorred the life on the plains. One
reason was, their dread of the smallpox, which never entered the
mountains, because these savage dwellers there instituted a strict
quarantine--closing up the roads and paths with logs and brushwood,
and sending out the declaration that they would immediately kill any
one who dared to enter their territory. Another reason was, that the
hotter climate of the plains did not agree with them. Accordingly,
in order not to exasperate them, no further effort was made to change
their dwellings, and the religious continued to labor among them in
the midst of a thousand trials and hardships.]
CHAPTER III
Missions of the provinces of Ilocos and Pangasinan in general
[Mozo states that the two provinces of Pampanga and Pangasinan were so
populous that, "of those whom our forefathers converted in these two
provinces alone are counted more than one hundred and fifty thousand
souls--who, settled in villages, and maintained in a very civilized
and Christian society, hold their own on the frontier of the infidels;
for their territory allows them no alternative, shut in on one side
by the sea, and on the other by very rugged mountains."]
Four very noted tribes, three of them very extensive and populous,
the fourth of more restricted territory and containing fewer souls--in
which last the enemy [of souls], strongly fortified, has resisted
for long ages--have been the aim to which the zeal and fervor of the
evangelical ministers have been directed. The said tribes dwell among
mountain ranges that are very extensive, lofty, and rugged--which,
stretching from the province of Pampanga and bordering that of
Pangasinan, run throughout Ilocos, through a space, with bends and
turns, of about a hundred leguas. [30] The first of these tribes is
called Igolot, and, corrupting the letters, they are wont to call
it Igorrot; their territory occupies about thirty leguas, from the
confines of Pampanga to those of the province of Ilocos. Contiguous
to this tribe is another which is called Tinggian, not less numerous;
and it extends for a distance of about forty leguas along the same
mountains, even trenching upon the province of Ilocos. Then comes
another, called Apayao, [31] extending about thirty leguas, which
consists of many thousands of souls; and at one side dwell another
tribe, called Adang, which has fewer people, but, for the very reason
that they find themselves less powerful, they have their dwellings
in places almost inaccessible--maintaining (as do the three others)
their own different dialect. Of the said four tribes, the first
and third are to a great degree cruel and barbarous; but the second
and third, although sufficiently obstinate, are more tractable. It
is said that the Igolot tribe are a caste of those Chinese who
had come over with the pirate Limahon to conquer those islands;
and, being conquered, he escaped with those whom he could gather,
those who could taking refuge in these mountains, in which they have
multiplied exceedingly. Besides the reasons which favor this opinion,
it is apparently confirmed by their appearance; for, although they go
about naked, and are subjected to every inclemency of the weather,
they nevertheless greatly resemble the Chinese in the light color
and gracefulness of their bodies, especially in the eyes, in which
there is a close likeness between them. Their fierceness and cruelty
is unequaled; their only desire is to take captives, in order to
have slaves for their service, and, when they have enough of these,
to kill whomever they encounter. For this reason, without a strong
escort one cannot pass, except with great danger, through the upper
part of those mountains; and even the villages are so infested with
them that as a precaution they always keep some men armed to resist
these marauders--at night stationing a sentinel with his drum, who
is changed during the daytime--throughout that mountain range. And
because in every place our natives (especially if they are away from
the village) are so harassed by the Igolots, therefore when they go to
sow their grain or gather their crops they erect high sentry-posts,
from which they can see if the enemy are coming; and those who work
keep the sickle in one hand and a weapon in the other--as we are told
of the Israelites when in the time of Esdras they were building the
walls of Jerusalem.... And even when they do this, they are not safe
from the fury of these savages. Such was the ferocity of this tribe,
in which they continued until the past year of 1755, and in such
manner did they try the patience of all those villages.
The tribe adjoining this one, called Tingguian, are more gentle and
more industrious, and maintain a much more civilized condition,
because they have much intercourse with the Christians in whose
vicinity they live; and for the same reason they are more open to
the teachings of the religious. And although so far as concerns the
acceptance of baptism they have continued very obstinate, for many
years refusing to allow a religious to live among them, yet always
it has been a very satisfactory harvest [of souls] which annually
has been gathered and united with the Christians, as may be seen by
the certificate of the reverend father provincial which is presented
above; speaking of the Tingguians, he states that in only two years one
hundred and fifty-six infidels had been converted to our holy faith
by the religious of the villages near by--which has always been the
fact, sometimes more and sometimes fewer. With such a drop of comfort
as this, the ministers were consoled--who, not finding any hindrance
in going from time to time to visit those savages, went in and out,
carried away by their holy zeal. And although, when the fathers talked
to them about our holy law, they would reply that the time for it had
not yet come for them, nor was it possible to overcome their caprices
by any arguments, nevertheless there was always one person here, or
another there, who was made ready to receive the heavenly influences.
The third tribe, which is the one called Apayao, not only does
not remain behind the Igolot in cruelty, bloodthirstiness, and
barbarism, but in a great degree surpasses it. For not only are
its men continually going about, placing a thousand ambushes in the
roads, in order to exercise their rage on the wretches who have the
misfortune to fall into their hands, without sparing any person, no
matter of what rank or condition he may be; but they have, besides,
a specially barbaric custom and cruel superstition at the funerals
and obsequies of their chiefs and other persons whom they respect,
in every way very similar to that which for many centuries the Greeks
practiced at the death of their heroes, and other persons of rank,
before and after the so celebrated destruction of Troya. [Here Mozo
makes a long digression regarding the customs of the ancient Greeks and
Romans in killing slaves or other people at the death of a prominent
person.] These [Apayao] barbarians, then, are wont to celebrate the
funerals and obsequies of their dead, although not promiscuously of
all, but only those of their chiefs and other persons to whom they
pay respect; and because they believe that the shades [manes] of the
deceased take delight in human blood, they endeavor to give them this
pleasure by killing people--a greater or less number, according to
the station of the dead man. To do so, they avail themselves only
of those whom they capture for this purpose, and these they go out
to seek with great diligence, as soon as the dying man has ceased
to breathe. In order that they may not lack these captives, they
assemble a considerable number of men, and, some taking one road and
some another, they go down from the mountains well armed, and, hiding
in the brushwood near the roads, they wait very silently for some
passers-by; and, as soon as they discover such persons, they attack
them with great fury, and kill them with their javelins on the very
spot. This done, the assailants cut off their heads, and laden with
these (leaving the bodies there) they carry them to their own dead,
and place the heads about him. After this they celebrate their sort
of banquet, at which they eat and drink like beasts; and when this is
finished they complete the burial. Placing in the tomb some portion of
food and drink, they bury the corpse with those heads, being greatly
pleased and satisfied at having pleased the shades of their dead,
and believing that through this whatever they may undertake will have
a prosperous issue.
[Mozo recalls the scanty results of missionary work among these savage
tribes in the early days. "In the year 1660, when Don Diego de Salcedo
was governor of these islands, two religious escorted by some soldiers
entered the territory of the Igorrots, and in a place called Cayam
[32] they established a small military post with a church, which
they dedicated to the archangel St. Michael; and from this place
they began with apostolic zeal to preach to those tribes the holy
name of God, but the harvest of souls which they could obtain was
exceedingly small...." A little while after the said religious had
made this entrance, the soldiers became sick through the insalubrity
of the region, and the barbarians threatened to cut them into pieces
if they did not immediately go away from that place. Accordingly, not
having sufficient force to resist, the fathers were obliged to yield to
this opposition, and retired with much sadness, taking with them such
persons as they had baptized. From that time until recent years, none
of the various attempts to found a mission there had been successful,
although occasional converts were made among those tribes. Among the
Apayaos and Tingguians also this experience was repeated; only within
recent years had they allowed the religious to labor among them,
a few, however, being converted by missionaries in villages near them.]
CHAPTER IV
The missions of Ilocos, in especial
[The missionaries who most zealously and successfully labored in this
field were: Fray Joseph Herice, Fray Jacinto Rivera, Fray Nicolàs
Fabro, and Fray Manuel Madariaga. [33] The first-named established
this mission in 1720; he formed a village of his converts, the first
thus established among the Adang tribe, another having been made among
the Apayaos, which was called Vera [i.e., Vira?]. The infidels named
Father Herice "the hunter of souls." He labored among them twenty-two
years, dying in 1742; and three years later Father Rivera followed him,
after gaining considerable extension for this mission.]
CHAPTER V
The mission to the Tingguians
[Father Fabro labored in this mission also, and formed a village of
converts which he called San Juan; by the year 1750, it contained
more than a thousand souls. This missionary labored indefatigably,
and much exposure and hardship finally crippled him; Fray Madariaga
came to his aid, and, although his health was not good, he accomplished
wonders. In 1736 he formed a village at Dingras, naming it Santiago;
his death occurred in 1744. In 1753 two other Tingguian villages
were newly formed--one three leguas from Santiago, further within
the mountains; and another, four leguas from this. In that same year,
Father Juan Solorzano was sent to this mission; he was most zealous
and useful, and forgetful of self, so much so that within the first
year he contracted a fever, as the result of exposure, which ended
his life in four days.]
CHAPTER VI
The mission to the Igolot tribe in especial
[Mozo refers to what he has already mentioned, that these barbarians
would not allow the missionaries to settle in their country, but
that some of them became converted through the labors of outside
missionaries. They were not disturbed by this, however, but rather
were pleased, because their relatives or friends who had removed to
Christian villages were thus able to supply them with articles of
comfort or luxury which they themselves had not--"blankets, which
they wrap around them when there is some cold weather, in the time of
north winds; wine; hogs and cattle, of whose flesh they are very fond,
and use it continually in their feasts and banquets." Through this
commerce, also, the missionaries find opportunity to reach some of
the heathen, and thus secure occasional conversions. Mozo describes
a barbarous custom of theirs: "It is a usage among these people not
to give burial to any of their dead, especially if he was a chief,
until whatever he may have left has been consumed in gluttony and
carousing among his relatives and others belonging to him; with some
chiefs this is commonly no small amount, because in the rivers there
some gold is found, and all the people endeavor to obtain it for their
chiefs. For, expending for cattle, hogs, rice, and wine whatever the
dead man possessed of this sort, they make enormous bonfires about the
corpse, which they lay in the ground; and having killed the animals,
they thrust them just as they are--with hair, hides, and entrails--into
the said bonfires, and thus prepare barbecues [34] which are savory to
their taste. Afterward, beginning to dance around the corpse, they keep
this up night and day, one set giving place to another. [35] They eat
and drink frequently; and if any one is inclined to sleep he squats on
his haunches, with his head resting on his knees, and needs no other
bed. Thus they remain, ten, fifteen, or twenty days with the corpse,
without interring it; and, even when it emits a stench and swarms with
maggots, it does not drive them away. They reserve some gold and some
food, which afterward they inter with the deceased, so that he may
have it, as they say, for his journey." In 1747 the Augustinian Fray
Francisco Cordova (who had been the associate of Cacho) was sent to
Agoo, on the frontier of the Igolots, and soon secured their good-will,
although they long refused to allow him to live among them. Finally,
after seven years of this apparently unfruitful labor, a miraculous
change occurred. During the visitation of the provincial--then Fray
Manuel Carrillo, accompanied by Mozo as his secretary--while he was
conferring with Cordova at Aringay, five chiefs came down from the
mountains, and asked Carrillo to send missionaries among them. He sent
a deputation of them to Manila to ask this favor from the governor;
who received them most graciously, and granted whatever they asked;
they were instructed in the faith and baptized while in Manila, and
returned to their tribe, who eagerly sought baptism also. Cordova
[36] was made superior of the new mission, with Fray Francisco Romero
and Fray Pedro Vivar as his assistants; they built two churches,
and baptized many hundreds of the people. In other Igolot villages,
missions were also conducted by Fray Carlos de Horta, Fray Joseph
Torres, and Fray Juan Sanchez.]
CHAPTER VII
Missions to the Zambals
Along the provinces of Pangasinan and Pampanga, fronting their
western side, there dwells another tribe, which they call Zambal,
no less fierce than those already mentioned, and exceeding them in
boldness. They are continually assaulting travelers, and they take
their greatest pleasure in killing. So continual are their descents
from the mountains to infest the said roads that it is only with great
peril that one can cross from one province to the other without an
escort; and even then many mishaps occur frequently; for these bandits
lie hidden in the thickets and ravines at the sides of the road, and,
when one of them gives a yell, all discharge their arrows, in the
management of which they are very skilful; and, felling to the ground
those whom they can reach, they cut off the heads of these, and carry
them away in order to celebrate their feasts. They are also wont to
approach the villages by night, and in hiding to wait for any person
who strays from the rest and leaves the village early; then they do the
same with him, be his rank what it may; afterward they take the skull
of the slain man's head and use it for a drinking-vessel, in the same
manner as did the Scythians, as Ravisius Textor and Plinius relate.
This tribe obtain their living generally from the hunting of deer, wild
swine and buffaloes, and from the honey produced by the innumerable
bees which are in those extensive forests and shut-in mountains. They
are accustomed also to plant certain potatoes, which here we call
Malagan potatoes, and there are named camote, the seed of which,
with the name, was carried [thither] from Nueva España; but they
care little for the said planting, because without any work of their
own the Author of Nature provides them with a kind of wild palm,
so useful and profitable that this tree alone admirably displays the
wisdom of its Creator--for what it spontaneously yields is a thing to
cause astonishment, and would even be incredible to one who did not
see it. [Mozo here cites several authors regarding the uses of the
palm in other countries, but says, "all this is nothing compared to
the palms which we are going to describe; accordingly, for the praise
of the Creator, I am going to give a full account of the said tree,"
which he accordingly does. The palm referred to is the buri, [37] or
sago-palm; its farinaceous product is called yoro in Pampangan, and
in Tagálog sagu. He describes the native method of fire-making among
these people, as follows: "They take two splinters of a kind of bamboo,
very thick and tall, which grows in abundance throughout the forests
there, and along the creeks; and, scraping the outer surface of one of
these a little with a knife, they make tinder of the shavings. Then
they make a notch in the splinter with which they must rub the other
one; and, placing on its outside that which serves for tinder, they
make the other splinter firm, placing it on edge against some tree,
first paring its upper edge thin, like a knife-blade. This done, with
the other and notched splinter (and the tinder filling the notch)
they begin, holding it flat, to rub the lower one very hard. In
less than two minutes it begins to smoke, and is fully kindled;
they breathe upon it to raise a flame, and, feeding this with dry
leaves, grass, and little sticks, in a very short time they make
a fierce blaze." [38] Mozo also describes some vegetable medicines
used by the natives. Among these wild people were sent missionaries,
Fray Gonzalo de Salazar and others; these form villages with their
converts--"Magalang, Tarlac, Bucsic, and Panlinlan, in which there
are more than seven hundred families, as appears from the original
register, made in the past year of 1759, of which I have a legal
copy." In 1728, Fray Juan Velloxin formed the village of Tunàs;
and in 1755 Fray Sebastian Morono established those of Pandolan,
Garlit, San Miguèl, and another one. Besides these, many converts
removed their residence to other Christian villages. Mozo notices,
as a curious phenomenon, that among these Zambals are certain persons
who are immune to the bites of poisonous animals and insects--as
he thinks, because of some quality of their "humors," or of their
physical conditions; he cites therefor Pliny and other writers, and
various instances of which he has known personally. He also describes
the cure of these poisonous bites by sucking out the poison, which
act (as also the person who does it) is called, in Pampangan, tavac;
but the ability to accomplish this he ascribes to some peculiarity
of temperament or physique on the part of the healer.]
CHAPTER VIII
Missions to the Balugas, [39] or Aetas
Besides the aforesaid missions, the province maintains another,
scattered through all the islands, to a class of people who, it is
believed (and with no small reason), were in olden times the masters
of the entire land. One of the grounds for this belief is, that in all
the islands (which are very many) these people maintain an identical
language, and different from those of all the other peoples among
whom they live; while the other natives of each island have a language
different [from those spoken in other islands], and even in some places
(as is evident throughout all this treatise) are encountered at every
turn different dialects in the same island. Another argument is drawn
from the similarity which there is between the peoples of those islands
and the Malayos, and even in their respective languages--these Malayos
are natives of Maluco, and are quite energetic and warlike--excepting
the people of whom we now speak. From this it has been inferred that
these blacks ruled that country; and that the said Malayos, coming to
it and subduing its former masters, compelled them to retire to the
bush and the mountain heights, abandoning the rest of the country to
the conquerors.
These people of whom we speak are very dark in color, not black
like those of Angola; neither have they thick lips, or curly and
short hair, like them. But their color is a brownish or pallid
[descolorido] black, their hair like that of a mulatto; their lips
are not thick; many of them are very corpulent, and all have large
abdomens, and generally both men and women appear feeble. All go
naked, with no other covering than a long strip like a narrow sash,
with which, tied round the waist and drawn between the legs, the
men cover their private parts; while the women wear a sort of apron,
which covers them behind and before as far as the knees. Both sexes
make these coverings from the bark of a tree which they call balete;
stripping off its bark, which is very smooth and flexible, they place
it in water, afterward beating it in order to loosen the outer layer;
then washing and drying it, it remains of the color and softness of a
chamois-skin, although it is thin. They keep this on until it wears
out, and when they can no longer use it they repair to the shop in
the grove, to look for another in their storehouse.
The nature and peculiarities of these Balugas are described by the
reverend father, former provincial of the Philipinas, our father Fray
Vicente Ibarra, in the report of the missions which he made to the
governor of those islands, Don Fernando Valdés Tamon, in the year
1738. He says, then, speaking of these people: "The third mission
which is in these mountains is very arduous, not so much on account
of the toilsome roads as because the people have less intellect than
[any other that] is known in these islands; for this reason it has
not been possible to introduce them into any civilization, although
those who are baptized are numerous. Their maintenance in the faith
is so difficult that it cannot easily be explained after the no small
expenses that are incurred; for all the time while the ministers are
devoting themselves to their instruction it is necessary to support
the fathers, furnishing to them rice, meat, wine, and tobacco, along
with some trinkets for the women and children. For those people have
neither house nor fields, nor any furniture save the bow and arrow
and some heavy knives [machetes], with which they are continually
seeking their food, without reserving anything for another day."
[Mozo adds other information, acquired during his residence of three
years among the Negritos; but precedes it by various citations from
learned authors. Returning to his subject, he says:]
They have their own territory, within which they go about in bands
and from which they never go out; but they do not have any fixed
dwelling-place in it, for they remain a short time in one place
hunting, and afterward they remove therefrom four or five leguas
away. In whatever place they arrive, they make their hut in an
instant with four rough sticks, and with a sort of grass, very long
and flexible, with which the country abounds, which they call ilib,
[40] or with the leaves of palms--with which and with the stakes
they form their huts (which resemble those of the vineyard-keepers),
in which with a piece of wood and some dry grass, [41] which they are
sure to find about the entrance, they forthwith have bed and pillows,
and all that they need for sleep. They live entirely in common,
and therefore when they capture any deer or wild swine (by hunting
which they live) they immediately share it equally--except the head
and neck, which parts they set aside for the dogs that they have,
who start the said game.
Each band, usually containing twenty-five to thirty persons, goes by
itself, with one man to whom the rest pay respect, generally the one
who is most daring and valiant. In the summer they go down to live
on the banks of the streams, seeking the fresh air; but in times of
rain, or when the north winds blow hard, they huddle together in the
thickets, so dense that the wind hardly enters them. If one of them
dies, as soon as he expires they bury him in a very shallow grave;
and then they take to flight, in order that death may not seize
another person and carry him away, as they say. When the time for
[gathering] honeycombs arrives--and the stores of honey which the bees
[42] gather in those dense forests are without limit--they are busy in
searching for these; and if they come across a honey-tree the person
who finds it immediately makes a mark on the trunk of the tree, and
possesses it as securely as if he had it in his own house. For, even if
another person goes there and finds it, when he sees the mark he says:
"This tree already has an owner," and therefore he goes on. Afterward,
they go at a convenient time, and, waiting until there is no wind,
so that the smoke may not be prevented from rising perpendicularly,
they make a fire [under the tree]; and, the bees being scared away,
men climb the tree, carrying a sort of sling, strongly made from a
palm-leaf, very broad, [from the tree] which they call anao. [43]
They take out the comb entire, with wax and all, placing it in this
receptacle; and then tie it together and carry it down. They eat
the honey, and sell the wax in order to buy tobacco for smoking,
without which they cannot pass the time. So long as such people have
their tobacco, their bows and arrows, their half-cutlass, and their
outfit for striking fire, they do not desire anything else--money, or
clothing, or lands--neither do they envy any person for anything. They
shoot arrows with the greatest dexterity, and will pierce a deer with
one from side to side in his most rapid flight. When they have food
they eat it in a barbarous manner; but if on account of bad weather
they have not been able to obtain any game, they boil water and drink
it, and compress their bellies with cords. They are also accustomed to
dig in the ground and search for a root called sucbao, [44] with which,
when it is roasted, they can subsist, although in summer they never
lack fruits in the woods. They are always happy, and keep themselves
plump and contented; and among them are persons who are quite old.
I frankly confess that, in the midst of the sorrow that was occasioned
in me by the extreme barbarism and mental stupidity of this people
when I knew by experience their mode of life, at the same time not
only were presented before me those golden ages, so celebrated,
of which Ovid treats at length in his Metamorphoses, Cicero in his
Aratus, Lactantius Firmianus in his Institutiones, and Seneca in his
Epistolæ, but I also saw how true is that Epicurean maxim, which,
distinguishing human necessities, says, Naturales necessitates satiari
pene nihilo. To which Pythocles adds, Si vis hominem divitem facere,
non pecuniæ adjice, sed cupiditatibus detrahe. [45] It is worth while
to see the said people going about naked, without house or shelter,
without land, and even without desire for it, yet living contented,
happy, plump, and satisfied; without having any anxieties beyond
that of searching for enough to get through the day with--which, as
it is but little, they soon provide from what is yielded by nature
in those mountains.... Again I say that their mode of life arouses
my admiration, and that if they were enlightened by our holy faith,
and were enduring for God's sake the sufferings that they experience, I
believe that not even the most austere monk of the Thebaid could equal
them. It is, however, true that they avail themselves of the "bill
of divorce," although before marriage a false step is hardly heard
of among them; and that in some districts they are cruel and murderous.
[Mozo here makes observations on various medicinal plants,
which he found by actual experience or observation to be highly
efficacious. Among these are two roots which these natives used
in cases of parturition--one to facilitate the birth, the other to
cleanse and strengthen the mother's system; the woman was able to
go out from her hut, carrying her infant, within one day, or even a
few hours. Seeing the great virtue of this treatment, Mozo obtained
a quantity of these remedies and prescribed them successfully in many
similar cases, after he left the Negritos. They poisoned their arrows
with a decoction of the bark of the camandag, [46] and of some other
plants, in order to kill large game--so powerful a poison that even a
buffalo would die within two minutes if one of these arrows hit even
its hoof.]
It is a fact, however, that they do not use the said poisoned arrows
against any save animals, considering it an inexpiable crime to shoot
rational beings with them; but for hunting those animals--"the great
game," as they call them--they use these arrows continually, and
with them kill innumerable beasts. When one of these falls to the
ground, they immediately cut off its head; and, having thoroughly
washed the flesh, they eat it without any misgivings. I baptized
the man who chiefly made this poison, who was already past the age
of ninety years, who never was willing to leave me until he died;
and on various occasions he explained to me the method of making the
said poison, naming to me the separate ingredients, although I never
was acquainted with them. These same people have other plants, the
use of which I tried, in my religious instructions, to banish among
them--not only because some persons make use of them for evil purposes,
but also because they lead one to suspect some diabolical aid, for
those people accomplish with them things which are truly amazing. But
since information of this may be of great assistance in explaining some
things which, written by the ancients, give the moderns material for
many and various curious inquiries, I will briefly describe what those
barbarians are accustomed to do with the said plants. They use, then,
I was told, certain herbs that are amatory, or adapted for philters,
if thus they should be called (which I do not dispute), in order to
captivate the love of those whom they desire to win. For instance,
do they desire to marry some woman who does not love them? Then,
obtaining their herbs (which they know very well), they carry these
with them, endeavoring at the same time to carry them in the mouth
when they talk with the woman; and the attraction is usually such
that in a short time they succeed in gaining the affection of women
who before were very averse to loving them. They do the same when they
enter the presence of some person whom they have offended and whom they
fear. They take the said herbs in their mouths, and, armed with this
antidote, they are not afraid to be seen by him and to talk with him;
and such are the results that they experience that, even when that
person is greatly offended, he feels for that time so changed that,
far from showing his anger, he receives them with great kindness, and
with indications of special affection. They are also wont to use the
aforesaid herbs in order to succeed in committing their lewd acts with
women; and the women do the same in order to make themselves beloved
by the men, very often, but not always, succeeding in this. [Mozo
relates an instance of this: a convert of his own, a most virtuous,
modest, and exemplary widow, at first refused to marry another man, an
infidel; but with the odor of these plants he overcame her opposition
and carried her away with him. "Never since then have I been able to
see them again, although I tried to do so that I might convert that
barbarian, and marry them afterward." He also relates how sometimes
the natives would try this spell on him, if they feared that he was
offended with them; after careful examination, he was satisfied that
it caused not the slightest change in his feelings. He argues that
any effect produced by the use of these herbs must, after all, be a
natural one, and not caused by diabolical influences--a conclusion
which he enforces by quoting various learned doctors. He and other
missionaries made vigorous efforts to prevent the natives from such
use of these herbs, on account of their bad results--as also in
another custom, thus described:]
In order to enable them to kill some deer quickly, they take some herbs
which they call in their own language panarongusa, which signifies
the same as to say in Spanish, aliciente para venados [i.e., "a lure
for deer"]. They distinguish the said herb into male and female, and
therefore they make two small bundles of them, the male plants in
one and the female in another. This done, they stick an arrow into
the ground, and, placing at the top of it the herbs tied together,
they begin to call the deer, imitating its voice, which they do to
perfection. If in that vicinity there is any deer that hears the
said sound, it infallibly sets out at once, and, beginning to scent,
steadily approaches the fixed arrow, without taking fright at the men
who are stationed near it. They allow the deer to approach, and, when
it is in the place which suits them, they shoot an arrow at whichever
part of its body they wish, and bring it down without difficulty. When
I heard these things, I endeavored with those very persons, after
they were baptized, to make a more than minute investigation, to
ascertain whether the devil was giving them any instruction in it,
whether they used any superstitious words, or performed [like] acts,
so that I could form some opinion regarding these; but the unanimous
reply of all was, that there was nothing of this sort, but that
their ancestors had known that the said herbs possessed this virtue,
and that they simply made use of them. There was, consequently,
nothing more for me to do, except to declare that these were among
the frauds of which the enemy [of souls] avails himself, in order
by these baits to ruin their souls, and so much the more as he more
secretly endeavored to introduce such things [as these among them];
and that on this account they ought to abstain from this mode of
hunting, using only the common one, and trusting in the Lord who
gives food to all living creatures, without despising the raven's
nestlings who cry unto Him, that He would furnish what they might
need for their support. I think that I succeeded, and that other
religious will succeed in gradually banishing much of this abuse.
[In Ilocos Fray Alexandra Cacho formed a village of converts, under
the name of San Juan de Sahagun; and Fray Velloxin greatly enlarged
the village of Santa Monica, "although in past years there came a
pest of smallpox, which in a short time swept away a great number of
the inhabitants." Fray Francisco Alvarez, a son of the province of
Philipinas, in 1740 formed two other small villages in the mountains of
Santor; this was removed to another site by Mozo himself in 1747, and
in the period of three years he secured more than a hundred and fifty
conversions, and even the attendance of their children at school. The
harvest among those people, Mozo says, is great, and many more might
be saved if there were more missionaries; those who are among them are
overworked, and in a few years are worn out or killed by their labors.]
CHAPTER IX
Missions to the apostates and infidels intermixed
Another mission, in my judgment more arduous than any of those I have
mentioned, according to what I myself have experienced--and this is the
general opinion of all those who are engaged in its cultivation--is
the mission which the province maintains in a place which is called
the Marangley. This is composed of some very extensive and close
forests, with various mountains, so covered with thickets and lofty
trees that the sunlight can hardly enter there--although at intervals
the natives have their clearings, of land which is so fertile that
it seems incredible; and for this very reason, thinking that it would
be considered fabulous, I omit an account of the abundance with which
the land responds to whatever handful of seed they are accustomed to
cast into it.
In the said forests and hills dwell many people of various tribes,
mingled together, Christians and infidels. Some are there, attracted by
the hills from which they went out [in former times]; others, in flight
from the officers of justice, who are seeking them. Many also go there
in order to live in idleness, and to free themselves from the payment
of tribute and the fulfilment of other obligations; and many, because
it is the region in which they were born, and where they have lived as
infidels. There they dwell intermingled, infidels and Christians being
married together, and mingling a thousand superstitions with the law of
Jesus Christ. From this results a hydra more fierce and more difficult
to conquer than the celebrated one with which Hercules fought; for the
apostates, as being entirely corrupt, are most difficult to reclaim,
and they with their corruption, persuasions, and evil customs, to
a great degree pervert the simple nature of the infidels, just as
St. Paul tells us. Their sustenance is like that which I related of the
Zambals, that is, [obtained] from the chase and from the innumerable
wild palms which I have already mentioned; but they also sow their
scanty bit of rice, the land responding to them with an incredible
harvest, although they cultivate it wretchedly and take very little
care of their fields. As many of them are Christians and had learned
the mysteries of our holy faith, while the infidels among whom they
live have a thousand superstitions, omens, and foolish observances,
they make a medley of Jesus Christ and Baal, which is not even that of
those Samaritans of whom it is related that they desired at the same
time to serve the God of Israel and not to cast out their [false]
gods. And because among these peoples are generally encountered not
only the superstitions which those infidel communities maintain, but
also the frivolous beliefs in which the peoples of Philipinas were
living before they could receive our holy faith, I have thought it
well to reserve this information for this place--observing, moreover,
that among the Christian communities hardly a trace of these things is
now encountered. This is the result of the labors, past and present,
of the religious in extirpating them, and even in so short a time they
have been able to banish them; while in our Europa, and even in our
España, after so many centuries remnants of the ancient paganism are
still frequently encountered.... Those of whom we are speaking believe
that every forest, every mountain, every river, and every grove has a
powerful spirit who rules in those places; they call him Nono, which
signifies "grandfather"--by which name I understand they call him,
partly because they think that the said spirit is that of some one of
the powerful ones who once lived there, and also partly on account of
the extreme veneration which those people have for their old men. It
is also very credible that this foolish belief among them comes from
their neighbors the Chinese, who likewise attribute to every river,
forest, field, and grove these Penates and fauns, giving them a name
which signifies the ruler and master of those places. They believe,
then, that this spirit which they say rules there has his dwelling
in some one of those trees which are most distinguished for size and
for abundance of leaves, as likewise in some great heaps of earth,
shaped like a sugar-loaf, which are made by a kind of ants, very
destructive, which they call anay, [47] of which many are found in
the open country there. Accordingly, not only do they regard it as
a religious duty not to pick fruit or take anything from the said
hills without first asking permission from the nono, with words of
great reverence, but likewise, whenever they pass before the said
tree or hillock, they pay their respects, saying in their language,
Tabipo, which means, "By your permission," and then they go on
their way. They are so fearful that, if they fail in doing this,
they imagine that the said spirit will send upon them some sickness
which will deprive them of life; this notion they confirm with some
irrelevant casualties--some persons having failed to perform this
ceremony, and afterward by accident having fallen ill--from which
they conclude that this was a punishment from the nono; and therefore
they try afterward to appease his anger by various gifts, which they
offer to him after their fashion. Moreover, in the said trees there
is often heard some loud noise, which, although it is frequently made
by some great serpent which has its abode in some hole that may be
in the tree, they attribute to its nono--although it is true that
the demon, in order to blind them more and thus to inspire them with
greater terror, is wont to appear to them often in the said trees. The
sacrifices which they are wont to offer to him in case of sickness,
as likewise several times in the year, are reduced to burning certain
herbs in front of the said tree, and placing there some little portion
of food, drink, leaf tobacco, and an herb which they are accustomed
to chew when combined with the small fruit of a palm, which they
call luyos in the Pampanga tongue, and bonga in the Tagal (and that
fruit and the herb all together they call in the former language mama,
and in the latter buyo), all which things, after having thus offered
them, they themselves eat, having made their prayers, such as they
are. [Mozo here stops to recall how like superstitions and heathen
sacrifices lingered for a long time in Africa and even in Europe,
and the efforts made by the Christian fathers to extirpate them. He
says that in Filipinas the heathen do not "adore the trees as gods;
but the aforesaid tree they regard as the dwelling in which the spirit
who rules that grove or forest has his abode, and therefore they
offer before it what we have described, and perform the said acts
of prayer and veneration; but these are not directed to the tree,
but to the spirit or nono who resides in it."]
Besides this, they have another and exceedingly foolish superstition
and belief, which is also found among the Chinese (and the Romans
had it, as we read in our father St. Augustine and others); this is
the belief that there is an evil spirit who is hostile to the birth
of children, and who, they say, in the form of a bird approaches
the house where the woman lies in childbirth, and kills the child
by tearing out its bowels. This spirit they call in their language
usuang (and it is the same that the Romans call Silvanus), which, they
say, shines by night. In order to free themselves from this spirit,
they do a ridiculous thing. As soon as the woman begins her travail,
the husband, attended by other persons, strips off his clothes, and,
taking his naked cutlass, climbs to the ridge-pole of the house, his
companions remaining below with their lances; and he does not cease
making cuts at the air until the infant is born. They believe that
the said usuang is frightened away by this, and dares not return. At
other times they do the same thing, [except that] they are stationed
below the house. They also fear greatly two other genii or spirits,
of whom they tell a thousand stories. One they call tigbalang, which
they say has the body of a giant and the legs of a horse; and the
other, which they say resembles a pigmy they call patianac. [48]
It is certain that the demon thus appears to them, to terrify them
with threats if they fail to serve him.
They also use auguries, which they obtain from a bird that they
call batala, in the manner of which Virgilius sings, and which his
commentator Servius explains; upon this Gellius, Pompeius, Cicero,
Tiraquellus, and other humanists expatiate at length. And it is
not surprising that they should be prepossessed by this error; for,
if we believe Luis Vives, it passed from Assia to Grecia, and thence
to Italia and Roma. Their belief is of that sort in this particular,
that, if they set out on any expedition against another people, and
on encountering them this bird should appear, singing in what they
think is a melancholy tone, they immediately turn back and abandon
their purpose, fearing to be entirely destroyed. On the other hand,
if the bird sings to them agreeably, they at once regard their success
as certain.
When they make peace with their opponents, they use a thousand
execrations and imprecations with which they sign their treaties; and
in order to divine whether there is any insecurity in the decision
they catch a hog, and having stretched it on the ground, with its
feet fastened thereto, they thrust into the midst of its body a
knife, very broad and sharply pointed, and, quickly drawing this
out, they carefully look for the blood on both sides. If on the side
which faces either of the two parties there is no blood, or if it is
there but not running, they conclude that the people on that side are
deceiving them; but if the blood runs on both sides they shake hands,
together they feast on the hog, and they swallow powerful draughts
[of palm-wine?]--forming the same opinion from the blood as did the
ancients from the entrails of the animals which they sacrificed,
Cicero's statement being verified that there is hardly a nation which
does not find auguries in these things.
In the eclipses they display great sadness, believing that some dragon
will carry away the sun or the moon, and therefore they call upon it
in terms which express that idea. Accordingly, in order to succor those
heavenly bodies they raise loud yells, and shooting arrows upward, they
make a thousand demonstrations of grief, as did the Romans, according
to Tacitus and Livius.... To this the Chinese add still more; for,
besides the said shouting, they bring out some copper instruments,
a sort of timbrel, having a very loud and disagreeable sound;
and striking these all at the same time, they make a frightful and
horrible sound. This, they say, is to aid the sun not to be carried
away by the dragon, which they think is frightened by this noise,
and thus lets the sun go free.
These and other superstitions and idle beliefs are generally held by
the infidels of these islands, and among the peoples of whom we are
speaking not only are these ideas found complete, but also, since among
those people dwell apostates, who have some knowledge of the mysteries
of our holy faith and of Christian observances, they introduce among
the multitude of such notions others from Christianity--with the
mixture which they make of these, bending one knee to Christ and the
other to the demon, and believing all these things equally. But it is
not surprising that they do this, when even over here after six hundred
years there still were left relics of the ancient heathenism, like to
these, as appears from the Councils, and from the saints above cited,
who rebuke in terminis these very things--to which may be added the
Council of Agde, [49] and other writings of the saints. [Mozo here
relates some incidents to show how the devil holds these poor people
in bondage, and terrifies them with threats and horrible sights.]
[In these missions, from the year 1718, multitudes of infidels were
baptized and hundreds of apostates reclaimed. Prominent among the
laborers therein were Fray Juan Velloxin, Fray Antonio Leon and a
brother of his (who died worn out by the fatigues of his work), Fray
Manuel Calvo, and Fray Francisco Alvarez. [50] During that time four
villages of converts were formed--Ururin, Lupao, Umingan, and Tayog,
in which the natives lived in very Christian fashion, their numbers
increasing with new conversions. Mozo relates several instances of
the opposition made by the devil to this work.]
CHAPTERS X, XI
Missions to Visayas
Having now made known the triumphs secured in this present century
in the great island of Luzon, it is right that we say something of
the missions which the province maintains in the various islands
which are called Visayas; and, in order that the reader may better
understand the pious labors which are being endured in the conversion
of the infidels therein to our holy faith, it will be very proper
to say something about the customs of the said peoples, and of the
places where they dwell, even though it be without enlarging much
thereon. Commencing with the latter point, I relate how in two
islands, called Zebu and Panay, there are some exceedingly dense
woodlands, and mountain districts more rugged than can be described;
for they are so impenetrable, and so thick with undergrowth, that
it is impossible to make a step forward without the utmost toil,
and even danger, especially for those who are ignorant of the path,
such as it is--which the natives know, and by which they go down,
when it suits them, to look for some things which they need. In
the said mountains dwell a people who are called Mundos; [51] they
have the same characteristics of fierceness and barbarism as those
of whom we have spoken in preceding missions, but they have besides
this a peculiarity which renders them intractable, for they have among
them some fearful wizards, who by conversing with the demon do things
which cause terror, and who are able to render credible much of what
is regarded as fabulous. [Here our author cites various writers to
show how prevalent was witchcraft in the ancient times.]
In this manner, then, instructed and misled by the demon, those
barbarians do fearful things, especially to revenge themselves, to
the continual terror of those about them. The natives say that these
wizards, changed into crocodiles, follow them when in their canoes,
and do not stop until they seize some person whom they hate; also
that they change themselves into other animals, in order to commit
other wicked acts--as likewise that, availing themselves of various
enchantments, they commit horrible murders, with a thousand other
diabolical acts which are attributed to them. For this reason, if any
one having this reputation enters any village to settle there, or,
when already resident there, some rumor arises that he may be such
a person, they immediately summon him peremptorily to depart from
the village within three days; and if he does not obey they burn his
house, and even himself and his family, nor is it once only that they
have killed such persons with their lances. I do not doubt that the
vulgar herd invent much, but as little is it doubtful that there are
many wizards, who do a thousand evil things.
Among them a malady is apt to prevail which they call bungsol (which
signifies "a sudden swoon"), which is apt to attack them as a result
of swellings, as hard as a stone, which originate in their stomachs;
this trouble is often caused by chills, which they experience from
going barefoot in the water and in wet places, and is wont to cause
them such pains that on occasion they will suddenly appear as if
dead. At other times, this sickness is also caused by some magic of a
sorcerer, which they call gavay, by which word they are accustomed to
denote the witchcraft and the act of practicing it--in which they do
not often make a mistake; for through their mouths, as well as through
other conduits of the body, these sorcerers on occasion eject rice
in the hull, and other things, which could not be done if they were
not aided by something of the said magic. In order to cure the person
bewitched in this manner, they endeavor to summon some other person who
has the reputation of a sorcerer; and this person, performing various
exercises of his powers, calls to the one who caused that sickness. If
the sufferer does not improve, the sorcerer at once pretends that the
first one must be very far away, and for this reason cannot hear him,
but will return the next day; and by this means he keeps the people
deceived, and eats and drinks at the cost of the poor sick man. It
also sometimes happens that they are quickly cured, and therefore
when they see these things they feel such fear that, when the sorcerer
goes so far as to ask for anything, they immediately give it to him,
fearing lest he may bewitch them--in the same way as occurs over here
[in España] in some little villages, when those persons go through
them whom they call loberos, [52] and others of that stripe.
If on a journey they lose their way in some desert plain, they
attribute this to the patianac of whom we spoke before; and in order
that they may be able to find the road they strip off their clothing,
and with this they say that they succeed in doing so because this
proceeding frightens the patianac, and he takes flight and does not
mislead them. In order to discover and know who it is that has taken
from them any missing article, they employ a diabolical device, which
they practice with a sort of sieve, which they call bilao--an act in
which one plainly recognizes that it proceeds from the demon; for by
simply shaking the said sieve while they name various persons the
[name of the] thief comes into their minds. They also summon their
manes, or [spirits of the] dead, when they are assembled in the house
where some person has died; and in order to see whether or not those
spirits come they lay down a sort of fine mat, and, scattering over
it ashes in order that the marks of feet may be printed thereon,
often there may be seen the traces of footsteps, and with this they
remain well content. It is true, however, that even over here [in
Europa] such things were wont to be seen in olden times, as we read in
various writings which describe the sacrifices which were offered to
such departed spirits; and our father St. Augustine points out this,
citing Marcus Varro, while it is individually explained by Tiraquellus
and others....
As for the missions which the [Augustinian] province has in the Visayas
Islands, the toil with which they have been and are being cultivated
is inexpressible, and very little, if anything, has been published
or known about them--partly because, as this work is carried on more
remote from sight, it has been less likely to attract applause;
and likewise because the religious, content that God, for love of
whom they are employed therein, should be cognizant of their labors,
care little for the rest, thus avoiding the subtle vainglory which,
under pretext of the glory of God and the honor of the religious order,
often deceitfully seeks praise for oneself....
Let the first mission, then, to become known to the public be that
of Bugasson, in the mountains of the province of Panay, in order
that it may be known how great has been the labor in the conversion
of those infidels. In the year 1704, father Fray Thomás Sanchez,
a son of this province of Castilla, when he had finished baptizing
the Indians who lived on the plains in that region, was assigned
by his obedience to the said mountains, with two other fathers,
as his associates. They obeyed the orders of their superior, and,
after having conquered various difficulties, with a thousand risks
of their lives, and having endured a thousand hardships of hunger,
want, the fatigues of the wretched roads, and other inclemencies of
the weather, amid the terrors of death they were able to secure the
baptism of a number of barbarians, enough to establish a foothold in
that region and erect a church. They continued in their task, reaping
considerable fruit, although in a short time, worn out by fatigues,
the said father and one of his companions died. Others were sent in
their places by the province, who were able to imitate the zeal of the
first missionaries so closely that in the year 1733 they were able to
form a village of the recent converts alone, on a most favorable site,
of more than two thousand five hundred souls; and, our Lord continuing
His favors, so great a number have been added to the flock of Christ,
by means of the continual preaching and industry of the missionary
religious, that in the original chart of the said village which was
sent to his Majesty in the past year of 1760, it is shown to have,
counting women, men, and children, six thousand and eighty-nine souls,
who are now baptized and reclaimed to civilization.
At the western side of the province of Panay, about twenty-five or
thirty leguas out at sea, there are some little islets called the
Cagayans; they are so low that they can hardly be seen, except when
one is very near, and therefore when the Indians sailed thither they
followed a star, by which they had marked the location of these
islets. In them were many infidels, and even therein took refuge
all the outlaws, and men who committed murders. There is no water
in the said islands, but they contain so great an abundance of the
palms called "cocoa" that, with the water of the said fruit, they
do not feel the need of any other. [To go among these people was
exceedingly dangerous, on account of their fierce natures; but it
was accomplished (in 1703) by Fray Hypolito Casiano, who succeeded in
winning their friendship and converting them to the Christian faith,
so that in two years (as stated by the provincial Olarte, ante) he had
"baptized all the infidels there, and induced all the criminals who had
resorted thither to repent of their deeds and reform their lives." He
continued these labors and these triumphs until his death, in 1726.]
The third mission of the Visayas Islands is that of which the reverend
father provincial Fray Vicente Ibarra gave a particular and exact
account to the governor of the islands in the year 1738, when he had
finished his visitation of the missions, having received an urgent
request that he should make report of their condition and progress
(for with all this strictness are affairs examined in Philipinas,
since such is the command of his Majesty, whom may God preserve);
and because the said father provincial, as being an eyewitness
and well acquainted with the religious who began that mission, can
speak with more accuracy, I will set down his very words, as follows:
"The third mission which my province maintains is in the mountains of
Bosoc in the province of Ogtong, on the further coast of the province
of Panay. This mission was established in the year 1728, an entrance
being made in the rugged region of those mountains by father Fray
Felix de Zuñiga [53]--a religious of the most religious habits and the
gentlest demeanor; and so zealous for souls that, without heeding the
inclemencies of those wild mountains, he went about on foot, unshod, in
sun and in rain, crossing almost by a miracle swollen and rapid rivers,
and, despising danger, made his way into the most secluded places, in
which there are many apostates and Carib [54] blacks, of which sort
are all those who are in the mountains of these islands. Such power
had his zeal and constancy that he gained no small number of souls,
since from those who were converted he was able to form three small
villages; but, while he was praying one day in the little house which
he had made for his dwelling, some apostates killed him with their
lances. At present the said mission is cared for, on account of the
great deficiency of men that we experience, by two religious who are
in the village of Bugasson."
[All these missions were still conducted, when Mozo wrote, and were
saving many souls; but their work was greatly limited and hindered by
the scarcity of workers. These missionaries displayed the same spirit
of devotion, zeal for souls, and self-sacrifice as did the earlier
ones, but "with this difference [in results], that our predecessors
dealt with peoples who were gentler and more civilized, while those of
the present time are handling people who are more fierce and barbarous;
and for this reason their triumphs must be the more glorious, and their
virtue and constancy most firmly grounded. Many other souls are caught
for Heaven in these islands by those religious who serve in villages
near the districts where there are infidels, of which there are many
in the said islands. They penetrate further into the country when
they are permitted to do so, and they lose no opportunity when those
[infidels] go down to their villages to procure articles that they
need, which occurs often; those [thus converted] amount to several
hundred persons annually."]
[Mozo here describes certain remedies for sickness which are used
by the natives. Among these are the gall and fat of the python
(called saua and biting, in various dialects) and another similar
species of serpent, which reach an enormous size in the forests of
the interior. The gall is used both internally and externally by
the natives, to cure chills and pains in the stomach--to which they
are especially liable from going barefooted, and more or less naked,
through mud and rain at all times; also for malignant fevers and any
inflammation which causes them. Mozo relates how he had cured himself
of a high fever, when the physicians had "sentenced him to death,"
by the use of this remedy, and had on other occasions been relieved or
cured by it; "consequently, I guard what I have of it like a precious
jewel." The fat of these serpents is equally efficient for swellings
or pains in the muscles and sinews, especially those caused by chills
and exposure to weather; also it relieves the pains of gout.]
[Those Indians used a small stone, resembling a nut, in order to
facilitate childbirth; they said that it was found, although only in
small quantities, in a mine somewhere; this stone, applied to the left
thigh, would quickly relieve the most difficult case of parturition,
[55] and afterward, applied again, would bring away the placenta;
but in both cases it must be removed as soon as the desired effect
was accomplished, or else it would "cause even the bowels to be drawn
out." They also made use of a certain root, called in the Pampanga
tongue sugapa, [56] to inflame their courage in battle; "he who eats
it is made beside himself, and rendered so furious that while its
effect lasts he cares not for dangers, nor even hesitates to rush
into the midst of pikes and swords. On many occasions, therefore,
when they go out to fight with any who are hostile to them they are
wont to carry this root with them, and, by eating it at the time of
the attack, they enter the battle like furious wild beasts, without
turning back even when their force is cut to pieces; on the other hand,
even when one of them is pierced from side to side with a lance, he
will raise himself by that very lance in order to strike at him who
had pierced him. Sometimes, also, when they wish to revenge themselves
on some more powerful man, it occurs to them to eat the said root;
and, with the fury which it arouses in them, they fling themselves
upon him like rabid wolves, being carried away by that rage in the
presence of the person whom they meet, whoever he may be. Therefore,
on account of the pernicious effects which the said root causes,
the Dutch have given peremptory orders in Batavia that any person
who sees another, whoever he may be, in the said fury shall without
fail shoot him or [otherwise] put him to death, in order that an end
may be put to the fatal accidents which are daily seen in that city,
on account of the natives there being very prone to this barbarous
proceeding. The Malanao and Joloan Moros are accustomed to use this
plant much. They are also acquainted with other herbs the use of
which is no less pernicious, although in another way than is the
root above referred to. I have forgotten their names, but in those
regions there are many who know them, and are even acquainted with
those plants (would that it were not so!). It is true, indeed, that
among those who are now living in a civilized manner and are grounded
in the faith, hardly any abuse is found in this respect; and even,
except very seldom, any one who is acquainted with those plants;
but among some infidel tribes there is often much of this, as I
could confirm by cases which occurred to me while I was among those
people." [Mozo here mentions certain herbs (unnamed) which produce a
complete physical torpor in the person to whom they are administered,
so that he can use neither voice nor limbs; [57] the natives are apt
to avail themselves of this for purposes of robbery, but "they do not
use it in order to abuse women, which is an especial providence of our
Lord." He relates an "amusing trick" played by the natives on another
religious: this father had baptized some infants, on condition that
they be surrendered to his care to be brought up as Christians; after
a time, the parents came one night, and burned the above-mentioned
herb under the house, thus producing its effect upon the inmates;
"and in the sight of all, without any one having the power to move,
they seized the infants and went away with them," nor was the father
ever able to find either the children or their parents.]
[The rest of Mozo's work (pp. 152-234) is occupied with the relation
of the Augustinian missions in China; at the end is a list of the
baptisms solemnized by one missionary during the year 1760-61,
giving the name, age, and residence of each; most of these persons
are children, and one had been a priest of an idol.]
DOMINICAN MISSIONS IN PANIQUI AND ITUY
[In a rare pamphlet printed at Manila and dated 1745--of which the
Library of Congress possesses a copy--Bernardo Ustáriz, [58] then
provincial of the Dominican order in Filipinas, wrote a sketch of
the above missions, from which we make the following summary:]
[The missions of the order had reaped a rich harvest in central Luzón,
but the fathers were not satisfied because the gospel had secured no
stable footing "in Paniqui, [59] which was hiding among the provinces
of Cagayan, Pangasinan, and Pampanga." They succeeded in making an
entrance therein in 1739, at the cost of the lives of four of their
missionaries; but six years later they were maintaining four laborers
in that region and making encouraging progress. In this enterprise
they were liberally aided by Governor Gaspar de la Torre. In those
remote and wild regions the missionaries suffered greatly from lack
of suitable shelter and food, the inclemencies of the weather, and
the hardships of traveling. As an illustration: "On one occasion,
a missionary having set out from the village of Appiàt for the place
called Cauayan, night came upon him when he reached a village named
Làcab; he expected that he could find a lodging there, and thus
pass the night less uncomfortably, under some roof. He uttered loud
cries, calling to its inhabitants, but his only reply was a confused
yelling from the women, who in anger cried out that the religious
should not enter the village. At the time they were offering a
public supplication, in order to obtain from their idols rain for
making their fields fruitful; and, as they formed the opinion that
the devil would not speak to them through fear of the religious,
they would not consent that the father should lodge in any of their
houses. Accordingly, he found himself obliged to sleep on the ground
that night, exposed to any disagreeable change of weather that might
arise." For some time the missionaries were derided, repelled, and
threatened, and the natives endeavored to prevent them from entering
the houses; but they persevered undauntedly, and the devil was
often thwarted by their courageous resistance. Many persons desired
baptism, but some were lured away by the devil, speaking through
the priestesses (or aniteras), and others were intimidated by the
opposition of their friends and relatives, who would even threaten
a convert with death. Some fancied that to become a Christian would
render one "a perpetual slave to the Spaniards." In 1743, a chief at
Appiat came with his family to the missionaries to be baptized. In
the aforesaid space of six years, they had "succeeded in erecting
six churches, in the villages of Cauayàn, Appiàt, Bagabag, Lappàu,
Darùyag, and Carìg. To these should be added that of Bayombong; for,
although some Christians were there when it was received from the
reverend Augustinian fathers, there were still many infidels, of whom
some lived with the said Christians, and others had fled to a forest
called Vàcal--from which they have gradually come out by dint of the
visits which the missionaries have frequently made them, and with the
baptisms among them an increase has been made in the number of the
Christians who were in Bayombong when the Order of St. Dominic began
its ministrations there. Thus, in the said seven churches there is
the number of nine hundred and seventy souls, baptized in the said
time--besides ten apostates, who after many years have returned to
the Christian faith. The number of Christians would be greater, if the
missionaries did not use especial care in administering baptism, and if
they were willing to comply with the desires of many persons." Many
of the requests for baptism were caused by the desire to escape
from tyrannical lords, or from creditors, or from the penalty due to
their crimes; and not a few imagined that they could thus gain some
more influential position among their people. In those seven churches
there were eight hundred and fifty-eight catechumens; and these would
have been more numerous if there were missionaries. At the time of
Ustáriz's writing, there has been a gratifying change in the feelings
of those people, even among the infidels; they are more docile, and
more friendly to the missionaries, and they even live more peaceably
among themselves, committing fewer murders. Governor Torre granted
to these fathers "extraordinary Indian guards, who even yet have not
been able to complete the works in all the villages. In Cauayàn and
Lappàu, they have built substantial houses and churches of planks;
in Bagabag and Daruyag they have constructed houses of the same sort,
and although [in those places] there are pavilions suitable for saying
mass, they will proceed to build there substantial churches when
they finish the wooden house and church in Appiàt (or Gàpat); they
will also build a house in Carig, where a large church of planks has
already been completed. In the village of Bayombong it has likewise
been necessary to build a new house and church of planks, because
the buildings which were there for both these were little more than
hovels." These same Indian guards had been obliged to spend much time
in opening and repairing roads, which had delayed their work on the
church buildings; but those new roads had enabled the missionaries
to secure an easy communication with the surrounding provinces, and
to discover the lurking-places of the heathen natives. The work and
maintenance of these Indian laborers are paid for by the government;
but the fathers had to spend no small sum in other ways, to secure
the spiritual conquest of the heathen about them. "It is necessary to
influence them not only by fear but by love," and thus the missionary
must give them gratuities and presents; he must also support some
of them, even for several months, who came from a great distance to
receive instruction and, being in a strange land, had no means of
support. The fathers had furnished plows to all who asked for them,
that the natives might better cultivate their lands.]
[In the villages of Bujay and Dupag, and still more in the district
of Ytuy, they met many obstacles and afflictions, as those natives
were not so docile as those of Paniqui. "Nevertheless, much fruit
has been gathered, in baptizing many infidels of the neighboring
tribes, Ygolot, Ylongot, and others; and in reclaiming some apostates
who were hiding in the mountains." The missionaries were troubled
not only with the obstinacy of those in Ytuy (or Ysinay), and the
persistent efforts of the devil to render their labors vain, but
with the hostilities committed on their converts by a tribe close
by Ytuy, called Panoypuyes, who made head-hunting raids on their
Christian neighbors. The Ysinays were a timid people, and these fierce
marauders kept them in abject submission to their tyranny--killing
them when found alone or unprotected on the road, killing or snaring
their cattle, demanding from them contributions of produce, and even
human beings whom the tyrants slew and then "offered in sacrifice
to their false gods." The missionaries feared that they must abandon
this mission; but, hearing that Auditor Arzadun was then making his
official visitation in the province of Pangasinan, they appealed to
him for aid. He sent a body of armed men from that province against
the Panoypuyes, but they could not administer sufficient punishment;
he then ordered troops from Cagayan, two hundred and eighty-two
in number. To these were added fifty of the Indian guards from the
mission of Santa Cruz of Paniqui, and some of the native converts
there; and this expedition was able to check the insolence of those
dreaded marauders. Ustáriz presents an extract from the report of
this enterprise which was furnished to him by Fray Antonio del Campo,
the vicar-provincial of the said missions. The expedition captured
and burned the villages of Ajanàs (the principal village of the
Panoypuyes), Masi, Taveng, Bangao, and others; and slew Sapàc--the
chief who ruled that tribe, and had been most tyrannical toward "the
poor Ysinay Christians"--with many of his followers. In Ajanàs was a
large building, on higher ground than the rest, and surrounded by a
wall of stones, which was their sole fortress; "it was destined only
for the residence of the unmarried men, who, according to the custom of
that tribe, are not allowed to cover the more shameful part of their
bodies, nor sleep where the married people live; the said pavilion
also served as a watch-tower the duty of sentinel service belonging to
the unmarried men." Since this castigation, the missions and Christian
Indians had enjoyed peace; and the natives, relieved from their terror
of the enemy, had flocked to the missionaries for baptism. In Bujày
there were baptized about two hundred persons of the Ygolots alone,
and at this writing there were "more than seven hundred souls newly
added to this mission; for, the report of the valor of the Cagayan
Christians in this undertaking having spread abroad, it has penetrated
into even the most remote part of the mountains, attracting even
the most secluded of the Ylongots, a tribe who rival the Panoypuyes
in valor and fierceness. The mission of Paniqui likewise felt these
benign effects; for at the report of such an achievement more than
six hundred persons came to enroll themselves for the [instruction in]
catechism, from the Yogad and Gaddàng tribes--besides forty souls from
the village of Ybana in the Ygolot tribe, who united themselves to
the village of Bayombong. Nor was this blessing monopolized by these
two missions, but, crossing the mountains, it went on to Pungcan--to
which place many families, influenced by the rumor of this influx
of people [to the missions], have come down from the Gumangi tribe,
in whose instruction the reverend Augustinian fathers are occupied."]
[A pamphlet (Mexico? ca. 1740) by Fray Manuel del Rio, then provincial
of the Dominicans in Filipinas, relates the "events in the mission of
Santa Cruz in Ituy, in the province of Paniqui: in the year 1739;" it
is reprinted by Retana in his Archivo, ii, pp. 175-205. The following
information is gleaned therefrom, space not permitting us to present
more than the leading facts contained therein.] [60]
[The Dominican province of Filipinas had within the islands the
following active missions: San Miguel de Oriong, in the mountains of
Batan; Pantol and Asingan, in those of Pangasinan; in the islands
[61] which extend toward Hermosa Island, those of the Batanes and
Calayàn; and in the mountains and hills of Cagayan, the missions of
Santa Rosa of Cifun, Tumavini, Orag, Mavanan, Santa Cruz, Vangan,
and Capitanan. The missionaries in the provinces of Pangasinan and
Cagayan had long desired to extend their work into the inland region
lying between those provinces; and this was begun in the year 1632,
in the district of Ituy, or Isinay. This mission was founded by Fray
Thomàs Gutierrez, who afterward died therein. The district of Paniqui
was afterward chosen for missionary labors, but up to 1736 with only
indifferent and occasional success; it "was founded in Zifun by Fray
Pedro Ximenez, and afterward was transferred to the location which
it now has, with the title of Santa Rosa." In 1735, the Augustinian
fathers (who at the time of Río's writing were administering the Ituy
mission) observed some indications that those hearts were becoming
softened; of this they informed the Dominicans, who in the following
year made the eighth attempt to establish a mission in that heathen
district. On May 25, 1736, Fray Diego de la Torre went from his
village of Ilagan (in Cagayan) to make a reconnaissance among the
heathen people of Cagayan; at first they rebuffed him, but by dint
of kind treatment and presents he won the confidence of some among
them. These told him that the only obstacle in the way of his efforts
was, the impassableness of the high-road from Cagayan to Pangasinan;
if this were made passable, they would have no longer a barrier
between themselves and Spanish influence. Fray Torre's report of
his dealings with these heathen induced the Dominican provincial,
Fray Geronymo Sanz Ortiz, to ask Valdés Tamón for government aid
to their new enterprise; the governor granted the establishment
of a mission in Paniqui, composed of four religious and the guard
necessary for their protection, at the expense of the king; and
the following religious were sent thither: Fray Manuel Molinér,
Fray Joseph Thomás Marin, Fray Romualdo Molina, and Fray Pedro
de Sierra. They began their labors in July, 1737, and encountered
determined opposition from the natives, who, advised by the demon,
would not admit them into the villages. The chiefs demanded, as the
price of even allowing the missionaries to remain near the villages,
gifts of beads, cattle and horses, and gold; and, finally, two men
to slay as offerings to their demons. Fray Molinér died suddenly,
it was suspected from poison given to him by some heathen; and in
his stead Fray Torre was sent. About this time (1738) the fathers
received protection and hospitality from an Indian woman of rank in
that tribe; and this aid, with the presents given by the fathers and
their persistent charity and gentleness, softened the hearts of the
unbelievers until they consented to make a treaty of peace, some of
the chiefs even going to Nueva Segovia to ratify it. Nevertheless,
the fathers still experienced much opposition, especially from the
people of Bayongbong, the most southern and the chief village of that
heathen district; and often their lives were in danger, especially
when their Indian guards became frightened and began to retreat to
their homes. Indeed, Fathers Torre and Molina died suddenly, probably
from poison, like Molinér. The Dominican provincial again appealed
to the government for aid, asking that more guards be assigned to
the missionaries, and that one or two military posts be established
in that province--partly for the protection of the missionaries,
partly to ensure the safety of the road which was to be built from
Pangasinan to Cagayan; [62] this was granted by the governor, and the
necessary provisions made therefor. By the time when news of this came
to Cagayan, Marin had so far advanced matters that "almost nothing
remained to overcome;" he had secured the support of a powerful chief
named Danao, and toleration from another named Ansimo; and Marin went
to Pangasinan, taking with him Pyrán, Danao's grandson--who was so
caressed and honored by the Spaniards that he returned home a firm
friend to the missionaries, and did much to open his countrymen's
hearts toward them. The Dominican father provincial determined to
open a direct road from Paniqui to Pangasinan, at the expense of the
province--a most arduous and difficult undertaking, on account of
the rugged surface of the country and the hostility of the Igorrots,
"a bloodthirsty and very treacherous people." Father Manuel del Río was
sent out to make the necessary explorations for this road, in which
he suffered great hardship. The Igorrots were greatly opposed to the
intended road-making; but they were finally induced, by the father's
arguments, but still more by his liberal distribution of presents,
to give their consent. The treaty made with them was thus solemnized:
"In the presence of all, a hog was killed, and, as soon as the knife
was thrust into it, profound silence reigned--all watching the dying
struggles of the animal, and the flowing of its blood, which seemed
like a fountain gushing upward. After a long time, a Christian
Indian who was experienced in their ceremonies came forward, and,
collecting in his hand some of the animal's blood, went, with loud
cries and a swaggering step, and smeared with the blood the feet
of the Igorrot chiefs; at this they were well pleased, and began
to talk vigorously in their own language, and with bold gestures,
as a sign that they would fulfil their agreement. This done, they
were given something to drink, and the cattle, carajays, [63] salt,
and other things at which the bargain had been settled were placed
before them; and they returned to their villages contented, having
remained from that time friends with the Christians. This road is two
days' journey in length, from the most eastern village of Pangasinan,
called Asingan, to the village of Buxay among the Isinay people, which
is a mission of the Augustinian fathers. For the greater comfort of
travelers, road-houses were built at regular distances, in the places
called Colong, Malalapang, and Malionlion; and in the last-named,
which is the last town on the border of Pangasinan, a religious was
stationed--on account of some Igorrot Christians being there, with
some others who, it was hoped, would become Christians--with the title
of missionary to the infidels there; he was separate from the other
four who were in the province of Paniqui, who were destined to the
reduction and conversion of the infidels in that province. This was
a great achievement to open this road for communication between the
provinces; for this has been an undertaking often attempted but never
carried out, and often the royal exchequer has incurred great costs
in it, and always without any benefit--especially twenty years ago,
when the unfortunate mariscal Don Fernando Bustillo, governor and
captain-general of these islands, attempted to open this road. Many
thousands of pesos were spent, many unlucky events occurred, and
no result was attained; and now, without any expense to the royal
exchequer, at the cost of the religious order, it was readily cut
through and opened. It is hoped that this road will be of great
utility, not only for the said communication and trade between the
provinces, but also for the easier conversion of the infidels--who,
through trade and communication with the Christians, will learn their
civilization and excellent customs, and will after a time abandon the
barbarous condition in which they lived before." In April of 1739,
Father Río was accompanied to Manila by Danao and the other chiefs
already mentioned; they were feasted and laden with presents, and the
governor "granted freely whatever they asked." In this road-building
and other matters pertaining to this mission, the Dominican province
spent "almost three thousand eight-real pieces; although it is the
poorest province in the Indias, it can liberally spend its treasure,
as now it has done, in the service of God and for the good of souls,
for which chiefly it was founded."] [64]
EVENTS IN FILIPINAS, 1739-1762
[A brief summary of events during the above period is here presented;
it is taken, like similar abstracts in previous volumes, mainly from
the histories of Zúñiga, Concepción, and Montero y Vidal.]
[The government of the islands by Valdés y Tamón ended in the summer
of 1739, when he was succeeded by Gaspar de la Torre. Just before this
time, the former ordered the royal fiscal, Christoval Perez de Arroyo,
[65] to be sent to prison for refusing to give up certain documents in
his possession; the fiscal then took refuge in the Recollect convent,
and his property was seized. After Torre's coming, the archbishop
(Fray Juan Angel Rodriguez), at the instance of the Recollects,
made arrangements with him for Arroyo's restitution to office;
but the governor, instead, imprisoned the fiscal. The suit against
him could not be decided at Manila, and was therefore referred to
the court at Madrid, Arroyo meanwhile remaining a prisoner, and
harshly treated. The archbishop was so grieved at this, and at his
having been the cause (although innocent) of Arroyo's imprisonment,
by inducing him to leave his asylum in the convent, that he became
seriously ill; and the heroic remedies prescribed by the physicians
so reduced his strength that he soon died. Among the accusations
made against Arroyo was that he had married (in 1738) Doña Maria
Luisa Josepha de Morales y Santistevan without the knowledge and
consent of her guardian; but this was apparently settled by the
proof afterward adduced that the marriage took place on August 12,
1742, and was performed by the guardian himself, Juan de la Fuente y
Yepes, dean of the cathedral. In the following December Arroyo died;
his widow was summoned to take his place in the legal proceedings
then pending against him, but asked the authorities to release her
from this requirement; nevertheless, her property was seized, and
the case was referred to Madrid for settlement. The court censured
both Valdés y Tamón and Torre for their proceedings in the matter,
and ordered that Arroyo be restored to his office, with pay for the
time which he had spent in prison; but this decision reached Manila
(April, 1743) only after his death. (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas,
xi, pp. 89-121.)]
[In January of 1743 the bishop-elect of Nueva Caceres, the master
Don Isidoro de Arevalo, asked from the Manila government permission
to go to Macao to receive his consecration, there being no bishop in
the islands to confer it. But the governor had received letters from
China which told of the expedition of the English commander Anson (see
VOL. XLVII, p. 231, note 48), his depredations on the South American
coast, and his presence in the harbor of Canton for the purpose of
repairing his vessel; and he therefore asked the bishop to defer his
voyage for a time, in order to avert the danger of his capture by
the English "pirate." In the following May, news came to Manila that
Anson had sailed from Canton, and gone toward the Embocadero to lie
in wait for the Acapulco galleon "Cobadonga;" the ship "Pilar," which
Anson had been previously foiled in capturing, was despatched (June
3) to aid the galleon, but its commander seems to have been timorous,
and took refuge in the port of Ticao at the news of a strange warship
being seen (June 22) in those waters. Finally, his ship began to leak,
and he returned to Manila without accomplishing anything. On June
30 the "Cobadonga" was captured by Anson, after a brave resistance
by the Spaniards. The residencia of the officers of the "Pilar"
was delayed for two years, and, although the charges of delay and
negligence brought against them were serious, they were finally
exonerated from blame; those of the expedition which endeavored,
but unsuccessfully, to find and punish Anson after his capture of the
"Cobadonga" were also justified. As for the commander (Don Geronimo
Montero) and officers of the latter vessel, severe charges were
brought against them by the royal fiscal for surrendering the ship;
they were arrested, and a special investigation of the matter was made
by the royal Audiencia. The fiscal demanded that they be punished;
but after examination of the testimony, the governor decided that
they were not to blame for the surrender; but they were condemned to
pay the costs of their trial. In this voyage the "Cobadonga" had not
brought from Mexico the returns on the investments made for that year
by the Misericordia [66] and other administrators of obras pías; these
returns, amounting to 1,200,000 pesos, were left behind at Acapulco,
either through fear of the English cruisers or for more profitable
investment in Mexico. Hence arose a controversy as to the restitution
of these funds, and the Misericordia brought suit for their recovery
from the agents who had withheld them; but it was decided by the
Council of Indias that the latter were not bound and could not be
compelled to repay the money. "In the outer court of justice this
went very well, but in the inner court it was quite otherwise; for we
have knowledge of actual restitutions of the property thus withheld
being made to the obras pías, by those persons who had more healthy
consciences." (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 121-237.)]
[The remainder of this summary is taken from Zúñiga's Historia de
Philipinas, pp. 546-601.]
Señor Don Gaspar de la Torre made a bad beginning of his government;
the violent proceedings which he instituted against the fiscal
Arroyo began to make him odious to the community, the misfortunes
which occurred during his term of office exasperated the minds of the
citizens, and all his conduct was directed more toward pacifying this
hatred than to gaining the esteem of the subjects whom he ruled. Seeing
that he was disliked in the city, he began to be affected with
melancholy, from which resulted a dysentery, a disease from which
one seldom recovers in Philipinas. His illness was aggravated by the
news which reached him that the village of Balayan in the province
of Batangas had revolted; [67] and finally a supposed revolt of the
Sangleys ended his life. There was a rumor that the Chinese were
going to come into the city, and, notwithstanding his illness, he
tried to go out against them; his friends would not permit this, and
soon ascertained that it was all a fabrication; [68] but he became so
feverish from the shock that he died a few days afterward, September
21, 1745.... In his place began to rule, conformably to the directions
given by his Majesty, Señor Arrechedera of the Order of St. Dominic,
the bishop-elect of Ylocos. He made investigations in regard to the
uprising of the Chinese, and found that they had no such intention,
nor had they given any cause for suspecting them of rebellion; it was
therefore believed that this report had been circulated in order to
vex the governor. No long time was spent in quelling the uprising
in Balayan; for the sargento-mayor went out with a hundred men of
the regular troops and many Indians, encountered the insurgents, and,
although he could not conquer them, because the Indians who accompanied
him all fled immediately, checked the onset of the enemy, without his
having suffered any mishap, save that he received a musket-shot from
one of his own men, a raw recruit. He asked for aid from Manila, and
they sent him two hundred men, with whom he conquered the enemies and
punished them as they deserved--shooting some, and banishing others,
according to the influence that they had exercised in the sedition,
which vanished like smoke. He left behind a small detachment in that
province, in order to inspire some respect [for the Spanish power]
in the seditious who might remain in hiding; and the rest of the
troops were sent to Cavite, because, besides the information which he
received that the English were at Batavia with a squadron, the alcalde
of Ilocos gave warning that two ships had been seen from that coast,
with two smaller vessels, which were believed to be enemies. The
most illustrious governor put the town in a condition for defense,
erected various works, purchased arms through the agency of foreigners,
and cast some cannons. All these preparations were not necessary,
for the English did not come, although they resented our having taken
from them a brigantine and a balandra.... In Philipinas, Manila found
some consolation in the arrival of two ships, [69] which had returned
from Acapulco and brought some funds to relieve the necessities of
the commonwealth. In one of them came Don Fray Pedro de la Santisima
Trinidad, [70] who, while a member of the Council of Indias, had
taken the Franciscan habit in the Recollect convent of Pomasque;
and his Majesty presented him for the archbishopric of Manila,
asking the pope to compel him to accept that dignity. Fray Pedro,
not being able to oppose the mandate of his Holiness, was consecrated
in España; he came to Philipinas, and took possession of his office
[mitra] on August 27, 1747. It appeared that he ought to have begun
at the same time to rule as governor [of the islands]; for the king's
decree appointed for the vacancies [in that office] the archbishop
of Manila, and in default of him the nearest bishop--through which
arrangement the office had been assumed by Señor Arrechedera, who
ought to have surrendered the authority to the archbishop as soon as
the latter took possession of his see. His most illustrious Lordship
did not choose to stir up this question, and contented himself with
reporting the matter to the court; answer was made to him that orders
had already been previously despatched that he should take charge
of the government ad interim, but this royal order did not arrive
[at Manila] until after the arrival of the proprietary governor. [His
most illustrious Lordship] also brought a decree in which his Majesty
committed to him the expulsion of the Chinese--which had not yet
been effected, on account of the personal interests of the governors,
although it had been repeatedly commanded; but he thought it well not
to make the decree known until a better opportunity, because he found
Señor Arrechedera greatly devoted to the Chinese." [71] This was the
only defect that was observed in this most illustrious prelate and
governor; in other matters his most illustrious Lordship carried
himself with much honor in his government. He quelled the revolt
in the island of Bohol, sending Commander Lechuga with a suitable
force; this officer punished some of the rebels, and reduced all the
fishermen's villages of that island to obedience to the king of España;
but in the hill-country the insurgents remain until this day. [72]
The Jesuits had been urging our Catholic monarch Phelipe V, and
constrained him to the inglorious act of writing to the kings of Joló
and Mindanao; the governor sent ambassadors to deliver his letters
and make an alliance with the Moros. [73] Those petty kings were
greatly delighted at the honor thus done them by a king so great
as that of España, and, in order to gratify him by complying with
his requests to them, consented to receive missionaries into their
countries. A Jesuit father went to Mindanao, but, seeing that the
chiefs were restless and the king had little power to restrain them,
he feared that they would take his life, and abandoned his mission;
and he fled for refuge to the fort of Zamboanga. In Joló two Jesuits
began to sow the seed of the gospel, [74] but gathered little fruit
because the panditas of the Moro religion raised a fierce opposition
to them, and the leading men of the kingdom were not willing that
the missionaries should preach a different faith from that which they
had inherited from their ancestors. In these circumstances the king
of Joló, Mahomad Alimudin, desired to go to visit the governor of
Manila; but the Jesuit fathers were displeased at this resolution,
because they feared that the king's brother Bantilan, an enemy to the
Christians, would be left in command. From this resulted jealousies
and disturbances in the court, and the minds of men became so inflamed
that some one gave the sultan, or king, a lance-thrust. [75] Affairs
were thrown into so bad condition that the fathers of the Society,
not considering themselves safe in Joló, precipitately retreated
to Zamboanga. The sultan Alimudin likewise fled from his kingdom
in order to go to Manila, to seek aid from the governor in order to
punish the rebels who had given him the lance-thrust and conspired
against his person. [76] He reached Zamboanga, [77] and there the
Spaniards furnished him with means to proceed to Manila; he entered
that city with a retinue of seventy persons, with whom he was lodged
in a house in the suburb of Binondo, which was kept at his disposal
at the cost of the royal treasury. Afterward he made his public entry
[into Manila], and was received with great ostentation; the leading
persons in Manila visited him, and presented to him gold chains,
robes, diamond rings, sashes, and gold-headed canes--so that he was
astonished at so much magnificence, and at the generosity of the
Spaniards, for whatever he needed for the support of his household
was supplied to him from the royal treasury. [78]
The governor desired that the sultan should become a Christian,
and spoke to him about it; and the latter did not delay to pretend
to embrace our religion. He was entrusted to two Jesuit fathers
for instruction in the faith, and very soon he was instructed in
the Christian doctrine, and gave signs of being truly converted,
by the urgent requests which he made to the archbishop to baptize
him. Nevertheless, his conversion was somewhat uncertain. Some said
that he became a Christian only that the Spaniards might place him on
the throne from which he saw himself ousted, and that we ought not to
trust in his conversion; others were of opinion that in his conforming
to the usage of the church we ought to believe that his intention
was sincere, and that he should be baptized, so long as he did not in
his outward actions give cause for thinking otherwise. In view of this
diversity of opinions, his illustrious Lordship thought it expedient to
delay the baptism, and to wait until the sultan should give stronger
proofs of his resolution. This delay vexed the bishop-governor, who
desired to see him a Christian as soon as possible; and, as he could
not change the archbishop's mind, he sent Alimudin to the village of
Panique, [79] which is the nearest one [to Manila] in his bishopric
of Ylocos, in order that he might be baptized there; and he sent a
Spaniard to appear in his name as sponsor. Besides the guard of his
own people, the sultan was accompanied by another guard of Spaniards;
and in all places through which he passed a ceremonious reception was
given to him. In Panique he was baptized by a Dominican religious,
on April 29, 1750, with great solemnity and the assistance of other
religious of the same order. On his return to Manila, the governor
received him with a general salvo from the plaza, and ordered that
festivities should be celebrated with comedies, dances, fireworks,
and bull-fights, in sign of rejoicing.
In Joló the brother of the sultan, named Bantilan, had continued
in the government of the kingdom; it was he who had ordered that
his brother be assaulted, and had stirred up the rebellion among
the chiefs which compelled his brother to take refuge among the
Spaniards. Bantilan was the greatest enemy that the Spaniards and
Christians had, and gave orders that many boats should go out to
infest our seas. The Joloans--who were rebels against their own king,
and pirates by office--equipped many pancos, joined with them other
Moros, whom they call Tirones, and began plundering raids through
all the islands. The most illustrious governor gave his commands
against them, and commanded some small fleets to set sail; this did
not fail to cause in the Moros some respect [for our power], and to
restrain them; but no injury was inflicted on them, nor were their
insolent acts punished, because there were in Manila few troops. For
this reason it was impossible to restore the throne to the king of
Joló, who was now, since becoming a Christian, named Don Fernando de
Alimudin; the proprietary governor, who arrived in the same year when
he was baptized, met him in Manila with the greatest ostentation.
CHAPTER XXXI
Don Francisco Joseph de Obando, a native of Caceres in Extramadura,
went with a squadron to the Southern Sea, and was in Lima at
the time when that great earthquake occurred in which Callao was
submerged. [80] There the favor of the king was extended to him, in
appointing him governor of Manila; he went to Mexico, and in that
kingdom married Doña Barbara Ribadeneyra; and, accompanied by his
wife, he embarked for Philipinas to render service in the government,
of which he took possession in July, 1750. As soon as he arrived,
the archbishop presented to him the royal decree in which his Majesty
charged him with the expulsion of the Sangleys. The governor held a
council for the discussion of this subject, and in it was stirred up
a controversy over a seat, which frustrated the excellent intention
of his Majesty to expel the Chinese, who are so injurious to these
his dominions. The archbishop attempted to seat himself on a chair at
the left of the governor, at the head of the table [en la testera];
the latter would not allow this, nor that the guards should form in
ranks when the archbishop entered the palace or passed through the
gates of the city; and these points of etiquette were sufficient
to prevent the execution of the order to expel the Sangleys from
Philipinas. Information of this controversy was sent to the court,
and on both points came decisions in favor of the archbishop. The royal
Audiencia had a dispute with the governor on another point, because he
had by his own authority appointed Don Domingo Nebra temporary warden
of Cavite, when he should have conferred this post after consulting
the royal Audiencia, as his Majesty had commanded. The governor did
not gainsay this royal order, but he said that there was no person
competent for the building of the vessels which it was necessary to
construct for the commerce of Acapulco and the defense of the islands
against the Moros, except Nebra; that the latter was seventy years
old, and could not be compelled to take charge of the construction
of boats unless he wished; and that in no case would he accept the
post under consultation of the royal Audiencia, because in that case
he would be subject to residencia. The governor concluded that, in
an extraordinary case like this, he ought not to adhere to the usual
rules, but decide what was most expedient for the royal service. [81]
The royal Audiencia made their remonstrances and protests, but, seeing
that the governor was the stronger, they yielded, and appealed to
his Majesty. In spite of the knowledge which the governor so highly
extolled in Nebra, the fragata "Pilar," which he careened and which
was despatched to Acapulco, perished at sea, without any news about
her having come here.
Another and very noisy controversy occurred in Manila about this
time. A lady who had made profession in the beaterio of Santa
Cathalina, where she was called Mother Cecilia, became enamored of Don
Francisco Figueroa; [82] and presented herself before [the ordinary,
during] the vacant see (Señor Arrechedera being then the governor),
alleging that her profession was null. The provisor, who did not desire
controversies with the Dominican fathers (to which order the governor
belonged), pacified her, [arguing] that she should be silent for the
time, and wait for a better opportunity to press her claim. As soon
as Señor Obando arrived, seeing that the difficulties had ceased which
until then had made her keep silent, she presented herself before the
archbishop, asking, as she had done before with the provisor, that
he would annul her profession. His illustrious Lordship commanded
that the beata should be placed [for the time] in Santa Potenciana,
but this was vigorously opposed by the Dominican fathers. They had
recourse to the superior government, but, not finding support in that
tribunal, they gave way and surrendered the lady to the provisor,
to whom was entrusted this sequestration. The lawsuit followed, and
the archbishop decided that, in view of the fact that his Majesty
had forbidden that the beaterio of Santa Cathalina should be erected
into a convent, Mother Cecilia, who had made profession in it, could
not be truly a religious, and therefore her profession was null. [83]
The Dominican fathers lodged an appeal before the [papal] delegate,
who was the bishop of Zebú; [84] and the appeal was admitted to allow
another trial in the former court, but not to suspend its decrees [en
lo devolutivo, y no en lo suspensivo]. In order to follow up their
appeal with vigor they sent a religious who might carry on active
judicial proceedings against the beata, because they thought that to do
otherwise was a disgrace to the beaterio; but that bishop declined to
hear so vexatious a lawsuit, under pretext of his poor health. There
was no other bishop in Philipinas to whom they could have recourse,
for which reason they carried the suit to the archbishop of Mexico;
and he summoned Mother Cecilia before his tribunal, demanding that
she be sent to Mexico in order that he might hear and decide the case
there. As the appeal had not been admitted for the suspension [of the
first sentence], the beata contracted matrimony, and with her husband
embarked for Mexico, where the marriage was considered valid and her
profession as null. [85] The documents in the case [el espediente]
having been carried to the Council of Indias, orders were given that
the beaterio of Santa Cathalina should be extinguished with the death
of the beatas who [then] were its inmates--which has not been done,
because the Dominican fathers have obtained the revocation of this
order. [86]
The governor, being informed of the ravages which the Moros were
committing in the provinces of Bisayas, determined to attack them
with a powerful squadron, which could at the same time reëstablish
Don Fernando Alimudin (whom, now become a Christian, Señor Obando had
found in Manila) on the throne of Joló, of which he had unjustly been
despoiled. There was a diversity of opinions on this latter point,
because many persons believed that no confidence could be placed in
his fidelity, and suspected that on the first occasion that might
arise he would practice some treachery, as his fathers had done. But
the decision was made in favor of the exiled king, and he was carried
to Joló in the almiranta of the armada, which sailed from Cavite
under command of the master-of-camp of the royal regiment, who bore
commissions for both these offices. The armada reached Zamboanga, but
the almiranta did not make its appearance; and, in order not to lose
the monsoon, and not to give the Moros time to fortify themselves,
the fleet, without waiting for the almiranta, sailed from that port
on June 13, 1751, and on the twenty-sixth anchored in the cove of
Joló, at a mile distant from the forts of the enemy. They began to
fire the cannons at these, and those who were in command were so
intimidated that they began negotiations for peace; and they signed a
letter in which they bound themselves to obey their king and receive
him as faithful vassals, and to surrender to the Spaniards all the
captive Christians who might be in the island. With this compact the
master-of-camp returned, much elated, to Zamboanga in nine days;
and carried with him two champans of Chinese [87] whom he found
trading there, seizing them under the pretext that they had sold a
cannon to our enemies the Joloans, with whom treaties of peace had
just been made.
The almiranta had been delayed because it had met some damage, and
had remained at Calapan repairing its rudder, for which reason it did
not arrive at Zamboanga until July 25; but the king of Joló, impatient
at waiting so long, had embarked with two caracoas and arrived there
twelve days before. In spite of his activity, the governor of Zamboanga
was very doubtful of his fidelity; and, having found two letters which
Alimudin wrote to the king of Mindanao--one in the vulgar tongue,
[written] by order of the governor of Manila, and the other in the
Arabic language, which he had learned in Batavia, where he had spent
some time--the commandant became curious to know what he was saying in
this language, [now] obsolete in our islands. He sought for someone
to translate the letter, and found that Alimudin said that what he
wrote in the other was in obedience to the governor of Manila and to
his commands; and he could not avoid obeying him, or excuse himself,
because he was in a foreign dominion. To this suspicion was added the
fact that a brother of his named Asin, and the chiefs of Joló who had
made the compact with the master-of-camp to receive their king and
surrender the captive Christians, came to Zamboanga to visit him;
and they not only brought no captive, but it was said that, under
pretext of this visit, they were bringing in arms, in order to gain
possession of the fort. The governor, influenced by these reports,
arrested the sultan with all his following, [88] and searched the
house in which they lived, but he found only a few arms, which gave
no indication of an uprising; but other faults were discovered,
which gave plausible ground for their arrest. Various despatches and
presents which he had sent to the Moros were considered as suspicious;
and the commander and two passengers of the almiranta declared that
he was on very bad terms with the people in Manila, from whom he
had received many kindnesses, to whom on all occasions he showed
himself ungrateful; that he said the new governor had kept him like
a prisoner; that he gave no sign of being a Christian, since he went
every night to sleep with his concubines, did not hear mass, and had
taken away the crosses from the rosaries belonging to the people of
his household; and, finally, that he had apostatized from the faith
by offering a Mahometan sacrifice at Calapan, where he killed a goat,
divided it into twelve parts, with many superstitious ceremonies,
and gave them to his followers to eat, in order to celebrate Easter.
The governor of Zamboanga made report to Manila regarding these
charges and his arrest of the sultan and his household; and answer
was made to him that he should send Alimudin and all his people to
Manila as prisoners, and that war should be declared on the Joloans
[89]--giving authority to every one who wished to equip his vessel
as a privateer, and allowing him to keep for himself whatever he
should seize as plunder; and any persons who should thus be seized
should remain captives, [90] since the Moros of Joló had been declared
not only enemies to the Spaniards, but pirates, who ought to suffer
captivity, just as they imposed this lot on the Christians whom they
seized. The extermination of the Moros was undertaken with so much
ardor that pardon [indulto] for their crimes was granted to those who
should present themselves to serve against the enemy. The armada which
the master-of-camp had at Zamboanga was reënforced, [91] and a second
expedition was made to Joló, more unfortunate than the first--for the
Spaniards attempted to land in that island, and the Moros received them
with such valor that they compelled our people to retreat, with heavy
loss and great disgrace to the Spanish arms, to the fort of Zamboanga.
The haughty Bantilan, who ruled the kingdom of Joló in the absence of
his brother, undertook to induce, by the victory which he had gained
over the Spaniards, the men of Mindanao to break the peace which
they were observing with us, and to harry us as much as they could;
and he urged all the pirates who were in those islands to take up
arms against the Spaniards, whom he represented as conquered, and in
fear of their arms. Then the seas of Bisayas were seen covered with
little fleets of Moros, who carried desolation everywhere. Nothing
was heard of save plundering, the burning of villages, the seizing of
vessels, captivities, and [other] acts of violence, which the Moros
committed in our territories [92]--so that Señor Obando wished to go
forth in person to restrain them, and to repair the many injuries
which they were inflicting on us. His Majesty had commanded that a
fortified post should be established in the island of Paragua, in
order to shut off the pirates from entrance [into Bisayan waters]
on that side, just as it was closed on the other side by the post
of Zamboanga. In order to proceed in all respects with moderation,
the governor sent an ambassador to the king of Borney, in order that
the latter should cede to us the territory that he possessed in that
island; and when it was ceded he made ready a squadron to build the
fortified post, and from that place to follow up the Moros who were
plundering our islands. He intended to go out in person at the head
of this armada, and consulted the royal Audiencia on this point; but
the auditors were of opinion that it was not expedient to hazard his
person, and that he could entrust this expedition to another person,
who by carrying an engineer to draw plans for the fort which it was
necessary to build on the island of Paragua could accomplish all that
was expected from the expedition. In accordance with this advice, the
governor appointed, as its commander, Don Antonio Fabea, [sc. Faveau]
who sailed from Cavite with eleven vessels; he took with him Don Manuel
Aguirre, who went with an appointment as commandant of the military
post which was to be established, and bore orders to go to Igolote,
in the same island [of Paragua], to dislodge the Moros, who usually
took refuge in that place. Here his men fell sick, to such an extent
that, without doing more than to take possession of that district,
they went back to Manila, leaving behind two hundred and seventy dead,
and carrying home many sick men in the squadron. [93]
The king of Joló had already reached Manila, and was imprisoned in the
fort of Santiago, [94] to the great satisfaction of those who had been
opposed to his baptism and had always doubted his fidelity; but he
obtained from the governor permission that his daughter the princess
Faatima, who was imprisoned with him, might go to Joló with letters
from him for his brother and other chiefs, in order [to urge them]
to make a stable peace with the Spaniards; and for this permission he
bound himself to surrender fifty Christian captives. [95] The princess
accomplished the return of the captives, and obtained from her uncle
Bantilan the despatch of an ambassador to Manila, to attend to her
father's affairs. The envoy carried authority to conduct, jointly with
Bantilan's brother the king, negotiations for peace with the governor,
and to solemnize the treaties which they should regard as expedient,
[the chiefs] binding themselves to obey whatever the two should
sign. It was stipulated with the king and the ambassador that the
Moros of Joló should surrender all the Christian captives who were in
their island, and send back all the arms which they had taken from
the Spaniards, and the ornaments which they had plundered from the
churches; and, in order to make these treaties effective, permission
was granted to one of the chiefs who were prisoners with the king to
go to Joló in company with the ambassador whom Bantilan had sent.
The governor had very little confidence in the promises of the Moros
or in their treaties, because they had always broken them with the
same facility with which they had made them; and he prepared a strong
squadron [to go] against them, in order to compel them by force to
observe the treaties which he did not expect they would keep of
their own accord. Nor did his suspicions prove to be groundless,
for in that year (which was 1754) occurred the worst inroad which
those islanders had made into Philipinas. In all districts they made
raids with blood and fire, killing religious, Indians, and Spaniards,
burning and plundering villages; and taking captive thousands of
Christians, not only in the islands near Joló, but throughout our
territories, even in the provinces nearest to the capital Manila. [96]
The fleet which the governor had made ready went out against them,
but, before they could do anything, his successor came, at the end of
his four years' term of office; for this reason, he left the islands
in the most deplorable condition that had ever been known, the cause
of these evils being either his own misconduct or the unfitness of
those to whom he gave appointments, or perhaps his misfortune. What is
certain is, that he experienced a very grievous residencia, and many
charges against him resulted; and in the following year he embarked
in the galleon "Santisima Trinidad" for Acapulco, and died on the way,
without reaching España.
CHAPTER XXXII
Don Pedro Manuel de Arandia, [97] a native of Ceuta and of Vizcayan
ancestry, took possession of his government in July, 1754. As soon
as he arrived in Manila, he undertook to organize the troops, and to
place the military force on a regular footing and in conformity with
the ordinances which are observed in España. From the royal troops that
were in the islands he formed the "king's regiment" of two battalions;
he reorganized the body of artillerists, placing it in the condition
in which we now see it; and he assigned to both the soldiers and the
officers pay with which they could decently support themselves and meet
their obligations, without being harassed to seek in some other way
what was necessary for life. He was very diligent to put in order the
arsenal at Cavite, and whatever depended upon the royal officials--in
which he did not fail to suffer annoyances, and to incur the dislike of
many persons who did not enjoy so much reform and so great zeal. [98]
At the beginning of his government, in the month of December, occurred
the terrible eruption of the volcano of Taal, which lies in the middle
of Lake Bombon, in the province of Batangas. So heavy was the shower
of ashes that it destroyed four villages which were on the shore of
the lake, and it was necessary to remove them a legua inland. There
were many and severe earthquake shocks, and a noise as of squadrons
engaged in battle; and the atmosphere was darkened with the quantities
of sand and ashes which issued from the volcano--so that in Manila,
which is distant twenty leguas, but little could be seen at noonday;
and in Cavite, which is somewhat nearer, that time of day seemed
like a dark night. [99] I have ascended with Señor Alava [100] to
the summit of this volcano, and only a lake was seen, about half a
legua in diameter; it was very deep, and its waters were dark green.
The armada which Señor Obando had sent against the Moros met so poor
success that the governor was obliged to take away its command from
Don Miguel Valdés, who had been sent as its chief officer; and it
was conferred on Father Ducos, a Jesuit, from whom he expected better
results. In fact, that father was fitted for the post, and acted with
such valor and discretion that he took from the enemies more than a
hundred and fifty vessels, destroyed three of their villages, killed
their inhabitants, and made captive innumerable people; and he checked
the onset of those barbarians, who were devastating everything. [101]
These happy tidings arrived at Manila in January, 1755; Señor Arandia
gave orders that the Te Deum should be sung by way of thanksgiving,
and confirmed Father Ducos in his command of the naval squadron;
he had great esteem for the father because the latter was the son
of a colonel who was the governor's intimate friend, and because he
seemed to have inherited his father's valor.
Señor Arandia treated the king of Joló with much kindness, and allowed
him his liberty, although the king voluntarily continued to live in
the fort of Santiago; the governor gave him a monthly allowance of
fifty pesos and six cavans of rice for his support, and prevailed upon
the archbishop to grant him permission to hear mass and receive the
sacraments, of which he had been deprived. The king desired to marry
as his second wife a woman who had been his concubine but was now
a Christian; [102] the archbishop would not permit this, and Señor
Arandia not only smoothed away all the difficulties, but gave the
king the use of his palace in order that in it he might celebrate
the marriage with more pomp and solemnity. He did not gain these
dispensations without some dispute with his most illustrious Lordship,
to which was added another, which, although of less importance, was
sufficient to alienate feeling and cause resentment in Philipinas. The
governor complained of the archbishop because the bells were not rung
for the former when he entered or left any church, as ought to be done
on account of his being vice-patron, especially when he went [thither]
as president of the [ecclesiastical] tribunals. His most illustrious
Lordship declared that he had no order from the king for doing so;
but these formalities, together with the attacks of illness which
the most illustrious Señor Trinidad suffered, caused his death; this
occurred on May 29, 1755. Señor Arandia continued to favor the king of
Joló, for he thought that by this means he could end the war with the
Moros. He sent to Joló all the princes and princesses, the datos, and
all the women, who were detained in Manila, leaving the king alone--who
acknowledged his vassalage [hizo pleito homenaje] and took the oath
of fidelity, until a decision [of his case] should arrive from the
court of España, which had been informed of his detention. The princes
and princesses arrived at Joló on October 5 of this year; they were
graciously received by Bantilan, who, grateful for the generosity of
the governor, promised to observe faithfully the treaty of peace which
his ambassador and his brother had signed at Manila. It was necessary,
in order to extricate ourselves entirely from the war, to make an
agreement with the men of Mindanao; the governor undertook this, and
sent ambassadors to them; but the petty rulers who are in that island
are so numerous and so treacherous that it is impossible to establish
a permanent peace with them. Even assuming that all the petty kings
of the Moros may desire to observe the peace with the Spaniards, they
will never succeed in it, because they possess so little authority
over their vassals that they have never been able to restrain them,
[103] and they never will prevent them from going out to plunder and to
seize captives throughout our islands, for they have given themselves
up to this kind of life; and only the spiritual conquest of their
provinces is adequate to deliver us from these troublesome enemies.
During this government was undertaken the reëstablishment of the
missions in the islands of Batanes, which lie to the north of
Cagayan. From early times the Dominican fathers maintained in the
islands of Babuyanes religious ministers, who gave instruction to
their inhabitants; but in the year 1690 they removed these people to
Cagayan. The king having decreed that they should go back to their
own land, the religious who directed them established a mission in
the islands of the Batanes, [104] distant some thirty leguas from
Cagayan; and after his death his companion withdrew, leaving the
mission abandoned until the year 1718. It was then reëstablished
by another Dominican religious, who fixed his headquarters in the
island of Calayan, in which place he attempted to make the Indians
in the other islands settle, in order that, brought together there,
they might be instructed in the Christian religion. Great as was the
desire of the Batanes to enter the bosom of the church, only a hundred
and fifty persons took the resolution to change their place of abode;
and half of these died in a short time. That island offered few means
of comfort, for which reason the father missionary became sick; and,
although he had a successor, the mission was entirely abandoned. [105]
In the year 1754, two religious were sent, of whom one died and
the other retired to Cagayan, seriously ill; but he returned in the
following year with another companion. In order to ameliorate the
destitution which they had suffered in the preceding year, they
determined to take with them a carpenter, a lay brother of their
order, in order that he might, as soon as they reached the place,
put together a house, which was to go in the vessel, in pieces. Their
zeal did not permit them to wait until the work was finished; and,
fearing that the monsoon would pass away, they embarked without their
little house. Hardly had they reached Calayan when the two fell sick;
other fathers went to succor them, and all became sick; accordingly,
they returned [to the mainland] one after another, and it was necessary
to abandon the mission after the Dominican fathers had incurred large
expenses for it. Afterward, this conquest was again undertaken,
by Señor Basco in 1783; and this effort has been successful in
maintaining there the Dominican fathers, converting those islanders
to the faith. A commandant was stationed there with his garrison,
which caused much expense, because it was necessary to send them
all their supplies from Philipinas; for in all those islands the only
produce is camotes and such other eatable things as grow in the country
itself. There is no doubt that other articles would be produced, but so
numerous are the rats, which consume everything, and so frequent the
baguios or hurricanes, that one may rest assured that these plagues
would devastate the fields before the crops could mature. Every year
a bark was sent to carry succor to the islands, but, as the baguios
are so frequent in those seas, many of these vessels were wrecked;
it has therefore been recognized that the maintenance of that post is
impossible, and the result is, that only the Dominican fathers remain
there with a small guard, who must be succored from Cagayan. For this
enterprise Señor Basco was granted the title of Conde de la Conquista;
but I assert that if half of what he spent in Batanes had been expended
in placing missionaries in Ylocos, Pangasinan, and Cagayan, he would
have gained more vassals for the king of España, and with less risk.
I am astonished that we should have left the beaten track of the
conquest or pacification of the Indians, and taken up another which
is more dangerous and more costly, only because it makes more noise
and a more showy appearance, that is, [the conquest] by arms, which
always has produced bad effects--as occurred at this time, in the
hill-country of the Igorrots. In the year of 1740, the Augustinian
fathers handed over to the Dominicans the missions of Ytuy, or Ysinay,
in order that, these being joined to the missions of Panique which they
had established in the preceding year, the provinces of Pangasinan and
Cagayan might be united on their southern borders. [106] The Indians,
both Christians and unbelievers, resented this change of missionaries,
from which resulted a species of civil wars among them; and it was
necessary for the auditor Don Ygnacio Arzadun y Rebolledo, who was
then making official visitation of the province of Pangasinan, to send
troops [to Ytuy] to silence the malcontents. Our men fought a battle
with them, in which the natives were defeated and pacified; but a few
years later they again became restless, and finally, in the year 1756,
many Christians apostatized; and these, united with the unbelievers,
raised a furious tempest. They burned some churches, slew many of the
people who remained faithful, and, losing reverence for the missionary
fathers, searched for them to take their lives. On account of this,
Señor Arandia despatched an expedition to this mission and to the
hill-country of the Ygorrots, which had very little effect; for it
accomplished nothing save to frighten the Indians and make them flee to
the hills, to come down again as soon as the soldiers should go away.
In order to know how to pacify the Indians, it is necessary to
understand their character. Whether because of their naturally
superstitious disposition, or because God has thus ordained it,
they are very affectionate to the missionary fathers, and have much
reverence for them; but there are not lacking some who dare to plan
some perfidy against the fathers, and for this reason they need
escorts to protect them from audacious attempts of that sort. At
times the natives become heated and rise against authority, and the
multitude come out against the fathers, unless there is some check to
restrain them; such a check, is in the military posts, which ought to
be near the missions, so that the Indians may have respect for these,
and fear lest they will be immediately punished if they commit any
insolent act. With these measures of precaution the islands were
conquered, and the same are observed at the present time; but the
missionaries are very few, from which it results that they are so
widely separated that they have to make a day's journey to visit one
another, when they need to be confessed or on other occasions, and
they are very poorly paid. For what is a hundred pesos and two hundred
cavans of rice for a Spaniard to maintain himself with decency in
the missions? [Even] this small stipend they sometimes cannot collect
without a thousand annoyances and vexations which are occasioned to
them by the alcaldes-mayor, who seek various pretexts for not paying
them, and compel them to go from the mission to the [provincial]
capital to collect it, as I have seen. So wretchedly do these poor
religious live that there are occasions in which they find themselves
obliged to use for their own support what was given to them for their
guards; and they live without these, preferring to remain exposed
to the affronts of the heathens rather than perish with hunger. The
military posts are also few in number, and the Indians in them are
unable to impose respect on their countrymen. If the money that has
been spent in useless expeditions could have been employed in these
sure means of pacification, that undertaking would have made much
greater progress. It is true, we shall never see the rapid advances
made by our ancestors in the conquest [of the islands], because the
Indians have their eyes more open; the Christians themselves persuade
the others not to be baptized, in order that the tribute and other
taxes may not be imposed on them. Moreover, they themselves have a
custom which greatly hinders their civilization, and consequently their
conversion. If any one commits a murder in another village, its people
do not rest until they have avenged the crime; the consequence is,
that the weaker villages are obliged to remove from the district,
or to league themselves with other villages. In either case, the
Christian church suffers much, because those who are baptized must
follow the infidels of their own village and separate themselves
from the [missionary] fathers, or else must enter into the general
hostilities. Nevertheless, gradually they would all be converted;
for if in the neighboring villages many unbelievers are continually
being baptized, who leave their own lands and are held in less regard
than are the oldtime Christians, how many more would not be baptized
if they could remain in their own homes, honored and courted by their
old acquaintances? Christian morality is very holy, and attracts all
hearts in which vice has not become deeply rooted.
On May 15, 1757, the holy Congregation [i.e., of Propaganda] at Rome
issued the decree which put an end to the controversies which the
discalced Augustinians (or Recollects) sent out by the Propaganda
had in the kingdom of Tungquin with the Dominican missionary fathers
from Philipinas over the administration of certain districts, and
in regard to the [association called the] "Lovers of the Cross"
[Amatrices de la Cruz]. [107] The Dominicans had received into their
missions various priests sent out by the Propaganda, who--for lack of
ministers, or on account of the persecutions--had ministered to some
villages in the Dominican territory. On this account his Lordship
Fray Hilario de Jesus, bishop of Coriza, asked from the Dominicans a
residence for a Recollect (as the latter belonged to his own order);
and soon after that he asked for the entire district, which was granted
to him during the lifetime of that religious. When the bishop saw
the Dominicans so compliant, he did not delay in demanding another
district for his discalced fathers. The Dominicans did not accede
to this demand, and his illustrious Lordship, availing himself
of various pretexts, introduced into that district a Recollect
religious; from this resulted a sort of schism, in which papers
were written on both sides, insulting remarks were made, and neither
party would yield. Like altercations occurred in other districts,
because the Recollects tried to thrust themselves into the missions
of the Dominicans. The "Lovers of the Cross" were a sort of beatas,
who lived in a community, and, although they did not take the vow
of chastity, observed the [rules of the] religious life; some of
them belonged to the Tertiary Order of St. Dominic, and others to
the discalced religious women of St. Augustine. It was made evident
that these beaterios ought to be subject to the parish priests; but,
bringing forward various pretexts, the Dominicans and Recollects
disputed over the direction of these beatas.
In order to stop the scandals which resulted from these disputes,
the bishop of Coriza assembled a [diocesan] synod in the village of
Luctuy; it was the second synod held in Tungquin, and held its first
session on June 24, 1753. Among the other points that were settled,
action was taken on the "Lovers of the Cross," and on the distribution
of districts. As the bishop was a Recollect, and the rest of those
who attended the council were his confederates, everything was decided
against the Dominicans; Father Hernandez, therefore, who was the only
member of his order who attended the synod, protested against all its
decrees, appealed to the Apostolic See, and went out of the meeting
before it was ended. After the synod closed, the Dominicans, seeing
that a Recollect was going to Rome to secure approbation for the acts
of the council, sent another envoy, a Dominican, to prevent this. When
the whole matter was examined in the holy Congregation, two districts
were set aside for the Recollect fathers, and the rest were continued
in charge of the Dominicans, the beaterios of the "Lovers of the Cross"
were left subject to their respective parish priests. In regard to the
[acts of the] second council of Tungquin, it was ordained that they
should not be carried into effect until the holy Congregation should,
after a thorough examination, agree to confirm them.
Returning to Manila, one of the good things which Señor Arandia
did in his term of office was the expulsion of the Chinese. He
sent away all the heathen to their own country, and, in order that
hereafter they might not remain in Philipinas, he founded the market
[alcayseria] of San Fernando, [108] in which all the Sangleys who
come here to trade must dwell until the time for the departure of
their champans arrives; and then all must embark in their vessels
except the Christians, who have permission to live in the islands,
provided they devote themselves to the cultivation of the soil. The
Spaniards who were interested in the residence of the Sangleys in
Manila persuaded him that, if he expelled them, there would not
be people enough to carry on the internal trade; and, in order to
counteract this frivolous pretext, he established a [commercial]
company of Spaniards and mestizos. This lasted only one year, [109]
because there was little need of it in some islands where there
are more than enough to carry on this sort of traffic. The Asiatics
are naturally slothful, and consequently enjoy greatly the kind of
life--since it gives them food without labor--which they secure by
buying and selling the commodities which are consumed in the country;
and, even if some are unsuccessful, every one has a very moderate
[amount of] trade; but there is hardly any one among them who does not
carry it on very steadily. This abundance of petty traders makes their
wares much dearer, since they pass through many hands before they reach
the last buyer; and each trader, since he operates with little capital,
must make large gains in order to support himself. From this it must be
inferred that the Sangleys, far from being necessary to this commerce,
greatly injure it; and it should have been considered desirable to
lessen, in place of increasing, the number of these traders or dealers.
Notwithstanding the wisdom of this measure, Señor Arandia lost much
in popular esteem by it; and this, added to others of his actions,
brought upon him the hatred of the community. In virtue of the ample
powers which he brought from the court, he drew up instructions for
the alcaldes-mayor and the government of the provinces, in which
he openly declared himself against the regulars. At the beginning,
he had treated these religious bodies with respect; but, resenting
some acts of disrespect manifested toward him by certain individuals,
in these instructions he deprived the orders of the kitchen-boys who
had been furnished to them by the king since the conquest, and the
servants granted them by the crown for sacristans. Not content with
causing them these losses, [110] he made various remonstrances against
them to his Majesty, in which he spoke of them with little civility;
and in the instructions he spared no means of injuring them, seeking
opportunity to speak ill of them even in those sections of that
document which have no connection with the religious. The blame for
all this was laid on his favorite, Don Santiago Orendain, [111] who
was the declared enemy of the ecclesiastics; but this could not excuse
Señor Arandia for issuing directions which the king had the goodness to
censure as soon as he saw them, for depriving the ecclesiastics of the
groves of nipa palms which they held in La Hermita and Bagunbayan, for
stirring up several groundless controversies with them, for imposing
taxes on the goods which the religious in the provinces were sending
to their convents, [112] and for expressing his [unfavorable] opinion
of them in public. He had a dispute with the royal Audiencia because
he was not willing to render military honors to them when they went
in a formal body, on occasions when he did not preside over their
sessions. He imprisoned the treasurer and auditor of accounts of the
royal exchequer, and caused them great suffering, because they had
sent information to the court of some things that was contrary to the
explanations given by him in his reports. Unwearied in the government,
he conceived many projects which he considered necessary for the
proper government of the islands. He talked of removing the arsenal
from Cavite to the port of Lampon; and he ordered a ship to be built
in the kingdom of Siam, which had such ill-fortune that in bringing it
over to Manila it was driven to port in China three times, and once to
Batavia, causing enormous expenses to the royal treasury. [113] The
governor made reports to the king, and proposed to him various plans
for the promotion of [operations in] the mines of iron and gold. He
abolished the corregidorship of Mariveles, annexing Marigondon and
the other little villages of that shore to the district of Cavite,
and forming from the villages on the opposite shore and from others
which belonged to Pampanga the alcaldía which we call Batan. [114]
He made regulations for the soldiery, the royal exchequer, and the
Acapulco ship [115]--on all occasions giving many proofs of his
zeal for the royal service, by which he was aroused to enthusiasm;
but this disposition, ill directed by Orendain, was the cause for
his being abhorred by every one. It was so wearing upon him that he
reached the point of feeling a distaste for every kind of business,
and experienced so great a failure of his vital powers that in the
night of May 31, 1759, it was known that he was dying; and, after
receiving all the sacraments, he expired at two o'clock in the morning
of the following day. [116] He left by his will two hundred and fifty
thousand pesoty and one cannot guess how he gained them in the less
than five years during which his term of office lasted; but at the
hour of death he distributed them in a pious and Christian manner.
Through the death of Señor Arandia, the bishop of Zebu, Señor Espeleta,
assumed the government. Soon afterward, the new archbishop of Manila
arrived here, Don Manuel Roxo, [117] a native of Tala [sc. Tula] in
the kingdom of Nueva España; his Majesty had taken him from the post
of canon and provisor at Mexico, for this see, giving him permission
to be consecrated in Nueva España. He took possession of his church
on July 22, 1759, and immediately claimed that he should be put in
possession of the military government, which it seems belonged to him
by the royal orders. The four auditors were divided in opinion, Señors
Calderón and Davila deciding that the archbishop should assume the
governorship, and Señors Villacorta and Galban that no change ought
to be made. While they were in session in their hall, discussing
this question, his illustrious Lordship Espeleta entered; he spoke
with decision, and, in order to intimidate them more, made ready the
artillery and placed the troops under arms; at these preparations
the auditors and the archbishop gave way, and the bishop of Zebu
remained in peaceable possession [of the government]. The first
thing that he did was to revoke the ordinances of Señor Arandia,
and to make some preparations against the Moros, who since the year
fifty-four had been ravaging our provinces; but the event which made
most noise in his time was the lawsuit against Doctor Orendain. Every
one placed on him the blame for the actions of Señor Arandia; and
the fiscal of the king, Señor Viana, believed that he had been placed
under arrest in his own house by the favorite's suggestion. Orendain,
either because his conscience stung him, or because reports had been
spread that some design was formed against his person, took refuge
in the Augustinian convent at Tondo. The fiscal made it a pretext for
claiming Orendain from this asylum, that he should be arrested because
he was treasurer for the Crusade, and, by his voluntary withdrawal
[to asylum], indicated that he might prove to be a debtor to the royal
treasury. He then left his refuge, and was imprisoned in the fort
of Santiago, the authorities commissioning Señor Villacorta to bring
legal proceedings against Orendain. It was found that he had hidden
various jewels in the convents, and, while these investigations were
being pursued, he made his escape from the fortress in the dress of
a woman, going away in a coach, without the guard recognizing him,
and took refuge in the convent of the Recollects. The auditor thus
commissioned had recourse to the provisor, in order that the latter
might give orders for Orendain's removal thence; but, as the provisor
did not accede to this after three demands, the auditor sent a notary
with soldiers, and removed Orendain by force from the sanctuary. The
provisor declared Señor Villacorta publicly excommunicated, and his
name was placed on the list. That gentleman had recourse to the royal
Audiencia, which ordered the provisor to absolve the auditor; this was
done through the cura of the cathedral, but ad reincidentiam, and for
the period of thirty days--that is, if the accused did not return to
the church within the thirty days, he would incur excommunication the
second time. Señor Villacorta challenged the provisor, and this lawsuit
became so tangled that various judges were challenged by one side and
the other, and even Señors Calderon and Davila were challenged by the
king's fiscal, who had taken part in the dispute; and there was no one
who could give judgment in the suit, because some refused to take the
responsibility, and others were challenged by one or the other party.
In such condition was the Orendain affair, when a decree arrived from
his Majesty in which he appointed the archbishop as governor ad interim
on account of the death of Señor Arandia. He assumed the authority in
the year 1761, and put an end to this clamorous lawsuit by commanding
that Orendain should leave the fort, and all his property be returned
to him, with [his giving] security for all that he owed to the Holy
Crusade; he also imposed on all persons perpetual silence during the
time until his Majesty (whom he informed of his proceedings) should
make some other decision. His most illustrious Lordship continued
to rule the islands in much peace, fulfilling rather the office of
father than that of governor, conciliating those who were turbulent,
and extending his charity to the king of Joló, who was living in the
fort with much lack of comfort. The governor quartered him in a house
in Manila, decently furnished, with a coach and with menials enough for
his service. He wished, besides this, to restore him to his kingdom,
and after listening to the opinions of the leading persons in Manila,
it was decided that the king Don Fernando and his son Israel should
be sent back to Joló, and that they should take with them a guard of
Spaniards, in order that the chiefs in that island should not compel
him to abjure the Catholic religion which he had embraced. When
they were ready to carry out this undertaking the English arrived
[at Manila], the war with whom it is necessary to relate in separate
chapters. [118]
MEMORIAL OF 1765
By Francisco Leandro de Viana. MS. dated February 10, 1765.
Source: This document is translated from a MS.--apparently
a duplicate copy of the first original, and bearing Viana's
autograph signature--in the possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago.
Translation: This is made by Emma Helen Blair.
VIANA'S MEMORIAL OF 1765
Part I
In which is shown the deplorable condition of the Philipinas Islands;
the necessity of preserving them, with respectable forces; and the
method for attaining this, without the costs which hitherto [have
been incurred], and with increase to the royal exchequer.
Chapter First: Of the present unhappy condition of these islands [119]
1. There is no greater misfortune in the world than poverty; all have a
contempt for it, and all regard it with displeasure. No one honors the
poor man, however heroic and eminent he may be; his subordinates serve
him unwillingly, and readily show him insolence. He has no success,
for lack of money; and, in fine, every undertaking costs him immense
labors, fatigues, vigilance, and sorrow.
2. It is literally this which is occurring in these islands. The Moros
deride us, and display their superiority compared to our weakness,
which certainly is ignominious to the Catholic arms, and to the
reputation of the [Spanish] nation. When we had forces for punishing
them, they were curbed and humiliated; since they have seen us poor
and weak they have displayed their perfidy and boldness, and are
treating us with the greatest insolence ever seen--for they invade
even the villages along this bay, without there being, on our side,
any means to prevent this.
3. The vassals of his Majesty, both Spaniards and natives, live in
the sorrow which is aroused in them by their melancholy reflections
on our poor and miserable condition. The Indians, who are civil only
when they fear some punishment, regard their sovereign with little
respect, and the Spanish nation with disgust at seeing it humiliated
by the English, the Dutch, the French, and even the Moros; and they
judge that the Spaniards are somewhat more than the Indians, but
much less than the other nations. And, although they are confounded
at the glorious successes which our armies have gained against the
English since the capture of this military post, and at the heroic
valor with which the unfaithful provinces have been punished, when
they become aware of our actual poverty that will be enough to destroy
their reverence and respect for the acts of the superior government,
and to make them bold to commit any insolence, for our lack of means
to restrain them from it.
4. For this same reason, nothing can be undertaken that will avail
against the Moros who harass us, [120] or against the Indians who
refuse obedience to the commands laid on them. The consequence of this
is, that the scanty funds in the royal treasury are being consumed;
that it is deprived of the receipts which it could have if we were
in a respectable condition; and that a zealous governor of these
islands labors and watches, in weariness and grief, to procure the
remedy for so many evils, under the impossibility of finding it.
5. If we look at the condition of this fort and of that at Cavite,
we shall lament, as is natural, the necessity of repairing their
fortifications and building some new ones, of clearing out the ditches,
of tearing down buildings, and of other works which will be deemed
indispensable. If we turn our view to the artillery, we shall find
it so defective, and part of it so useless, that for the defense of
these forts it will be necessary to spend many thousands of pesos. If
the gun-carriages which are needed and are actually lacking are built;
if the forts are supplied with the gunpowder, balls, grapeshot, bombs,
grenades, and other implements of war, and with iron, nails, mantelets,
cordage, and oil, and, in short, with everything which ought to abound
in the [royal] storehouses: the cost of all these things, which are
necessary, will be enormous. If attention is given to the need of ships
for transporting [hither] the situado, and of other smaller vessels
for sending aid to the military posts, providing them with supplies,
driving away the Moros, and transporting property from the provinces,
one will be astounded at the contemplation of these expenses. And,
after all, he will draw the conclusion that nothing of what I have
mentioned can be undertaken, for lack of money; that the Moros will
keep us in a state of continual fear; and the Indians will act as
caprice leads them; that at the first outbreak of war the forts will
be found entirely defenseless; that the military posts will be exposed
to destruction; and, in one word, that the lack of troops and money
places these islands in imminent risk of their total destruction, by
various paths, and our sovereign and the Spanish nation in grievous
danger of losing their honor, reputation, and influence--which must
be averted by such means as are possible; and one of these is, the
abandonment of these domains.
6. If, then, they produce nothing; if to maintain them must cost so
much that it weakens the royal exchequer, to the injury of other
and more important domains; if for lack of money the honor of the
Catholic arms cannot be maintained in these distant regions; if we
are exposed to being the plaything of all the nations; if we cannot
resist or confront the feeblest enemy who may attack us; and finally,
if we must endure the ignominy of being discreditably deprived of
these faithful vassals, with the loss of all that they have: it is
better to anticipate these losses in good time, to abandon or sell
these regions, and allow to all [their inhabitants] free opportunity
to make their property secure and take refuge in other dominions, where
the power of our beloved kings and lords may shield and defend them.
7. This is the method of saving expenses, and employing those funds
for other and more useful purposes, and averting the ignominies to
which we are exposed--with danger not only to our property but to
our lives. For we are surrounded by ferocious and inhuman enemies,
such as are the English--who, warned by the events of the late war,
will give no quarter if they return to these islands, on account of
not exposing themselves to remain as prisoners within the walls of
Manila and Cavite--the Moros, who will come to the aid of the said
English, or alone by themselves if they see us very weak (and in every
way those people are terrible, for they know not what humanity is);
the Sangleys or Chinese, who are equally barbarous and bloodthirsty;
and even the Indians, who also are cruel and ferocious.
8. The recent example of Pangasinan is the most melancholy
warning. What obstinacy and blindness! what insolence and aversion
toward the Spaniards! What treasons and apostasies! What murders, so
inhuman and cruel! It is certain that the Indians desire to throw off
the mild yoke of the Spaniards; that they are Christians, and vassals
of our king, simply through fear, and fail to be either Christians
or vassals when they consider us weak; and that they neither respect
nor obey any one, when they find an opportunity for resistance.
9. The revolted Indians in the island of Bohol solemnize weddings
among themselves, confer baptism, and perform other functions of the
Catholics, for which purpose they have some persons who perform the
duties of the father ministers in the villages; and this mockery,
this scorn, this contumely they display for what is most sacred in
our religion. They have fled from the villages, and live in their
freedom in the hills; yet for this conduct they have experienced
only kind treatment and promises of pardon, to which they do not,
and never will, pay any attention. If we had troops and money, those
insurgents would be reduced; they would be good Christians and vassals,
and the royal treasury would possess the receipts from their tributes;
for only the fear of punishment is adequate to subject the Indians,
and draw them toward what is right.
10. More recent is the case of Pangasinan, whose natives had just
been making the same mockery of our Catholic religion, and showing
the same contempt for it; but chastisement has reduced them to being
Christians and vassals to our king. It is argued from this that, so
long as we have not the forces for coercing the Indians, they will
be our greatest and most terrible enemies--from whom we cannot free
ourselves, save by the measure of abandoning the islands, in case we
do not maintain them with respectable forces.
Chapter Second: Of the difficulties which will result from abandoning
these islands
1. Not many years had passed after their conquest when it was
recognized in España that, in order to support them, it was necessary
to expend much money; and the question arose whether it was more
expedient to maintain these new domains, or to abandon them. Opinions
were expressed on both sides: some urged that but little advantage
had resulted to the crown from spending immense sums of money in this
country, so distant from its sovereign--who, besides the fact that
it did not promise him much profit, could not render it assistance
with the promptness which was necessary. Others, on the contrary,
urged that under no circumstances ought these islands to be abandoned,
which were conferring such glory on our arms, victorious in the four
quarters of the world, in which resounded the power of our sovereign,
and his royal and Catholic zeal for the salvation of so many souls.
2. Our king and sovereign Don Phelipe the Second, of glorious
memory, embraced this latter opinion, with that apostolic and heroic
resolution, so celebrated in our histories, that "for the sake of one
single soul that might be saved, he would consider well employed the
moneys that were being spent in these islands."
3. I believe that to this religious motive others were added, of
policy and state, for maintaining these islands, which, although at
the beginning they would consume much money--as occurs in every new
colonizing enterprise, which [sort of work] is not done for nothing--at
the same time promised great advantages, on account of the valuable
products which they yielded, and the great number of people who were
conquered. Efforts in this enterprise were made for several years,
with the greatest ardor; the chimerical projects of Terrenate and
the Molucas were begun, which cost us infinite expense; and, on the
other hand, we were harassed by the Moros, with the Dutch, who were
aiding them as enemies to this conquest, which they feared would be
their ruin--an indication that we had a better opportunity than they
to aggrandize ourselves with the commerce of all India, which would
have yielded to us the very profits which they feared to lose. And
we, occupied in defending ourselves from so many enemies, have not
thought of making any progress, but only of leaving everything as the
famous Legaspi established it--and yet continually with new burdens,
on account of the creation of new offices, the increase of missions,
and other expenses, which exceeded the income of this royal treasury,
and were made up from that of Mexico.
4. Freed at last from the aforesaid enemies, [a time of] serenity and
calm began in these islands, and much progress might have been made,
to the benefit of the royal exchequer; with its forlorn condition,
and the interested motives of those who were managing it, the zealous
and disinterested governor Don Fausto Cruzat promptly made himself
acquainted. He collected much money which had been regarded as lost;
he erected or rebuilt very costly works, as the galleon "San Joseph,"
the palace, the halls of the royal Audiencia and the accountancy,
with prisons, storehouses, etc.; he left much money in the royal
treasury; he prevented the remittance of large sums which were
due from the Mexican treasury; and he practiced economies which
were very considerable, and suited to his own example of interest,
zeal, application, and ability. But the reduction which he made in
the military force, in pay, and in the royal situado, was not the
best idea for the security of these islands, and for supplying their
urgent necessities--especially as no increase of the royal revenue was
established in place of the said reduction. For as a consequence--and
the receipts of the royal treasury having been diminished, when they
might have been increased--and with the necessity of holding the Moros
in check, with costly expeditions and the construction and equipment
of some military posts, our expenses were increased; and since these
were greater than the incomes, the islands have not retrieved their
condition since that time. They have had but few troops, and this
government has not been able to make itself respected, or to restrain
the invasions of the Moros. Nor is it able to undertake enterprises
that would be useful in the provinces, in order that these might
produce for the royal revenues the great increase which they bid
fair to yield, and for which plans would be made, [if the support
of the government could be given], by those who were of opinion that
these islands should be preserved. As is admitted by [those of] all
nations, these islands are the most fertile, abundant, and rich, and
the country the most delightful, in all India; and no other region is
so well suited for [the center of] a flourishing commerce, on account
of their situation. [For they lie midway] between the empire of China,
the kingdoms of Siam and Cochinchina, the islands of Celebes and
Molucas, the kingdom of Borney, Vengala, the coasts of Coromandel and
Malavar, Goa, Persia, and other populous regions which have made the
[mercantile] companies of Olanda and Inglaterra rich. With greater
reason would they be able to increase the wealth of España, if in these
islands were cultivated their many valuable products, which are greatly
esteemed in the aforesaid colonies, and if these products found there
the market which foreign goods now enjoy. The whole matter consists
in restoring our commerce with the same courage and perseverance
which the foreigners display, for which design the abandonment of
these islands would be very pernicious--even laying aside religious
motives, which are powerful to the Catholic zeal of the Spaniards.
5. I find another and greater objection to the abandonment of these
islands; that is, that the English would securely establish themselves
therein, for they have shown themselves eager and greedy for the
advantages which the islands present. In that case, they would
easily carry on, by way of the Southern Sea, an illicit commerce
with Nueva España--where they could land wherever they might please,
and without difficulty make themselves masters of the Californias,
in order to continue, with this advantage, the discoveries by which
they have sought to find a passage to the Eastern Indias by the
[route] northwest from Hudson's Bay (called thus from the name of an
English captain). With this object there was formed, at the beginning
of the eighteenth century, a company of English merchants, who, as
a result of their latest enterprises (in the years 1746 and 1747),
[121] have reasonable expectations of finding a way of communication
between the Northern and the Southern Seas, according to the critical
account of a modern geographer.
6. West of Canada and of the Misisipi River is the great gulf of the
Western Sea, [122] which falls [into the ocean] above [i.e., north of]
Cape Mendocino; it was discovered by the Spaniard Martin de Aguilar,
and it is judiciously conjectured that it extends a considerable
distance toward the lands of the northern region in which is situated
the strait of Anian, according to the discoveries of the Russians in
1728, 1731, and 1741--which have a certain agreement with those of
the aforesaid Aguilar, and especially with those which our admiral Don
Bartholome Fuente and his captain Pedro Bernarda made in the year 1640,
[123] north of California and northwest from Canada.
7. The former navigated along the coast of California four hundred
and ninety-six leguas to the north-northwest, as far as the lake
which is called Lake de los Reyes [i.e., "of the Kings"], and reached
Canoset; he crossed a lake, and by a river--to which he gave the name
Parmentier, which was that of his Spanish interpreter--he arrived
at another lake, which he named Fuente; it is one hundred and sixty
leguas long and sixty wide. From this point he passed to another lake,
called Ronquillo (from the name of a captain in that squadron), and in
one of the villages there he learned that at a little distance toward
the east there was a ship, in which it was supposed that there were
Spaniards; they found an English ship, which had reached that place
by the current from Bafin's Bay, or else that of Hudson's Bay.
8. Captain Bernarda, who had directed his course to the north, arrived
at Minhaset, a village of America; he entered a lake four hundred
and thirty-six leguas long (which he named Velasco), the extremity of
which extends northeastward, as far as 77 degrees of latitude, and by
a river which flows from the said lake to the southwest he came out
at the sea. Again going to the north, he continued his navigation
to the northeast in the sea of Tartaria, as far as 79 degrees of
latitude, always following the coasts. He sent ashore a Spaniard,
and he assured him that he had seen the extremity of the gulf of
Davis's Strait, or of Bafin's Bay; and that in that place there was
a freshwater lake at the latitude of 80 degrees, and mountains of ice
toward the north and northwest. From this the said captain concluded
that there was no passage or communication between the said strait
and the Southern Sea; but the English regard these relations as the
effect of the Spanish policy, which hides the actual discoveries of
Admiral Fuente. As if there were not a similar refutation of error in
the voyage which the merchants of Zelandia undertook in the year 1592,
as Samuel Ricard [124] relates, with the idea of passing over to China
by way of the coasts of Tartaria! On the contrary, the English suspect
that there is a passage to the Southern Sea by way of Hudson's Bay;
and they are continually searching for it, with the greatest ardor and
perseverance--for which enterprise they will have, without any doubt,
motives which encourage their expectations. It is enough for my purpose
to show how substantial is the advantage that would result to the said
English from being masters of these islands, in order that they may
establish themselves in the coasts of the Californias, and thus render
easy the illicit commerce and the discoveries that I have mentioned.
9. Even without these suspicions, it cannot be doubted that in case
of war breaking out the English could attack our domains in the
two Americas from these islands, by the coast of the South [Sea];
and from Europe, by the opposite coast--diverting our forces in one
direction, in order to strike a blow in security, where it may be
most to their advantage; and to this risk we expose ourselves by
abandoning these islands. But, notwithstanding this, I conclude
that if we must ignominiously lose them, by not maintaining them
with respectable forces, it would be better for us to abandon them
rather than to encounter such a calamity. This, in my opinion, would
be accomplished in the first hostilities [that might break out],
since the English, who are arrogantly establishing their factory
in Joló to secure the profits of their commerce in that kingdom,
will much more willingly establish themselves in Manila, whenever an
opportunity is afforded them; and they will profit by whatever now
benefits the Spaniards--and much more, on account of their greater
application and industry, which regards the entire circuit of the
world as narrow for the extension of their commerce.
10. The dominions ceded to the English by España and Francia in North
America, as far as the Misisipi River, furnish to that nation the
means for continuing the discoveries which I point out; and it cannot
be doubted that, at the same time, they are seeking for a connection
between the two seas--to which the inquisitive disposition of the
English will devote itself, with the energy which hitherto [they
have displayed]. They can open a route, by land if not by water,
to the Californias, where any settlement [by them] would be very
injurious to us, but very advantageous to them if they possess
these islands. But without them the English could not maintain
such a settlement, except at great cost in sending to it supplies
in ships, which would have to navigate either by way of Cape Horn,
[125] in order to go along the coast of the South--without fear of
encountering resistance from the Spaniards, since a dozen Englishmen,
and half as many Indians to guide them, will make the crossing,
and fortify themselves in any part of the southern [i.e., Pacific]
coast of America--or by the Cape of Good Hope [Buena Esperanza], the
Gulf of India, and the Straits of Malacca, in order to cross over from
there, by way of these islands, and afterward make the same voyage as
do the ships of this [Acapulco] line. These voyages, so protracted,
will hold back the English from any settlement on the southern coast
of America. However, if these islands belonged to them, they would
immediately execute that project, in order to secure the advantages of
this great commerce and of the illicit traffic which they would carry
on in Nueva España--just as now they are conducting it from Jamayca
and Honduras among all the Windward Islands [Islas de Barlovento]
and in part of the Americas, with notable injury to the commerce
of España and to the royal duties, of which they are depriving his
Majesty with so many illicit importations [of foreign goods].
11. Many other difficulties which would ensue from the abandonment
of these islands can be seen in the Extracto historial [126] of the
commerce of Philipinas, to which I refer--contenting myself, lastly,
with calling attention to what we have lost by the Dutch having
made themselves masters of the Molucas, the commerce of which has
compensated them for the enormous expenses which they incurred. This
subject also is treated by the said Extracto historial, and by the
chronicles or histories of these islands. It is sufficient to say
that the Dutch have enriched themselves with the cloves and spices
of the Molucas, from which the Spaniards obtained nothing but great
expenses, with no mercantile advantage; that with the said products
they have drained the silver from our dominions; and that with this
money they have waged most cruel war against us.
12. Let a computation be made of the expense which the Molucas caused
us, and of the loss which we have experienced from abandoning them;
and even he who is least versed [in such matters] will concede
that the latter is vastly greater than the former. For ten years'
expenditures for preserving the Molucas are not equal to the increase
of strength which we have given every year to our enemies since they
gained possession of those islands. I assert that we would not have
abandoned that valuable piece of territory if our Spaniards had been as
industrious and assiduous in trading as are the Dutch; or if they had
realized what they lost, which has been the immense treasures which
the Dutch have gained. But ours is the singular misfortune that we
regard the land as useless that does not abound in silver; nor will
we consent to be convinced that commerce is the most safe of mines,
if the products which our provinces yield are promoted, cultivated,
and worked up.
13. The importance of the Molucas was not thoroughly understood until
we lost them; nor will the loss resulting from the abandonment of
the Philipinas be realized until they are in the power of some other
nation, less indolent and negligent than ours. Then their exceedingly
rich products--cinnamon, cloves, pepper, nutmegs, cotton, gold, iron,
and the others which are yielded in great abundance (as will be said
in its place)--will be cultivated and gathered up; those foreigners
will sell us these very fruits, which now we cannot appreciate, and
with them will take away our money; and in any war we shall be ruined
by the gains which our abandonment [of the islands] will produce to
those [who possess them].
14. I believe that in view of these reflections, and of what I am going
to explain, every good Spaniard will be convinced of the necessity of
preserving these islands--even though it shall be at greater expense,
and without the powerful incentive of religion--on account of the
great benefit which can result to the monarchy if we open our eyes to
avail ourselves of the advantages which these dominions offer to us,
as I attempt to demonstrate in this writing.
Chapter Third: Upon maintaining the islands with respectable forces
1. Assuming the difficulties which would follow from abandoning them,
which is the first measure proposed, the second seems indispensable--to
place these forts not only in a condition of ordinary defense, but in
one of entire security, in order to avert the ignominy and discredit
of our arms, and to render worthy of respect the name of our king
and sovereign, and that of the Spanish nation, which certainly have
lost much of their honor in this part of the world, at seeing the
derision which the Moros have repeatedly cast at us. And it has been a
special providence of God that since the shameful loss of Manila our
arms should regain the reputation which they had lost in the siege
of this fort, by some glorious successes--so complete that they were
extolled by the enemies themselves, and caused admiration throughout
India--in order to show that the loyalty of the Spaniards, even when
their forces were most feeble, could conquer the strongest enemy and
avenge their injuries. But this glorious and heroic example of fidelity
and valor--by which all the people distinguished themselves, under the
orders cf their commander, Don Simon de Anda y Salazar--ought not to
lull us into living in excessive confidence that, in another invasion
(which may God not permit), we shall be able to accomplish the same
results; for the hand of God is not always ready to work miracles,
and He desires that men shall aid themselves, in order that He may
aid them.
2. I say, then, that it is very easy to make these fortified places so
worthy of respect that there will be no forces in this part of India
able to capture them. With the same ease any person can begin to form,
in his imagination, a basis of brave soldiers, of fortifications, etc.;
but he will strike on a reef from not knowing how the increased expense
which must necessarily burden this undertaking can be supported. For
this end, I will propose some measures, after showing the way by
which to make ourselves respected.
3. The towns of Manila and Cavite ought to be placed [in a condition
of defense] with the plan of fortifications in the modern style which
shall be furnished by the engineers who may be consulted, or may come
from España, for this purpose. This expense will be very great, as is
naturally obvious; and perhaps with the same expenditure the entrance
of the bay could be fortified to prevent the entrance of ships and
leave this place in a condition conformable thereto--devoting all
attention to the said entrance and to the port of Cavite (in which
the courts, the [royal] offices, the storehouses, etc, ought to
be), because its situation, aided by art, will make the said port
impregnable, and its maintenance less costly and more secure.
4. The town of Manila is of no use without the port of Cavite; and
the latter, without the former, is more useful and less costly. Any
enemy who attempts to capture this town [of Manila] can secure
the same advantages by seizing other lands on the shores of the
bay, because all is alike, but useless, without the said port;
and the expedient of abandoning this town (which, on account of
its uselessness, does not merit the expenditure of so much money),
and employing the same expense in fortifying, if that can be done,
the entrance of Mariveles, is more advantageous and safe, and less
costly. It is more advantageous, because then no vessel can enter
the bay, to invade the villages along its shore, as the Moros now do;
more safe, because while any [hostile] squadron would be wasting time
in opening a passage by which to find entrance into the bay and lay
siege to Cavite, opportunity would thus be given for various military
measures which would render difficult the capture of the said port;
and less costly, because not so many soldiers are necessary to guard
the fortifications of the said entrance and port as to man the great
extent of the walls of Manila--which, according to intelligent persons,
needs a garrison of at least three thousand men. [127]
5. There is a sort of flat boats which are called "floating bastions"
[baluartes en el agua]; they are of shallow keel, but of a strength
which can support artillery of large caliber. This is a most admirable
invention for defending the entrances of ports; those who understand
the subject will give more minute information regarding these vessels,
which, added to the fortification of the aforesaid entrance [of
Mariveles], will make it impossible for hostile ships to enter the bay.
6. There is no doubt that Manila, as I have said, is unnecessary if
Cavite is well fortified; but it is also certain that at Manila it is
easier to bring in supplies, and for all the troops and the citizens
to remove, with their property, to the provinces, where the enemy
cannot attack them. These reflections, and the difficulties which
there may be in fortifying the entrance to the bay, will be better
foreseen by those who understand the subject.
7. Besides the two ships, which are necessary for the trade with
Nueva España, there ought to be at Cavite two others in reserve,
which could serve in any outbreak of war for the guard and defense
of our fortifications, and even could be sent out for capturing
the ships of our enemies which might come from Europa and from the
coasts [of India] to trade at Canton, for the latter pass in sight
of the coasts of Ilocos and Cagayan, and visit without fail Pulaor,
Pulicondor, and Pulizapato. These ships [at Cavite] ought to have
competent naval officers; and even in time of peace they will be very
useful for keeping the coasts clear [of enemies], for transporting
troops to the military posts, for any expedition against the Moros,
and for reconnoitering and surveying the lands, and the shoals
and dangerous places of our islands and seas, and discovering new
routes. The navy, shipyard, and arsenal of Cavite should be placed
under such regulations as shall be considered most suitable; and as
warden of the said port there should be appointed a competent naval
officer, or some one of the builders of ships, with the title of
superintendent of the arsenal and shipyard, in order that affairs
may progress in proportion to his ability.
8. The expense of the two ships which must sail to Acapulco is paid
for by the same royal duties which have been hitherto paid, for there
have always been at least two galleons for this purpose. As for the
additional two ships, and some fragatas besides, it can be estimated
that they will cost one hundred thousand pesos a year, besides their
construction; this can be carried on in various parts of these islands,
with evident saving of expense on account of the exceeding abundance
of timber and the low wages of the workmen.
9. The principal defense and security of these islands consists in
the troops. In every province there ought to be fifty soldiers, with
their officers, at the disposal of the alcaldes-mayor. In this way
the reduction of the villages would be made easier, without which all
the rest is absolutely idle and useless. As fast as the villages are
reduced, they offer greater advantages for both spiritual and temporal
things; and thus could be established what would be very beneficial
to the Indians and to the royal exchequer, as will be explained later.
10. With a thousand soldiers distributed in the provinces--and these
in time of war could retreat to the forts--and with three thousand
who may be permanently stationed in the forts, the port of Cavite
and the forts which may be erected at the entrance of the bay will be
impregnable. Or, [if it be a question] of not undertaking this work
but of maintaining the fortified post of Manila, the said number of
troops will likewise be sufficient; for the Dutch, the English, and
the French, who are the powers that we can fear in India, have not
the facilities for coming to conquer our towns with so many marines
as there would be soldiers in our garrisons aforesaid; and, on the
other hand, they may fear lest we invade them with part of the said
military force and of the militia (which, disciplined on the plan that
I propose in my memorandum of suggestions, will exceed six thousand
men, besides the veterans). With that force, and with the enormous
number of men who could be obtained from these islands for [making]
earthworks [para faginas] and for other construction, the name of our
sovereign and of the Spanish nation would command so much respect in
this part of the world that no one would dare to invade us.
11. The permanent garrison of Manila and Cavite, according to the
regulation by Señor Arandia, contains two thousand men, divided into
twenty companies; and the plan which I propose for the security of
the said towns and of the provinces calls for another two thousand
men. From these can be formed another twenty companies, of a hundred
men each; and, since usually these companies are at no time complete,
it will be necessary, in order to keep them full, to increase the
said plan by another thousand men, in order that the [regular]
footing of four thousand men may always be maintained. They can
easily be recruited in Nueva España, and [sent over] by every ship
to replace those who may die; for we have learned by experience
that the Americans, if they are well disciplined, are remarkably
well fitted for soldiers. They are barbarians in courage, and are
daring and resolute; they fling themselves into the greatest danger
as joyously as into a dance; and whether on the march or in guard
duty, in heat or in rain, and in the most distressing fatigues, they
are always gay, contented, and good-humored. With the same aspect
they endure poor food, a scanty supper, a hard bed; and, finally,
they are very obedient, and their virile powers are quite spent
[son de potencias mui despejadas] usually--so much so that on this
account they usually have all the vices which are natural to man. But
strict discipline and punishment are a great restraint on them; and,
with the example of four or five hundred veteran soldiers who might
come from España, a very respectable military force could be trained
here--with the additional consideration that they are better able
than are the Europeans to endure heat and rain, and other hardships,
which ruin the latter and make no impression on the former. But it
is indispensable that some officers of rank should come from España,
to lay good foundations for this edifice, for in no other way can it
be permanent.
12. In order that this force may serve willingly, and be reliable,
it is necessary to increase their pay. It is impossible to have
good officers unless they have sufficient pay to support themselves
decently, and it is certain that they do not have it; the same thing
is true of the soldiers, relatively; and on this account it is found
that both officers and men serve by compulsion, for, by leaving the
service, they make a better living, and are more highly esteemed. A
captain with [a salary of] twenty-five pesos, a lieutenant with
eighteen, and an alférez with fourteen, cannot feed, clothe, and house
themselves; and in order to appear on the streets neat and clean,
they are forced to practice a thousand stratagems and deceits, which
cast discredit on the body of officers and injure their reputation
among the citizens. The honorable officer who does not conform to this
[sort of] life, or who has means to support himself in some other way,
or who adds to his income by trading, escapes by leaving the service;
and the soldier deserts, and takes refuge in one of the provinces,
where he lives better and has more comforts. Therefore, in order
that they may serve the king with affection, willingness, and honor,
both officers and men should receive a corresponding rate of pay.
13. This, it seems to me, ought to be fixed at the rate of fifty
pesos for the captain's pay, forty for the lieutenant, thirty for the
alférez, ten for the sergeant, eight for the corporal, and five for
the private soldier; and in this proportion for the sargentos-mayor,
the adjutants, and others. With these salaries all the military could
support themselves decently, and the service would be desirable;
young men of good standing would devote themselves to it; there
would be emulation among the officers, and, if these were competent,
among the soldiers also--who, with such pay, would not be so eager
to desert the service.
14. Computing the annual expense of the aforesaid forty companies,
according to the proposed schedule of pay, it would amount to very
nearly the sum of three hundred and twenty thousand pesos; and adding
thirty thousand pesos more, for the pay of the corps of artillerists
whom we ought to have, the annual expense would be about three
hundred and fifty thousand pesos. [With that force,] there would be
men for the detachments which we may need to send on special service,
for the expeditions that may be necessary, for proceeding wherever
necessity may call for aid, and for the ships and the galleys; and,
above all, for rendering ourselves respected and feared, in times of
either peace or war.
15. This increase of troops and pay, compared with the pay and troops
stated in Señor Arandia's regulations, amounts to the half more;
and I reckon it, with that of the artillery, at two hundred thousand
pesos more of expense; this, with the hundred thousand applied for
the navy alone, will make three hundred thousand pesos of increase
to be charged to this royal treasury. Computing the cost not by the
said regulations, but by the plan which I have just proposed, the
entire cost of army, navy, and corps of artillery amounts to four
hundred and fifty thousand pesos annually.
Chapter Fourth: On the facility with which these islands can produce
for the royal exchequer more than what it needs for the said expenses.
1. Having constituted the aforesaid military force--or half of it, in
order that the expense may be less at first--the reduction of all the
Indian villages ought to be resolutely undertaken, as a matter that is
absolutely essential, without which all the rest will be useless. This
reduction made (which can be accomplished in less than a year),
enumeration will be made of the tribute-payers in all the provinces;
after the reduction their numbers will be greatly increased, because
the heads of barangay will not be able to hide the tributes as easily
as they now do, or to commit thefts and dishonorable acts, as they have
hitherto done. The ordinances will be made duly effective, especially
in regard to plantations, and other measures will be adopted that are
beneficial for the better government, both economic and civil, of the
villages; government buildings will be erected in the chief towns,
at least, that may serve to shelter the alcalde-mayor and the troops
that he will have; also a storehouse, in which to keep the property
of the royal exchequer. Good schoolmasters will be employed for the
instruction of the Indians, and for teaching them our language; and
the matters in which the father ministers should have the right to
intervene, and those in which they ought to forbear, will be strictly
regulated, without any dispensation. The cultivation of the land will
be conducted with the utmost care; and, finally, the tribute will be
increased, to the rate of two pesos a head each year. Although this
is a very moderate impost, and is profitable not only to the king but
to the Indians, in order to draw them out from their continual and
pernicious slothfulness, this branch of revenue will produce annually
one million, six hundred thousand pesos. This addition to the royal
treasury, even when some deduction is made, as is ordinary, will not
only support the expenses of my plan for army, artillery, and navy, but
a considerable amount of silver will be left for other allotments from
the royal exchequer, and for indemnifying the expenses with which the
islands have been burdened, from the time of their conquest until now.
2. The other increases and savings which the royal exchequer can make
in its various branches I have set forth to his Majesty and to the
superior government, and I will furnish a still more detailed account
whenever it shall be deemed necessary. It is sufficient [here] to
know that these can amount to some four hundred thousand pesos, and
that, when added to the income from the tributes, the two items will
amount to two millions of pesos annually; and even if half a million
be deducted for contingencies and losses, and another half-million be
spent in making payments, a million still remains as savings. Even
considering the matter as gloomily and distrustfully as possible,
there cannot fail to be an annual saving of half a million of pesos,
as any one will understand who is moderately acquainted with the
affairs of these islands.
3. With such receipts in the royal treasury, and with the aforesaid
soldiery and their pay, and with navy, artillerists, and military
supplies, what enterprises cannot be undertaken in these islands? Will
this not be the most considerable establishment in all India? Will
there be forces that can overcome us? Will the English, who have their
forts and factories, with the necessary garrisons, venture again to
invade this place? On the contrary, will they not fear, and with just
cause, that we, superior then in forces, will attack them in their own
colonies? I think that no one will doubt that the advantage is ours,
assuming that my plan for savings and increases in the royal revenues
is practicable; and I believe that, however numerous the difficulties
which may accumulate in carrying it out, all will admit the suitability
of these islands for attaining it, if only it be undertaken in earnest
and followed up persistently by all the governors; for if the military
forces be placed on the footing that I propose, all the rest will be
overcome without special difficulty; and I dare stake my head on it.
4. In order that the islands may enjoy the peace, tranquillity,
and comfort which they should have, with evident benefit to the royal
revenues, it is absolutely necessary to inflict exemplary punishment on
the Moros of Jolo and Mindanao, whose insolence, perfidy, cruelties,
piracies, seizing of captives, and deceitfulness have ruined these
wretched provinces, and will entirely annihilate them unless the
remedy be applied--and there is no other, than to attack them in their
own territories, and give them no quarter; to destroy them, or else
intimidate them so that they will never forget [their punishment]; and
to put a stop to their raids, by some small forts, which can keep them
in subjection--imposing on them a heavy tribute, which will indemnify
the expenses of the expedition and the costs of the said forts and
soldiers. The enterprise is easy and safe, when we have the men and
the money; and the advantage and even necessity is the greatest one
of these islands. Upon this I could expatiate at length, since this
is a matter upon which I have worked with considerable application;
but this point is sufficient, as being one of those most essential to
the prosperity of these islands, and to make it evident that at the
same time we can succeed in depriving the English of their factory in
Jolo. [128] This is another of the more important matters, since in
either peace or war they will entirely ruin these islands: in peace,
by frauds and commercial intrigues; and in war, with small forces.
5. For the execution of all the aforesaid, and in order that
the [military] establishment proposed may suffer no delay or
procrastination, it would be expedient for his Majesty to give
commission for this to the governors, and to the ministers of the
Audiencia, with the insistence which is merited by this project,
so assured and so beneficial; and the amplest powers should be
given them to proceed in such manner as they shall judge, by the
majority of votes [in councils of war], to be most expedient. For in
consulting his Majesty in regard to some uncertainties, and waiting
for his royal decisions, the delay of at least three years will be
experienced; and in so long a time the postponement of action cannot
fail to be injurious to the enterprise, and to cool interest in its
continuation, when it ought to be pursued with the greatest ardor,
zeal, and efficiency, deferring for this all other affairs, as being
less important.
6. The first thing which should be attempted is, that his Majesty
issue commands--provided he approve the project for making these
domains respected, and the plan for economies and increases in
the royal revenues--to the viceroy of Nueva España to send over
here money and soldiers, in order to serve as a foundation for the
work that is to be undertaken. For this is necessary to be done,
even if there were no such project; for in its present condition
the place is without defense, and the government without forces to
make itself obeyed; and there is no medium between the two extremes
above stated--to abandon this country, or to maintain it with honor;
and the latter cannot be secured without spending money, and without
having sufficient troops to garrison the forts.
7. If to these succors from Nueva España were added two ships and
five hundred soldiers from Europa, a corresponding force of officers,
and abundance of military supplies--which could come to these islands
by way of the Cape of Good Hope--great advantages would ensue. First,
all the vassals in these islands would rejoice at seeing such succor as
never before had been seen in them; second, the Indians would have some
idea of the power of our sovereign, since, as a people of material
ideas and little penetration, they do not consider or understand
more than what enters through their eyes; third, they would feel more
respect, fear, and dread, which is that which holds them in check, and
obliges them to be Christians and vassals of our king. Fourth, such aid
would serve as a terror to the Moros, and would allow the provinces,
overwhelmed by their invasions, to take breath; fifth, all the soldiery
would be disciplined and organized after the example of the said five
hundred veteran soldiers, and with the sergeants and corporals of the
latter a good corps of officers could be formed, filling vacant posts
with them in place of the untrained and inexperienced (to whom can be
given other appointments in the posts of alcalde-mayor, corregidor,
etc.). Sixth, in these neighboring provinces the reduction [of the
villages] and the increase of tribute could be immediately undertaken,
without risk of resistance on their part; and when the undertaking
was concluded in this region, where it is easier to carry out such
a measure, it would be continued in the other provinces, one after
another. Thus in a short time the benefits set down in this project
would be obtained, and with them the troops and their pay could be
increased, fortifications and ships built, supplies provided (which
could be done here), and the Moros who harass us destroyed.
Chapter Fifth: Of the arguments which justify the increase of tributes
1. As this matter is discussed with the greatest scruples by all
the authors, it has seemed to me desirable to explain, as briefly
as possible, the reasons which I consider just for the increase of
tributes which I mention in the preceding chapter. I see therein from
the start the obstacles and difficulties which this delicate question
will occasion; but I will bring together the considerations which
no author denies in this discussion; I will adapt their doctrines to
the Indians of these islands, in order that the justification of my
design may be evident; and I will conclude with touching upon some
objections which have been raised by the most learned persons whom
I have consulted on this point.
2. From the confusion and disorders of ancient times originated the
selection of kings, to whom and to their successors the respective
kingdoms entrusted the power of establishing laws; of forming towns,
and of maintaining them in peace, justice, and social order; of
appointing persons for government, civil, economic, and military; of
establishing tribunals; and, in fine, of providing their vassals with
all the means conducive to their greatest comfort and security. The
people bound themselves to contribute means for meeting these expenses,
with the tributes and regular charges which might be necessary. By
this mutual obligation between the kings and the vassals, the latter
must be protected, defended from enemies, and maintained in peace
and justice; and in return and acknowledgment they must also pay the
tributes, since these are employed for the common benefit, and secure
the stability and solidity of the state. If St. Paul counseled that
tributes be paid to the heathen princes, with how much more reason
ought they to be paid to our Catholic monarchs!
3. The payment of tributes is binding in the tribunal of conscience,
under [penalty of] mortal sin, and with the obligation to make
restitution when they are fraudulently withheld; and this opinion
no author questions. But, as it is not possible to determine the
quantity, opinions are divided, and many persons expand this matter,
urging that the excessive imposition of tribute exonerates from
the obligation to pay it, and establishing [the fact of] the said
excess on various arguments, although I know not whether these are
solid as is necessary. For, in order to speak with assurance on
this matter, neither theology nor jurisprudence is sufficient; but
it is necessary to know also the science of government and that of
administration--which are little understood by some who clamor against
excess in the tributes, without knowing whether or not there is any.
4. In matters of government, a statesman who is adorned with
superior talents will distinguish the expenditures which are
necessary from those which are needlessly incurred; he will know
whether the tributes are sufficient to meet the obligations of the
crown; and he will make a calculation of the incomes and expenses
of the royal exchequer. This neither the jurist nor the theologian
can do, without knowledge of these matters, which are remote from
their professions, and consequently they cannot be sure whether
the tributes are sufficient, or are extravagantly spent, in order
that they may establish the [charge of] excess in them, or the
[right of] relief from paying them, or the [justice of] scruples
at imposing them. But the theologian and the jurist who may have
the said information will doubtless declare with most correctness,
whether the tributes are excessive or moderate, and whether there
is obligation to diminish them or necessity for increasing them,
in order that sovereigns may not experience the aforesaid scruples,
or the vassals have cause for not paying the tributes.
5. It cannot be denied that in all the nations of Europe the tributes
have been increased in this century, as the Mercuries publish it;
and this is right, because continually new things are discovered
which render the old ones useless--for instance, a fortification
which formerly was considered impregnable is [now] regarded as very
frail and weak. On the other hand, the exertions which a power makes
oblige it to incur greater expenses, and all of the powers strive
to place themselves in a state of equilibrium which can render
their respective domains secure. The abundance of silver has raised
the prices of commodities, and, as everything costs much more than
formerly, and the necessity for expenditures is infinitely greater,
the increase of tributes cannot be avoided, nor can the vassals be
excused from the clear obligation to pay them, in proportion to the
[demands of the] times, which cannot be the same.
6. The pious feeling with which the Indians have been regarded has
rendered still more delicate the question of the tributes which
have been imposed upon them; nevertheless, all our authors agree in
justifying not only those which at first were laid upon them, but
those which for just reasons were afterward increased. Moreover, it
was decided by a council of very learned men whom the emperor Carlos
Fifth consulted that the Indians ought to pay the same tributes which
the other vassals were paying in España, appraising their value,
and moderating the tax according to the resources of the tributaries
and to what each province could carry and endure; [129] and from this
proceed to the laws which have been established, and the royal decrees
that have been issued, for this purpose. These ordinances are even
more benign than the aforesaid decision; for really the poverty of
the Indians has been exaggerated more than is just, and it has been
believed that by these moderate measures the conquest of the Indias,
both spiritual and temporal, would be more easily effected--which I do
not attribute to that, but to the great reverence which the reputation
and glorious achievements of the Spaniards occasioned in the Indians.
7. Taking for granted then, the moderation (as all admit) of the
tributes paid by the Indians, especially in these islands--where
they paid only at the rate of four reals for each tributary, and of
one real a head which was afterward imposed in addition, one entire
tribute finally paying ten reals, in accordance with ley 65, tit. 5,
lib. 6, of the Recopilación de Indias, without there being, from the
year 1602 until now, any further burden upon them--and assuming,
as an unquestioned fact, that there has been a continual increase
of new offices, new military posts, and many expenses in these
very islands; as also that the urgent needs of the crown are now
incomparably far greater than in the past century, it seems that by
an undeniable conclusion the increase of tributes ought to be lawful,
in proportion to the increase in the said expenses. For without the
tributes the king cannot fulfil his obligations as such, in regard
to his vassals; nor can the latter omit to contribute the means for
their own preservation and security, which is what the sovereign must
endeavor to obtain for them.
8. What reason will there be for the vassals in the peninsula of España
being the only ones to be laden with an increase in the tributes,
and for the vassals in the Indias not bearing the same increase? One
class is under the same obligation as the other to pay their share to
their king, for the necessary expenses of the monarchy. Let, then,
a survey be made of the taxes and imposts which have been increased
in España since the conquest of the Indias, and it will be seen what
increase of tributes has been imposed upon the Spaniards in order
to defray the expenses of the crown, while in the Indias hardly any
increase has been made--although it accords with equitable justice
that all should bear these burdens which conduce to the common welfare,
and assure the stability and permanence of all the dominions.
9. Even when the expenses of these islands were less, the tributes
were not sufficient; and every year the generosity of our sovereign
has sent and is sending the situado [130] from Nueva España--which,
[even] with the product of the tributes and of other royal taxes, is
not enough to satisfy all the obligations of this royal treasury. This
is an argument which demonstrates that these vassals do not contribute
to their king the amount which, in the opinion of all, they are
under obligation to pay; for they ought to pay that which his Majesty
spends for their comfort, for their spiritual and temporal government,
for the administration of justice, and in defense of their persons
and property. Besides all this, they ought to contribute to the
royal revenues for the expenses of the wars, and the maintenance of
troops and forts, of the navy, of state officials, and of the royal
household--which, as indispensable and general expenses, ought to be
exacted from all the vassals. But not only are these expenses never
exacted from the vassals here, but these islands have been supported
at the cost of the labors and fatigues of the other vassals, without
any reason being found why one class should enjoy more privileges
than the other while they receive equal benefits.
10. There are probably in all the world no vassals who are less
burdened than are the Indians of these islands. They eat and drink
without paying alcabala or any impost; the fabrics with which they
clothe themselves, if made in the islands, pay nothing, and if they
are of foreign make they bear no heavier burden than the light one of
the customs duties; in the polos and personal services to which the
king assigns them, he furnishes them with rations and pay according
to the tariffs and ordinances of the provinces; and, finally, each
Indian pays, at the end of the year, only five reals, from the age of
eighteen years to that of sixty. I agree that at the beginning it was
proper to proceed with this moderation, because the said tribute was
then considered sufficient for the expenses, and those of the monarchy
were also less in those times, on account of the scarcity of silver,
which caused all commodities to be cheaper than they are now; and,
finally, because they had not been conquered by wars occasioned by
their own perverse conduct, in order to impose on them heavy tributes
at the discretion of the conqueror, as is just in such cases. For they
submitted of their own accord, and our conquest was made not because
they had previously furnished us with causes for war, but for the
sake of their greater good, both spiritual and temporal; for this
reason their tribute ought to be more moderate, but not so much so
that, in order to relieve these vassals, it should be charged back
to the others (as it has been, unjustly), in order to support these
islands. For it does not accord with justice that exemption should
be granted to these Indians from their obligations, as vassals, to
pay their share toward the expenses of these dominions and of the
entire monarchy, in [due] proportion; and that this favor [to them]
should prove injurious to the rest of the vassals, who certainly are
more worthy of consideration [than these], since they are more useful.
11. "In the time of their heathendom, they ought to be considered as
slaves rather than as vassals of their tyrannical petty kings, to whom
they paid service as vassals. These tyrants employed them in their
grain-fields, and in gathering pearls, shells, gold, dyewood, amber,
and civet; in timber-cutting, and in the construction of vessels;
in a word, the people had nothing more than the labor appointed to
them by their tyrant masters" (thus I explained the matter to his
Majesty in a report of June 5, 1760, and [here] will copy exactly
the rest of its contents regarding the increase of tributes). "Your
Majesty conquered these dominions and these peoples, making rational
beings from brutes, Christians from heathens, and rich people from
poor ones. Your Majesty gave them the freedom of the sea, the rivers,
the lands, and the forests; established a governor, an Audiencia, and
other courts, in order that they might be defended from their enemies
and maintained in justice; formed bishoprics, with bishops and curas;
and, in fine, you completed these benefits with the many privileges
which are contained in the laws of the Indias, without further burden
to them than the payment by each Indian of five reals. At the same
time, they were able to pay much more, as it is just they should,
considering that every vassal ought to contribute to his king and
natural lord whatever is necessary to maintain the vassals in peace,
justice, and social order; but in these islands not only does your
Majesty not obtain what is needed to pay these expenses, but your
Majesty supplies, and has supplied, an immense amount of money. If
the rest of your vassals contributed in this proportion, your Majesty
could not maintain your dominions, for you spend vastly more than what
they yield to you; nor could the Indians of these islands, moreover,
be instructed and governed if your Majesty spent upon them no more
than you obtain from the fund of the tributes. Therefore, in order
that these obligations may be reciprocal--that of your Majesty to
maintain the Indians in social order, and theirs to contribute for
the same--it is necessary that the tribute be proportioned to the
expenses, and larger than what they are at present paying."
12. Let these reflections be prudently considered, for, even without
the constraint of the foregoing ones, they show the lawfulness of
increasing the tribute; and at greater length I have stated the
disposition of the Indians, as I also explained to his Majesty in
the said report: "They are a people who are given up to sloth; they
work one day for the food for the entire week, and the rest of the
time they are without occupation, and most often [spend that time] in
gambling or drinking. That is a very unusual Indian who takes pains
to have a comfortable house, and to accumulate some little property
for the comfort of his children; for he [usually] only works for
his food and for wretched clothing, for paying his tribute, and for
gambling. This is more usually the case; as also is it certain that
there are no vassals who have better opportunities for being rich,
or can do so more easily. Those who were exempted from going to cut
timber paid the overseer five pesos, three reals each, in order not to
be obliged to do this work for the period of one month; and in this
is evident the facility with which they make money when they choose,
and when necessity urges them."
13. Here comes in well what the governor has set forth in a memorandum
of suggestions regarding the increase of the tributes, and I will
extract from it what answers my purpose: "Among the numerous vices
which are occasioned by the incredible laziness of the Indians, one
is that of gambling. When they gamble on a cockfight, a multitude
of people assemble, and all of them carry ready money for this
purpose. The Indian women adorn themselves with many chains of gold,
with pendants, and with rosaries ornamented with gold; with rings
and bracelets of tumbac, and with many buttons of the said metals
on their chemises. The Indians are accustomed to use much silver,
and some gold and tumbac, on the said buttons and those on their
jackets; in rings and clasps; on their knife-belts [131] and weapons
ornamented with silver. For a burial they pay out twenty, forty,
or sixty pesos; they spend enormous amounts in the banquets at their
weddings, in the functions of gobernadorcillos, and in other things,
which prove that the Indian, notwithstanding his great slothfulness,
has money for everything except for the tribute."
14. There is no province which does not yield many and excellent
products, and, if the Indians were willing to apply themselves to
a very moderate [amount of] labor, they could pay a larger tribute,
and [yet] live with more comforts; for there are probably no vassals
in all the world who have such facilities and opportunities for
becoming rich as have the Indians of Filipinas. But this condition
is not attained when there is slothfulness; and what means have the
Spaniards used to banish this vice? None; for we are as languid and
negligent as the Indians, and have left them in their freedom without
seeking either their advancement or our own. The Spaniards do not go
out of Manila, where all are gentlemen; they regard it as unworthy
to devote themselves to any other pursuit than commerce; they employ
themselves in swindling and begging alms, rather than seek a living in
the provinces; and, more than all, they live in utter idleness. They
loiter about, divert themselves with gambling and other vices, and
become insolent in their licentious mode of speech, even that which
they do not understand. For this reason Manila is the commonwealth
most abominable for malicious tales, slanders, and factions, [132]
for sloth and licentiousness; for even the citizen of most wealth
and he who is most occupied will have at least ten months which he
does not know how to employ.
15. Such is the example that we set to the Indians, and they imitate
us so perfectly that they all desire to live as the Spaniard does,
to wear the same costly ornaments, and to be rich--but without labor,
and without ceasing to be idle or to divert themselves with all the
other vices. If the many Spanish vagabonds who wander about Manila
and its environs were distributed in the provinces, they would trade
therein; they would marry Indian women of rank, would become rich with
some application and labor, and would thus furnish a good example to
the Indians. In this way the foreigners (and especially the French)
have established their colonies, free from the error of our pernicious
vanity, inaction, and sloth; and we, although better warned than they,
are unwilling to change our ideas, but prefer to maintain the Indians
in the same state of idleness.
16. The means for their not being idle is, that the Spaniards should
work, and encourage and aid the Indians to cultivate their lands and
utilize their products. An ordinance should be published that no Indian
may be a gobernadorcillo or official of his village unless he cultivate
and gather in a certain portion of rice, wheat, sugar, cacao, cotton,
wax, or other product, regulated by what each province produces;
that if they do not cultivate their lands they must lose them, the
lands being adjudicated to other persons, in order that these may
cultivate them; and that exemption from tributes, polos, and personal
services be granted to those who shall most distinguish themselves
in tillage and harvesting. The idea is, to stimulate them in this
manner to the tillage and cultivation of the lands which his Majesty
grants to all the villages and the Indians who dwell in them; and
these measures are very gentle compared to others which were decreed
by the municipal law of the Indias. For in one of the ordinances of
Mexico it is decreed that "the Indians must not be allowed to be idle,
or to wander about as idlers and vagabonds; but they must work on
their farms." The authorities could compel them by force to obey this,
as Señor Solorzano proves by various arguments in book 2, chapter 7
of his Política Indiana, demonstrating that no Indian would work if
allowed his liberty, "through his natural inclination to an idle and
easy life," as is definitely stated in ley 1, tit. 13, lib. 6 ("Of
the Indians"), and many others of the same Recopilación; and that the
Indians resist work "because they are exceedingly slothful and fond
of idleness, and are inclined to abandon themselves to intemperance,
licentiousness, and other vices which idolatry occasions among them;
and as they are so little covetous, and are content with so little for
food and clothing, many passing their lives in the manner of beasts,
some force and compulsion is necessary to make them give up this
mode of life; for the devil prompts and persuades them not to serve
or aid the Spaniards.
17. "On this account it has always been regarded as best to keep them
occupied and at work, and in their heathen condition the same was done
by their Ingas [i.e., Incas] and Montesumas--to such an extent that,
when they lacked profitable and necessary occupation, their rulers
set them to work at others that were only for pleasure, and of no
use or benefit; they were even made to collect little bags of lice,
and to cut and carry to the mountains stones of enormous size."
18. All this description seems written for the Indians of these
islands, and he who may have any experience with them will decide
that, in order to remove them from their sloth and their vices the
increase of their tributes is indispensable, as is the necessity of
compelling them by the said measure to perform work that is useful to
the king, and likewise to themselves, in both spiritual and temporal
interests--so much so that one can and ought to form the gravest
scruples at allowing the Indians to remain in their present condition,
since it is the origin of numberless evils (from which I shall pray God
to deliver his Majesty and his ministers), through consenting to this
so pernicious sloth, and not applying some remedy to it. At the same
time with the increase of the tribute, the abundance of products and
the wealth of the islands will be greater; for if the Indians now do a
certain amount of work in order to pay five reals, they will be under
necessity of working three times as much in order to pay two pesos.
19. In Nueva España, Señor Solorzano regards as lawful and very just
the tribute of eight tostons (which are four pesos, each of eight
silver reals), for each Indian, one-half more [133] than what I rated
in the increase which is here proposed. He who has any knowledge of
the said kingdom and of these islands will admit that the said rate
is very moderate; for the Indians of America do not enjoy so great an
abundance of products or so wide a market as do the natives of these
islands. Also, there they have not, in proportion [to the extent
of the country], as many troops and as many military posts as here;
and these natives have fewer burdens of polos and personal services,
and much less hardship, than those of Nueva España. Notwithstanding
these advantages, which furnish just reason for imposing on these
islands the same tribute which is regarded as just in Nueva España,
I am fixing the rate at one-half less--for with the two pesos for each
Indian I think that there will be more than enough to place the troops,
the fortifications, and the navy, on a more respectable footing; to
defend these vassals from the invasions of Moros and other enemies;
and, by saving to his Majesty the royal situado and making amends for
the enormous expenses which have burdened these islands, to furnish
to the royal revenues some increase, and have means with which to
meet the needs and obligations of the crown.
20. The difference which there may be between the Indians who were
conquered by arms and those who voluntarily subjected themselves to
our sway (as were those of these islands) is also found in the said
regulation of rates, by which the latter will pay but one-half as much
as the former; for this circumstance that I have mentioned does not
relieve them from the obligations and burdens of vassals--although on
account of it they have the right to be treated with more clemency, as
they have been treated hitherto, and will be in the future--paying the
two pesos as tribute, in order that his Majesty and the other vassals
need not defray the expenses to which the people of these islands ought
to contribute, since these conduce to their spiritual and temporal
welfare, and to the preservation and security of these dominions.
21. Besides this, it ought to be borne in mind that, from the first
years of this conquest until the one in which we now are, nearly
all the provinces have at various times rebelled and risen in arms;
and not one of our authors doubts that for this kind of offense the
Indians ought to be punished by an increase of their tributes, that
this may serve them as a warning and example; for they [thus] lost
the right to be treated with the mildness which their first voluntary
submission deserved. If the Spaniards had proceeded after this fashion
in these islands, it would have been an easy matter to increase the
tributes, in order to save the situados. Moreover, with the examples
in this war [i.e., with the English] we have most rightful cause for
punishing, by some such means, the traitorous and revolted provinces,
by [imposing] not only the two pesos of tribute, but much more, in
order to make some distinction between the Indians who have continued
faithful to our king and those who have rebelled and acted disloyally.
22. With these brief reflections the minds of those who have
entertained some doubts or scruples in regard to the increase of
tributes which I proposed in the preceding chapter would be convinced;
but there would be other difficulties to overcome in this exceedingly
delicate matter. People will tell me (as I have sometimes heard it
said) that any person who proposes the increase of tributes commits
mortal sin, and incurs the excommunication of the bull of the Cena. But
I will reply with the upright and pious intention which has influenced
me to write on this subject--on which, in my opinion, depends the
preservation of these islands and their Christian churches; for they
will certainly be lost in a few years unless they produce [means]
for the expenses which they occasion, or unless his Majesty increase
the royal situado; this is a difficult matter, and he is under no
obligation to do so. And it is sufficient for me, in order not to incur
the said excommunication, that the bull of the Cena is not received
in España in regard to matters of temporal government (in which our
sovereigns are absolute), but only in what concerns ecclesiastical
discipline, and the purity of the faith and the Catholic religion,
in which the Spaniards have always affirmed the blindest obedience
to the supreme pontiff and vicar of Christ on earth.
23. Nevertheless, I regard with the most profound veneration and
respect all that is contained in the aforesaid bull, and its provisions
regarding government taxes and tributes make me hesitate; for, assuming
(as a good Catholic) some influence of the Holy Ghost for the said
pontifical declaration, [134] my mind would be full of remorse if
at the same time when I defend the increase of tributes I did not
oppose the malversation of their proceeds, the superfluous expenses,
the lack of economy in those who administer them, and the numberless
thefts from the royal revenues, which are the strongest objections
that can be raised against my proposal.
24. It is certain that the vassals are under obligation to pay tribute
to their kings, but it is likewise certain that they have the right,
in equity, that what they pay as tribute be well employed, and that
punishment be administered to those who steal, extravagantly spend,
or misapply those funds; for in the honest administration of the
royal revenues consists the greatest comfort of the vassals and
the prosperity of the [respective] monarchies. The remark made by a
celebrated French writer is [worthy] of note: that if the ministers
of the king of España in the Indias were not so dishonest the
royal incomes would amount to more than those of all the powers of
Europa. The vassal complies with the obligation which rests on him,
but the kings do not fulfil theirs; for they let go without punishment
all the theft, all the robbery, all the iniquity committed by their
ministers. I am well aware that there cannot be government among men
without these defects and vices, which without exception are utterly
incurable, and all the nations of the world have committed them from
the time of Adam; but he who knows our general misgovernment of the
Indias and the numberless robberies which are committed [therein] will
be astounded to see that the criminals are not punished. [At the same
time] he is certain that the royal revenues are in great part consumed
by those who manage them, while if some exemplary punishments were
inflicted the thefts would be greatly checked; that, by not curbing
these, heavier burdens are laid upon the vassals; and that these
protest against the tributes which are imposed upon them, [levied]
not strictly for the maintenance of the dominions, but in order to
enrich the officials, who (especially in the Indias) make enormous
fortunes with what they obtain by defrauding the royal exchequer--or,
to speak more correctly, by plundering those who pay tribute.
25. If in the collection, administration, and allotment of the royal
revenues there were application, zeal, disinterestedness, and economy,
it is evident that the vassals would not be compelled to contribute
with so many imposts and taxes; for with what is plundered and
misapplied in one year the expenses could be met for the half of
the following year, and perhaps, instead of increasing the taxes,
it would be possible to make some reductions of these to the vassals
who should be considered most burdened.
26. I have not the slightest doubt that the tributes which have been
hitherto paid in these islands are not sufficient for maintaining them
in a condition so respectable as that which I have already proposed;
and if for this chiefest reason I have defended the increase of
tributes, I likewise retract this opinion in case our court do not
apply the most effective remedies, in order to check the robberies and
malversations which during my time I have seen, and that they may not
be responsible before the stern tribunal of God for such hardships
to the Indians, and for the robberies, which will be committed in
greater number in proportion to the increase in the funds which
will be handled. For, strict as is the obligation of the vassals to
contribute to the expenses, or pay tribute, equally so is that of the
sovereigns to make proper distribution of what is contributed, and to
endeavor that it be not misapplied; and so long as kings do not fulfil
this obligation, by appointing zealous and disinterested officials,
and punishing with the greatest severity those who are not such,
there will be few persons who will venture to express opinions in
favor of increasing the tributes. But [when such measures are taken]
I will be the first to withdraw from this statement of my opinion;
for I have always believed that the aforesaid condition [of honest
administration] was inseparable from such increase.
27. I will note other objections which have been made to me against
increasing the tributes; but, before mentioning them, I protest
my veneration and blind obedience to the royal decrees of my king
and sovereign, whose upright conscience will consider what is most
in accordance with its internal peace, the rectitude of his royal
intentions and the comfort of his vassals, by mercilessly punishing
those who defraud the royal treasury, and issuing such other commands
as are expedient.
28. There are many who restrict the powers of the sovereign which I
mentioned in section 2 of this chapter, and who say that the [various]
countries, when they instituted kings, did not dispossess themselves of
all the authority which the people of the nation possessed; but that
the latter reserved something, especially in the matter of taxes,
which were proposed and demanded by the kings, while the vassals
granted or denied them--[the objectors] drawing conclusions from this
ancient method, and (especially in our España) from the convocation of
parliament [cortes]; that the power of the king to grind his vassals
is not absolute, and that these do not depend in such matters on the
will of their kings alone. I frankly state these objections, which,
even though they be paltry (on account of the positive opinion of the
sovereign, supreme, and absolute power of our kings, who recognize no
superior on earth), it is expedient for those who ought to anticipate
them not to overlook; for, in order to render a question clear, and
to foresee all the difficulties in its decision and practical result,
a knowledge of the replies and objections which may be made is always
helpful. I content myself with pointing these out, and repeating my
[assertion of] invariable obedience to the royal commands of my king
and sovereign, as I stated in the preceding section.
29. [Some] persons will also raise objections against what I have
stated in the fifth section, that in all nations imposts and taxes are
increased, according to their necessities and exigencies, and that,
when this time [of urgency] is ended, the vassals are set free from
such burdens; but that in España there is no impost which may not be
perpetual, as has generally been the case with all--and the "Man of
San Quintin" demonstrates it in his memorial, attributing the ruin of
the monarchy to [the imposts,] the millones and sisas especially. [135]
30. These and other objections I will answer briefly, by saying that
the presumption of the law by which it is believed of all public
officials that they conduct themselves conformably to justice,
so long as quite the opposite is not evident, is stronger and more
effective in favor of kings and their wise prime ministers--who,
with more enlightenment, a profounder knowledge of the [affairs of]
state, well-known zeal for the welfare of the monarchy, and the proper
maintenance of their lofty honor and character, have decided and will
decide these matters, in which we who are inferior and of more limited
abilities ought to render subordinate our own opinions, and honor
with the utmost respect their wise decisions, persuading ourselves,
as is just, that in their councils they have borne in mind all the
considerations which can produce the most advantageous judgment,
before it is made known to the public. For however satisfied one
may be with their reasoning, he would admit that he was convinced
if it were possible for him to hear the substantial arguments which
influence the royal proceedings of our sovereign--on account of which
I, more than any other person, submit these productions of my dull
intellect to the superior comprehension of his Majesty and his zealous
ministers, protesting that I do not presume to furnish enlightenment
on these subjects because I might think that they do not possess it,
but in order to manifest my intense desire that what is understood
to be beneficial to the state, to the glory of the nation, and to
the welfare of all the vassals, may be carried into execution.
31. It will be necessary to assume that the increase of tributes in
these islands will be resented in the greater part of them, and that,
in order to obtain it, the precaution of stationing fifty or sixty
soldiers in each province will be necessary; in view of this, the
Indians will not cause the least trouble, while if they see us without
military forces the aforesaid increase will be entirely impracticable.
32. Equally it must be assumed that so long as the Moros invade
the provinces the Indians will resist paying tribute; for they will
represent that for the defense of their villages they are employed
during most of the year in making bulwarks, stockades, and little
strongholds, and with weapons in their hands, on account of having no
aid from the king which will secure them from the said invasions; and
in truth they ought to be heeded in this point. To this end I repeat
that in these islands some respectable forces are necessary, and with
them must be punished the haughtiness and insolence of the Moros;
for at the sight of this example the Indians will be encouraged,
they will attend to their labors, they will regard with respect
the affairs of his Majesty, and they will assuredly pay the tribute
which may be imposed upon them, without danger of their revolting. To
this end, a circular edict or decree should be drawn up, in which,
suiting the mode of expression to the disposition of the Indians,
should be fully explained to them the motives which constrain us
to the said increase, and the obligation under which they lie to
pay their share of the expenses for their spiritual and temporal
maintenance under the mild sway of our Catholic king and sovereign,
and for freeing them from the tyranny and servitude to which they
would see themselves reduced if these islands should, for lack of
military forces, pass over to another sovereign.
33. This edict or order, carefully prepared, and translated into
the idiom of each province, can produce many good results if we
proceed with an understanding of the character of the Indians, and
[in accordance] with the ideas that are necessary, which ought to
be communicated, by instructions, to all the alcaldes-mayor and
corregidors of the provinces, according to the circumstances of each
one--imposing the most severe penalties on those who do not exactly
fulfil the orders which the government may entrust to their management
and conduct, and offering corresponding rewards to those who shall
distinguish themselves in the execution and success of the new order
of things, which ought to be established in each province. [136]
34. In order to [secure] the observance of the said ordinance, it will
be expedient that when the tribute is increased the salaries likewise
should be made larger. An alcalde-mayor has twenty-five pesos of salary
a month, which makes three hundred pesos a year; but before he leaves
Manila for the province to which he is assigned he spends a larger sum
[than that] in the fees for his documents and in the notary's office,
and for the securities [that he must give]. In three years his term
as alcalde comes to an end, and the expenses of his residencia cost
him four hundred to five hundred pesos; and it needs but little less
for the settlement, presentation, and despatch of the accounts of the
royal revenue. Thus all the salary which he receives on account of
being alcalde, which amounts to nine hundred pesos in the three years,
is not sufficient for the aforesaid expenses; for the rest of their
maintenance have been invented the thefts from the royal revenue which
they handle, and from the Indians within their jurisdiction. For this
reason, and likewise because these offices have usually been sold,
as a rule they are filled by men who are not very trustworthy. But
if suitable pay were assigned to them, there would be many persons
of known probity who would seek them, transgressions could be more
severely punished, plundering would be decreased, the appointees
would furnish better bondsmen for the security of the royal exchequer,
and the Indians would not experience oppression.
35. The poverty of the alcaldes-mayor, their being loaded with debts
when they go from Manila, and the ambition to become rich in a short
time, draw them into trading with the product of the tributes in each
province; they buy vessels, lade them with goods, and convey these to
Manila, or send them to other provinces. If the vessel sink, if the
Moros seize it, or if it run aground on some shoal and the goods are
damaged, or if any other disaster occur, the alcalde loses nothing,
for he possesses nothing; and the damage is suffered by the king alone.
36. All this would be remedied by paying them more; for there would
be more reliable alcaldes, and they could be compelled to deposit in
the royal treasury every year, by means of their agents, the royal
revenue of their respective provinces, in order to avoid the aforesaid
contingencies, which here are common.
37. With better alcaldes, all the provinces would be well governed. For
what is more melancholy than to surrender authority over them to
persons who are incompetent, nobodies, in distressed circumstances,
vicious, and thieves? How is a man of this sort to govern fifteen,
twenty, or forty thousand Indians? If he cares for nothing except
for conducting his own business, how is he to attend to the
affairs which concern the king and the Indians? If the alcalde is
inefficient, or coarse, or ill-bred, or of little capacity, how is
he to govern well? how is he to administer justice, and how civilize
his subjects? How is he to furnish reports on subjects which his
limited intellect does not comprehend or fathom? How is he to look
after the cultivation of the soil, the collection of its products,
making plantations, and other things for which the ordinances provide?
38. This disappointment, this disorder, this misgovernment, and the
thefts from the royal revenue can only be avoided or remedied, for
the most part, by increasing the tribute and giving larger salaries
to the alcaldes-mayor, the corregidors, and the other officers of
justice in the provinces. There is occasion for the same increase of
pay in the posts of public and royal officials, and the subordinates
in the accountancy of the royal exchequer, in order to stimulate
them to better work and greater zeal and application in the affairs
of the royal finances.
39. In the royal storehouses there would be an end to the incredible
infractions of law and the thefts by the storekeepers, by giving this
position to honorable Spaniards, with suitable pay; and abolishing
the mischievous abuses in the waste and consumption of supplies--with
unchangeable regulations for the incomes and expenditures; for the
respective account-books of the storehouses and the appointment of an
auditor for verifying them; for the credits and debits of the accounts,
with vouchers for them; for the obligation and responsibility of the
storekeeper; for the weekly inspection which ought to be made by the
royal officials, in order to acquaint themselves with the condition
of all these matters, and ascertain whether or not they are properly
attended to; and for many other things, which contribute to greater
economy in the royal revenues. [137]
40. In order that there shall not be such confusion, it would be
expedient to separate the storehouses, or divide what belongs to the
artillery and military supplies from all the rest; and to abolish the
dependence of the storehouses at Cavite on those of Manila, making
the regulation that in the said port be entered and unladen whatever
is necessary for the equipment of ships, galleys, and other vessels
of the king, without its being necessary that the vessels from the
provinces which come with property belonging to the royal account
should unlade their cargoes in these storehouses [at Manila], from
which various goods are sent back to the said port. This causes greater
expense, on account of the detention of the seamen, and because of
the vessels and men that afterward are employed in conveying to the
said port what [supplies] it needs, in which also they are exposed
to the uncertainties of the sea. This is avoided and spared by the
direct discharge of cargo in the said port, where, in fact, the main
storehouse ought to stand, because there three-fourths of the goods
belonging to the royal account are consumed.
41. The superior government gives orders for the hasty equipment of
some vessels to cruise against the Moros, and for other purposes. The
cordage, the sails, and all the rest, are sent from the Manila
storehouse; the said vessels set sail, and come to supply themselves
with provisions at these storehouses. Who does not see the loss of time
and the increase of expenses which are uselessly incurred, and which
could be saved if the storehouses at Cavite contained what they need?
42. Although what I have touched on in these last sections may seem
a digression from the object of this chapter, they will be excused
by those who remember what I had already stated in section 26, and
by those who think that the increase of tributes will facilitate the
increase of salaries. This measure will give the superior judges more
discretionary power for punishing the thefts and illegal acts which
are diminishing the royal patrimony, to the injury of the vassals--who
have no right to complain that those who render them faithful and
disinterested service should be well paid; but their right in justice
calls for punishment to those who, receiving suitable pay, satiate
their covetousness with the blood and sweat of those who are wretched.
43. With the increase of tribute, numberless other matters could
be regulated, for the settlement of which it is needful to begin
spending money. All my plan and project is based on this chapter,
for in no other way--although these islands can be supported with the
economies which I set forth to his Majesty in my advices of the year
sixty, without the necessity of the royal situado--will it be possible
to place the country in the respectable condition of strength which
can oppose the nations who are established in this part of India, or
to produce so great advantages to the royal exchequer. I therefore
desire that these reflections of mine be carefully considered, in
order that, with other opinions that carry more authority than mine,
the royal and upright conscience of my beloved king and sovereign
may make such decision as he shall hold most expedient; and I shall
content myself with having brought forward what is dictated to me by
fidelity and affection, the zeal of a good Spaniard, desire for the
glory and increase of the monarchy, and the general welfare of these
islands and of the entire [Spanish] nation.
44. And if, notwithstanding the cogent reasons which justify the
increase of the tributes, it be preferred to employ with these vassals
an extraordinary degree of mercy, without a resulting deficiency in
the means for supporting the islands with respectable forces this
could be made practicable by establishing the tithes [138] for the
maintenance of the ministers of religious instruction, that of the
cabildo of this holy metropolitan church, with its archbishop, and
the suffragan bishops with their churches; for the wine for masses,
and the oil for the lamps; and even for the missionaries--all with
the saving, for the royal exchequer, of these great expenses.
45. Nearly all the provinces have their military posts, with the
garrisons corresponding to the greater or less danger of enemies;
and this expense is another of the heaviest incurred by the royal
exchequer, which would be able to save it (in default of the increase
of tributes) by laying upon the Indians and mestizos the burden of
such contribution as shall be deemed necessary for maintaining the
said military posts. [This would include] the pay of the troops
in garrison, the cost of transporting them and of the shipment of
provisions, clothing for the men, and the purchase of necessary arms;
for all this would contribute to the benefit of the provinces and of
their inhabitants.
46. And if, for the same reason which I have stated for the military
posts, there be exacted from the natives of the provinces the cost
of the thousand soldiers distributed among them who are mentioned
in sections 9 and 10 of chapter third, the total saving to the
royal exchequer will exceed 260,000 pesos, or will come near to
300,000. With this, and the product from the tributes (if these are
paid as hitherto), and from the other sources of income, there will
be in the royal treasury funds sufficient for the maintenance of the
islands according to my plan, provided that the rules be observed
which I set forth in my memorandum of suggestions and in my advices
to his Majesty. Thus will be secured these objects: to make our power
respected throughout India, to avoid the expense of the royal situado
which comes from Nueva España, and to gain the many advantages which
have been mentioned. I shall speak of these in the second part of
this work, in which I am going to treat of navigation and commerce,
the gains from which will be more than enough for maintaining these
dominions, even if the tributes are not increased.
Part II
Of navigation and commerce: the method for establishing them in these
islands, and their great benefits.
Chapter First: In which it is demonstrated, with examples, that
no power can make itself respected in the world without navigation
and commerce.
1. I do not presume to utter new things, but to arouse the minds
of Spaniards to follow the examples of the other nations, to which
end I have drawn from the works on history, both ancient and modern,
what confirms this idea. [This chapter is interesting, but the limits
of our space make it preferable to omit most of it, as having but
slight connection with our main subject; the following sections are
worth retaining.]
17. In the fifteenth century was begun the manufacture of woolen stuffs
[paños] in Inglaterra; for before that they sold (as we are now doing)
their woolens to other nations, especially to the Flemings and the
people of Brabant--from whom some seditious persons went over to
the said kingdom, about the year 1420, and taught manufactures to the
English. Monsieur de Thou, [139] however, attributes this establishment
[of a new industry] to Queen Isabel [i.e., Elizabeth], and to the
disturbances, on account of religion, in which the great Duke de Alva
and the Inquisition of España were insulted--without having borne in
mind, when he allowed his pen to move with the envious and bitter
temper that swayed him, that, many years before the revolution of
some of the seventeen [Netherlands] provinces which threw off the
mild yoke of the Spaniards, the artisans of Lovaina [i.e., Louvain]
had already introduced the manufacture of woolen stuffs in Londres.
18. The French, who in the opinion of Cardinal Richelieu were totally
unfitted for commerce, have made with it and navigation the most
felicitous progress, especially since the reign of Louis Fourteenth.
19. Nor must I omit the height of glory and power to which the empire
of the Muscovites has been raised since the reign of the great Czar
Peter. That nation was ferocious, barbarous, and slothful, and had
no intercourse with other and foreign nations. That glorious monarch
formed the design of civilizing the vassals of his Russian empire,
and of turning their inclinations toward political affairs, the
sciences, the fine arts, and the great advantages which result from so
praiseworthy occupations; but [even] his uncommon intellect found no
other means [for this] than that of navigation and commerce. But he
went incognito to Inglaterra and Holanda, under pretext of renewing
certain treaties, but in reality with the idea of gaining instruction
in those two sciences, which were his only aim. In this he actually
succeeded, by dint of immense labor and mechanical occupations,
which, if apparently they were unworthy of a prince, were afterward
(as they still are) those which most enhanced his glory. Not to linger
over what is well known, I conclude with what is to my purpose: that
the great Czar Peter established commerce in his empire, overcoming
insuperable difficulties; and from the year 1697 (which is the real
date of that enterprise) to the present time so marvelous has been the
progress of that empire that its forces by sea and land, its wealth and
products, its manufactures, its vassals transformed from barbarians
into civilized beings, learned men, and politicians, yield to [those
of] no other power--all being due to commerce, which in the short time
of sixty-seven years has wrought these apparently incredible prodigies.
20. The Swedes and Danes [140] also have made much progress through
this means; and the Portuguese, glorious in their conquests and
discoveries, have constantly declined ever since they neglected
navigation and commerce, regarding these as occupations unworthy of
their nobility. [141]
21. Almost the same has happened to our España; what fear, what
respect, what terror, did not our armadas inspire in the four
quarters of the world? There was no power that could resist them;
but, not to linger on the glories of our nation, I leave that to
the histories which relate them--especially those of the reigns
of the pious king Don Fernando, the Catholic monarchs, the emperor
Don Carlos Fifth, Don Phelipe Second, and Don Phelipe Fourth, who
certainly protected navigation and commerce. I will assert [here]
only what answers my purpose: that our navy declined, our great
manufactures in Sevilla, Segovia, and other places retrograded,
and our commerce deteriorated, with the continual wars; and, as we
did not repair this damage, we were at the same time promoting the
commerce of the other nations. These have made themselves rich through
our negligence and inactivity--selling to us all the more commodities
the more we abandoned manufactures, and with their gains increasing
their shipping the more that we gave up shipbuilding--until in these
latest reigns our shipping and commerce were reëstablished. But it is
necessary to extend our commerce further, in proportion to our vast
domains; otherwise, we keep them greatly exposed [to danger]. For
it has been now thoroughly proved that navigation and commerce have
rendered formidable and terrible the forces and power of the nations
who have practiced them, as also that from the decay or neglect of
these activities has proceeded the ruin of kingdoms.
Chapter Second: Of the liberty of the Spaniards to navigate by way
of the Cape of Good Hope
1. Some may think that this navigation is prohibited to the Spaniards
by the treaties of peace, and that on this account we have not
established a commerce like that of the Dutch, English, French,
Swedes, Danes, and other nations. But it is certain that there is no
such prohibition, and that our natural inactivity, laziness, and lack
of application to commerce, has been the cause of our not undertaking
the aforesaid navigation, which is equally free to us as to all the
other powers. For the prohibition that the Englishman, the Dutchman,
and the rest can lay upon us is, that our ships may not enter their
ports, just as they have been forbidden to enter our ports; but
they cannot hinder us from navigating in all the seas of the world,
in accordance with natural right and the law of nations. That law
does not allow the dominion of the sea to any power, according to
Grotius, Heinsius, and others--contrary to the Mare clausum [i.e.,
"closed sea"], of the Englishman Selden, [142] who in regard to
the dispute of the year 1653 defended the [English] dominion of the
White Sea, and the right of forbidding this navigation to the Dutch;
but they maintained their freedom with powerful fleets, and with the
same arguments which justify the freedom which the Spaniards possess
for navigating by way of the Cape of Good Hope.
2. As the Dutch have always regarded these islands with suspicion,
fearing some injury to their own commerce, they likewise have striven
in every way to make amends for the damages which they fear. One of
these is the extension of our commerce, because it diminishes their
own; and, in order to hinder it, they have sometimes chosen to avail
themselves of article 5 in the treaty of Westphalia in 1648, and of
article 10 in that of Utrecht in 1714--in which is confirmed the said
article 5, wherein it is provided that "the Spaniards shall retain
their navigation to the Eastern Indias, in the same manner as they
enjoy it at present, without being authorized to extend it further; as
likewise the inhabitants of this Low Country [i.e., Netherlands] shall
abstain from frequenting the places which the Castilians possess in
the Eastern Indias." From these expressions, and from the demarcation
[made] by the supreme pontiff Alexander Sixth, the Dutch--who claim,
by right of conquest, to enjoy the privileges and prerogatives of
the Portuguese--try to argue that our ships have no right to navigate
by way of the Cape of Good Hope, nor along the regions of Asia--the
Coromandel Coast, Vengala, the Red Sea, etc.--intending that these
Philipinas Islands shall be the limits of our navigation to the west.
3-8. [In section 3, it is shown that the demarcation of Alexander VI
was made only to check possible disputes between the great Catholic
nations of Spain and Portugal, and its provisions referred only to
their discoveries of lands and isles, and not at all to the navigation
of the sea, which no power can claim, "since it is not fitted for other
dominion than that of God." Section 4 shows that the Portuguese and
Spaniards have frequented each other's ports, without any difficulties
arising between them over the navigation of those seas, which has not
been and could not be forbidden to the Spaniards; and that even if the
Portuguese had had any such exclusive right it could not pass over to
the Dutch when they conquered the former nation in India, especially
as privileges granted by the Holy See to its Catholic followers
could not be claimed by Protestants. In section 5 it is asserted that
the previously-cited article 5 of the treaty of Westphalia does not
forbid navigation past the Cape of Good Hope, but only the entrance
of Spaniards or Dutch into ports belonging to the other power; that
navigation on the high seas is, "by natural right, free to all the
world," and the object of the treaty was to protect both powers in
their respective possessions and commerce. As further proof of this,
Viana cites (in his section 6) the Hague treaty of 1650, and comments
on it in section 7. In the following section he shows how the Dutch
are claiming what was never granted by Alexander VI, who separated
only the conquests of Spain and Portugal, and not their navigations in
the high seas, a distinction which has been observed in the practice
of both countries, "who have freely navigated and traded through all
the seas of the East and the West." He claims that Japan and China
"are, without doubt, included in the demarcation of Castilla."]
9. Equally within the demarcation of España are included the kingdoms
of Siam, Camboja, Cochinchina, and, in the other direction, Borney, the
Molucas, and the other islands of the Malays--as was declared in the
year 1524, by the geographers appointed for this purpose by the crowns
of Castilla and Portugal, to whose decision the respective sovereigns
agreed. As for the prohibition of navigation, if the demarcation of
Alexander VI were to have been observed, it was clear that the Dutch
must admit the right of the Spaniards to prevent their navigation
through the seas of the kingdoms and provinces here enumerated, as also
through those of Japan and China, to which the Dutch ships go every
year; or else that they have not any right to forbid to the Spaniards
the navigation by way of the Cape of Good Hope. For by the admission of
those very Dutchmen, in a letter which the governor of Batavia wrote
to the governor here [at Manila], in regard to a balandra seized by
the Spaniards in the island of Mindanao (which belongs to the crown
of España, and is within the limits of the aforesaid demarcation),
they say that the Spaniards could not enjoy dominion over the rivers
and ports of Mindanao, and that only the authority of the petty king
there ought to be acknowledged; and they add that it is lawful for any
power to navigate there, and make observations on the situation of
those lands and towns, and to trade therein with the vassals of the
princes who possess them. This carries conviction [of the principle]
that as little ought the Spaniards to recognize in Eastern India any
other authority than that of the princes of the ports and towns where
their ships make port; and that it is lawful to navigate through those
seas, to reconnoiter those lands, and to trade with their vassals,
as has been done hitherto. For our ships have gone to their ports,
where they have been well received, as happened recently with the ship
named "Guadalupe," in the past year of 760; and those who have come
to this city, under various flags--Moro, Armenian, Malabar, Chinese,
Siamese, and others--have met the same friendly reception.
10-11. [Viana asserts that, although "long use and immemorial
possession may be a certain title to dominion over the sea," in such
instances as that of the Venetians over the Adriatic, and the Greeks
over the Ionian, this cannot be true of the claim made by the Dutch
(as having conquered the Portuguese settlements) to the dominion of
the great seas that lave India and Africa. These waters are too vast
to be possessed by any one power, and have always been freely used by
all nations. Moreover, the influence of Alexander VI and his successors
had always been in favor of the Catholic monarchs of Spain, and of the
preservation of the law of nations--"which presumption is taken for
granted whenever for just cause temporal dominions are changed by the
paramount power of the supreme pontiff." [143] He also cites Solorzano
to support his contention. The final section repeats the statement that
the Dutch cannot forbid the Spaniards to navigate through the seas
of India, and past the Cape of Good Hope; and adds, "Would to heaven
that we had the eyes to perceive the advantages of this navigation,
which are the following." Thus he prepares for chapter iii.]
Chapter Third: Of the advantages of the commerce carried on by way
of the Cape of Good Hope
1. The distance of these islands [from España] deprives our court often
of news; occasions delays in the correction of so many infractions
of law; retards all governmental measures; gives opportunity for the
commission of many iniquities; discourages those who are zealous for
the royal service; causes incredible expenses to the royal exchequer,
and to the inhabitants of these islands; and detains the citizens here,
as if in a place of banishment, [144] since they are not at liberty
to return to España, nor have they means to pay the expenses of the
long and grievous journey over land and sea, by way of Acapulco. All
this would be in great part remedied by carrying on navigation and
commerce by the Cape of Good Hope.
2. The clothing for the troops is brought from Mexico; it costs much,
and serves only to kill the soldiers. If it came directly from España,
it would be of better quality, cheaper, and more suitable for garments;
and our [Spanish] manufactures would have this market.
3. The wine for masses comes by way of Vera Cruz; it crosses the
entire kingdom of Mexico, and is shipped at Acapulco; and it arrives
here with so many leakages, damages, and costs for transportation
that it costs very dear--and sometimes it is mixed with water, to
replace what the muleteers drink on the route [across Mexico]. If it
came by way of the Cape, there would not be this uncertainty about
celebrating mass and the wine would cost much less.
4. The iron which has been purchased here from the Dutch, English, and
others at very high prices would cost much less if it came directly
from España, and foreigners would not carry away our silver. I say
the same of the lead, copper, gunpowder, balls, bombs, grenades, and
cannons, which have always been bought from foreigners, on account of
the negligence of the Spaniards--who, although they have [material for]
all the said [supplies] within the islands, go outside to find it,
for lack of application in working the mines.
5. The many thousands of pesos which the king has expended in the
transportation of missions by way of Nueva España, the detention
of the religious in the said kingdom in order to await the galleon
(for which delay the king pays), and the amount that is contributed
for clothing to the religious orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis,
would have been largely saved, and can be thus saved in the future,
if the said route be established. Among the ships of that navigation
will come to these islands many belonging to the commerce of Cadiz, and
on the other hand other ships will go to Cadiz from here, among which
there will be many who will undertake [to convey], some one article
and others another of the numberless commodities which can yield some
profit. With this trade it will be known what the Philipinas are;
our court will have more light [about them]; the infractions of law
and the iniquitous acts, of which it will have accurate information,
will be punished; and the measures of redress will not be delayed
for four or five years, as is now the usual case.
6-7. [Viana (in section 6) reminds the government of the great
advantage which the proposed route would give in sending news of an
outbreak of war with any power, enforcing this by the ignorance of the
Philippine colony, in the late war with England, of any hostilities
with that country, of which Manila learned by the coming of the
English squadron to attack that city. He urges (section 7) the lack of
available shipping along the South American coast, and "the incredible
amount of money which the equipment at Acapulco of the fragata 'Santa
Rosa' (which by accident arrived at the said port from Perù) cost; and
the injuries which would have followed to these islands if the divine
Providence had not made ready the said fragata for our succor. Thus
will be seen the advantage of the aforesaid navigation and commerce,
for, without its costing the king any money, he will have in Cadiz
vessels for carrying out the orders and despatching the succors and
provisions which his royal compassion shall regard as expedient."]
8. Conducting our commerce from these islands to España by way of the
Cape of Good Hope, the commerce of the foreigners must necessarily
be diminished, and they will not obtain so much silver from us. In
most years there come to the port of Canton, in the empire of China,
twenty-four, twenty-eight, or thirty ships--English, French, Dutch,
Swedish, and Danish; they carry our pesos fuertes (which is the
money most valued in China and throughout India), and some European
commodities, as fine woolen stuffs, and Brussels camlets [carros
de oro] (which the Chinese use for their outer garments [145] in
the winter-time), some pearls, and clocks, and much wine; cochineal
[grana] from our own America, and the opium of India, are also two
main lines of this commerce.
9. Such is the lading of the said ships, which return to Europa with
chà or tea, and with some porcelain, some articles of furniture in
lacquered or varnished wood, rosewood escritoires, and candlesticks
and other articles of white copper; [146] and, finally, they carry a
great amount of silk, both raw and in fabrics, which is their principal
lading. The raw silk is used for the European manufactures, and with
the fabrics they transact most of their trading. Each of the aforesaid
nations has its agent in Canton, who during the year disposes of such
goods as his ships could not sell; he furnishes to the Chinese the
designs [for fabrics] which are every year invented, and they weave the
stuffs of the same width as those of Europa. Afterward they sell these,
as coming from Francia, Inglaterra, and other European countries,
without any one being able to detect the fraud except those who have
been in these islands--where it is notorious to all that this is true;
and he who may doubt it will find this statement confirmed in the
"Universal Dictionary" of Sabary. [147] A large portion of the said
fabrics or stuffs come to Nueva España in our trading-fleets, and,
although they are of the same quality as those which the galleons carry
from here to Acapulco--with only the difference that the latter are
wider and somewhat more lustrous than the former--there is a very
great difference in the prices; for the mere name of "French" or
"English" confers value and estimation on the said fabrics throughout
the kingdom of Mexico, and the mere name of their being "Chinese"
renders those which go by way of Acapulco of little value.
10. This fraud only the traders of Manila thoroughly understand,
because they see it every year; the traders of Cadiz would be
equally aware of it if they carried on commerce in the empire of
China, as the foreigners do. They would also discover in the same
way numberless small wares of Canton make which are sold in España
as made in Londres and Paris, as is the case with the snuff-boxes
of all kinds, whether gold or silver, or of tortoise-shell or other
material; with lace-bobbins [palillos] of mother-of-pearl, ornamented
with gold, and those of finely lacquered or varnished work, painted;
and with various other curious articles of mother-of-pearl, ivory, etc.
11. All of these desirable articles, and many more, could be obtained
by our ships, if they came via the Cape of Good Hope to these islands,
which are on the route to Canton. At Cadiz they could take on cargoes
of woolen stuffs, which here are used for riding caps and coats,
[148] liveries, and in China for outer garments, as I have said;
Brussels camlets, which both here and in that country are greatly
used; wines (and thus the Swedes, who carry it from Cadiz to Canton,
and the Dutch and the English--all of whom carry away our money,
and make us pay sometimes a peso fuerte for a single bottle of red
wine, and for that of Xeres--would be deprived of this [source of]
profit); hats, which the foreigners sell to us at high prices;
silk hose and thread under-stockings; mirrors; crystal chandeliers;
branched candlesticks, and lanterns; vases, cups, and other kinds of
glassware; European paper; thread for sewing; britannia linens, fabrics
from Cambray, etc. (which are brought at much cost from Batavia);
silver and gold galloons and laces, which also the Dutch sell (and
would to Heaven that the great extravagance of Manila in this respect
might be prohibited!); and numerous other articles, which persons who
have a practical acquaintance with commerce can name better than I,
and which, if used, would be recognized as highly beneficial.
12. Of course the said lines are of recognized utility and large
profits, both for the Spaniards who may ship them by the said route
of the Cape, and for those who will buy the goods in these islands,
at more moderate prices. Above all, the profit would remain among
Spaniards; our Spanish manufactures would have this additional market;
we would succeed in stopping the foreigners from draining away all
our silver. For it is an intolerable grief to good Spaniards that,
when more than two hundred millions of pesos have come to these
islands since they were conquered, there are not now found in them
eight hundred thousand pesos in ready money. [This is] because our own
inactivity and lack of application causes us to buy from foreigners
the very articles with which these dominions abound, or which they
bring from our own España--as is the case with the iron, the copper,
the lead, the saltpetre; with the cinnamon, cloves, and pepper; with
the wines; with the woolen stuffs; with the mirrors; with the hats,
hose, galloons, and other articles, of which some are manufactured
in our España, and others are produced in these islands.
13. The Spanish ships which make their navigation by way of the Cape
could supply, as I have said, these islands with what they need, and
carry from them to Canton many excellent products which the foreign
ships cannot include in their cargoes. Such are birds'-nests, nacre
or mother-of-pearl, carey or black tortoise-shell, indigo and dyes
from Pampanga, balate, tapa, deer's sinews, hides, sybucao, ebony,
lumber, and other things, which have a great consumption in China;
on this account every year cargoes of these commodities are carried
thither by the champans which come here to trade, and by the barks
which depart from here for Emui and Macao. With these products,
and with the commodities from España, the said vessels would ship
at Canton the same goods that the foreigners are taking on; the
royal duties at Cadiz would be the same; our manufactures would be
greatly promoted; the profits would be as great [to the Spaniards]
as the losses to the said foreigners; the products of these islands
would be cultivated according to the market for them; and, finally,
in time many other advantages and benefits would be made evident.
14. The said ships returning from Canton by way of this city, in order
to pursue their voyage to Cadiz, could carry some products of the
islands--such as very fine petates or mats, hats of the same kind,
and cotton; tortoise-shell, palomaria; tamarinds, dragon's blood;
manungal, [149] and jars of the same wood, which is very medicinal;
various especial roots; gold; sibucao, which resembles brazil-wood, for
dyeing; pepper, which yields very abundantly wherever it is cultivated;
sugar, which does not cost here two cuartos a libra; dried candied
fruits; and, finally, they would have the benefit of the cinnamon,
with which our mountains abound from Samboanga to Caraga in the island
of Mindanao; it would be the most valuable line of commerce. These
mountains are in the same degree of north latitude as those of Ceylan,
where the Dutch obtain all the cinnamon; and it is judged, on account
of their location, that the quality of the cinnamon also is the very
same. For in Ceylan likewise cinnamon grows that is thick and gummy,
like that of Samboangan, and if the latter were cultivated like the
former, it would be equally good. [150] The cinnamon of Mindanao will
be as good as that of Ceylan if the king prohibits the latter in his
dominions, and facilitates the consumption of the former; and if the
Spaniards had begun to sell their cinnamon before the Dutch did so,
ours would now be of better quality than theirs.
15. As soon as I arrived in these islands and had made myself
somewhat acquainted with this subject, the inactivity and indolence
of our people caused me much sorrow; for although we possessed this
exceedingly rich treasure, there had been no one who devoted himself
to its development. This I explained, among other things, to his
Majesty in my report of June 5, 1760, showing what these islands
could produce, the valuable products with which they abound, and the
possibility of maintaining them without the situado which annually
comes from Mexico. In the following year came Don Nicolas Norton
Nicols, [151] who, it seems, proposed at the court the project for
[developing] the cinnamon, and brought a royal order from his Majesty
that he should be aided therein. I did so, with the utmost energy
and readiness, and this famous and skilful Englishman began to make
plantations in Caraga; people assure me that he would have carried
this work to completion if God had not taken away his life, through
the grief which he experienced at the attack on us by the English,
from whom he expected no favor. It was necessary that a foreigner
should accomplish what no Spaniard had done in some two hundred
years; [152] he died on account of our misfortunes, and now there
will be no one who will devote himself to the same enterprise; for
these citizens have no thought of any further occupation than their
everlasting laziness, nor have they the spirit to risk four reals,
or any zeal for the nation.
16. Even without its cultivation, there is a wide market for all the
cinnamon which comes from Samboangan. The greater part of it is used in
these islands, for chocolate, and brings a very good price; for ragouts
and for liquors, it is stronger than that of Ceylan; and it is being
shipped, as for several years past, to Nueva España. In Samboangan no
cinnamon is procured besides what the natives gather in order to better
their wretched condition, but this produces a sufficient quantity. This
is enough to prove that if the Spaniards would apply themselves to
the cultivation of the cinnamon of the said mountains; to making new
plantations, the bark of which, as being more delicate, would yield
better cinnamon than that of Ceylan; and to gather what Nature herself
produces, without any [human] labor: this commodity alone would be
capable of enriching the islands and the Spanish commerce, and of
annihilating that of the Dutch. The Dutch company supports existence,
notwithstanding its many losses and obligations, on the cinnamon and
[other] spices, fixing the prices of these at its pleasure, as being
masters of this commerce--which indemnifies them for their losses on
other things, and for the incredible costs of fortresses, troops,
and [commercial] establishments in the aforesaid island of Ceylan
(which would not be incurred in our cinnamon mountains).
17. The iron is another valuable product of these islands; there are
mountains of this metal, the ores of which yield seventy-five per cent,
only twenty-five per cent being lost in the fire. To judge from the
abundance of ores in the said mountains, iron to supply the world
can be obtained from them. Before the English came to attack us, the
working of these mines was vigorously pushed; it was in charge of Don
Juan Solano and Don Francisco Casañas. In less than eight months they
established furnaces, coalpits, barracks, forges, and other facilities,
and they mined a large quantity of iron; but everything was destroyed,
as a result of the loss of Manila, because some malevolent persons went
to plunder and destroy all the works. But it is absolutely certain that
all the iron can be obtained [here] which the islands need for nails,
plows, bolts, cannon-balls, bombs, grenades, cannons, and carajayes,
and for other uses, which amount to more than one hundred thousand
pesos every year, without the iron costing three pesos a pico. [It
is also certain] that if this money remains within the islands--an
amount of which hitherto the Dutch, English, and Chinese have drained
us--they will become rich, and diminish the commerce of the foreigners.
18. The commerce in the iron that is necessary for these islands will
alone produce, in fifteen or twenty years, more money than what they
now have; and if the Indians were compelled to clothe themselves with
the fabrics of the land, even with the little commerce that we have the
islands would abound with silver. The trade with Nueva España in iron
would be extremely advantageous to his Majesty; for the mines of Sonora
and other provinces further inland cannot be worked, on account of the
transportation from Mexico of the great amount of iron and quicksilver
that is necessary; and this, and the expenses which are added for the
conveyance of silver to Mexico, leave very little profit to the miners.
19. In carrying the iron from these islands and the quicksilver from
Peru to Acapulco or to La Navidad, these effects can be transported in
small vessels, and with little expense, to the coast of Guadalajara;
they will cost less than if purchased in Mexico; at least thirty or
forty pesos will be saved on the transportation of every arroba; and,
if on the return trip by the same route the silver is embarked for
Acapulco, there will be a great saving of freight in the transportation
of this metal.
20. Let a computation be made of the money which must have gone out
from the islands since their conquest, in order to purchase the very
products in which they abound, and the amount will be incalculable for
the items of cinnamon, iron, saltpetre, and other products. Let also
computation be made of what the outlays must have been for purchasing
wines, mirrors, and the other things which, as I have stated above,
could be brought directly from España; and it will be seen that by
our own fault we have enriched our enemies, and that we could have
annihilated their commerce and increased our own with only the sources
of gain which are pointed out in the present exposition. Then let us,
even though it be late, have the discernment to avert our total ruin,
by striving, with glorious emulation, to secure the greatest prosperity
for the Spanish nation.
Chapter Fourth: Of the necessity for forming a company in these islands
1. By a royal decree dated at Sevilla on March 23, 1733 (in which the
project was carried out which was approved by his Majesty on April 26,
1732), there was established by our lord Don Phelipe Fifth, of undying
memory, a company with the name of "Royal Company of Philipinas,"
[153] under fifty-eight articles and stipulations. These were full
of the most unusual privileges and liberties that can be granted,
and were even more advantageous to the Spaniards than those which
Louis Fourteenth granted to the French for their Oriental Company;
but I do not know exactly for what reason--some attribute it to
the loss of Torres's trading-fleet--the paternal affection did not
prove effectual with which our beloved king and sovereign took an
interest in making the Spanish monarchy prosperous by the extension
and promotion of commerce (the only means for securing wealth),
imitating the examples of almost all the nations of Europa, who, in
order to become rich, have established their companies in the Orient.
2-12. [In these sections Viana expands this last statement, enumerating
the nations who have enriched themselves by the Oriental trade,
and the companies formed in each for this purpose. First were the
Genovese and Venetians, who traded with India by way of the Red Sea;
they were afterward driven out of this trade by the Portuguese, in
consequence of the discovery by the latter of the route via Cape of
Good Hope. (Section 3.) "Portuguese trading-fleets of thirty ships
came to the commerce of India every year, and for Brasil alone sailed
fifteen to twenty ships laden with merchandise from India--besides
others which carried on trade in China, Japon, Persia, Arabía,
Mosambique, Melinda, Sofala, and other regions. But now that commerce
is so reduced that only one or, at most, two ships sail from Lisboa
yearly, which would not be the case if they had established a company
with adequate capital, which is the only way of making commerce
lasting." The Dutch at first bought spices from the Portuguese,
and then resold them at a huge profit to the other European nations;
but Phelipe II prohibited the spice trade to Portugal, and the Dutch
therefore formed a company to operate in the Orient, and trade directly
with its peoples. As finally constituted in 1602, this company had
(section 6) a capital of 6,600,000 florins ("according to Savary"); and
"in less than four years the members received the principal of their
shares with the great profits which they obtained." At the time of
Viana's writing, the Dutch company were maintaining "twelve thousand
men, regular troops, in their twenty-five fortresses in India, and
were able to equip 30,000 militia in their colonies, especially that
of Batavia" (Savary). Viana cites another authority, Samuel Ricard,
who places this militia force at 100,000, and states that the company
employed in the Eastern trade more than 160 ships, each carrying thirty
to sixty cannon, besides forty ships of the line (which number was
increased in time of war). This enterprise ruined the commerce of the
Portuguese (who had been the first to open the sea-route to India);
"from that time until now it has steadily diminished, and is the
poorest in all India; this has been the result of their not having
formed a company with capital, and with respectable forces to oppose
the conquests which the Dutch made. For they had a better opportunity
than the latter, and it would have cost them less to maintain a
flourishing commerce, as was that which they already possessed,
than it cost the Dutch to establish a new commerce by dint of money,
conquests, fortifications, and enormous expenses." The English company
(section 8) sent out its first fleet (of four ships) in the year 1600;
its capital was 369,891 pounds sterling. After various fluctuations of
fortune, it was reëstablished in 1698, and attained great prosperity,
so that its capital had increased to 1,703,422 pounds. In Viana's time,
"the ships from Madrast for London (more than fifty in number) carry
annual cargoes of five to six million pounds, according to the estimate
of Sabary; and, taking into consideration the increase which this
commerce has had since he published his famous work, the 'Universal
Dictionary,' it must by this time be worth some ten millions. This
does not include the operations of the private English traders who
traffic among the colonies of India; this may be inferred from the
duties which they pay in Madrast, which, at the rate of five per cent,
produce for the company 80,000 pagodas. This sum amounts to 120,000
or 130,000 pesos, estimating the pagoda at twelve and sometimes
thirteen silver reals." The English company were maintaining in
constant operation 150 ships and fragatas, and more than fifty smaller
vessels, employed in their commerce between India and London alone; to
the great expenses of this navy must be added those of the company's
forts and garrisons in India, which indicate how enormous were their
profits. An Englishman told Viana that the king of England was owing to
the company more than 36,000,000 pesos, the amount of loans which they
had made to the crown in various emergencies. The Oriental commerce
of the Dutch was further encroached upon (section 11) by the trading
companies formed later in France, Sweden, and Denmark, and proposed in
Prussia; [154] these were protected and fostered by their respective
governments. The commerce of the Dutch "would have been ruined if it
were not for their being exclusive owners of the spice trade--of which
only the Spaniards are able to deprive them, since we have in these
islands cinnamon, pepper, cloves, and nutmeg." As all those nations
maintained forts, garrisons, and war-ships, the necessity of opposing
these armaments with like forces has imposed on the Dutch enormous
additional expenses. Viana says (section 12): "I know not what reason
there can be why that which is so beneficial to all the powers should
not, with even greater cause, be an advantage to España, which holds
her conquests in peaceable possession, and has valuable products
in her dominions; moreover, she has forts and ports which at little
cost can be rendered impregnable, and better opportunities than any
other nation for a very flourishing commerce. Yet she labors only to
enrich her enemies, abandoning to them the commerce which our people
are unwilling to carry on, and surrendering to them our treasures
and wealth, in exchange for the greater part of the commodities and
products which our own lands produce."]
13. If the Spaniards would form a company in the islands, similar
to the foreign companies, and according to the pious anxiety with
which the magnanimous heart of our beloved king and sovereign Don
Phelipe Fifth, of undying memory, was concerned in this matter,
all the nations who trade in India would have the same experience as
the Portuguese and Dutch. Our commerce would annihilate or [at least]
diminish that of all the India companies, who cannot find a market for
their goods if they do not trade these in our dominions--and this they
could not do if the Spanish company had large capital, and ships for
navigation and trade in España and the Americas. If we could fortify
the towns and garrison them, as has already been explained, the other
nations would find themselves under the necessity of spending much
more than they now do, in order to defend themselves against our
power, if war should break out. This increase of expenses on the
one hand, and diminution of their commerce on the other, are two
excellent principles, which promise many advantages to the Spanish
company--which, as it is not, like the others, compelled to incur
these expenses, will be able to sell its commodities at lower prices,
and the gains will be more certain.
14. In order to facilitate the establishment of this most beneficial
company, the royal protection of our sovereign is absolutely necessary,
and with it must be banished the contemptuous notion that the Spaniards
form of the commercial career; for that notion usually leads them to
keep their chests full of silver, for which they sell the products
of their family estates. As a rule, the Spaniards spend with great
economy what is necessary for their maintenance, especially those
in the little hamlets throughout the kingdom; and, as they enjoy
no commerce, they deprive themselves of the benefits arising from
commercial activities, with detriment to their families and to the
public welfare. On the other hand, they imagine that there is too
great a risk in the remittance of their silver by sea, because they
are so little (or not at all) acquainted with nautical science and
mercantile affairs; and, as timidity prevails in their minds over
ambition, they consider themselves fortunate to keep their riches
under their own eyes, without thinking of investing them. But they
would take hazards on their money, if they were touched by that eager
desire for gain which is inseparable from all commerce, and which is
stimulated by the lure of profits.
15. There are, of course, many persons whose ability enables them
to understand thoroughly the benefits of commerce; but they live
remote from the marine ports, they have not trustworthy acquaintances
to whom they can confide the management of their capital, and they
sorrowfully deprive themselves of the benefits which they would derive
from its employment, the result of which is that they lead idle lives,
or sometimes yield to an extravagance which is excessive and impairs
their fortunes. Even more melancholy than all that I have related
is the sight of the Spanish nobility, without any occupation, and,
as a rule, reared in extreme ignorance and idleness. This is the
source of many excesses, the beginning of ruin to the most robust
constitutions, a hindrance to the generation of children, and a
cause of the lessening of population which is continually growing
more worthy of consideration.
16. Let there be formed, then, an Oriental company, and let the nobles
of the kingdom contribute its funds; the profits [on these] will
awaken in them a liking for commerce, and they will become acquainted
with this most useful branch of knowledge. They will maintain their
[business] relations, they will have some occupation, and will not
use up their fortunes with vicious habits; their children will be
brought up with a liking for commerce, and the fathers will have the
satisfaction of employing some of their sons in appointments under
the same company. This is the most certain means for securing the
happiness of families and the prosperity of the entire monarchy; for,
if commerce and the naval service (which follows the other closely)
are promoted, there will be no vagabonds or idlers. Rather, idleness
will come to an end, and with it many vices, on account of the enormous
number of men whom a company with large capital needs to employ by land
and sea--not only for its business positions, but for manufactures and
navigation, in which persons from all spheres of life find an opening.
17. What a number of people must be employed by the English and Dutch
companies in the more than one hundred and fifty ships which each
company maintains for its commerce, and in the various colonies in
which they have established that commerce! And what advantages result
to these two powers from keeping so many people busy, maintaining
them at the company's expense, and freeing them from the idleness
in which they would [otherwise] live! If those countries had not so
great a commerce, vagabonds and idlers would abound in them; but this
class of people is not seen there. On the contrary, there is great
application to all the arts and sciences; for all have employment,
and all are useful--some in manufactures, others in the military or
the naval service, and others in commerce, etc.
18. The attainment of these fortunate advantages depends on whether
our beloved king and sovereign will assure to his vassals all his royal
protection for the promotion of the said company, following the example
of his glorious father, Don Phelipe Fifth, ever to be remembered; for
the money of the royal treasury is the main foundation for this great
and most useful enterprise. For it cannot be doubted that, animated
by the same spirit, there will be many contributors to the capital of
the said company--all the nobility of España, from the highest rank
down; the guilds of Madrid, which now form a body of considerable
importance; all the merchants of España, the two Americas, and these
islands; some foreigners; and many religious communities, who have set
aside the proceeds of their funds for pious contributions--convinced
of the benefits of this commerce, and of the prosperity which will
ensue to the Spanish nation; and regarding it as certain that (as
will be mentioned hereafter) our Spanish merchants, if assured of
their gains by way of these seas, and the method of supplying the
Americas, in great part, with the materials for clothing which they
need, without the burden of the royal imposts, will not long for the
illegal purchase of foreign commodities.
19. There are also other advantages, worthy of being known, which
render the above-mentioned project more feasible. One of these is
the abundance of timber for the construction of ships; at least
ten ships can be built every year in these islands; and, by taking
care of their many forests, even if a hundred ships were built now
there would be enough timber left to construct every year the ten
that I have mentioned. The Viscount del Puerto greatly praises (in
book 9, chapter 10, article 2 of his Reflecciones militares [155])
the project of a friend of his (whose name he conceals) for forming
a company in these islands; and among the products which it yields he
mentions the timber called tiga (it is not known here by this name),
extolling its strength, and setting forth the advantages of carrying
this wood to España as ballast for the ships.
20. This wood (of which, according to the said author, the strong
ships of Philipinas are built) is in my opinion the teca [i.e., teak],
which comes from the Coast; or that which is known here (and I am
inclined to think that this is meant) by the name of molave. This
abounds in all the islands, and is so compact that it petrifies in
the water, which I myself have seen; of it are made the ribs of
the ship's frame, the knees, and all the principal timbers that
strengthen the ship. The keels are made of another wood, equally
strong, which is called guijo; it never rots in the water, nor does
the boring worm, which is bred on the ships in the port of Cavite,
penetrate it. There are other woods as useful as the guijo, and among
them is the dongon, which is better. As a rule, the lower masts are
made from the mangachapui, which is another timber of especial value;
for, although it is somewhat heavy, it never splinters, and is very
elastic. The yards and topmasts are of palo maria; and for whatever
is made of boards the lavan, the banaba, and the tangili [156] are
also used, from which kinds of wood very long and broad planks are
obtained. There are pines here, and various other kinds of trees,
which can be put to the same use; and plantations could be made of
the teca tree (the wood of which lasts more than a hundred years in
the water), for there is more than enough land for this purpose in
the vicinity of Manila and Cavite. Likewise, sawmills could be built,
in order to save the expense of [hiring] sawyers; also dry-docks,
for careening the ships and preserving them under cover.
21. In Ilocos are manufactured the blankets which serve as sails
for our ships; and canvas can be made (as it has been) of excellent
quality and in enormous quantities, for there is no end to the cotton
which is and can be gathered, with the greatest facility, and of
the finest quality. Moreover, on the many tracts of land which the
sloth of the Indians leaves untilled hemp could be cultivated--which,
even if it should not yield well on the lands of one province, would
without doubt succeed on those of another; for there is nothing among
all the products of the earth which is not afforded by these islands,
by searching for the climate--whether hot, cool, or temperate--which
is suited to the needs of the crop. Flax would be produced with the
same ease as hemp, without any other cultivation than that which rice
receives on irrigated soil [en tubigan]; and the seed of both these
plants has been sown, and is yielding very well, in the province
of Cagayan.
22. There is much pitch, and cordage is so abundant that it can be
supplied to all the ships of España, with what is made here; and, in
order that it may be evident whether it is suited for this purpose,
I will explain in detail how on this may depend the question of saving
the expense of purchasing cordage in foreign kingdoms, by availing
ourselves of that produced in our own dominions. [The fiber used for]
cordage is both white and black; the former is known by the name
of abaca, which is obtained from the bark of a tree resembling the
plantain, the trunk of which is heckled like [the stems of] hemp. The
fiber is very harsh; tar scorches it, and for this reason no tar
is used in these ships; it is stronger than hemp, as experience
has shown. It is usually of service no longer than for one voyage;
the threads shrink much, and on this account all the cordage here
is heavier than that of Europa. On twisting it, it is apt to break,
and in order to avoid this it is cured by placing it for some time in
salt water, and drying it in the sunshine, then storing it until it is
needed; for if this precaution be not taken, and it becomes spattered
or moistened with fresh water, it will soon become rotten. With
some additional expense the cordage could be made finer and smaller,
without changing its quality; it would then be more easily handled,
and the manoeuvers of the ships would be more expeditious.
23. The [fiber for] black cordage (known as cabo negro) [157] is
obtained from a plant which they call gamù, very similar to the coco,
and it is a veil which covers the entire tree, from the top down;
it grows out between each pair of leaves [entre òja y òja] of the
gamù, like long hair, or tufts of hair. It is exceedingly harsh,
and for this reason it is used only for cables, of all sizes, and to
some extent for tackle and rigging; and there is nothing with which
to compare its strength. It lasts many years, but it is necessary
to keep it either under water, or uncovered, where the dew and the
rains bathe it; and in dry weather water is thrown over it, either
salt or fresh, for its better preservation; for if it stands in the
sun and wind, without these precautions, the threads break, and it
loses its extraordinary strength. It is also preserved by keeping
it in a shady place, where the wind strikes it but little. These two
kinds of cordage are exceedingly abundant in these islands.
24. There is another sort of cordage, [made] from the husks of the
coco, which is superior to the other two; for with the said fiber
the ships can be calked, and [even] after many years the bonote
(thus they call it) comes out as fresh, strong, and sound as on the
day when it was thrust between the planks. Of this species also there
is a great abundance.
25. The anchors can be cast here, by putting into operation the iron
mines of which mention has been made; and I can say the same of the
cannons, the balls, the grape-shot, the bombs, and the grenades. For, I
repeat, there is iron in these islands for supplying all the world, and
there are men enough to mine and manufacture it, if there be brought
from España some skilled directors (who are not found here). If it be
desired to work the copper, there are mines of this also, although I
cannot speak with the same certainty of these as of the iron mines; for
I have not come across any records to show whether the said metal has
been worked at any time, and what the product was. The same thing is
true in regard to the lead mines, but I have seen ores from Paracale,
which were smelted at Bacolor, by order of Don Simon de Anda; and I
do not doubt that, if we had skilled master-workmen in this and other
industries, many useful discoveries would be made through the agency
of the aforesaid company, whose funds would allow the expenses that
a private person is unable to incur.
26. To this concourse of advantages ought to be added the most
important one that our Indians are exceedingly ingenious in
the construction of ships. They do not understand arithmetic, or
proportions and measures, or the computation of the weights of the
various parts, or anything which requires knowledge; but if they have
masters who will furnish to them models of the works, they imitate
everything with the greatest accuracy, for they have exceedingly
keen eyesight, and indescribable facility in making whatever they
see. For this reason we have here excellent carpenters, calkers,
and the other artisans necessary for the construction of ships,
and in whatever number may be desired.
27. There is not an Indian in these islands who has not a remarkable
inclination for the sea; nor is there at present in all the world a
people more agile in manoeuvers on shipboard, or who learn so quickly
nautical terms and whatever a good mariner ought to know. Their
disposition is most humble in the presence of a Spaniard, and they
show him great respect; but they can teach many of the Spanish
mariners who sail in these seas. In the ships of España there are
sure to be some Indians from these islands, and investigation can be
made to ascertain what they are. The little that I understand about
them makes me think that these are a people most suited for the sea;
and that, if the ships are manned with crews one-third Spaniards and
the other two-thirds Indians, the best mariners of these islands can
be obtained, and many of them be employed in our warships. There is
hardly an Indian who has sailed the seas who does not understand the
mariner's compass, and therefore on this [Acapulco] trade-route there
are some very skilful and dexterous helmsmen. Their disposition is
cowardly, but, when placed on a ship, from which they cannot escape,
they fight with spirit and courage.
28. Let it be considered, then, whether these circumstances are
worthy of regard, and highly advantageous for the company of which I
am speaking--which likewise can save much money in the difference of
wages; and any one will reason that not one of the foreign companies
has had the opportunities which these islands possess for the
establishment of a company, since all these things which are easy
and of little expense for the Spaniards were almost insuperable
difficulties for the Dutch, the English, and the French--who
succeeded in overcoming them by dint of silver, of conquests, and of
fortifications; and by bringing from Europa supplies which we do not
have to bring, because they abound in these islands.
29. In order not to be prolix in relating other advantages which the
companies in general possess, as compared with the commerce of private
persons, I refer to those which are set forth by the distinguished
Don Miguel Zavala (in his celebrated memorial [158] to Phelipe V of
blessed memory), whose authority alone would be sufficient in order
that no means should be neglected for establishing the aforesaid
company in these islands; and I pass to other advantages which the
said author explains. But first I will point out what relates to the
fortunes in the Indias, which do not pass to the grandsons; this is
accounted for by the vicious way in which the creoles, as a rule,
are reared--the indolence and vices in which they are brought up,
and the luxury and prodigality to which they are accustomed from
childhood. If these fortunes, or the greater part of them, were
[invested] in the company, they would not be so easily wasted; and,
even if the sons should save nothing from the profits, they would
keep the principal which their fathers might bequeath to them in the
aforesaid company. Or, in case there were some persons so reckless
as to sell their shares, others would buy these, and the commerce
and its gains would always remain for the benefit of the Spaniards.
30. With the funds of a company, enterprises could be undertaken that
would be both extensive and easy. The province of Pampanga alone is
capable of producing more sugar than can be consumed in China (to which
the Sangleys carry it when it is cheap), in the coasts of Coromandel,
Malabar, and Vengala (where it is scarce, and is sold at a high price),
and in all the ports of India; having a market, all that is required
of this product will be supplied in abundance, especially if the said
company encourages the Indians to cultivate their lands. It would be
the same with the dyes; and with deer's hides, sinews, and tapa (or
dried meat) which all come from the same province, and are sold to the
Chinese who come here to trade. By establishing a mart in the capital
[of Pampanga], on the company's account, it will gather in all the
said products, in exchange for cloth, especially if credit be given
to some persons until the time of the harvest; and the gains will be
enormous, since profits will be made on the sale of the cloth, on the
purchase of the products, and on the export of these to other colonies.
31. The same method ought to be observed in the other provinces
for promoting the cultivation of the lands and the abundance of so
highly valuable products as they yield; by this means there would
be obtained in Pangasinan all the gold which the infidels bring
down from the mountains there, which exceeds three hundred thousand
pesos each year, and with that which is brought from other provinces
reaches five hundred thousand pesos. This commodity is very useful
in all the commerce of India, and can also be carried to Europa, as
is done by the English and Dutch, to whom regularly comes the gold
from Philipinas; its current price is at the rate of sixteen pesos
for the tae of 22-carat metal (each tae has the weight of ten reals),
and in this ratio is purchased that of 21, 20, 19, and 18 carats.
32. In the provinces of Ilocos and Cagayan there might be excellent
factories, to work up the great amount of fine cotton which they
produce; and, by bringing skilled workmen from the Coast, the figured
cottons which are brought thence could be made [here]. In all the
Visayan Islands, in the province of Camarines, and in that of Albay,
are made the choicest and finest webs, which they call nipis; and
others, of commoner quality, which they call guinaras, and use for
shirts. In Cagayan and Ilocos are woven very fine handkerchiefs,
towels, coverlets, table-linen (which is of as good quality as that
made in Flandes), terlingas, etc.; and if only these provinces are
stimulated, and factories established with good master-workmen,
the company can easily manufacture at least all the cloth which the
Indians consume. As these number a million of souls, if we allow to
each one an average consumption of no more than one peso, this would
amount to a million of pesos; and the greater part of this amount,
which now the Chinese, the Dutch, and the English carry away, would
remain in the islands, and would increase the profits of the Spaniards
and the losses of the said foreigners.
33. The cacao is very abundant and cheap, and if it could find a market
in other colonies and kingdoms the crop of it would be still greater,
because the Indians would devote themselves to its cultivation. [159]
Entire groves of the coffee-tree could be planted, since it yields
fruit everywhere; it is milder than that of Mage [i.e., Mocha?] and
its fruit is gathered in the year when it is [first] planted, on
account of the richness of the soil. Rice and wheat, if the natives
applied themselves [to cultivating these], as they would do if they
had a market for them, would be sold at good prices throughout China
(where these grains are scarce), in Cochinchina, in Siam, in Camboja,
in Pegu, and sometimes in the Malabar and Coromandel coasts. Wax--of
which these mountains are full, and which is sold by the infidel
Indians who inhabit them--has a great consumption here, and much of it
is shipped to Nueva España; and if it were bartered for cloth, as was
said above, it could be procured in greater quantity. Tobacco, oil,
and sulphur are very abundant. Horses are valued in the said coasts,
and, although there are many of them in these islands, there would be
more if the ranchmen had a better sale for them; for at times they
are accustomed to kill the horses, in order to dry their flesh and
sell it. Carabaos and deer, whose flesh is likewise dried, yield some
pesos. In fine, the following are recognized articles of merchandise
in different places in China, Cochinchina, Camboja, and Siam: sugar,
rice, cotton; indigo, dyes, sibucao (a sort of Brasil-wood), deer's
sinews, pepper, black tortoise-shell (called carey), nacre shells (or
mother-of-pearl), [160] birds'-nests, ebony; tapa (or dried meat),
balate and camaron (both which are shellfish), and bonga; cables
of cabo negro--all of which commodities these islands produce. [To
these must be added] cochineal from Nueva España, fine cloths and
camlets from España; lead (which also is produced by these islands,
although it is not mined), and other articles, as stated above,
of which better information will be given by practical merchants.
34. For Vengala, the Coromandel and Malabar coasts, Persia, Zurrate,
and other parts of India, are found useful indigo, sugar, sibucao,
sulphur, siguey, birds'-nests, cotton, rice, gold, and horses;
and, in one word, all that has been said in the preceding chapter
(speaking of the private commerce which could be carried on via the
Cape of Good Hope) ought to be understood, with greater reason,
of the commerce which can be carried on by the company of which
this chapter treats. For this reason I omit what I said there of the
cinnamon and other products which the company could develop, with its
funds and systematic arrangements, better than an individual could;
for the latter may die, and the former continues perpetually to carry
on the enterprises of manufactures, mining operations, the cultivation
and promotion of crops, and the exportation of all these to foreign
kingdoms and colonies. For all will be successful in these islands with
the Indians, who, if well paid, will do what they are ordered to. [161]
35. I have already mentioned the indescribable readiness with which
our Indians learn perfectly whatever they see, even without the
necessity of a master to instruct them. There are some who write well,
without knowing how to read, as they have had no teacher; for by their
natural inclination they devote themselves to imitation of the letters,
and easily succeed in doing so, without being able to read what they
write. This is one proof of their readiness, above mentioned, but they
have still more of it in embroidery. It is a marvelous thing to see,
that there is hardly an Indian who cannot embroider, and that they
learn this art without any teacher save their own attention and their
extraordinary patience. The hands of the Indian women are the most
delicate, for every kind of sewing and needlework; and the company,
by availing itself of this skill of our Indian men and women, could
employ an innumerable number of people in embroidery, needlework,
and the making of hose--they make them of fine quality, in Zebu of
cotton, and in La Laguna of silk--and obtain much profit through
these industries, in finding a market for them.
36. Near Paracali in the province of Camarines there is abundance
of rock crystal, very transparent and choice. In the province of
Cagayan are some stones that are very singular and rare; one of these
is emerald-green veined with gold or golden-brown, and when well
polished it looks like a mirror, or like the finest jasper. Another
is a stone as white as marble, similar to that which abounds in the
mountains of San Matheo near Manila (from which has been made the
paved floor of the Society's church in this city); and who knows what
Nature is keeping concealed, for our enlightenment, in the provinces
and mountains of these islands? Assiduity, good taste, and the desire
for knowledge would discover many things if there were Spaniards here
who would devote themselves to the investigation and examination of
the many rarities in the plan of Nature.
37. If there were any chemist and herbalist here, this likewise would
be an immense aid for making further discoveries and experimenting
with many trees, roots, herbs, and medicinal stones. For instance,
the narra; [162] in cups made from the wood of this tree water
becomes, in a very short time, of a most beautiful blue color,
and people say that it is useful for curing obstructions; the wood
called manunga, which is extolled for its remarkable virtues; the
seeds of the catbalonga, or St. Ignatius's kernels, which are already
known and esteemed in Europa; the shell in which the cocoanut grows,
in which water soon becomes exceedingly bitter; bezoar stones; and
innumerable other articles from which homely remedies are made here,
among the Spaniards as well as among the Indians. The latter make
much use of the remedies produced in the islands, and know some,
both herbs and woods, which cure the most hideous and bloody wound
in twenty-four hours. The rhubarb [163] may be smelled [sehuele]
in many woodlands, and no one is acquainted with it; the herb of
Calamba is especially good for preventing, by [the application of]
its juice, the bad results of a blow or fall. More than all, in
the mountains of Mindoro there is a tree called calinga, the bark
of which has a delicious odor, which smells like cinnamon, cloves,
and pepper all combined; I made a small quantity of chocolate, using
the said bark powdered instead of cinnamon, and it was very pleasing
to the taste. In the ship "Santissima Trinidad," which the English
captured, I was sending to Madrid some lozenges and many pieces of
the said bark, which is a delicious flavor for seasoning ragouts;
and I have used it in my household. Señor Anda also sent to Madrid
the aforesaid bark, and, I think, chocolate made with it powdered. So
great is the abundance of these trees that there are mountains,
many leguas in extent, which produce them.
38. If the foreigners had these trees, they would have already
introduced in the world the use of this commodity, with enormous
profits; and we, if we possessed industry, and zeal for the
interests of the nation, would have been able with this tree, to
lessen the consumption of the cinnamon and cloves of the Dutch. Let
these points be considered, and the advantages will be recognized
which can assuredly be expected by the company which may be formed
in these islands--regarding it as certain that nothing will make
progress, except by this means; rather, this colony will in a little
while go wretchedly to destruction, without the least hope for its
reëstablishment.
39. By way of conclusion to this chapter, I will note as the last (and
an important) advantage of the aforesaid company the conspicuously
fair treatment and friendly reception which the Spaniards have
experienced, and may expect, throughout India. Our silver [money]
is in good repute in all regions, and those peoples, especially the
Chinese and the princes of India, show the greatest eagerness and
make great efforts to obtain it, as being the most valuable for them;
and, although the Dutch, English, French and other powers trade in
this part of the world with our pesos, the Spanish ships are always
better received in those ports, because they carry more silver and
more products of these islands, which are held in very evident esteem.
40. Since I have been in Manila, I have seen only the traders from
Canton and Emui in China visit this port, [164] except the ship
"Guadalupe," which went to the [Malabar?] Coast; and through its
captain and officers I have heard of the friendly reception which
they met in all the ports of India. But in other days the commerce
of this colony was more extensive. In China it was established in the
year 1598, and has been maintained without interruption; the king of
Camboja asked this government for aid, and it was sent to him in the
year 1594, leaving commerce with that country established. In the
same year the king of Siam sent an embassy to open commerce with
these islands, and in 1599 the said commerce was actually begun,
by vessels which went from these islands, and which came from Siam,
with which country the Spaniards have maintained the most friendly
relations. This was recently experienced in the case of the ship which
was built there in the year 53, by order of our governor the Marques
de Ovando, who sent thither letters for the said king of Siam; and
the latter, in virtue of these, furnished a sufficient sum of money,
and gave all the other assistance which they asked from him. In the
year 718, the same king of Siam granted a piece of land, in order
that the Spaniards might establish a trading-post there.
41. In the year 1596, commerce with these islands was established in
Cochinchina, and the Spaniards declined to establish a trading-post
[on the land] which this king afterward bestowed upon them. In Tunquin
also the Spaniards undertook their commerce; and in Zurrate, Vengala,
and other kingdoms of India, both Moorish and heathen, they have been
equally well received. Although, on account of the reverses of this
commonwealth and the lack of courage in its merchants, the Spaniards
have given up this commerce for several years past, it cannot be
doubted that the aforesaid company has the opportunity to establish
itself advantageously, furnishing a market for the products of these
islands, bringing hither those of the said kingdoms, and establishing
(if that shall be expedient) some trading-posts--with which their
purchases will be at more reasonable prices, and their gains in España
and Nueva España more assured.
42. Here at the same time another advantage presents itself. The
commerce which now is carried on with Acapulco by private persons
suffers many losses, occasioned by the unsuccessful fairs there. These
losses originate in the necessity of selling the goods in order to
send back [to Manila] the money that they produce; for even if the
merchants lose in the sale something on the principal which they
shipped, it is necessary to sell their goods in order to repay what
they obtained from the obras pias for their investments. If the goods
are left in Nueva España, in order to take advantage of an opportunity
for better sale, they cannot meet the cost of the expenses, and here
find themselves tormented by their creditors. The company cannot be
placed in such straits, but will always sell their wares to advantage
and profit; for when in Acapulco they do not obtain good returns on
the merchandise, they can transfer it to the storehouse which they will
have to establish in Mexico. This expedient alone will be sufficient to
induce the Mexicans to make strenuous endeavors to be preferred in the
sale at the said port, because they will not deceive the said company
as they now do private persons, acting aggressively against them,
in order to fix arbitrarily the prices of their goods--constrained
as our merchants are to sell them, on account of the limitation of
the time [of the fair], since the galleons ought to sail from the
said port by the twenty-fifth of March.
43. I will conclude this chapter with the authority of the celebrated
Don Geronimo Ustariz, [165] who, although he disapproves the commerce
[managed] by companies in España and the Americas, considers it
expedient in these islands; and indeed, when his arguments against
the establishment of the said companies are examined, it will be seen
that they do not apply to this commerce--where, on the contrary,
it will be seen that not even the least progress can be secured,
unless the company of which I am speaking be formed.
44. The same author, speaking of the commerce in spices, is inclined
to think that it ought to be carried on directly by the Spaniards,
by the same route which other nations adopt for it, arranging the
purchases in these islands in order to supply the Americas and all
España by the ports of Acapulco, Panama, and Portovelo. This exhibits
the utility of what I have herein set forth, for it is confirmed by
the three most earnest and distinguished Spaniards of this century,
to wit, the Visconde del Puerto, Don Miguel de Zabala, and Don Geronimo
Ustariz. But I am surprised that this last-named writer, who treats the
subject of commerce so extensively and so acutely, with the greatest
erudition and knowledge of whatever there is to be known of foreign
nations and countries, should be ignorant that these islands produce in
abundance cinnamon, pepper, and nutmeg, which, without the necessity
of buying it from the Dutch, we can use for our benefit, in order to
supply all our own dominions. This is a proof that the Spaniards of
Philipinas do not apply themselves to becoming acquainted with this
country, in order to make known its products; and that they would not
be [thus] ignorant if the alcaldes-mayor would make reports--one to
their successors, and another to the government--of the condition of
each province, as I advised his Majesty in the past year of 1760.
Chapter Fifth: Of the extension which the commerce of the aforesaid
company can enjoy
1-3. [Viana makes remonstrance against "the limitations
and restrictions with which the commerce of the Spaniards is
established." These only enable foreigners to compete with them to
greater advantage, and increase the gains of foreign traders. He
adduces the examples of other nations in support of his position
that commerce ought to be extended and freed from restrictions, as
far as possible; and complains that Spaniards only are forbidden to
trade with each other, in the colonies of that monarchy. (Section
3.) "The argument for this is apparently founded on the exportation
of silver, and on the opposition made by the merchants of Cadiz,
who are misled by foreigners, and that of the officials at Acapulco,
who find their advantage in the said limitation. Those merchants are
always inveighing against the injuries that result to their trade,
and the check to our [Spanish] manufactures, with which arguments
they have always tried to bring about the ruin of this [Philippine]
commerce; but I will see if I cannot overthrow these arguments."]
4. All the silver that is coined in the dominions of España comes to a
halt in foreign kingdoms, among our greatest enemies. The treasures of
the Indias pass through the aqueduct of Cadiz, without leaving even a
trace on the conduits of the Spanish merchants, as can be demonstrated
by [comparing] the riches that the Indias have produced, and the
poverty of the Spaniards. Upon this point I refer to what Don Miguel
de Zavala says in his memorial; and that which the celebrated Macanaz
has written on the same subject ought to be printed on plates of gold,
or, better, in the hearts of our sovereigns and their ministers of
state, in order to cure the wounds of their vassals with the remedies
which he proposes. For if all the silver is carried away from the
dominions of España, what more will she have, whether it go by way
of Acapulco or by way of Cadiz? I assert that in Cadiz the commerce
of the foreigners is greater than that of the Spaniards: the latter
(with the exception of some strong business houses, which have been
built up in this century) support themselves by being figureheads [166]
for the former, who cannot possess the commerce in their own behalf or
in their own persons. This is disclosed by the "Universal dictionary
of commerce," in praising the good Catholic Spaniards in this illicit
mode of carrying on business--which is the same as regarding them as
being, even if not traitors, at least disobedient to their king. Here
is seen the interested motive for [the claim] that the silver should
not be exported by way of Acapulco, but that all should go to Cadiz,
into the power of the foreigners--who are the ones who, in reality
and with hidden hand, have always made opposition to this commerce
of Manila.
5. Those who carry away the silver from Acapulco are all Spaniards,
and the greater part of it accumulates in the empire of China, which
has not waged war against us, nor will she do so, with the gains that
we allow her; but those who carry away the silver which reaches Cadiz
are the foreigners, and it is going to remain with the powers who
are harassing and ruining us with our own wealth. Let these points of
difference be compared, and decide whether it is not a weak argument,
that of the export [of silver from Nueva España], against which so
much clamor has been made by the commerce of Cadiz--or, to speak more
correctly, the convenience of the foreigners--and I believe that it
will be outweighed, not only by the loss of the royal duties which are
yielded to the royal treasury by the silver which goes to Cadiz, but by
the injury that is caused to us by the profits which we furnish to the
foreigners. Moreover, the silver carried away from Acapulco can yield
the same [amount in] duties, in order to avoid the aforesaid loss,
if it be considered of much importance--which it is not; for even
if two millions of pesos were carried away each year, and the royal
treasury deprived of the duties thereon (for which privation there is
no necessity), that is not a sum which merits the great opposition,
if not bitter hatred, of the commerce of Cadiz for this poor commerce
[of Manila].
6. The other argument, that of the retardment which our manufactures
of España would suffer [in competition] with those of China, is as
easily overthrown. It is certain that our factories cannot furnish
all the goods which are consumed in our dominions, and that on this
account the silks, fabrics, hose, ribbons, etc., of other powers
are allowed entrance therein; and what more need is there, in the
case of these wares than of those of China, for declaiming against
the injury which the latter, but not the former, occasion? There
is no further difference except that the Spaniards trade with one
class of the goods, and the foreigners with the other. Against the
foreigners there is no one to raise objections, as some of them do
against our own people; and as in these clamors there is no mention
of the name of Englishmen, Frenchmen, Dutch, Swedes, Danes, Irishmen,
etc., but [only] of the commerce of Cadiz and of its Spanish traders,
the motive for this opposition is better hidden, the injury which
they exaggerate is more readily believed, the minds of people are
preoccupied with impressions of this sort; and the commerce of Manila,
which has neither capital nor fame nor authority, and not so much
influence as that of Cadiz, is the one which always suffers, which
is permitted [only] with restrictions, and which cannot repair the
damages experienced by the merchants of Cadiz without knowing them.
7. Before this, I had already mentioned the great amount of silk,
both raw and woven, which foreigners bring from China, and that with
this they supply their own manufactures, and [likewise] obtain money
from us by selling in España the fabrics from Canton as if they
came from Paris, Londres, Amsterdam, etc. Is this, or is it not,
detrimental to our manufactures? and, if it is, why is not an outcry
made against it by the merchants of Cadiz? They will say that it is
impossible to prohibit this commerce, while our own manufactures are
in so backward a condition; but why will this argument not avail the
Spanish merchants of Manila? They will say also that the foreigners
introduce into España not fabrics from China, but those of their own
manufacture; that, whether it be from one country or from another,
the injury to our manufactures is the same. But what cannot be denied
is, that the foreigners who obtain so great an amount of silk from
China trade it in our dominions, and that we cannot do the same in
order to deprive them of those enormous gains. If, then, the company
of Spaniards were formed in these islands, they could convey from
China a great deal of raw silk for our factories, and many special
fabrics which would be of as good quality as those of Europa; they
could furnish them more cheaply than the foreigners do; and, above
all, the profits would remain among the Spaniards. Our commerce would
steadily flourish; we would have more ships, to make our dominions
safe; the marine service would be increased; and necessarily there
would be diminution in the commerce of the foreigners, for which our
deluded Spaniards are pleading.
8. The royal duties will be the same, if the silk and fabrics of China
are carried by our ships of the company, as if they were carried by
the foreigners; and even if the kindness of our sovereign makes some
reduction [in the duties], in order to favor the said company and
subvert those that are hostile to it, other advantages, of greater
importance than the aforesaid duties, will result to the crown, in
the certain knowledge that, in the present state of things, that is
prohibited to the Spaniards which is allowed to foreigners--that is,
the introduction of goods from China which are difficult to recognize
in España, on account of the facility with which European fabrics
are imitated in Canton.
9. By allowing to the aforesaid company the importation of Chinese
goods into España, while the prohibition to foreigners remains in
force, the trading-fleets and galleons will be supplied; and these
commodities will be purchased less from foreigners, in order that
our own manufactures and commerce may gain some growth.
10. All the silk which our company will put on the market will
diminish the amount sold by the foreigners; and if they have not a
market for this commodity they will take on smaller cargoes of it
in China, Cochinchina, Canton, Tonquin, Tripara, Bengala, and Achem,
and the said company will find it easier to purchase the silk. Before
the nations of Europe carried away the silk from Canton, it could
be bought at very low prices; but since they began to carry on this
commerce--which was in the year 1685, in which the emperor of China
opened his ports to all nations--up to the present time, the prices
have risen more than three hundred per cent, as some merchants of
this city have informed me.
11. In the six years that I have spent in Manila, the [price of]
silk has risen every time; and because so much was being sent out of
the country [of China], the emperor forbade, under the most rigorous
penalties, the exportation of this product--of which an enormous amount
is consumed in his empire, where it was already becoming scarce in
the year 759--that it might be used by his vassals, whom he regards
with the most extraordinary affection.
12. Finally, when the merchants of Cadiz become shareholders in
the said company there will be no more talk of the export of silver
by way of Acapulco, or of the injury to our manufactures from the
fabrics of China; or the only ones who will cry out against it will
be the foreigners connected with the said commerce [of Cadiz], when
their names are made known, for they will not [then] have Spaniards
to talk, as the saying is, "through a goose's mouth." If it shall
be considered expedient (as it seems to me it is) that the aforesaid
company may ship freely, and without any restriction, such wares as it
shall think best to the kingdom of Nueva España, the royal duties can
be so adjusted that the royal treasury will not suffer a great loss,
under the certainty that the goods of the said commercial company will
all be duly registered, as also the silver which they bring in return;
for its directors will possess no authority for anything except what is
according to the rules in the like method of commerce. This legality
in the declarations [of goods shipped] will result in great benefit
to the aforesaid royal duties, even though these be more moderate than
the duties which are exacted from private persons whose greed for gain
urges them to convey, and to bring [here], many contraband articles.
13. For greater security on this point, it could be so regulated
that there would not be the slightest uncertainty, by causing the
agents or directors whom it will be necessary to have in this city,
to write out the invoices of what they ship, according to the entries
in their cash-books, and the same with the silver and the goods that
are brought back in return--information of all this being sent from
here to the officials at Acapulco, and reciprocally from that port
to the officials at this capital, in order that on each side any
possible infraction of the law may be known, and those engaged in
the commerce be restrained from committing such. This exhibition of
invoices and the returns in silver can be compared with the statements
which the directors of the company will furnish, in order to ascertain
whether the former agree with those which will be contained in the said
statements. I take for granted that in the presentation, examination,
and approval of these accounts there will be the supervision of some
person appointed for that purpose by our sovereign--whose royal and
benevolent disposition will, it is to be believed, place some capital
in the company that I have mentioned, as a foundation for this great
work; and in this case it is hardly possible that the least crevice
will be found by which the royal duties might suffer loss.
14. The nobility of España, from the highest rank down; the guilds
of Madrid, who now form a commercial body of much importance; all
the merchants of España, the kingdom of Mexico, Peru, and these
islands; some foreigners; and many religious communities which have
set aside the produce of their funds for pious purposes--all these
will, without doubt, become shareholders in the aforesaid company,
if they are convinced of the benefit of this commerce, and of the
prosperity which will ensue to the Spanish nation; and when the
said merchants have their gains by means of these seas assured, and
a means of supplying the kingdom of Mexico with a great part of the
goods which its people need, without the burden of the royal duties,
it is certain that they will not desire to purchase foreign goods,
except at such advantage as will prove detrimental to the foreigners.
15. It is also evident that the aforesaid company will be able to
furnish its commodities at lower prices than the foreign companies
do; for it does not have to incur so many expenses in maintaining
troops, fortresses, etc., as do the Dutch, English, and French; nor
will the costs of the navigation be so great, because the voyage
is shorter. Moreover, the purchases will be [made] in China, at
the same prices as those of the said foreigners; and consequently,
the company transporting its merchandise to España, and being able
to furnish goods at more reasonable prices than the foreigners do,
for these reasons the profits will be greater and the losses of the
foreigners more certain. By carrying the goods from these islands
to Nueva España, the company will hinder the illicit commerce of the
said foreigners, who in sailing from India to Europa, and from Europa
to their colonies in America, must incur more expense than the said
Spaniards, and will not be able to furnish commodities at the same
prices as the latter can.
16. The English who come to trade in China carry these goods to the
ports of Inglaterra, pay there the duties on them, and afterward
ship them to various regions--among these to Jamayca, from which
island they carry on a very extensive illicit commerce with the
Windward Islands; with Nueva España, through Honduras, and by way
of the coasts of Campeche and Vera Cruz; and with Peru, through
the colony of Sacramento, and various other places. The number of
laden vessels which enter Jamaica every year exceeds five hundred;
and by this can be estimated the value of the goods which are [thus]
disposed of (for all of these are carried into our dominions), and
the great amount of silver which they carry away from us, thus causing
loss to the royal duties of his Majesty--which, in proportion to the
said goods and the money which they produce, would be very large.
17. Sabary, whom I have cited, estimates at eight millions of pesos
the illicit commerce which the English carry on, from Jamayca alone,
with the Spaniards of America; and he states, to the discredit of
our nation, that all the ministers and officials, from the highest
to the lowest, proceed by agreement to defraud the royal duties, and
to become rich at the cost of what they seize from the royal revenues.
18. Probably no less is the amount of the fraudulent commerce
carried on by the Dutch from Curazao; and much greater is that
which is conducted by the two nations (and even by the French) in
Puerto Rico, Cartagena, Buenos Ayres, Campeche, Honduras, Portovelo,
Caracas, Guayaquil, and the Canarias Islands, and the other ports of
the Windward Islands and the two Americas--as also is made known by
the same author whom I have already cited, besides what we all know.
19. The new and very extensive territory which the aforesaid English
now possess in North America, and on the Mexican Gulf as far as
the Misisipi, renders this illicit commerce much easier for them
by means of that coast, especially by way of the new Santender,
[167] which has a good harbor for vessels of moderate size, and many
rivers; it is not far distant by land from Cretaro [i.e., Queretaro]
and other rich cities of Nueva España, and by sea it is not far from
Vera Cruz. With these great opportunities, the illicit commerce can
be pushed to the utmost; for the ambition and covetousness of the
trader despises no means which may bring him profit.
20. The commodities which the English illegally introduce [into our
colonies] must necessarily be cheaper than those which go in our
trading-fleets by way of Vera Cruz, for the latter pay many duties,
and the former none; and the very English who sell in Cadiz to the
Spaniards, paying their duties, sell the same commodities in Nueva
España at a lower price than in Cadiz. Therefore, if some efficacious
remedy be not applied to these illicit importations, I think that
our commerce will be ruined; that our trading-fleets will experience
great losses; that the royal duties will be diminished; and that in
Nueva España the illicit commerce will reach an even greater extent
than in Perù. But it also seems to me that if the commerce from these
islands to Acapulco is free to our company the aforesaid losses can
be in great part averted, for the following reasons.
21. When the foreigners (and especially the English) obtain so much
silk, both raw and woven, from China we must believe that they find
this commerce profitable, and that the said commodity is very cheap
in the said empire, compared with the prices of silks in Europa. The
profit is more obvious in the woven goods, because the infinite number
of people who inhabit China, and the abundance of workmen in every kind
of occupation, cause their manufactures to be exceedingly cheap--as
all of us who live in this part of the world know by experience, who
every year send to Canton commissions for many articles, because they
cost us less than to make the purchases in this city. For instance: The
Chinese and the Spaniards carry silver from here to Canton, where it
is worth three per cent more; and nevertheless a snuff-box, a salver,
and other small articles of silver cost less there than when made here
to order--which shows the great saving of [cost in the] manufacture
which results from the great abundance of workmen, as I have said.
22. This advantage which the English have through the commerce of
Canton--to which port usually come every year thirteen or fourteen
ships--can also be enjoyed by our company; and, buying at the same
prices [as the English]; it can sell its goods at lower prices in
Nueva España, even after paying the royal duties. For the English
are obliged to make longer and more costly voyages, as is that from
Canton to Inglaterra, and from there to España and Nueva España; while
the Spaniards will sail from here to Acapulco. The former pay royal
duties in Inglaterra, and the latter will pay these in Acapulco,
saving the expenses of the second voyage which the English make,
to their colonies in America. Finally, the Spaniards are not obliged
to maintain, at so great expense as do the English, fortified posts
and many troops, which are supported by their profits; for these
reasons, the latter will not be able to sell their goods at the same
price as that of the Spanish company. Consequently, they will not
make illicit importations [into the Spanish colonies] of silks and
[woolen] fabrics; and even those of their linen goads (which are most
to be dreaded) can be diminished with [our importations of] the light
linen goods of China [liencesillo] (which are used in Nueva España),
with "elephants" and other goods from the coast, and, in due time,
with the cotton cloths which will be woven in these islands. Here
there is abundance of cotton, and of people for its cultivation and
manufacture--especially if some masters in this art come from España,
or, in case that fail, from the Coromandel or the Malabar coast;
and if among the Indians be introduced the spinning-wheels which are
already in use in the manufactures of España.
23. From all these arguments it will be possible to conclude whether
they are as well adapted to free commerce [of these islands] with the
kingdom of Peru, and to that which the two Americas can mutually and
reciprocally conduct between each other, in order that all the vassals
may have a share in the extension of the commerce which hitherto has
been prohibited to them; that the products of all the provinces may
be increased, by the market which will be provided for them; that
the Southern [i.e., Pacific] coasts of the said Americas may have
an abundance of vessels; that they may mutually aid and defend each
other from enemies; that by this means all our dominions remote from
España may be more securely preserved; that our silver may have wide
circulation among the Spaniards, who, occupied in this lawful traffic,
will not expose their money to the risks of the illicit commerce;
that the commerce of the foreigners may be diminished, without the
least loss to the royal exchequer in the duties from them; and, in
fine, that with the gains [from this commerce], and with the decreased
exportation of silver to the foreign kingdoms of Europa, the prosperity
of our monarchy may begin, and it may come to be the most worthy of
respect in all the world, with the extension of its commerce--which
is the sole and only means of attaining success; for no other means
has been found more effectual, by either ancient or modern geniuses.
Chapter Sixth: Of the difficulties which the aforesaid company will
encounter, in order to establish and continue its commerce; and of
the method for preventing these.
1. The difficulties and inconveniences which the celebrated Don Miguel
de Zabala mentions, and the manner in which he entirely removes them,
ought to be borne in mind in this chapter (like all the rest that
that great man wrote), in regard to the establishment of our commerce
through companies, in order that by the said work, and by what I have
set forth, even the dullest person may be convinced of the usefulness
of the Spanish company in these islands. Notwithstanding that the
principal difficulty, and the only one to be feared, is the efforts
of the foreign powers, I will copy exactly the remarks of the said
author, for perhaps not all those who see this document will have
[opportunity to see] them; and I cannot dispel these fears with
arguments more weighty, or persuasion more effective.
2-18. [Zabala admits the danger that other powers, angered at the
loss of their gains through the success of a Spanish company, would
endeavor to destroy it; but he regrets the timidity of the Spanish
merchants, who allow themselves to remain at the mercy and dictation of
foreigners. The Spaniards would readily take measures to end this, if
entire secrecy were possible, but they fear failure if their intentions
are known by the foreigners. They should remember that not only are
the Spanish colonies in the Indias strictly forbidden to trade in
any way with the other powers, but that the latter themselves had
consented to these arrangements, which España had a right to make
for her own colonies. Those powers will not seek by force the ruin
of Spanish commerce, as that would be too costly an enterprise, but
will endeavor to gain this end by craft and intrigue. If a Spanish
commercial company were formed, its larger capital and more extensive
business would enable it to withstand losses which would ruin private
persons. All of these considerations should relieve the fears which
check the free and wide operation of Spanish commerce and thus keep
it within the clutches of foreign traders. Zabala urges the formation
of Spanish companies for commerce, on which must depend the security
of gains therein and the prosperity of España.]
19. It is hardly possible that the nations of Europa will unite
to hinder the company of these islands. The Dutch will not fail to
appear with their pretended right of authority to prohibit to us the
navigation by way of Cape Good Hope; but with the arguments which are
presented in chapter 2, part ii [of this memorial], and those which our
wise ministers of state can bring forward in favor of our well-known
right in justice, the said Dutch will find themselves obliged to admit
it, or they will fear the injury which we can inflict upon them by
hindering their commerce in China, Japon, and other regions which
are included in the arbitrary division and imaginary limit made by
Pope Alexander Sixth.
20. On the other hand, likewise, the Dutch recognize and fear
the superiority of the English, who are doing them much damage
in India--as recently they experienced, in the past year of 760,
in their establishments in Vengala, and even in those of the island
of Ceylan, to judge by some shrewd suspicions that the English were
encouraging the king of the said island in his revolt against the
Dutch. If the Spaniards establish their company, the British forces
will be further diverted, in case war should break out, by those
of España and Francia; the Dutch will then consider themselves more
secure, and will expect some aid in case they guide those nations to
appropriate some [English] establishments; for the aforesaid powers
will not, for their own advantage, consent that the English attain
further superiority by unjust means.
21. The French also have a like interest in the formation of the
Spanish company, and they will promote it, in order to have its aid,
which may be to them very important; for if they had had it in the
late war they would not have lost all their establishments in India;
nor would we have lost the fortified posts of Manila and Cavite,
if we had had the said company.
22. The lack of a port on the coast of Africa as a landing-place for
our ships is another of the difficulties which our navigation by way
of Cape Good Hope may encounter; but our friendly relations with the
court of Francia will open to us, without doubt, free entrance to the
port of Mauritius. With a knowledge, too, of the ports on the said
coast of Africa, we can establish ourselves where we think it best
to, as the Dutch have done; or we can find some island, like that of
Santa Elena, [168] which the English occupy, or those of San Matheo
and Acension, which serve the Portuguese for a way-station.
23. The last difficulty may be the greatest of all, and it consists
in the probable opposition of the ministers and officials of his
Majesty to the ministers and officials of the company. For I assume,
in the pursuance of my plan, that there will be here ships of war,
a suitable force for the safety of these towns, a governor and
captain-general, a royal Audiencia, royal officials, etc.; and that
the company will have likewise its own ships, the construction of
them, cloth manufactures in the provinces, the working of mines, the
cultivation of cinnamon, and other enterprises, which without the aid
of the government are difficult, but with it very easy. The aforesaid
opposition to those of the company, and the unpleasant relations which
follow (or are very probable) between the directors and the government,
may be a very great impediment to all the said activities. But this,
it seems to me, can be corrected by making suitable regulations, and
his Majesty issuing very strict orders for their punctual observance,
with heavy penalties against the transgressors; also by the company
having so many protectors in the court as its shareholders, especially
if the shares be taken by the highest nobility, as an example to the
rest. These will be so many more public prosecutors, who will raise
an outcry against those who, in whatever way, oppose the interests
of the company; and who will demand punishment for him who deserves
it, in order that this may serve as a warning to others--under the
well-founded assumption that the growth of the aforesaid company can
interest no one so much as it does our sovereign, in order that the
crown and the nation may be maintained with dignity and splendor, and
gain credit by our commerce, and by the riches which it will draw to
us if that commerce be undertaken and continued with the ardor which
is demanded by love for our country.
24. I do not dwell so much as I might on this last difficulty, because
it seems to me that what I have said is alone sufficient for taking
the necessary precautions. As little will I take time to enumerate
the advantages which would result to his Majesty from committing to
the aforesaid company the government, management, and social order of
these islands, with the obligation to maintain them with sufficient
forces--for this purpose, [the crown] making over to it the tributes
and the royal duties, and the company furnishing some amount to the
royal revenues in acknowledgment of the [royal] authority, during
the time while this sort of treaty or contract should last; on this
subject, I could divulge something, if I did not realize the great
difficulties therein.
25. Besides this, I consider that if his Majesty place these towns and
islands under the plan that I have proposed, they can bring together
their considerable military forces for the furtherance of the said
company, and for such assistance as it may find necessary--so that
the king may increase his royal revenues and the company save much
expense, which will redound in material gains to its commerce, and
to obvious damage to that of the foreigners.
26. By granting to the company the privilege of proposing [the names
of] persons whom it considers trustworthy, to serve in the office of
alcalde-mayor for the provinces where it will have its manufactures,
cultivation of crops, or operation of mines, all possible advancement
will be rendered easy, and the royal exchequer will preserve the
royal revenues, by means of the said persons, for whom security will
be given by the said company or its directors; and even the tributes
of various provinces could be arranged, by agreement, with evident
advantage and benefit to the royal exchequer.
27. Finally, all matters must be regulated on a very substantial
basis--questions of government, the cases in which preventive measures
must be taken, the protection of the company, and the powers which
must be granted to it, as will be unavoidable in order to obviate
uncertainties and injurious dissensions, in regard to which suitable
advices will be given on the proper occasion.
Chapter Seventh: Of the suitability of Panama and Portovelo, in case
the navigation via Cape Good Hope be impracticable.
1-2. [Viana briefly restates some of the conclusions reached in
foregoing chapters, and proceeds to consider the possibility of the
route via the Cape of Good Hope proving impracticable, in which case
he proposes as an alternative the route via Panama.]
3. God has placed an isthmus midway between the two Americas, with the
port and bay of Panama on the coast of the Southern Sea, and that of
Portovelo on the opposite coast; although the former is of use only
for vessels of medium size, there is another, called Perico, which
admits ships of the line, their lading being conveyed in small vessels
to Panama, which is two leguas distant. The second, which is that of
Portovelo, is one of the most beautiful and well-defended ports in
America; there are disembarked the goods of the ships from España,
and they are conveyed to Panama; and the gold and silver and some
products of Peru, which arrive at the latter port at the time of the
[Spanish] trading-fleets, are transported to that of Portovelo by land,
and by the Chagre River, for the return of the ships to España.
4. The Spanish company, when established in these islands, can have
its storehouses and factors at the said ports; the ships which sail
from here for Panama will leave there their cargoes, and bring back
the goods which the ships of Cadiz will have carried to Portovelo;
and these latter will in their turn do the same, leaving their cargoes
at the said port, and, for their return voyage, taking aboard whatever
might be sent to them from Panama.
5. This route would, without doubt, occasion greater expenses to
the Spanish company than would the navigation via Cape Good Hope,
but always many advantages to its commerce would result. If war
should break out, the said route will be more secure from enemies,
and our coasts will be better defended by the frequent visits of our
ships to the said ports on the Southern coast; in that spacious sea
they are not in danger of encountering enemies, as in the straits of
Sunda, Malaca, and others of the Malayan Islands, through which it
is necessary to pass in order to navigate through the seas of India
and of the African coast, with risk from the nations of Europa who
are established in both regions.
6. If the prosperity of the said company will be as great as the
circumstances here set forth promise, we ought to expect that, in order
to facilitate its commerce and save transportation, some part of its
gains will be employed in the improvement of the Panama route--in
making the Chagre River more navigable, and perhaps in seeking the
easiest mode of joining the two seas, or in finding other means for
conveying the goods by water from one port to the other. [169]
7. The idea of facilitating the commerce of España with these islands
by the said route is not a new one, nor do I claim that it should
be attributed to me; for it was brought forward in the year 1621,
after the dangers of the navigation via Cape Horn [Cabo de Hornos]
had been recognized, and it was realized what difficulties there were
in conducting the commerce through those stormy seas. Information
regarding it having been asked from the president and ministers of [the
Audiencia of] Panama, "they brought forward so effectual arguments
why it should not be permitted" (so Don Joseph de Veytia says, in
his Norte de la contratacion) "that navigation by this route ceased."
8. Before undertaking any enterprise people's minds are usually
dismayed at the multitude of hindrances which present themselves to
the imagination; but all these are overcome, as a rule, by assiduous
application, for the success of the enterprises which always are
as difficult in their first stages as they are easy and simple in
the middle and end of their course. The subject of commerce has
encountered in our España apparently insuperable difficulties, which
have intimidated the leading ministers in its promotion; and, while it
cannot be denied that our nation has devoted very little attention to
that most useful study, the science of commerce, our people ought to
distrust the reality of the disadvantages which have been exaggerated
in other times, and investigate them in these happier days. Therein
the same difficulties will not be found, or it will be possible to
obviate the injury which may be feared, by effectual measures for
the greater stability of the commerce, the security of our dominions,
and the welfare of all the vassals.
9. In Francia there was so much distrust on the subject of commerce
that, its promotion and extension being deemed impossible, every
project of this kind was rejected. Cardinal Richelieu, in his political
testament, regards the French as incapable of commerce, as I have
said; and, before this famous minister, his predecessors discussed
the matter in no other fashion. But the great Louis Fourteenth and
his most zealous and able [minister], Monsieur Colvert, overcoming
dangers, scorning inconveniences, and trampling on difficulties,
resolutely undertook, with magnanimous souls, to render that easy
which for so many centuries had been deemed difficult, and finally
they succeeded. Then why will it not be possible also to render the
transaction of our commerce successful and easy by way of Panama,
conquering the difficulties which will be alleged against it?
10. I am not ignorant of these hindrances; but I believe that, however
strong they may be, they will not prevail over the welfare of the
monarchy, and that the elevated and magnanimous royal soul of our
beloved king and sovereign Don Carlos Third (whom may God preserve)
and his zealous ministers will overcome the difficulties which have
been hitherto considered insurmountable, and will hasten with suitable
remedies to check the ruin of our dominions, which had its origin in
the great amount of illicit commerce of the foreign nations. Perhaps
they will form an entirely opposite idea from that of other times,
regarding the conduct of our commerce by way of Panama, in order
to provide from these islands the commodities which are needed for
España and the Americas, to assure the royal duties, and to overthrow
the foreigners--who, as I have said, will not be able to sell their
merchandise at so moderate prices as the Spanish company can; and
it will be the only effectual means of preventing the aforesaid
illicit commerce.
11. I have set forth, sincerely and candidly, what my limited ability
comprehends, and the knowledge that I have acquired of these islands;
I have touched on these subjects as concisely as possible, in order
not to render this document diffuse and too wearisome. I doubt not
that in it will be found many defects, since the practical knowledge
of commerce is remote from my profession; on these points, others who
are more intelligent will be able to bring forward their arguments. I
will be content if all will be convinced of my love for the nation,
of my desire for its greater prosperity, of my ardent zeal, and
of my loyalty to my king and sovereign; these are the only motives
which have constrained me to offer the reflections which I have here
stated--availing myself, for this little work, of the small amount of
leisure which the arduous occupations of my office leave free for me.
May God grant that the effects and results correspond to my good
intentions; and for the sake of their best success, the preservation
of these islands, the extension of Spanish commerce, and the happy
advancement of the monarchy, may He render prosperous for many years
the life of our beloved king and sovereign Don Carlos Third (whom
may God preserve) Manila, February 10, 1765.
Francisco Leandro de Viana
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA
The documents in the present volume are obtained from the following
sources:
1. Usurpation of Indian lands.--From La Democracia (Manila), November
25, 1901; from a copy in the possession of James A. LeRoy, Durango,
Mexico.
2. Moro raids.--From a rare pamphlet published at Manila (1755),
from a copy in the possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago.
3. Augustinian parishes, 1760.--From an original MS. in possession
of Edward E. Ayer.
4. Later missions.--From Mozo's Noticia histórico natural (Madrid,
1763), and a rare pamphlet by Ustáriz (1745), both from copies in
the Library of Congress.
5. Events in Filipinas, 1739-62.--This is compiled from Zúñiga's
Historia (Sampaloc, 1803), pp. 546-601, and Concepcion's Hist. de
Philipinas, xi, pp. 89-237; and fully annotated from other writers.
6. Viana's Memorial of 1765.--From a MS.--apparently a duplicate copy
of the first original, and bearing Viana's autograph signature--in
the possession of Edward E. Ayer.
NOTES
[1] This document was printed in the Manila newspaper La Democracia
(the organ of the Federal party), on November 25, 1901; it was
furnished to that paper by Hugo Salazar, a young Filipino--a native of
Luzón, educated as a pharmacist, prominent in the Federal party during
1901-04, and in 1903-04 governor of Surigao province, Mindanao--under
the pen-name of "Ambut." It was printed with accompanying comments
written by him, which here appear as foot-notes, signed "Ambut." We are
indebted to the courtesy of James A. LeRoy (now [1906] U. S. consul
at Durango, Mexico) for a copy of the above issue of La Democracia,
and for the above information.
[2] Cf. pp. 141-143, post, note 63.
[3] In view of these abuses which occurred in the middle of the
eighteenth century, which have been repeated in our own time (up to the
year '97) with an outcome favorable to the friars because the latter
found support in the venality or the pliancy of the authorities,
will it be possible still to deny the justice and good reason with
which the Filipinos reject the friars, demanding the suppression
of the religious corporations, which always and everywhere have
had pernicious consequences? Libertas, in its No. 686, shows bad
faith and shamelessness in addressing to a co-religionist of ours
these questions in its editorial columns: "Can Don Leocadio inform
us whether these popular tumults which keep him so preoccupied were
known in Filipinas before the year '96? Is it not public and notorious
that certain conspicuous attorneys, resident in Manila, are the ones
who are deceiving the people, promising them impossible things, and
obtaining from them beforehand enormous sums of money?" Don Leocadio
does not answer, in order not to waste his time; but he recommends
the reading of this royal decree, in which all the friar-lovers will
find a complete answer if they will reason with their brains. As the
organ of the friars, it is natural that Libertas should speak thus,
displaying the blessing of his Holiness Leo XIII as a banner for
concealing error and falsehood; it is likewise natural that those
who reason with the stomach should form a chorus for that sort of
scribbling; but it is truly regrettable that our women and other
persons should aid, through their lack of instruction, through the
influence of the confessional, and through religious fanaticism,
in falsifying historical truth.--"Ambut."
[4] It results, then, that the friars usurped not only the lands of
individuals, but those of the State; this is called "filling both
sides of the mouth with food" [comer á dos carrillos]--which they
were doing, receiving salaries from the State and collecting dues
from their parishioners.--"Ambut."
[5] This work was composed by Joseph González Cabrera Bueno, a native
of Teneriffe, and at the time of its publication (Manila, 1734) the
chief pilot for the Manila-Acapulco line of galleons. He was a sailor
of great ability and long experience, which, with this book, gave him a
very high rank among the mariners of his day. He dedicated the book to
Governor Valdés y Tamón; its censura (or examination by the censor)
was made by Murillo Velarde; and its illustrations were engraved
by the native Filipino artist Nicolás de la Cruz Bagay. (Vindel,
Catálogo biblioteca filipina, no. 819.)
[6] This direction to the alcaldes-mayor naturally suggests the query,
"How many of the provinces were supplied with printing-offices in
1753?" and reminds one of Dickens's "Circumlocution Office," and its
efforts "how not to do it."
[7] The pernicious character of the religious corporations, as an
evil to society, is sufficiently proved; for even Catholic France
is expelling them from her bosom. It only remains, then, to decide
whether the prohibition of their existence is opposed to the principle
of the separation of Church and State. To conform to the principle
that the welfare of the people is a supreme law, and in virtue of
that to deny legal existence to such associations as are hostile to
the said principle, is not to fail in [loyalty to] the separation of
the Church and the State, inasmuch as the prohibition has nothing
to do with religious dogmas or ecclesiastical discipline; and, in
order to be just and thoroughly impartial, it does not oppose itself
to any specified community or sect, for it entirely sets aside the
religious character of the corporations, considering them simply as
groups of human beings in their relation to the general good. The
State, in this case, legislates without passing beyond the bounds
of its proper and exclusive jurisdiction, and does not invade the
attributes of the ecclesiastical power.
Some will say that by prohibiting the existence of religious
corporations liberties are restricted. To this I answer, that that
liberty which causes harm to society ought not to be understood as
liberty; and, [using the term] in this sense, the United States would
not be disloyal to their Constitution in adopting restrictive measures
in regard to the "trust," Chinese immigration, and the association
of persons dangerous to peace, order, and the sanctity of the home.
As for the estates of the friars, Señor Sumulong was quite right, to
judge from the facts in this royal decree, in asking for an ample and
complete investigation of the legality of the titles to property which
the friars could bring forward. It is to be observed that there was no
opportunity here for [ascertaining] the real right of prescription, for
it was impossible to protest against usurpations if one did not wish
to be deported or shot as an anti-Spaniard or a filibuster.--"Ambut."
An interesting commentary on the above opinions is found in the recent
action (December, 1906) of the French government in regard to the Roman
Catholic church in France, the separation of Church and State there,
and foreign interference with the proceedings of that government.--Eds.
[8] Bolot (borot): an arrow with a hook or barb (Noceda and Sanlucar's
Vocab. Tagal).
[9] The year 1754 was especially disastrous to the Philippines on
account of the Moro raids; thousands of people were slain, and other
thousands carried away captive; even the coasts of Luzón were ravaged,
and the population of the Visayas suffered a notable diminution. See
account of these losses in Concepción's Hist. de Philipinas,
xiii, pp. 190-250; and Montero y Vidal's Hist. de pirateria, i,
pp. 309-317. In July of that year, Ovando was succeeded in the
government of the islands by Arandía, who at once instituted reforms
in the military service, and did what he could to defend the islands
from their enemies; he died on May 31, 1759, worn out with the cares
and fatigues of government.
[10] Forrest says (Voyage to New Guinea, p. 302) in describing the
pirate raids by the Moros: "The Spaniards not allowing the Bisayans
fire-arms, the latter prove less able to defend themselves." Also
(p. 303): "On Celebes, they take, if in Dutch territory, even those
of their own religion: a decent musselman, with his wife and four
children were brought to Mindanao, by this very prow." "The Sooloos
have in their families many Bisayan, some Spanish slaves, whom
they purchase from the Illanon and Magindano cruisers. Sometimes
they purchase whole cargoes, which they carry to Passir, on Borneo;
where, if the females are handsome, they are bought up for the Batavia
market. The masters sometimes use their slaves cruelly, assuming the
power of life and death over them. Many are put to death for trifling
offences, and their bodies left above ground." (Ut supra, p. 330.)
[11] The archbishop of Manila, Don Miguel Garcia Serrano, wrote to
his Majesty that in the period of thirty years during which there
was no fortified post in Mindanao, twenty thousand Christians had
been made captive by the Moros. (Torrubia, Dissertacion, p. 49.)
This relation was evidently written by some one of the Jesuit
missionaries in Leyte, and perhaps even an eyewitness to the events
related. The villages which he names as having repulsed the enemy seem
to have been largely those in charge of the Jesuits. Some mention
of the raids made in 1752-53 against the Recollect missions may be
found on pp. 163, 164, post, note 88.
[12] Escolapios: regular clergy of the Order of Escuelas Pías (or
"religious schools"), founded early in the seventeenth century by
St. Joseph of Calasanz (1556-1648), an Aragonese priest. (See
VOL. XLVI, pp. 114, 115, note 49.) Besides the usual three
vows, they took another one, to consecrate themselves to the
instruction of children. They soon attained great reputation,
and their order extended to many countries. So highly were their
educational services appreciated in Spain that when the religious
orders there were secularized (1835) that of Escuelas Pías was
exempted therefrom by special grant, which was extended also to the
Philippines. "Nevertheless, it is argued that they do not accept any
salutary innovation or judicious reform, even when it is guaranteed
by the experience of accredited instructors; and it is said that they
walk on leaden feet, as if tied down to a stale routine." (Dominguez.)
Echegaray also gives to the word Escolapios the meaning of "students
attending the Escuelas Pías," in which sense the word is evidently
used here--except that the schools are simply the parish schools
conducted by the friars among the Filipino natives.
[13] totals given in these tables are in some cases incorrect, but
have been left as in original.
[14] The title-page of this work reads thus in English: "A plain
historical account of the glorious triumphs and fortunate progress
gained during the present century by the religious of the order of
our father St. Augustine, in the missions which are in their charge in
the Philipinas Islands, and in the great empire of China. Information
is given regarding each of those peoples, their usages, customs,
superstitions, mode of life, and medicines which they use in their
diseases, with other curious information. Composed by the reverend
father Fray Antonio Mozo, of the same order, formerly secretary
and definitor of the province of Philipinas, and now commissary and
general definitor for the same, who dedicates it to this province of
Castilla of the same order. With the necessary licenses. At Madrid,
by Andrès Ortega, Las Infantas Street. The year 1763."
This book contains much information regarding the customs and
superstitions of the natives, especially of the Negritos, which is
valuable not only as being furnished by an educated man who lived
among them, but on account of his kindly nature, comparative freedom
from bigotry and prejudice, and his inclination to take an impartial
and philosophical view of his subject. For this reason, a very full
synopsis has been made of his work, and his observations on the natives
have been mostly translated in full. He left the islands in 1759,
as he states on p. 76 of his book.
[15] This mission field was located in the eastern part of what
is now the province of Nueva Ecija (formed at the beginning of the
nineteenth century), on the Rio Grande of Pampanga and its tributary
the Santor, nearly half-way from the source of the former to its mouth;
the peoples here mentioned evidently dwelt at first on the heights of
the Caraballo de Baler--part of the Caraballo Sur range, from which
flow northward the waters of the Magat and the Rio Grande of Cagayan;
and southward the Rio Grande and the Rio Chico (respectively "great
river" and "little river" of Pampanga). The name "Buquid" apparently
simply designates them as dwellers in the mountain forests. The
Italons--a name of the same signification, applied by the Gaddans to
the Ilongots dwelling in the Caraballo mountains of Nueva Ecija and
Príncipe (who are called Ibilao by their Isinay neighbors north of
that range)--and Abacas lived on the headwaters of the Rio Grande
and Rio Chico. Barrows says (Census of Philippines, i, p. 437):
"The Ibilao who inhabit the mountains of Nueva Ecija are among the
most persistent head hunters of northern Luzón. Their raids upon the
Christian settlements of Nueva Ecija are incessant, and they have
repeatedly taken lives in the vicinity of Carranglán and Pantabangán
within the last two or three years." (See also ut supra, pp. 470, 471.)
[16] In another place this name appears as Alzaga; but Pérez (Catálogo,
p. 179) spells it Arziaga. This missionary was a native of Valladolid,
and came to the islands in 1699; he died in 1707.
[17] For a modern description of the Ilongots (or Italons), see
that given in Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 545-547; the writer
(L. E. Bennett, governor of Nueva Vizcaya) says: "The chiefs of all
these settlements stated to me positively that adultery was unknown
among these people, and that their family relations were very closely
drawn. They further stated that they never knew of a case of a young
woman giving birth before she had been married." "Fighting is never
carried on in the open, but they depend entirely upon assassination
and ambush. They set pointed bamboos and spring guns for each other
in places known to be traveled, and use spears and bows and arrows
with poisoned tips when they fight."
[18] This name is spelled Isasigana by Pérez. He was born in Durango,
Vizcaya, in 1665, and came to the islands in 1699. Three years later
he was sent to Carranglán, where he remained until he was worn out
with missionary labors. Recalled to Manila for his health's sake,
he afterward held various offices in his order (1706-10), and was
minister at Guagua and Apalit (1712, 1713). He died at Guagua (Vava,
in Mozo), in 1717.
[19] "The missions of Pantabangan were administered by the Augustinians
until they surrendered them to the Franciscans in order that the
latter might unite these to their missions of Baler, which lies on
the further coast that is called by that name. They maintain in these
missions two or three religious, who minister to Pantabangan, where
there are 60 houses; Puncán, which has 56 houses; and Carranglán,
82. Very little progress is made in these missions, on account of
the misgovernment among the Indians and the lack of policy on the
part of the Spaniards." (Zúñiga's Estadismo, Retana's ed., i, p. 473.)
Vindel describes in his Catálogo, t. ii, no. 328, a rare pamphlet
(apparently not mentioned elsewhere): Relación del descubrimiento
y entrada de los religiosos de N. S. P. S. Francisco ... en los
pueblos ó rancherías de los montes altos de Baler; it is undated,
but was probably published at Manila, about 1755. In it, "Fathers
Manuel de San Agustín and Manuel de Jesús María Fermoselle report to
their provincial, Fray Alejandro Ferrer [who held that office during
1753-56], the condition in which they found those villages." San
Agustín labored in Baler and neighboring villages during 1747-60. The
mission of Baler was founded in 1609 by Franciscan missionaries,
but half a century later was ceded, through scarcity of laborers, to
the Recollects; the latter order abandoned that district in 1703, for
the same reason, and the Franciscans resumed the charge of it. Baler
was formerly situated on the right bank of the San José River, near
the sea; but on December 27, 1735, it was utterly destroyed by a tidal
wave, and the surviving inhabitants removed the village farther inland,
to higher ground. (Huerta, Estado, pp. 280, 477.)
[20] Pérez states that he died at Guagua, a town in southern Pampanga;
for this name Vava is apparently a phonetic Spanish corruption.
[21] Alejandro Cacho was a native of León, and came from a noble
family; he arrived at Manila in the mission of 1690. He was a
missionary to various tribes in upper Pampanga (now Nueva Écija),
among whom he labored indefatigably for more than forty years. "He
formed villages, opened roads, established schools, built churches,
and felled groves; and what was but a little while before a gloomy
and impenetrable forest afterward burst upon the sight of the
astonished traveler as a broad plain, which the directing hand of the
indefatigable Augustinian converted into a fertile field and beautiful
province, the pride and hope of the new converts. And he accomplished
even more; assigned to the missions of Carranglán and Pantabangan
(1707) he eagerly devoted himself to the study of the flora in those
unknown regions, examining the medicinal virtues of each plant; and
as a fruit of his laborious task, besides practicing successfully the
art of the physician among his beloved parishioners he left us the
works which we mention below." "He is one of the figures which most
clearly illustrate what the religious in Filipinas was, in the double
conception of priest and maintainer of the Spanish sovereignty in
this archipelago." (Pérez.) He died in Carranglán in 1748. The works
alluded to are: "A treatise on the medicinal herbs of the mountains
of Buhay;" "Origin and customs of those barbarous peoples;" "History
of the Augustinian missions among the Italon Ilongots, the Isinais,
the Irulis, and the Igolots," during 1704-33; and three maps drawn
by Cacho, giving valuable information regarding the habitat of those
peoples in central Luzón. Besides these, he wrote catechisms in the
languages of those tribes, directions for their government, etc.
[22] Spanish, al testud; this word does not appear in the lexicons,
and it is impossible to determine its meaning accurately from the
text. Testud may be possibly a misprint for testuz, meaning "the
hind part of the head;" but it is more probably the mistake of an
amanuensis for testiculos, these glands being regarded as the source
of virile power.
[23] "Isinay is the language spoken by the Igorot of the hills
in western Nueva Vizcaya, and by a part of the population of the
towns of Aritao, Dupax, and Bambang, who are of Igorot origin, but
whose ancestors were converted in the latter half of the eighteenth
century." "The name Igorot (in Spanish form, Igorrote) means in several
Malayan languages, 'people of the mountains.'... I have adopted it as
a general designation for the whole body of primitive Malayan tribes
of northern Luzón who are of the same physical type, speak closely
allied languages, and present the same grade of culture." (Barrows,
in Census of Philippines, i, pp. 471, 472.) See also VOL. XX of this
series, pp. 269-279.
[24] See account of Dominican missions, following this of
Mozo's. Interesting accounts of the Dominican missions in Luzón and
its dependent islands, in recent times, may be found in the Correo
Sino-Annamita (a missionary publication issued from the college of
Santo Tomás, Manila, during the period 1866-97), vols. i, iv, xiii-xv,
xx, xxi, xxiii-xxx.
[25] A royal decree (given in full by Mozo, pp. 48-51) states that
the Augustinians informed the Dominicans, by a letter of September 8,
1739, of their decision to surrender the Ituy missions, contingent on
the permission of the governor; and the actual formal surrender took
place on April 8, 1740. This transfer was liberal and disinterested,
the Augustinians asking no compensation for their property, which
was of considerable value. The number of baptized persons included
in these missions was 2,755; and the Augustinians had taught them to
irrigate their lands, and had furnished them with animals and plows.
[26] Fray Vicente Ibarra was born in Durango in 1694, and made his
religious profession at the age of sixteen; he came to the islands
in 1712. He was minister at Santor and other places (1720-28), and
afterward held several offices in his order. In 1737 he was prior
provincial, and made a visitation of all the Augustinian religious
ministers there. The latter part of his life was spent mainly at
Manila, where he died on December 24, 1760. He left various writings
in the Pampanga dialect. (Pérez's Catálogo.)
Juan Belloxin was born in the province of Logroño in 1695, and made
his profession at Salamanca when seventeen years old. He came to the
islands in 1718, and spent ten years as missionary to the heathen
Isinays, on whose dialect he left some MS. volumes. He was minister
in various villages in other districts, and died at Manila in 1742.
Diego Noguerol was a native of the province of Coruña (1699), and
professed at Compostela in 1716. Two years later he arrived at Manila,
and went to the upper Pampanga mission; he was the first minister
at Buhay (1728), where he remained seven years. He labored in other
ministries and held offices in the order, dying at Manila in 1785.
[27] These were Bujay (the mission center), Dupag, Meuba, Mayon,
Diangan, Limanab, Batù, Paitan, and Bayongbong (this last located
in Paniqui).
[28] See description of trails in Igorot country, in Census of
Philippines, i, p. 542.
[29] Agustín Barrio Canal was born in the province of Burgos, and made
profession in the Augustinian convent of Salamanca in 1733, at the age
of nineteen. He came to the islands in 1737, and became a missionary
in western and central Luzón, where he died as related in Mozo's text.
Pedro Freyre was born in the province of Lugo, and entered the
Augustinian order at Burgos. He came to the Philippines in 1737, and
labored among the tribes of central Luzón until 1753; he then became
a minister in Pampanga, where he spent nearly twenty years. In 1771
he was removed by force from his post there, for refusing to accept
the diocesan visit; the rest of his life was spent at Manila, where
he died in 1790. (Pérez's Catálogo.)
[30] Reference is here made to the great western mountain range of
Luzón, the Caraballos Occidentales; it is nearly 200 miles long, and,
including its subordinate ranges, one-third as broad. It is really a
system of mountains, its central range forming the divide between the
waters flowing to Cagayán River on the east and those flowing to the
China Sea on the west. Its southern portion is called Cordillera Sur,
which, bending eastward, under the name of Caraballos Sur joins the
Sierra Madre or eastern coast range. This last range stretches along
the eastern side of Luzón, from the northeastern point of the island to
Laguna de Bay, a distance of 350 miles, and divides the waters of the
Cagayán valley (which is about 50 miles wide, and 160 in length) from
those of the Pacific slope. See Census of Philippines, i, pp. 60, 61.
[31] Barrows classes the Apayaos as an Igorot division, located
in the district of Ayangan; (cf. VOL. XLIII, p. 72, note 11). The
Tinguians also are Igorot, and are the pagan people of Abra; "they
have developed toward civilized life, being about on the same plane of
culture as the Ilocano." "This word is derived from tingues, meaning
'mountain,' a Malayan word, archaic, and almost unused now in Tagálog,
and the suffix an." Adang evidently means the Gaddans, or Gaddang,
another Igorot branch in western Isabela; some of them, christianized
in early days, occupy the northern towns of Nueva Vizcaya. (Census
of Philippines, i, pp. 469, 471, 477.)
[32] Cayán was formerly the capital of Lepanto; and is three miles
from the present capital, Cervantes.
[33] José Herice was born in 1691, in a town in Navarra, and made
his religious profession at Pamplona at the age of twenty. He came
to the islands in 1718, and was sent to the Ilocos missions. He was
the pioneer evangelist among the Adang (or Gaddans), and consumed so
much of his strength in that field that he was transferred to easier
charges in Ilocos, from 1725 on. He died at Batác in 1742. (Pérez's
Catálogo.) Rivera came to the islands in 1713, and was sent to the
Tinguians, but for like cause was also transferred to the plains
villages in 1719. Madariaga came over with Herice, whose associate
he was among the Gaddans and Apayaos, until 1729, when he too went
down to the plains; he died in 1744.
[34] Spanish, barbacoas: a word adopted from the Indians of Guiana,
their name for the frames on which they roasted or smoke-dried any
kind of meat or fish; it is also applied (in English, corrupted to
"barbecue") to a hog or other large animal roasted whole, and to the
open-air entertainment at which such roasts (now usually made in a
pit dug in the earth) form part of the food.
[35] See account of Igorot canaos (or feasts), and their dances at
these, in Census of Philippines, i, pp. 535-537.
[36] Francisco Javier Córdoba was born in Mexico in 1712, and entered
the Augustinian order at the age of seventeen. He came to the islands
in 1732, and spent the rest of his life in the missions of Pampanga
and Ilocos; his death occurred there, about 1764.
Romero was a native of Cadiz, born in 1729, and entered the order
in Mechoacán, Nueva España, in 1750. Two years later he came to the
islands, and joined the Igorot mission, afterward being cura in Indian
villages; finally he returned to America (soon after 1774).
Pedro Vivar was born at Logroño in 1737, and made his profession at
Valladolid, at the age of fourteen; he came to Manila with the mission
of 1752, and two years later was sent to the Igorot mission. After
three years labor there, he took charge of the ministries in various
native villages of Ilocos, where he died in 1771. In the revolt which
occurred in that province during the British occupation, he and other
missionaries were imprisoned by the insurgents, and narrowly escaped
being slain by them. Vivar left several MSS., among them a history
of the above rebellion, which was recently published (Manila, 1893),
in vol. iv of Biblioteca historica Filipina. (Pérez's Catálogo.)
[37] The Tagálog name of the sago-palm (in Pampanga called ebos,
according to Mozo), or Corypha umbraculifera. C. minor is commonly
called palma brava (Tagálog, anáhao or anáo); see VOL. XLVII, p. 181,
note 27.
[38] This is the fire-saw, a variant on the fire-drill so generally
used by the North American Indians and other savage peoples. See
description and illustration of the fire-saw used in Borneo,
(similar to that of the Zambals), in Ling Roth's Natives of Sarawak,
i, pp. 377, 378.
[39] "'Baluga,' in the Pampango language, means half-breed or mixed
blood. It has quite a wide use to indicate Negrito-Malayan roving
savages." (Barrows, in Census of Philippines, i, p. 469.)
[40] Ilib: a Pampango name of the cogon grass (Imperata arundinacea);
see VOL. XXIX, p. 233, note 74.
[41] Spanish, lumbre, meaning "fire," thence "light;" and by extension
"tinder," used to produce fire. Evidently the allusion in the text is
to material used for tinder--in such a region and for use as a bed,
obviously meaning dry grass.
[42] See Delgado's description of the bees in Filipinas (Historia,
pp. 848, 849). He states that there are several different kinds of
bees, which produce great quantities of wax and honey--especially in
the Visayas, where two crops are gathered in the year.
[43] See note on sago-palm, p. 91, ante.
[44] Evidently the same as súcao, an Ilocan name for a kind of
pond-lily, Nelumbium speciosum; its tubers (and Blanco says, its
flowers) are edible--as is the case with those of other species of
the same genus, in America and other regions, which are used for food
to some extent by the savages.
[45] That is, "Natural necessities are satisfied with almost
nothing." The other saying is: "If you wish to make a man rich do
not add to his wealth, but take away his desires."
[46] The Visayan name for the shrub (Croton tiglium) which yields
the croton oil of commerce; it belongs to the order Euphorbiaceæ.
[47] "Termes monocerus (Koen), the common name for which is anay. The
anay, or white ant, is a very remarkable insect, with a large head,
on the upper part of which it has three small eyes; and it is armed
with two hard teeth, shaped like a forceps, with which this creature
destroys in a very short time the woodwork of a house, the best
depository of papers, the largest library, or the finest wardrobe
of clothing. The only wood that it does not attack is the molave, on
account of its bitter taste and excessive hardness. The anay lives in
families; it is found in all wet localities, and erects dwellings of
clay which are two or three meters in height, and so solid that the
passage of buffaloes over them is not sufficient to destroy them. The
interior of these ant-hills contains a multitude of little cells,
divided by thin partitions; and in these they deposit thousands of
eggs (some 80,000 to each female) that are infinitely small. One
[in each hill?] of these terrible insects is distinguished by its
enormous proportions, and this one the Indian calls 'queen of the
ants.' In the rainy season, wings grow on them, and they fly in
fabulous numbers at sunset. The damage which these insects cause is
incalculable." (Montero y Vidal, Archipiélago Filipino, p. 114.)
The same writer mentions, in the preface to the same work, as an
instance of the prevalent ignorance in Spain of the nature and needs
of that country's colonies in the East, that some member of the royal
Council undertook to despatch a decree that the army in Filipinas
should go in pursuit of the anay, believing it to be some terrible
criminal.
Salazar makes an interesting reference (Hist. Sant. Rosario, p. 567)
to some unnamed species of ant: "In that country [of the Mandayas]
are certain ants which are called 'Dutchmen,' whose sting is so sharp
that it becomes unendurable;" and he relates that this creature was
used by a Dominican missionary as a new penance.
[48] Cf. account of these superstitions as still believed in Batangas,
in Census of Philippines, i, pp. 520, 521.
[49] Agde (Latin, "Agatha") a city in southeastern France, was
anciently the seat of a bishopric suffragan to Narbonne; it was
suppressed in 1790. The council here referred to was held in the year
506, "in the time and with the authorization of Alaric, king of the
Visigoths in Spain, although he was an Arian." (Chevin's Dictionnaire
de noms de lieux, p. 5.)
[50] Antonio Léon was born in 1702, in the province of Alicante, and
made profession in the Augustinian convent at Salamanca at the age
of sixteen. He came in the mission of 1724, and spent the rest of his
life mainly in the missions of Pampanga, in which he died (1766). His
younger brother Pablo came (being then a novice) to the islands at
the same time; he was missionary in Puncán (1731) and Santor (1732)
and died in 1733.
Manuel Calvo was born in Almagro in 1704, and when sixteen years
old entered the Augustinian order at Toledo. He came to Manila with
the foregoing brothers, and labored in Pampanga missions; he died at
Ayárat in 1758.
Francisco Alvárez was a native of Oviedo province in Spain, and made
profession at Madrid in 1727, at the age of twenty-two; he came to
the islands in the mission of 1732. He also labored in the Pampanga
missions, and died at Manila in 1769. (Pérez's Catálogo.)
[51] "In the mountains [of Iloilo] there are many Indians whom
they call Mundos; they should be called vagamundos [English,
"vagabonds"], but the Indians bite off half from Castilian words
when they are somewhat long. These Mundos are descendants of the
Christians who, not being able to remain in the villages on account
of their delinquencies, have fled to the mountains. They are not
unwilling to become Christians, provided the fathers will go to
their hamlets to live; but as this is impossible, on account of those
places being inaccessible to civilized people, they continue in their
infidelity. Some come down to the villages, and in their places others
escape [to them] who commit new crimes; and [thus] this caste of people
is continually maintained, notwithstanding the efforts that have
been made to reduce them. The Indians trade with them, and give them
rice and cloth in exchange for the wax and pitch which they bring down
from the hills; and, in order not to lose this advantage, the Indians
have been opposed to the reduction of the Mundos to a civilized and
Christian mode of life." (Zuñiga, Estadismo, ii, pp. 93-94.)
[52] Loberos (from lobo, "wolf"): Dominguez calls it a synonym of
espantanublados ("scare clouds"), an epithet of "the vagabond who,
wearing long garments, goes through the hamlets begging from door to
door; and the country folk believe that he has power over the clouds"
(Diccionario of the Academy).
[53] Félix de Rioja y Zúñiga was born at Cadiz in 1691, of a noble
family, and made his profession there at the age of seventeen,
renouncing an inherited title. He came to the islands in 1712,
and seven years later was sent to the Bataan mission. He was sent
to Guimbal (1722) and Bugason in 1728; in the latter place he was
murdered in June, 1734.
[54] Carib: the name of the Indian race who inhabited the Antilles
and adjacent coasts when the New World was discovered; also applied
in general to fierce (and especially to cannibal) savages.
[55] Cf. Matilda C. Stevenson's account of a ceremony employed at
childbirth by the Sia Indians of New Mexico, in which an ear of corn
(which among them is the emblem of life) is passed up and down the body
of the mother, accompanied with prayers to one of their divinities, to
secure a safe and easy delivery. (Report of U. S. Bureau of Ethnology,
1889-90, pp. 134-141.)
[56] This plant is evidently Datura alba (or perhaps in some places
D. fastuosa, which has the same properties), commonly called "jimson
weed" in the United States; it is called catchúbong or tachibong by
the Visayans, and in Tagálog talamponay. (See Official Handbook of
the Philippines, part i, pp. 377, 401; also Merrill's Dictionary of
Plant Names, p. 142.)
[57] It is possible that this plant is Euphorbia pilufera, a soporific;
it is used, as are many other plants found in the islands, for
poisoning fish.
[58] Fray Bernardo Ustáriz was born in the archbishopric of Zaragoza,
and entered the Dominican order at Calatayud; he came to the
Philippines with the mission of 1730. In the following year he was
minister at Binondo, and in 1739 at Abucay; with these exceptions he
was engaged in high offices of his order--being the head, at various
times, of the college of Letran and of the university of Santo
Tomás; and twice (1743 and 1755) the provincial of the order. He
was afterward appointed bishop of Nueva Segovia, taking possession
of that see in 1761. In the following year the capture of Manila by
the English occasioned a revolt in Ilocos; the efforts of Ustáriz
to oppose the insurgents were unsuccessful, and drew upon him their
resentment. They kept him a prisoner for six months, and were on
the point of killing him; but his life was saved by the opportune
arrival of a Spanish force. He then accompanied the troops through
their campaign for the pacification of Pangasinan, and the hardships
which he underwent therein and in his previous captivity shortened his
life; he died at the hospital of San Gabriel, near Manila, August 2,
1764. (Ferrando's Hist. PP. dominicos, v, pp. 6-9.)
[59] Father Manuel del Río thus describes the district of Paniqui and
its people (Retana's Archivo, ii, pp. 185-187): "This province of
Paniqui extends from north to south; and its length, from the last
Christian village of Cagayan, which is Itugug, to the last infidel
village (but close to the mission of Isinay), called Bayongbong, is
probably two and one-half or three days' journey. Its breadth thus
far has not been ascertained; but I think that it includes more than
fifteen leguas of plains, or level ground, from the mountains of the
Igorrots to those of the Ilongots. These are two ranges of lofty
peaks, which intersect this province in the middle, and likewise
others in the center of this island; and in these mountains dwell
these two and other barbarous tribes, whom hitherto it has been
impossible to conquer, on account of the inaccessible character of
the mountains. The land of this province of Paniqui is quite level,
and good for cultivation. The villages are numerous, although not very
large; for on the shores of the Maga River alone, which flows through
the length of that province from south to north, are counted eighteen
villages, including both large and small ones. The people of that
tribe are distinct from those adjacent to them, and have a different
language from the others. The men are accustomed from childhood to
file their upper teeth into points, which often causes them to decay;
and the teeth, after being dyed a sort of dark blue, are adorned (when
the person is a chief) with small golden pegs. For persons of rank,
it is considered very unsightly to have white teeth. They also pierce
their ears, as women do; and some cleave them through. These people
are barbarians in their customs, without any kind of civilization
or government; and they pay respect only to some chiefs, who have
acquired a reputation as such by their valorous deeds. They are not
idolaters, nor are they given to religion or to worship; they have
only some superstitions regarding the songs of birds, and similar
things, founded on oracles which are given to them by the demon,
through the agency of their aniteras, or priestesses. These women,
through a compact which they have with the demon, after taking a
certain potion are possessed by that same demon; and through their
mouths this enemy is able to declare his will to those wretched
people. At other times, the demon speaks to them in his own person,
in an aerial body; but never, or very seldom, does he allow himself
to be seen by those who hear him. Through the counsel of this chief
enemy of the human race, those heathen are wont to buy Indians from
other provinces, in order to offer them in sacrifice, by killing
them, to the demon. Of this class must have been a little boy four
years old, apparently an Igorrot, who was seen by the said father
commissary, Fray Diego de la Torre. Those infidels were buying the
child, to kill him; and the father, not having with him any forces
for preventing this, could only obtain from them that they should
bring the child to him for baptism before the sacrifice. God chose
that the bargain should not be settled, and that the father should
buy the child for some trinkets and beads, which those people value;
and accordingly he brought the lad to Cagayan, snatching him from the
teeth and claws of the infernal wolf. The said father encountered among
those infidels, another boy, about seven years old, who was white and
ruddy, like a European--a very singular thing among people so swarthy
as they. His mother had had other children, but dark, like herself;
and she says that when she was pregnant with this boy she dreamed
that they commanded her to give him the name of Adàn [i.e., Adam],
and therefore did so, calling the boy Adàn. They regarded him as a
little idol; and therefore, although the father urged them several
times to give him the child, he was unable to obtain it."
[60] See earlier accounts of these Dominican missions in Central
Luzón, in VOL. XXXVII, pp. 98-101; and in VOL. XLIII, Salazar's
history, book i, chap. xxxiii, and book ii, chaps. ii, xi, xxii,
xxxv, xlix. Cf. Ferrando's Hist. PP. dominicos, passim, for detailed
accounts from the beginnings of those missions down to 1830.
[61] In Retana's printed text this word appears, by some error,
as montes, when the context plainly indicates islas.
[62] See account of this project, the explorations made for it, and
its successful accomplishment, in Ferrando's Hist. PP. dominicos,
iv, pp. 367-382.
[63] Carajay is, according to Vidal y Soler (Viajes de Jagor, p. 138),
an earthenware jar, used for cooking by the Bicol natives in Camarines.
[64] According to an official report sent to the king in July, 1752,
the Dominican province of Santisimo Rosario had then only 83 religious,
who were in charge of 219,459 souls. Besides the missions of China and
Tun-kin, the province conducted in the Filipinas Islands seven missions
in Cagayan, two in Pangasinan, six in Ituy, one in Cauayan, and eight
in Paniqui; and one in the mountains of Oriong, in Bataan. "In all
these missions, or villages of new converts, there were reckoned 8,917
Christians, with many catechumens who were being prepared to receive
the holy sacrament of baptism. This number is not included in the
general administration of the province previously mentioned. Some of
these villages or missions were committed to religious appointed as
vicars in other and older villages, to which the former were added,
and considered as visitas or annexes--especially in Cagayan, where
there has not been any religious with only the title of missionary. The
number of souls who are today in charge of the province in the islands
of Luzon and Batanes, according to the general report of 1870, is
560,911." (Ferrando, Hist. PP. dominicos, iv, pp. 560, 561.)
[65] The fiscal Arroyo declared that he had been imprisoned in order
that he might not prosecute claims against the following persons in
their approaching residencias: Governor Valdés Tamón, for the enormous
sums which the royal treasury had lost during his government, which
amounted to a million and a half pesos; the Marqués de las Salinas and
the Marqués de Monte-Castro, confederates of the same Señor Valdés,
for having appropriated from the royal treasury and from the public
two and one-half million pesos; and Don Domingo de Otero Vermudez,
[who had taken] more than two hundred thousand. (Concepción, Hist. de
Philipinas, xi, p. 95.)
[66] See enumeration of these funds in the historical sketch of the
Misericordia, in VOL. XLVII.
[67] It is thus stated by Concepción (Hist. de Philipinas, xi,
p. 280): "With the pretext that the fathers of the Society [of Jesus]
had usurped from them cultivated lands, and the untilled lands on
the hills, on which they kept enormous herds of horned cattle--for
which reason, and because the Jesuits said that these were their
own property, they would not allow the natives to supply themselves
with wood, rattans, and bamboos, unless they paid fixed prices--the
Indians committed shocking acts of hostility on the ranches of Lian and
Nasugbu, killing and plundering the tenants of those lands, with many
other ravages. Nor did they respect the houses of the [Jesuit] fathers,
but attacked and plundered them, and partly burned them, as well as
many other buildings independent of these." All was plundering, rapine,
destruction, and debauchery; the natives also rebelled against the
exactions from them of tribute and personal services. "The contagion
spread to the village of Taal, and more than sparks were discovered
in other places, although efforts were made to conceal the fire." The
alcalde-mayor and the Jesuits tried at first to pacify the Indians,
urging them to wait for the official visit of Auditor Calderon; but
they could do nothing, the natives being rendered only more daring
by this attempt. Troops were then sent from Manila against them;
in the battle mentioned in our text several were wounded, among them
the commanding officer, Sargento-mayor Juan Gonzalez de el Pulgar;
but he succeeded in routing the enemy. The chief of the insurgents,
one Matienza, took refuge in a church, but was captured and disarmed
therein. Reënforcements were sent from Manila, and the rebellion was
soon quelled. The leaders of the rebellion were punished in various
ways, according to their prominence or influence; some were shot,
others sent into exile or to the galleys; and amnesty was granted
to the insurgents who would lay down their arms and renew their
acknowledgment of vassalage.
To this may be added the following statements by Calderon himself:
"By commission of this royal Audiencia, I went to a village outside
the walls of this capital, to take measures for the completion of a
small bridge, which was being hindered by some dispute, and to pay
to Master Alarífe 250 pesos which had been offered to him for its
construction. I proceeded to make inquiries regarding the lands and
revenues belonging to the village; and I found that all the surrounding
estates (on which the people were working) belonged to a certain
[F., for Fulano] ecclesiastic, the Indians and mestizos paying him
rent not only for these, but for the land occupied by their cabins,
at the rate of three pesos a year for the married man, and one and
one-half pesos for the widow or the unmarried man. And as it seemed
to me that the person who, according to what was evident to my own
eyes, was collecting about 30 pesos of land-rent, independently of
the estates and houses belonging to him, was the one who rightfully
ought to bear the cost of the little bridge, I announced that this
cost should be collected from the persons who were owing rents for the
lands. Receipts therefor were to be given to them, and orders were
issued to the royal judges before whom such cases come first, that
they must, if the laymen who make these payments should be accused
before them, give the latter credit for these receipts; nor in all
this brief summary, and in the measures that I took, would I notice
the ecclesiastic who called himself the owner of all." "In regard to
the representations of the convenience for the Indian who has built
his hut in the grain-field, I believe that it is quite the contrary,
and that it would be more expedient for him and for the commonwealth
that he should not be allowed to build it there, or that he be
obliged to change his dwelling, for those huts generally serve as
refuge for persons bent on mischief; besides, as the Indian thus has
no watchful neighbor to inform the religious minister of his doings,
and no alcalde, he lives in too much freedom. But, granted that all
this comes to an end, what right has the owner of the land to more
than the rent from him who occupies it? And if with his pilapis,
or pathway, and his house he occupies no more than 50 brazas--for
which he has to pay the same as if he had rented a cabalita, which
is a thousand brazas--and if he must pay the same rent, then lease
to him the cabalita, including therein the house and pilapis; and
with this the Indian will have land for planting his young trees,
and for making some planting of grain."
These items are cited from a pamphlet issued (Manila, 1739) by the
auditor Pedro Calderón Henríquez, entitled: Discvrso ivridico, en
qve se defiende la real iurisdiccion, y se hace demonstracion de la
injusticia, que contiene el contrato de arrendamiento de solares en
estas islas; in it he "laments the great amount that the Filipinos
were paying to the ecclesiastical power." This seems to have brought
out a reply defending the ecclesiastics, Apología por la immvnidad
ecclesiastica, y por la licitvd de terrazgos, o alqvileres de
tierras segvn la forma, estilo de algvnas estancias de estas islas
Philipinas (Manila, 1739); it is significant that this was published
from the Jesuit printing-house, and the auditor's pamphlet from the
college of Santo Tomás. Regarding both these, see Vindel's Catálogo
bibl. filipina, nos. 1807, 1808; therein is cited the following
paragraph from the Apología:
"48. In the cultivated estates or farms which the Society of Jesus
possesses in these islands, the tenants pay nothing for the house-lot
which they occupy, with the little garden which their houses are
wont to have in addition; but they pay only for the other land which
they cultivate. There is, moreover, an order from the superiors that
no person shall be allowed on those farms unless he has the charge
of some grain-field--and rightly so, since this is the purpose for
which admission to the estates is granted to any one; although this
does not prevent entire justice being shown to the old men, widows,
and other people who are legitimately disabled, by allowing them
to remain, as they do, in their houses without paying anything for
these and without cultivating a field. Therefore, there is evident
falsehood in what is said by a certain [N., used when name is not to
be mentioned] author, at the beginning of no. 3, art. 2, in speaking
of these estates of the Society--that is, that the tenants pay for
the land which they cultivate and for the ground under the houses
which they occupy. In Santa Cruz the same observance was in use at
the beginning, and it still is followed among the tenants who work
on the lands of Mayhaligue adjoining the said village of Santa Cruz,
and have their houses in the grain-fields. But as in course of time
the Sangley mestizos increased in numbers, and devoted themselves
to other occupations--painters, gilders, and silver-smiths, etc.,
which trades they now exercise with dexterity--and many households
were formed, up to the number of about three hundred and eighty, which
they now reach, it became necessary to yield to their importunities;
and for this college of San Ignacio at Manila to condemn the splendid
orchards which it possessed there, and permit the said mestizos
to establish therein their dwellings. And, as it is not right that
the said college should suffer the heavy damage of losing the said
orchards, which had cost it many thousands of pesos, ..."
[68] Concepción says (Hist. de Philipinas, xi, pp. 278-280) that some
investigation of this report was made before Torre's death, and seven
of the wealthiest Chinese were arrested, "as being those most liable to
suspicion in the proposed disturbance." These men were kept in prison
for six months, the investigations being continued by Arrechedera and
indicating that the "plot" was but a malicious fabrication, intended
to harass Torre and thus cause his death. Finally, the governor, in
view of their long imprisonment and the failure to prove any charges
against them, released the Chinese prisoners, "under precautions and
securities." One of the prisoners proved, by a note from the warden
of the court prison, that the latter "had received the Chinaman as a
prisoner, without being told from whom or by whose order." The further
precaution was taken of sending back to China, in the champans that
went that year, "no small number of Chinese, of those who were known to
be strollers and without employment." Concepción states that Torre's
government was rendered odious largely by a certain man in Manila,
"who, on account of his rank and wealth, ambitiously lorded it over
the community, causing its government to be subject to his pleasure,
and did all that he could to cast infamy on the governor."
[69] In these ships came the royal situado for the current year
(1747), and 30,000 pesos on account of the arrearages due; moreover,
the returns from the cargo of the previous year were unusually large,
owing to successful sales at Acapulco. The vessels halted at the port
of Sisiran, where the silver was disembarked, being sent overland
to Manila; this was done through fear lest they might be attacked
by enemies at the Embocadero. The galleon "Rosario" was sent with a
cargo for Acapulco, but was driven back by contrary winds, because
it was poorly constructed and difficult to manage. This placed the
royal treasury again in great straits, because the situados were in
arrears for six remittances; Arrechedera appealed to the citizens and
the clergy, who responded liberally--especially the archbishop and his
chapter; "the Society of Jesus alone furnished 11,000 pesos--the royal
promise being pledged for payment; and the obras pías also contributed
to the common cause with their reserve funds." (Concepción, Hist. de
Philipinas, xii, pp. 36-38.)
[70] His family name was Martinez de Arizala; at this time he was
fifty-two years of age. He was a member of the Audiencia of Quito
in Peru (now in Ecuador) for seventeen years, and had been entrusted
with various important commissions by the king.
[71] Probably on account of his being a Dominican, the Chinese in
and near Manila being mostly in charge of that order in matters
of religion.
[72] A full account of this revolt and its cause and progress may be
found in Concepción's Hist. de Philipinas, xiv, pp. 79-107; and of
its punishment by Lechuga, in xi, pp. 40-43. In writing the latter
volume, he had not any adequate information regarding the causes
of the rebellion; but later he obtained a detailed account of this
from the Recollect fathers in Bohol who took charge of the natives
after the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1768. According to them, the
immediate occasion of the revolt was the arbitrary conduct of the
Jesuit, Father Morales, who was, in 1744, in charge of the district
of Inabangan. He sent out a native constable to arrest a renegade
Indian, but the latter slew the constable, whose brother, Francisco
Dagóhoy, obtained the corpse, and carried it into his village. Morales
refused to bury it in consecrated ground, and it lay for three days
unburied and rotting. Angered at this arbitrary and harsh treatment,
especially as Morales had been the cause of the constable's death,
Dagóhoy swore vengeance on the Jesuit, and persuaded the natives
of his district to join him therein; 3,000 of them followed him,
abandoning their homes and fortifying an inaccessible retreat in the
mountains. On their way they plundered a large and valuable estate
in that vicinity, named San Xavier, belonging to the Jesuits, which
was well stocked with cows, carabaos, horses, and other animals. Soon
afterward, Dagóhoy bribed an Indian to kill the Jesuit minister of
Hagna, Father Lamberti; and afterward Morales was also assassinated
by natives. The insurgents were numerously recruited through various
acts of injustice and tyranny by the Spaniards, and the rebellion was
assuming dangerous proportions. Bishop Espeleta of Cebú endeavored to
persuade the insurgents to return to their allegiance, and offered them
secular priests instead of the Jesuits; but they took this for timidity
on the part of the government, and became only more emboldened. Twenty
years later, Recollect missionaries were sent to Bohol in place of the
expelled Jesuits, and in the district of Baclayon was stationed Fray
Pedro de Santa Barbara; he laid plans for reclaiming and reconciling
the insurgents, and was partially successful; Dagóhoy and several other
datos "returned to God and to the church" with their followers, several
hundred being baptized and making then confessions. Nevertheless,
they did not go much further, and although Bishop Espeleta endeavored
in person to secure their Christian administration, "he could not
secure from Dagóhoy any more than that he would build a church,
in order to comply with his Christian obligations; but, as he
was attracted by the lawless life which he had led during so many
years, and by the gratification of being obeyed, the undertaking was
delayed until the present time. Nothing was done save to erect the
foundation posts, which had to serve for the present church." This
last volume of Concepción's was published in 1792, and his later
information was obtained probably in 1789, in which year he wrote
this account. (Espeleta's last remonstrance with Dagóhoy was made,
as stated by our writer, "in the year sixty-two;" but the context
would indicate that it occurred after the labors of the Recollects
began, and therefore the date is more probably "seventy-two," the
word sesenta being printed for setenta, by one of the typographical
errors so frequent in Conception's pages.) Fray Pedro de Santa Barbara
was so delighted at his first success that he persuaded the civil
authorities to withdraw the troops from most of the Bohol stations,
and to publish a general amnesty (this was not later than 1770);
but the result was, that the insurgent chiefs would not allow any
of their followers to leave their strongholds under pain of death,
and continued their habits of raids on their neighbors, plundering,
and murder. Concepción expresses indignant surprise that this rebellion
had been allowed to go long unpunished, with so great loss and injury
to the peaceable part of the population.
[73] These ambassadors were: for Mindanao, Father Francisco Isasi,
rector of the Jesuit college at Zamboanga, and the sargento-mayor
there, Don Thomas de Arrevillaga. For Joló, Isasi was also designated;
but on his return from Tamontaca his health was so broken that in his
place was appointed Father Sebastian Ignacio de Arcada, then in charge
of the district of Siocon; he went thither accompanied by Arrevillaga,
having been sent by Juan Gonzalez de el Pulgar, then governor of
Zamboanga. (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, xii, pp. 75-106.)
[74] The missionaries appointed to the Mindanao mission were the
Jesuits Juan Moreno and Sebastian Arcada; but the latter was ill
at the time, and died soon afterward; in his place was substituted
Ignacio Malaga. See account of their mission in Concepción, xii,
pp. 110-112, 138-141.
Those who went to Joló were Juan Ang[e]les and Patricio de el Barrio;
they left Zamboanga on June 3, 1748, in company with Alimudin. For
account of their mission, see Concepción, xii, pp. 114-138;
he cites a diary and letters written by Father Angeles, and the
report of Commandant Pulgar. He blames the Jesuits (pp. 146, 147)
for misrepresenting the Moro sultans to the governor, and Pulgar (as
being under their influence) for an unnecessarily hostile attitude
toward the Moros.
[75] Concepción states (xii, p. 134) that Alimudin was so infatuated
for one of his concubines that he neglected his duties of government;
and that his brother Bantilan bribed a man to assassinate the sultan,
giving him six slaves and a thousand pesos.
[76] Ferrando speaks (Hist. PP. dominicos, iv, p. 535) of "this
sedition, actual or feigned (but on this point history has not made
its final utterance)."
[77] Forrest says (Voyage, p. 334) of Alimudin's visit to Samboangan:
"He bought goods from Don Zacharias the governor, giving the Don his
own price, made presents to the officers of the garrison, and lost
his money to them, as if accidentally, by gaming with dice. Still
resolved to ingratiate himself with the governor, the Sultan wanted
to make him a present of forty male slaves, whom he had drest in rich
liveries on the occasion. Many of them were natives of Papua or New
Guinea. Zacharias refused the presents, suspecting the Sultan of some
design. The Sultan then asked leave to go to Manila. He went thither,
and said to the archbishop, 'I will turn Christian, let the Spaniards
take Sooloo, send the stubborn Datoos to Samboangan; make me king
there, I then will oblige every one to embrace your religion.' The
Spaniards listened to him, and he returned to Samboangan with an
armada."
[78] See letter of the Jesuit Masvesi regarding this visit of the
Joloan ruler, in VOL. XLVII, pp. 243-250; also account of it (1750),
ascribed to Arrechedera, in Retana's Archivo, i, no. v.
[79] Ferrando says (iv, pp. 538, 539) that Arrechedera sent the sultan
to Binalatongan (in Pangasinan) for baptism; but that Alimudin was
taken ill at Paniqui, on his journey, and it was therefore decided
to baptize him there.
[80] This catastrophe, one of the most ruinous of its kind ever known,
occurred on October 28, 1746; Lima was wrecked by the earthquake,
and Callao destroyed by a tidal wave--in Lima, over 1,100 persons
perished, and in Callao 4,600. A detailed account of this event was
published at Lima by order of the viceroy, Marqués de Villa Garcia,
an English translation of which appeared in London (the second edition
in 1748); and other accounts were published in Lima and Mexico.
[81] See account of this controversy, the wretched condition in which
the royal ships and galleys were found to be, and the loss of the
"Pilar," in Concepción's Historia, xii, pp. 183-211; cf. Montero y
Vidal, Hist. de piratería, i, p. 291, note. The vessel known by the
names of "Rosarito" and "Philipino," which "had cost the royal treasury
60,666 pesos, had remained more than four years abandoned to the sun
and rain, without any care;" and it was now valued at 18,000 pesos,
a sum which, after more thorough examination of the rotting timbers,
was reduced to 7,500. The Spanish government had ordered that six
ships be at once constructed to proceed against the Moro pirates;
and it was therefore necessary to hasten this work, without waiting
for "red tape," hence Nebra's informal appointment. The "Pilar"
was not a fragata, but a large ship; it sailed in June or July,
1750; its repairing and cleaning was so hastily done that the vessel
began to leak before it left the Luzón coast. The commander, Ignacio
Martinez de Faura, was notified of this, and that it was unsafe for
the vessel to proceed into the open sea; he answered, "To Purgatory,
or to Acapulco!" In the following October, pieces of wreckage were
picked up on the eastern coasts of Luzón, which were identified as
belonging to the "Pilar."
[82] "The secretary of the government, who, protected in that quarter
by the person who ought to have condemned his acts, pushed forward
his designs and finally effected his purpose" (Ferrando, iv, p. 548).
[83] "This [Dominican] province had already (in 1745) reported to
his Majesty that the beaterio of Santa Cathalina was maintained in
the form of observance provided by the royal decrees of February 17,
1716 and September 10, 1732; that it contained the fifteen religious
which it ought to have according to the arrangements of its founder;
that they observed the three vows of religious, according to the
enactment of St. Pius V, issued on 28 [sic] in 1566; and that, although
there had never been the slightest question raised on this point,
some uncertainties were beginning to present themselves regarding the
nature of their vows, and even whether dispensation from these could
be granted by the archbishop of Manila." Accordingly, the Dominicans
requested the royal decision on these matters; the king therefore
decreed (June 20, 1747) that a committee formed of the governor, the
archbishop, and the Dominican provincial, should carefully examine
into the best method of carrying out the previous decrees. They did
so, and, when their deliberations were laid before the royal fiscal,
he demanded that the vows taken by these beatas be declared opposed
to his Majesty's will. Sister Cecilia, as soon as she was placed in
Santa Potenciana, divested herself of the religious habit, claiming
that her profession was null--a claim which was irregular, "because
the five years had already passed which the laws and justice allow
for proceedings of this sort." When the papal delegate disallowed
the appeal of the Dominicans from the archbishop's attempted control
of this case, they appealed to the Audiencia for protection from the
fuerza exerted by the latter; but that court declined to interfere,
saying that there was no fuerza committed. The archbishop then
pronounced a definitive sentence in favor of Cecilia, and set her at
liberty; she then married Figueroa, and they went to Nueva España. The
Spanish government took no further notice of her case, save to refuse
to the Dominicans permission to lay it before the Holy See. (Ferrando,
iv, pp. 548-551)
[84] This was Don Protasio Cavezas.
[85] A minute account of this episode is found in Concepción's
Historia, xii, pp. 212-230. The lady's name was Cecilia Ita y
Salazar. She had been educated in the beaterio from childhood, and
had been a professed religious for sixteen years.
[86] "The royal decree issued in 1762 in consequence of the notorious
litigation of Mother Cecilia did not decide that the beaterio should
be extinguished, but only that new religious should not be admitted
until those then living, who numbered nearly thirty, should be reduced
to fifteen religious of the choir, in conformity with the provisions
of its foundation," "and that the number of the fifteen beatas should
be kept up, according to vacancies that might occur." (Ferrando, v,
p. 151).
[87] "The seizure of these champans was afterward the cause
of a clamorous lawsuit incited by various officers against the
master-of-camp Abad, accusing him of having kept for himself the best
part [of the goods seized]. It was also proved that he employed the
vessels of the royal navy in his mercantile speculations; this evil
was very general in that period, and to it must be attributed, in
large part, the scanty results of most of the expeditions against the
Mahometan Malays of southern Filipinas." (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de
piratería, i, p. 294.)
Another Chinese champan was seized by the Spaniards, apparently not
long afterward, near Malandi; it was laden with goods for trade
in Mindanao, which included a number of guns and other weapons,
with ammunition. These were confiscated by the Spaniards, an act
which was greatly resented by Jampsa, the sultan of Tamontaca, who
therefore abandoned the Spanish alliance and sided with the hostile
Moros. (Concepción, xiii, pp. 1-5.)
[88] This proceeding took place at midnight on August 3, and the
number arrested was 217 persons: these included Alimudin's four sons,
his brother and sister, four of his daughters, five brothers-in-law,
a son-in-law; a Mahometan jaddí ("the second rank in that sect,
equivalent to a bishop") and five panditas; also two prominent
chiefs, one hundred and sixty of the sultan's vassals, and thirty-two
concubines and female servants. (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de piratería,
i, p. 298.) Cf. Concepción, xii, pp. 288, 289.
[89] Alimudin and his household arrived as prisoners at Manila in
September, 1751. Soon afterward the Manila government declared war,
with fire and sword, against the Joloans and all those Moro peoples who
aided them; permitting the enslavement of all who should be captured,
whether men, women or children; and giving all their property and
possessions to their captors, free from all royal dues or imposts. See
copy of this proclamation in Montero y Vidal's Hist. de piratería,
appendix, pp. 29-31. Concepción (xii, p. 344) regards this declaration
of war as unjust; he adds that the Joloan captive princes, whose
arrest was incited by ambition and greed, were so unfortunate as
to lose their protector, Bishop Arrechedera, by death (November 12,
1751). In the same month died also Bishop Arevalo, of Nueva Caceres.
[90] Here, as most often elsewhere, "captives" are synonymous with
"slaves." Montero y Vidal (Hist. de piratería, i, p. 299) protests
against this permission to enslave the Moros, as being contrary
to the provisions of the laws of the Indias, which forbid slavery
in Philipinas.
[91] Concepción says (xii, pp. 345-352) that the master-of-camp in
command of the fleet (who was Antonio Ramón de Abad y Monterde) was
undecided whether to attack Joló, but was persuaded to do so by the
Jesuits, who told him that the very sight of the Spanish squadron
would ensure the surrender of the Joloans. The attack was made at
the beginning of June, 1752, and was unsuccessful; Abad was angry
at the Jesuits, who had led him into this difficulty, and quarreled
with them. They retorted by accusing him to the governor, of conduct
(in modern phrase) "unworthy of an officer and a gentleman"--that
is, of neglect of official duty, mismanagement of the campaign,
unnecessary sacrifice of his men's lives, and licentious behavior
at Zamboanga. This was believed, until Abad was reported much more
favorably by other officers of his fleet. See full account of his
residencia (ut supra, xiii, pp. 36-85), in which he was acquitted
from the charges made against him, but sentenced to pay the costs of
the residencia.
[92] These hostilities broke out in 1752, and for several years
scourged the unfortunate Visayans. Concepción records many of these
attacks in considerable detail (Hist. de Philipinas, xiii, pp. 5-36);
the missions of the Recollects, as also those of the Jesuits in
Mindanao (except those under the shelter of the fort at Zamboanga)
were the frontier outposts most exposed to the pirates, and it is
these missions that Concepción chiefly mentions. The fort at Iligan,
Mindanao, was besieged by two thousand Moros for two months; but a
Spanish fleet was sent from Cebú, which obliged the enemy to raise the
siege, after a great loss of men. This defense was conducted by the
Jesuit in charge there, Father José Ducós, whose father had been an
officer in the Spanish army; and this same priest rendered valiant
service in other Moro raids in that region. Tagoloan and Yponan,
in the province of Cagayan, Mindanao were besieged by the Moros;
but the mountain Indians were called down to their aid by the Jesuit
missionaries, and compelled the enemy to retreat. In Caraga, Surigao
was attacked, and the Christian inhabitants, with their two Recollect
missionaries, were compelled to take flight and seek refuge in the
mountains; they were hunted there for weeks by the enemy--one of
the priests being finally captured and taken to Lanao--all this time,
enduring terrible hardships and suffering, which caused the other (Fray
Roque de Santa Monica) to become hopelessly insane; he was afterward
brought to Manila, but died there in a demented condition. "The
district of Surigao, rich through its famous gold-mines, and now in
most wretched condition," was devastated and ruined. The enemy did the
same in the island of Siargao, where the Recollect missionary, Fray
Joseph de la Virgen de el Niño Perdido, was slain while endeavoring to
lead his followers against the pirates. Nearly all the population--of
Surigao, more than 2,000 souls; of Siargao, more than 1,600--were
either slain or carried away captive. The district of Butuan was laid
waste and some two hundred captives seized; the little military post
at Linao, up the river, alone escaped, mainly through the difficulty
of ascending the stream. The Moros attacked the island of Camiguin,
which was so bravely defended by its natives that the pirates were
repulsed--especially by "one of the villages, which consisted of people
of Moro origin from the Lake of Malanao, from which they had withdrawn
on account of domestic dissensions, and settled in this island. They
are of excellent disposition, very good Christians, courageous,
and have an irreconcilable hatred for those enemies." Here they were
led by their Recollect priest, Fray Marcelinc de el Espiritu Santo,
"a robust native of La Mancha," who with them fought so valiantly that
the enemy could not make a landing. Romblon had so good a fort that
it could repel the foe; Ticao was so poorly defended that the people,
with their missionary, Fray Manuel de Santa Cathalina, could only take
to flight--the priest being afterward captured, and finally ransomed
for eight hundred pesos. In several places the missionaries were
either slain or captured by the pirates; and these raids were extended,
the boldness of the enemy increasing, even to the coasts of Luzón, in
Batangas and Zambales. The government took what precautions it could,
but these amounted to little save in the vicinity of Manila, Cebú,
and Zamboanga; military and naval forces, and supplies of all sorts,
were deficient, and there was much official apathy and corruption.
[93] "This unfortunate attempt cost the treasury 36,976 pesos, and
a galley that was seized by the Moros" (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de
piratería, i, p. 301).
[94] "In Manila the indignation against the disloyal Ali-Mudin knew
no bounds. All clamored for the punishment of so ignoble a race,
sorrowfully recalling the fact that the amount expended in courting
him and in the expenses of his sojourn there was more than 20,000
pesos, without counting the 6,000 pesos and the military supplies
sent to establish the Jesuits in Joló" (ut supra, p. 299). Later,
the authorities at Manila hardly knew what to do with Alimudin; he
would probably have been put to death, but it was feared that the
Moros would retaliate by slaughtering their Christian captives, who
numbered some 10,000. Fatima procured the return (in the summer of
1753) of fifty-one Christian captives, and negotiations were made for
peace between Manila and Joló; and in June, 1754, Bantilan surrendered
sixty-eight more captives, and a Spanish galley and champan. Faveau,
who had carried on a brilliant campaign against the pirates with his
little squadron, made a favorable report to the governor of the good
intentions of both Bantilan and Alimudin; and stated that the return
of the latter to Joló was desired by his subjects, and that Bantilan
was willing to resign in his favor. Arandía sent most of the Joloan
prisoners back to that island, retaining the sultan and his eldest
son as hostages until the full accomplishment of the treaty; they
remained there until the capture of the city by the English (1762),
who afterward restored them to Joló (see VOL. XLIX). Ferrando (iv,
pp. 541-543) considers that Alimudin was unjustly suspected and
ill-treated, and defends him from accusations of disloyalty to the
Spaniards and to the Christian religion.
[95] "The Sultanship in Sooloo is hereditary, but the government
mixed. About fifteen Datoos, who may be called the nobility, make
the greater part of the legislature. Their title is hereditary
to the eldest son, and they sit in council with the Sultan. The
Sultan has two votes in this assembly, and each Datoo has one. The
heir-apparent (who, when I was there, was Datoo Alamoodine) if he
sides with the Sultan, has two votes; but, if against him, only
one. There are two representatives of the people, called Manteries,
like the military tribunes of the Romans. The common people of Sooloo,
called Tellimanhood, enjoy much real freedom, owing to the above
representation; but the Tellimanhood, or vassals of the adjacent
islands named Tappool, Seassee, Tawee-tawee, and others, being the
estates of particular Datoos, are often used in a tyrannical manner
by their chiefs. I have been told that their haughty lords visiting
their estates, will sometimes with impunity demand and carry off young
women, whom they happen to fancy, to swell the number of their Sandles
(Concubines) at Sooloo." (Forrest, Voyage, p. 326.)
[96] For detailed accounts of the events here briefly mentioned, the
Moro wars, the imprisonment of Alimudin, the ravages committed in the
islands by those pirates, etc., to the end of Ovando's government,
see Concepción's Hist. de Philipinas, xii, pp. 230-419, and xiii,
pp. 1-250. See also the account of the "Moro raids repulsed by Visayan
natives," ante; it is inserted mainly to represent more vividly, in
the words of a probable eyewitness, a typical raid by Moro pirates
on the peaceable Christian natives.
[97] To this name should be added, "Santisteban, Echeveria, y Alvero"
(Concepción, xiii, p. 250); he was a knight of the Order of Calatrava.
[98] See Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, xiii, pp. 250-287, for
details of these reforms.
[99] See Concepción's account of this eruption (xiii, pp. 345-350);
it lasted from September to December, 1754 and was accompanied by
severe earthquakes, one of which lasted half an hour.
[100] Ignacio María de Alava, "Commander-in-chief of the naval forces
in Asiatic waters," was a personal friend of Zúñiga, to whom the latter
dedicated his Historia. In a preliminary notice to his Estadismo (p. 3
of Retana's ed.) he says that Alava desired to become acquainted with
the Philippines from various points of view, and invited the priest to
accompany him therein. Alava arrived at Manila on December 25, 1796,
and remained in the islands until January 7, 1803; he reorganized the
naval forces and the arsenal at Cavite, with much energy and ability,
but had various controversies with Governor Aguilar. Afterward he held
important posts in the Spanish naval administration, and died on May
26, 1815. See Retana's note concerning him (ut supra, ii, p. *562),
and Montero y Vidal's Hist. de Philipinas, ii, pp. 345-359.
[101] The exploits of this militant Jesuit are described by Concepción,
in Hist. de Philipinas, xiii, pp. 148-168, 178-188, 296-319.
[102] The name given her in baptism was Rita Calderón; the marriage
occurred on April 27, 1755. See Concepción, xiii, pp. 333, 334.
[103] "The people of Magindano, and their neighbours, known commonly
by the name of Oran Illanon, as living near the great Lano, are very
piratically inclined. Neither can the Sultan of Magindano restrain his
subjects from fitting out vessels, which go among the Philippines,
to Mangaio, that is, cruise against the Spaniards: much less can be
restrained the Illanos, being under a government more aristocratic;
for, on the banks of the Lano, are no fewer than seventeen, stiled
Rajahs, and sixteen who take the title of Sultan, besides those on the
coast. When the Spanish envoy sailed from Magindano for Samboangan,
Rajah Moodo sent a vessel, as has been said, to convoy him across
the Illano bay. This is a proof the Spaniards are not on good terms
with the Illanos. These, within ten years before 1775, have done
much mischief to the Spaniards, among the islands called Babuyan,
at the north extremity of the Philippines; and, at this time, they
possess an island in the very heart of the Philippines, called Burias,
where has been a colony of Illanos, for many years, men, women,
and children. The Spaniards have often attempted to dislodge them;
but in vain: the island, which is not very large, being environed
with rocks and shoals to a considerable distance." (Forrest, Voyage
to New Guinea, pp. 301, 302.)
[104] Fray Mateo González founded this mission to the Batanes. He made
his profession in 1667, and came to Manila four years later, being
then twenty-seven years old. He was sent to the Cagayán missions,
and was stationed in the Babuyanes Islands during 1673-84 (save in
1677-80, at Lallo-c). In 1686 he made a visit to the Batanes, where
he was well received; they contained over 3,000 souls. Leaving his
companion there to study the language, he went to Manila to secure
support for his new mission, to which he returned with Fray Juan Rois;
but hardly two months passed before the unhealthful climate and many
privations brought mortal illness on them. González died on July 25,
1688, and Rois on August 10, following. With this the Batanes mission
came to an end until (in 1718) it was revived by Fray Juan Bel. (Reseña
biográfica, ii, pp. 155-157.)
[105] "Action was taken in a session of the royal treasury officials
on the execution of the orders in a royal despatch which notified
this government to establish on the mainland of Cagayan the people
who were dwelling in the islands of the Babuyanes; for this purpose
the sum of five thousand, three hundred and ninety-eight pesos was
sent from the royal treasury of Mexico, definitely allotted to this
transportation. The migration was agreed upon, the money was spent,
but the only result was the transfer of some families, the greater part
of them remaining in their own islands--where, as they were accustomed
to that mode of life, they desired no further privileges than their
own liberty, even though it be with necessary inconveniences, which
they felt little or not at all, being free from the yoke since their
youth." (Concepción, Hist. de Philipinas, xi, p.304.)
Cf. Salazar's sketch of the history of these missions, in chapter
xxiii of Hist. Sant. Rosario (in our VOL. XLIII). See also, for both
early and later events therein, Ferrando's Hist. PP. dominicos, iii,
pp. 550-588, and iv, pp. 254-258, 330, 582-585.
Concepción (ut supra) does not mention the date of the royal decree;
but Ferrando states (iv, p. 423) that it was dated March 14, 1728,
and that it granted for this purpose the sum of 3,398 pesos; the "3"
may be a typographical error for "5," the amount as given (but spelled
out) by Concepción. Ferrando says that some three hundred families
removed to the mainland, but that many more remained in their islands.
[106] This is more fully described in the previous document, "Later
Augustinian and Dominican missions."
[107] See Ferrando's Hist. PP. dominicos, iv, pp. 576-582.
[108] Arandia made a census of the Christian Sangleys in the islands,
and found that they numbered 3,413. He established the market here
mentioned, that of San Fernando, at first intended to be simply a
pavilion in which trade might be carried on; the heathen merchants to
return immediately to their own country, without going inland from
Manila or having any dealings with the natives. But, as it was soon
apparent that the exigencies of weather and trade required larger and
more permanent quarters, Arandía had a plan made for the necessary
dwellings and storehouses, by a Recollect lay brother who was an
excellent architect (whom the governor had appointed superintendent
of royal works); and a contract for building it was made, at a cost
of 48,000 pesos. Half of this amount was contributed by a citizen of
Manila, Fernando de Mier y Noriega, the other half being supplied
from the royal treasury; as a reward for this service, he was made
warden of the new market, an office carrying a salary of fifty pesos
a month, and passing to his children and descendants. (Concepción,
xiii, pp. 357-360.) The king, however, restricted this privilege to
Mier's life.
[109] See Concepción's account of this enterprise (xiv,
pp. 167-171). The amount of capital raised was 76,500 pesos, in
shares of 500 each; with this, the company began to buy goods (ropas)
to supply the public necessities, and sold these in their own shops,
in each of which were two Spanish agents, no Sangley having anything
to do with these shops. It was planned that the company, having bought
goods at wholesale--they found that they could purchase thus at sixteen
per cent less than they paid for the same goods at retail--should
sell at only thirty per cent above the first cost; "of this [gain]
eight per cent must be paid to his Majesty to make up to the royal
treasury the deficiency arising from the loss of the licenses that
the infidels had paid; ten per cent went to the shareholders; and
the remaining twelve per cent was kept for the payment of salaries,
and for a public fund for the promotion of the industries and products
of the country." Their capital was found insufficient to make their
purchases; indeed, this lack had always been felt when the Sangleys
conducted the trade, but their industry had supplied it; the directors
therefore applied to the Misericordia and other administrators for
the loan of the reserve funds held in the obras pías. The latter were
at first disposed to aid the company, but later declined to do so,
following the advice of certain theologians whom they consulted. The
auditor Pedro Calderon Henriquez gave an opinion contrary to this,
saying that the obras pías had gained great profits through the
voluntary concession and tolerance of the citizens, who ought not
to be the only ones to make sacrifices for the public good; and that
"in these islands they had winked at the business transactions of the
confraternities, which are not carried on in other regions, on account
of the convenience which the merchants found in having money ready
for investment in their commerce." The governor therefore demanded
from the Misericordia 100,000 pesos of their reserve funds, and from
the Third Order (of St. Francis) 30,000; and with these funds the
company was for the time floated. (Among the advantages expected from
this enterprise were: lower prices than the Chinese asked for goods,
the same price the year round, the retention of all profits within the
country, and the certain support of the twenty-one families belonging
to the company's employ.) Another great hindrance was found in the
general practice of using clipped money in this trade, which caused
great losses. This and other difficulties caused the dissolution of
the company within the year, and it was unable to do more than save
the capital invested therein.
[110] Ferrando says (iv, pp. 587-591) that Arandía cut off from
the hospital of San Gabriel 800 pesos, out of the 2,000 which it
received from the communal fund of the Sangleys, for whose benefit
the hospital was founded; and this amount the Dominican province
was obliged, through motives of humanity, to make good from its own
treasury. Moreover, he insisted that the Augustinian provincial, Fray
Juan Facundo Meseguer, should reveal to him the private reasons which
he had for removing two of his friars from their charges in Indian
villages. This was in reality an attack on all the religious bodies,
who all resolved to make common cause on the governor, and forthwith
sent to the king a remonstrance against the governor's proceedings;
this checked Arandía, who desisted from his demands against Meseguer.
[111] Vindel's Catálogo, tomo i (Madrid, 1896), p. 94, cites from
Rezabal y Ugarte's Escritores de los seis colegios universitarios
(Madrid, 1805) mention of works left by Viana, existing in the archives
of the Council of Indias, among them "Ordinances for the government
of the Indian provinces of Filipinas." This, with the hostility which
his letters and other writings exhibit toward the religious orders,
indicates the possibility that Viana had some responsibility for the
instructions here mentioned by Zúñiga.
[112] According to Concepción (xiii, pp. 360-366), the tax here
referred to was a general one, called "the royal impost," an ad
valorem duty levied on all the products of the provinces, brought
in the coasting trade to Manila; it was established, in view of the
depleted condition of the royal treasury, for the maintenance of
the royal fleets against the pirates and the defense of the internal
commerce of the islands, and was exacted from all persons concerned,
without exempting any one, whatever his rank or estate. The Dominicans
were unwilling to pay this tax on certain commodities which they
were sending to their convents in Cagayan, alleging that these were
not commercial articles, and that they were exempt as a religious
body. This was of no avail, and their vessel was seized; but, either
through their representations at court or because Arandía had not
first asked the royal permission for this measure, it was censured
by the government and the duty removed.
[113] See Concepción's full account of this venture (xiv,
pp. 208-275). It will be remembered that Bustamante had attempted
in 1718 to open up commerce with Siam (VOL. XLIV, p. 152); but this
was a failure, through the apathy of the Spaniards. In the year
1747 a Siamese ship came to Manila with merchandise, and another
four years later; these were well received there, and allowed to
sell their goods free from duties. On the second ship came a Jesuit,
Father Juan Regis Aroche, as envoy from the king of Siam to establish
friendly relations with the Manila government; he proposed to Ovando
to send an expedition to Siam to build there a galleon, then needed
at Manila for the Acapulco trade. As the royal treasury had not the
funds for this, Ovando formed a stock company, with a hundred shares,
each of 300 pesos; 30,000 pesos were thus raised (said by the Jesuit
to be enough to build the ship)--"with the idea that afterward the
king [of España] would vouchsafe to buy it, and the gains would
be divided pro rata among the shareholders, whose profits would be
considerable even if the ship were sold at the usual and reasonable
price." Accordingly Captain Joseph Pasarin was sent to Siam (March 18,
1752), and made arrangements for the construction of the ship, which
was facilitated and aided by the king of that country; labor was there
abundant and cheap, yet the cost of the ship was much more than had
been planned, and not only was a second remittance made from Manila,
but the king furnished nearly 13,000 pesos besides. Pasarin set out on
his voyage to Manila with the new ship, but, when in sight of Bolinao,
a fierce storm drove the Spaniards back, and finally compelled them
to land in China. They went to Macao, refitted their damaged ship
(for which a wealthy Portuguese lent them, without interest, 20,516
pesos), and set sail for Manila on April 28, 1755; storms again
drove them from Bolinao, and they were compelled to put back to
Macao, and to remain there five months until the north winds should
subside; Simon Vicente de la Rosa again generously aided them with
5,000 pesos. Returning their voyage on December 12 of that year,
unfavorable winds again attacked them, and they were obliged to
make port in Batavia. (January 12, 1756). Here Pasarin fell sick,
and on his recovery found that the shipbuilder whom the Dutch had
detailed to repair the galleon had fled with certain goods which he
plundered from it, and twenty-eight of his seamen had deserted; at
last he secured a new crew, and reached Cavite on July 6, 1756. This
galleon was named "Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe," or "La Mexicana;" its
keel was 120 English feet long, and its capacity was 1,032 toneladas;
it was built entirely of teak; the entire cost of vessel, equipment,
and construction was 53,370 pesos. The king of Spain disapproved
the enterprise; and when the accounts of the company were settled,
it was found that they were still indebted to the extent of 9,520
pesos. The galleon was sold at public auction for 10,000 pesos.
[114] Concepción furnishes an interesting account (xiv, pp. 76-79) of
the abolition by Arandía of the "rotten borough" of Cebú. During the
term of Governor Arrechedera, he received a request from Juan Baraona
Velazquez, governor and chief magistrate of Cebú province, that in view
of the lack not only of regidors there but of citizens who could fill
that office, the governor should confer it on certain persons named
by him, among them two who were the only permanent (Spanish) settlers
there. Nevertheless, affairs soon returned to their former condition:
of the five persons thus appointed, one was long detained in Manila,
and one died; another was deprived of office for harsh treatment of the
headman of the Sangleys, and still another for failure to perform his
duties. "Thus, only the regidor Espina was left, and in him much was
deficient, if he were not actually incapable; for he could not read
or write, and his judgment was not very sound." Velazquez therefore
proposed that these offices be extinguished, and some suitable person
be appointed from Manila to assist him in ruling the province. Nothing
came of this, and his successor, Joseph Romo, applied to Arandía for
relief, saying that for two years no election of alcalde-in-ordinary
had been held, and the office was exercised by the regidor Pedro
Muñoz--the same who had ill-treated the Sangley--"of whom alone
that municipality was composed;" that the latter had obtained his
post only ad interim, and now refused to surrender it to Romo. "In
view of this report, Señor Arandía decided that these remnants of
the city should be abolished, leaving it with only the name of city,
and that it should be ruled by its chief magistrate, as alcalde-mayor
of the province; and in this wretched condition was left the first
city of this sphere, endowed with privileges by our Catholic kings,
and worthy of other and greater consideration. Its lack of citizens
transformed it into so dry a skeleton; and, although this measure was
provisional, necessity has made it perpetual." Buzeta and Bravo say
(Diccionario, i, p. 555) that since then Cebú had been governed by
a gobernadorcillo, like any native village; and at the end of that
same volume they give a table of the population of Cebú province in
1818, which shows that the ancient city of Santisimo Nombre de Jésus
contained no pure Spaniards, its population of 2,070 souls being all
native or Chinese except 233 Spanish mestizos. Its present population,
according to the late U. S. census, is 31,079--of whom 793 are natives
of China, 131 of America, and 168 of Europe.
[115] He had witnessed personally at Acapulco the careless, disorderly,
and even fraudulent manner in which this trade was carried on by the
Mexican merchants, who contrived to secure the advantage in every way
over those of Manila. He therefore imposed severe penalties on all who
on either side should practice frauds. He also appointed four of the
most distinguished of the citizens of Manila to register, apportion,
and appraise the goods sent thence; but the only result was that these
men took the best for themselves, and consulted their own profit; he
therefore revoked their commissions and sharply rebuked them. Arandía
also made many reforms in the management of the Acapulco ship, its
supplies, and its men, both on the sea and in port. (Concepción, xiv,
pp. 171-183.)
[116] Le Gentil and Marquina are cited by Montero y Vidal (Hist. de
Filipinas, ii, p. 14) to show that Arandia died by poison or other
violent means.
[117] His full name was Manuel Antonio Rojo del Río y Vieyra.
[118] At this point properly should come the documents which relate the
invasion of the islands by the English, their capture of Manila, the
consequent disturbances in the provinces, etc.; but the great length
of this episode, and the desirability of bringing all this material
together in one volume, induce us to place it all in VOL. XLIX,
completing this present volume with the noted memorial by the royal
fiscal Viana, written nearly a year after the evacuation of Manila
by the English.
[119] The title-page of this valuable MS. reads as follows:
"Demonstration of the deplorably wretched state of the Philipinas
Islands; the necessity of [either] abandoning them or maintaining
them with respectable forces, with the disadvantages of the first
and the advantages of the second; what the islands can produce for
the royal exchequer; the navigation practiced in their commerce,
and the extension and profits of the latter. With reflections,
which demonstrate the benefit of forming a company, under the royal
protection, in order to render the Spanish monarchy prosperous and
glorious, and to deprive its enemies of the gains by which they
are ruining it in both peace and war. By Don Francisco Leandro
de Viana, a student in the old college of San Bartholome el Maior
of the university of Salamanca; former rector of the same college;
graduated by the chapter of Santa Barbara in the aforesaid university;
a member of the Council of his Majesty; and his fiscal in this
royal Audiencia of Manila." It is followed by a letter addressed to
the governor of the islands, Francisco de la Torre, with the date
of March 20, 1765; this occupies eleven closely-written pages, and
serves the double purpose of an introduction to Viana's memorial and
of the official delivery of the document to the governor-general,
as the representative of his Majesty. This preface rehearses the
needy condition of the islands since the English invasion, entreats
the royal aid for these unfortunate vassals of Spain, and briefly
outlines the matter and arguments of the memorial. Vindel states
(Catálogo of 1896, p. 94) that the printing of this memorial was
forbidden by the Council of the Indias. It is of much importance,
not only as showing the condition and needs of the islands after the
English invasion, but for the light it throws on the condition of
Spain, her relations with the rest of Europe, and with her colonies,
and the national characteristics of her people. The memorial is here
presented in full, except a few passages which are briefly synopsized,
as they have but minor and indirect importance. Viana writes with
authority, as being royal fiscal of the islands, a man equipped with
the best learning of his day, and an ardent patriot.
The university of Salamanca originated in the cathedral school, before
the twelfth century; and in 1243 it was made a university under the
royal protection of Ferdinand the Saint, his son Alfonso X continuing
this aid, enlarging its scope, and granting it many privileges. Later
kings and several popes did much to aid and strengthen Salamanca, and
it became the greatest educational institution in Spain, and one of
the four greatest in the world; in 1584, it had 6,778 students. In
1401 Bishop Diego de Anaya Maldonado founded the first college
for poor students, which was called the college of San Bartolomé,
and later "the Old College." In 1845 Salamanca and all other like
institutions were secularized, and placed under the control of the
government. (Ramon Ruiz Amado, in the new and monumental Catholic
Encyclopedia, now in process of preparation.)
[120] "Since our entrance into this land, the Moorish [i.e., Mahometan]
following has been greatly increased--not only through the ordinary
traffic which the people of Macazar carry on in it; but because the
santons of Meca, proceeding by way of the strait of Moca, come to
Sumatra, and from there pass, by the strait of that island, to our
islanders, with a diabolical inclination; they bring Alcorans in
Arabic, and by means of these instruct our natives. A great number of
these books were seized in La Sabanilla, and I saw them in the hands
of Sargento-mayor Ponce, in the year 1724." (Torrubia, Dissertacion,
pp. 2, 3.)
[121] Probably referring to the Hudson's Bay Company, although that
was actually organized in 1670; and the explorations of 1746-47 here
mentioned evidently allude to the expedition of William Moor and
Henry Ellis in those years, "for discovering a Northwest Passage"--a
discovery for which the English parliament had offered a reward of
20,000 pounds. This expedition, however, was not under the auspices
of the company, whose officials, on the contrary, treated Moor and
Ellis with much harshness and even inhumanity.
[122] On maps of North America made in the first half of the eighteenth
century may be seen the great Mer d'Ouest, or "Western Sea," evidently
an exaggeration of Puget Sound, to which only the entrance had then
been discovered. The explorations of Martin Aguilar were made in
January, 1603, in partial conjunction with Sebastian Vizcaino, who
went along the California coast with two Spanish vessels, Aguilar
being in command of one of the ships. Bancroft (Northeast Coast, i,
p. 140-148) thinks that Aguilar went no farther than latitude 42°. The
Russians (under the lead of Vitus Bering) made various discoveries on
the Alaskan coasts before 1741, and afterward regularly hunted for
furs in Alaska, sending this commodity directly, and by a shorter
route, to China, where they carried on a highly profitable trade,
although they undersold the English merchants there (Bancroft, ut
supra, pp. 345, 346).
[123] This exploration by Fuente and Bernarda is regarded by most of
the authorities on this subject as being spurious. The account of
it first appeared in a London periodical (the Monthly Miscellany),
in 1708, and it is now supposed that it was simply a clever hoax. For
more circumstantial description of it, see Bancroft's Northeast Coast,
i, pp. 116-119; and Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America,
ii, pp. 462, 463.
[124] Probably referring to Ricard's Traité general du commerce,
of which a second edition was published at Amsterdam in 1705.
[125] In Spanish text, Cabo de Hornos, but there is no information
available to show whether this is simply a corruption of the Dutch
explorer's name (as seems more probable), or whether the Spaniards used
the name Hornos (meaning "ovens") through some accidental circumstance
or association. The first discovery of Cape Horn was made by Francisco
de Hoces, one of the ship-captains in Loaisa's expedition of 1525,
who was driven thither by contrary winds; but the cape was first
doubled from the east by the Dutch commander William Cornelisz
Schouten van Hoorn in 1616--accounts of this voyage being written
by both Van Hoorn and his companion Lemaire. (Winsor, Narrative and
Critical History of America, viii, pp. 384, 409-412.)
[126] For the text of Extracto historial, see VOLS. XXX, XLIV, and
XLV of this series.
[127] Marginal note by Viana.--"Don Miguel Gomes, who plays the
engineer in this town, calls for four thousand men in his new plan of
fortification. He regards the entire wall and its bastions as useless,
and, just as if there were no defenses, he plans for a fortification
[that would be] exceedingly costly, and of greater circuit or extent
than the present one. One does not need to be very skilful to adapt
to the site of Manila one of the many plans of fortification that
are contained in Belidor and other noted authors. The skill of an
engineer consists in being able to avail himself as far as possible
of a wall, correcting its irregular shape, and putting the place in
a condition of defense, with an obvious saving of expense, yet not
failing to observe the rules of fortification. One of these rules is,
to consider the number of men who can be maintained for its garrison,
and to proportion the bastions to the number of soldiers who are there
to defend them; but the said Don Miguel does not order his scheme by
this rule. On the contrary, he occupies much ground, and consequently
increases the number of bastions; these would remain undefended,
for lack of troops, a consideration which ought to induce him to
diminish the extent of the fort rather than extend it.
"On the other hand, it appears that all the bastions and the
curtain on the land side could be maintained as they are, without
more construction than that of the esplanades, ditch, covert-ways,
glacis, ravelins, etc.; for besides the wall, which is a good one,
and the bastions, which are apparently well flanked, it is easy to
inundate the entire locality, or reduce it to a mangrove thicket, so
that it will be impenetrable to the strongest enemy--who will not be
able to set up a battery, or to endure the fire from the fort while
they are clearing the field from obstructions.
"The curtain along the shore of the great Pasig River is a weak one,
but there is sufficient soil for strengthening it; and by inundating
the ground on the opposite shore of the said river the fortress will
be impregnable on that side. This inundation can be made in various
ways, but the safest one, in my opinion (although most expensive, on
account of the greater strength which must be given to the pillars)
would be to set flood-gates in all the arches of the great bridge,
and in the estuaries or rivers of Binondoc and Santa Cruz, in order
that the water might overflow (as it would without difficulty) the
entire locality; nor would the said inundation prevent the ingress of
provisions, which always come by water and not by land. The artillery
of the redoubt [fortin; it defended the bridge] and the fortress would
defend the said flood-gates, even though the inundation might permit
the enemy to approach in order to destroy them.
"The curtain on the seashore, which is exceedingly weak, and the
fortress or citadel of Santiago, which is in ruins, could be repaired
without so much cost as the new scheme presents; for we have already
seen that ships cannot demolish the fort. If to that advantage be
added the other of cutting a good ditch between the bay shore and
the wall, with its covert-way and some outpost battery, in order to
harass the said ships and hinder them from landing men, the town
could be made equally impregnable on that side--especially if the
fort be repaired and the corresponding bastions be constructed, in
order to flank well the said seashore curtain, as seems necessary. In
this manner the town could be well defended, with a great saving of
expense, and without the incredible cost which would be incurred by
carrying out the new plan of fortification which has been presented
by the aforesaid Gomes--regarding which I set forth what common sense
[la luz natural] dictated to me, in the expediente which was referred
to me by this superior government, proposing the measures of economy
which could be employed in any work whatever, with evident advantage
to the royal exchequer; since with five or six thousand pesos, which
will be the cost of forty thousand cavans of rice, six thousand
workmen can be maintained for a whole year."
[128] Forrest cites (pp. 307, 308) Valentyn to the effect that the
Mindanaos refused in 1689 to allow the Dutch to build a fort on
their land, although the latter offered a large sum of money for the
privilege; and that the sultan told other Dutchmen in 1694 that the
same request from the English had been likewise refused, although they
offered even more money. Valentyn therefore thought that Dampier had
been misled in his idea that the Mindanaos would make a treaty with
the English and allow them to settle.
[129] A phrase which recalls the well-known order by an American
railroad magnate, "charge all that the traffic will bear."
[130] The term situado was also applied, among other things, to the
increase (1590) of two reals on each tribute (see VOL. XIV, p. 247,
and XVI, p. 160). Torrubia explains this clearly in his Dissertacion,
pp. 95-98; and he makes the following statement about the fund of
"the fourths:" "The said father ministers are paid from the 'fourths'
of the eight reals which remain (and these are distinct from the
situado), and from the former the ministers were paid before the
increase of the tributes. The present method is, to collect the ten
reals, as the Ordinances provide, from each entire tribute; from
this two reals are taken for paying the soldiers, etc., and this is
called situado. After that, the fourth part of the eight reals (that
it, two reals) is taken out, and this it to pay the ministers--to
whom for every hundred tributes that are under their ministry are
paid twenty or twenty-five pesos (according to various customs of
provinces and tributaries, which it would be difficult to explain
at this time), with which sum the support assigned to the ministers
is completed. For this purpose was instituted the royal fund of
'fourths,' which is explained in the Recopilacion by ley 14, tit. 3,
lib. 1; for this fund the encomenderos of tributes who, on account
of being unbelievers, have no parish priest contribute (after having
paid the two reals of the situado, which amount is set apart and
separately administered) another two reals for every infidel tribute,
which is called the 'fourth' of the eight remaining reals; thus six
reals remain, which is the amount that has always been estimated
for the tribute. The destination of the money from the 'fourths'
was the support of hospitals and charitable funds; but such is not
now its use, because, thanks to God, all the tributes in encomiendas
are Christians. Accordingly, with those two reals of the 'fourths'
the encomiendas pay the ministers, and hand over the two reals of
the situado to the royal treasury for its fund allotted to troops,
etc. This is the usual arrangement, although in some villages and
encomiendas the procedure is somewhat different."
[131] Verecus (for biricús): meaning "sword-belts."
[132] Spanish, pandillas: one of its meanings is, "a party of persons
joined together for recreation in the country, or for mischief,"
which is quite equivalent to the Americanism "gang."
[133] Thus in the text (y vna mitad mas deloque yo regulo), but
evidently thus written by some oversight; for Viana certainly meant
to say here, as in other places (see allusion to the increase of the
tributes, in this and subsequent paragraphs), that the Mexican impost
was twice that which he was proposing to establish in Filipinas.
[134] On the margin of the MS. is the following note, written in a
different hand, probably by some official of the India Council, or
some friend of Viana's: "It was necessary to speak thus in a country
of ignorant ecclesiastics."
[135] Millones: "the voluntary impost which the kingdoms had granted
to the king, on the consumption of the six commodities of wine,
vinegar, oil, meat, soap, and tallow candles (see VOL. XLIV,
p. 299, note 91); it was renewed every six years." Sisas: "the
impost on food-stuffs, reducing the measure; a tribute reputed as
a nuisance--which, notwithstanding that, still exists under another
appellation." (Dominguez.)
[136] Marginal note by Viana.--"In the Royal Audiencia is pending the
expediente of the provincial ordinances, in which I have asked for
various things which are beneficial, and proper for good government."
[137] Marginal note by Viana.--"In the expediente for the regulation
of storehouses I explain what would be proper for checking the abuses
that are detrimental to the royal treasury, and present a plan for
the orderly management and accounts of all the towns and military
posts of these islands, and [records of] information about them."
[138] On the matter of ecclesiastical tithes in the Spanish colonies,
see Recopilación de leyes de Indias, lib. i, tit. xvi; laws xi and
xii declare that the Indians shall not be responsible for tithes,
but that the encomenderos shall pay these on what they receive from
the Indians as tribute. In the Philippines, the crown had from the
first made special provision for the support of the ecclesiastical
estate; and tithes were not exacted there.
[139] Presumably citing the Historia of Jacques Auguste de Thou
(the Elder), originally published in Latin at Paris, 1604-08, but
afterward appearing in many editions and translations. This book was
"the history of his own time," covering the period 1543-1607.
[140] An East India company formed in Denmark sent an expedition
in 1618, which formed a settlement in the state of Tanjour, India,
where the Danes built Tranquebar and Fort Dannebourg; for a time they
carried on a thriving trade, but the influence of the Dutch crowded
them aside in India, and the company finally surrendered its charter
and made over its settlements to the government. In 1670 a new company
was formed; but it was even more unfortunate than the first one, and,
having become bankrupt, was extinguished in 1730. Two years later,
another company was organized, which obtained a charter for forty
years, with many privileges, and this was extended (1772) for twenty
years. See Raynal's Établissemens et commerce des Européens dans les
Indes, i, pp. 548-566.
[141] For full account of the discoveries, wars and conquests
of the Portuguese in the East Indies, with accounts of India,
China, Japan, and of the people of those countries, see Raynal's
Établissemens et commerce des Européens dans les Indes (Genève, 1780),
i, pp. 1-150. At the end, he states "the causes which brought on the
ruin of the Portuguese in India." "This little nation, finding itself
the entire mistress of the richest and most extensive commerce in the
world, was soon composed of merchants, traders, and sailors, who were
consumed in long navigations. She lost also the foundation of all real
power--agriculture, national industry, and population; there was no
proportion between her commerce and the means of continuing it. Still
worse, she aimed at being a conquering power, and embraced an extent of
territory which no nation in Europe could preserve without weakening
itself. This little country, but moderately populous, was constantly
wasting its inhabitants as soldiers, as sailors, and as colonists." "As
the government soon changed its projects for commerce into schemes
for conquest, the nation, which had never possessed the spirit of
commerce, assumed that of brigandage. Clocks and watches, firearms,
fine cloths, and some other kinds of merchandise which since have
been carried to the Indias were not then at the degree of perfection
which they have since attained, and the Portuguese could only carry
money there. Soon they grew tired of this, and forcibly took away from
the Indians what they had at first purchased from those peoples." "Of
all the conquests which the Portuguese had made in the seas of Asia,
there now remain to them only Macao, part of the island of Timor,
Daman, Diu, and Goa. At present, Macao sends to Timor, to Siam, and
to Cochinchina a few small vessels of little value. It sends five or
six to Goa, laden with goods that were rejected at Canton, and most of
which belong to the Chinese traders. These latter ships carry return
cargoes of sandalwood, India saffron, ginger, pepper, linen goods,
and all the articles for which Goa can trade on the coast of Malabar or
at Surat with its sixty-gun ship, its two frigates, and its six armed
shallops. As a result of this inaction, the colony cannot furnish more
than three or four cargoes a year for Europe; and the value of these
does not exceed 3,175,000 livres, even since 1752, when this commerce
ceased to be under the yoke of monopoly,--excepting its sugar, snuff,
pepper, saltpeter, pearls, sandalwood, and eaglewood, the exclusive
purchase and sale of which is carried on by the crown." "Such is
the degraded state into which the Portuguese have fallen in India,
[that people who furnished] the hardy navigators who discovered it,
the intrepid warriors who subjugated it. The theater of their glory
and opulence, it has become that of their ruin and disgrace. Formerly a
viceroy, and since 1774 a governor-general, both despotic and cruel; a
military force turbulent and undisciplined, composed of 6,276 soldiers,
black or white; magistrates whose venality is notorious; an unjust
and rapacious administration: can all these kinds of oppression,
which would ruin even the most virtuous people, regenerate a nation
that is idle, degraded, and corrupt?"
[142] The English jurist John Selden published (London, 1635) a work
that attracted great attention, entitled Mare clausum seu de dominio
maris libri duo. A later edition (1636) added to this a considerable
amount of matter relating to the navigation rights of the Dutch.
The Macanaz mentioned by Viana in several places was probably Melchor
Rafael de Macanaz, a fiscal of Castilla early in the eighteenth century
(Revue Hispanique, vi, p. 455).
[143] At the foot of the MS. page is written the following comment,
in the same hand as that mentioned ante, p. 249, note 130: "The author
agrees to this opinion, which is contrary to his own, through fear
of ignorant and angry ecclesiastics."
[144] Spanish, como en un Presidio, alluding to the custom of banishing
a political offender to some remote military post, from which escape
was, of course, practically impossible.
[145] In the text, vicias, a word which does not appear (save as
a botanical term) in the Spanish dictionaries; its translation,
therefore, is necessarily conjectural.
[146] An alloy of copper and nickel, known as "white copper" and
"German silver," and to the Chinese as Packfong and petong.
[147] The Dictionnaire universel de commerce of Jacques Savary des
Bruslons was published at Paris, 1723-30; it had numerous editions,
and was translated into English (London, 1751-55).
[148] In text, capingotes; this word is not in the dictionaries,
and suggests the blunder of some amanuensis in confusing capirotes
and redingotes.
[149] Manungal (Samadera indica): "the wood is used in making cups
which turn liquid placed in them bitter; the bitter substance has
certain medicinal properties." (Official Handbook of the Philippines,
p. 353.) Blanco (who named this tree Manungala, but later Niota) says
that this bitter principle is successfully used in cholera morbus;
and Montero y Vidal (Archipiélago filipino, p. 77), that "it was as
efficacious as Peruvian bark in fevers." In the same work (pp. 389,
391) manungal is, apparently by some oversight, identified with the
macabuhay (Tinospora), which latter name is also applied, according
to Merrill's Dictionary of Plant Names (p. 76) to Lunasia amara.
[150] In this connection should be cited the account of the Ceylon
cinnamon published by Forrest in his Voyage to New Guinea, pp. 338-349;
it was "communicated by the chief inspector of the Cinnamon Trade,
and Manufacturer in that Island, to Albertus Seba, a noted Druggist at
Amsterdam. Translated by the late Dr. Scheucher; F. R. S." Some notes
on the medicinal uses of the leaves are added by Seba, and there is
an engraving illustrating the appearance of the leaves, of which nine
are represented, presumably those of the nine different varieties of
cinnamon which are enumerated in the inspector's description. Of these
but one is mentioned as having a glutinous character, and that seems
to be one of the sorts inferior in quality. Some of these varieties
are said to yield "camphire" [i.e., camphor].
[151] The map of Mindanao made by Norton Nicols, here reproduced, is
accompanied by the following inscription: "The island of Mindanao,
whose inhabitants are the fatal enemies of our holy Catholic faith
and who, together with the islanders of Jolo, cause the horrible ruin,
martyrdoms, and thefts in the other islands belonging to his Catholic
Majesty, which have cost him so huge a sum of money, and so much blood
of his faithful vassals, the Indians, although as yet fruitlessly. Said
island is about 150 leguas away from Manila, and about 23 from Jolo. It
lies between six degrees nine minutes and nine degrees one minute,
north latitude, a distance of 44 leguas from north to south. East
and west it extends 128 1/3 leguas. Its most western point is 127
degrees 17 minutes east of Cadiz, which counting 20 leguas per degree,
amounts to 2,555 2/3 leguas. Reckoning 15 degrees of longitude, for
each hour of time, there is a time difference of 8 hours, 31 minutes,
8 seconds, so that 12 o'clock in the day here is 8 seconds 31 minutes
past 8 at night there.
[This map is drawn on a scale of 20 Spanish leguas to 6 cm., and the
size of the original MS. map is 41 × 27 cm.]
[152] A parallel case: "Before 1744, the Philippines had not beheld on
their fertile soil the growth of any of our [European] vegetables. At
that time, Mahé de Villebague carried thither seeds of them, and
all these useful plants had prospered, when, eight months later,
the cultivator, whom the interests of his business called to go
elsewhere, left his garden to another Frenchman, who was settled in
these islands. The Spaniards, who could not see without jealousy that
a foreigner should point out to them the path which they ought to have
entered two centuries ago, rose against the inheritor of his cares,
with so much violence that, in order to restore peace, the authorities
felt constrained to order that these wholesome plants be torn up by the
roots. Fortunately the Chinese, who are continually occupied with what
can contribute to their own success, secretly preserved the plants. By
degrees the people became accustomed to an innovation so beneficial;
and this [sort of] cultivation is now one of the chief resources of
the colony." (Raynal, Établissemens et commerce des Européens, i,
pp. 607, 608.)
[153] Regarding this company, see VOL. XLV, pp. 45-50.
[154] In this series the only mention of German trade in the Orient
has been contained in one or two slight allusions. The following
note on this subject is kindly furnished us by Asa Currier Tilton,
late of the historical department of the University of Wisconsin,
and now one of the staff of the Wisconsin State Historical Library.
Germany and the search for the sea-route to India.--Germany was
concerned in the explorations of the Portuguese and Spaniards because
of her close commercial relations with those nations. The Fuggers,
Welsers, and other great mercantile houses had important trade and
financial relations with Spain and Portugal, and were thus able
to secure the right to participate in the India trade. The first
occasion when they took part in an expedition was in 1505-06, when
Almeida, the first Portuguese viceroy, was sent out. The following
works furnish general information on this phase of the discoveries,
and also contain bibliographical material which indicates the sources
for more detailed information:
General works: Heyd, Geschichte des Levantehandels in Mittelalter
(Stuttgart, 1879), 2 vols.; this has also been translated into
French, Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-âge (Leipzig,
1885-86), 2 vols. Peschel, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen
(Stuttgart and Augsburg, 1858). Sachse, Pennsylvania: the German
influence in its settlement and development; part 1, "The Fatherland,
1450-1700"--published in Proceedings and Addresses of the Pennsylvania
German Society, vol. viii (1897).
On the Fuggers and Welsers: Ehrenberg, Das Zeitalter der Fugger
(Jena, 1896), 2 vols. Häbler, Die Geschichte der Fuggerschen Handlung
in Spanien (Weimar, 1897); and Die überseeischen Unternehmungen
der Welser und ihrer Gesellschafter (Leipzig, 1903). Hautzsch, Die
überseeischen Unternehmungen der Augsburger Welser (Leipzig, 1895),
a dissertation. Tagebuch des Lucas Rem aus den Jahren 1494-1541:
Beitrag zur Handelsgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg; "mitgetheilt mit
erläuternden Bemerkungen, und einem Anhange von noch ungedruckten
Briefen und Berichten über die Entdeckungen des neuen Seewegs nach
Amerika und Ostindien versehen, von B. Greiff"--published (Augsburg,
1861) in Jahresberichte 26 of the "Historische Kreisverein" in the
jurisdiction of Schwaben and Neuburg; (the appendix contains documents
from the collection of Dr. Conrad Peutinger); Rem was an agent of
the Welsers, and represented them at Lisbon and in Spain.
On the expedition of Francisco d'Almeida: Kunstmann, Die Fahrt
der ersten Deutschen nach dem Portugiesischen Indien (München,
1861). Balthasar Springers Indienfahrt, 1505-06, "wissenschaftliche
Würdigung der Reiseberichte Springers zur Einführung in den Neudruck
seiner Meerfahrt vom Jahre 1509, von Franz Schulze" (Strassburg,
1902); Springer went on the expedition as one of the agents of
the German merchants. The Voyage from Lisbon to India, 1505-06,
"being an account and journal by Albericus Vespuccius; translated
from the contemporary Flemish, and edited" by C. H. Coote (London,
1894); this is shown by Harrisse to be nothing but a corrupt Flemish
version of Springer's account; and Vespuccius had nothing to do with
this voyage. Harrisse, Americus Vespuccius (London, 1895); besides
showing the true character of Coote's book, this work contains valuable
notes on the German connection with the discoveries.
[155] This work (Turin, 1724-30) was written by Alvaro J. A. I. de
Navia Osorio y Vigil Argüelles de la Rua, Marqués de Santa Cruz de
Marcenado and Visconde del Puerto. He also wrote Comercio suelto,
y en compañias, general y particular en Mexico, Perú y Filipinas,
etc. (Madrid, 1732).
[156] For identifications of these various woods, see VOLS. XII,
p. 245 (molave), and XVIII, pp. 169-173. Tangili is the Tagálog
name for various trees of the genera Dipterocarpus and Shorea,
(of the same natural order). "Teak" is a corruption of the Malabar
name for the tree known to botanists as Tectona grandis. According to
Official Handbook (p. 356), it "exists in Mindanao, and said to exist
in Negros." Blanco gives (Flora, p. 93), the following interesting
account of its habitat: "The only teak tree of which I have first-hand
knowledge is the one which exists in the village of Tanay, in Laguna
de Bahi [i.e., Bay]. Formerly there were two, and they were planted by
a Franciscan priest; it is not known whence the seed came. The Tanay
people call it ticla.... It is common in some provinces of Visayas,
in Negros Island, Zambales, Mindanao, and Butuan, as has recently
been ascertained. The tree whose flowers I have seen is in Tanay,
and has waited twenty-three years to bloom."
[157] See VOL. XVIII, p. 177. The term is applied (Official Handbook,
p. 332) to the sheaths, or fibers surrounding the leaf-stems, of a
species of palm, Caryota urens.
[158] Representación al Rey ... dirigida al mas seguro aumento del real
erario (Madrid?, 1732), by Miguel de Zavala y Auñon. It is of interest
to note that Viana must have been related to Zavala, since his name, in
full, was Francisco Leandro de Viana Zavala Vehena Saenz de Villaverde;
he was afterward made Conde de Tepa and Marqués de Prado Alegre.
[159] Cacao is found throughout the archipelago; large quantities
of cacao of excellent quality are produced in southern Mindanao and
the district of Davao. The native product commands a better price
than that imported from Singapore. Coffee is found throughout the
islands; the best quality is grown in Batangas. (Official Handbook,
p. 303.) Montero y Vidal says (Archipiélago Filipino, p. 61) that
the islands produce cacao equal in quality to that of Caracas, and
coffee that is superior in some respects to that of Mocha.
See Jagor's account of cacao in the Philippines, its history, culture,
and preparation, in his Reisen, pp. 76-81.
[160] Marginal note by Viana.--"At this very time, men are obtaining
in this bay many of the said shells, and some pearls of good luster."
[161] Marginal note by Viana.--"The mulberry trees yield wonderfully
in these islands, and, by making suitable plantations of them, and
bringing silkworms from China, [the production of] this valuable
article of commerce can be promoted."
[162] Narra is the native name of the valuable timber trees in the
genus Pterocarpus, especially P. indicas; it is sometimes called
"the mahogany of the Philippines." The species alluded to by Viana is
probably P. Blancoi, called apálit by the Pampangos; "the decoction
of the wood is nephritic" (Official Handbook).
Catbalonga (pepitas de San Ignacio) is one of the native names tor
Strychnos Ignatii, one of the species from which the drug strychnine
is obtained. See Jagor's interesting note on this plant (Ignatia
amara, L., or Strychnos Ignatii, Berg.) in his Reisen, pp. 213, 214;
he says that it is used (under the name pepita de Catbalonga) as a
household remedy in many families in Filipinas, and is regarded by
the superstitious as a charm against poisons of all kinds.
[163] Neither Blanco nor Merrill mentions the rhubarb (Rheum) as a
product of the Philippines, although the former describes a tree the
soft wood of which, when chewed, has purgative properties similar
to those of rhubarb; but he did not see the tree itself, which grew
in the province of Laguna. Calinga is the native name of Cinnamomum
pauciflorum.
[164] "On account of the English invasion, it was positively prohibited
that foreign vessels should land at Filipino ports. This prohibition,
and that imposed in the royal decree of 1593--which provided that no
merchant of Manila should send his vessels to China, or go there to
purchase his goods directly--were superlatively absurd, mischievous,
and impolitic; for this constituted a [special] privilege in favor
of the Chinese, who, when they appeared in the port of Manila once
a year in their clumsy champans, secured for lack of competition
a considerable increase in the prices for their merchandise, the
valuation placed on the goods not being sufficient to diminish the
monopoly which they enjoyed on those articles." This stupid procedure
not only kept the Spaniards from competing with foreigners in the
markets of India and China, thus surrendering all that commerce and
its advantages to the latter; but these, especially the English and
French, took advantage of the Chinese monopoly of trade with Manila by
sending thither cargoes of their goods under the flag of some Asiatic
country; some Armenian or Moor would act as owner of the vessel,
the real captain or agent being ostensibly an interpreter. (Montero
y Vidal, Hist, de Filipinas, ii, pp. 120, 121.)
On one occasion Viana tried to stop this by demanding that the
Audiencia punish severely the Frenchmen who were selling their cargoes
in Manila, in open and reckless violation of the royal decrees; but
that tribunal declined to do more than notify the Frenchmen that a
repetition of the offense would be severely punished--on the ground
that a lawsuit brought against them and the buyers of the goods would
involve nearly all the citizens of Manila, the religious corporations,
and various dignitaries. (Azcarraga y Palmero, Libertad de comercio,
pp. 115, 116.) Azcarraga was a Filipino.
[165] Referring to the book by this author entitled Theorica y
practica de comercio y de marina (Madrid, 1724), an important work,
which was translated into English (1751) and French (1753). Two of
the chapters have the following titles: "Of the commerce which can
be carried on in the Eastern Indias, by availing ourselves of the
shelter and assistance of Filipinas;" and "Of the commerce with
Filipinas." (Vindel's Catálogo, 1903, p. 276.)
[166] Spanish, testas de fierro (in modern form, testaferros); meaning
"those who lend their names to a contract, claim, or other business
when it belongs to another person" (Dominguez).
[167] Referring to the town of Nuevo Santander, near the eastern coast
of Mexico; it was founded in 1749 by José de Escandon, a Spanish
officer, who in that year conquered and colonized the province of
Tamaulipas. This town is on the Santander River, about 120 miles
north of Tampico, and is now the capital of the province.
[168] St. Helena Island, famous as the place of Napoleon's last
exile. The British government has withdrawn (October 27-29, 1906)
the military forces there.
[169] Bancroft states (Hist. Central America, ii, pp. 246-250) that
the first project for an interoceanic canal across the Isthmus of
Panama was broached probably by Charles V, who ordered that a survey
be made of the ground and estimates of the cost of such route be made;
this was done in 1534, and the scheme appeared so costly that it could
not be undertaken. The first road across the isthmus was made about
1520. By the middle of the century Panama had become the most important
city of America, and was the seat and channel of untold wealth; it was
the object of attack, more than once by the enemies of Spain and by
pirates, and before 1671 (when Old Panama was burned) it was four times
sacked and partially destroyed. By the end of the sixteenth century
the importance and population of this city had greatly declined,
for various reasons: the depredations of buccaneers; the diminishing
receipts of treasure from the mines of both North and South America,
and the consequent decline of commerce; the unhealthful climate; and,
most important of all, the unwise and short-sighted restrictions
imposed on commerce by the Spanish government. Portobello also
became a rival of Panama in 1597, when it was made a port of entry
in place of Nombre de Dios. Destroyed by buccaneers in 1671, Panama
was immediately rebuilt in a more salubrious location, and fortified
so that it was regarded as impregnable. Until 1718 the provinces
of the isthmus were subject to the viceroy of Peru, and then were
incorporated with the kingdom of Nueva Granada. After 1748 Spain had
but little intercourse with her South American colonies except via
Cape Horn, the despatch of fleets to the isthmus was discontinued;
its commerce became insignificant; and Panama became of but slight
importance. (Ut supra, pp. 390-403, 464-481, 517-542, 570-594.)
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