The American Race - A Linguistic Classification and Ethnographic Description of the Native Tribes of North and South America

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Title: The American Race - A Linguistic Classification and Ethnographic Description of the Native Tribes of North and South America
Author: Brinton, Daniel G. (Daniel Garrison)
Language: English
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Transcriber’s note:

Obvious printing, punctuation and spelling errors in the
English have been corrected. Others may exist in the
American native languages.

There is great variation in the spelling of tribal names.

THE AMERICAN RACE:

A Linguistic Classification and Ethnographic
Description of the Native Tribes of
North and South America

DANIEL G. BRINTON, A.M., M.D.,

Professor of American Archæology and Linguistics in the University of
Pennsylvania, and of General Ethnology at the Academy of Natural
Sciences, Philadelphia; Vice-President of the Congrès International
des Américanistes; Medallist of the Société Américaine de France;
President of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia,
and of the University Archæological Association of the University of
Pennsylvania; Member of the Anthropological Societies of Berlin and
Vienna, and of the Ethnographical Societies of Paris and Florence;
of the Royal Society of Antiquaries, Copenhagen, and of the Royal
Society of History, Madrid; of the American Philosophical Society,
the American Antiquarian Society, etc.

Philadelphia
David Mckay, Publisher
1022 Market Street.
1901

TO THE
CONGRÈS INTERNATIONAL DES AMÉRICANISTES,
AN ASSOCIATION
WHOSE BROAD SYMPATHIES AND ENLIGHTENED SPIRIT
ILLUSTRATE THE NOBLEST ASPECTS OF SCIENCE,
AND WHOSE EXCELLENT WORK IN
AMERICAN ETHNOGRAPHY, ARCHÆOLOGY, AND EARLY HISTORY
HAS CREATED A DEEP AND ABIDING INTEREST IN
THESE STUDIES THROUGHOUT EUROPE,
THIS WORK
IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED
BY THE
AUTHOR.

PREFACE.

So far as I know, this is the first attempt at a systematic
classification of the whole American race on the basis of language. I do
not overlook Dr. Latham’s meritorious effort nearly forty years ago; but
the deficiency of material at that time obliged him to depart from the
linguistic scheme and accept other guides.

While not depreciating the value of physical data, of culture and
traditional history, I have constantly placed these subordinate to
relationship as indicated by grammar and lexicography. There are
well-known examples in the ethnography of other races, where reliance
on language alone would lead the investigator astray; but all serious
students of the native American tribes are united in the opinion
that with them no other clue can compare to it in general results.
Consequently the Bureau of Ethnology of the United States and the
similar departments in the governments of Canada and Mexico have agreed
in adopting officially the linguistic classification for the aboriginal
population within their several territories.

Wherever the material permitted it, I have ranked the grammatic structure
of a language superior to its lexical elements in deciding upon
relationship. In this I follow the precepts and examples of students of
the Aryan and Semitic stocks; although their methods have been rejected
by some who have written on American tongues. As for myself, I am
abidingly convinced that the morphology of any language whatever is its
most permanent and characteristic feature.

It has been my effort to pay especial attention to those portions of the
continent whose ethnography remains obscure. The publications of official
bodies, as well as those of numerous societies and individuals, have
cleared up most of the difficulties in that portion of the continent
north of Mexico; hence it is to the remainder that I have given greater
space. The subject, however, is so vast, and the material so abundant,
that I fear the reader may be disappointed by the brevity of the
descriptions I have allowed to the several stocks.

The outlines of the classification and the general arrangement of
the material are those which for several years I have adopted in my
lecture courses before the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia.
In fact, this volume may properly be regarded as an expansion of the
ninth lecture--that on “The American Race,”--in my lectures on general
ethnography, published last year under the title “Races and Peoples.”

In defining the locations of the various tribes, I have encountered many
difficulties from their frequent removals. As a rule I have assigned a
tribe the location where it was first encountered and identified by the
white explorers; though sometimes I have preferred some later location
where its activity was longest known.

The great variety of the orthography of tribal names has led me to follow
the rule of selecting that which is locally the most usual. This variety
has been not a little increased by what seems to me the pedantry of many
learned writers, who insist on spelling every native name they mention
according to some phonetic system of their own devising--thus adding to
the already lamentable orthographic confusion.

I have not thought it advisable to adopt terminations to designate stocks
as distinguished from tribes. The Bureau of Ethnology has adopted for
stocks the termination _an_, as “Algonkian,” “Siouian.” This frequently
gives terms of strange appearance, and is open to some other objections.
It would be desirable to have this question of terminology decided by
the International Congress of Americanists, on some plan applicable to
French, German and Spanish, as well as English, rather than to have it
left to a local body or a single authority.

My thanks are due Mr. H. W. Henshaw, editor of the _American
Anthropologist_, for revising the list of North Pacific Coast Stocks, and
various suggestions.

I regret that I have not been able to avail myself of the unpublished
material in the Bureau of Ethnology at Washington; but access to this
was denied me except under the condition that I should not use in any
published work the information thus obtained; a proviso scarcely so
liberal as I had expected.

_Philadelphia, February, 1891._

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Preface xi

Table of Contents xiii

INTRODUCTORY.

RACIAL HISTORY AND CHARACTERISTICS.

Theories of the Origin of the American Race. The “ten lost
tribes.” The “lost Atlantis.” Fu-sang. Supposed Asiatic
immigrations. When man first appeared in America. The
Glacial Epoch. The Post-glacial Era. Oldest relics of man
in America; in California; in Nicaragua; in the Columbian
gravel; in the modified drift; in the loess and moraines.
Man did not originate in America. Physical geography of the
early Quaternary Period. Land connection of North America
with Europe. Opinions of geologists. Remoteness of the
Glacial Epoch. Scheme of the Age of Man in America. “Area of
characterization” of the American Race. Permanence of racial
traits. Cranial forms. Cephalic index. Os Incæ. Cranial
capacity. Color. Hair. Stature. Uniformity of racial type.
Mental endowments. Native culture. Gentile organization.
Marriage. Position of woman. Agriculture. Domestic animals.
Useful arts. Religions. Myths. Symbolism. Opinions about
death. Medicine men. Languages. Linguistic stocks. General
classification. 17-58

NORTH AMERICAN TRIBES.

I. THE NORTH ATLANTIC GROUP.

1. The Eskimos or Innuit, and Aleutians 59-67

2. The Beothuks 67-68

3. The Athabascans or Tinné 68-74

4. The Algonkins 74-80

5. The Iroquois 81-85

6. The Chahta-Muskokis 85-89

7. The Catawbas, Yuchis, Timucuas, Natchez, Chetimachas,
Tonicas, Adaize, Atakapas, Carankaways, Tonkaways,
Coahuiltecans, Maratins 89-94

8. The Pawnees or Caddoes 95-97

9. The Dakotas or Sioux 98-101

10. The Kioways 101-102

II. THE NORTH PACIFIC GROUP.

1. The Northwest Coast and Californian Tribes: The Tlinkit or
Kolosch; the Haidahs; the Salish; the Sahaptins or Nez
Percés, etc. 103-109

2. The Yumas 109-113

3. The Pueblo Tribes 113-117

III. THE CENTRAL GROUP.

1. The Uto-Aztecan Stock 118

a. The Ute or Shoshonian Branch 120-123

b. The Sonoran Branch 123-127

c. The Nahuatl Branch 128-134

2. The Otomis 135-136

3. The Tarascos 136-138

4. The Totonacos 139-140

5. The Zapotecs and Mixtecs 140-142

6. The Zoques and Mixes 143-144

7. The Chinantecs 144

8. The Chapanecs and Mangues 145

9. Chontals and Popolocas, Tequistlatecas and Matagalpas 146-153

10. The Mayas 153-159

11. The Huaves, Subtiabas, Lencas, Xincas, Xicaques, “Caribs,”
Musquitos, Ulvas, Ramas, Payas, Guatusos 159-164

SOUTH AMERICAN TRIBES.

General Remarks 165-171

I. THE SOUTH PACIFIC GROUP.

1. THE COLUMBIAN REGION. 172

1. Tribes of the Isthmus and adjacent coast: The Cunas,
Changuinas, Chocos, Caracas, Timotes and others 173-181

2. The Chibchas 181-188

3. The Paniquitas and Paezes 189-192

4. South Columbian Tribes: Natives of Cauca; Coconucos,
Barbacoas, Andaquis, Mocoas, Cañaris 192-201

2. THE PERUVIAN REGION. 202

1. The Kechuas 203-216

2. The Aymaras 216-221

3. The Puquinas 221-224

4. The Yuncas 224-226

5. The Atacameños and Changos 226-228

II. THE SOUTH ATLANTIC GROUP.

1. THE AMAZONIAN REGION. 229

1. The Tupis 229-236

2. The Tapuyas 236-241

3. The Arawaks 241-250

4. The Caribs 251-258

5. The Cariris 258-259

6. The Coroados, Carajas and others 259-262

7. The Orinoco Basin; Carib sub-stock; Salivas; Arawak
sub-stock; Otomacos; Guamas; Guaybas; Guaraunos;
Betoyas; Churoyas; Piaroas; Puinavis 262-278

8. The Upper Amazonian Basin. List of Languages:
The Zaparos; the Jivaros; the Maynas; the Yameos or
Lamas; the Ardas; the Pebas; the Yaguas; the Itucales;
the Ticunas; the Hibitos; the Panos; the Pammarys; the
Arauas; the Hypurinas 278-295

9. The Bolivian Highlands. The Chiquitos; the Yurucares;
the Mosetenas; the Tacanas; the Samucus; the
Canichanas; the Cayubabas; the Apolistas; the
Otuquis; the Ites, and others 295-306

2. THE PAMPEAN REGION. 306

1. The Gran Chaco and its stocks. The Guaycurus, Lules,
Matacos and Payaguas. The Lenguas, Charruas, Guatos,
Calchaquis 307-321

2. The Pampeans and Araucanians. The Chonos 321-327

3. The Patagonians and Fuegians. The Tzonecas. The Yahgans,
Onas and Alikulufs 327-332

Linguistic Appendix 333

Vocabularies 335

Additions and Corrections 365

Index of Authors 369

Index of Subjects 374

THE AMERICAN RACE.

INTRODUCTORY.

RACIAL HISTORY AND CHARACTERISTICS.

The differentiation of the species Man into various races, with permanent
traits and inhabiting definite areas, took place early in the present
geologic epoch. Of these races there are four which are well-marked,
each developed in one of the continental areas as they existed at the
time referred to. They are the Eurafrican or white, the Austafrican or
black, the Asian or yellow, and the American or red race. The color-names
given them are merely approximations, and are retained for the sake of
convenience, and as expressing a general and obvious characteristic.[1]

The American race was that which was found occupying the whole of the
New World when it first became revealed to Europeans. Its members are
popularly known as “Indians,” or “American Indians,” because Columbus
thought that the western islands which he discovered were part of India;
and his error has been perpetuated in the usually received appellation
of its inhabitants. To the ethnographer, however, they are the only
“Americans,” and their race is the “American Race.”

When investigation proved that the continent was not a part of Asia, but
a vast independent land-area surrounded by wide oceans, the learned began
to puzzle themselves with the problem of the origin of its inhabitants.
The Hebrew myths of the creation of man and of a universal deluge in
which the whole species perished except a few in Western Asia, for a
long time controlled the direction of such speculations. The wildest as
well as the most diverse hypotheses were brought forward and defended
with great display of erudition. One of the most curious was that which
advanced the notion that the Americans were the descendants of the ten
“lost tribes of Israel.” No one, at present, would acknowledge himself a
believer in this theory; but it has not proved useless, as we owe to it
the publication of several most valuable works.[2]

Another equally vain dream was that of “the lost Atlantis,” a great
island or land-connection which was imagined to have existed within
recent times between Northern Africa and South America. A reminiscence
of it was supposed to have survived in a story of the Egyptian priests
preserved by Plato, that beyond the Pillars of Hercules was a great
island which had since sunk in the sea. The account may have referred
to the Canary Islands, but certainly not to any land-bridge across the
Atlantic to the American Continent. Such did exist, indeed, but far
back in the Eocene period of the Tertiary, long before man appeared on
the scene. The wide difference between the existing flora and fauna of
Africa and South America proves that there has been no connection in the
lifetime of the present species.[3]

Scarcely less incredible are the theories which still have some
distinguished advocates, that the continent was peopled from Polynesia,
or directly from Japan or China. Several laborious works have been
compiled with reference to “Fu Sang,” a land referred to as east of
China, and identified by these writers with Mexico. A distinguished
ethnologist has recently published a map showing the courses by which he
supposes the Japanese arrived in America.[4]

It is not impossible that in recent centuries some junks may have drifted
on the Northwest coast. But their crews would undoubtedly have been
promptly slaughtered; and it is only in later ages that the Chinese
or Japanese constructed such junks. The theory, therefore, offers no
solution to the problem. Still less does that in reference to the
Polynesians. They had no such craft as junks, and though bold navigators,
were wholly unprepared to survive so long a voyage as from the nearest
of the islands of Oceanica to the coast of America. Moreover, we have
satisfactory proof that the eastern islands of Polynesia were peopled
from the western islands at a recent date, that is, within two thousand
years.

Probably the favorite theory at the present day is that the first
inhabitants of the New World came from northeastern Asia, either by
the Aleutian islands or across Behring Strait. Concerning the Aleutian
islands we know by the evidence of language and archæology that they
were first peopled from America, and not from Asia. Moreover, they
are separated one from the other in places by hundreds of miles of a
peculiarly stormy and dangerous sea.[5]

It is otherwise with Behring Straits. From East Cape in Siberia one can
see the American shore, and when first explored the tribes on each side
were in frequent communication. No doubt this had been going on for a
long time, and thus they had influenced each other in blood and culture.
But so long as we have any knowledge of the movings at this point, they
have been _from_ America into Asia, the Eskimos pushing their settlements
along the Asian coast. It will be replied that we should look to a period
anterior to the Eskimos. Any migration at that remote epoch is refuted
by other considerations. We know that Siberia was not peopled till late
in the Neolithic times, and what is more, that the vicinity of the strait
and the whole coast of Alaska were, till a very modern geologic period,
covered by enormous glaciers which would have prevented any communication
between the two continents.[6] These considerations reduce any possible
migrations at this point to such as may have taken place long after
America, both North and South, possessed a widespread population.

The question which should be posed as preliminary to all such
speculations is, _When_ did man first appear on this isolated continent?

To answer this we must study its later geological history, the events
which have occurred since the close of the Tertiary, that is, during the
Quaternary age.

In North and also in South America that age was characterized by one
notable event, which impressed its presence by lasting memorials on the
surface of the continent. This was the formation of a series of enormous
glaciers, covering the soil of nearly half the temperate zones with a
mass of ice thousands of feet in thickness. The period of its presence
is called the Great Ice Age or the Glacial Epoch. Beyond the immediate
limits of the ice it may not have been a season of extreme cold, for
glaciers form more rapidly when the temperature is not much below the
freezing point. Nor was it continuous. The ice sheet receded once,
if not twice, causing an “interglacial” epoch, when the climate was
comparatively mild. After this interim it seems to have advanced again
with renewed might, and to have extended its crystalline walls down to
about the fortieth parallel of latitude, touching the Atlantic near
Boston and New York harbors, and stretching nearly across the continent
in an irregular line, generally a little north of the Ohio and a little
south of the Missouri rivers. Enormous ice masses covered the Pacific
Slope as far south as the mouth of the Columbia river, and extended over
1200 miles along the coast, submerging the whole of Queen Charlotte and
Vancouver islands and the neighboring coast of British Columbia, which at
that time were depressed about two hundred feet below the present level.
The ice also covered for four hundred miles or more the plateau or Great
Basin between the Rocky Mountains and the Coast Range, rising in some
places in a solid mass five or six thousand feet above the soil.[7]

The melting of the second glacial inroad began at the east, and on the
Pacific coast has not yet ceased. Its margin across the continent is
still distinctly defined by a long line of débris piled up in “moraines,”
and by a fringe of gravel and sand called the “overwash,” carried from
these by the mighty floods which accompanied the great thaw. This period
of melting is the “Post-glacial Era.” It was accompanied by extensive
changes in the land-levels and in temperature.

In the glacial and early post-glacial periods, the northern regions of
the continent and the bottom of the Northern Atlantic were considerably
above their present levels; but in the late post-glacial or “Champlain”
period the land had sunk so much that at Lake Champlain it was five
hundred feet lower than now, and at New York Harbor ten feet lower. The
St. Lawrence river was then an arm of the sea, Lake Champlain was a deep
bay, and the mouth of the Delaware river was where the city of Trenton
now stands, the river itself being a wide inlet.[8]

The climate, which in the early post-glacial period had been so cold
that the reindeer enjoyed an agreeable home as far south as Kentucky,
changed to such mildness that two species of elephants, the giant sloth
and the peccary, found congenial pasturage in the Upper Ohio and Delaware
Valleys.[9]

The interest which this piece of geologic history has for us in this
connection is the presence of man in America during all the time that
these tremendous events were taking place. We know he was there, from
the evidence he has left behind him in the various strata and deposits
attributable to the different agencies I have described. How far back
his most ancient relics carry us, is not quite clear. By some, the
stone implements from Table Mountain, California, and a skull found in
the auriferous gravel in Calaveras county, California, are claimed to
antedate any relics east of the mountains. These stone utensils are,
however, too perfect, they speak for a too specialized condition of the
arts, to be attributable to a primitive condition of man; and as for
the Calaveras skull, the record of its discovery is too unsatisfactory.
Furthermore, in a volcanic country such as the Pacific coast, phenomena
of elevation and subsidence occur with rapidity, and do not offer the
same evidence of antiquity as in more stable lands.

This is an important point, and applies to a series of archæological
discoveries which have been announced from time to time from the Pacific
coast. Thus, in Nicaragua, human foot-prints have been found in compact
tufa at a depth of twenty-one feet beneath the surface soil, and overlaid
by repeated later volcanic deposits. But a careful examination of all
their surroundings, especially of the organic remains at a yet greater
depth, leads inevitably to the conclusion that these foot-prints cannot
be ascribed to any very remote antiquity.[10] The singular changes in
the Pacific seaboard are again illustrated along the coast of Ecuador
and Peru. For some sixty miles north and south near the mouth of the
Esmeraldas river there is a deposit of marine clay six or eight feet
thick underlying the surface soil in a continuous stratum. Under this
again is a horizon of sand and loam containing rude stone implements, and
what is significant, fragments of rough pottery and gold ornaments.[11]
This shows conclusively that an extensive and prolonged subsidence took
place in that locality not only after man reached there, but after he had
developed the important art of the manufacture of clay vessels. This was
certainly not at the beginning of his appearance on the scene; and the
theory of any vast antiquity for such relics is not tenable.

The lowest, that is, the oldest, deposit on the eastern coast in which
any relics of human industry are claimed to have been found, is that
known as the “Columbian gravel.” This is considered by geologists to
have been formed in the height of the first glacial period. From its
undisturbed layers have been exhumed stones bearing the marks of rough
shaping, so as to serve the purpose of rude primitive weapons.[12]

During the first or main Inter-glacial Period was deposited the “modified
drift.” In a terrace of this material on the Mississippi, near Little
Falls, Minnesota, Miss Babbitt found numerous quartz chips regarded by
competent archæologists as artificial products.[13] They represent the
refuse of an early workshop near the quartz veins in that vicinity,
and were cast aside by the pristine implement-maker when the Minnesota
glacier was receding for the last time, but still lifted its icy walls
five or ten miles above the present site of Little Falls.

The extensive beds of loess which cover many thousand square miles in
the Central United States are referred to the second Glacial Epoch.
Professor Aughey reports the finding of rudely chipped arrowhead in this
loess as it occurs in the Missouri Valley. They lay immediately beneath
the vertebra of an elephant, an animal, I need scarcely add, long since
extinct. Another proof of man’s presence about that date is a primitive
hearth discovered in digging a well along the old beach of Lake Ontario.
According to that competent geologist, Professor Gilbert, this dated from
a period when the northern shore of that body of water was the sheer wall
of a mighty glacier, and the channel of the Niagara river had not yet
begun to be furrowed out of the rock by the receding waters.[14] Other
finds which must be referred to about this epoch are those by McGee of a
chipped obsidian implement in the lacustrine marls of western Nevada; and
that of a fragment of a human skull in the westernmost extension of the
loess in Colorado.[15]

More conclusive than these are the repeated discoveries of implements,
chipped from hard stones, in deposits of loess and gravels in Ohio and
Indiana, which deposits, without doubt, represent a closing episode
of the last Glacial Epoch. There may be some question about the
geologic age of the former finds, but about these there is none. They
prove beyond cavil that during the closing scenes of the Quaternary
in North America, man, tool-making, fire-using man, was present and
active.[16] This decision is not only confirmed, but greatly extended,
by the researches of Dr. C. C. Abbott and others in the gravels about
Trenton, on the Delaware. These were laid down contemporaneously with
the terminal moraine in Ohio and Indiana, from which the palæoliths were
exhumed. Abbott’s discoveries include several hundred stone implements
of the true palæolithic or “Chelléen” type, and some fragments of human
skeletons.[17] They reveal to us not only the presence of man, but a well
defined stage of culture strictly comparable to that of the “river drift”
men of the Thames and the Somme in western Europe, which has been so ably
described by De Mortillet.[18]

Such discoveries have not been confined to the northern portion of the
continent. Barcena reported the relics of man in a quaternary rock in the
valley of Mexico.[19] The geologists of the Argentine Republic describe
others which must be referred to a very remote age. The writers who have
given the most information about them are Ameghino and Burmeister. They
found bone and stone implements of rude form and the remains of hearths
associated with bones of the extinct horse, the glyptodon, and other
animals now unknown. The stratigraphic relations of the finds connected
them with the deposits of the receding Austral glacier.[20]

Such facts as these place it beyond doubt that man lived in both North
and South America at the close of the Glacial Age. It is not certain
that this close was synchronous in both the northern and southern
hemispheres, nor that the American glacier was contemporary with the
Ice Age of Europe. The able geologist, Mr. Croll, is of opinion that if
there was a difference in time, the Ice Age of America was posterior to
that of Europe. In any case, the extreme antiquity of man in America is
placed beyond cavil. He was here long before either northern Asia or the
Polynesian islands were inhabited, as it is well known they were first
populated in Neolithic times.

The question naturally arises, did he not originate upon this continent?
The answer to this is given by Charles Darwin in his magistral
statement--“Our progenitors diverged from the catarhine stock of the
anthropoids; and the fact that they belonged to this stock clearly
shows that they inhabited the Old World.”[21] In fact, all the American
monkeys, whether living or fossil, are platyrhine, have thirty-four
teeth, and have tails, characteristics which show that none of the higher
anthropoids lived in the New World.

We are obliged, therefore, to look for the original home of the American
glacial man elsewhere than in America. Some interesting geological
facts throw an unexpected light upon our investigations. I have already
remarked that in the various recent oscillations of the earth’s crust,
there occurred about the middle and later Glacial Epoch an uplift of the
northern part of the continent and also of the northern Atlantic basin.
In the opinion of Professor James Geikie this amounted to a vertical
elevation of three thousand feet above the present level, and resulted in
establishing a continuous land connection between the higher latitudes of
the two continents, _which remained until the Post-glacial period_.[22]
Dr. Habernicht also recognizes this condition of affairs and places
it during the “old stone” age in Europe,[23] which corresponds to the
position assigned it by McGee.

Very recently, Professor Spencer has summed up the evidence in favor of
the elevation of the northern portions of America and the north Atlantic,
about the early Pliocene times, and considers that it proves beyond a
doubt that it must have reached from 2000 to 3000 feet above the present
level.[24]

Further testimony to the existence of this land bridge is offered by the
glacial striæ on the rocks of Shetland, the Faroe Islands, Iceland and
south Greenland. These are in such directions and of such a character
that Mr. James Croll, a high authority, maintains that they must have
been produced by _land ice_, and that the theory of a land connection
between these localities “can alone explain all the facts.”[25] A
comparison of the flora and fauna in the higher latitudes of the two
continents reveals marked identities which require some such theory to
explain them. Thus, certain species of land snails occur both in Labrador
and Europe, and the flora of Greenland, although American in the north,
is distinctly European in the south.[26]

Again, in certain very late Pliocene formations in England, known as
the Norwich crag and the red crag of Suffolk, “no less than eighteen
species of American mollusca occur, only seven of which still live on
the Scandinavian coast, the remainder being confined to North America.”
In consequence of such facts the most careful English geologists of
to-day hold that the land communication, which certainly existed between
Europe and North America in Eocene times by way of Iceland and Greenland,
which was then a part of the American continent, continued to exist
through the Miocene and Pliocene Epochs. This land bridge formed a
barrier of separation between the Arctic and Atlantic oceans, so that the
temperature of the higher latitudes was much milder than at present.[27]

The evidence, therefore, is cumulative that at the close of the last
Glacial Epoch, and for an indeterminate time previous, the comparatively
shallow bed of the North Atlantic was above water; and this was about the
time that we find men in the same stage of culture dwelling on both its
shores.

The attempt has often been made by geologists to calculate the remoteness
in time of the close of the Ice Age, and of these vestiges of human
occupation. The chronometers appealed to are the erosion of river
valleys, especially of the gorge of Niagara, the filling of lake beds,
the accumulation of modern detritus, etc. Professor Frederick Wright,
who has studied the problem of the Niagara gorge with especial care,
considers that a minimum period of twelve thousand years must have
elapsed since its erosion began.[28] But as Professor Gilbert justly
remarks, whatever the age of the great cataract may be, the antiquity of
man in America is far greater, and reaches into a past for which we have
found no time-measure.[29]

The same may be said for Europe. De Quatrefages and many other students
of the subject consider that the evidence is sufficient to establish
the presence of man near the Atlantic coast in the Pliocene Epoch; and
excellent English geologists have claimed that the caves in the valley of
the River Clwyd, in north Wales, whose floors contain flint implements,
had their entrance blocked by true glacial deposits, so that man was
there present before the Great Ice Age began.

From this brief presentation of the geologic evidence, the conclusion
seems forced upon us that the ancestors of the American race could have
come from no other quarter than western Europe, or that portion of
Eurafrica which in my lectures on general ethnography I have described as
the most probable location of the birth-place of the species.[30]

_Scheme of the Age of Man in America._

-------------+-------------------+---------------------+-----------------
AGE. | PERIOD. | GEOLOGICAL | HUMAN RELICS.
| | CHARACTERS. |
-------------+-------------------+---------------------+-----------------
| {|Auriferous gravels of|Calaveras
{|1. Pre-glacial. {| California (?). | skull (?).
{| {|Lower lake beds in |
{| {| Great Basin. |
{| | |
{| {|Attenuated drift. |Palæoliths from
{| {|Columbia formation. | Claymont, Del.
{| {|Sinking of Atlantic |
{|2. First glacial. {| Coast. |
{| {|Old glacial drift in |
{| {| Mississippi Valley.|
{| {|Brick clays. |
{| | |
{| {|Modified drift of |Flint chips
{| {| Minnesota | and rude
{| {|Medial Gravels in | implements.
{|3. Inter-glacial. {| Great Basin. |
{| {|Pampas formation. |Bone and stone
{| {|New glacial drift and| implements.
Quaternary {| {| till. fiords. |
{| | |
or {| {| |
{| {|Moraines of Ohio |Palæolithic
Pleistocene.{| {| Valley. | implements
{|4. Second glacial.{|Loess of central | from the
{| {| United States. | moraines.
{| {|British America and |
{| {| N. Atlantic |
{| {| elevated. |
{| | |
{| {|Trenton gravels. |Palæolithic
{| {| | implements
{| {| | from Trenton.
{| {|Completion of Great |Brachycephalic
{| {| Lakes. | skulls from
{| {| | Trenton.
{|5. Post-glacial. {| |
{| {|Elevation of North |Hearth on former
{| {| Atlantic subsiding.| shore of L.
{| {| | Ontario.
{| {|Reindeer in Ohio |Skulls of
{| {| Valley. | Pontimelo
{| {| | and Rio
{| {| | Negro, S.A.
{| {|Climate cold. |
{| {|Lacustrine deposits. |Argillite
{| {| | implements.
{| | |
{| {|Seaboard deposits. |Earliest
{| {| | kitchen-middens.
{|1. Champlain {|Land below present |Limonite bones
{| {| level. | in Florida.
{| or {|Climate mild. |Lagoa Santa bones
{| {| | in Brazil.
{| Fluvial. {|Elephant, mastodon |
{| {| ohioticus, |
{| {| megatherium, |
Recent. {| {| giant bison, |
{| {| horse (all now |
{| {| extinct). |
{| | |
{| {| River deposits. |Quartz and jasper
{|2. Present {| | implements.
{| {|Formation of forest |Pottery. Later
{| or {| loam. | shell heaps.
{| {| |Ohio mounds.
{| Alluvial. {| |Relics of
{| {| | existing or
{| {| | known tribes.
-------------+-------------------+---------------------+-----------------

Many difficulties present themselves in bringing these periods into
correspondence with the seasons of the Quaternary in Europe; but after a
careful study of both continents, Mr. W. J. McGee suggests the following
synchronisms:[31]

_North America._ _Western Europe._

Inter-glacial period Époque chelléenne.

Early second glacial period Époque mousterienne.

Middle (mild) second glacial period Époque solutréenne.

Close of second glacial period and post-glacial Époque magdalénienne.

Champlain period Kitchen-middens and
epoque Robenhausienne.

Of course it would not be correct to suppose that the earliest
inhabitants of the continent presented the physical traits which mark the
race to-day. Racial peculiarities are slowly developed in certain “areas
of characterization,” but once fixed are indelible. Can we discover the
whereabouts of the area which impressed upon primitive American man--an
immigrant, as we have learned, from another hemisphere--those corporeal
changes which set him over against his fellows as an independent race?

I believe that it was in the north temperate zone. It is there we find
the oldest signs of man’s residence on the continent; it is and was
geographically the nearest to the land-areas of the Old World; and so
far as we can trace the lines of the most ancient migrations, they
diverged from that region. But there are reasons stronger than these.
The American Indians cannot bear the heat of the tropics even as well
as the European, not to speak of the African race. They perspire little,
their skin becomes hot, and they are easily prostrated by exertion in
an elevated temperature. They are peculiarly subject to diseases of hot
climates, as hepatic disorders, showing none of the immunity of the
African.[32] Furthermore, the finest physical specimens of the race
are found in the colder regions of the temperate zones, the Pampas and
Patagonian Indians in the south, the Iroquois and Algonkins in the north;
whereas, in the tropics they are generally undersized, short-lived, of
inferior muscular force and with slight tolerance of disease.[33]

These facts, taken in connection with the geologic events I have already
described, would lead us to place the “area of characterization” of the
native American east of the Rocky Mountains, and between the receding
wall of the continental ice sheet and the Gulf of Mexico. There it was
that the primitive glacial man underwent those changes which resulted in
the formation of an independent race.

We have evidence that this change took place at a very remote epoch. The
Swiss anatomist, Dr. J. Kollmann, has published a critical investigation
of the most ancient skulls discovered in America, as the one I have
already referred to from Calaveras county, California, one from Rock
Bluff, Illinois, one from Pontimelo, Buenos Ayres, and others from the
caverns of Lagoa Santa, Brazil, and from the loess of the Pampas. All
these are credited with an antiquity going back nearly to the close of
the last glacial period, and are the oldest yet found on the continent.
They prove to be strictly analogous to those of the Indians of the
present day. They reveal the same discrepancy in form which we now
encounter in the crania of all American tribes. The Calaveras skull
and that from Pontimelo are brachycephalic; those from Lagoa Santa
dolichocephalic; but both possess the wide malar arches, the low orbital
indices, the medium nasal apertures and the general broad faces of the
present population. Dr. Kollmann, therefore, reaches the conclusion that
“the variety of man in America at the close of the glacial period had the
same facial form as the Indian of to-day, and the racial traits which
distinguish him now, did also at that time.”

The marked diversity in cranial forms here indicated is recognizable
in all parts of the continent. It has frustrated every attempt to
classify the existing tribes, or to trace former lines of migration, by
grouping together similar head-measurements. This was fully acknowledged
by the late Dr. James Aitken Meigs, of Philadelphia, who, taking the
same collection of skulls, showed how erroneous were the previous
statements of Dr. Morton in his _Crania Americana_. The recent studies
of Virchow on American crania have attained the same conclusion.[34] We
must dismiss as wholly untenable the contrary arguments of the French
and other craniologists, and still more peremptorily those attempted
identifications of American skulls with “Mongolian” or “Mongoloid” types.
Such comparisons are based on local peculiarities which have no racial
value.

Yet it must not be supposed from this that carefully conducted cranial
comparisons between tribes and families are valueless; on the contrary,
the shape and size of the skull, the proportion of the face, and many
other measurements, are in the average highly distinctive family traits,
and I shall frequently call attention to them.

The lowest cephalic index which I have seen reported from an American
skull is 56, which is that of a perforated skull from Devil river,
Michigan, now in the medical museum at Ann Arbor university;[35] the
highest is 97, from a Peruvian skull, though probably this was the result
of an artificial deformity.

It is not necessary to conclude from these or other diversities in skull
forms that the American race is a conglomerate of other and varied
stocks. As I have pointed out elsewhere, the shape of the skull is not
a fixed element in human anatomy, and children of the same mother may
differ in this respect.[36]

A special feature in American skulls is the presence of the epactal bone,
or _os Incæ_, in the occiput. It is found in a complete or incomplete
condition in 3.86 per cent. of the skulls throughout the continent,
and in particular localities much more frequently; among the ancient
Peruvians for example in 6.08 per cent., and among the former inhabitants
of the Gila valley in 6.81 per cent. This is far more frequently than in
other races, the highest being the negro, which offers 2.65 per cent.,
while the Europeans yield but 1.19.[37] The presence of the bone is due
to a persistence of the transverse occipital suture, which is usually
closed in fetal life. Hence it is a sign of arrested development, and
indicative of an inferior race.

The majority of the Americans have a tendency to meso- or brachycephaly,
but in certain families, as the Eskimos in the extreme north and the
Tapuyas in Brazil, the skulls are usually decidedly long. In other
instances there is a remarkable difference in members of the same tribe
and even of the same household. Thus among the Yumas there are some with
as low an index as 68, while the majority are above 80, and among the
dolichocephalic Eskimos we occasionally find an almost globular skull.
So far as can be learned, these variations appear in persons of pure
blood. Often the crania differ in no wise from those of the European.
Dr. Hensell, for instance, says that the skulls of pure-blood Coroados
of Brazil, which he examined, corresponded in all points to those of the
average German.[38]

The average cubical capacity of the American skull falls below that of
the white, and rises above that of the black race. Taking both sexes, the
Parisians of to-day have a cranial capacity of 1448 cubic centimetres;
the Negroes 1344 c. c.; the American Indians 1376.[39] But single
examples of Indian skulls have yielded the extraordinary capacity of
1747, 1825, and even 1920 cub. cent. which are not exceeded in any other
race.[40]

The hue of the skin is generally said to be reddish, or coppery, or
cinnamon color, or burnt coffee color. It is brown of various shades,
with an undertone of red. Individuals or tribes vary from the prevailing
hue, but not with reference to climate. The Kolosch of the northwest
coast are very light colored; but not more so than the Yurucares of the
Bolivian Andes. The darkest are far from black, and the lightest by no
means white.

The hair is rarely wholly black, as when examined by reflected light
it will also show a faint undercolor of red. This reddish tinge is
very perceptible in some tribes, and especially in children. Generally
straight and coarse, instances are not wanting where it is fine and
silky, and even slightly wavy or curly. Although often compared to that
of the Chinese, the resemblances are superficial, as when critically
examined, “the hair of the American Indian differs in nearly every
particular from that of the Mongolians of eastern Asia.”[41] The growth
is thick and strong on the head, scanty on the body and on the face; but
beards of respectable length are not wholly unknown.[42]

The stature and muscular force vary. The Patagonians have long been
celebrated as giants, although in fact there are not many of them over
six feet tall. The average throughout the continent would probably be
less than that of the European. But there are no instances of dwarfish
size to compare with the Lapps, the Bushmen, or the Andaman Islanders.
The hands and feet are uniformly smaller than those of Europeans of the
same height. The arms are longer in proportion to the other members than
in the European, but not so much as in the African race. This is held to
be one of the anatomical evidences of inferiority.

On the whole, the race is singularly uniform in its physical traits, and
individuals taken from any part of the continent could easily be mistaken
for inhabitants of numerous other parts.

This uniformity finds one of its explanations in the geographical
features of the continent, which are such as to favor migrations in
longitude, and thus prevent the diversity which special conditions in
latitude tend to produce. The trend of the mountain chains and the flow
of the great rivers in both South and North America generally follow
the course of the great circles, and the migrations of native nations
were directed by these geographic features. Nor has the face of the land
undergone any serious alteration since man first occupied it. Doubtless
in his early days the Laramie sea still covered the extensive depression
in that part of our country, and it is possible that a subsidence of
several hundred feet altered the present Isthmus of Panama into a chain
of islands; but in other respects the continent between the fortieth
parallels north and south has remained substantially the same since the
close of the Tertiary Epoch.

Beyond all other criteria of a race must rank its mental endowments.
These are what decide irrevocably its place in history and its destiny
in time. Some who have personally studied the American race are inclined
to assign its psychical potentialities a high rank. For instance,
Mr. Horatio Hale hesitates not to say: “Impartial investigation and
comparison will probably show that while some of the aboriginal
communities of the American continent are low in the scale of intellect,
others are equal in natural capacity, and possibly superior, to the
highest of the Indo-European race.”[43] This may be regarded as an
extremely favorable estimate. Few will assent to it, and probably not
many would even go so far as Dr. Amedée Moure in his appreciation of
the South American Indians, which he expresses in these words: “With
reference to his mental powers, the Indian of South America should be
classed immediately after the white race, decidedly ahead of the yellow
race, and especially beyond the African.”[44]

Such general opinions are interesting because both of them are the
results of personal observations of many tribes. But the final decision
as to the abilities of a race or of an individual must be based on actual
accomplished results, not on supposed endowments. Thus appraised, the
American race certainly stands higher than the Australian, the Polynesian
or the African, but does not equal the Asian.

A review of the evidence bears out this opinion. Take the central social
fact of government. In ancient America there are examples of firm and
stable states, extending their sway widely and directed by definite
policy. The league of the Iroquois was a thoroughly statesman-like
creation, and the realm of Peru had a long and successful existence.
That this mental quality is real is shown by the recent history of some
of the Spanish-American republics. Two of them, Guatemala and Mexico,
count among their ablest presidents in the present generation pure-blood
American Indians.[45] Or we may take up the arts. In architecture
nothing ever accomplished by the Africans or Polynesians approaches the
pre-Columbian edifices of the American continent. In the development of
artistic forms, whether in stone, clay or wood, the American stands next
to the white race. I know no product of Japanese, Chinese or Dravidian
sculpture, for example, which exhibits the human face in greater dignity
than the head in basalt figured by Humboldt as an Aztec priestess.[46]
The invention of a phonetic system for recording ideas was reached in
Mexico, and is striking testimony to the ability of the natives. In
religious philosophy there is ample evidence that the notion of a single
incorporeal Ruler of the universe had become familiar both to Tezcucans
and Kechuas previous to the conquest.

While these facts bear testimony to a good natural capacity, it is also
true that the receptivity of the race for a foreign civilization is not
great. Even individual instances of highly educated Indians are rare; and
I do not recall any who have achieved distinction in art or science, or
large wealth in the business world.

The culture of the native Americans strongly attests the ethnic unity of
the race. This applies equally to the ruins and relics of its vanished
nations, as to the institutions of existing tribes. Nowhere do we find
any trace of foreign influence or instruction, nowhere any arts or social
systems to explain which we must evoke the aid of teachers from the
eastern hemisphere. The culture of the American race, in whatever degree
they possessed it, was an indigenous growth, wholly self-developed, owing
none of its germs to any other race, ear-marked with the psychology of
the stock.

Furthermore, this culture was not, as is usually supposed, monopolized
by a few nations of the race. The distinction that has been set up by
so many ethnographers between “wild tribes” and “civilized tribes,”
_Jägervölker_ and _Culturvölker_, is an artificial one, and conveys a
false idea of the facts. There was no such sharp line. Different bands
of the same linguistic stock were found, some on the highest, others on
the lowest stages of development, as is strikingly exemplified in the
Uto-Aztecan family. Wherever there was a center of civilization, that
is, wherever the surroundings favored the development of culture, tribes
of different stocks enjoyed it to nearly an equal degree, as in central
Mexico and Peru. By them it was distributed, and thus shaded off in all
directions.

When closely analyzed, the difference between the highest and the average
culture of the race is much less than has been usually taught. The Aztecs
of Mexico and the Algonkins of the eastern United States were not far
apart, if we overlook the objective art of architecture and one or two
inventions. To contrast the one as a wild or savage with the other as
a civilized people, is to assume a false point of view and to overlook
their substantial psychical equality.

For these reasons American culture, wherever examined, presents a family
likeness which the more careful observers of late years have taken
pains to put in a strong light. This was accomplished for governmental
institutions and domestic architecture by Lewis H. Morgan, for property
rights and the laws of war by A. F. Bandelier, for the social condition
of Mexico and Peru by Dr. Gustav Brühl, and I may add for the myths and
other expressions of the religious sentiment by myself.[47]

In certain directions doubtless the tendency has been to push this
uniformity too far, especially with reference to governmental
institutions. Mr. Morgan’s assertions upon this subject were too
sweeping. Nevertheless he was the first to point out clearly that ancient
American society was founded, not upon the family, but upon the gens,
totem or clan, as the social unit.[48] The gens is “an organized body
of consanguineal kindred” (Powell), either such in reality, or, when
strangers have been adopted, so considered by the tribal conscience.
Its members dwell together in one house or quarter, and are obliged to
assist each other. An indeterminate number of these gentes, make up
the tribe, and smaller groups of several of them may form “phratries,”
or brotherhoods, usually for some religious purpose. Each gens is to a
large extent autonomic, electing its own chieftain, and deciding on all
questions of property and especially of blood-revenge, within its own
limits. The tribe is governed by a council, the members of which belong
to and represent the various gentes. The tribal chief is elected by this
council, and can be deposed at its will. His power is strictly limited by
the vote of the council, and is confined to affairs of peace. For war,
a “war chief” is elected also by the council, who takes sole command.
Marriage within the gens is strictly prohibited, and descent is traced
and property descends in the female line only.

This is the ideal theory of the American tribal organization, and we may
recognize its outlines almost anywhere on the continent; but scarcely
anywhere shall we find it perfectly carried out. The gentile system is
by no means universal, as I shall have occasion to point out; where it
exists, it is often traced in the male line; both property and dignities
may be inherited directly from the father; consanguine marriage, even
that of brother and sister or father and daughter, though rare, is far
from unexampled.[49] In fact, no one element of the system was uniformly
respected, and it is an error of theorists to try to make it appear so.
It varied widely in the same stock and in all its expressions.[50] This
is markedly true, for instance, in domestic architecture. The Lenâpé, who
were next neighbors to the Five Nations, had nothing resembling their
“long house,” on which Morgan founded his scheme of communal tenements;
and the efforts which some later writers have made to identify the large
architectural works of Mexico and Yucatan with the communal pueblos of
the Gila valley will not bear the test of criticism.

The foundation of the gentile, as of any other family life, is, as I
have shown elsewhere,[51] the mutual affection between kindred. In
the primitive period this is especially between the children of the
same mother, not so much because of the doubt of paternity as because
physiologically and obviously it is the mother in whom is formed and
from whom alone proceeds the living being. Why this affection does
not lead to the marriage of uterine brothers and sisters--why, on the
contrary, there is almost everywhere a horror of such unions--it is not
easy to explain. Darwin suggests that the chief stimulus to the sexual
feelings is novelty, and that the familiarity of the same household
breeds indifference; and we may accept this in default of a completer
explanation. Certainly, as Moritz Wagner has forcibly shown,[52] this
repugnance to incest is widespread in the species, and has exerted a
powerful influence on its physical history.

In America marriage was usually by purchase, and was polygamous. In a
number of tribes the purchase of the eldest daughter gave the man a
right to buy all the younger daughters, as they reached nubile age.
The selection of a wife was often regarded as the concern of the gens
rather than of the individual. Among the Hurons, for instance, the old
women of the gens selected the wives for the young men, “and united them
with painful uniformity to women several years their senior.”[53] Some
control in this direction was very usual, and was necessary to prevent
consanguine unions.

The position of women in the social scheme of the American tribes has
often been portrayed in darker colors than the truth admits. As in one
sense a chattel, she had few rights against her husband; but some she
had, and as they were those of her gens, these he was forced to respect.
Where maternal descent prevailed, it was she who owned the property of
the pair, and could control it as she listed. It passed at her death to
her blood relatives and not to his. Her children looked upon her as their
parent, but esteemed their father as no relation whatever. An unusually
kind and intelligent Kolosch Indian was chided by a missionary for
allowing his father to suffer for food. “Let him go to his own people,”
replied the Kolosch, “they should look after him.” He did not regard a
man as in any way related or bound to his paternal parent.

The women thus made good for themselves the power of property, and this
could not but compel respect. Their lives were rated at equal or greater
value than a man’s;[54] instances are frequent where their voice was
important in the council of the tribe; nor was it very rare to see them
attaining the dignity of head chief. That their life was toilsome is
true; but its dangers were less, and its fatigues scarce greater, than
that of their husbands. Nor was it more onerous than that of the peasant
women of Europe to-day.

Such domestic arrangements seem strange to us, but they did not exclude
either conjugal or parental affection. On the contrary, the presence of
such sentiments has impressed travelers among even the rudest tribes, as
the Eskimos, the Yumas and the hordes of the Chaco;[55] and Miss Alice
Fletcher tells me she has constantly noted such traits in her studies of
life in the wigwam. The husband and father will often undergo severe
privations for his wife and children.

The error to which I have referred of classifying the natives into wild
and civilized tribes has led to regarding the one as agricultural, and
the other as depending exclusively on hunting and fishing. Such was
not the case. The Americans were inclined to agriculture in nearly all
regions where it was profitable. Maize was cultivated both north and
south to the geographical extent of its productive culture; beans,
squashes, pumpkins, and potatoes were assiduously planted in suitable
latitudes; the banana was rapidly accepted after its introduction, even
by tribes who had never seen a white man; cotton for clothing and tobacco
as a luxury were staple crops among very diverse stocks. The Iroquois,
Algonkins and Muskokis of the Atlantic coast tilled large fields, and
depended upon their harvests for the winter supplies. The difference
between them and the sedentary Mexicans or Mayas in this respect was not
so wide as has been represented.

It was a serious misfortune for the Americans that the fauna of the
continent did not offer any animal which could be domesticated for a
beast of draft or burden. There is no doubt but that the horse existed
on the continent contemporaneously with post-glacial man; and some
palæontologists are of opinion that the European and Asian horses were
descendants of the American species;[56] but for some mysterious reason
the genus became extinct in the New World many generations before its
discovery. The dog, domesticated from various species of the wolf, was
a poor substitute. He aided somewhat in hunting, and in the north as
an animal of draft; but was of little general utility. The lama in the
Cordilleras in South America was prized principally for his hair, and
was also utilized for burdens, but not for draft.[57] Nor were there any
animals which could be domesticated for food or milk. The buffalo is
hopelessly wild, and the peccary, or American hog, is irreclaimable in
its love of freedom.

We may say that America everywhere at the time of the discovery was in
the polished stone age. It had progressed beyond the rough stone stage,
but had not reached that of metals. True that copper, bronze and the
precious ores were widely employed for a variety of purposes; but flaked
and polished stone remained in all parts the principal material selected
to produce a cutting edge. Probably three-fourths of the tribes were
acquainted with the art of tempering and moulding clay into utensils
or figures; but the potter’s wheel and the process of glazing had not
been invented. Towns and buildings were laid out with a correct eye, and
stone structures of symmetry were erected; but the square, the compass,
the plumb line, and the scales and weight had not been devised.[58]
Commodious boats of hollowed logs or of bark, or of skins stretched on
frames, were in use on most of the waters; but the inventive faculties of
their makers had not reached to either oars or sails to propel them,[59]
the paddle alone being relied upon, and the rudder to guide them was
unknown. The love of music is strong in the race, and wind instruments
and those sounded by percussion had been devised in considerable variety;
but the highest type, the string instruments, were beyond their capacity
of invention.

The religious sentiment was awake in all the tribes of the continent,
and even the lowest had myths and propitiatory rites by which to explain
to themselves and cajole to their own interests the unknown powers which
order the destiny of human life. There is a singular similarity in these
myths. The leading cycle of them usually describes the exploits of a
divine man, the national hero-god, who was the first instructor, often
the ancestor of the tribe, and the creator of the visible universe. His
later history is related with singular parallelism by tribes in Canada
and Mexico, in Yucatan and Uruguay. After teaching his people the arts of
life and the sacred rites, the forms of their social organizations and
the medicinal powers of plants, he left in some mysterious way, not by
the event of death, but for a journey, or by rising to the sky; leaving
with them, however, his promise to return at some future day, when they
should need him, and he should again become their guide and protector.

The interpretation of this fundamental American myth, which I have shown
to be the typical religious legend of the race,[60] offers an interesting
problem. Comparing it with others of similar form in Egyptian and Aryac
antiquity, I have explained it as based on the natural phenomenon of the
returning and departing day, as, if not a solar, at least a light myth,
developed through personification and etymologic processes. Often the
hero-god is identified with some animal, as the raven, the rabbit, the
wolf or coyote, the jaguar, the toucan, etc. Possibly in these we may
recognize the “totemic animal” after which the gens was named; but in
most cases the identification cannot be made.

The hero-god is usually connected with tales of a creation and a flood,
or other destruction of the world. These cosmogonical and cataclysmal
myths belong together, and arise from the same impulse to explain cosmic
phenomena by the analogy with ordinary changes of the seasons and the
day. In constant connection with them, and also with the rites of
religion and medicine, with the social institutions and the calendar,
with the plans of edifices and the arrangement of gens and phratries,
in fact, with all the apparatus of life, was a respect for the _sacred
number_. It is strange how constantly this presents itself throughout
American life, and is, in fact, the key to many of its forms. The sacred
number is Four, and its origin is from the four cardinal points. These
were the guides to the native in his wanderings, and, as identified with
the winds, were the deities who brought about the change of the seasons
and the phenomena of the weather. They were represented by the symbols
of the cross, whose four arms we see portrayed on the altar tablet of
Palenque, on the robes of the Mexican priests, in the hieroglyphs of the
Algonkins, and in countless other connections.

A rich symbolism rapidly developed in all the sedentary tribes, and very
much along the same lines. The bird, the serpent, the sacred stone, the
tree of life, water as a purifier, the perpetual fire, all these are
members of a religious symbolism, clear signs of which recur in all
segments of the continent. The chants and dances, the ritual of the
medicine men, the functions of esoteric orders and secret societies,
present a resemblance greater than that which can be explained by a
mere similarity in the stage of culture. I explain it by the ethnic and
psychical unity of the race, and its perpetual freedom from any foreign
influence.

The mortuary rites indicated a belief in the continued existence of
the individual after apparent death. These were by incineration, by
inhumation, by exposure, or by mummification. Articles were placed with
the deceased for use in his future state, and the ceremonies of mourning
were frequently severe and protracted. A sacredness was generally
attached to the bones and therefore these were carefully preserved. In
accordance with a superstition widely felt in the Old World, they were
supposed to harbor some share of the departed spirit. The conception of
the after life is wholly material. The Zapotec, for instance, believes
that he will return to his familiar haunts after a few hundred years,
and buries all the money he makes that he may then live at his ease. Von
Gagern estimates the amount of silver thus secreted and lost within the
last century at a hundred million dollars.[61]

The ceremonies of religion, which included that of the treatment of
disease, inasmuch as a demonic cause was always assigned to illness, were
in the hands of a particular class, known to the whites as “medicine
men,” or shamans, or sorcerers. Sometimes the right of belonging to
this order was hereditary in a gens, but generally peculiar aptitude
for the business was the only requirement. Many of them were skilled in
legerdemain, and even to-day some of their tricks puzzle the acutest
white observers. As doctors, augurs, rain-makers, spell-binders, leaders
of secret societies, and depositaries of the tribal traditions and
wisdom, their influence was generally powerful. Of course it was adverse
to the Europeans, especially the missionaries, and also of course it was
generally directed to their own interest or that of their class; but
this is equally true of priestly power wherever it gains the ascendency,
and the injurious effect of the Indian shamans on their nations was not
greater than has been in many instances that of the Christian priesthood
on European communities.

The psychic identity of the Americans is well illustrated in their
languages. There are indeed indefinite discrepancies in their
lexicography and in their surface morphology; but in their logical
substructure, in what Wilhelm von Humboldt called the “inner form,”
they are strikingly alike. The points in which this is especially
apparent are in the development of pronominal forms, in the abundance
of generic particles, in the overweening preference for concepts of
action (verbs), rather than concepts of existence (nouns), and in the
consequent subordination of the latter to the former in the proposition.
This last mentioned trait is the source of that characteristic which is
called _incorporation_. The American languages as a rule are essentially
incorporative languages, that is, they formally include both subject
and object in the transitive concept, and its oral expression. It has
been denied by some able linguists that this is a characteristic trait
of American languages; but I have yet to find one, of which we possess
ample means of analysis, in which it does not appear in one or another of
its forms, thus revealing the same linguistic impulse. Those who reject
it as a feature have been led astray either by insufficient means of
information about certain languages, or by not clearly comprehending the
characteristics of the incorporative process itself.[62]

As intimated, however, in spite of this underlying sameness, there
is wide diversity in the tongues themselves. Where we cannot find
sufficient coincidences of words and grammar in two languages to admit
of supposing that under the laws of linguistic science they are related,
they are classed as independent stocks or families. Of such there
are about eighty in North and as many in South America. These stocks
offer us, without doubt, our best basis for the ethnic classification
of the American tribes; the only basis, indeed, which is of any value.
The efforts which have been heretofore made to erect a geographic
classification, with reference to certain areas, political or physical;
or a craniological one, with reference to skull forms; or a cultural one,
with reference to stages of savagery and civilization, have all proved
worthless. The linguistic is the only basis on which the subdivision
of the race should proceed. Similarity of idioms proves to some extent
similarity of descent and similarity of psychic endowments. Of course,
there has been large imposition of one language on another in the world’s
history; but never without a corresponding infiltration of blood; so
that the changes in language remain as evidence of national and race
comminglings. I select, therefore, the linguistic classification of the
American race as the only one of any scientific value, and, therefore,
that which alone merits consideration.

The precise number of linguistic stocks in use in America at the
discovery has not been made out. In that portion of the continent north
of Mexico the researches of the Bureau of Ethnology of the United States
have defined fifty-nine stocks, no less than forty of which were confined
to the narrow strip of land between the Rocky mountains and the Pacific
ocean.

For convenience of study I shall classify all the stocks into five
groups, as follows:--

I. The North Atlantic Group.

II. The North Pacific Group.

III. The Central Group.

IV. The South Pacific Group.

V. The South Atlantic Group.

This arrangement is not one of convenience only; I attach a certain
ethnographic importance to this classification. There is a distinct
resemblance between the two Atlantic groups, and an equally distinct
contrast between them and the Pacific groups, extending to temperament,
culture and physical traits. Each of the groups has mingled extensively
within its own limits, and but slightly outside of them. Each is subject
to conditions of temperature, altitude and humidity, which are peculiar
to itself, and which have exerted definite influences on the constitution
and the history of its inhabitants. Such a subdivision of the race is
therefore justified by anthropologic considerations.

NORTH AMERICAN TRIBES.

I. THE NORTH ATLANTIC GROUP.

1. THE ESKIMOS.

The word Eskimo, properly _Eski-mwhan_, means in the Abnaki dialect of
Algonquin, “he eats raw flesh,” and was applied to the tribe from its
custom of consuming fish and game without cooking. They call themselves
_Innuit_, “people,” a term the equivalent of which is the usual
expression applied by American natives to their own particular stock.

The Innuit are at present essentially a maritime and arctic nation,
occupying the coast and adjacent islands from the Straits of Belle
Isle on the Atlantic to Icy Bay, at the foot of Mount St. Elias on the
Pacific, and extending their wanderings and settlements as far up Smith’s
Sound as N. Lat. 80°, where they are by far the northernmost inhabitants
of the earth. They have occupied Greenland for certainly more than a
thousand years, and were the earliest settlers in some of the Aleutian
islands. Portions of them at some remote period crossed Behring Strait
and settled on Asiatic soil, while others established themselves along
the shores of Newfoundland. Indeed, from the reports of the early Norse
explorers and from the character of relics found on the Atlantic coast,
it is probable that they once extended as far south as the mouth of the
Delaware river.[63] Their ancestors quite possibly dwelt on the moors
of New England when the reindeer browsed there, and accompanied that
quadruped in his final migration to the north. They belong in history and
character to the Atlantic peoples.

This question, as to where their common progenitors resided, has been
much discussed. A favorite theory of some writers has been that they
migrated out of Asia by way of Behring Strait; but those who have studied
their culture on the spot do not advocate this opinion. These observers
have, without exception, reached the conclusion that the Innuit were
originally an inland people, that their migrations were toward the north
and west, and that they have been gradually forced to the inhospitable
climes they occupy by the pressure of foes. Dr. Rink, who passed many
years among them, would look for their early home somewhere in Alaska;
but Mr. John Murdoch and Dr. Franz Boas, two of our best authorities on
this tribe, incline to the view that their primal home was to the south
of Hudson Bay, whence they separated into three principal hordes, the one
passing into Labrador and reaching Greenland, the second moving to the
coast of the Arctic sea, and the third to Alaska. These form respectively
the Greenland, the Chiglit and the Kadjak dialects of the common
tongue.[64]

The closest observers report the physical traits of the Eskimos as
thoroughly American and not Asian, as has sometimes been alleged.[65] In
appearance the Innuits of pure blood are of medium or slightly undersize,
color dark, nose prominent and sometimes aquiline, hair dark brown or
black, moderately strong on the face, the pubes and in the axilla; the
eyes are dark brown and occasionally blue. The skull is generally long
(dolichocephalic), but is subject to extensive variations ranging from
almost globular to exceptionally long and narrow specimens.[66]

In spite of the hardships of their life, the Innuits are of a singularly
placid and cheerful temperament, good-natured among themselves and
much given to mirth and laughter.[67] The ingenuity with which they
have learned to overcome the difficulties of their situation is quite
surprising. In a country without wood or water, frightfully cold, and
yielding no manner of edible fruit or vegetable, they manage to live and
thrive. Their principal nurriture is the product of the sea. They build
boats called _kayaks_ or _bidarkas_ from the bones of walrus covered with
the skins of seals; their winter houses are of blocks of snow laid up on
the principle of the circular arch to form a dome, with windows of sheets
of ice. These they warm by means of stone lamps fed with blubber oil.
Their clothing is of bird skins and furs, and they are skilled in the
preparation of a sort of leather. As faithful companions they have their
dogs, intelligent animals, used both in hunting and for drawing small
sledges built of wood or bone.

With their tools of bone or stone they fashion many curious and useful
articles, displaying a marked inventive faculty and an artistic eye. The
picture-writing which they devised for the assistance of their memory is
greatly superior to any found north of Mexico in the faithful delineation
of objects, especially of animal forms.[68]

The long winter nights are enlivened by music and songs, of which they
are passionately fond, and by the recital of imaginative tales, the stock
of which is inexhaustible. A skillful bard enjoys a wide reputation, and
some of their poems contain fine and delicate sentiments.[69] Others are
from ancient date, and are passed down from generation to generation
with scrupulous fidelity, every tone, every gesture, being imitated.
The meter and rendition of their songs seem to the European monotonous,
but the Eskimo has his own notion of the music of verse, and it is a
very advanced one; he would have it akin to the sweet sounds of nature,
and for that reason their poets sleep by the sound of running water
that they may catch its mysterious notes, and model on them their own
productions.[70] These songs also serve as a peaceful means to allay
feuds. When two persons quarrel, they will appoint an evening and sing
“nith songs” at each other, and the audience will decide which comes out
best. This verdict will put an end to the ill-feeling.

The imaginative character of the people is also reflected in their
religions. They believe in one or several overruling powers, and in
a multitude of inferior spirits and uncanny monsters. These require
propitiation rather than worship. The general belief is that a person
has two souls, one of which is inseparably connected with his name and
passes with it to any infant named for him; while the second either
descends to a warm and pleasant abode under the earth or passes to a less
agreeable one in the sky; the streaming lights of the aurora borealis
were sometimes thought to be these latter spirits in their celestial home.

The rites of their religion were performed chiefly by the priests, called
_angekoks_, who, however, were little better than conjurers. In some
parts this office was hereditary.

The language of the Innuits is very much the same throughout the whole
of their extended domain. Bishop de Schweinitz once told me that a few
years ago a convert from the Moravian mission in Labrador went to Alaska,
and it required but a few weeks for him to understand and be understood
by the natives there. In character the tongue is highly agglutinative,
the affixes being joined to the end of the word. The verb is very
complex, having thirty-one hundred modified forms, all different and all
invariable.[71] It is rich in expressions for all the objects of Eskimo
life, and is harmonious to the ear. Like the Greek, it has three numbers,
singular, dual and plural.

Those Eskimos who live in Asia call themselves _Yuit_, a dialect form
of Innuit. They dwell around East Cape and the shore south of it, in
immediate contact with the Namollos or Sedentary Chukchis, a Sibiric
people, totally different in language, appearance and culture. The Yuits
have not at all assimilated to the reindeer-keeping, pastoral habits of
the Chukchis, and by their own well-preserved traditions, moved across
the straits from the American side, with which they continue commercial
intercourse. Their villages are sometimes close to those of the Namollos,
or Sedentary Chukchis, they intermarry, and have a jargon sufficient
for their mutual purposes; but it is an error, though a prevailing one,
to suppose that they are the same people. The Chukchis never entered
America, and the Innuits, as a people, never crossed from Asia, or
originated there.[72] The jade implements of northeastern Siberia have
proved to be of the Alaskan variety of that stone, and not the Chinese
jade, as some supposed.[73]

From all points whence we have definite information, this interesting
people are steadily diminishing in numbers, even where they are not in
contact with the whites. The immediate causes appear to be increasing
sterility and infant mortality. Two surviving children to a marriage is
about the average productiveness, and statistics show that it requires
double this number for a population to maintain itself even stationary.

The _Aleutian_ branch occupies the long chain of islands which stretch
westward from the southwestern corner of Alaska. The climate is mild,
the sea abounds in fish, and innumerable birds nest in the rocks. We may
therefore believe the navigators of the last century, who placed the
population of the islands at 25,000 or 30,000 souls, although at present
they have sunk to about 2,000. They have the same cheerful temperament
as the Eskimos, and their grade of culture was, when first discovered,
about the same. In their own language they call themselves _Unangan_,
people, the name Aleutes having been given them by the Russians.[74]

It may be considered settled that their ancestors populated the islands
from the American and not the Asiatic side. Not only do their own
traditions assert this,[75] but it is confirmed by the oldest relics of
their culture, which is Eskimo in character, and by their language, which
is generally acknowledged to be a derivative of the Alaskan Eskimo.[76]
It is divided into two dialects, the Unalashkan and Atkan, not very
dissimilar, and is remarkable for the richness of its verbal forms.[77]

In physical traits they are allied to the Eskimos, though with rounder
heads, the average of twenty-five skulls giving an index of 80.[78]
Early in this century they were brought under the control of Russian
missionaries, and became partially civilized and attached to the Greek
Church. In their ancient myths their earliest ancestor was said to have
been the dog, which animal was therefore regarded with due respect.[79]

2. THE BEOTHUKS.

Adjacent to the Labrador Eskimos and the northern Algonkins, upon the
Island of Newfoundland, dwelt the Beothuks, or “Red Indians,” now
extinct, who in custom and language differed much from their neighbors
of the mainland. Although called “red,” they are also said to have been
unusually light in complexion, and the term was applied to them from
their habit of smearing their bodies with a mixture of grease and red
ochre. They are further described as of medium stature, with regular
features and aquiline noses, the hair black and the beard scanty or
absent.

In several elements of culture they had marked differences from the
tribes of the adjacent mainland. Their canoes were of bark or of skins
stretched on frames, and were in the shape of a crescent, so that they
required ballast to prevent them from upsetting. The winter houses they
constructed were large conical lodges thirty or forty feet in diameter,
having a frame of light poles upon which was laid bark or skins,
generally the latter. Hunting and fishing provided them with food, and
they have left the reputation of irreclaimable savages. They had no
dogs, and the art of pottery was unknown; yet they were not unskilled
as artisans, carving images of wood, dressing stone for implements,
and tanning deerskins for clothing. An examination of their language
discloses some words borrowed from the Algonkin, and slight coincidences
with the Eskimo dialects, but the main body of the idiom stands alone,
without affinities. Derivation was principally if not exclusively by
suffixes, and the general morphology seems somewhat more akin to Eskimo
than Algonkin examples.[80]

3. THE ATHABASCANS (TINNÉ).

Few linguistic families on the continent can compare in geographical
distribution with that known as the Athabascan, Chepewyan or Tinné.
Of these synonyms, I retain the first, as that adopted by Buschmann,
who proved, by his laborious researches, the kinship of its various
branches.[81] These extend interruptedly from the Arctic Sea to the
borders of Durango, in Mexico, and from Hudson Bay to the Pacific.

In British America this stock lies immediately north of the Algonkins,
the dividing line running approximately from the mouth of the Churchill
river on Hudson Bay to the mouth of the Fraser, on the Pacific. To the
north they are in contact with the Eskimos and to the west with the
tribes of the Pacific coast. In this wide but cold and barren area they
are divided into a number of bands, without coherence, and speaking
dialects often quite unlike. The Loucheux have reached the mouth of
the Mackenzie river, the Kuchin are along the Yukon, the Kenai on the
ocean about the peninsula that bears their name, while the Nahaunies,
Secaunies and Takullies are among the mountains to the south. The Sarcees
lived about the southern head-waters of the Saskatchewan, while other
bands had crossed the mountains and wandered quite to the Pacific coast,
where they appear as Umpquas near Salem, Oregon; as Tututenas on Rogue
river; and in California as Hupas, on and about Trinity river. These are
but a small fraction of the great southern migration of this stock. The
Navajos belong to it, and the redoubted Apaches, who extended their war
parties far into Mexico, and who were the main agents in destroying the
civilization which ages ago began to reveal fair promise in the valleys
of the Gila and its affluents, and who up to very recent years defied
alike the armies of both Mexico and the United States. Their southern
migrations beyond the valley of the Gila probably do not date far back,
that is, much beyond the conquest. Although the Mexican census of 1880
puts the Mexican Apaches at ten thousand, no such number can be located.
Orozco y Berra mentions one of their tribes in Chihuahua, which he calls
Tobosos; but Spanish authors refer to these as living in New Mexico in
1583. The only Apache band now known to be in Mexico are the Janos or
Janeros in Chihuahua, made up of Lipans and Mescaleros. (Henshaw.)

Wherever found, the members of this group present a certain family
resemblance. In appearance they are tall and strong, the forehead low
with prominent superciliary ridges, the eyes slightly oblique, the
nose prominent but wide toward the base, the mouth large, the hands and
feet small. Their strength and endurance are often phenomenal, but in
the North at least their longevity is slight, few living beyond fifty.
Intellectually they rank below most of their neighbors, and nowhere do
they appear as fosterers of the germs of civilization. Where, as among
the Navajos, we find them having some repute for the mechanical arts, it
turns out that this is owing to having captured and adopted the members
of more gifted tribes. Their temperament is inclined to be gloomy and
morose; yet in spite of their apparent stolidity they are liable to panic
terrors, to epidemic neuroses, temporary hallucinations and manias--a
condition not at all rare among peoples of inferior culture.[82]

Nowhere do we find among them any form of government. Their chiefs are
chosen without formality, either on account of their daring in war or for
their generosity in distributing presents. The office is not hereditary,
there is rarely even any war chief, their campaigns being merely hurried
raids. A singular difference exists as to their gentile systems, and
their laws of consanguinity. Usually it is counted in the female line
only. Thus among the Takullies of the north a son does not consider his
father any relation, but only his mother and her people. When a man dies,
all his property passes to his wife’s family. The totems are named from
animals, and as usual a wife must be selected from another totem. This
does not stand in the way of a son being united to his father’s sister,
and such a marriage is often effected for property reasons. Among the
Sarcees the respect for a mother-in-law is so great that her son-in-law
dares not sit at a meal with her, or even touch her, without paying a
fine. Among the Navajo and Apache tribes the son also follows the gens of
the mother, while in the Umpqua and Tutu branches in Oregon he belongs
to that of his father. In all the southern tribes the gens is named from
a place, not an animal.[83] Marriage is polygamous at will, wives are
obtained by purchase, and among the Slave Indians the tie is so lax that
friends will occasionally exchange wives as a sign of amity. Usually the
position of the woman is abject, and marital affection is practically
unknown; although it is said that the Nahaunies, a tribe of eastern
Alaska, at one time obeyed a female chief.

The arts were in a primitive condition. Utensils were of wood, horn or
stone, though the Takully women manufactured a coarse pottery, and also
spun and wove yarn from the hair of the mountain goat. Agriculture was
not practised either in the north or south, the only exception being
the Navajos and with them the inspiration came from other stocks.[84]
The Kuchin of the Yukon make excellent bark canoes, and both they and
their neighbors live in skin tents of neatly dressed hides. Many of the
tribes of the far north are improvident in both clothing and food, and
cannibalism was not at all uncommon among them.

The most cultured of their bands were the Navajos, whose name is said to
signify “large cornfields,” from their extensive agriculture. When the
Spaniards first met them in 1541 they were tillers of the soil, erected
large granaries for their crops, irrigated their fields by artificial
water courses or _acequias_, and lived in substantial dwellings, partly
underground; but they had not then learned the art of weaving the
celebrated “Navajo blankets,” that being a later acquisition of their
artisans.[85]

In their religions there was the belief in deified natural forces and
in magic that we find usually at their stage of culture. The priests or
shamans were regarded with fear, and often controlled the counsels of the
tribe. One of their prevalent myths was that of the great thunder-bird
often identified with the raven. On the Churchill river it was called
_Idi_, and the myth related that from its brooding on the primeval waters
the land was brought forth. The myth is found too widespread to be other
than genuine. The Sarcees seem to have had some form of solar worship, as
they called the sun Our Father and the earth Our Mother.

The Navajos, who have no reminiscence of their ancestral home in the
north, locate the scene of their creation in the San Juan mountains, and
its date about seven centuries ago. Their story is that the first human
pair were formed of the meal of maize brought by the gods from the cliff
houses in the cañons.[86]

The Athabascan dialects are usually harsh and difficult of enunciation.
In reducing them to writing, sixty-three characters have to be called on
to render the correct sounds.[87] There is an oral literature of songs
and chants, many of which have been preserved by the missionaries. The
Hupas of California had extended their language and forced its adoption
among the half-dozen neighboring tribes whom they had reduced to the
condition of tributaries.[88]

ATHABASCAN LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Apaches_, in Arizona, Chihuahua, Durango, etc.
_Ariquipas_, in southern Arizona.
_Atnahs_, on Copper river, Alaska.
_Beaver Indians_, see _Sarcees_.
_Chepewyans_, north of the Chipeways.
_Chiricahuas_, in southern Arizona.
_Coyoteros_, in southern Arizona.
_Hupas_, in California, on Trinity river.
_Janos_, in Chihuahua, near Rio Grande.
_Jicarillas_, in northern New Mexico.
_Kenais_, on and near Kenai peninsula, Alaska.
_Kuchins_, on Yukon and Copper rivers, Alaska.
_Lipans_, near mouth of Rio Grande (properly, _Ipa-ndé_).
_Loucheux_, on lower Mackenzie river; most northern tribe.
_Mescaleros_, in New Mexico, W. of Rio Grande.
_Montagnais_, north of Chipeways.
_Nahaunies_, on Stickine and Talton rivers, Alaska.
_Navajos_, northern New Mexico and Arizona.
_Sarcees_, on upper Saskatchewan and at Alberta.
_Sicaunies_, on upper Peach river.
_Slaves_, on upper Mackenzie river.
_Tacullies_, head waters of the Fraser river, Brit. Col.
_Tinné_, synonym of Athabascan.
_Tututenas_, on Rogue river, Oregon.
_Umpquas_, Pacific coast near Salem, Oregon.

4. THE ALGONKINS.

The whole of the north Atlantic coast, between Cape Fear and Cape
Hatteras, was occupied at the discovery by the Algonkin stock. Their
northern limit reached far into Labrador, where they were in immediate
contact with the Eskimos, and along the southern shores of Hudson Bay,
and its western littoral as far north as Churchill river. In this
vicinity lived the Crees, one of the most important tribes, who retained
the language of the stock in its purest form. West of them were the
Ottawas and Chipeways, closely allied in dialect, and owners of most
of the shores of lakes Michigan and Superior. Beyond these again, and
separated from them by tribes of Dakota stock, were the Blackfeet, whose
lands extended to the very summit of the Rockies. South of the St.
Lawrence were the Abnakis or Eastlanders, under which general name were
included the Micmacs, Echemins and others. The whole of the area of New
England was occupied by Algonkins, whose near relatives were the Mohegans
of the lower Hudson. These were in place and dialect near to the Lenâpés
of the Delaware valley, and to the vagrant Shawnees; while the Nanticokes
of Maryland, the Powhatans of Virginia and the Pampticokes of the
Carolinas diverged more and more from the purity of the original language.

These and many other tribes scattered over this vast area were related,
all speaking dialects manifestly from the same source. Where their
ancient home was situated has been the subject of careful investigations,
the result of which may be said to be that traditions, archæology and
linguistic analysis combine to point to the north and the east, in other
words, to some spot north of the St. Lawrence and east of Lake Ontario,
as the original home of the stock.

The Algonkins may be taken as typical specimens of the American race.
They are fully up to the average stature of the best developed European
nations, muscular and symmetrical. The distinguished anthropologist
Quetelet measured with great care six members of the Chipeway tribe, and
pronounced them as equaling in all physical points the best specimens of
the Belgians.[89] Their skulls are generally dolichocephalic, but not
uniformly so. We have in the collection of the Academy seventy-seven
Algonkin crania, of which fifty-three are dolichocephalic, fourteen
mesocephalic, and ten brachycephalic.[90] The eyes are horizontal, the
nose thin and prominent, the malar bones well marked, the lips thin. The
color is a coppery brown, the hair black and straight, though I have seen
a slight waviness in some who claim purity of blood. The hands and feet
are small, the voice rich and strong. Physical endurance is very great,
and under favorable circumstances the longevity is fully up to that of
any other race.

The totemic system prevailed among the Algonkin tribes, with descent in
the female line; but we do not find among them the same communal life
as among the Iroquois. Only rarely do we encounter the “long house,”
occupied by a number of kindred families. Among the Lenâpés, for example,
this was entirely unknown, each married couple having its own residence.
The gens was governed by a chief, who was in some cases selected by the
heads of the other gentes. The tribe had as permanent ruler a “peace
chief,” selected from a particular gens, also by the heads of the other
gentes. His authority was not absolute, and, as usual, did not extend
to any matter concerning the particular interests of any one gens. When
war broke out, the peace chief had no concern in it, the campaign being
placed in charge of a “war chief,” who had acquired a right to the
position by his prominent prowess and skill.

While the Mohegans built large communal houses, the Lenâpés and most of
the eastern Algonkins constructed small wattled huts with rounded tops,
thatched with the leaves of the Indian corn or with sweet flags. These
were built in groups and surrounded with palisades of stakes driven
into the ground. In summer, light brush tents took the place of these.
Agriculture was by no means neglected. The early explorers frequently
refer to large fields of maize, squash and tobacco under cultivation by
the natives. The manufacture of pottery was widespread, although it was
heavy and coarse. Mats woven of bark and rushes, deer skins dressed with
skill, feather garments, and utensils of wood and stone, are mentioned
by the early voyagers. Copper was dug from veins in New Jersey and
elsewhere and hammered into ornaments, arrowheads, knives and chisels.
It was, however, treated as a stone, and the process of smelting it was
unknown. The arrow and spear heads were preferably of quartz, jasper
and chert, while the stone axes were of diorite, hard sandstone, and
similar tough and close-grained material.[91] An extensive commerce in
these and similar articles was carried on with very distant points. The
red pipe-stone was brought to the Atlantic coast from the Coteau des
Prairies, and even the black slate highly ornamented pipes of the Haidah
on Vancouver Island have been exhumed from graves of Lenâpé Indians.

Nowhere else north of Mexico was the system of picture writing developed
so far as among the Algonkins, especially by the Lenâpés and the
Chipeways. It had passed from the representative to the symbolic stage,
and was extensively employed to preserve the national history and the
rites of the secret societies. The figures were scratched or painted on
pieces of bark or slabs of wood, and as the color of the paint was red,
these were sometimes called “red sticks.” One such, the curious _Walum
Olum_, or “Red Score,” of the Lenâpés, containing the traditional history
of the tribe, I was fortunate enough to rescue from oblivion, and have
published it with a translation.[92] The contents of others relating to
the history of the Chipeways (Ojibways) have also been partly preserved.

The religion of all the Algonkin tribes presented a distinct similarity.
It was based on the worship of Light, especially in its concrete
manifestations, as the sun and fire; of the Four Winds, as typical of the
cardinal points, and as the rain bringers; and of the Totemic Animal.
Their myths were numerous, the central figure being the national hero-god
Manibozho or Michabo, often identified with the rabbit, apparently from a
similarity in the words. He was the beneficent sage who taught them laws
and arts, who gave them the maize and tobacco, and who on his departure
promised to return and inaugurate the Golden Age. In other myths he is
spoken of as the creator of the visible world and the first father of the
race. Along with the rites in his worship were others directed to the
Spirits of the Winds, who bring about the change of seasons, and to local
divinities.

The dead as a rule were buried, each gens having its own cemetery. Some
tribes preserved the bones with scrupulous care, while in Virginia the
bodies of persons of importance were dried and deposited in houses set
apart for the purpose.

The tribe that wandered the furthest from the primitive home of the stock
were the Blackfeet, or Sisika, which word has this signification. It is
derived from their earlier habitat in the valley of the Red river of
the north, where the soil was dark and blackened their moccasins. Their
bands include the Blood or Kenai and the Piegan Indians. Half a century
ago they were at the head of a confederacy which embraced these and also
the Sarcee (Tinné) and the Atsina (Caddo) nations, and numbered about
thirty thousand souls. They have an interesting mythology and an unusual
knowledge of the constellations.[93]

The Lenâpés were an interesting tribe who occupied the valley of the
Delaware river and the area of the present State of New Jersey. For
some not very clear reason they were looked upon by the other members
of the stock as of the most direct lineage, and were referred to as
“grandfather.” Their dialect, which has been preserved by the Moravian
Missionaries, is harmonious in sound, but has varied markedly from the
purity of the Cree.[94] It has lost, for instance, the peculiar vowel
change which throws the verb from the definite to the indefinite form.
The mythology of the Lenâpés, which has been preserved in fragments,
presents the outlines common to the stock.

ALGONKIN LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Abnakis_, Nova Scotia and S. bank of St. Lawrence.
_Arapahoes_, head waters of Kansas river.
_Blackfeet_, head waters of Missouri river.
_Cheyennes_, upper waters of Arkansas river.
_Chipeways_, shores of Lake Superior.
_Crees_, southern shores of Hudson Bay.
_Delawares_, see _Lenâpés_.
_Illinois_, on the Illinois river.
_Kaskaskias_, on Mississippi, below Illinois river.
_Kikapoos_, on upper Illinois river.
_Lenâpés_, on the Delaware river.
_Meliseets_, in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick.
_Miamis_, between Miami and Wabash rivers.
_Micmacs_, in Nova Scotia.
_Menomonees_, near Green Bay.
_Mohegans_, on lower Hudson river.
_Manhattans_, about New York Bay.
_Nanticokes_, on Chesapeake Bay.
_Ottawas_, on the Ottawa river and S. of L. Huron.
_Pampticokes_, near Cape Hatteras.
_Passamaquoddies_, on Schoodic river.
_Piankishaws_, on middle Ohio river.
_Piegans_, see _Blackfeet_.
_Pottawattomies_, S. of Lake Michigan.
_Sauteux_, see _Crees_.
_Sacs and Foxes_, on Sac river.
_Secoffies_, in Labrador.
_Shawnees_, on Tennessee river.
_Weas_, near the Piankishaws.

5. THE IROQUOIS.

When the French first explored the St. Lawrence River, they found both
its banks, in the vicinity where the cities of Montreal and Quebec now
stand, peopled by the _Iroquois_. This tribe also occupied all the area
of New York state (except the valley of the lower Hudson), where it was
known as the Five Nations. West of these were the Hurons and Neutral
Nation in Canada, and the Eries south of Lake Erie, while to the south
of the Five Nations, in the valley of the Susquehanna and pushing their
outposts along the western shore of Chesapeake Bay to the Potomac, were
the Andastes and Conestogas, called also Susquehannocks. Still further
south, about the head-waters of the Roanoke River, dwelt the Tuscaroras,
who afterwards returned north and formed the sixth nation in the league.
West of the Apalachians, on the upper waters of the Tennessee River,
lived the Cherokees who, by their tradition, had moved down from the
upper Ohio, and who, if they were not a branch of the same family, were
affiliated to it by many ancient ties of blood and language. The latest
investigations of the Bureau of Ethnology result in favor of considering
them a branch, though a distant one, of the Iroquois line.

The stock was wholly an inland one, at no point reaching the ocean.
According to its most ancient traditions we are justified in locating its
priscan home in the district between the lower St. Lawrence and Hudson
Bay. If we may judge from its cranial forms, its purest representatives
were toward the east. The skulls of the Five Nations, as well as
those of the Tuscaroras and Cherokees, are distinctly dolichocephalic,
and much alike in other respects, while those of the Hurons are
brachycephalic.[95] Physically the stock is most superior, unsurpassed
by any other on the continent, and I may even say by any other people
in the world; for it stands on record that the five companies (500 men)
recruited from the Iroquois of New York and Canada during our civil war
stood first on the list among all the recruits of our army for height,
vigor and corporeal symmetry.

In intelligence also their position must be placed among the highest. It
was manifested less in their culture than in their system of government.
About the middle of the fifteenth century the Onondaga chief, Hiawatha,
succeeded in completing the famous league which bound together his nation
with the Mohawks, Oneidas, Senecas, and Cayugas into one federation of
offence and defence. “The system he devised was to be not a loose and
transitory league, but a permanent government. While each nation was
to retain its own council and management of local affairs, the general
control was to be lodged in a federal senate, composed of representatives
to be elected by each nation, holding office during good behavior and
acknowledged as ruling chiefs throughout the whole confederacy. Still
further, and more remarkably, the federation was not to be a limited one.
It was to be indefinitely expansible. The avowed design of its proposer
was _to abolish war altogether_.”[96]

Certainly this scheme was one of the most far-sighted, and in its aim
beneficent, which any statesman has ever designed for man. With the
Iroquois it worked well. They included in the league portions of the
Neutral Nation and the Tuscaroras, and for centuries it gave them the
supremacy among all their neighbors. The league was primarily based upon
or at least drew much of its strength from the system of gentes; this
prevailed both among the Iroquois and Cherokees, descent being traced in
the female line. Indeed, it was from a study of the Iroquois system that
the late Mr. Morgan formed his theory that ancient society everywhere
passed through a similar stage in attaining civilization.

It is consonant with their advanced sentiments that among the Iroquois
women had more than ordinary respect. They were represented by a special
speaker in the councils of the tribe, and were authorized to conduct
negotiations looking towards making peace with an enemy. Among the
Conestogas we have the instance of a woman being the recognized “Queen”
of the tribe. With the Wyandots, the council of each gens was composed
exclusively of women. They alone elected the chief of the gens, who
represented its interests in the council of the tribe.[97]

In sundry other respects they displayed an intelligent activity. In many
localities they were agricultural, cultivating maize, beans and tobacco,
building large communal houses of logs, fortifying their villages with
palisades, and making excellent large canoes of birch bark. According to
traditions, which are supported by recent archæological researches, the
Cherokees when they were upon the Kanawha and Ohio had large fields under
cultivation, and erected mounds as sites for their houses and for burial
purposes. When first encountered in East Tennessee they constructed
long communal houses like the Five Nations, had large fields of corn,
built excellent canoes and manufactured pottery of superior style
and finish. Although no method of recording thought had acquired any
development among the Iroquois, they had many legends, myths and formal
harangues which they handed down with great minuteness from generation to
generation. In remembering them they were aided by the wampum belts and
strings, which served by the arrangement and design of the beads to fix
certain facts and expressions in their minds. One of the most remarkable
of these ancient chants has been edited with a translation and copious
notes by Horatio Hale.[98] The Cherokees had a similar national song
which was repeated solemnly each year at the period of the green corn
dance. Fragments of it have been obtained quite recently.

The Iroquois myths refer to the struggle of the first two brothers,
the dark twin and the white, a familiar symbolism in which we see the
personification of the light and darkness, and the struggle of day and
night.

IROQUOIS LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Andastes_, see _Conestogas_.
_Cayugas_, south of Lake Ontario.
_Cherokees_, on upper Tennessee river.
_Conestogas_, on lower Susquehanna.
_Eries_, south of Lake Erie.
_Hurons_, see _Wyandots_.
_Mohawks_, on Lakes George and Champlain.
_Neutral Nation_, west of the Niagara river.
_Oneidas_, south of Lake Ontario.
_Onondagas_, south of Lake Ontario.
_Senecas_, south of Lake Ontario.
_Susquehannocks_, on lower Susquehanna.
_Tuscaroras_, in Virginia.
_Wyandots_, between Lakes Ontario and Huron.

6. THE CHAHTA-MUSKOKIS.

The various nations who are classed under the Muskoki stock occupied the
broad and pleasant lowlands stretching from the terminal hills of the
Apalachian Mountains to the Gulf of Mexico, and from the Atlantic to
the Mississippi, and even beyond that mighty barrier. The remains of a
few other stocks in the eastern portion of this area indicate that the
Muskokis were not its original occupants, and this was also their own
opinion. Their legends referred to the west and the northwest as the
direction whence their ancestors had wandered; and the Choctaw legend
which speaks of _Nani Waya_, the Bending Mount, a large artificial mound
in Winston county, Mississippi, as the locality where their first parents
saw the light, is explained by another which describes it as the scene
of their separation from the Chickasaws.

Of the main division of the stock, the Choctaws lived furthest west,
bordering upon the Mississippi, the Chickasaws in the centre, and the
Creeks on the Atlantic slope. The Seminoles were a branch of the latter,
who, in the last century, moved into Florida; but it is probable that the
whole of the west coast of that peninsula was under the control of the
Creeks from the earliest period of which we have any knowledge of it.

The various members of this stock presented much diversity in
appearance. The Creeks were tall and slender, the Chickasaws short
and heavy; the skulls of both have a tendency to dolichocephaly, but
with marked exceptions, and the custom among many of them to deform
the head artificially in various ways adds to the difficulties of the
craniologist.[99] The color of all is called a dark cinnamon.

The gentile system with descent in the female line prevailed everywhere.
The Creeks counted more than twenty gentes, the Choctaws and Chickasaws
about twelve, united in phratries of four. In the towns each gens lived
in a quarter by itself, and marriage within the gens was strictly
prohibited. Each had its own burying place and sepulchral mound where the
bones of the deceased were deposited after they had been cleaned. The
chief of each town was elected for life from a certain gens, but the
office was virtually hereditary, as it passed to his nephew on his wife’s
side unless there were cogent reasons against it. The chief, or _miko_,
as he was called, ruled with the aid of a council, and together they
appointed the “war chief,” who obtained the post solely on the ground of
merit. Instances of a woman occupying the position of head chief were not
unknown, and seem to have been recalled with pleasure by the tribe.[100]

The early culture of these tribes is faithfully depicted in the records
of the campaign of Hernando De Soto, who journeyed through their country
in 1540. He found them cultivating extensive fields of maize, beans,
squashes and tobacco; dwelling in permanent towns with well-constructed
wooden edifices, many of which were situated on high mounds of artificial
construction, and using for weapons and utensils stone implements of
great beauty of workmanship. The descriptions of later travellers and
the antiquities still existing prove that these accounts were not
exaggerated. The early Muskokis were in the highest culture of the stone
age; nor were they deficient wholly in metals. They obtained gold from
the uriferous sands of the Nacoochee and other streams and many beautiful
specimens of their ornaments in it are still to be seen.

Their artistic development was strikingly similar to that of the
“mound-builders” who have left such interesting remains in the Ohio
valley; and there is, to say the least, a strong probability that they
are the descendants of the constructors of those ancient works, driven
to the south by the irruptions of the wild tribes of the north.[101] Even
in the last century they built solid structures of beams fastened to
upright supports, plastered on the outside, and in the interior divided
into a number of rooms. The art of picture-writing was not unknown to
them, and some years ago I published their remarkable “national legend,”
read off from its hieroglyphics painted on a skin by their chief Chekilli
in 1731.[102]

The religious rites of the Creeks were so elaborate that they attracted
early attention, and we have quite full accounts of them. They were
connected with the worship of the principle of fertility, the chief
celebration, called the _busk_ (_puskita_, fast), being solemnized when
the young corn became edible. In connection with this was the use of the
“black drink,” a decoction of the _Iris versicolor_, and the maintenance
of the perpetual fire. Their chief divinity was referred to as the
“master of breath” or of life, and there was a developed symbolism of
colors, white representing peaceful and pleasant ideas; red, those of war
and danger. The few Seminoles who still survive in the southern extremity
of the peninsula of Florida continue the ceremonies of the green corn
dance and black drink, though their mythology in general has become
deeply tinged with half-understood Christian teachings.[103]

THE MUSKOKI LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Apalaches_, on Apalache Bay.
_Chickasaws_, head waters of Mobile river.
_Choctaws_, between the Mobile and Mississippi rivers.
_Coshattas_, on the Red river.
_Creeks_, see _Muskokis_.
_Hitchitees_, sub-tribe of Creeks.
_Muskokis_, between Mobile and Savannah rivers.
_Seminoles_, in Florida.
_Yamassees_, around Port Royal Bay, South Carolina.

7. THE CATAWBAS, YUCHIS, TIMUCUAS, NATCHEZ, CHETIMACHAS, TONICAS, ADAIZE,
ATAKAPAS, ETC.

Within the horizon of the Muskoki stock were a number of small tribes
speaking languages totally different. We may reasonably suppose them
to have been the débris of the ancient population who held the land
before the Muskokis had descended upon it from the north and west. The
_Catawbas_ in the area of North and South Carolinas were one of these,
and in former times are said to have had a wide extension. South of them
was the interesting tribe of the _Yuchis_. When first heard of they were
on both banks of the Savannah river, but later moved to the Chatahuche.
They call themselves “Children of the Sun,” which orb they regard as
a female and their mother. Their gentes are the same as those of the
Creeks, and are evidently borrowed from them. Descent is counted in the
female line. Women are held in honor, and when De Soto first met them
they were governed by a queen.[104]

Some of both these tribes still survive; but this is not the case with
the _Timucuas_, who occupied the valley of the St. John river, Florida,
and its tributaries, and the Atlantic coast as far north as the St. Mary
river. They have been extinct for a century, but we have preserved some
doctrinal works written in their tongue by Spanish missionaries in the
seventeenth century, so we gain an insight into their language.[105] It
is an independent stock.

Near the Choctaws were the _Natchez_, not far from the present city of
that name. An account of them has been preserved by the early French
settlers of Louisiana. They were devoted sun-worshippers and their chief
was called “The Sun,” and regarded as the earthly representative of the
orb. They constructed artificial mounds, upon which they erected temples
and houses, and were celebrated for their skill in weaving fabrics from
the inner bark of the mulberry tree and for their fine pottery. In their
religious rites they maintained a perpetual fire, and were accustomed to
sacrifice captives to their gods, and the wives of their chieftain at his
death.

The _Taensas_ were a branch of the Natchez on the other bank of the
Mississippi. Attention has been drawn to them of late years by the
attempt of a young seminarist in France to foist upon scholars a language
of his own manufacture which he had christened _Taensa_, and claimed
to have derived from these people.[106] The Natchez language contains
many words from the Muskoki dialects, but is radically dissimilar from
it.[107] A few of the nation still preserve it in Indian Territory.

The _Chetimachas_ lived on the banks of Grand Lake and Grand River, and
were but a small tribe. They are said to have been strictly monogamous,
and to have had female chieftains. Their chief deity was Kut-Kähänsh, the
Noon-day Sun, in whose honor they held sacred dances at each new moon.

The _Tonicas_ are frequently mentioned in the early French accounts of
the colony of Louisiana. They lived in what is now Avoyelles parish, and
were staunch friends of the European immigrants. Their language is an
independent stock, and has some unusual features in American tongues,
such as a masculine and a feminine gender of nouns and a dual in three
pronouns.

The _Adaize_ or Atai were a small tribe who once lived between Saline
river and Natchitoche, La. They spoke a vocalic language, differing from
any other, though including a number of Caddo words, which was owing to
their having been a member of the Caddo confederacy.

The _Atakapas_ had their hunting grounds about Vermilion river and the
adjacent Gulf coast. Their name in Choctaw means “man-eaters,” both they
and their neighbors along the Texan coast having an ugly reputation
as cannibals, differing in this from the Muskokis and their neighbors
east of the Mississippi, among whom we have no record of anthropophagy,
even of a ritual character. The later generations of Atakapas have been
peaceful and industrious. Their language, though in the main quite alone,
presents a limited number of words evidently from the same roots as their
correspondents in the Uto-Aztecan family.

The coast of Texas, between the mouths of the Colorado and Nueces rivers,
was the home of the _Carankaways_. The Spaniards gave them a very black
character as merciless cannibals, impossible to reduce or convert;
but the French and English settlers speak of them in better terms. In
appearance they were tall and strong, with low foreheads, hooked noses,
prominent cheek bones, tattooed skins, and wore their black hair long
and tangled. The older writers affirm that they spoke Atakapa, and were
a branch of that tribe; but the scanty material of their idiom which we
possess seems to place them in a stock by themselves.

The _Tonkaways_ are a small tribe who lived in northwest Texas, speaking
a tongue without known relationship. A curious feature of their mythology
is the deification of the wolf. They speak of this animal as their common
ancestor, and at certain seasons hold wolf dances in his honor, at which
they dress themselves in wolf skins and howl and run in imitation of
their mythical ancestor and patron. A branch of them, the Arrenamuses, is
said to have dwelt considerably to the south of the main body, near the
mouth of the San Antonio river.

The lower Rio Grande del Norte was peopled on both its banks by a stock
which was christened by Orozco y Berra the _Coahuiltecan_, but which
Pimentel preferred to call the Texan. The latter is too wide a word, so
I retain the former. There is not much material for the study of its
dialects, so we are left in the dark as to the relationship of many
tribes resident in that region. They were small in size and rich in
names. Adolph Uhde gives the appellations and locations of seventy-four,
based on previous works and personal observations.[108] The missionary
Garcia, in his _Manual of the Sacraments_, published in the last century,
names seventeen tribes speaking dialects of the tongue he employs, which
appears to be a branch of the Coahuiltecan.[109]

It is useless to repeat the long list, the more so as the bands were
unimportant and have long since become extinct, with a few exceptions.
They were in a savage condition, roving, and depending on hunting and
fishing. The following appear to have been the principal members of the

COAHUILETCAN LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Alazapas_, near Monclova.
_Cacalotes_, on the left bank of the Rio Grande.
_Catajanos_ or _Cartujanos_, near Monclova.
_Carrizos_, near Monclova.
_Coaquilenes_, near Monclova.
_Cotonames_, left bank of Rio Grande.
_Comecrudos_, near Reynosa.
_Orejones_, near San Antonio de Bejar.
_Pacaos_ or _Pakawas_, near San Antonio.

Among the extinct dialects of Tamaulipas was the _Maratin_, which at
one time had considerable extension. The only monument which has been
preserved of it is a wild song, in which the natives celebrated all too
early their victories over the Spaniards. The text contains several
Nahuatl words, but the body of the roots appear to have been drawn from
some other source.[110] Uhde locates the Maratins near Soto la Marina and
along the Gulf between the Rio Panuco and the Rio Grande.[111]

8. THE PAWNEES (CADDOES).

The Pani[112] stock was scattered irregularly from the Middle Missouri
River to the Gulf of Mexico. The Pawnees proper occupied the territory
from the Niobrara River south to the Arkansas. The Arikari branch had
separated and migrated to the north at a comparatively recent period,
while the Wichitas, Caddoes and Huecos roamed over Eastern Louisiana and
Western Texas. The earliest traditions of all these peoples assign their
priscan home toward the south, and the Pawnees remembered having driven
the Dakota tribes from the hunting grounds of the Platte Basin.

The stock as a rule had an excellent physique, being tall and robust,
with well-proportioned features, the lips thin and the eyes small.
Longevity however was rare, and few of either sex reached the age of
sixty. The division of the tribes was into bands and these into totems,
but the gentile system did not prevail with much strength among them.
The chieftainship of the bands was hereditary in the male line, and the
power of the chief was almost absolute. He was surrounded by a body
of retainers whom he supported, and who carried out his orders. When
he wished a council these messengers carried the summons. Property as
well as power passed to the family of the male, and widows were often
deprived of everything and left in destitution. Marriage was a strictly
commercial transaction, the woman being bought from her parents. The
purchase effected, the bridegroom had a right to espouse all the younger
sisters of his wife as they grew to maturity, if he felt so inclined. The
laxity of the marriage rules of the stock was carried to its limit by the
Arikaris, among whom it is said fathers united with their daughters and
brothers with their sisters, without offending the moral sense of the
community. This may have arisen after corruption by the whites.

Agriculture among them was more in favor than generally on the plains.
Maize, pumpkins and squashes were cultivated, each family having its
own field two or three acres in extent. For about four months of the
year they were sedentary, dwelling in houses built of poles and bark
covered with sods, while the remainder of the time they wandered over
their hunting grounds, carrying with them tents of skins which were
stretched on poles. The women manufactured a rude pottery and the men
implements and weapons of wood and stone. The Arikaris were skilled in
the construction of boats of skin stretched over wooden frames, an art
they may have learned from the Mandans.

The information about their religion is vague, but it seems in some
respects to have resembled that of the Mexican nations. One of their
chief divinities was the morning star, _Opirikut_, which was supposed
to represent the deity of fertility and agriculture. At the time of
corn-planting a young girl, usually a captive, was sacrificed to this
divinity. The victim was bound to a stake and partly burned alive; but
before life had ceased, her breast was cut open, her heart torn out
and flung in the flames. Her flesh was then cut into small pieces and
buried in the cornfield. This was believed to secure an abundant crop.
The similarity of the rite to that in vogue among the Mexicans, who also
worshipped the morning star as the goddess of fertility, is interesting.

The dead were buried with their possessions, and the customs of mourning
continued sometimes for years.[113]

PANI LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Anaddakkas_, on left bank of Sabine river.
_Arikaris_, on the middle Missouri.
_Assinais_, in central Texas.
_Caddoes_, near Clear Lake, La.
_Cenis_, see _Assinais_.
_Huecos_, on the upper Brazos river.
_Innies_, see _Texas_.
_Nachitoches_, on upper Red river.
_Natacos_, see _Anaddakkas_.
_Pawnees_, between Niobrara and Arkansas rivers.
_Tawakonies_, on upper Leon river.
_Texas_, on upper Sabine river and branches.
_Towachies_, see _Pawnees_.
_Wichitas_, on north bank of Red river.
_Yatasses_, on Stony creek, an affluent of Red river.

9. THE DAKOTAS (SIOUX).

The western water-shed of the Mississippi river was largely in the
possession of the Dakota or Sioux stock. Its various tribes extended in
an unbroken line from the Arkansas river on the south to the Saskatchewan
on the north, populating the whole of the Missouri valley as far up as
the Yellowstone. Their principal tribes in the south were the Quapaws,
Kansas and Osages; in the central region the Poncas, Omahas and Mandans;
to the north were the Sioux, Assiniboins and Crows; while about Green Bay
on Lake Michigan lived the Winnebagoes.

The opinion was formerly entertained that this great family moved to
the locations where they were first met from some western home; but the
researches of modern students have refuted this. Mr. Dorsey has shown by
an analysis of their most ancient traditions that they unanimously point
to an eastern origin, and that the central and southern bands did not
probably cross the Mississippi much before the fourteenth century.[114]
This is singularly supported by the discovery of Mr. Horatio Hale that
the Tuteloes of Virginia were a branch of the Dakotas; and further,
the investigations of Catlin among the Mandans resulted in showing
that this nation reached the Missouri valley by travelling down the
Ohio. They therefore formed a part of the great easterly migration of
the North Atlantic tribes which seem to have been going on for many
centuries before the discovery. In the extreme south, almost on the
gulf coast of Louisiana, lived some small bands of Dakotas, known as
Biloxis, Opelousas, Pascagoulas, etc. They were long supposed to speak an
independent tongue, and only of late years has their proper position been
defined.

Their frames are powerful, and the warriors of the Sioux have long
enjoyed a celebrity for their hardihood and daring. The massacre of
General Custer’s command, which they executed in 1876, was the severest
blow the army of the United States ever experienced at the hands of the
red man. With reference to cranial form they are dolichocephalic, sixteen
out of twenty-three skulls in the collection of the Academy[115] offering
a cephalic index under 80.

The northern Dakotas do not seem to have had the same system of gentes
which prevailed in most of the eastern tribes. Mr. Morgan was of the
opinion that it had existed, but had been lost; this, however, requires
further proof. There are many societies among them, but not of the nature
of clans. Their chiefs hold their position by hereditary descent in the
male line, though among the Winnebagoes the early traveller, Carver found
the anomaly of a woman presiding over the tribe. The central bands, the
Mandans and Minnetarees, recognized gentes with descent in the female
line; while among the Poncas and Omahas there were also gentes, but with
descent in the male line. The condition in this respect, of the members
of this family, as also of that of the Athabascan, seems to prove that
the gentile system is by no means a fixed stadium of even American
ancient society, but is variable, and present or absent as circumstances
may dictate.

A few members of this family, notably the Mandans, attained a respectable
degree of culture, becoming partly agricultural, and dwelling most of the
year in permanent abodes; but the majority of them preferred depending
on the bounties of nature, pursuing the herds of buffaloes over the
boundless pastures of the plains, or snaring the abundant fish in the
myriad streams which traversed their country.

The mythology of the Dakotas is concerned with the doings of giants in
whom we recognize personifications of the winds and storms. One of these
is Haokah, to whom the warrior sends up an invocation when about to
undertake some perilous exploit. The thunder is caused by huge birds who
flap their wings angrily and thus produce the portentous reverberations.
The waters are the home of Unktahe, a mighty spirit who lurks in their
depths. Indeed, to the Dakotas, and not to them alone, but to man in
their stage of thought, “All nature is alive with gods. Every mountain,
every tree is worshipped, and the commonest animals are the objects of
adoration.”[116]

DAKOTA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Arkansas_, on lower Arkansas river.
_Assiniboins_, on Saskatchewan and Assiniboin rivers.
_Biloxis_, in Rapides Parish, Louisiana.
_Crows_, on Yellowstone river.
_Iowas_, on the Iowa river.
_Kansas_, on the Kansas river.
_Mandans_, on the middle Missouri river.
_Minetarees_, on the Yellowstone river.
_Ogallalas_, sub-tribe of Sioux.
_Omahas_, on the Elkhorn river.
_Osages_, on Arkansas and Osage rivers.
_Ottoes_, on the Platte river.
_Poncas_, on the middle Missouri river.
_Quapaws_, on lower Arkansas river.
_Sioux_, on upper Mississippi and affluents.
_Tetons_, sub-tribe of Sioux.
_Tuteloes_, on upper Roanoke river, Va.
_Winnebagoes_, western shore of Lake Michigan.
_Yanktons_, on upper Iowa river.

10. THE KIOWAYS.

The upper basin of the Canadian branch of the Arkansas River was the home
of the _Kioways_. At the middle of this century they were estimated to
be over three thousand, all given to a wild hunting life over the great
plains on which they lived. In close proximity to the Comanches and other
tribes of Shoshonian lineage, their language presents many affinities to
the Shoshonian stock, but not sufficient in the opinion of those who have
examined both to justify classing them together as from a common source.

The Kioways are light in color, broad shouldered and strong armed, and
for generations were the Arabs of the Great American Desert, depending
on hunting and robbery for a subsistence. Their homes were light skin
lodges, which they spread on poles about twelve feet long. With plenty
of ponies and without fixed habitations, it was easy for them to
move rapidly over the Plains. According to their traditions they came
originally from the North, from some cold country, where they had to
walk on snow shoes, definitely located near the Black Hills, Dakota,
where they were associated with the Apaches. They were idol worshippers,
their priesthood consisting of ten medicine-men. The dead were buried
in deep graves. At present they have been reduced to about one thousand
souls.[117]

II. THE NORTH PACIFIC GROUP.

1. THE NORTHWEST COAST AND CALIFORNIAN TRIBES.

The lofty chains of the Rocky Mountains extend from north to south,
leaving a narrow coast line seamed with deep and fertile valleys along
the Pacific from Mt. St. Elias to the Gulf of California. In spite of its
great extent in latitude--from the 30th to the 60th degree--there is less
difference in climate than one would suppose from analogy in any other
part of the world. The warm ocean current which bathes the northern coast
mitigates the cold of the winter to such an extent that the isothermal
lines on the Pacific are fifteen degrees of latitude more northerly than
on the Atlantic border of the continent.

A few of the eastern stocks, the Athabascan and the Shoshonian, have sent
out colonies who have settled on the banks of the Pacific; but as a rule
the tribes of the western coast are not connected with any east of the
mountains. What is more singular, although they differ surprisingly among
themselves in language, they have marked anthropologic similarities,
physical and psychical. Virchow[118] has emphasized the fact that
the skulls from the northern point of Vancouver’s Island reveal an
unmistakable analogy to those from the southern coast of California;
and this is to a degree true of many intermediate points. Not that the
crania have the same indices. On the contrary, they present great and
constant differences within the same tribe;[119] but these differences
are analogous one to the other, and on fixed lines.

There are many other physical similarities which mark the Pacific Indians
and contrast them with those east of the mountains. The eyes are less
oblique, the nose flatter, the lips fuller, the chin more pointed, the
face wider. There is more hair on the face and in the axilla, and the
difference between the sexes is much more obvious.[120]

The mental character is also in contrast. The Pacific tribes are more
quiet, submissive and docile; they have less courage, and less of that
untamable independence which is so constant a feature in the history of
the Algonkins and Iroquois.

Beginning at the sixtieth degree of north latitude and extending to the
fifty-fifth, are the _Tlinkit_ or _Kolosch_. They dwell on the coast
of Alaska and the adjacent islands. Physically they are a strong and
often tall people, light in color, with black or slightly reddish hair,
eyes horizontal, nose aquiline. The Russians spoke of them as the most
intelligent tribe they encountered on the coast. They certainly seem to
have developed an uncommon appreciation of property, which is supposed to
be a sign of a high order of intellect. Thus they have a gentile system
with descent in the female line, but their aristocracy and the selection
of their chiefs are entirely on a property basis. The richest obtain the
highest places.

The Tlinkit villages are permanent, the houses solidly constructed of
wood, sometimes with the additional protection of a palisade. The carving
and painting upon them are elaborate, the subjects being caricatures
of faces, men, and animal forms. The chiefs erect at one side of their
doors carved and painted “totem posts,” some of which are nearly fifty
feet high. These are also found among the Haidahs and Tshimshians to
the south. The arts are correspondingly developed. Seaworthy canoes
are hewn from the trunks of the red cedar, hides are dressed and the
leather worked into a variety of articles; lamps, mortars and utensils
were chipped or ground out of stone, and they are handy in beating out
ornaments of silver and copper. The Tlinkits have always been active
merchants, and when the first navigators visited their villages in 1741,
they were surprised to find them in possession of iron knives and other
articles obtained by trade over East Cape or from the south. The usual
currency were the dentalium shells found along the coast. One of the
staple articles of trade were slaves, a custom not in existence on the
Atlantic. They were bought from the neighboring tribes, and treated with
great cruelty.

Tlinkit mythology is rich, having a coherent creation and deluge
myth, the principal figure in which is _Jelchs_, the raven. He is the
Promethean fire-bringer, and sets free the sun, moon and stars from their
prisons. The religious rites are in the hands of priests (shamans), who
as usual exert a great and injurious influence.[121]

The _Haidahs_, who dwell on Queen Charlotte Islands and Prince of Wales
Archipelago, are probably a distant branch of the Tlinkit, though the
affinity has not been clearly established, so they are officially classed
as the _Skittagetan_ stock, from the Skidegate dialect of the coast.
In culture and appearance they resemble the Tlinkits, having similar
mechanical skill. Their canoes and their intricate carvings, especially
totem-posts and pipes of black slate, are celebrated products of the
northwest coast.

The above and other tribes of British Columbia and Washington, the
Tshimshian, the Kwakiutl, the Nootka, Salish, Chinook, etc., are so much
alike physically that Dr. Boas, who has carried out the most recent and
thorough examination of them, observes that no physical distinctions can
be drawn between them.[122] In some the hair is slightly wavy; in others
the nose is aquiline or flatter; the heads of several are artificially
deformed, etc.; but these differences do not characterize whole stocks.
All have a great respect for wealth, and consider its accumulation
the chief object of life. Among them all, women are honored for their
chastity and industry, men for their skill in hunting and fishing, and
for their bravery in war. Their character is generally sombre, and vanity
and servility are prominent faults. The animal totemic system generally
prevails, the child among the Salish and Kwakiutl following the father’s
gens. The communities are divided into social strata, as common people,
middle class and chiefs. A favorite method to obtain popularity is to
give a _potlatch_--a great feast, at which the host makes expensive
presents to the guests, and thus becomes as it were their creditor to the
amount of his disbursement.

The _Salish_, who are distinctively known as Flatheads, though the custom
of deforming the cranium is not confined to them, occupied a large tract
in northern Washington and British Columbia.

The principal contribution of the Chinooks to modern life has been the
“Chinook jargon” which has become the trade language of the coast. It is
a curious medley of words, and has been recently made the subject of an
interesting study by Mr. Horatio Hale.[123]

The _Sahaptins_ or _Nez Percés_, with their affiliated tribes, occupied
the middle and upper valley of the Columbia and its affluents, and also
the passes of the mountains. They were in contiguity with the Shoshonees
and the Algonkin Blackfeet, thus holding an important position,
intermediate between the eastern and the Pacific tribes. Having the
commercial instinct of the latter, they made good use of it, and every
summer carried the various products of the coast, as shells, carved
pipes, hammered copper, etc., far down the Missouri, where they exchanged
them for the wares of the tribes there situate.

Of the numerous other linguistic stocks on the coast it will be
sufficient for me to append the classification adopted by the Bureau of
Ethnology at Washington.

NORTH PACIFIC COAST STOCKS.

(_From north to south._)

_Tlinkit_ or _Koloschan_, in southern Alaska.
_Haidah_ or _Skittagetan_, on Queen Charlotte Islands.
Dialects--Masset, Skidegate, etc.
_Tshimsian_ or _Chimmessyanian_, on Nass and Skeena rivers.
Dialects--Chimmessyan, Nasqua.
_Kwakiuootl_ or _Haeltzukian_, on Gardiner’s Channel.
Dialects--Heiltsuk, Kwakiutl, Quaisla.
_Nutka_ or _Wakashan_, on western coast of Vancouver Island.
Dialects--Aht, Nootka, Wakash.
_Chinook_ or _Chinookan_, Columbia river to Dalles; Pacific coast to
Shoalwater Bay; south to Tillamuk Head.
_Salish_, Admiralty Inlet to Spokane river.
Dialects--Bilcoola, Kawitschin, Lummi, Samie.
_Chimakuan_, Puget Sound, Port Townsend to Port Ludlow.
_Kutenay_ or _Kitunahan_, head-waters of Columbia.
_Sahaptin_ or _Sahaptanian_, middle affluents of Columbia.
Dialects--Klikatat, Nez Percé, Sahaptani, Wallawalla, Yakama.
_Wayilaptu_ or _Waiilaptuan_, near mouth of Wallawalla river.
_Yakonan_, coast of Oregon from Yaquina river to Umpqua river.
_Kalapooian_, on the Wilamette river.
_Kusan_, about Coos Bay.
_Palaihnihan_ or _Achomawi_, on Pit river.
_Takilman_, on upper Rogue river.
_Sastean_ or _Shasta_, on upper Klamath river.
_Lutuamian_ or _Modoc_, on Klamath Lake and Sprague river.
_Quoratean_ or _Ehnek_, on lower Klamath river to junction of Trinity
river.
_Yukian_, in Round Valley, California.
_Yanan_ or _Nozi_, Lassen Butte and Round Mountain.
_Pujunan_ or _Maidu_, east bank of Sacramento river.
_Kulanapan_ or _Pomo_, Russian river and adjacent coast.
_Copehan_ or _Wintun_, on Trinity river.
_Weitspekan_ or _Rurok_, lower Klamath river from Trinity river down.
_Chimarikan_, on New river and Trinity river.
_Wishoskan_, on Humboldt Bay.
_Mariposan_ or _Yokuts_, on Kings river and Tulare Lake.
_Moquelumnian_ or _Mutsun_, on Tuolumne river.
_Costanoan_, north of San Francisco Bay to Monterey Bay.
_Esselenian_, Monterey Bay to San Lucia Mts.
_Salinan_, about San Antonio and San Miguel missions. Includes the
Tatche or Telame.
_Chumashan_, at missions of San Buenaventura, Santa Barbara, Santa
Inez, Purissima and San Luis Obispo.

2. THE YUMAS.

The valley of the Colorado River in Arizona, the peninsula of California
and portions of the eastern shore of the Gulf of California, formed the
home of the Yuma stock. They were found in these regions by Coronado as
early as 1540, and own no traditions of having lived anywhere else. The
considerable differences in their dialects within this comparatively
small area indicates that a long period has elapsed since the stock
settled in this locality and split up into hostile fractions.

It has also been called the Katchan or Cuchan stock, and the Apache,
that being the Yuma word for “fighting men”; but we should confine the
term Apaches to the Tinneh (Athapascan) tribe so called, and to avoid
confusion I shall dismiss the terms Apache-Yumas, Apache-Tontos and
Apache-Mohaves, employed by some writers. The Yumas, from whom the stock
derives its name, lived near the mouth of the Colorado River. Above them,
on both banks of the river, were the Mohaves, and further up, principally
on Virgin River, were the Yavapai.

Most of the Yumas are of good stature, the adult males averaging five
feet nine inches high, well built and vigorous. The color varies from
a dark to a light mahogany; the hair is straight and coarse, the eyes
horizontal, the mouth large, and the lips heavy. The skull is generally
brachycephalic, but there are a number of cases of extreme dolichocephaly
(68).[124]

Animal totems with descent in the male line prevailed among the Yumas,
though they seem for a long time not to have regarded these matters
closely. In culture they vary considerably. The Seris or Ceris, who
formerly lived in the hills near Horcasitas, but in 1779 were removed to
the island of Tiburon, are described as thieves and vagrants, lazy and
wretched. They were exceedingly troublesome to the Mexican government,
having revolted over forty times. The boats they use are of a peculiar
construction, consisting of rushes tied together. As weapons up to recent
years they preferred the bow and arrow, and upon the arrow laid some kind
of poison which prevented the wounds from healing. Their dialect, which
is harsh, is related especially to the western branch of the Yuma stem.
They are described as light in color and some of them good-looking, but
filthy in habits.[125]

The Yumas and Maricopas were agricultural, cultivating large fields of
corn and beans, and irrigating their plantations by trenches. It is
highly probable that formerly some of them dwelt in adobe houses of the
pueblo character, and were the authors of some of the numerous ruined
structures seen in southern Arizona. The pottery and basket work turned
out by their women are superior in style and finish. A few years ago
the Mohaves of the west bank lived in holes in the earth covered with
brush, or in small wattled conical huts. For clothing they wore strips of
cottonwood bark, or knotted grass. Tattooing and painting the person in
divers colors were common. The favorite ornament was shells, arranged on
strings, or engraved and suspended to the neck. The chiefs wore elaborate
feather head-dresses.[126]

The Tontos, so-called from their reputation for stupidity, are largely
mixed with Tinné blood, their women having been captured from the
Apaches. Though savage, they are by no means dull, and are considered
uncommonly adept thieves.

Quite to the south, in the mountains of Oaxaca and Guerrero, the
Tequistlatecas, usually known by the meaningless term Chontales, belong
to this stem, judging from the imperfect vocabularies which have been
published.

The peninsula of California was inhabited by several Yuma tribes
differing in dialect but much alike in culture, all being on its lowest
stage. Wholly unacquainted with metals, without agriculture of any kind,
naked, and constructing no sort of permanent shelters, they depended on
fishing, hunting and natural products for subsistence. Their weapons were
the bow and the lance, which they pointed with sharpened stones. Canoes
were unknown, and what little they did in navigation was upon rafts of
reeds and brush.

Marriages among them were by individual preference, and are said not to
have respected the limits of consanguinity; but this is doubtful, as we
are also told that the mother-in-law was treated with peculiar ceremony.
Their rites for the dead indicate a belief in the survival of the
individual. The body was buried and after a certain time the bones were
cleaned, painted red, and preserved in ossuaries.

The population was sparse, probably not more than ten thousand on the
whole peninsula. At the extreme south were the Pericus, who extended to
N. Lat. 24°; beyond these lived the Guaicurus to about Lat. 26°; and in
the northern portion of the peninsula to latitude 33° the Cochimis.[127]
The early writers state that in appearance these bands did not differ
from the Mexicans on the other side of the Gulf. Their skulls, however,
which have been collected principally from the district of the Pericus,
present a peculiar degree of elongation and height (dolichocephalic and
hypsistenocephalic).

YUMA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Ceris_, on Tiburon Island and the adjacent coast.
_Cochimis_, northern portion of Californian peninsula.
_Cocopas_, at mouth of Colorado river.
_Coco-Maricopas_, on middle Gila river.
_Comeyas_, between lower Colorado and the Pacific.
_Coninos_, on Cataract creek, branch of the Colorado.
_Cuchanes_, see _Yumas_.
_Diegueños_, near San Diego on the Pacific.
_Gohunes_, on Rio Salado and Rio Verde.
_Guaicurus_, middle portion of Californian peninsula.
_Hualapais_, from lower Colorado to Black Mountains.
_Maricopas_, see _Coco-Maricopas_.
_Mohaves_, on both banks of lower Colorado.
_Pericus_, southern extremity of Californian peninsula.
_Tontos_, in Tonto basin and in the Pinal mountains.
_Tequistlatecas_, of Oaxaca and Guerrero.
_Yavipais_, west of Prescott, Arizona.
_Yumas_, near mouth of Colorado river.[128]

3. THE PUEBLO TRIBES.

The word _pueblo_ in Spanish means simply “town;” but in American
ethnography it has obtained a special signification from the aboriginal
structures so-called, whose remains are found in profusion in Arizona and
the neighboring localities over an area about 350 miles from east to
west and 300 miles from north to south.[129] These are buildings several
stories in height, either of stone or of adobes, communal in character,
that is, intended to accommodate a whole gens or clan, and usually with
certain peculiarities of finish and plan. The adobes are generally large,
some four feet long by two feet wide, and were often made upon the wall
itself, the clay or gravel being carried in a moist state in baskets of
this size and deposited upon the wall till the mass dried. When stones
are employed, they are held together by a mud mortar. The most celebrated
of these adobe edifices are perhaps the Casas Grandes in the valley of
the San Miguel river, in northern Chihuahua. They have frequently been
described and do not differ except in size from hundreds of other ruins
in the Gila basin.

In connection with the pueblos stand the “cliff-houses,” structures of
stones usually carefully squared and laid in mortar, found in great
numbers and over an area of wide extent in the deep gorges or cañons of
the Colorado, the Gila and the upper Rio Grande, and their numberless
affluents. They are perched upon the ledges of the precipices, which
often descend almost perpendicularly for thousands of feet, and access to
many of them could have been only by ladders or ropes. Prominent points
are frequently surmounted by round or square stone towers, evidently for
purposes of observation. The disposition of the cliff houses renders it
certain that their plans and positions were selected with a view to make
them safe retreats from marauding enemies.

As descriptions of these interesting ruins have often been introduced
to support vague and extraordinary theories concerning ancient America,
I would emphatically say there is nothing in any of the remains of the
pueblos, or the cliff houses, or any other antiquities in that portion
of our continent, which compels us to seek other constructors for them
than the ancestors of the various tribes which were found on the spot by
the Spaniards in the sixteenth century, and by the armies of the United
States in the middle of the nineteenth. This opinion is in accordance
with history, with the traditions of the tribes themselves, and with the
condition of culture in which they were found. When, in 1735, Pedro de
Ainza made an expedition from Santa Fé against the Navajos, he discovered
tribes dwelling in stone houses “built within the rocks,” and guarded
by watchtowers of stone.[130] The Apaches still remember driving these
cliff-dwellers from their homes, and one of the Apache gentes is yet
named from them “stone-house people.”[131] As for the pueblos, seven or
eight of them are occupied to-day by the same people who built them, and
whose homes they have been for many centuries.

It is a significant fact that these people do not all belong to the same
stock. On the contrary, the “Pueblo Indians” are members of a number of
wholly disconnected stems. This proves that the Pueblo civilization is
not due to any one unusually gifted lineage, but was a local product,
developed in independent tribes by the natural facilities offered by
the locality. It is a spontaneous production of the soil, climate, and
conditions, which were unusually favorable to agricultural and sedentary
occupations, and prompted various tribes to adopt them.

Of these different peoples, those of the Moqui Pueblo belonged to the
Shoshonee branch of the Uto-Aztecan stock, and is the only existing
Pueblo which is peopled by that widespread stem.[132] We have good reason
to believe, however, that the Pimas of the Sonoran Group of the same
stock once occupied a number of adobe Pueblos, and quite likely were the
constructors of the Casas Grandes.

The natives of the remaining Pueblos belong to three independent stocks,
known as the Kera, the Tehua, and the Zuñi families. No relationship
has been discovered between either of these and any tribe outside the
territory I have referred to.

The culture of the Pueblos, both ancient and modern, bears every mark of
local and independent growth. A knowledge of metals, other than to a
limited extent for ornament, is nowhere evident. Tillage of the fields
in a rude manner was the main source of the food supply. Pottery of fine
temper and in symmetrical forms was manufactured by the women. That they
had any other domestic animal than a fowl, and sometimes a dog, has
not been shown. Mats and clothing were woven of the fibres of bark and
grass, and the culture of cotton was at one time common, especially among
the Moquis and Pimas. The arts of weaving feathers and working shells
into decorative objects are not yet lost. Apart from the development of
the art of architecture, there was little in the culture of the Pueblo
tribes to lift them above the level of the Algonkins. The acequias, or
irrigation trenches, about which much has been written, were a necessity
of their climate, and were in use among their southern neighbors in
Sonora, and the Navajos.

LINGUISTIC STOCKS OF THE PUEBLOS.

III. THE CENTRAL GROUP.

1. THE UTO-AZTECAN TRIBES.

Of all the stocks on the North American Continent, that which I call the
_Uto-Aztecan_ merits the closest study, on account of its wide extension
and the high development of some of its members. Tribes speaking its
dialects were found from the Isthmus of Panama to the banks of the
Columbia River, and from the coast of the Pacific to the Gulf of Mexico.
The relationship of these numerous bands is unquestionable, although many
of them have freely adopted words from other stocks. This, however, will
not surprise us if we recall that most of the Aryac languages of the old
world owe about one third of their radicals to non-Aryac sources.

The principal members of this stock are the Utes, Shoshonees and
Comanches in the north, various tribes in Sonora, Chihuahua, Sinaloa and
Durango in the center, and the Nahuas or Aztecs in the south. It is not
to be understood that the one of these derived its idioms from the other,
but rather that at some remote epoch all three were offshoots from some
one ancestral stem. This was at a period before the grammatical forms
of the tongue had reached full development, and probably when it was
in a stage of isolation, with tendencies to suffix agglutination and
incorporation. Since then the stages of growth which the several dialects
have reached have been various. The one which far outstripped all others
was the Nahuatl, which arrived at clear and harmonious sounds, fixed
forms, and even some recognizable traces of inflection, though always
retaining its incorporative character.

The establishment of the unity of this linguistic family we owe to the
admirable labors of Joh. Carl Ed. Buschmann, who devoted years of patient
investigation to examining the traces of the Nahuatl, or as he preferred
to call it, the Aztec language, in Mexico and throughout the continent
to the north. In spite of deficient materials, his sharp-sighted acumen
discovered the relationship of the chief tongues of the group, and later
investigations have amply confirmed his conclusions.[133]

Long before his day, however, the Spanish missionaries to the tribes
of Sonora and Sinaloa had recognized their kinship to the Aztecs, and
Father Ribas, in his history of the missions established by the Jesuits
in Mexico, published in 1645, stated that the root-words and much of the
grammar of all these dialects was substantially the same as those of the
Nahuatl.[134]

It is without doubt the most numerous stock now surviving. According to
the census figures of the governments of the United States and Mexico for
1880, the numbers were as follows:[135]

Shoshonian group, including Pimas in U. S. 26,200
Sonoran group in Mexican Territory 84,000
Aztecan group 1,626,000

_a. The Ute or Shoshonian Branch._

The northern, or Ute branch, which I so call from its most prominent
member, includes the Shoshonees, Utes and Comanches, with their numerous
sub-tribes and affiliated bands. They occupied at the beginning of this
century an immense area, now included in south-eastern Oregon, Wyoming,
Montana, Idaho, Nevada, parts of California, New Mexico and Arizona,
northern and western Texas, and the states of Durango and Chihuahua in
Mexico. Other names by which they are known in this area are Snakes,
Bannocks, Moquis, etc. Everywhere their tongue is unmistakably the same.
“Any one speaking the Shoshonee language may travel without difficulty
among the wild tribes from Durango, in Mexico, to the banks of the
Columbia River.”[136] Their war parties scoured the country from the
Black Hills of Dakota far into the interior of Mexico.

So far as can be ascertained, the course of migration of this group,
like that of the whole stock, has been in a general southerly direction.
The Comanche traditions state that about two hundred winters ago they
lived as one people with the Shoshonees somewhere to the north of the
head-waters of the Arkansas River.[137] This is borne out by similar
traditions among the northern Shoshonees.[138] That very careful student,
Mr. George Gibbs, from a review of all the indications, reached the
conclusion that the whole group came originally from the east of the
Rocky Mountain chain, and that the home of its ancestral horde was
somewhere between these mountains and the Great Lakes.[139] This is the
opinion I have also reached from an independent study of the subject,
and I believe it is as near as we can get to the birth-place of this
important stock.

This stock presents the extreme of both linguistic and physical
development. No tongue on the continent was more cultured than the
Nahuatl, and so were those who spoke it. The wretched root-digging Utes,
on the other hand, present the lowest type of skulls anywhere found in
America.[140] The explanation is easy. It was owing to their lack of
nutrition. Living on the arid plains of the interior, little better
than deserts, they had for generations been half starved. They were not
agricultural, but lived along the streams, catching fish, and making a
poor bread from the seeds of the wild sun-flower and the chenopodium.
Their houses were brush huts, or lodges of dressed buffalo skins; and
where the winters were cold, they dug holes in the ground in which they
huddled in indescribable filth.

Very much superior to these are the Comanches. A generation or two ago
they numbered about fifteen thousand, and were one of the most formidable
nations of the west. Now they have diminished to that many hundreds, and
live peaceably on reservations. They are tall (1.70) and well formed, the
skull mesocephalic, the eyes horizontal, the nose thin, the color light.
Agriculture is not a favorite occupation, but they are more reasonable
and willing to accept a civilized life than their neighbors, the Apaches
or the Kioways. They had little government, and though polygamists,
the women among them exercised considerable influence. Like the Utes,
they are sun-worshippers, applying to that orb the term “father sun,”
_taab-apa_, and performing various dances and other rites in his honor.
The serpent would seem also to come in for a share of their reverence,
their tribal sign in the gesture speech of the plain being that for a
snake,[141] and indeed they are often called Snake Indians. Not less
interesting is it to find throughout all these tribes, Ute and Comanche,
the deification of the coyote, which occupies so prominent a niche in
the pantheon of the Aztecan tribes and those who have borrowed from
them. According to the Ute myths, the wolf and the coyote were the first
two brothers from whom the race had its origin, and to the latter were
attributed all the good things in the world.

As we approach the southern border of the group, the stage of culture
becomes higher. The natives of the Pueblo of Moqui, whose curious
serpent-worship has been so well described by Captain Bourke,[142] are
of this stock, and illustrate its capacity for developing a respectable
civilization. The Kizh and Netela, who were attached to the mission of
San Capistrano, were also Shoshonees.

_b. The Sonoran Branch._

In the valley of the Gila river the Shoshonian and Sonoran branches of
the Uto-Aztecan stock were in contact from time immemorial. The Sonoran
branch begins on the north with the Pimas, who occupied the middle valley
of the Gila, and the land south of it quite to the Rio Yaqui. I continue
for it the name of _Sonoran_ given by Buschmann, although it extended far
beyond the bounds of that province.

The Pima tribe merits our special attention, because of the remarkable
ruins and relics of a dense former population, sedentary and
agricultural, in the region inhabited by it when the river basin was
first explored. These are the large structures known as the Great Houses
or Casas Grandes, and the remains of the numerous towns, extensive
irrigating trenches, and ruined enclosures, brought to light by the
Hemenway exploring expedition in the Salt river valley. Their walls were
built of adobes or sun-dried bricks of large size, the clay probably
placed in baskets upon the wall and allowed to dry there. The extent of
these remains is surprising, and in the Salt river valley alone, in an
area of half a million acres, it is estimated that two hundred thousand
people may have found support. Making every allowance, there is no doubt
that at some remote epoch the arable land in the valleys of the Gila and
its affluents was under close cultivation.

Who these busy planters were has supplied material for much speculation.
As usual, the simplest explanation has been the last to be welcomed. In
fact, there is no occasion for us to look elsewhere than to the ancestors
of these Pimas, who lived in the valley when the whites first traveled
it. There is nothing in the ruins and relics which demands a higher
culture than the Pimas possessed. There is no sign of a knowledge of
metals beyond hammered copper; the structures are such as the Pueblo
Indians of the same stock live in now; and the Pimas have a historic
tradition which claims these ruins and these old fields as the work of
their ancestors, from which they were driven by the repeated attacks of
the Apaches and other savage tribes of the north.[143] Some of them, a
sub-tribe called the Sobaypuris (Sabaguis), and doubtless many others,
took refuge in the deep cañons and constructed along their precipitous
sides those “cliff houses,” which have been often described. About a
hundred years ago the Apaches drove them out of these last resorts and
forced them to flee to the main body of the Pimas in the south.[144] In
conclusion, we may safely attribute most of the ruins in the Gila Basin,
as well as most of the cliff houses in the various cañons, to these
tribes of the Uto-Aztecan stock. When the early missionaries reached the
Pimas they found them in precisely the condition of culture of which we
see the remains in the Salt River valley. Their houses were built of
large adobes, sometimes roofed with tiles; they were agricultural and
industrious; their fields were irrigated by like extensive canals or
trenches, and their weapons, utensils and clothing were just such as the
Hemenway expedition showed were those of the early accolents of the Gila
and the Salado.[145]

Most of the other tribes of this group were, from the first knowledge we
have of them, inclined to sedentary and agricultural lives. The Opatas,
on the head-waters of the Rio Yaqui, and the Tarahumaras, in the valleys
of the Sierra Madre, are quiet, laborious peoples, who accepted without
difficulty the teachings of the early missionaries. They cultivate the
ground and build houses of adobes or of wood plastered.

The Tehuecos, Zuaques, Mayos and Yaquis are sub-tribes of the Cahitas,
and speak a dialect the most akin of any to the Nahuatl. They are
tall, vigorous men, active and laborious, trading in salt and woolen
stuffs, cheerful, and much given to music. South of the Tarahumaras and
immediately adjoining them, in the State of Chihuahua, are the Tepehuanas
on the eastern slope of the Sierra Madre, from 25° to 27° latitude north.
They are a people of unusual intelligence, of excellent memory, and when
first met were living in solid houses of logs or of stone and clay, or
as genuine troglodytes in artificial caves, and cultivating abundant
crops of maize and cotton, which latter they wove and dyed with much
skill.[146] The chroniclers speak of them as the most valiant of all the
tribes of New Spain, but laborious and devoted to their fields.[147]

The tribe of the Sonoran group which reached the point furthest to the
south was the Coras, who dwelt in the Sierra of Nayarit, in the State of
Jalisco. From their location they are sometimes called Nayerits. They
were a warlike but agricultural people, about the same level as the
Tepehuanas.

The Tubares were a peaceable nation living in the Sierra of Sinaloa. They
received the missionaries willingly and seem to have been an industrious
tribe, their principal object of commerce being articles of clothing. It
is said that they spoke two entirely distinct languages, one a dialect of
Nahuatl, the other of unknown affinities.[148] The Guazapares and the
Varogios are described as living near the Tubares, on the head-waters of
the Rio del Fuerte, and speaking the same or a similar dialect.[149]

In the defiles of the lofty range, which is sometimes called the Sierra
de Topia, resided the Acaxees, Xiximes and other wild tribes, speaking
related tongues. By some authorities they are alleged to belong to the
Sonoran group, but as the material is lacking for comparison, their
ethnographic position must be left undetermined.

The Guaymas, on the coast of the Gulf of California, south of the Ceris
(a Yuma folk), have been ascertained by Mr. Pinart to speak a dialect
allied to that of the southern Pimas, and are therefore to be added
to this group. Another Pima dialect was the Bacorehui, spoken by the
Batucaris and Comoparis on the lower Rio del Fuerte; as it was also that
of the Ahomes, a distinctly Pima people.[150]

The uniform tradition of all the tribes of this stock in Sonora and
Sinaloa, so far as they were obtained by the early missionaries, was to
the effect that their ancestors had migrated from localities further to
the north.[151]

_c. The Nahuatl Branch._

Under the term _Nahuas_, which has the excellent authority of Sahagun
in its favor, I shall include all the tribes of the Uto-Aztecan stock
who spoke the Nahuatl language, that called by Buschmann the Aztec,
and often referred to as the Mexican. These tribes occupied the slope
of the Pacific coast from about the Rio del Fuerte in Sinaloa, N. lat.
26°, to the frontiers of Guatemala, except a portion at the isthmus
of Tehuantepec. Beyond this line, they had colonies under the name of
Pipiles on the coast of Guatemala, and in the interior the Alaguilacs.
The Cuitlatecos, or Tecos, “dung-hill people,” was a term of depreciation
applied to those in Michoacan and Guerrero. On the borders of the lakes
in the valley of Mexico were the three important states Tezcuco, Tlacopan
and Tenochtitlan, who at the time of the conquest were formed into a
confederacy of wide sway.

The last mentioned, Tenochtitlan, had its chief town where the city of
Mexico now stands, and its inhabitants were the Azteca. East of the
valley were the Tlascaltecs, an independent tribe; south of and along
the shore of the gulf from Vera Cruz almost to the mouth of the Rio de
Grijalva, were Nahuatl tribes under the dominion of the confederacy. An
isolated, but distinctly affiliated band, had wandered down to Nicaragua,
where under the name Nicaraos they were found on the narrow strip of land
between Lake Nicaragua and the Pacific, which they had conquered from
tribes of Chapanec lineage. The most distant of all were the Seguas,
who at the time of the conquest resided in the Valle Coaza, on the Rio
Telorio, and later moved to Chiriqui Lagoon. After the conquest they were
scattered still further by the transportation of colonies of Tlascalans
to Saltillo in the north, and to Isalco in San Salvador in the south.

I omit entirely from this group the Toltecs and the Chichimecs. These
were never tribal designations, and it is impossible to identify them
with any known communities. The Toltecs may have been one of the early
and unimportant gentes of the Azteca, but even this is doubtful. The
term was properly applied to the inhabitants of the small town of Tula,
north of the valley of Mexico. In later story they were referred to as a
mythical people of singular gifts and wide domain. Modern and uncritical
writers have been misled by these tales, and have represented the Toltecs
as a potent nation and ancestors of the Aztecs. There is no foundation
for such statements, and they have no historic position.[152]

The term Chichimeca was applied to many barbarous hordes as a term of
contempt, “dogs,” “dog people.”[153] It has no ethnic signification, and
never had, but was used in much the same way as _Cuitlateca_, above
referred to.[154]

The government of these states did not differ in principle from that of
the northern tribes, though its development had reached a later stage.
Descent was generally reckoned in the male line, and the male children
of the deceased were regarded as the natural heirs both to his property
and his dignities. Where the latter, however, belonged rather to the gens
than the individual, a form of election was held, the children of the
deceased being given the preference. In this sense, which was the usual
limitation in America, many positions were hereditary, including that of
the chieftaincy of the tribe or confederation. The Montezuma who was the
ruler who received Cortez, was the grandson of Axayacatl, who in turn was
the son of the first Montezuma, each of whom exercised the chief power.

The land was held by the gens and allotted to its members for
cultivation. Marriage was also an affair regulated by the gentile laws of
consanguinity, but the position of woman was not specially inferior, and
in the instance of the daughter of the first Montezuma, one seems to have
occupied the position of head chief for a time.

The general condition of the arts in ancient Mexico is familiar to all
who have turned their attention to American history. It has indeed
received more than its due share of attention from the number and
prominence of the Nahuas at the conquest. They were little if at all
superior to many of their neighbors in cultural progress. Even in
architecture, where they excelled, the Zapotecs, Totonacos and Tarascos
were but little behind them. Numerous artificial pyramids and structures
of hewn stone remain in the territories of all these to prove their skill
as builders. The Mexicans may be said to have reached the age of bronze.
Many weapons, utensils and implements, were manufactured of this alloy
of copper and tin. Gold, silver, lead and copper, were likewise deftly
worked by founding and smelting into objects of ornament or use. Lead was
also known, but not utilized. The majority of implements continued to be
of stone. They were fortunate in having for this purpose a most excellent
material, obsidian, which volcanic product is abundant in Mexico. From
it they flaked off arrow points, knives and scrapers, and by polishing
worked it into labrets and mirrors. A variety of nephrite or jade was
highly esteemed, and some of the most elaborate specimens of Mexican art
in stone are in this hard, greenish material. Fragments of colored stones
were set in mosaic, either as masks, knife handles or the like, with
excellent effect.

With the undoubtedly dense population of many districts, the tillage
of the ground was a necessary source of the food supply. The principal
crop was as usual maize, but beans, peppers, gourds and fruit were also
cultivated. Cotton was largely employed for clothing, being neatly woven
and dyed in brilliant colors.

The religious rites were elaborate and prescribed with minuteness.
Priests and priestesses were vowed to the cult of certain deities. Their
duties consisted in sweeping and decorating the temples, in preparing the
sacrifices, and in chanting at certain periods of the day and night. The
offerings were usually of quails, rabbits or flowers, but, especially
in Tenochtitlan, human sacrifices were not infrequent. The victims were
slaves or captives taken in war. At times their flesh was distributed to
the votaries, and was consumed as part of the ceremony; but as this was a
rite, the Aztecs cannot be said to have been anthropophagous.

The priestly class had charge of the education of the youth of the better
class. This was conducted with care and severity. Large buildings were
set apart for the purpose, some for boys, others for girls. The boys
were taught martial exercises, the history of the nation, the chants and
dances of the religious worship, forms of salutation, the art of writing,
etc. The girls were instructed in household duties, the preparation of
food, the manufacture of garments, and the morals of domestic life.[155]

The literature which represented this education was large. It was
preserved in books written upon parchment, or upon paper manufactured
from the fibrous leaves of the maguey. This was furnished in great
quantities from different parts of the realm, as much as 24,000 bundles
being required by the government annually as tribute. A book consisted
of a strip of paper perhaps twenty feet long, folded like a screen into
pages about six inches wide, on both sides of which were painted the
hieroglyphic characters. These were partly ideographic, partly phonetic;
the latter were upon the principle of the rebus, conveying the name or
word by the representation of some object, the word for which had a
similar sound. I have called this the _ikonomatic_ method of writing, and
have explained it in detail in several essays on the subject.[156]

Their calendar recognized the length of the year as 365 days. The
mathematical difficulties in the way of a complete understanding of it
have not yet been worked out, and it may have differed in the various
tribes. Its elements were a common property of all the Nahua peoples, as
well as many of their neighbors; which of them first devised it has not
been ascertained.

UTO-AZTECAN LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_a. Shoshonian Branch._

_Bannacks_, in Montana and southern Idaho.
_Cahuillos_, in southern California.
_Chemehuevis_, branch of Pi-utes, on Cottonwood Island.
_Comanches_, in northern Texas, on both banks of Rio Grande.
_Kauvuyas_, southern California, near the Pacific.
_Kechis_, in southern California, branch of Kauvuyas.
_Kizh_, in southern California, branch of Kauvuyas.
_Moquis_, in Moqui Pueblo, Arizona.
_Netelas_, in southern California.
_Pa-Vants_, south of Great Salt Lake.
_Pi-utes_, in southern and central Nevada, Arizona, California,
Utah.
_Shoshonees_ or _Snakes_, in New Mexico and Colorado, Idaho and
southern Oregon.
_Utes_ or _Utahs_, in Utah, Colorado, New Mexico, etc.
_Wihinasht_, in Oregon, south of Columbia river.

_b. Sonoran Branch._

_Acaxees_, (?) in the Sierra de Topia.
_Cahitas_, south of Rio Yaqui.
_Coras_, in the Sierra de Nayarit.
_Eudeves_, a sub-tribe of Opatas.
_Guaymas_, on Rio de Guaymas.
_Mayos_, on R. Mayo, sub-tribe of Cahitas.
_Nevomes_, see _Pimas_.
_Opatas_, head-waters of Rio Yaqui.
_Papayos_, or _Papagos_, sub-tribe of Pimas.
_Pimas_, from Rio Yaqui to Rio Gila.
_Sabaguis_, sub-tribe of Pimas.
_Tarahumaras_, in the Sierra of Chihuahua.
_Tehuecos_, on R. del Fuerte, dialect of Cahita.
_Tecoripas_, speak dialect of Pima.
_Tepehuanas_, in Durango.
_Tubares_, in upper Sinaloa.
_Yaquis_, on Rio Yaqui.

_c. Nahuatlecan Branch._

_Alaguilacs_, on Rio Motagua in Guatemala.
_Aztecs_, in the valley of Mexico.
_Cuitlatecos_, south and west of Michoacan.
_Mexicans_, see _Aztecs_.
_Meztitlatecas_, in the Sierra of Meztitlan.
_Nicaraos_, in Nicaragua between Lake Nicaragua and the Pacific.
_Niquirans_, see _Nicaraos_.
_Pipiles_, on Pacific coast in Soconusco and Guatemala.
_Seguas_, near Chiriqui Lagoon.
_Tecos_, see _Cuitlatecos_.
_Tezcucans_, in valley of Mexico.
_Tlascalans_, in Tlascala, east of valley of Mexico.
_Tlascaltecans_, in San Salvador.

2. THE OTOMIS.

According to Aztec tradition, the Otomis were the earliest owners of the
soil of Central Mexico. Their language was at the conquest one of the
most widely distributed of any in this portion of the continent. Its
central regions were the states of Queretaro and Guanajuato; from the
upper portion of the valley of Mexico it extended north to the Rio Verde,
on the west it adjoined the Tarascans of Michoacan, and on the east the
Huastecs of Panuco.

The Otomis are below the average stature, of dark color, the skull
markedly dolichocephalic,[157] the nose short and flattened, the eyes
slightly oblique. Following the lead of some of the old writers,
modern authors have usually represented the Otomis as rude savages,
far inferior to the Nahuas. Doubtless the latter often so represented
them, but this does not correspond with what we learn of them from
other sources. Although subjected by the Nahuas, they do not seem to
have been excessively ignorant. Agriculture was not neglected, and
from their cotton the women wove clothing for both sexes. Ornaments of
gold, copper and hard stones were in use; their religion was conducted
with ceremony;[158] and they were famous for their songs and musical
ability.[159] The members of the nation to-day are laborious, good
tempered, and endowed with a remarkable aptitude for imitation,
especially in sculpture. Some of the women are quite handsome.[160]

Their language has attracted a certain amount of attention, partly from
its supposed similarity to the Chinese, partly because it is alleged to
differ from most American tongues in showing no incorporation. Both of
these statements have been proved erroneous.[161] It is a tongue largely
monosyllabic, of extremely difficult enunciation, worn down by attrition
almost to an isolating form, but not devoid of the usual traits of the
languages of the continent. There are several dialects, the relations of
which have been the subject of fruitful investigations.[162]

OTOMI LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Jonaz_, in Prov. of Queretaro.
_Matlaltzincos_, in Valley of Mexico and Mechoacan.
_Mazauhas_, southwest of Valley of Mexico.
_Mecos_, see _Jonaz_.
_Otomis_, throughout Central Mexico.
_Pames_, in Queretaro and Guanajuato.
_Pirindas_, see _Matlaltzincos_.

3. THE TARASCOS.

The Tarascans, so called from _Taras_, the name of a tribal god,[163] had
the reputation of being the tallest and handsomest people of Mexico.

They were the inhabitants of the present State of Michoacan, west of
the valley of Mexico. According to their oldest traditions, or perhaps
those of their neighbors, they had migrated from the north in company
with, or about the same time as the Aztecs. For some three hundred years
before the conquest they had been a sedentary, semi-civilized people,
maintaining their independence, and progressing steadily in culture.[164]
When first encountered by the Spaniards they were quite equal and in some
respects ahead of the Nahuas. The principal buildings of their cities,
the chief of which was their capital Tzintzuntan, were of cut stone well
laid in mortar. A number of remains of such have been reported by various
travelers, many of them being conical mounds of dressed stones, locally
called _yacates_, which probably are sepulchral monuments.[165]

In their costume the Tarascos differed considerably from their neighbors.
The feather garments which they manufactured surpassed all others in
durability and beauty. Cotton was, however, the usual material. Gold and
copper are found in the mountains of the district, and both these metals
were worked with skill. Nowhere else do we find such complete defensive
armor; it consisted of helmet, body pieces, and greaves for the legs and
arms, all of wood covered neatly with copper or gold plates, so well done
that the pieces looked as if they were of solid metal.[166]

A form of picture-writing was in use in Michoacan, but no specimen of it
has been preserved. The calendar was nearly the same as that in Mexico,
and the government apparently more absolute in form. Many but confused
details have been preserved about their religion and rites. There was a
mysterious supreme divinity, Tucapacha, though Curicaneri, who is said to
have represented the sun, was the deity chiefly worshipped. Large idols
of stone and many of smaller size of terra cotta may still be exhumed by
the energetic archæologist. Cremation was in vogue for the disposition of
the dead, and human sacrifices, both at funerals and in the celebration
of religious rites, were usual.

The Tarascan language is harmonious and vocalic, and its grammar is
thoroughly American in character, the verb being extraordinarily
developed, the substantive incorporated in the expression of action, and
the modifications of this conveyed by numerous infixes and suffixes.

4. THE TOTONACOS.

The first natives whom Cortes met on landing in Mexico were the
_Totonacos_. They occupied the territory of Totonicapan, now included
in the state of Vera Cruz. According to traditions of their own, they
had resided there eight hundred years, most of which time they were
independent, though a few generations before the arrival of the Spaniards
they had been subjected by the arms of the Montezumas. The course of
their early migrations they stated had been from the west and northwest,
and they claimed to have been the constructors of the remarkable pyramids
and temples of Teotihuacan, ten miles northwest of the city of Mexico.
This boast we may be chary of believing, but they were unquestionably
a people of high culture. Sahagun describes them as almost white in
color, their heads artificially deformed, but their features regular
and handsome.[167] Robes of cotton beautifully dyed served them for
garments, and their feet were covered with sandals. The priests wore
long black gowns with collars, so that they looked like Dominican monks.
The religion which prevailed among them was a sun-worship with elaborate
rites, among which were the circumcision of boys and a similar operation
on girls.

These people were highly civilized. Cempoalla, their capital city, was
situate about five miles from the sea, at the junction of two streams.
Its houses were of brick and mortar, and each was surrounded by a small
garden, at the foot of which a stream of fresh water was conducted. Fruit
trees and grain fields filled the gardens and surrounded the city.
Altogether, says the chronicler, it was like a terrestrial paradise.[168]
That this description is not overdrawn, is proved by the remarkable
ruins which still exist in this province, and the abundant relics of
ancient art which have been collected there, especially by the efforts
of Mr. Hermann Strebel, whose collections now form part of the Berlin
Ethnographic Museum.[169]

The affinities of the Totonacos are difficult to make out. Sahagun says
that they claimed kinship with the Huastecs, their neighbors to the
north, which would bring them into the Maya stock. Their language has,
in fact, many words from Maya roots, but it has also many more from the
Nahuatl, and its grammar is more in accord with the latter than with
the former.[170] Besides these, there is a residuum which is different
from both. For this reason I class them as an independent stock, of
undetermined connections.

5. THE ZAPOTECS AND MIXTECS.

The greater part of Oaxaca and the neighboring regions are still occupied
by the Zapotecs, who call themselves _Didja-Za_.[171] There are now about
265,000 of them, about fifty thousand of whom speak nothing but their
native tongue. In ancient times they constituted a powerful independent
state, the citizens of which seem to have been quite as highly civilized
as any member of the Aztecan family. They were agricultural and
sedentary, living in villages and constructing buildings of stone and
mortar. The most remarkable, but by no means the only specimens of these
still remaining are the ruins of Mitla, called by the natives _Ryo Ba_,
the “entrance to the sepulchre,” the traditional belief being that these
imposing monuments are sepulchres of their ancestors.[172] These ruins
consist of thirty-nine houses, some of adobe, but most of stone, and two
artificial hills. The stone houses have thick walls of rough stone and
mortar, faced with polished blocks arranged in a variety of symmetrical
patterns, such as are called grecques. Sometimes these patterns are
repeated on the inner walls, but more frequently these were plastered
with a hard white coat and painted an Indian red, with numerous figures.
These delineations are on a par with those from the valley of Mexico and
the ancient cities of Yucatan, and reveal much the same technique. One of
the rooms is called the “hall of the columns,” from six round monolithic
columns nearly ten feet in height, which were intended to support a roof
of heavy stone slabs.

The Mixtecs adjoined the Zapotecs to the west, extending along the coast
of the Pacific to about the present port of Acapulco. In culture they
were equal to the Zapotecs; having a preference for an agricultural
life, constructing residences of brick and stone and acquainted with a
form of picture or hieroglyphic writing, in which they perpetuated the
memory of their elaborate mythology.[173] They pretended to have taken
their name from Mixtecatl, one of the seven heroes who set out from
Chicomoztoc, “the land of seven caves,” far in the north, and at other
times pretended descent from the fabulous Toltecs, claims which Sahagun
intimates were fictions of the Nahuas living among them.[174]

The Zapotecs made use of a calendar, the outlines of which have been
preserved. It is evidently upon the same astronomical theory as the
Mexican, as was their system of enumeration. Their language is not
inharmonious. It is called the _ticha za_, “language of the noble people.”

ZAPOTEC-MIXTEC LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Amusgos_, in Guerrero.
_Chatinos_, in Oaxaca, department of Jamiltepec.
_Chuchonas_, on borders of Oaxaca and Guerrero.
_Cuicatecos_, in Oaxaca, department of Teotilan.
_Mazatecos_, in Oaxaca, near boundary of Puebla, in ancient province
of Mazatlan.
_Mixtecos_, in Oaxaca and Guerrero.
_Papabucos_, in Oaxaca.
_Soltecos_, in Oaxaca.
_Zapotecos_, in Oaxaca.

6. THE ZOQUES AND MIXES.

The mountain regions of the isthmus of Tehuantepec and adjacent portions
of the states of Chiapas and Oaxaca are the habitats of the Zoques,
Mixes, and allied tribes. The early historians draw a terrible picture
of their valor, savagery and cannibalism, which reads more like tales
to deter the Spaniards from approaching their domains than truthful
accounts.[175] However this may be, they have been for hundreds of years
a peaceful, ignorant, timid part of the population, homely, lazy and
drunken, but not violent or dangerous. The Mixes especially cultivate
abundance of maize and beans, and take an interest in improving the roads
leading to their towns.[176]

The faint traditions of these peoples pointed to the south for their
origin. When they lived in Chiapas they were conquered by the Chapanecs
(Mangues), and this induced many of them to seek independence in the
Sierra to the north and west. At present the main village of the Mixes
is San Juan Guichicovi, while the Zoques are scattered between the
Rio del Corte and the Rio Chiapa. They are described as agricultural
and laborious, but also as stupid, inclined to drunkenness, and very
homely.[177]

A comparison of the two languages leaves no doubt as to their derivation
from a common stem.

ZOQUE LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Chimalapas_, a sub-tribe of Zoques.
_Mixes_, in Oaxaca, and on the Isthmus.
_Tapijulapanes_, on Rio de la Sierra.
_Zoques_, in eastern Tabasco, Chiapas and Oaxaca.

7. THE CHINANTECS.

The Chinantecs inhabited Chinantla, which is a part of the state of
Oaxaca, situated in the Sierra Madre, on the frontiers of the province
of Vera Cruz. Their neighbors on the south were the Zapotecs and Mixes,
and on the north and east the Nahuas. They lived in secluded valleys and
on rough mountain sides, and their language was one of great difficulty
to the missionaries on account of its harsh phonetics. Nevertheless,
Father Barreda succeeded in writing a _Doctrina_ in it, published in
1730, the only work which has ever appeared in the tongue. The late Dr.
Berendt devoted considerable study to it, and expressed his conclusions
in the following words: “Spoken in the midst of a diversity of languages
connected more or less among themselves, it is itself unconnected with
them, and is rich in peculiar features both as to its roots and its
grammatical structure. It is probable that we have in it one of the
original languages spoken before the advent of the Nahuas on Mexican
soil, perhaps the mythical Olmecan.”[178]

The Chinantecs had been reduced by the Aztecs and severely oppressed by
them. Hence they welcomed the Spaniards as deliverers. Their manners were
savage and their disposition warlike.[179] Other names by which they are
mentioned are _Tenez_ and _Teutecas_.

8. THE CHAPANECS AND MANGUES.

In speaking of the province of Chiapas the historian Herrera informs
us that it derived its name from the pueblo so-called, “whose
inhabitants were the most remarkable in New Spain for their traits and
inclinations.”[180] They had early acquired the art of horsemanship, they
were skillful in all kinds of music, excellent painters, carried on a
variety of arts, and were withal very courteous to each other.

One tradition was that they had reached Chiapas from Nicaragua, and had
conquered the territory they possessed from the Zoques, some of whom
they had rendered tributary, while others had retired further into the
Sierra. But the more authentic legend of the Chapas or Chapanecs, as they
were properly called from their totemic bird the _Chapa_, the red macaw,
recited that their whole stock moved down from a northern latitude,
following the Pacific coast until they came to Soconusco, where they
divided, one part entering the mountains of Chiapas, the other proceeding
on to Nicaragua, where we find them under the name of Mangues, or
Chorotegans, along the shores of Lake Managua.[181] Here they occupied a
number of populous villages, estimated by the historian Oviedo to contain
about forty thousand souls.[182] They were agricultural and sedentary,
and moderately civilized, that is, they had hieroglyphic books, wove
and spun cotton, were skilled in pottery and had fixed government. They
are described as lighter in color than most Indians, and wearing long
hair carefully combed. A small band wandered still further south, to the
vicinity of Chiriqui Lagoon.[183]

The Chapanec language is one of marked individuality. Its phonetics
are harmonious, but with many obscure and fluctuating sounds. In its
grammatical construction we find a singular absence of distinction
between subject and object. While the appreciation of number in the form
of nouns is almost absent, their relations are expressed with excessive
particularity, so that a noun may have different forms, as it is used in
different relations.[184] There is comparatively slight development of
the polysynthetic structure which is generally seen in American languages.

CHAPANEC LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Chapanecs_, on Rio Grande in Central Chiapas.
_Chorotegans_, see _Mangues_.
_Dirians_, in the mountains south of Lake Managua.
_Guetares_, in Costa Rica.
_Mangues_, on Lake Managua, Nicaragua.
_Orotinans_, on the Gulf of Nicoya.

9. CHONTALS AND POPOLOCAS; TEQUISELATECAS AND MATAGALPAS.

According to the census of 1880 there were 31,000 Indians in Mexico
belonging to the _Familia Chontal_.[185] No such family exists. The word
_chontalli_ in the Nahuatl language means simply “stranger,” and was
applied by the Nahuas to any people other than their own. According to
the Mexican statistics, the Chontals are found in the states of Mexico,
Puebla, Oaxaca, Guerrero, Tobasco, Guatemala and Nicaragua. A similar
term is _popoloca_, which in Nahuatl means a coarse fellow, one speaking
badly, that is, broken Nahuatl. The popolocas have also been erected
into an ethnic entity by some ethnographers, with as little justice
as the Chontallis. They are stated to have lived in the provinces of
Puebla, Oaxaca, Vera Cruz, Mechoacan, and Guatemala. Sometimes the same
tribe has been called both Chontales and Popoloras, which would be quite
correct in the Nahuatl tongue, since in it these words are common nouns
and nearly synonymous in signification; but employed in an ethnographic
sense, they have led to great confusion, and the blending into one of
distinct nationalities. I shall attempt to unravel this snarl as far as
the linguistic material at my command permits.

The Chontales of Oaxaca lived on the Pacific coast on the Cordillera in
that State, in the Sierra Quiegolani. They were brought under instruction
in the latter part of the sixteenth century by Father Diego Carranza,
who labored among them for twelve years with gratifying success, and
wrote a _Doctrina_, _Sermones_ and _Ejercicios Espirituales_ in their
language.[186] Unfortunately these works are no longer to be found, and
the only specimen of their idiom which I have obtained is a vocabulary
of 23 words, collected by John Porter Bliss in 1871. This is too limited
to admit of positive identification; but it certainly shows several
coincidences with the Yuma linguistic stock.[187] Provisionally, however,
I give it the name of _Tequistlatecan_, from the principal village of the
tribe, where Father Carranza built his church. The Chontales of Guerrero
were immediately adjacent to those of Oaxaca, in the same Sierra, and
there is every reason to believe that they belonged to the same family;
and from their location, history and associations, I do not doubt that
Orozco y Berra was right in placing the Triquis in the same family.[188]

The Chontales of Tabasco occupied most of the basin of the Rio Grijalva.
Herrera states that their language was that in general use in the
province, being richer in words than the Zoque, or the provincial Mexican
which has been introduced.[189] This leads us to believe that it was a
Maya dialect, a supposition confirmed by a MS. vocabulary obtained by the
late Dr. C. H. Berendt. By this it is seen that the Chontal of Tabasco is
a member of the numerous Maya family, and practically identical with the
Tzendal dialect.[190]

In Nicaragua two entirely different peoples have been called Chontales.
The first of these is also sometimes mentioned as Popolucas. Their tongue
is, or a generation ago was, current in and around the city of Matagalpa
and in various hamlets of the departments of Matagalpa, Segovia and
Chontales. The only specimen I know of it is a vocabulary, obtained in
1874 by the Rev. Victor Noguera, and supplied by him to Dr. Berendt. It
contains a small percentage of words from the neighboring dialects, but
in the mass is wholly different, and I consider it an independent stock,
to which I give the name _Matagalpan_.

The second Chontales of Nicaragua are those mentioned as Chontal-lencas
by M. Désiré Pector, and are none other than the Lencas described by Mr.
E. G. Squier.

The Chontal of Honduras is located geographically in those regions where
the Chorti dialect of the Maya stock prevails, and there is no reasonable
doubt but that it is Chorti and nothing more.

The Chontales described by Mr. E. G. Squier as living in the mountains
north of Lake Nicaragua, about the sources of the Blewfield river, and
of whose language he gives a short vocabulary,[191] are proved by this to
be members of the extensive family of the Ulvas.

Of the various tribes called Popolocas, that living at the period of the
conquest in and near Puebla was the most important. Their chief city was
Tecamachcalco, and they occupied most of the old province of Tepeaca. We
can form some idea of their number from the statement that in the year
1540 Father Francisco de las Navas visited their country for missionary
purposes, and in less than two months converted (!) and baptized 12,000
of them, and this without any knowledge of their language.[192] The
first who did obtain a familiarity with it was Francisco de Toral,
afterwards first bishop of Yucatan. He described it as most difficult,
but nevertheless succeeded in reducing it to rules and wrote an _Arte y
Metodo_ of it, now unfortunately lost.[193] Its relationship has remained
obscure. De Laet asserted that it was merely a corrupt dialect of the
Nahuatl;[194] while Herrera was informed by his authorities that it was
a wholly different tongue.[195] In this opinion he was right. In 1862
Dr. Berendt succeeded in obtaining a short vocabulary of it as it is
still spoken at Oluta, Tesistepec, San Juan Volador and the neighboring
country. A comparison shows that it belongs to the Mixe family. The
ancient province of Tepeaca adjoined directly the territory of the Mixes,
and this identification proves that their tongue was more important and
extended much more widely than has hitherto been supposed. It was spoken,
therefore, by the Tlapanecos, Coviscas and Yopes, who were located in
this region.

The Popoloca of Oaxaca is an entirely different tongue. It is mentioned
as identical with the Chochona, and some have supposed this dialect,
in which we have a _Catecismo_ by Father Roldan, was the same as the
Popoloca of Tepeaca. This is an error. As I have said, the first
missionary to master and write about the latter was Father Toral, who
wrote his _Arte_ about 1561; but more than ten years before that, to
wit, in 1550, Father Benito Fernandez had printed in the city of Mexico
his _Doctrina en Lengua Misteca_, and had composed variants in the
Tepuzcolola and Chochona dialects of that tongue.[196] The Chochona
or Popoloca, of Oaxaca, belongs to the Zapotec-Mixtec, and not to the
Zoque-Mixe family.

The Popolocas who lived in and near Michoacan were also called Tecos,
and Orozco y Berra enumerates the language they spoke, the Teca, among
those which are extinct.[197] The name _Tecos_, however, was merely an
abbreviated form of _Cuitlatecos_, and was applied to the conquered
Nahuatl population around Michoacan. In some of the old glossaries _teco_
is explained by _Mexicano_.[198] The language they spoke belonged to the
Nahuatl branch of the Uto-Aztecan stock.

The Popolocas of Guatemala were located at the close of the eighteenth
century in two curacies widely apart.[199] One of these was Yanantique,
partido of San Miguel, province of San Salvador, and contained the
villages Conchagua and Intipuca. Now Intipuca is a Lenca name, as stated
by Mr. Squier, and we are thus authorized to identify these Popolocas
with the Lencas. The other Popolocas were at and near Conguaco in
the partido of Guazacapan, province of Escuintla, where they lived
immediately adjacent to the Xincas. Dr. Otto Stoll identifies them with
the Mixes, but by an error, as he mistook the vocabulary collected
by Dr. Berendt of the Popoloca of Oluta, for one of the Popoloca of
Conguaco.[200] What language is spoken there I do not know, as I have not
been able to find a word in it in any of my authorities.

Dr. Julius Scherzer has further added to the confusion about the
Popolocas of Guatemala by printing at Vienna a vocabulary under this
name which he had obtained near the Volcan de Agua.[201] It is nothing
more than the ordinary Cakchiquel dialect of that locality, known as the
_lengua metropolitana_ from its official adoption by the church.

10. THE MAYAS.

The geographical relations of the members of the Maya stock are in marked
contrast to those of the Uto-Aztecan--its only rival in civilization.
Except the colony of the Huastecas on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico
in the valley of the Rio Panuco, all its dialects were in contiguity.
The true Maya, which is believed to be the purest form of the language,
extended over the whole of the peninsula of Yucatan, around Lake Peten,
and far up the affluents of the Usumacinta, the dialect of the Lacandons
being closely akin to it. The principal tribes in Guatemala were the
Quiches, the Cakchiquels and the Mams; while in Tabasco the Tzendals and
the Tzotzils held an extensive territory. We cannot identify the builders
of the ruined cities of Palenque in Tabasco and Copan in Honduras with
the ancestors of any known tribe, but the archæological evidence is
conclusive that whoever they were, they belonged to this stock, and spoke
one of its dialects.

The historic legends of several members of the family have been well
preserved. According to the earliest authorities, those of the Quiches
went back more than eight hundred years before the conquest,[202] that
is, to about 700 A. D.; while the chronicles of the Mayas seem to present
a meagre sketch of the nation nearly to the beginning of the Christian
era.[203] The uniform assertion of these legends is that the ancestors of
the stock came from a more northern latitude, following down the shore
of the Gulf of Mexico. This is also supported by the position of the
Huastecas, who may be regarded as one of their tribes left behind in the
general migration, and by the tradition of the Nahuas which assigned them
a northern origin.[204] So far no relationship has been detected with any
northern stock, but the striking similarity of some art remains in the
middle Mississippi to those of Yucatan, suggests that one should search
in this vicinity for their priscan home.[205]

Physically the Mayas are short, strong, dark, and brachycephalic. The
custom of compressing the skull antero-posteriorly which formerly
prevailed, exaggerated this latter peculiarity. When first encountered
by the Spaniards they were split into a number of independent states of
which eighteen are enumerated in Yucatan alone. According to tradition,
these were the fragments of a powerful confederacy which had broken up
about a century before, the capital of which was Mayapan. The tribes were
divided into gentes, usually named after animals, with descent in the
male line. A man bore the names of both his father’s and mother’s gens,
but the former was distinguished as his “true name.” The chieftainship
was hereditary, a council from the gentes deliberating with the ruler.

The art in which these people excelled was that of architecture. They
were born builders from a remote epoch. At the time of the conquest the
stately structures of Copan, Palenque, T’Ho, and many other cities were
deserted and covered with an apparently primitive forest; but others not
inferior to them Uxmal, Chichen Itza, Peten, etc., were the centers of
dense population, proving that the builders of both were identical. The
material was usually a hard limestone, which was polished and carved, and
imbedded in a firm mortar. Such was also the character of the edifices of
the Quiches and Cakchiquels of Guatemala. In view of the fact that none
of these masons knew the plumb-line or the square, the accuracy of the
adjustments is remarkable.[206] Their efforts at sculpture were equally
bold. They did not hesitate to attempt statues in the round of life-size
and larger, and the facades of the edifices were covered with extensive
and intricate designs cut in high relief upon the stones. All this was
accomplished without the use of metal tools, as they did not have even
the bronze chisels familiar to the Aztecs. Gold, silver and copper were
confined to ornaments, bells and similar purposes.

The chief source of the food supply was agriculture. Maize was the
principal crop, and the arable land was carefully let out to families by
the heads of the villages. Beans and peppers were also cultivated and
bees were domesticated, from which both honey and wax, used in various
arts, were collected. Cotton was woven into fabrics of such delicacy that
the Spaniards at first thought the stuffs were of silk. It was dyed of
many colors, and was the main material of clothing. Brilliant feathers
were highly prized. Their canoes were seaworthy, and though there was
no settlement of the Mayas on the island of Cuba as has been alleged,
there was a commercial interchange of products with it, since Columbus
was shown wax from Yucatan and was told about the peninsula. An active
commerce was also maintained with southern Mexico, along the Gulf Coast,
the media of exchange being cacao beans, shells, precious stones and flat
pieces of copper.[207]

The points which have attracted the most attention in Maya civilization,
next to its architecture, are the calendar and the hieroglyphics. The
calendar is evidently upon the same basis as that of the Mexicans,
turning upon the numerals thirteen, twenty, and four. But the Mayas
appear to have had more extended measures for the computation of time
than the Aztecs. Besides the cycle of twenty years, called by them the
_katun_, and that of fifty-two years, they had the _ahau katun_, or Great
Cycle, of two hundred and sixty years.

Both the Cakchiquels, Quiches and Mayas of Yucatan were literary peoples.
They made frequent use of tablets, wrote many books, and covered the
walls of their buildings with hieroglyphs carved on the stone or wood, or
painted upon the plaster. Their characters are entirely different from
those of the Mexicans. Most of them have rounded outlines, something like
that of a section of a pebble, and for this reason the name “calculiform”
has been applied to the writing. Their books were of maguey paper or of
parchment, folded like those of the Mexicans. Although five or six of
them have been preserved, as well as numerous inscriptions on the walls
of buildings, no satisfactory interpretations have been offered, largely,
perhaps, because none of the interpreters have made themselves familiar
with the Maya language.[208]

Imperfect description of the myths and rites of the Yucatecan Mayas are
preserved in the old Spanish authors; while of the Quiches we have in
the original their sacred book, the _Popol Vuh_ with a fair translation
by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg.[209] This may well be considered one
of the most valuable monuments of ancient American literature, and its
substantial authenticity cannot be doubted. Its first part presents a
body of ancient mythology and its second the early history of the tribe.
The latter is supplemented by a similar document relating to the history
of their neighbors the Cakchiquels, written at the time of the conquest,
which I have published from the unique MS. in my possession.[210] Many
facts relating to their ancient mythology, history and superstitions were
written down by educated natives of Yucatan in a series of documents
entitled “the Books of Chilan Balam,” copies of a number of which have
been preserved.[211] They are replete with curious material.

MAYA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Achis_, in eastern Guatemala, now extinct.
_Aguatecas_, in Aguacatan, Guatemala.
_Cakchiquels_, in central Guatemala.
_Chaneabals_, in eastern Chiapas.
_Chinantecos_ or _Cinantecos_, same as _Tzotzils_.
_Choles_, in Depart. Palenque, in Chiapas.
_Chortis_, in valley of Rio Montagua, near Copan.
_Huastecas_, on Rio Panuco, north of Vera Cruz.
_Ixils_, on head-waters of Rio-Salinas, in Guatemala.
_Lacandons_, on the Rio Lacandon.
_Mams_, in western Guatemala.
_Mayas_, in peninsula of Yucatan.
_Mopans_, north of the Chols, in Guatemala.
_Quekchis_, on Rio Cahabon, in Guatemala.
_Quiches_ (_Utlateca_), head-waters of Rio Grande, Guatemala.
_Pokomams_, south of Rio Grande, in Guatemala.
_Pokonchis_, in central Guatemala.
_Tzendals_, in Tabasco and Chiapas.
_Tzotzils_, in Chiapas.
_Tzutuhils_, south of lake Atitlan, Guatemala.
_Uspantecas_, on Rio Negro, Guatemala.

11. THE HUAVES, SUBTIABAS, LENCAS, XINCAS, XICAQUES, “CARIBS,” MUSQUITOS,
ULVAS, RAMAS, PAYAS, GUATUSOS.

The small tribe of the _Huaves_ occupies four hamlets on the isthmus of
Tehuantepec on the Pacific Ocean.[212] The men are tall and strong but
the women are unusually ugly. Their occupation is chiefly fishing and
they have the reputation of being dull. The language they speak is said
to be of an independent stock, and according to various writers the tribe
claims to have come from some part of the coast a considerable distance
to the south. The vocabularies of their tongue are too imperfect to
permit its identification.

The _Subtiabas_ are inhabitants of the valley of that name near the
modern city of Leon in Nicaragua. They were called Nagrandans by Mr.
E. G. Squier,[213] because the site of ancient Leon was on the plain
of Nagrando and the province also bore this name at the time of the
conquest. They are probably the descendants of the ancient Maribois,
whom both Oviedo and Palacios place a few leagues from Leon and to whom
they ascribe an independent language; but it is an error of some later
writers to confound them with the Chorotegans or Mangues, to whom they
had no relationship whatever. Their language stands by itself among the
inter-isthmian stocks.

The _Lenca_ is spoken by several semi-civilized tribes in central
Honduras. Its principal dialects are the Intibucat, Guajiquero, Opatoro
and Similaton. It is an independent stock, with no affinities as yet
discovered. The Guajiqueros dwell in remote villages in the San Juan
Mountains southwest of Comayagua, the capital of Honduras. We owe to
the late Mr. E. G. Squier vocabularies of all four dialects and an
interesting description of the present condition of the stock.[214]

A little known tribe in a low stage of culture dwelt on the Rio de
los Esclavos, the _Xincas_. They extended about fifty miles along the
Pacific coast and thence back to the Sierra which is there about the same
distance. The one vocabulary we have on their tongue shows some loan
words from their Nahuatl neighbors the Pipiles, but in other respects it
appears to be a stock by itself. Its radicals are generally monosyllabic,
and the formation of words is by suffixes.[215] The tribe was conquered
by Alvarado, in 1524, who states that their principal village was at
Guazacapam. It was built of wood and populous. There are some reasons for
believing that previous to the arrival of the Quiches and Cakchiquels on
the plains of Guatemala that region was occupied by this nation, and that
they gave way before the superior fighting powers of the more cultured
stock.

The _Xicaques_ live in the state of Honduras to the number of about
six thousand. Their seats are on the waters of the Rio Sulaque and Rio
Chaloma. They acknowledge one ruler, who is elective and holds the office
for life. Their language contains a few Nahuatl words, but in the body of
its vocabulary reveals no relationship to any other stock.

The word _Carib_ is frequently applied by the Spanish population to any
wild tribe, merely in the sense of savage or wild. Thus on the upper
Usumacinta the Lacandons, a people of pure Maya stock, are so called by
the whites; on the Musquito coast the uncivilized Ulvas of the mountains
are referred to as Caribs. There are a large number of pure and mixed
Caribs, probably five or six thousand, in British Honduras near Trujillo,
but they do not belong to the original population. They were brought
there from the island of St. Vincent in 1796 by the British authorities.
Many of them have the marked traits of the negro through a mingling of
the races, and are sometimes called “Black Caribs.” The Rev. Alexander
Henderson, who has composed a grammar and dictionary of their dialect,
gives them the name _Karifs_, a corruption of Carib, and is the term by
which they call themselves.

That portion of Honduras known as the Musquito coast derived its name,
not from the abundance of those troublesome insects, but from a native
tribe who at the discovery occupied the shore near Blewfield Lagoon. They
are an intelligent people, short in stature, unusually dark in color,
with finely cut features, and small straight noses--not at all negroid,
except where there has been an admixture of blood. They number about
six thousand, many of whom have been partly civilized by the efforts of
missionaries, who have reduced the language to writing and published
in it a number of works. The Tunglas are one of the sub-tribes of the
Musquitos.

On the head-waters of the streams which empty along the Musquito coast
reside the numerous tribes of the _Ulvas_, called by the English _Smoos_.
These are dark, but lighter in color than the Musquitos, and are much
ruder and more savage. The custom of flattening the head prevails among
them, and as their features are not handsome at the best, and as they are
much afflicted with leprous diseases, they are by no means an attractive
people.

THE ULVA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Bulbuls_, see _Poyas_.
_Carchas_ or _Cukras_, on Rio Meco above Matlack Falls.
_Cocos_, on Rio Coco.
_Micos_, on Rio Mico.
_Parrastahs_, on Rio Mico.
_Pantasmas_, on upper basin of Rio Coco.
_Melchoras_, on Rio de los Ramas.
_Siquias_, on upper Rio Mico.
_Smoos_, see _Woolwas_.
_Subironas_, on Rio Coco.
_Twakas_, at San Blas and on Rio Twaka.
_Woolwas_, _Ulvas_, _Smoos_, on head-waters of Blewfield river.

The _Ramas_, described as men of herculean stature and strength, with a
language of their own, reside on a small island in Blewfield Lagoon.

Toward the mountains near the head-waters of Black River, are the
_Payas_, also alleged to be a separate stock. But unfortunately we have
no specimens of these tongues.[216]

The upper waters of the Rio Frio and its affluents form the locality of
the _Guatusos_ or Huatusos. By some older writers these were supposed
to be of Nahuatl affinities, and others said that they were “white
Indians.” Neither of these tales has any foundation. I have seen some
of the Guatusos, and their color is about that of the average northern
Indians; and as for their language, of which we have rather full
vocabularies, it is not in the slightest related to the Nahuatl, but
is an independent stock. They are a robust and agile set, preferring a
wild life, but cultivating maize, bananas, tobacco and other vegetables,
and knitting nets and hammocks from the fibres of the agave. The
huleros, or gatherers of india rubber, persecute them cruelly, and are
correspondingly hated. It is doubtful if at present they number over six
hundred.[217]

The mountain chain which separates Nicaragua from Costa Rica, and the
head-waters of the Rio Frio from those of the more southern and eastern
streams, is the ethnographic boundary of North America. Beyond it we
come upon tribes whose linguistic affinities point towards the southern
continent. Such are the Talamancas, Guaymies, Valientes and others, which
I must include, in view of recent researches into their languages, in the
next section.

SOUTH AMERICAN TRIBES.

GENERAL REMARKS.

The linguistic classification of the South American tribes offers far
greater difficulties than that of North America. Not only has it been
studied less diligently, but the geographical character of the interior,
the facilities with which tribes move along its extensive water-ways,
and the less stable temperament of the white population have combined to
obscure the relationship of the native tribes and to limit our knowledge
about them.

The first serious attempt to take a comprehensive survey of the idioms of
this portion of the continent was that of the Abbé Hervas in his general
work on the languages of the globe.[218] Balbi and Adelung did scarcely
more than pursue the lines he had traced in this portion of the field. So
little had these obtained definite results that Alexander von Humboldt
renounced as impracticable the arrangement of South American tribes by
their languages, because “more than seven-eighths would have remained
what the classifying botanists call _incertæ sedis_.”[219]

This eminent naturalist, however, overlooked no opportunity to collect
material for the study of the native tongues, and on his return to Europe
placed what he had secured in the hands of his distinguished brother
for analysis. William von Humboldt, who was the profoundest linguist of
his day, gave close attention to the subject, but rather from a purely
critical than an ethnographic aspect. He based upon the South American
languages many principles of his linguistic philosophy; but so little
general attention was given the subject that his most valuable study was
first given to the press by myself in 1885.[220]

Sixty years ago the French traveler, Alcide D’Orbigny, published his
important work devoted to South American Ethnography, but confined to
that portion of the continent he had visited, south of the parallel of
12° south latitude.[221] His classification was based partly on language,
partly on physical traits, and as it seemed simple and clear, it has
retained its popularity quite to the present day. He subsumes all the
tribes in the area referred to under three “races,” subdivided into
“branches” and “nations” as follows:--

1. _Ando-Peruvian Race._

BRANCH. NATIONS.

1. PERUVIAN. Quichuas.
Aymaras.
Chancos.
Atacamas.

2. ANDEAN. (Antisian.) Yuracares.
Mocetenes.
Tacanas.
Maropas.
Apolistas.

3. ARAUCANIAN. Aucas.
Fuegians.

2. _Pampean Race._

BRANCH. NATIONS.

1. PAMPEAN. Tehuelches.
Puelches.
Charruas.
Mbocobis.
Mataguayos.
Abipones.
Lenguas.

2. CHIQUITEAN. Samucus.
Chiquitos.
Saravecas.
Otuquis.
Curuminacas.
Covarecas.
Curaves.
Tapiis.
Curucanecas.
Paiconecas.
Corabecas.

3. MOXEAN. Moxos.
Chapacuras.
Itonamas.
Canichanas.
Mobimas.
Cayuvavas.
Pacaguaras.
Itenes.

3. _Brasilio-Guaranian Race._

NATIONS.

Guaranis.
Botocudos.

In this classification, the distinctions of “races” and “branches” are
based exclusively on physical characteristics, and are at times in
conflict with a linguistic arrangement. The Botocudos and Guaranis, for
instance, are wholly dissimilar and should no more be classed together
than the Peruvians and the Tupis; the Saravecas and Paiconecas speak
Arawak dialects; and other examples could be cited. When D’Orbigny
confined himself to the identification of related tribes by a close
scrutiny of their idioms, he rendered valuable service by introducing
order into the chaotic nomenclature of earlier writers, as he forcibly
points out; but his physical discriminations are of little value.

About the middle of this century, two German travelers, Von Tschudi and
Von Martius, gave close attention to the linguistic ethnology of the
continent, Von Tschudi in Peru and Von Martius in Brazil. The former
found the field so unoccupied that he did not hesitate to write in a
work published less than ten years ago, “In fact, the knowledge of the
languages of South America is to-day less than it was two hundred years
ago.”[222] His own divisions of the linguistic regions (_Sprachgebiete_)
of the continent is less satisfactory than we might expect. He describes
three principal and seven minor districts, the former being, 1. The
Pampo-Andean; 2. The inter-Andean; and 3. The Tupi-Guarani regions. The
minor centers are, 1. The Arawak-Carib region; 2. That of Cundinamarca;
3. The Rio Meta; 4. The Rio Tolima; 5. The Rio Atrato; 6. The Rio Salado;
7. The Chaco; 8. That of the Moxos.

These are so far from meeting the requirements of our linguistic
possessions at present that scarcely one of them can be accepted. Von
Tschudi was an able and critical scholar in his particular field, that
of the Kechua tongue, but he had not made a wide study of South American
languages.

Von Martius was much more of a comparative linguist. His work on the
ethnography and linguistics of South America[223] is a mine of general
information, and indispensable to every student of the subject. Taking
the numerous and confused dialects of Brazil, and the almost hopeless
synonymy of its tribal names, he undertook a classification of them by
establishing verbal and grammatical similarities. It is now generally
recognized that he went too far in this direction. He maintained, for
instance, that there is a demonstrable relationship between the Tupi,
the Carib, and the Arawak stocks; later studies have not endorsed
this, but have tended to show that they cannot be traced to any common
mother-speech. What Martius called the “Guck” nations, which he
brought into connection through the word of that sound used by them to
designate the paternal uncle, are now considered to be without general
relationship. The researches of Karl Von Den Steinen and Lucien Adam have
overthrown this theory.

It is especially in studying the vast and largely unexplored regions
watered by the upper streams of the mighty Amazon, that one is yet at a
loss to bring the native inhabitants into ethnic order. Of the various
explorers and travellers who have visited that territory, few have paid
attention to the dialects of the natives, and of those few, several have
left their collections unpublished. Thus, I have been unable to learn
that Richard Spruce, who obtained numerous vocabularies along the Amazon
and its branches, gave them to the press; and there were in the hands
of Von Tschudi more than a hundred vocabularies collected by the German
naturalist, Johannes Natterer, in the interior of Brazil,[224] most of
which I learn are still in manuscript. In default of material such as
this, the classification of the tribes of Brazil must remain imperfect.

It is also a matter of much regret that no copy can be found of the work
of the celebrated missionary, Alonso de Barcena, _Lexica et Precepta in
quinque Indorum Linguis_, published at Lima, in 1590--if, indeed, it
was ever really printed. It contained grammars of the Kechua, Aymara,
Yunca, Puquina and Katamareña, (spoken by the Calchaquis). Of the two
last mentioned idioms no other grammar is known, which makes the complete
disappearance of this early printed book particularly unfortunate.
Another Jesuit, Father Guillaume D’Étré, wrote out the catechism and
instructions for the sacraments in eighteen languages of eastern Peru and
the upper Orinoco;[225] but this, too, seems lost.

Of late years no one has paid such fruitful attention to the relationship
and classification of the South American tribes and languages as M.
Lucien Adam. Although I have not in all points followed his nomenclature,
and have not throughout felt in accordance with his grouping, I have
always placed my main dependence on his work in the special fields he
has selected--the three great South American families of the Amazon
region, the Arawak (called by him the Maypure), the Carib, and the
Tupi.[226]

The general plan which I shall adopt is rather for convenience of
arranging the subject than for reasons based on similarities either of
language or physical habitus. It is that which allows the presentation of
the various stocks most in accordance with their geographic distribution
and their historic associations.

It is as follows:

I. The South Pacific group.
1. The Columbian region.
2. The Peruvian region.

II. The South Atlantic group.
1. The Amazonian region.
2. The Pampean region.

I. THE SOUTH PACIFIC GROUP.

1. THE COLUMBIAN REGION.

This region includes the mountainous district in northwestern South
America, west of the basin of the Orinoco and north of the equator--but
without rigid adherence to these lines. The character of its culture
differed considerably from that found in the Atlantic regions and was
much more closely assimilated to that of Peru. Three lofty mountain
chains traverse New Granada from north to south, the intervening valleys
being beds of powerful rivers, rich in fish and with fertile banks.
This configuration of the soil has exerted a profound influence on the
life and migrations of the native inhabitants, severing them from the
fellow-members of their race to the east and directing their rovings in a
north and south direction.

The productive valleys were no doubt densely populated; though we must
regard as a wild extravagance the estimate of a modern writer that at
the conquest the native inhabitants of New Granada reached “six to eight
millions”[227]; and I hope that the historian Herrera was far beyond the
truth when he asserted that in Popayan alone, in a single year fifty
thousand of the Indians died of starvation, five thousand were killed and
eaten by the famishing multitude, and a hundred thousand perished from
pestilence![228]

_1. Tribes of the Isthmus and Adjacent Coast._

At the discovery, the Isthmus of Panama was in the possession of the
_Cunas_ tribe, as they call themselves. They are the same to whom were
applied later the names Darien Indians (Wafer), Tules, Cunacunas, Cuevas,
Coybas, Mandingas, Bayanos, Irriacos, San Blas Indians, Chucunacos,
Tucutis, etc.

They extended from the Gulf of Uraba and the river Atrato on the east to
the river Chagres on the west. In that direction they were contiguous to
the Guaymis, while on the right bank of the Atrato their neighbors were
the Chocos.

The Cunas are slightly undersized (about 1.50), but symmetrical and
vigorous. Their color is light, and individuals with chestnut or
reddish hair and grey eyes have always been noted among them, and have
erroneously been supposed to be albinos. Their skulls are markedly
brachycephalic (88) and their faces broad.

In spite of the severe measures of the Spaniards, they have never been
thoroughly reduced, and still manifest an unconquerable love of freedom
and a wild life. When first met they lived in small villages composed
of communal houses, raised maize and cotton, working the latter into
garments for the women, and possessed some gold, which they obtained
from the mountain streams and by working auriferous veins. The men
usually appeared naked and used poisoned arrows.

The Cuna language does not seem to be positively connected with any
other stock, nor have dialects of it been discovered elsewhere. A number
of verbal similarities have been pointed out with the Chibcha, and it
has also a certain similarity to the Carib;[229] but with our present
knowledge it would be hasty to class it along with any other.

The _Changuina_ or Dorasque tribes of the Isthmus lived latterly on
the River Puan, a branch of the Telorio, and are said to have numbered
5000 persons, though but a few miserable remnants are surviving.
They are lighter in color than the Guaymis, with whom they were in a
constant state of quarreling. In earlier times they were bold warriors,
lived by hunting, and were less cultured than their neighbors; yet a
remarkable megalithic monument in the pueblo of Meza is attributed to
them.[230] At the period of the conquest they dwelt in the high Sierras
back of the volcano of Chiriqui and extended to the northern coast
near Chiriqui Lagoon, where the River Changuina-Aula (_aula_, in the
Mosquito language, means river), still preserves their name. They were an
independent warlike tribe, and gave the Spaniards much trouble. Finally,
these broils led to their practical extinction. The last member of the
Dorasque branch died in 1882, and few others remain.

CHANGUINA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Chalivas_, on upper Changuina-Aula.
_Changuinas_, near Bugaba.
_Chumulus_, near Caldera.
_Dorasques_, on the Rio Puan.
_Gualacas_, near San Francisco de Dolega.
_Teluskies_, near Rio Puan.

The _Chocos_ were the first nation encountered in South America on
passing beyond the territory of the Cunas. They occupied the eastern
shore of the Gulf of Uraba, and much of the lower valley of the Atrato.
Thence they extended westerly across the Sierra to the Pacific coast,
which they probably occupied from the Gulf of San Miguel, in north
latitude 8°, where some of them still live under the name of Sambos,
down to the mouth of the San Juan River, about north latitude 4°, on
the affluents of which stream are the Tados and Noanamas, speaking
well-marked dialects of the tongue. To the east they reached the
valley of the Cauca, in the province of Antioquia. The Tucuras, at the
junction of the Sinu and the Rio Verde, are probably their easternmost
branch.[231]

Anthropologically, they resemble the Cunas, having brachycephalic skulls,
with large faces, but are rather taller and of darker color. Here the
resemblance ceases, for they are widely dissimilar in language, in
customs and in temperament. Instead of being warlike and quarrelsome,
they are mild and peaceable; they lived less in villages and communal
houses than in single isolated huts. Most of them are now Catholics and
cultivate the soil. They have little energy and live miserably. At the
time of the conquest they were a trafficking people, obtaining salt from
the saline springs and gold from the quartz lodes, which they exchanged
with the tribes of the interior. Some of them were skilful in working the
metal, and fine specimens of their products have been obtained from their
ancestral tombs.

CHOCO LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Angaguedas_, west of province of Cauca.
_Cañasgordas_, west of province of Cauca.
_Caramantas_, west of province of Cauca.
_Chocos_, on Rio Atrato.
_Chamis_, near Marmato.
_Chiamus_ or _Chocamus_, on the Pacific.
_Citaraes_, on Rio Buei and Rio Buchado.
_Murindoes._
_Necodades._
_Noanamas_, on head-waters of Rio San Juan.
_Paparos_, between rivers Sapa and Puero.
_Patoes._
_Rio Verdes_, on the Rio Verde.
_Sambos_, on Rio Sambo, south of Gulf of San Miguel.
_Tados_, head-waters of Rio San Juan.
_Tucuras_, on Rio Senu.

It is worth while recording the names and positions of the other native
tribes along the northern coast at the time of the discovery, even if we
are unable to identify their linguistic connections. An official report
made in 1546 furnishes a part of this information.[232] At that time and
previously the eastern shore of Venezuela was peopled by the Chirigotos,
who are probably the Chagaragotos of later authors.[233] Their western
neighbors were the Caracas, near the present city of that name. They were
warlike, wove hamacs, poisoned their arrows, and wore ornaments of gold.
The whole coast from Caracas to Lake Maracaibo was in possession of the
Caquetios, who also wove hamacs, and dwelt in stationary villages. They
were of milder disposition and friendly, and as a consequence were early
enslaved and destroyed by the Spaniards. Even at the date of the Relation
they had disappeared from the shore. It is possible that they fled far
inland, and gave their name in later days to the river Caqueta.

Along the eastern border of Lake Maracaibo were the Onotes, “The Lords of
the Lagoon,” _Señores de la Laguna_, a fine race, whose women were the
handsomest along the shore.[234] They lived in houses built on piles
in the lake, and fished in its waters with nets and hooks. They traded
their fish for maize and yuca to the Bobures. These dwelt on the southern
shore of the lake, and are distinguished as erecting temples, _mesquites
adoratorios_, for their religious rites.[235] The Sierra on the west of
the lake was the home of the warlike Coromochos.

These warriors probably belonged to the Goajiros, who then, as now,
occupied the peninsula on the northwest of Lake Maracaibo.

It is not easy to say who were the Tirripis and Turbacos, who lived
about the mouth of the Magdalena River, though the names remind us of
the Chibcha stock. Approaching the Gulf of Darien from the east, we find
the highlands and shores on its west peopled by the Caimanes. These
undoubtedly belonged to the Cunas, as is proved by the words collected
among them in 1820 by Joaquin Acosta.[236] The earliest linguistic
evidence about their extension dates from a report in 1515,[237] in which
the writer says that all along this coast, up to and beyond San Blas,
the natives call a man _uma_ and a woman _ira_, which are words from the
Cuna dialects.

In the mountainous district of Mérida, south of the plains in the
interior from Lake Maracaibo, there still dwell the remains of a number
of small bands speaking dialects of a stock which has been called from
one of its principal members, the _Timote_. It has been asserted to
display a relationship to the Chibcha, but the comparisons I have made do
not reveal such connection. It seems to stand alone, as an independent
tongue.

All the Timotes paid attention to agriculture, raising maize, pepper
and esculent roots of the potato character. Those who lived in the warm
regions painted their bodies red and went naked; while those in the
uplands threw around them a square cotton blanket fastened at the waist.
Some of them buried their dead in caves, as the Quindoraes on the banks
of the Motatan. With them they placed small figures in terra cotta. The
Mocochies, living where caves are rare, built underground vaults for
their dead, closing the entrance with a great stone.[238]

From the writings of Lares and Ernst I make the following list of the
members of the

TIMOTE LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Aricaguas._
_Aviamos._
_Bailadores._
_Canaguaes._
_Chamas._
_Escagueyes._
_Guaraques._
_Guaquis._
_Iguiños._
_Insumubies._
_Jajies._
_Miguries._
_Mirripuyas._
_Mocochies._
_Mocotos._
_Mocombos._
_Mombunes._
_Mucuchaies._
_Mucunchies._
_Mucurabaes._
_Mucutuyes._
_Quindoraes._
_Quinos._
_Quiroraes._
_Tabayones._
_Taparros._
_Tatuyes._
_Tiguinos._
_Tricaguas._

Few of these names are found in the older writers. In the Taparros we
recognize the “Zaparas,” who, in the last century, lived in contiguity
to the Goajiros of the adjacent peninsula.[239] The Mucuchis gave their
name to an early settlement of that name in the province of Mérida.[240]
The prefix _muco_ or _moco_, which is very common in place-names of that
region, is believed by Lares to have a locative significance. Such names
give approximately the extent of the dialects at the settlement of the
country.

In the highlands near the present city of Caracas, and in the fertile
valleys which surround the beautiful inland lake of Valencia to the
southeast, were at the discovery a number of tribes whose names, Arbacos,
Mariches, Merigotos, etc., give us no information as to their affinities.
They are now extinct, and nothing of their languages has been preserved.
All the more store do we set by the archæology of the district, about
which valuable information has been contributed by Dr. G. Marcano.[241]
He opened a number of burial mounds where the bones of the dead, after
having been denuded of flesh, were interred, together with ornaments and
utensils. These were in stone, bone and terra cotta, the only metal
being gold in small quantity. The character of the work showed the
existence of a culture belonging to the highest stage of polished stone.
Many of the skulls were artificially deformed to a high degree, the
frontal obliquity in some cases being double the normal. Add to this that
there was present an almost unexampled prognathism, and we have crania
quite without similars in other parts of the continent. When not deformed
they were brachycephalic, and both series gave a respectable capacity,
1470 c. c.

_2. The Chibchas._

Most of the writers on the Chibchas have spoken of them as a nation
standing almost civilized in the midst of barbarous hordes, and without
affinities to any other. Both of these statements are erroneous. The
Chibchas proper, or Muyscas, are but one member of a numerous family of
tribes which extended in both directions from the Isthmus of Panama, and
thus had representatives in North as well as South America. The Chibcha
language was much more widely disseminated throughout New Granada at
the time of the discovery than later writers have appreciated. It was
the general tongue of nearly all the provinces, and occupied the same
position with reference to the other idioms that the Kechua did in
Peru.[242] Indeed, most of the tribes in New Granada were recognized as
members of this stock.[243] Nor were they so much above their neighbors
in culture. Many of these also were tillers of the soil, weavers and
spinners of cotton, diggers of gold in the quartz lodes, skilled in
moulding and hammering it into artistic shapes, and known widely as
energetic merchants.

No doubt the Chibchas had carried this culture to the highest point of
all the family. Their home was on the southern confines of the stock,
in the valleys of Bogota and Tunja, where their land extended from the
fourth to the sixth degree of north latitude, about the head-waters of
the Sogamoso branch of the Magdalena. Near the mouth of this river on its
eastern shore, rises the Sierra of Santa Marta, overlooking the open sea,
and continuing to the neck of the peninsula of Goajira. These mountains
were the home time out of mind of the Aroacos, a tribe in a condition of
barbarism, but not distantly related in language to the Chibchas.

When the Spaniards first undertook the conquest of this Sierra, they met
with stubborn resistance from the Tayronas and Chimilas, who lived among
these hills. They were energetic tribes, cultivating fields of maize,
yucca, beans and cotton, which latter they wove and dyed for clothing.
Not only were they versed in stratagems, but they knew some deadly
poison for their arrows.[244]

In later generations the Tayronas disappear entirely from history, but
I think the suggestion is well founded that they merely became merged
with the Chimilas, with whom they were always associated, and who
still survive in the same locality as a civilized tribe. We have some
information about their language.[245] It shows sufficient affinity with
the Chibcha to justify me in classing the Tayronas and Chimilas in that
group.

An imperfect vocabulary of the native residents of Siquisique in the
state of Lara, formerly the province of Barquisimetro, inclines me to
unite them with the Aroac branch of this stock, though their dialect is
evidently a mixed one.[246]

A still more interesting extension of this stock was that which it
appears to have had at one time in the northern continent. A number
of tribes beyond the straits, in the states of Panama and Costa Rica,
were either filially connected or deeply influenced by the outposts of
the Chibcha nation. These were the Guaymis in Veraguas, who possessed
the soil from ocean to ocean, and the Talamancas of Costa Rica, who in
a number of small sub-tribes extended quite to the boundaries of the
present state of Nicaragua. It has been recently shown, and I think
on satisfactory evidence, that their idioms contain a large number of
Chibcha words, and of such a class that they could scarcely have been
merely borrowed, but point to a prolonged admixture of stocks.[247] Along
with these terms are others pointing to a different family of languages,
perhaps, as has long been suspected, to some of the Carib dialects; but
up to the present time they must be said not to have been identified.

Thus Lucien Adam has pointed out that the two groups of the Guaymi
dialects differ as widely, as follows:

MUOI-MUR- VALIENTE-
IRE-SAVANERO. GUAYMI-NORTENO.

Sun, _cui_, _nono_, _noana_.
Moon, _dai_, _so_, _go_.
Water, _ci_, _ca_, _ño_, _ñu_.
Man, _cuia_, _ni-togua_.
Woman, _moima_, _ni-uire_.
Eye, _guagava_, _ogua_.
Nose, _se_, _chegua_, _ni-doñ_, _domo_.
Foot, _sera_, _n-goto_.

Dr. Max Uhle, in a late essay, has collected numerous verbal identities
between the various Guaymi and Talamanca dialects on the one hand, and
the Aroac and Chibcha on the other, including most of the simple numerals
and many words besides those which would be likely to be introduced by
commerce. Not stopping with this, he has successfully developed a variety
of laws of vowel and consonant changes in the dialects, which bring the
resemblance of the two groups into strong relief and do away with much of
their seeming diversity. Moreover, he points out that the terminations of
the present and imperative are identical, and the placement of words in
the sentence alike in both. These and his other arguments are sufficient,
I think, to establish his thesis; and I am at greater pains to set it
forth, as I regard it as one of unusual importance in its bearing on the
relations which existed in pre-historic times between tribes along the
boundary of the two continents.

As to the course of migration, I do not think that the discussion of the
dialectic changes leaves any room for doubt. They all indicate attrition
and loss of the original form as we trace them from South into North
America; evidently the wandering hordes moved into the latter from the
southern continent. So far, there is no evidence that any North American
tribe migrated into South America.

To illustrate these points I quote from Uhle’s tables the following:

_Comparison of the Chibcha with the Costa Rican Dialects._

(T. = Talamanca. G. = Guaymi.)

CHIBCHA. COSTA RICA.

Head, _zysqui_, _dzekung_, T., _thokua_, G.
Ear, _cuhuca_, _kuku_, T.
Tongue, _pcua_, _ku_, T.
Breasts, _chue_, _tsu_, T.
Navel, _mue_, _mbwo_, T.
Foot, _quihyca_, _ketscha_, T.
Bird, _sue_, _du_, T., _nukua_, G.
Fish, _gua_, _gua_, G.
Snake, _tacbi_, _thekebe_, G.
Ant, _ize_, _tsa_, T.
Maize, _aba_, _ep_, T.
Stone, _hyca_, _hak_, T.
Water, _sie_, _di_, T., _chi_, G.
Sun, _sua_, _chui_, G.
House, _güe_, _hu_, T., _xu_, G.
Comb, _cuza_, _kasch_, T.
One, _ata_, _et_, T., _ti_, G.
Two, _boza_, _bu_, T., _bu_, G.
Three, _mica_, _mia_, T., _mai_, G.

The numerous relics which since 1859 have been disinterred from the
ancient sepulchres of Chiriqui may be attributed to the members of this
stock; perhaps, as M. Pinart has suggested, to the ancestors of the
Guaymis, or, as Dr. Berendt thought, to the Cunas or Coibas.[248] These
graves are scattered in small groups or cemeteries, rarely more than ten
acres in extent, over the Pacific slope of the province of Chiriqui. The
similarity of the culture of their makers to that of the Chibchas has not
failed to impress archæological experts. Thus, W. H. Holmes remarks in
his admirable article on the “Art of Chiriqui.” “In their burial customs,
in the lack of enduring houses or temples, and in their use of gold, they
were like the ancient peoples of middle and southern New Granada.”[249]

These relics are in stone, in pottery of many varieties and forms, and
in the metals gold, copper, silver and tin in various alloys. So large
was the quantity of gold that from a single cemetery over fifty thousand
dollars in value have been extracted. No wonder that Columbus and his
companions gave to this region the appellation _Castillo del Oro_, Golden
Castilé.

Such a condition of civilization is in accord with the earliest
descriptions of the Chiriqui tribes. When in 1521 Francisco Compañon
overran their country, he found the Borucas and their neighbors living in
villages surrounded with high wooden palisades, the posts firmly lashed
together, making a solid wall of defence.[250]

The culture of the Chibchas has been portrayed by numerous writers, and
it deserves to rank as next to that of the Nahuas and Kechuas, though in
many respects inferior to both of these. Their chiefs held by succession
through the female side, the matriarchal system prevailing throughout
their tribes. Agriculture was diligently pursued, the products being
maize, potatoes, yucca and cotton. Artificial irrigation by means of
ditches was in extended use. Salt was prepared on a large scale by
evaporation, and their skill in the manufacture of cotton cloth was
notable. Copper and bronze were unknown, and all their tools and weapons
were of wood and stone. In this respect they were in arrears of their not
distant neighbors, the Kechuas. Gold, however, they had in quantity, and
knew how to smelt it and to work it into vases and ornaments of actual
beauty. The use of stone for building was unknown, and their finest
structures were with wooden walls coated with clay and roofed with straw.

In spite of what has sometimes been brought forward, it is not likely
that they had any method of writing, and much that has been advanced
about their calendar is of doubtful correctness. They had neither the
quipos of the Peruvians nor the picture writing of the Mexicans. The
carved stones which have sometimes been produced as a species of calendar
were probably merely moulds for hammering gold into shape.

Quite a body of their mythologic legends have been preserved, replete
with interest to the student of the religious sentiment of this race.
They indicate an active imagination and may be regarded as quite
authentic.

The Chibchas proper, as well as the Aroacos, were meso- or
brachycephalic, the cephalic index ranging above 80. They were of
moderate stature, dark in color, the face broad, the eyes dark and often
slightly oblique, the cheek-bones prominent and the general appearance
not handsome.

CHIBCHA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Aruacs_ (_Aroacos_), in Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta and on
Rio Paramo.
_Bintucuas_, a sub-tribe of the Aruacs.
_Borucas_, sub-tribe of Talamancas.
_Bribris_, sub-tribe of Talamancas.
_Bruncas_, see _Borucas_.
_Cabecars_, sub-tribe of Talamancas.
_Chibchas_, on upper Rio Magdalena, near Bogota.
_Chicamochas_, about 4° N. lat.
_Chimilas_, in the sierra of Santa Marta.
_Chitas_ or _Chiscas_, near Sierra de Morcote.
_Duits_, near Duitama.
_Guacicas_, east of Bogota, on the head-waters of Rio Meta.
_Guamacas_, a sub-tribe of Aruacs.
_Guaymis_, on both slopes of the Cordillera, in Veraguas.
_Köggabas_, a sub-tribe of the Aruacs.
_Morcotes_, near San Juan de los Llanos.
_Muois_, a sub-tribe of the Guaymis.
_Murires_, a sub-tribe of the Guaymis.
_Muyscas_, see _Chibchas_.
_Sinsigas_, in the sierra near Tunja.
_Talamancas_, in the sierra in Costa Rica.
_Tayronas_, in the Sierra de Santa Marta.
_Terrabas_, a sub-tribe of Talamancas.
_Tirribis_, a sub-tribe of Talamancas.
_Tucurriques_, a sub-tribe of the Talamancas.
_Tunebos_, in the sierra east of Bogota.
_Valientes_, a sub-tribe of the Guaymis.

_3. The Paniquitas and Paezes._

A number of tribes living to the north and west of the Chibchas seem to
have belonged to one stock. They are mentioned by the older historians as
acting in alliance, as in constant war with the Chibchas, and several of
them as speaking dialects of a tongue wholly different from the Chibchas.
Their stage of culture was lower, but they were acquainted with the bow,
the sling and the war-club, and had fixed habitations. I give the list of
these presumably related tribes, and apply to the stock the name of one
of the modern tribes which retain the language.[251]

PANIQUITA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Canapeis_, sub-tribe of Colimas (Herrera).
_Colimas_, on the right bank of Magdalena, adjacent to the Musos.
_Manipos_, adjacent to the Pijoas.
_Musos_, on right bank of the Magdalena, adjacent and north of the
Muyscas.
_Nauras_, on the Rio Carari.
_Paezes_, on the central Cordillera.
_Panches_, on the east bank of Magdalena, near Tocayma.
_Paniquitas_, between upper waters of the Magdalena and Cauca.
_Pantagoros_, on both shores of the Magdalena and in province of
Quimbaya.
_Pijaos_, in Popayan, on the Cauca and Neyva.

My reasons for identifying the modern Paniquitas and Paezes with the
ancient tribes named are, first, the identity of the location, and
secondly, the presence of the initial syllable _pan_ in the names of
two of the principal extinct peoples, a word which in Paniquita means
“mountain,” and clearly refers to the position of their villages in the
sierra, between the head-waters of the Cauca and Magdalena Rivers.

Among the references in the older writers, I may mention that Herrera
states that the language of the Panches was one of the most extended
in that part of the country, and that the tribes speaking it almost
surrounded the Muyscas;[252] and Piedrahita specifically adds that the
Pijaos, the most powerful tribe in Popayan, whose territory extended from
Cartago to the city of Popayan, along the valley of the Neyva, and quite
to San Juan de los Llanos, belonged to the same stock as the Pantagoros.

Some fragments have been preserved from the mythology of the Musos, who
lived about 24 leagues northwest of Santa Fé, on the right bank of the
Magdalena. Their legends pointed for the home of their ancestors to the
left or western side of the river. Here dwelt, lying in a position of
eternal repose, the Creator, a shadow whose name was _Are_. Ages ago he
carved for his amusement two figures in wood, a man and a woman, and
threw them into the river. They rose from its waters as living beings,
and marrying, became the ancestors of the human species.[253]

Most of these tribes are reported to have flattened artificially their
heads, and to have burned the bodies of their dead, or, in Popoyan, to
have mummified them by long exposure to a slow fire.

The Paezes live on both slopes of the central Cordillera, across the
valley of the Magdalena from Bogota, some two thousand in number, in
twenty-one villages. They prefer the high altitudes, and are a hardy
set of hunters and mountaineers. In spite of the cold they go nearly
naked, but what is rare among native Americans, they wear a hat of reeds
or bark, resembling in this some Peruvian tribes. Nor are they devoid
of skill in hammering gold into ornaments, and weaving fibres of the
maguey into mats and cloths. One of their peculiar customs is to burn
down a house whenever a birth or a death takes place in it. The harsh
dialect they speak has been rendered accessible by a publication of Señor
Uricoechea. Its practical identity with the Panequita is obvious from the
following comparison:[254]

PANEQUITA. PAEZ.

Eye, _yafi_, _yafi_.
Hand, _kousseh_, _cose_.
House, _iat_, _yath_.
Man, _pitsto_, _piz petam_.
Tongue, _tunneh_, _toné_.
Tooth, _kit_, _quith_.
Two, _hendsta_, _enz_.
Three, _tejta_, _tec_.
Four, _pansta_, _panz_.

_4. South Columbian Tribes, Natives of Cauca, Coconucos, Barbacoas,
Andaquis, Mocoas, Cañaris._

In the states of Cauca and Antioquia there are scarcely any full-blood
natives remaining, and the tribes after the conquest were so shifted
about that it is difficult to know to which of them we should attribute
the abundant remains of ancient art which are scattered profusely
over this region. There are numerous sepulchral tumuli, especially
in the Frontino and Dabeiba districts, which yield a rich harvest to
the antiquary. They contain gold figures, vases and ornaments, stone
implements of uncommon perfection, mirrors of polished pyrites, and small
images in stone and terra cotta. There are also remarkable ruins in the
valley of the Rio de la Plata, an affluent of the upper Magdalena. They
consist in colossal statues rudely carved from stone, and edifices of
the same material, partly underground, the walls of large slabs, and the
roof supported by cylindrical carved pillars. A few of these still remain
intact, but the majority have been wrecked by the earthquakes and by the
vandalism of treasure-hunters.[255]

In an attempt to restore the ancient ethnography of this region, Dr.
Posada-Arango thinks the former tribes can be classed under three
principal nations:[256]

1. The _Catios_, west of the river Cauca.
2. The _Nutabes_, on the right bank of the Cauca, in its central
course.
3. The _Tahamies_, toward the east and south.

In addition to these, there are the Yamacies, near the present city of
Saragossa.

According to the early records, these tribes lived in fixed habitations
constructed of wood and roofed with thatch. They were cultivators of
the soil, skilled in the manufacture of pottery and stone implements,
and had as domestic animals parrots and a small species of dog (_perros
de monte_). Their clothing was of cotton, and they were much given to
wearing ornaments, many of which were of gold.

From the unfortunate absence of linguistic material, I am unable to
classify these interesting peoples.

In the valleys of the Sierra south of the Paezes dwelt the _Guanucos_,
described by the first explorers as a warlike people in an advanced
stage of culture. Their houses were of stone, roofed with straw. The sun
was worshipped with elaborate ceremonies, including choruses of virgins
and the ministration of thousands of priests.[257] The dead were buried
and the funeral solemnities associated with human sacrifice. At present
the neighbors of the Paezes on the western slope of the Cordillera are
the Moguexes or Guambianos, partially civilized and carrying on a rude
agriculture. They are much given to dissolute dances to the sound of the
marimba, and to stupefying themselves with stramonium, which they also
use to catch fish.[258]

The informant of the Abbé Hervas, Señor Velasco, asserted that the
Guanucos were a branch of the _Coconucos_, who dwelt near the foot of the
mountain of that name in Popayan, and figure considerably in some of the
older histories.[259] Bollaert learned that some of them still survive,
and obtained a few words of their language, which he was also told was
the same as that of the Pubenanos.[260] I have found by comparison that
it is identical with that of the Moguexes and Totoros,[261] and I am
therefore enabled to present the following group as members of what I
shall call the

COCONUCA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Coconucos_, at the sources of the Rio Purase.
_Guanucos_, in the Sierra.
_Guambianos_, see _Moguexes_.
_Moguexes_, on the western slope of the Cordillera.
_Pubenanos_, adjacent to the Coconucos.
_Mosqueras_, sub-tribe of Moguexes.
_Polindaras_, head-waters of Rio Cauca.
_Totoros_, in the Sierra between the Magdalena and Cauca.

To these should probably be added the Conchucos and Guaycos, who appear
to have been adjacent tribes speaking the same tongue, although also
being familiar with the Kechua language.[262]

In the upper valleys of the rivers Daule, Chone and Tachi, there still
survive some families of the “painted Indians,” who were referred to by
Cieza de Leon as Manivis, now usually called Colorados, but whose own
name is Sacchas, men or people. They are naturally of a light yellow
hue, some with light hair and eyes, but are accustomed to go naked and
cover their skin with a reddish vegetable pigment, which on the face is
laid on in decorative lines. Their language,[263] with which we have
some acquaintance, appears to belong to the same family as that of the
Barbacoas, to whom the Jesuit Father Luca della Cueva went as missionary
in 1640, and that of the Iscuandes and the Telembis, all residing in the
forests near the coast, between 1° and 2° north latitude. These are
described by M. André, who visited them in 1880, as of mixed blood and
reduced to a few hundreds, but still retaining something of their ancient
tongue, of which he obtained a vocabulary of 23 words. The Cuaiqueres he
reports as also speaking this idiom.[264]

Velasco mentions that the Barbacoas, Telembis and Iscuandes formed a
confederation governed by a council of nine members chosen equally from
the three tribes.

To the south of the Telembis and adjoining the Kechua-speaking Malabas in
the district of La Tola were the Cayapas, of whom some remnants remain,
still preserving their native tongue. A vocabulary of it, obtained by H.
Wilcszynski, has recently been published.[265] On comparing it with the
Colorado vocabulary secured by Bishop Thiel and edited by Dr. Seler, it
is clear that they are dialects of the same stock, as will be seen from
these examples:[266]

CAYAPA. COLORADA.
Head, _mishpuca_, _michu_.
Hair, _achua_, _apichu_.
Eye, _capucua_, _caco_.
Fingers, _fia-misho_, _té-michu_.
Fire, _nin-guma_, _ni_.
Water, _pi_, _pi_.
Rain, _shua_, _chua-ptana_.
Tree, _chi_, _chi-tue_.
Night, _quepe_, _quepe_.
Sister, _in-socki_, _soque_.
House, _ia_, _ya_.
White, _fiba_, _fibaga_.
To sleep, _casto_, _catzoza_.
To drink, _pi-cushno_, _cuchi_.

The Cayapas are described as well-built, with oval faces and roman
noses.[267]

As the Barbacoas were the first known and probably the most numerous
member of this family, I shall select their name to apply to them all,
and classify the group as follows:

BARBACOA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Barbacoas_, on Upper Patia and Telembi.
_Cayapas_, on coast near La Tola.
_Colorados_, on Daule, Chone and Tachi Rivers.
_Cuaiqueres_, on the coast about 1° N. Lat.
_Iscuandes_, on Rio Patia.
_Manivis_, head-waters of Rio Telembi.
_Sacchas_, see _Colorados_.
_Telembis_, on Rio Telembi.

I have, in obedience to a sense of caution, treated of this stock as
separate from the Cocanuca; but the fragmentary vocabularies at my
command offer a number of resemblances between the two, and I expect that
ampler material will show increased analogies, probably to the extent of
proving them branches of the same family tree.

In the roughest part of the Eastern Cordillera, about the head-waters
of the two rivers Fragua, (between 1° and 2° north latitude), live the
_Andaquis_. They are wild and warlike, and are the alleged guardians
of the legendary _Indeguau_, “House of the Sun,” a cavern in which,
according to local tradition, lies piled the untold gold of the ancient
peoples.[268] At the time of the conquest their ancestors are said to
have occupied the fertile lands between the Magdalena and Suaza rivers,
especially the valley of San Augustin, where they constructed mysterious
cyclopean edifices and subterranean temples, and carved colossal
statues from the living rock. These have been described and portrayed
by intelligent travelers, and give us a high opinion of the skill and
intelligence of their builders.[269]

The only specimen I have found of the Andaqui language is the vocabulary
collected by the Presbyter Albis. Its words show slight similarities to
the Paniquita and the Chibcha,[270] but apparently it is at bottom an
independent stock. The nation was divided into many sub-tribes, living
in and along the eastern Cordillera, and on the banks of the rivers
Orteguasa, Bodoquera, Pescado, Fragua and San Pedro, all tributaries of
the Caqueta.

The home of the _Mocoas_ is between 1° and 2° north lat. along the Rio
de los Engaños or Yari, (whence they are sometimes called Engaños or
Inganos), and other tributaries of the Caqueta.[271] They are partially
civilized, and have seven or more villages near the town of Mocoa. They
are the first natives encountered in descending the eastern slope of the
Cordillera. Unfortunately, we have a very imperfect knowledge of their
language, a few words reported by the Presbyter Albis being all I have
seen. So many of them are borrowed from the Kechua, that I have no means
of deciding whether the following list of the stock is correct or not:

MOCOA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Almaguereños_.
_Engaños_ or _Inganos_.
_Mesayas_.
_Mocoas_.
_Pastuzos_.
_Patias_ (?)
_Sebondoyes_.

Of these, the Patias dwelt on the lofty and sterile plain between the two
chains of the Cordilleras in Popayan. The Sebondoyes had a village on the
Putumayo, five leagues south of the Lake of Mocoa (Coleti).

The region around the Gulf of Guayaquil was conquered by the Inca Tupac
Yupanqui about 1450.[272] The accounts say that it had previously been
occupied by some five-and-twenty independent tribes, all of whom were
brought under the dominion of the Kechuas and adopted their language.
The most prominent of these were the _Cañaris_, whose homes were in the
hot valleys near the coast. Before the arrival of the Incas they had a
certain degree of cultivation, being skilled in the moulding of copper,
which they worked with a different technique from the Kechuas. Many of
their copper axes are ornamented with strange figures, perhaps totemic,
cut into the metal. As much as five or six hundred pounds’ weight of
these axes has been taken from one of their tombs.[273] Some of the most
beautiful gold work from the Peruvian territory has been found in modern
times in this province, but was perhaps the work of Kechua rather than of
Cañari artists.[274]

The original language of the Cañaris, if it was other than the Kechua,
appears to have been lost.

2. THE PERUVIAN REGION.

The difficulty of a linguistic classification of the tribes of the
Peruvian region is presented in very formidable terms by the old writers.
Cieza de Leon said of this portion of the continent: “They have such a
variety of languages that there is almost a new language at every league
in all parts of the country;”[275] and Garcilasso de la Vega complains of
the “confusion and multitude of languages,” which gave the Incas so much
trouble, and later so much impeded the labors of the missionaries.[276]
An authority is quoted by Bollaert to the effect that in the vice-royalty
of Quito alone there were more than forty distinct tongues, spoken in
upwards of three hundred different dialects.[277]

Like most such statements, these are gross exaggerations. In fact, from
all the evidence which I have been able to find, the tribes in the
inter-Andean valley, and on the coast, all the way from Quito, under the
equator, to the desert of Atacama in 25° south latitude, belonged to
probably four or at most five linguistic stocks. These are the Kechua,
the Aymara, the Puquina, the Yunca, and the Atacameño. Of these, the
first three were known in the early days of the conquest, as “the three
general languages”--_lenguas generales_--of Peru, on account of their
wide distribution. But it is quite likely, as I shall show later, that
the Aymara was a dialect, and not an independent stock.

_1. The Kechuas._

The Kechua in its various dialects, was spoken by an unbroken chain of
tribes for nearly two thousand miles from north to south; that is, from
3° north of the equator to 32° south latitude. Its influence can be
traced over a far wider area. In the dialects of Popayan in Ecuador, in
those on the Rio Putumayo and Rio Napo, in those on the Ucayali and still
further east, on the banks of the Beni and Mamore, in the Moxa of the
Bolivian highlands, and southeast quite to the languages of the Pampas,
do we find numerous words clearly borrowed from this widespread stock.

This dissemination was due much more to culture than to conquest. It
was a tribute to the intellectual superiority, the higher civilization,
of this remarkable people, as is evident by the character of the words
borrowed. It is a historic error to suppose that the extension of the
Kechua was the result of the victories of the Incas. These occurred but
a few centuries before the arrival of the Spaniards, and their influence
was not great on the native tongues, as even the panegyrist of the Incas,
Garcilasso de la Vega, confesses.[278] The opinion of Von Tschudi was so
positive on this point that he says: “With a few unimportant exceptions,
wherever the Kechua was spoken at the time of the conquest, it had
been spoken thousands of years before the Inca dynasty began.”[279] The
assertion of Garcilasso de la Vega, that the Inca gens had a language of
its own, has been shown to be an error.[280]

Where should we look for the starting-point, the “cradle,” of the
far-spread Kechua stock? The traditions of the Incas pointed to the
shores and islands of Lake Titicaca as the birth-place of their remotest
ancestors; but as Markham has abundantly shown, this was a pure myth. He
himself is decidedly of the opinion that we must search for the cradle
of the stock in the district of Cuzco, perhaps not far from Paucartambo,
“The House of the Dawning,” to which other venerable Incarian legends
assigned the scene of the creation of their common ancestors.[281]

But there are many reasons, and to me satisfactory ones, for believing
that the first Kechuas appeared in South America at the extreme north of
the region they later occupied, and that the course of their migration
was constantly from north to south. This was also the opinion of the
learned Von Tschudi. He traces the early wandering of the Kechua tribes
from the vicinity of Quito to the district between the Andes and the
upper Marañon, thence in the direction of Huaraz, and so gradually
southward, following the inter-Andean plateau, to the northern shore
of Lake Titicaca. There they encountered warlike tribes who put a stop
to their further progress in that direction until the rise of the Inca
dynasty, who pushed their conquests toward the south and west.

The grounds for this opinion are largely linguistic.[282] In his
exhaustive analysis of the Kechua language, Von Tschudi found its
most archaic forms in the extreme north, in the dialects of Quito and
Chinchasuyu. This is also my own impression from the comparison of
the northern and southern dialects. For instance, in the Chinchaya
(northern), the word for water is _yacu_, while the southern dialects
employ _yacu_ in the sense of “flowing water,” or river, and for water in
general adopted the word _unu_, apparently from the Arawak stock. Now,
as Karl von den Steinen argues in a similar instance, we can understand
how a river could be called “water,” but not how drinking water could be
called “river;” and therefore we must assume that the original sense of
_yacu_ was simply “water,” and that the tribes who retained this meaning
had the more archaic vocabulary.[283]

Mr. Markham indeed says: “In my opinion there is no sufficient evidence
that the people of Quito did speak Quichua previous to the Inca
conquest;” and he quotes Cieza de Leon to the effect that at the time
of the Spanish conquest they had a tongue of their own.[284] I have,
however, shown how untrustworthy Cieza de Leon’s statements are on such
subjects; and what is conclusive, there were Kechua-speaking tribes
living at the north who never were subjugated by the Incas. Such for
instance were the Malabas, whom Stevenson, when visiting that region in
1815, found living in a wild state on San Miguel river, a branch of the
Esmeraldas.[285] This is also true, according to the observations of
Stübel, of the natives of Tucas de Santiago in the province of Pasto in
Ecuador.[286]

This opinion is further supported by a strong consensus of ancient
tradition, which, in spite of its vagueness, certainly carries some
weight. Many of the southern Kechua tribes referred for their origin to
the extreme northwest as known to them, to the ancient city of Lambayeque
on the Pacific coast, a locality which, according to Bastian,[287] held
a place in their traditions equivalent to that of Culiacan, “the Home of
the Ancestors,” in the legendary lore of the Aztecs.

The legends of the ancient Quitus have been preserved in the work of
Juan de Velasco, and although they are dismissed with small respect
by Markham, I am myself of the opinion that there is both external
and internal evidence to justify us in accepting them as at least
genuine native productions. They relate that at a remote epoch two
Kechua-speaking tribes, the Mantas on the south, and the Caras on the
north, occupied the coast from the Gulf of Guayaquil to the Esmeraldas
River. The Caras were the elder, and its ancestors had reached that part
of the coast in rafts and canoes from some more northern home. For many
generations they remained a maritime people, but at length followed up
the Esmeraldas and its affluents until they reached the vicinity of
Quito, where they developed into a powerful nation under the rule of
their _scyri_, or chiefs. Of these they claimed a dynasty of nineteen
previous to the conquest of their territory by the Inca Huayna Capac.
They inherited in the male line, and were monogamous to the extent
that the issue of only one of their wives could be regarded as legal
heirs.[288] They did not bury their dead, as did the southern Kechuas,
but placed them on the surface of the soil and constructed a stone mound
or tomb, called _tola_, over the remains, resembling in this the Aymaras.

The extent of the Kechua tongue to the north has not been accurately
defined. Under the name _Yumbos_, or _Yumbos de Guerra_, the old
Relations included various tribes in the Quito region who had not been
reduced by the Spanish Conquistadores.[289] A recent traveler, M. André,
states that the Yumbos belong to the family of the Quitus, and include
the tribes of the Cayapas, Colorados and Mangaches.[290] Of these, the
Cayapas and Colorados, as I have shown, belong to the Barbacoa stock,
though the term _Colorados_ “painted,” is applied to so many tribes that
it is not clear which is meant. The geographer Villavicencio observes
that “the Napos, Canelos, Intags, Nanegales and Gualeas, collectively
called Yumbos, all speak dialects of the Kechua.” The modern Canelos he
describes as a cross between the ancient Yumbos and the Jivaros, to whom
they are now neighbors, while the modern Quitos adjoin the Zaparos. Their
language, however, he asserts, has retained its purity.[291]

Whether we should include in this stock the Macas, who dwell on the
eastern slope of the Andes a few degrees south of the equator, is not
clear, as I have found no vocabularies. Velasco refers to them as a
part of the Scyra stock, and they are in the Kechua region. Mr. Buckley,
who visited them a few years ago, describes them as divided into small
tribes, constantly at war with each other. Their weapons are spears and
blow-pipes with poisoned arrows. Hunting is their principal business,
but they also raise some maize, yucca and tobacco. Polygamy prevails
along with the patriarchal system, the son inheriting the property of his
father. Some rude pottery is manufactured, and their huts of palm leaves
are neatly constructed. Like the Jivaros, they prepare the heads of the
dead, and sometimes a man will kill one of his wives if he takes a fancy
that her head would look particularly ornamental thus preserved.[292]

The southern limit of the Kechua tongue, before the Spanish conquest,
has been variously put by different writers; but I think we can safely
adopt Coquimbo, in south latitude 30°, as practically the boundary
of the stock. We are informed that in 1593 the priests addressed
their congregations in Kechua at this place,[293] and in the same
generation the missionary Valdivia names it as the northern limit of the
Araucanian.[294] Doubtless, however, it was spoken by outlying colonies
as far south as the river Maule, in south latitude 35°, which other
writers assign as the limit of the conquests of the Incas.

Cieza de Leon and other early Spanish writers frequently refer to the
general physical sameness of the Peruvian tribes. They found all of them
somewhat undersized, brown in color, beardless, and of but moderate
muscular force.

The craniology of Peru offers peculiar difficulties. It was the policy
of the rulers to remove large numbers of conquered tribes to distant
portions of the realm in order to render the population more homogeneous.
This led to a constant blending of physical traits. Furthermore,
nowhere on the continent do we find skulls presenting more grotesque
artificial deformities, which render it difficult to decide upon their
normal form. When the latter element is carefully excluded, we still
find a conflicting diversity in the results of measurements. Of 245
Peruvian crania in the collection of the Academy of Natural Sciences,
Philadelphia, 168 are brachycephalic, 50 are dolichocephalic, and 27
mesocephalic. Of 13 from near Arica, all but one are dolichocephalic. Of
104 from Pachacamac, 93 are brachycephalic and none dolichocephalic. It
is evident that along the coast there lived tribes of contrasted skull
forms. From the material at hand I should say that the dividing line was
near Pisco, those south of that point having elongated, those north of it
rounded heads. The true Kechuas and Aymaras are meso or brachycephalic.
The crania from the celebrated cemetery of Ancon, which is situated on
the coast near Lima, are mostly deformed, but when obtained in natural
form prove the population to have been mesocephalic, with rounded orbits
(megasemes) and narrow prominent noses (leptorhines). An average of six
specimens yielded a cubical capacity of 1335 cub. cent.[295]

The cubical capacity of the Peruvian skulls from the coast generally
averages remarkably low--lower than that of the Bushmen or Hottentots.
Careful measurements give the capacity at 1230 cubic centimeters.[296]
They almost reach the borders of microcephaly, which Broca placed at 1150
cubic centimeters.

Although the Spanish writers speak of the Inca as an autocratic despot,
a careful analysis of the social organization of ancient Peru places
it in the light of a government by a council of the gentes, quite in
accordance with the system so familiar elsewhere on the continent. The
Inca was a war-chief, elected by the council as an executive officer to
carry out its decision, and had practically no initiative of his own.
Associated with him, and nearly equal in power, was the _huillac huma_,
or “speaking head,” who acted as president of the tribal council, and was
the executive officer in the Inca’s absence. The totemic system still
controlled the social life of the people, although it is evident that the
idea of the family had begun to assert itself. The land continued to be
owned by the gens or _ayllu_, and not by individuals.[297]

Agriculture had reached its highest level in Peru among the native
tribes. The soil was artificially enriched with manure and guano brought
from the islands; extensive systems of irrigation were carried out, and
implements of bronze, as spades and hoes, took the place of the ruder
tools of stone or wood. The crops were maize, potatoes both white and
sweet, yucca, peppers, tobacco and cotton. Of domestic animals the llama
and paco were bred for their hair, for sacrifices and as beasts of
burden, but not for draft, for riding nor for milking.[298] The herds
often numbered many thousands. The Inca dog was a descendant of the
wolf,[299] and monkeys, birds and guinea pigs were common pets.

Cotton and hair of the various species of the llama were spun and woven
into a large variety of fabrics, often ornamented with geometric designs
in color. The pottery was exceedingly varied in forms. Natural objects
were imitated in clay with fidelity and expression, and when a desirable
model was not at hand, the potter was an adept in moulding curious
trick-jars that would not empty their contents in the expected direction,
or would emit a strange note from the gurgling fluid, or such as could
be used as whistles, or he could turn out terra-cotta flutes and the
like. Not less adroit were the artists in metal, especially in bronze
and in gold and silver. The early writers are filled with expressions
of astonishment at the amount, variety and beauty of the Incarian gold
work. Its amount we may well credit when we are told that the value of
the precious metals shipped to Spain within twenty-five years after the
conquest was four hundred million ducats of gold. There are specimens
enough remaining to judge of its artistic designs. They are quite
ingenious and show dexterous manipulation, but rarely hint at a sense of
the beautiful.

Peruvian architecture was peculiar and imposing. It showed no trace of an
inspiration from Yucatan or Mexico. Its special features were cyclopean
walls of huge stones fitted together without mortar; structures of
several stories in height, not erected upon tumuli or pyramids; the doors
narrowing in breadth toward the top; the absence of pillars or arches;
the avoidance of exterior and mural decoration; the artistic disposition
of niches in the walls; and the extreme solidity of the foundations.
These points show that Inca architecture was not derived from that north
of the isthmus of Panama. In the decorative effects of the art they were
deficient; neither their sculpture in stone nor their mural paintings at
all equalled those of Yucatan.

The only plan they had devised to record or to recall ideas was by means
of knotted strings of various colors and sizes, called quipus. These
could have been nothing more than mere mnemonic aids, highly artificial
and limited in their application.

The official religion was a worship of the sun; but along with it were
carried the myths of Viracocha, the national hero-god, whom it is not
difficult to identify with the personifications of light so common in
American religions. The ceremonies of the cult were elaborate, and were
not associated with the bloody sacrifices frequent in Yucatan and Mexico.
Their mythology was rich, and many legends were current of the white and
bearded Viracocha, the culture hero, who gave them their civilization,
and of his emergence from the “house of the dawn.” According to some
authorities which appear to be trustworthy, the more intelligent of the
Kechuas appear to have risen above object-worship, and to have advocated
the belief in a single and incorporeal divinity.

A variety of ancestral worship also prevailed, that of the _pacarina_,
or forefather of the _ayllu_ or gens, idealized as the soul or essence
of his descendants. The emblem worshipped was the actual body, called
_malqui_, which was mummied and preserved with reverential care in sacred
underground temples.

The morality of the Peruvians stood low. Their art relics abound in
obscene devices and the portraiture of unnatural passions. We can
scarcely err in seeing in them a nation which had been deteriorated by a
long indulgence in debasing tastes.

The Kechua language is one of harsh phonetics, especially in the southern
dialects, but of considerable linguistic development. The modifications
of the theme are by means of suffixes, which are so numerous as to give
it a flexibility and power of conveying slight shades of meaning rare
in American tongues, and which Friedrich Müller compares to that of the
Osmanli Turks.[300] Its literature was by no means despicable. In spite
of the absence of a method of writing, there was a large body of songs,
legends and dramas preserved by oral communication and the quipus. A
number of these have been published. Among them the drama of _Ollanta_ is
the most noteworthy. It appears to be a genuine aboriginal production,
committed to writing soon after the conquest, and bears the marks of an
appreciation of literary form higher than we might have expected.[301]
The poems or _yaraveys_, usually turn on love for a theme, and often
contain sentiments of force and delicacy.[302] Several excellent
grammatical studies of the Kechua have appeared in recent years.[303]

KECHUA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Ayahucas_, south of Quitu.
_Canas_, east of the Vilcañeta Pass.
_Caras_, on the coast from Charapoto to Cape San Francisco.
_Casamarcas_, on the head-waters of the Marañon.
_Chachapuyas_, on the right bank of the Marañon.
_Chancas_, near Huanta, in department Ayacucho.
_Chichasuyus_, in the inter-Andean valley, from Loxa to Cerro
de Pasco.
_Conchucos_, near Huaraz.
_Huacrachucus_, on both banks of the gorge of the Marañon.
_Huamachucus_, on the upper Marañon.
_Huancapampas_, near Juan de Bracamoros.
_Huancas_, in the valley of Sausa.
_Huancavillcas_, on and near the river Guayaquil.
_Huanucus_, near Tiahuanuco.
_Incas_, between Rio Apurimac and Paucartambo.
_Iquichanos_, near Huanta.
_Kechuas_, from Lake Apurimac to the Pampas.
_Lamanos_ or _Lamistas_, about Truxillo.
_Malabas_, on Rio San Miguel (a branch of the Esmeraldas).
_Mantas_, on the coast north of the Gulf of Guayaquil.
_Morochucos_, in the department of Ayacucho.
_Omapachas_, adjacent to the Rucanas.
_Quitus_, near Quito.
_Rucanas_, near the coast, about lat. 15°.
_Yauyos_, near Cañete.[304]

_2. The Aymaras._

I have thought it best to treat of the Aymara as a distinct linguistic
stock, although the evidence is steadily accumulating that it is, if not
merely a dialect of the Kechua, then a jargon made up of the Kechua and
other stocks. In the first place, the name “Aymara” appears to have been
a misnomer, or, as Markham strongly puts it, a “deplorable blunder,” of
the Jesuit missionaries stationed at Juli.[305] The true Aymaras were
an unimportant _ayllu_ or gens of the Kechuas, and lived in the valley
of the Abancay, hundreds of miles from Juli. A number of them had been
transported to Juli to work in the mines, and there had intermarried
with women of the Colla and Lupaca tribes, native to that locality. The
corrupt dialect of the children of these Aymara colonists was that to
which the Jesuit, Ludovico Bertonio, gave the name Aymara, and in it,
Markham claims, he wrote his grammar and dictionary.[306]

Its grammar and phonetics are closely analogous to those of the southern
Kechua dialects, and about one-fourth of its vocabulary is clearly
traceable to Kechua radicals. Moreover, the Colla, Lupaca, Pacasa and
allied dialects of that region are considered by various authorities as
derived from the Kechua. For these reasons, Markham, Von Tschudi, and
later, Professor Steinthal, have pronounced in favor of the opinion that
the so-called Aymara is a member of the Kechua linguistic stock.[307]

On the other hand, the decided majority of its radicals have no affinity
with Kechua, and betray a preponderating influence of some other stock.
What this may have been must be left for future investigation. It does
not seem to have been the Puquina; for although that tongue borrowed from
both the Aymara and the pure Kechua dialects, its numerals indicate a
stock radically apart from either of them.

The Aymara was spoken with the greatest purity and precision by the
Pacasas; and next to these, by the Lupacas; and it was especially on
these two dialects that Bertonio founded his Grammar, and not upon the
mongrel dialect of the imported laborers, as Markham would have us
believe.[308]

The physical traits of the Aymara Indians offer some peculiarities. These
consist mainly in an unusual length of the trunk in proportion to the
height, in a surprising development of the chest, and short extremities.
The proportion of the thigh to the leg in length is under the average.
The leg and calf are well developed, and the general muscular force good.
The hands and feet are smaller even than is common in the American race.
The skull has a tendency to dolichocephaly.[309] The unusual thoracic
development is plainly attributable to the tenuity of the atmosphere
breathed by these residents of heights varying from 4,000 to 17,000 feet
above sea level. Making allowances for the results of this exposure, they
do not differ materially from the general physical habits of the Kechuas.

The location they occupied was generally to the south and east of the
Kechuas, upon the plateau and western slopes of the Andes, from south
latitude 15° to 20°, and through about six degrees of longitude. It may
be said roughly to have been three hundred miles from north to south,
and four hundred from east to west. The total native population of this
area to-day is about six hundred thousand, two-thirds of whom are of pure
blood, and the remainder mixed. Some of them dwell along the sea coast,
but the majority are on the Bolivian plateau, the average altitude of
which is more than twelve thousand feet above sea level.

The old writers furnish us very little information about the Aymaras. At
the time of the discovery they were subject to the Kechuas and had long
been thus dependent. Many, however, believe that they were the creators
or inspirers of the civilization which the Kechuas extended so widely
over the western coast. Certain it is that the traditions of the latter
relate that their first king and the founder of their higher culture,
Manco Capac, journeyed northward from his home on the shores of Lake
Titicaca, which was situated in Aymara territory. From the white foam of
this inland sea rose the Kechua culture-hero Viracocha, who brought them
the knowledge of useful arts and the mysteries of their cult.

On the cold plain, higher than the summit of the Jungfrau, which borders
this elevated sea are also found the enigmatical ruins of Tiahuanuco,
much the most remarkable of any in America. They are the remains of
imposing edifices of stone, the cyclopean blocks polished and adjusted
so nicely one to the other that a knife-blade cannot be inserted in
the joint.[310] In architectural character they differ widely from the
remains of Incarian structures. The walls are decorated with bas-reliefs,
there are remains of columns, the doors have parallel and not sloping
sides, all angles are right angles, and large statues in basalt were
part of the ornamentation. In these respects we recognize a different
inspiration from that which governed the architecture of the Kechuas.[311]

No tradition records the builders of these strange structures. No one
occupied them at the time of the conquest. When first heard of, they
were lonely ruins as they are to-day, whose designers and whose purposes
were alike unknown. The sepulchral structures of the Aymaras also
differed from those of the Incas. They were not underground vaults, but
stone structures erected on the surface, with small doors through which
the corpse was placed in the tomb. They were called _chulpas_, and in
construction resembled the _tolas_ of the Quitus. Sometimes they are in
large groups, as the _Pataca Chulpa_, “field of a hundred tombs,” in the
province of Carancas.[312]

AYMARA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Canas_, in the Sierra of the province so-called, east of Cuzco.
_Canchis_, in the lowlands of the province of Canas.
_Carancas_, south of Lake Titicaca.
_Charcas_, between Lakes Aullaga and Paria.
_Collas_, or _Collaguas_, north of Lake Titicaca.
_Lupacas_, west of Lake Titicaca, extending to Rio Desaguadero.
_Pacasas_, occupied the eastern shore of Lake Titicaca.
_Quillaguas_, on part of the southern shore of Lake Titicaca.

_3. The Puquinas._

The Puquinas are also known under the names Urus or Uros, Hunos and
Ochozomas. They formerly lived on the islands and shores of Lake
Titicaca, in the neighborhood of Pucarini, and in several villages of
the diocese of Lima. Oliva avers that some of them were found on the
coast near Lambayeque.[313] If this is correct, they had doubtless been
transported there by either the Incas or the Spanish authorities. They
are uniformly spoken of as low in culture, shy of strangers and dull
in intelligence. Acosta pretends that they were so brutish that they
did not claim to be men.[314] Garcilasso de la Vega calls them rude
and stupid.[315] Alcedo, writing in the latter half of the eighteenth
century, states that those on the islands had, against their will, been
removed to the mainland, where they dwelt in gloomy caves and in holes in
the ground covered with reeds, and depended on fishing for a subsistence.

They are alleged to have been jealous about their language, and unwilling
for any stranger to learn it. Their religious exercises were conducted
in Kechua, with which they were all more or less acquainted. The only
specimen of their tongue in modern treatises is the Lord’s Prayer,
printed by Hervas and copied by Adelung.[316] On it Hervas based the
opinion that the Puquina was an independent stock. The editors of the
“Mithridates” seemed to incline to the belief that it was related to the
Aymara, and this opinion was fully adopted by Clement L. Markham, who
pronounced it “a very rude dialect of the Lupaca,”[317] in which he was
followed by the learned Von Tschudi.[318]

None of these authorities had other material than the _Pater Noster_
referred to. Hervas credits it to a work of the missionary Geronimo de
Ore, which it is evident that neither he nor any of the other writers
named had ever seen, as they all speak of the specimen as the only
printed example of the tongue. This work is the _Rituale seu Manuale
Peruanum_, published at Naples in 1607. It contains about thirty pages in
the Puquina tongue, with translations into Aymara, Kechua, Spanish and
Latin, and thus forms a mine of material for the student. Though rare, a
copy of it is in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, and is thus readily
accessible. I have published a number of extracts from its Puquina
renderings in the _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_
for 1890. They are sufficient to show that while this language borrowed
many terms, especially those referring to religion and culture, from the
neighboring Kechua and Aymara dialects, these were but additions to a
primitive stock fundamentally different from either of them.

The dissimilarity of the three tongues is well seen in their numerals,
which are as follows:

KECHUA. AYMARA. PUQUINA.
One, _huc_, _mayni_, _pesc_.
Two, _iscay_, _pani_, _so_.
Three, _quimsa_, _quimsa_, _capa_.
Four, _tahua_, _pusi_, _sper_.
Five, _pichka_, _pisca_, _tacpa_.
Six, _soccta_, _chocta_, _chichun_.
Seven, _canchis_, _pa-callco_, _stu_.
Eight, _pusacc_, _quimsa-callco_, _quina_.
Nine, _iscon_, _llalla-tunca_, _checa_.
Ten, _chunca_, _tunca_, _scata_.

In these lists the Aymara numerals, _one_, _two_ and _four_ are
independent; _three_, _five_, _six_ and _ten_ are taken from the
Kechua; and the remaining three are compound, _pa-callco_, being 2+5;
_quimsa-callco_, 3+5; and _llalla-tunca_ meaning “less than ten.”
_Callco_ is derived from the word for “foot,” the counting being with the
toes. On the other hand, there is not a single numeral in the Puquina
which can be derived from either Kechua or Aymara; and what is more
remarkable, there is apparently not one which is compounded.

It remains puzzling to me why the Puquina, which seems to have been
spoken only by a few wretched villagers about Lake Titicaca, should have
been classed by writers in the sixteenth century as one of the _lenguas
generales_ of Peru. Not only does Ore refer to it by this term, but in
one of the official _Relaciones Geograficas_ written in 1582, it is
mentioned as “one of the three general languages of this kingdom.”[319]
This would seem to indicate that at that period it had a wider extension
than we can now trace.

_4. The Yuncas._

The Yuncas occupied the hot valleys near the sea between south latitude
5° and 10°, their capital being in the vicinity of the present city
of Truxillo. Their tongue belongs to an entirely different stock from
the Kechua, and was not influenced by it. It still survives in a few
sequestered valleys. The extreme difficulty of its phonetics aided to
prevent its extension.[320]

There is little doubt but that the Yuncas immigrated to their locality at
some not very distant period before the conquest. According to their own
traditions their ancestors journeyed down the coast in their canoes from
a home to the north, until they reached the port of Truxillo.[321] Here
they settled and in later years constructed the enormous palace known
as the _Gran Chimu_, whose massive brick walls, spacious terraces, vast
galleries and fronts decorated with bas-reliefs and rich frescoes, are
still the wonder and admiration of travelers.[322]

Near by, in the valley of Chicama and vicinity, they constructed
capacious reservoirs and canals for irrigation which watered their
well-tilled fields, and were so solidly constructed that some of
them have been utilized by enterprising planters in this generation.
Doubtless some of these were the work of the Incas after their conquest
of this valley by the Inca Pachacutec, as is related by Garcilasso de
la Vega,[323] but the fact that the Chimus were even before that date
famed for their expertness in the working of metals and the fashioning of
jewels and vases in silver and gold,[324] proves that they did not owe
their culture to the instruction of the Quichuas.

The term _yunca-cuna_ is a generic one in the Kechua language, and means
simply “dwellers in the warm country,” the _tierra caliente_, near the
sea coast. It was more particularly applied to the Chimus near Truxillo,
but included a number of other tribes, all of whom, it is said, spoke
related dialects. Of the list which I append we are sure of the Mochicas
or Chinchas, as the Yunca portion of Geronimo de Ore’s work is in this
dialect;[325] of the Estenes, Bastian has printed quite a full vocabulary
which is nearly identical with the Yunca of Carrera;[326] Mr. Spruce
obtained in 1863 a vocabulary of forty words from the Sechuras, proving
them to belong to this stock;[327] but the dialects of the Colanes and
Catacoas are said by the same authority to be now extinct. According to
the information obtained by the Abbé Hervas, the “Colorados of Angamarca”
also spoke a Yunca dialect,[328] but I have been unable to identify this
particular tribe of “painted” Indians.

The location of the stock at the conquest may be said to have been from
south lat. 4° to 10°; and to have included the three departments of
modern Peru called Ancachs, Libertad, and Piura.

YUNCA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Catacoas_, on the upper Rio Piura.
_Chancos_, on the coast south of the Mochicas.
_Chimus_, near Truxillo.
_Chinchas_, see _Mochicas_.
_Colanes_, on Rio Chiura, north of Payta.
_Etenes_, in the valleys south of Lambayeque.
_Mochicas_, at Mochi, near Truxillo.
_Morropes_, north of Lambayeque.
_Sechuras_, on Rio Piura.

_5. The Atacameños and Changos._

In the valley of the river Loa, about 20°-23° south latitude, and in
the vicinity of Atacama, there still survive remnants of a tribe called
Atacameños by the Spaniards, but by themselves _Lican-Antais_, people
of the villages. Their language appears to be of an independent stock,
equally remote from that of the Kechuas and the Aymaras. Vocabularies
of it have been preserved by various travelers, and the outlines of its
grammar have been recently published by San-Roman.[329] From two of its
numerals and some other indications Dr. Darapsky has connected it with
the Aymara, which is also spoken in that vicinity.[330] The relationship,
however, cannot be considered established, and the latest researches tend
to sharpen the contrast between the _Cunza_, as it is sometimes called,
and the Aymara.

The Lican-antais are fishermen and live in a condition of destitution.
The aridity of the climate is unfavorable to agriculture. In physical
habitus they are short, with dark complexions, flat broad noses and low
foreheads.

D’Orbigny identifies the Lican-Antais with the Olipes, Lipes or Llipis
of the older writers[331] (Garcilasso, etc). This, however, is open
to doubt. Von Tschudi hazarded the opinion that the Atacameños were a
remnant of the Calchaquis of Tucuman, who had sought refuge from the
Spaniards in this remote oasis on the coast.[332] I can find no positive
support for this view, as we have no specimens of the language of the
Calchaquis.

Immediately to the south of the Atacameños, bordering upon the sterile
sands of the desert of Atacama, between south latitude 22° and 24°, are
the _Changos_. In their country it never rains, and for food they depend
entirely on the yield of the sea, fish, crustacea and edible algae. Like
the Bushmen of the Kalihari desert, and doubtless for the same reason
of insufficient nutrition, they are undersized, as a tribe perhaps of
the shortest stature of any on the continent. The average of the males
is four feet nine inches, and very few reach five feet.[333] They are,
however, solidly built and vigorous. The color is dark, the nose straight
and the eyes horizontal.

Nothing satisfactory is reported about their language, which is asserted
to be different from the Aymara or any other stock. The tribe has been
confounded by some writers with the Atacameños, and the Spaniards
apparently included both under the term _Changos_; which is at present
used as a term of depreciation. But both in location and appearance they
are diverse. Whether this extends also to language, as is alleged, I have
not the material to determine, and probably the tongue is extinct.[334]

II. THE SOUTH ATLANTIC GROUP.

1. THE AMAZONIAN REGION.

Those two mighty rivers, the Amazon and the Orinoco, belong to one
hydrographic system, the upper affluents of the latter pouring
their waters for six months of the year into the majestic expanse
of the former. Together they drain over three million square miles
of land,[335] clothed throughout with lush tropical vegetation and
seamed by innumerable streams, offering natural and facile paths of
intercommunication. It is not surprising, therefore, that we find
linguistic stocks extended most widely over this vast area, each counting
numerous members. Of them the most widely disseminated were the Tupi, the
Tapuya, the Carib and the Arawak families, and to these I shall first
give attention.

_1. The Tupis._

Along the coast of Brazil and up the Amazon there is current a more
or less corrupted native tongue called the “common language,” _lingua
geral_. It is derived mainly from the idiom of the Tupis, whose villages
were found by the first discoverers along the seaboard, from the mouth of
the La Plata to the Amazon and far up the stream of the latter. According
to their traditions, which are supported by a comparison of their
dialects, the Tupis wandered up the coast from the south. Their earlier
home was between the Parana river and the Atlantic. There they called
themselves _Carai_, the astute, a term they afterwards applied to the
Spaniards, but later were given the name _Guaranis_, meaning warriors,
by which they are generally known. They must have been very numerous, as
a careful estimate made in 1612 computed those then living in the modern
states of Corrientes and Uruguay at 365,000; a census which could not
have been much exaggerated, as about a century later the Jesuits claimed
to have over three hundred thousand Christianized and living in their
“reductions;”[336] even to-day ninety per cent. of the population of
Uruguay have Guarani blood in their veins.

The inroads of the Spaniards from the south and of the kidnapping
Portuguese from the east, reduced their number greatly, and many bands
sought safety in distant removals; thus the Chiriguanos moved far to the
west and settled on the highlands of Bolivia, where they have increased
their stock from four or five thousand to triple that number,[337]
extending as far south as the Pilcomayo river. On the upper waters of
the Parana were the Tapes, a nation so called from the name of their
principal village. It is another form of Tupi, and means “town.” They
received the early missionaries willingly, and are complimented by these
as being the most docile and intelligent of any of the nations of South
America.[338]

The Tupi tribes did not extend north of the immediate banks of the
Amazon, nor south of the Rio de la Plata. It would appear not improbable
that they started from the central highlands where the Tapajoz on the
north and the Paraguay on the south have their sources. Their main body
followed the latter to the Atlantic, where the Tupis proper separated and
moved up the coast of Brazil. This latter migration is believed to have
been as late as a few hundred years before the discovery.[339]

Like the Tapuyas, the Tupis have a tendency to dolicocephaly, but it
is less pronounced. They are less prognathic, the forehead is fuller
and the color of the skin brighter. The hair is generally straight, but
Pöppig saw many among the Cocamas of pure blood with wavy and even curly
hair.[340]

I have no hesitation in including in the Tupi family the Mundurucus, or
Paris, on the upper Tapajoz. Their relationship was fully recognized
by Professor Hartt, who was well acquainted with both dialects.[341]
They are a superior stamp of men, tall, of athletic figures, light in
color, their naked bodies artistically tattooed. Their women are skilled
in weaving cotton hammocks, and the men pursue some agriculture, and
manufacture handsome feather ornaments.

To the same family belong the Muras and Turas, in the swampy valley of
the Madeira in its middle course, “an amphibious race of ichthyophagi,”
as they are called by Martius, savage and hostile, and depraved by
the use of the _parica_, a narcotic, intoxicating snuff prepared from
the dried seeds of the _Mimosa acacioides_. At the beginning of this
century they were estimated at 12,000 bowmen; but this was doubtless
a great exaggeration. Though their dialect differs widely from the
_lingua geral_, the majority of their words are from Tupi roots.[342]
Others are related to the language of the Moxos, and in the last century
certain of their tribes lived in the immediate vicinity of these, and
were brought into the “reductions” of the Moxos Indians by the Jesuit
missionaries.[343] The tendency of their migrations has been down the
Madeira.

The tribes of this lineage in the extreme south of Brazil were numerous.
The Guachaguis, corresponding apparently to the modern Guachis, are
said by Lozano to speak a corrupt Guarani.[344] Vocabularies have
been obtained by Castelnau and Natterer, which indicate only a remote
resemblance. According to their own tradition, they migrated from near
the Moxos in the Bolivian highlands.

The Gualachos, who spread from the river Iguaza to the sea coast, spoke
a Guarani dialect in which the sounds of _f_, _j_ and _l_ were present,
which, in pure Guarani, are absent. They built thatched houses divided
into several rooms, and raised abundant harvests.[345]

The Omaguas and Cocamas, the most western of the Tupis, dwelling within
the limits of Ecuador, had evidently profited by their contiguity to
the civilization of Peru, as they are described by early travelers as
familiar with gold, silver and copper, living in permanent villages
connected by good roads, and cultivating large fields of cotton, maize
and various food-plants. The art-forms which they produced and the
prevalence of sun-worship, with rites similar to those of Peru, indicate
the source of their more advanced culture. By some authors the Omaguas
are stated to have migrated down the Rio Yupura from Popayan in New
Granada, where a tribe speaking their dialect, the Mesayas are alleged
still to reside.[346] The peculiar “mitred” skulls of the Omaguas are an
artificial deformity prized by them as a beauty.

The Tupi is rich in mythological tales which have been collected by
several competent students of their tongue. (Hartt, Magalhaes, etc.)
Their religion is a simple animistic nature-worship.

The dead were buried in large urns, usually in localities set aside for
the purpose. One such on the island Maraho, near the mouth of the Amazon,
has yielded a rich harvest to archæologists.

The general culture of the Tupis was superior to that of any other
Brazilian tribes, but much inferior to that of the Incas. They were to
a slight extent agricultural, raising maize, manioc, tobacco, which
they smoked in pipes, and several vegetables. Some fowls, monkeys and
peccaries were tamed and used as food. Their houses were of straw,
lattice work and leaves, sometimes plastered with mud. The communal
system prevailed, twenty or thirty families occupying one residence.
A number of such houses would be erected on some favorable site and
surrounded by a palisade of strong poles. These towns were, however, not
permanent, and nearly half the year was spent in hunting and fishing
expeditions along the streams. They went entirely naked, but wove
excellent hammocks from the bark of trees and other vegetable fibres.
Devoid of a knowledge of metals, they were in the height of the age of
polished stone, many of their products in this direction being celebrated
for symmetry and delicacy.[347] The art of the potter was also well
developed, and the vases from the Amazon, called _igasauas_, rank both
in symmetry, decoration and fine workmanship among the most creditable
specimens of American ceramics.

The language which characterizes this widely distributed stock is
polysynthetic and incorporating, with the flexibility peculiar to this
class of tongues. It has been the subject of a number of works, but
still lacks a thorough comparative treatment. The Jesuit missionaries
adopted the Guarani dialect throughout their extensive “reductions,”
and translated into it a variety of works for the instruction of their
acolytes, some of which have been printed.

TUPI LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Ababas_, in Bolivia.
_Amazonas_, on lower Amazon.
_Anambes_, on Rio Tocantins.
_Apiacas_, near Rio Arinos and upper Tapajoz.
_Araguagus_, on lower Paru.
_Bororos_, near Rio Paraguay.
_Camaguras_, in province Matogrosso.
_Cambevas_, see _Omaguas_.
_Cambocas_, mouth of Rio Tocantin.
_Caracatas_, on upper Uruguay and Parana.
_Cayovas_, on Rio Tapajoz.
_Chaneses_, in Bolivia.
_Chiriguanos_, in Bolivia.
_Chogurus_, on Rio Pajehu.
_Cocamas_, near Rio Nauta (upper Amazon) and Rio Ucayali.
_Cocamillas_, near the Cocamas.
_Cuchiuaras_, on Rio Tocantins.
_Guaranis_, in Uruguay.
_Guarayos_, in Bolivia.
_Guayanas_, in Uruguay.
_Gujajaras_, on Rio Maranhao.
_Jacundas_, on Rio Tocantins.
_Jamudas_, in province Pará.
_Maues_, on the Amazon.
_Mbeguas_, on Rio Parana.
_Manitsauas_, on upper Schingu.
_Mitandues_, near Rio Tapajoz.
_Mundurucus_, on Rio Tapajoz.
_Muras_, on Rio Madeira.
_Omaguas_, on lower Iça.
_Oyampis_, on upper Oyapok.
_Pacajas_, on lower Amazon.
_Parentintims_, in province Amazonas.
_Paris_, see _Mundurucus_.
_Piturunas_, on Rio Curitiba.
_Sirionos_, on Rio Paray, Bolivia.
_Tamoyos_, near San Vincente, Brazil (extinct).
_Tapaunas_, on Rio Tocantins.
_Tapirapes_, in province Goyaz.
_Tapes_, on Rio Uruguay.
_Turas_, on lower Rio Madeira.
_Uyapas_, on Rio Arinos.
_Yurunas_, on Rio Schingu, from 4° to 8°.

_2. The Tapuyas._

The _Tapuya_ stock is at once the most ancient and the most extensive
now living on the soil of Brazil. Its various tribes are found from s.
lat. 5° to s. lat. 20°, and from the Atlantic to the Schingu river. The
name _Tapuya_ was applied to them by the Tupis, and means “enemies” or
“strangers”--two ideas which are always synonymous in primitive life.
They are also called _Crens_ or _Guerens_, the Old Ones or Ancient
People. This seems to have reference to their possession of the coast
before the arrival of the Tupi hordes from the south.

By some writers they are believed to have been the earliest constructors
of the _sambaquis_, the shell-heaps or kitchen-middens, which are of
great size and numerous, along the Atlantic and its bays. These are
supposed to indicate an antiquity of 2,000 years;[348] but the Tapuyas
can lay claim to a title to their land far older than that. The skulls
and human bones which were discovered by Dr. Lund in the caves of Lagoa
Santa in immediate juxtaposition to those of animals now extinct, came
from a region occupied by the Tapuyas, and are in all respects parallel
to those of the tribe to-day. This would assign them a residence on the
spot far back in the present geologic period.

Their appearance is that of an antique race of men. They are of middle
height, with long upper and short lower extremities. The face is
broad, the eyes small and under prominent ridges, the forehead low and
retreating; the sutures are simple, the face prognathic, and the skull
decidedly dolichocephalic (73), but of good capacity (1470 cub. cent.),
and leptorhinic; the mouth is large and the nose prominent. In color they
present a variety of shades of reddish-brown, and their hair, which is
coarse, verges rather on the dark-brown than the black.[349] They are not
ugly, and the expression of the face, especially in the young, is often
attractive. Those of them, however, who distend the lower lip with the
large labret or _botoque_ (from which the _Botocudos_ derive their name),
cannot be other than hideous to European eyes.

In culture the Tapuyas are reported to stand on the lowest scale. When
free in their native woods they go absolutely naked; they have no other
houses than temporary shelters of leaves and branches; they manufacture
no pottery, build no canoes, and do not know how to swim. When first
in contact with the whites they had no dogs, knew nothing of the use
of tobacco or salt, and were common cannibals. They have no tribal
organizations and no definite religious rites.

To counterbalance all these negatives, I hasten to add that they
are hunters of singular skill, using strong bows with long arrows,
manufacture polished stone axes and weave baskets of reeds, and, what
is rare among the Indians, use tapers made from wild bees-wax and bark
fibre.[350] Their marriages are monogamous, though rarely permanent, and
they are not devoid of family affection.[351] Though lacking definite
religious ideas, they are careful to bury the dead, and have a belief
that the spirit of the departed survives and wanders about at night, for
which reason they are loth to move in the dark. The soul of a chief may
take the form of a jaguar. During a thunder storm they shake a burning
brand and shoot arrows toward the sky, to appease by imitation the powers
of the storm; and they are much given to semi-religious dances, in which
their motions are to the sound of a native flute, which is played with
the nose.[352]

Their language is difficult in its phonetics, and presents a contrast to
most American tongues by its tendency toward the isolating form, with
slight agglutination. A carefully prepared vocabulary of it has recently
been published by Dr. Paul Ehrenreich,[353] whose studies on this stock
have been peculiarly valuable.

TAPUYA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Apina-gês_, north of Rio Tocantins.
_Aponegi-crens_, in south of province Maranhao.
_Acroas_, near Rio Tocantins.
_Aimores_, see _Botocudos_.
_Botocudos_, in Sierra dos Aimures.
_Carahos_, on Rio Tocantins.
_Camacans_, near Rio Pardo.
_Cayapos_, north of Rio Pardo.
_Chavantes_, near Rio Maranhao.
_Cherentes_, near Rio Tocantins.
_Chicriabas_, near Rio de San Francisco.
_Coretus_, on Rio Yupura.
_Cotoxos_, near Rio Doce.
_Cumanachos_, in province Goyaz.
_Crens_, see _Botocudos_.
_Gês_, in province Goyaz.
_Goyotacas_, in province Goyaz (see below).
_Malalalis_, near Rio Doce.
_Malalis_, in province Goyaz.
_Masacaras_, in province Goyaz.
_Pancas_, on Rio das Pancas.
_Potés_ (_Poton_), on upper Mucuri.
_Puris_, near Rio Paraiba.
_Suyas_, on upper Schingu.

The Goyotacas in the province of Goyaz and the regions adjacent include
a large number of tribes which Von Martius has shown to have sufficient
linguistic affinity among themselves to unite in one group, and
connections enough with the Tapuya stem to be regarded as one of its
sub-stocks.[354]

GOYOTACA SUB-STOCK.

_Capochos_, in the sierra between Minas Geraes and Porto Seguro.
_Coropos_, on the Rio da Pomba.
_Cumanachos_, adjacent to the Capochos.
_Machacalis_, on and near Rio Mucury.
_Macunis_, between Minas Geraes and Porto Seguro.
_Monoxos_, adjacent to the Macunis.
_Panhames_, on head-waters of Rio Mucury.
_Patachos_, on head-waters of Rio de Porto Seguro.

Another group believed by Martius to be a mixed off-shoot of the Tapuya
family belong to what I may call the

TUCANO SUB-STOCK.

_Cobeus_, on Rio Uaupes.
_Dace_, on Rio Uaupes.
_Jupua_, on upper Yupura.
_Jauna_, on Rio Uaupes.
_Tucano_, on Rio Uaupes.

All these tribes are found in the vicinity of the river Uaupes, and are
distinguished by three vertical lines tattooed or incised on the cheeks.
They take their name, as do some other Brazilian tribes not related to
them, from the beautiful toucan bird, which is frequently held sacred
among them, and is sometimes chosen as the totem of a gens.

I also attach to this stock the Carnijos or Fornio, a vocabulary of whose
language has been published by Professor John C. Branner, and which
hitherto has not been identified.[355] The following comparison between
it and the Tapuya dialects will show the affinity:

CARNIJOS. TAPUYA.
Fire, _tŏch_, _tiaköh_.
Eye, _i-to_, _ainthó_, _kitho_.
Nose, _d-ereta_, _d’asigri_.
Tooth, _i-axi_, _aiquá_, _daguoi_.

_3. The Arawaks._

The Arawak stock of languages is the most widely disseminated of any in
South America. It begins at the south with the Guanas, on the head-waters
of the river Paraguay, and with the Baures and Moxos on the highlands of
southern Bolivia, and thence extends almost in continuity to the Goajiros
peninsula, the most northern land of the continent. Nor did it cease
there. All the Antilles, both Greater and Less, were originally occupied
by its members, and so were the Bahama Islands,[356] thus extending its
dialects to within a short distance of the mainland of the northern
continent, and over forty-five degrees of latitude. Its tribes probably
at one time occupied the most of the lowlands of Venezuela, whence they
were driven not long before the discovery by the Caribs, as they also
were from many of the southern islands of the West Indian archipelago.
The latter event was then of such recent occurrence that the women of the
Island Caribs, most of whom had been captured from the Arawaks, still
spoke that tongue.

They were thus the first of the natives of the New World to receive the
visitors from European climes, and the words picked up by Columbus and
his successors on the Bahamas, Cuba and Hayti, are readily explained by
the modern dialects of this stock. No other nation was found on any part
of the archipelago except the two I have mentioned. The whole of the
coast between the mouths of the Orinoco and Amazon appears to have been
in their possession at or a short time before the epoch of the discovery.

The Antis or Campas, who perhaps occupy the original home of the
stock, own as the centre of their domain the table-land known as El
Gran Pajonal, or the Great Grass Field, bounded by the rivers Ucayali,
Pachitea and Perene. Their hue is a bistre and their habits wild; some
slight tillage is carried on, and the women spin and weave the wild
cotton into coarse garments. The taming of animals is one of their
arts, and around their huts are seen monkeys, parrots, peccaries and
tapirs.[357] It is noteworthy that some of them are skilful blacksmiths,
smelting the metal from the native ores, and working it into axes,
knives, spear points, etc., of excellent quality.[358]

The names Campas and Antis were used as generic terms, the latter applied
to the tribes on the slopes of the Cordilleras and the former to those on
the plains. A large number of sub-tribes are named by the older writers,
the principal of which were the Choseosos, Machigangas, Pilcosumis and
Sepaunabos. The Machigangas lived on the Pilcopata and Vilcanota, and
their language has been erroneously stated by Von Tschudi to be an
independent stock.[359] The Chunchas and Cholones are by some classed
with the Campas, and they are said to have been the possessors of the
famous Cerro de Sal, or Salt Mountain, to which the neighboring tribes
repaired in great numbers to obtain supplies of this useful article.

The Guanas are a nation who have long lived on the upper Paraguay, in
the province Mato Grosso on the river Mambaya, and vicinity. D’Orbigny
believed that they were a member of the Mataco group,[360] but they are
now recognized as belonging to the Arawak stock. They are noteworthy for
their peaceful disposition and unusual intelligence. Hervas speaks of
them as the most able nation visited by the missionaries in the whole of
America.[361] The traveler Castelnau confirmed this good opinion. He
found them living in neat houses and cultivating the land with skill and
industry. They raised not only the ordinary food plants, but cotton and
sugar cane, pressing the sap from the latter by machinery of their own
devising, and moulding the sugar into loaves. Their cotton cloth, dyed of
various colors, was highly esteemed for its texture.

Castelnau describes them as occupying four settlements near Albuquerque
and Miranda, and comprising the Chualas or Guanas proper, the Terenos,
the Laianas, and the Quiniquinaos.[362] Later investigations have shown
that of these the Terenos and Quiniquinaos are members of the Guaycuru
stock of the Chaco, and that the Chualas and Laianas alone belong to the
true Guanas.[363]

The _Paiconecas_ or Paunacas were attached to the mission of the
Conception in Bolivia, in 16° south latitude. They numbered about 500
in 1831. In customs and appearance they approached the Chiquitos. Their
former home was between the sources of the Rio Blanco and Rio Verde.

The _Saravecas_, three or four hundred in number in 1831, were attached
to the mission of Santa Anna, in Bolivia, and were its handsomest
members. Their former homes were in the eastern hills of the Cordillera,
about 16° south latitude.

Although these are classed as irreducible stocks by D’Orbigny and others
who have followed him, they are both clearly branches of the Arawak
stem, as will be seen by a brief comparison.[364]

PAICONECA. SARAVECA. ARAWAK STOCK.
Sun, _isese_, _caame_, _sese_, _camu_.
Moon, _kejere_, _cache_, _kejeres_, _kashi_.
Fire, _chaki_, _tikai_, _yaki_, _ikii_.
Water, _ina_, _une_, _ine_, _une_.
Eye, _ihuikis_, _nol_, _nohlo_, _ikise_.

Others could readily be added, but the above are sufficient.

Another important tribe of this stock in this region were the Piros,
otherwise called Chuntaquiros and Simirenchis, whose home was about the
junction of the Ucayali and Apurimac, and thence along both these rivers.
The vocabularies of their tongue obtained by Castelnau and Paul Marcoy
leave no doubt of their affiliations. They were largely converted by the
Jesuits between 1683 and 1727.

The Wapisianas, or Wapianas in British Guiana, with their sub-tribe the
Atorai (Tauri or Dauri), are stated by Im Thurn to speak a tongue wholly
different from the Arawak; but an analysis of its expression and an
extended comparison place it beyond doubt in this stock.[365]

The Tarumas and Maopityans, who now live in southern British Guiana,
but are said to have originally come from the Rio Negro, speak related
dialects.

They enjoy a rather high degree of culture, being celebrated for the
manufacture of cassava graters, for the hunting dogs which they breed and
train, and for the fine pottery they manufacture. Both Schomburgk and Im
Thurn regard them as an independent stock; but from a comparison of the
fifteen nouns given by the former in their language,[366] I infer that
they are an Arawak tribe, speaking a dialect mixed with some Carib and
Tupi words, and with frequent vowel elision.

TARUMA.
Sun, _ouang_, (_auvan-ialü_, Paravilhana).
Moon, _piwa_, (_pia_, Baniva, _piua_, Ouayéoué).
Fire, _hua_, (_hua-to_, Carib).
Water, _tza_, (_tuná_, Carib).
Head, my, _a-tta_, (_no-totia_, Baré).
Eye, my, _a-tzi_, (_a-kussi_, Arawak).
Mouth, _me-ruku-kanna_, (_ülle-rukuhu_, Arawak).
Nose, _assa_, (_issi-rihi_, Arawak).
Hand, _ahu_, (_kx-aua_, Bakairi).
Foot, _appa_, (_upu_, Galibi).
Bow, _tzeika_, (_takou_, Carib).
Star, _uingra_, (_uinari_, Baré).

This comparison leaves little doubt but that this mixed dialect is
chiefly of Arawak lineage.

The Arawaks wandered as far east as the upper Schingu river, where Von
den Steinen found the Kustenau, a distant member of the stem, with
various minor tribes, as the Vauras, Mehinacus, etc. Along the river
Ventuari the populous tribe of the Maipures have taken a conspicuous
place in the annals of the missions. Indeed, the whole stock is sometimes
called by their name;[367] but it is well to retain the better known
_Arawak_, which is the appellation of that portion of the tribe in Guiana
between the Corentin and Pomeroon rivers. It means “meal-eaters,” and was
first applied to them in derision on account of their large consumption
of cassava bread.

There is a prevailing similarity in their physical type. The adults are
slightly undersized, rarely reaching above five feet six inches, with
low foreheads and straight narrow noses. The form of the skull is short
and the jaws are not protruding--orthognathic and brachycephalic.[368]
The physical force averages less than that of the European, and there is
decidedly less power of resisting disease.[369] The Jesuit Eder mentions
a peculiarity among the Peruvian Arawaks, (Moxos, Baures). It is that the
end of the little finger does not reach to the last joint of the third
finger. The absence of this peculiarity he states will reveal a mixture
of Spanish blood to the third generation.[370] It would be interesting
to learn how widely this is noticeable.

The culture of the Arawak stock was generally somewhat above the stage
of savagery. On the West Indian islands Columbus found them cultivating
maize, potatoes, manioc, yams and cotton. They were the first to
introduce to Europeans the wondrous art of tobacco smoking. They wove
cotton into garments, and were skilful in polishing stone. They hammered
the native gold into ornaments, carved curious masks of wood, blocked
rude idols out of large stones, and hollowed the trunks of trees to
construct what they called _canoes_.

Such is approximately the culture of the existing tribes of the stock.
The Arawaks of Guiana also raise cassava and maize, though they depend
largely on hunting and fishing. Like the northern tribes, they have
well-developed gentile or totemic systems, with descent in the female
line.[371] Marriages are by purchase, and the strange custom of the
_couvade_ obtains; that is, at the period of parturition the husband
takes to his hammock, and is waited on as if he was the sick one. Their
houses are usually single, not communal, and are furnished with swinging
hammocks, mats, basket-work and pottery.

The Haytian mythology was quite extensive, and the legends of the Arawaks
of Guiana have been collected, and are also rich. In all the tribes the
dead were generally buried, and often the house of the deceased was
destroyed or the spot deserted.

ARAWAK LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Amarapas_, in British Guiana.
_Antis_ or _Campas_, on Rio Apurimac.
_Araicus_, on Rio Jatahy.
_Arawaks_, on coast of Guiana.
_Atorais_, on the upper Essequibo.
_Banivas_, on Rio Atahuapo and Rio Içauna.
_Barés_, on Rio Negro.
_Baures_, on Rio de los Baures.
_Campas_, see _Antis_.
_Canamirim_, on Rio Jurua.
_Cariayos_, on Rio Negro.
_Cauixanas_, on Rio Jupura.
_Chontaquiros_, see _Piros_.
_Goajiros_, on Goajira peninsula.
_Guanas_, on Rio Paraguay.
_Guinaus_, on upper Orinoco.
_Haitians_, on island of Hayti.
_Jabaanas_, on Rio Marauia.
_Jucunas_, on Rio Jupura.
_Jumanas_, near Rio Jupura.
_Juris_, on Rio Solimoes.
_Kustenaus_, on Rio Schingu.
_Manaos_, near Rio Negro.
_Manatenerys_, on Rio Purus.
_Manivas_, see _Banivas_.
_Maipures_, on Rios Ventuari and Orinoco.
_Maranhos_, on Rio Jatahy.
_Mariates_, on Rio Iza.
_Mawakwas_, on upper Orinoco.
_Moxos_, on head-waters of Rio Mamore.
_Paiconecas_, on Rio Blanco.
_Pareni_, on Rio Orinoco.
_Parisis_, in province Mato Grosso.
_Passés_, on lower Jupura.
_Piapocos_, on Rio Guaviare.
_Piros_, on Rio Ucayali.
_Saravecas_, near Santa Ana, Bolivia.
_Simirenchis_, see _Piros_.
_Tainos_, see _Haitians_.
_Tarianas_, on Rio Negro.
_Tarumas_, in British and Dutch Guiana.
_Uainambeus_, on Rio Jupura.
_Uainumas_, on Rio Jupura.
_Uirinas_, on Rio Marari.
_Wapisianas_, in Guiana.
_West Indians_, on Bahamas and Antilles.
_Yuris_, see _Juris_.

The Barés are now found along the banks of the Casaquiare and the
Guainia, the Felipe, the Atabapo and some portions of the Rio Negro.
They belong to the Arawak stock, their dialect being related to those of
the Banivas and Maipures. About the middle of this century the traveller
Richard Spruce found them in the regions assigned by Gilii to other
tribes, indicating a displacement of the population. He collected a
number of vocabularies, offering sufficient evidence in his opinion to
establish the relationship of the following bands:[372]

BARÉ FAMILY OF THE ARAWAK STOCK.

_Barés_, or _Barrés_, on Rio Negro, etc.
_Cunipusanas_, on Rio Casaquiare.
_Guariquenas_, on Rio Casaquiare.
_Jabaanas_, on Rio Pacimoni.
_Mandauacas_, on Rio Casaquiare and Siapa.
_Masacas_, on Rio Masaca and Siapa.
_Pacimonarias_, on Rio Casaquiare.
_Tarianas_, on Rio Yupura.

To these I would add the Uirinas of the Rio Marari, on the strength of a
vocabulary collected by Natterer.

_4. The Caribs._

The Carib stock is one of the most extensively distributed in the
southern continent. At the discovery its dialects were found on the
Lesser Antilles, the Caribby Islands, and on the mainland from the
mouth of the Essequibo River to the Gulf of Maracaibo. West of the
latter it did not reach the coast, nor has any positive traces of its
introduction above the straits of Panama earlier than the conquest been
found, in spite of frequent assertions to the contrary. Inland from the
Arawaks on the shore of Guiana are a number of Carib tribes, as the
Macusi and Woyawoi, so numerous that this region has been thought by
some to have been the original home of the stock; but the discovery by
Dr. Karl von den Steinen of a tribe, the Bakairi, on the head-waters
of the Schingu River, speaking a very pure form of the language,[373]
and the recognition of the Carib affinities of the Palmellas on the
Rio dos Baures, throw another light on the trend of Carib migrations,
strongly supported by a series of other considerations. Thus, it has
been satisfactorily shown by Im Thurn that the Caribs in Guiana wandered
thither from the Orinoco district, some inland and some along the coast,
and probably from the large islands adjacent to the coasts.[374]

These islands in turn were peopled from the mainland to the east, as
I have already shown, their earlier population having been Arawak.
All the Island, Orinoco and Guiana Caribs can thus be traced back to
the mainland of northern Venezuela. In this vicinity was spoken the
Cumanagoto dialect, in the province of Cumana or New Andalusia. According
to the early missionaries, it was current along the coast for more than
a hundred leagues, extending into the province of Caracas and beyond.
The tribes who spoke it were the Chaymas, the Cores, the Cumanas, the
Quacas, the Parias, the Palenques, the Varrigones, and others.[375]
Other dialects to the west are the Opone and Carare, specimens of which
were obtained by Lengerke in the vicinity of Bucaramanga, province of
Santander.[376]

The sierra which divides the head-waters of the Caura from those of the
Rio Branco and other streams flowing into the Rio Negro and Amazon, are
peopled on both slopes by wandering tribes of the Carib stock. Near the
sources of the Caura, Chaffanjon found the once formidable Guaharibos,
now naked and wretched fugitives, fearing the white far more than they
are feared by him.[377] On the southern slope, along the Rio Jauapery
and neighboring streams, are bands of Crichanas, Ipurucotos (Purigotos),
Macuchis, and Jauamerys (Waimiris), all speaking nearly related dialects
of the Carib tongue. Dr. Barboza Rodrigues has given a touching picture
of their recent struggles with the whites of the adjacent settlements,
and the miserable condition to which they are reduced. We owe to the
same sympathetic naturalist an interesting description of their customs
and language.[378]

The hill tribes of French Guiana are known as Roucouyennes, from the
_roucou_, a vegetable coloring matter with which they paint their skins.
They exhale a peculiar odor like that of new leather, probably from
the action of the tannin in the roucou on the skin. Naturally they are
light in color, and at birth almost white.[379] Marriages of father and
daughter, or brother and sister, are not rare among them.[380]

A connecting link between these Caribs of Guiana and the Bakairis of
the south is supplied by the Apiacas of the Rio Tocantins, who speak a
pure dialect of the stock, midway in character between those of the two
extremes named.[381]

The Arubas, who occupied the island of that name off the coast of
Venezuela, and whose mixed descendants now speak the Papamiento jargon,
are no doubt correctly assigned to this stock by M. Pinart. They were
skillful potters, and buried their dead in large urns. The numerous
polychromatic petroglyphs they have left and their peculiar character are
especially noteworthy.[382]

Sir Robert H. Schomburgk classifies the Carib stock in Guiana as follows,
giving a short specimen of each dialect, which differ, he says, among
themselves about as much as French and Italian.[383]

CARIB SUB-STOCK IN GUIANA.

_Accawai_.
_Arecuna_.
_Caribisi_.
_Guianau_.
_Macusi_.
_Maiongkong_.
_Mawakwa_.
_Pianochotto_.
_Soerigong_.
_Tiverighotto_.
_Waiyamara_.
_Woyawoi_.

The Guaques, who live on the head-waters of the Caqueta or Yapura river,
have not been heretofore identified as Caribs; but their dialect, as
collected by Presbyter Manuel P. Albis in 1853, leaves no doubt as to
its relationship. He describes them as intelligent and kindly, but
incorrigible and dexterous thieves, skillful in the collection of wax and
the preparation of poisons. Nowhere is the couvade with its associate
superstitions more rigidly observed. No woman must be seen by men during
her catamenia, and at childbirth she must separate from the household for
three months. During all that time her husband strictly observes a diet
and seclusion.[384]

The lower Orinoco basin was for a long time the center of distribution of
the stock; they probably had driven from it nations of Arawak lineage,
some of whom, as the Goajiros, they pushed to the west, where they were
in contact with the Carib Motilones,[385] and others to the islands and
the shores to the east. The Carijonas and Guaques on the head-waters
of the Yapura or Caqueta are now their most western hordes, and the
Pimenteiras on the Rio Paruahyba are their most eastern. We can thus
trace their scattered bands over thirty-five degrees of latitude and
thirty of longitude. The earliest center of distribution which best
satisfies all the conditions of the problem would be located in the
Bolivian highlands, not remote from that I have assigned to the Arawaks.

The physical features of the Caribs assimilate closely to those of the
Arawaks. They are taller in the average and more vigorous, but their
skulls are equally brachycephalic and orthognathic. They are beardless,
and have the same variability in color of skin. As good specimens of the
modern Caribs we may take the tribes of Venezuela. These are spoken of as
“the strongest, handsomest and most intelligent of any of the natives in
northern South America.”[386] They are tall, straight and symmetrical,
the women not less muscular than the men. The hair is sometimes slightly
wavy, as Von den Steinen saw among the Bakairi.

The Caribs have had a bad reputation as to culture on account of
their anthropophagous tendencies. Indeed, the word _cannibal_ is a
mispronunciation of their proper name, _Karina_. But they were quite on
a par with their neighbors, the Arawaks, and in some respects superior
to them. For instance, their canoes were larger and finer, and they had
invented the device of the sail, which seems to have been unknown to all
the other tribes on the continent. To some extent they were agricultural,
and their pottery was of superior quality.

The beginnings of picture-writing were in use among them, and the
remarkable rock inscriptions still visible on the Orinoco and the
Essequibo are attributable to them, and were probably intended as
conjurations to the supernatural powers, similar to others which
remain in St. Vincent and other islands from the date of the Carib
occupation.[387] Their family life was not usually communal, but each
household occupied its own dwelling. In some parts, as in the deltas of
the Essequibo and Orinoco, and even on the dry savannas, their huts were
built on a substructure of piles which lifted them five or six feet from
the ground or the water, as the case might be.

The religious rites they observed were often elaborate. Their principal
divinities are said to have been the sun, moon and earth, the latter
of which was spoken of as the mother of the race. They practiced the
_couvade_, and their priests, called _piaye_, exercised unlimited power,
and were correspondingly feared.

It was the opinion of Von Martius that the Carib, the Tupi-Guarani and
the Arawak stocks are traceable to some very ancient common tongue. This
view is at first sight strengthened by a wide comparison of vocabularies,
but is weakened by an examination of the grammars of the three families,
especially their pronominal elements. It is probable that the three
ancestral tribes had early and close communication, but not original
identity.

The seeming relationship has been rendered more prominent in certain
instances by free later borrowings. M. Adam has shown that some of the
northern dialects are in the condition of jargons, their grammar on the
Carib model, their words drawn from various stocks. Such are the “Island
Carib,” which is largely Arawak, and the Boni-Ouyana, described by Dr.
Crévaux.[388]

CARIB LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Akavais_, or _Accowoios_, in southern British Guiana.
_Apalais_, on the lower Paru.
_Apiacas_, on the lower Tocantins.
_Arecunas_, on Rio Branco.
_Aricoris_, see _Yaos_.
_Bakairis_, on the Upper Schingu.
_Caribisis_, in Guiana.
_Carijonas_, head-waters of the Caqueta.
_Cariniacos_, on lower Orinoco.
_Chaimas_, in ancient province of Cumana.
_Cumanagotos_, in ancient province of Cumana.
_Galibis_, in French Guiana.
_Guaques_, on the upper Caqueta.
_Guaharibos_, on the upper Caura.
_Guayqueris_, in province of Cumana.
_Jauamerys_, on Rio Jauapery.
_Macusis_, on Rio Negro.
_Maqueritares_, on Rio Branco.
_Motilones_, near R. Zulia in Venezuela.
_Palmellas_, on Rio Paruahyba.
_Paramonas_, sub-tribe of Akavais.
_Paravilhanas_, on Rio Branco.
_Pianagotos_, on Rio Branco.
_Pimenteiras_, on Rio Paruahyba.
_Purigotos_, on Rio Jauapery.
_Roucouyennes_, in French Guiana.
_Tamanacas_, on Rio Cuccivero.
_Tiverighotto_, on Rio Branco.
_Trios_, on upper Corentyn.
_Vaiyamaras_, on Rio Branco.
_Voyavois_, on Rio Branco.
_Yaos_, in Guiana.
_Zurumutas_, sub-tribe of Macusis.
(The Orinoco sub-stock will be described later.)

_5. The Cariris._

In his enumeration of the tribes of Central Brazil, Von Martius brings
together a large number who once dwelt in the provinces of Bahia and
Pernambuco, under the general title, “the Guck or Coco stem,” so called
from the word which in many of them means “the paternal uncle.”[389]
This division has not been endorsed by later research, and it is evident
that Von Martius included several quite different stocks under this
appellation.

Among these, the most prominent were the _Cariris_ or Kiriri. They are
now reduced to about 600 souls, but at one time were a powerful nation,
and in 1699 the Jesuit Mamiani published a grammar and other works in
their tongue.[390] They were among the more cultivated of the Brazilian
tribes, given to agriculture, skilled in dyeing and weaving cotton,
employing a primitive spindle and loom, with weapons of several kinds and
of superior finish.

The Sabuyas, who dwell near them, speak a closely related dialect;
but further affinities have not been verified. They have, indeed,
many loan words from the Tupi, and some from the Carib stock, but the
ground-work of these tongues is different. Von den Steinen offers some
reasons for believing that they moved down the Amazon from a far western
residence.[391]

_6. The Coroados, Carajas and others._

The Coroados derive their name from the Portuguese word _coroa_, a crown,
the term “crowned” being applied to several native tribes who wore their
hair in a peculiar manner. It is not at all an ethnic designation, and I
use it to bring into relief the need of some term of greater precision.
Thus, there are the Coroados who are neighbors and linguistically related
to the Puris, dwelling on the Paruahyba river. By some they have been
included among the Tapuyas as alleged relatives of the Botocudos. But
not only is there no relationship of language, but physically they
are widely apart. The Puris-Coroados are a dark yellow brown, with
mesocephalic heads, dark brown oblique eyes, large mouths and thick
lips--nowise the type of the Botocudo. They are moreover agricultural in
habits, and farther advanced in the arts.[392]

There are other Coroados in the extreme south of Brazil, in the province
of Rio Grande do Sul, whither they are said to have wandered from the
north. These do not appear to be Botocudos either. They have round heads,
dark brown eyes, low foreheads, and are of a light coffee color. They
are noticeable for their clean and ornamental huts, and for their skill
in hunting, in which they employ arrows five feet in length, with bone
points. They pray to certain stars as protective divinities, and like
some northern tribes, clean and preserve the bones of the dead.[393]

The _Carajas_ belong to a stock who dwell on the affluents of the
river Araguay, in the province of Goyaz in southern Brazil. The
traveler Castelnau[394] penetrated to them, and was our earliest source
of information about them. They are wild and warlike, with a bad
reputation among their neighbors. He was told they had no religion and
no rites, but also that they were strictly monogamous and singularly
firm moralists, punishing libertinage with the death of both parties;
statements which do not accord. Their method of burial was curious. The
corpse was interred in an upright position, the head out of the ground.
An ample stock of bananas and other food was placed near it, and renewed
from time to time. This clearly indicates a belief in life after death.
The pure Carajas are markedly dolichocephalic.

The Caraja language is known too imperfectly to permit a proper study of
its relationship. It is complex and difficult, and spoken differently by
the men and the women. From the scant material at hand I perceive lexical
relationship in some important words to the Tapuya stock,[395] but a wide
divergence in phonetics and apparently in construction. Its members are
as follows:

CARAJA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Carajahis_, about Salinas.
_Carajas_, on the Rio Araguay.
_Chimbioas_, on the eastern affluents of lower Araguay.
_Javahais_, on upper Araguay and island of Bananal.
_Ximbioas_, see _Chimbioas_.

A certain number of vocabularies have been obtained by travelers in
Brazil from mixed-blood tribes, who spoke dialects sometimes compounded
of several native tongues, sometimes of these mingled with Portuguese
or negro elements. Such is the dialect of the _Meniens_, who lived in
eastern Brazil near the Villa Belmonte, whose speech was a jargon of
the Tapuya and negro languages; and that of the _Cames_ in the interior
of San Paulo, who also made use of a barbarous dialect, compounded of
the African idioms of runaway slaves, and that of the Botocudos. The
Catoquina, a specimen of which was obtained by Spix from a band on the
affluent of the Jurua, and the Catoxa or Cotoxo of the Rio Parda, are
other examples.[396]

_7. The Orinoco Basin; Carib Sub-Stock; Salivas; Arawak Sub-Stock;
Otomacos; Guamas; Guayoas; Garuoas; Guaraunos; Betoyas; Piaroas, etc._

The Llanos of Venezuela coincide with the former “Territory of Caqueta,”
and embrace a region about forty thousand square miles in extent, covered
either with grass and rushes or with dense forests. In the wet season
it is a vast marsh, in the dry it is scorched by a burning sun, raising
the thermometer daily to over 100° in the shade. Yet the Llanos are but a
part of the vast upper water-shed of the northern affluents of the Amazon
and those of the Orinoco, which together drain a country larger than the
whole of France.

This wide expanse is thinly populated with bands of savages, gaining
their subsistence chiefly from the rivers, few of them brought within
the range of civilized influences. Linguistically the majority belong to
the Arawak and the Carib stocks; but there are numbers of tribes whose
affinities are uncertain, or who are apparently of quite another lineage.
Scores of names are found in the records of the missions and on the pages
of travelers, of peoples who have disappeared or are now known by other
designations. Alexander von Humboldt named and located 186 tribes on the
Orinoco and its affluents alone; but renounced as hopeless the attempt
to give them a linguistic classification.[397] I shall not attempt to
unravel the tangled ethnography of this region farther than to mention
those tribes concerning whom specimens of language or the statements of
European visitors permit a reasonable guess as to their affinities.

Something over a century ago, when Father Gilii wrote, largely from
personal knowledge, his description of the tribes on the Orinoco and
its affluents, he believed they could be included in nine linguistic
stocks,[398] as follows:

1. The _Carib_ in a number of dialects, as the Tamanaca, the Paiura, the
Quiri-Quiripa, the Mapuya, the Guanero, the Guayquira, the Palenque, the
Maquiritare, the Oje, the Mucuru, and others.

2. The _Saliva_, to which he assigned the dialects Ature, Piaroa and
Quaqua.

3. The _Maipure_ (Arawak), in its dialects Avane, Meepure, Cavere,
Parene, Guipunave, and Chirupa.

4. The _Otomaca_, with one dialect, the Tarapita.

5. The _Guama_, with its dialect, the Quaquaro.

6. The _Guayba_, related to the Chiricoa.

7. The _Jaruri_ (_Yarura_).

8. The _Guaraunos_.

9. The _Aruaca_.

This classification can stand as only approximately accurate, but it
serves as an excellent starting point.

Beginning with the Carib stock, and basing my list on the works of
Codazzi and more recent travelers, especially Crévaux, Coudreau and
Chaffanjon, I offer the following as the tribes which may be definitely
located as its members:

CARIB SUB-STOCK IN THE ORINOCO REGION.

_Amarizonas_ (_Amarisanes_), near the Rio Guaviare and Rios Etari
and Ayrico.
_Arecunas_, on head-waters of the Rio Caroni.
_Ariguas_, near the Rio Tauca.
_Cabiunes_, on the Rio Apoporis.
_Carataimas_, on the Rio Cauca.
_Chaymas_, on the Rio Guarapiche.
_Cucciveros_, on the Rio Cauca.
_Cuneguaras_, on the Rio Maturin.
_Enaguas_, on the Rio Agua Branca.
_Guarives_, on the Rio Uñare.
_Maquiritares_, on the Orinoco, near Lake Carida and Rio Ventuari.
_Matanos_, on Rio Caura.
_Mucos_, on Rio Apoporis.
_Panares_, on Rio Caura.
_Parecas_, on the lower Orinoco.
_Paudacotos_, near the Rio Caura.
_Quiri-Quiripas_, on the lower Orinoco.
_Quivas_, on the Orinoco near the confluence of the Meta.
_Tamanacas_, on lower Orinoco.
_Tuapocos_, on the Rio Maturin.
_Vayamanos_, on the Rio Paragua.
_Yaos_, on the Rio de la Trinidad.
_Yocunos_, on the Rio Apoporis.

Even when Codazzi collected his material, more than half a century ago,
the once powerful Tamanacas had entirely disappeared, and no tribe of
the name existed in the region.[399] The process of dissolution and
destruction has gone on since his day with increasing rapidity, so
that when Chaffanjon visited the Orinoco and Caura in 1884, he found
that immense and fertile region almost uninhabited, the ancient tribes
scattered and disappeared, or existing only in wretched remnants,
_misérables débris_, of their former selves.[400] The opportunity is
forever lost, therefore, to define the ethnography of this region by
original observation, and we are thrown back on the collections and
statements of former observers.

The Maquiritares, however, still remain as one of the handsomest peoples
on the Orinoco, and remarkable for the skill with which they manufacture
canoes sixty or seventy feet long from the trunk of a single tree.[401]

On the river Uaupes, an affluent of the Rio Negro M. Coudreau encountered
various tribes, such as the Tarianos or Javis and the Nnehengatus, of
whose tongues he obtained brief vocabularies. They indicate a distant
influence of the Carib stock, especially the latter, but they seem mixed
largely with elements from other sources.[402] They dwell adjacent to
the Tucanos, to whom I have already referred as assigned by some to the
Tapuyas. (See above, p. 240.)

Gilii’s second group, the _Salivas_, offers difficulties. There appears
to be none of them under that name at present on the Orinoco. Chaffanjon
states that the Atures have become extinct.[403] The Piaroas survive,
but the tribe so-called to-day speak a tongue wholly unlike the Saliva,
and unconnected, apparently, with any other stock;[404] and the modern
Quaquas (Guagues) speak a dialect of the Arawak. Yet a hundred and fifty
years ago the missionaries estimated the Salivas at four thousand souls.
They lived principally on the river Cinareuco, below the Meta, and also
on the Rio Etari, where they were in contact with the Carib Amarisanes.
They are described as of a kindly and gentle disposition, well-made in
body and willing scholars of their spiritual masters. In their heathendom
they had the unique custom of disinterring the bones of their dead after
the expiration of a year, burning them, and then collecting the ashes to
mix with their drinking water.[405] Their language, which was vocalic
and nasal, has been preserved in sufficient specimens to serve for
comparison. According to Vergara y Vergara, it is still spoken on the
banks of the Meta,[406] and Hartmann includes in those who employ it, the
Quevacus and Maritzis, at the head of the Ventuari, and the Mayongcong on
the Merevari.[407]

The Arawak stock, which Gilii calls the _Maipure_, had numerous branches
in this region. They occupied much of the Orinoco in its middle and upper
course, as well as the valleys of its affluents. Gumilla speaks of one
of its members, the Caveres, as savage and inhuman warriors, but as the
only nation which had been able to repulse the attacks of the down-river
Caribs, who were accustomed to ascend the stream in fleets of eighty to a
hundred canoes, destroying every village on its banks.[408]

The same authority mentions the Achaguas as possessing the most agreeable
and cultured dialect, though he is in doubt whether it is strictly
related to the Maipure. This nation, quite prominent in the older annals,
still existed in the middle of this century to the number of five hundred
on the Rio Muco. They were not civilized, and practiced the customs of
polyandry and the destruction of female infants.[409] Cassani refers to
them as on the river Ele, and describes them as tattooed and painted,
with well-formed bodies and taking great pride in preserving and dressing
their magnificent hair.[410]

From a variety of sources at my disposition I have prepared the following
list of the

ARAWAK SUB-STOCK IN THE ORINOCO REGION.

_Achaguas_, on Rio Ele and Rio Muco.
_Amoruas_, on Rio Vichada.
_Avanenis_, on Rio Guainia.
_Banivas_, see _Manivas_.
_Barés_, on Rios Baria and Guainia.
_Cabacabas_, between Rios Yapura and Apoporis.
_Cafuanas_, on Rio Yapura.
_Carusanas_, on the Guainia and Inirida.
_Cauiris_, right bank of Rio Guaviare.
_Caveres_ (_Cabres_), on Rio Zama and Orinoco near it.
_Chirupas_, on the Rio Zama.
_Guaripenis_, on Rio Guainia.
_Guaypunavis_ (_Guipunavis_), on Lake Inirida.
_Macuenis_, on Rio Guainia.
_Manivas_ (_Banivas_, _Manitivas_), on Rio Guaviare and Rio Negro
and their affluents.
_Maipures_, on middle Orinoco.
_Moroquenis_, on Rio Yapura.
_Mituas_, on Lake Inirida.
_Moruas_, on Rio Yapura.
_Parenes_, on middle Orinoco.
_Piapocos_, near mouth of Rio Guaviare.
_Uaupes_, on Rio Uaupes (?).
_Yaviteris_, on Rio Atabapo.

The _Otomacos_ remain, as Gilii placed them, an independent stock, with
their single dialect, the Tarapita. The Jesuits first encountered them
in 1732, amid the forests south of the Orinoco, between the Paos and the
Jaruros. In later years they are described as a low grade of savages,
given to the eating of earth. They are also said to be monogamous, and
the women among them enjoy an unusual degree of consideration, being
permitted to take equal part in the public games.[411] Their present
locality appears to be on or near the river Meta.

The tribes whom Gilii mentions as the _Guamas_ and Quaquaros lived on
the banks of the Rio Apure, and in his day had the reputation of “a
numerous and valorous people.”[412] They were not unacquainted with some
of the arts, and were particularly skillful in the manufacture of small
figures in terra cotta, many of which are to be picked up on the sites
of their ancient villages. Now, however, they have been smitten with
the fate of their race, and are reduced to a few miserable vagrants,
destined to disappear wholly in a few years. Their arts are lost, and
the oppression of the whites has driven from them all hopes of bettering
their condition.[413]

Of their language I have no specimens. According to Felipe Perez, it is
related to the Omagua, and hence should be included in the Tupi stock;
but this writer is not always dependable.

The _Guaybas_ (Guahibos) and Chiricoas dwelt originally on the broad
plains between the Casanare and Meta rivers; but a number of them were
converted in the latter half of the seventeenth century and persuaded to
come to the missions. They soon returned to their roving life. Cassani
speaks of them as of mild and friendly disposition, but incorrigible
vagabonds, “the gypsies of the Indies,” constantly migrating from place
to place.[414] They have never lost their love of the wilderness, and
it has been their salvation, for they still survive--quite a numerous
people--on the left bank of the Orinoco, from the Rio Meta to the
Vichada. They are rebellious to all attempts at civilization, and the
white man is not safe who ventures into their territory.[415]

Humboldt, in his discussion of the tribes of the Orinoco, refers to
the Guahibos as white in color, and founds some speculations on this
fact. Their hue is indeed light, at times what may fairly be called a
dirty white; but in this respect we are assured by recent and competent
authority they do not differ from their neighbors, the Maquiritares and
Piaroas. It is not a question of descent, but of climatic surroundings
and mode of life.[416]

The home of the _Jaruris_, Yaruras, or, as they called themselves,
Japurin, was on and near the Orinoco, between the rivers Meta and
Capanapaco. They depended on hunting and fishing, and were indolent
and averse to agriculture. They had few arts, but were friendly in
disposition, not given to drunkenness, and usually monogamous. At present
they number scarcely a hundred individuals, badly formed, afflicted with
contagious disease, and rapidly on the road to extinction. They have
lost their trait of sobriety, and a man will readily offer his wife or
daughter in exchange for a bottle of brandy. (Chaffanjon.)

The _Guaraunos_, called by the English _Warraus_, continue to live in
considerable numbers--some say about fifteen thousand--in and near the
delta of the Orinoco. They are a thrifty, healthy people, building
their houses ingeniously upon piles to protect them from the periodical
overflows of the stream. This method of construction, however, was
adopted only when they sought as refuge marshy and lonely spots to escape
their enemies. Contrary to the statements of most travelers, those who
know them best report them as preferring dry uplands, where they make
clearings, plantations and houses with singular industry and skill.
The favorite wood used in such construction is the _temiche_ (not the
_moriche_) palm, which they call, from its magnificent fronds, “the
feathers of the sun,” _ya juji_.[417]

Humboldt placed their number at the beginning of the century at about six
thousand, which is doubtless more correct than the later estimates. He
adds that the Guayquiries, who inhabited the peninsula of Araya and the
adjacent islands of Margarita, “admit the relationship of their language
with that of the Guaraunos.”[418] At the beginning of the last century
Gumilla found them living on the south bank of the Orinoco in a most
wretched condition and nearly annihilated by their merciless enemies, the
Caribs. It is probable, therefore, that they removed from that location
to the coast.[419] No other dialect of the tongue, so far as I know, has
been discovered, and it seems an independent stock.

In appearance they are dark in hue, of muscular build, hair black,
abundant and very fine, noses straight and well-shaped, skull
brachycephalic, stature below medium.

The _Aruaca_ mentioned by Gilii were some tribes of the Arawaks who
occasionally visited the southern bank of the Orinoco, and whose
relations to the Maypures were not known to him. They are also mentioned
by other authors.

Having thus reviewed the linguistic stocks named by Gilii, I shall
proceed to mention some which escaped his attention.

One of the most interesting of these is the _Betoi_, or _Betoya_.
This tongue derived its name from a tribe dwelling at the foot of the
mountains of Bogota, between the rivers Apure and Tame, and are therefore
included by some among the Indians of New Granada. From a number of
authorities I find the following members are attributed to the

BETOYA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Airicos_, on head-waters of the Manacacia, the Ele and Guainia.
_Amaguages_, near Rio Caqueta.
_Anibalis_, on Rio Apure.
_Betois_, on and near Rio Casanare, about north latitude 5°.
_Correguages_, on Rio Yari and head-waters of Caqueta.
_Jamas_, on Rio Manacacia.
_Macaguages_, on Rios Caucaya, Mecaya and Sensella.
_Piojes_, on Rio Putumayo, and on the Napo and Caucaya (Cocayu).
_Quilifayes_, on Rio Apure.
_Situfas_, on Rio Casanare.
_Tamas_, on the Rio Yari and Rio Caguo.
_Tunebos_, in the Cordillera, adjacent to the Betois.

Of these, the Piojes and Correguages, of which we have vocabularies, do
not show close resemblance to the Betoya, yet undoubtedly some;[420] so
I place them in this stock partly in deference to old authorities.

The Piojes derive their name from the particle of negation in their
language, this being their usual reply to all inquiries by traders or
travelers. They are divided into two bands, speaking the same dialect,
one on the Napo and one on the Putumayo, neither knowing anything of the
other. Some of their customs are peculiar. For instance, it is their rule
that a widow shall take her son, a widower his daughter, to replace the
deceased consort.[421] They are somewhat agricultural, and are skillful
boatmen.

The Tamas formerly lived on the river Aguarico (Coleti). Dr. Crévaux
found them on the Caguo, a branch of the Yapura, and obtained from them a
short vocabulary, but enough to mark them as members of the stock.[422]
There are also some on the Rio Meta who speak Spanish only. (Perez.)

The Betoya has impressed me as showing some distant affinity to the Choco
stock, and it may be that ampler resources on both sides would lead to
the establishment of an original identity. The following words from the
very scanty number which I have for comparison are noteworthy:

CHOCO STOCK. BETOYA STOCK.
Man, _uma-china_, _uma-soi_, _emi-ud_.
Woman, _uerá_, _ro_.
Fire, _tŭjoor_, _toa-tui_.
Ear, _juru_, _ca-joro-so_.
Nose, _jun_, _ju-saca_, _jin-quepui_.

The Choco _do_, river, seems related to the Betoya _ocu-du_, water.

The Macaguages are industrious and agricultural. Both sexes dress alike
in cotton tunics dyed in violet color, and suspend bright feathers and
strings of beads in ears, nose and lips.[423]

A singular question has arisen as to the relationship of the Betoya and
the Yarura languages. Their near connection was affirmed by the early
missionaries. In fact, the history of the conversion of the Betoyas turns
upon the identity of the two tongues. It was brought about in 1701 by a
Yarura Indian, a convert to Christianity, who accidentally discovered
that he was understood by the Betoyas.

In spite of this detail, it is evident from an inspection of the
vocabularies, that there is absolutely no relationship between the
two idioms. I can only explain the contradiction as arising from some
ambiguity or similarity of names. The two tribes lived together in the
time of Gumilla, making up about three thousand souls.[424]

About the middle of this century some six hundred of the Betoyas dwelt on
the head-waters of the river Manacacia.[425]

In the territory of St. Martin, above the falls of the Guaviare and
along the Rio Guejar and the Meta, are several tribes asserted to speak
related dialects, but of which I have little information. The principal
one is that of the _Churoyas_, of whom Professor Nicolas Saenz has given
an interesting sketch and a short vocabulary.[426] They are very ugly,
with broad faces, low foreheads, small and oblique eyes, and in color
like dried tobacco. Nudity is their usual garb, and the skin is decorated
with tattoo marks instead of clothing. According to Perez they number
about 1200.[427] Following him and other authorities, I may enumerate the
following members of the

CHUROYA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Bisaniguas_, on the Rio Guejar.
_Choroyas_, on the Rio Guejar.
_Cofanes_, on the Rio Aguarico.
_Guayues_, on the Rio Caqueta.
_Macos_, on the Rio Aguarico.

Whether the Cofanes here named are those of the Province of Quitu who
murdered the Jesuit missionary, Raphael Ferrer, in 1602, I have not
discovered. Perez describes them as still warlike and seclusive, living
in the terminal hills of the Cordillera, and avoiding traffic with the
tribes of the lower river.[428]

An examination of the vocabulary furnished by Saenz inclines me to think
that the Churoya may be a mongrel dialect, or at least has borrowed
freely from neighboring stocks. I subjoin the principal words from his
short vocabulary, with some comparisons:

Sun, _mshojaint_.
Moon, _juimit_ (_oamito_, Guahiba).
Fire, _hijit_ (_chichi_, = sun, Carib).
Water, _minta_.
Bow, _piranso_ (_paria_, Roucouyenne).
Arrow, _funait_.
Tobacco, _joo_.
Plantain, _parasa_.
Dog, _uilg_.
Tortoise, _ainjachie_.
Wind, _che_.
Skin, _begt_.

The _Piaroas_ are mentioned by Gilii as a branch of the Salivas, but
their language reveals no such connection. They are still found on
both banks of the Orinoco above the confluence of the Vichada and near
the mouth of the Mataveni. They are savage and superstitious, avoiding
contact with the whites; they have had good reason to be extremely
distrustful of the advances of their civilized neighbors. They are much
given to nocturnal ceremonies, and entertain a great respect for the
tapir, who is their reputed ancestor, and also the form which is taken by
the souls of the departed.[429]

The _Puinavis_ dwell on the Inirida, an affluent of the Guaviare.
A tribe, the Guipunabis, is mentioned by Gilii as belonging to the
Maipure (Arawak) stock; but it cannot be the same with the one under
consideration, the language of which appears to be without affinities.
Latham identified them with the _Poignavis_ of the older writers,
and on slight linguistic evidence, believed them connected with the
Banivas.[430] My own comparisons do not justify this opinion.

_8. The Upper Amazonian Basin._

No portion of the linguistic field of South America offers greater
confusion than that of the western Amazonian region. The statements are
so conflicting, and the tribal changes apparently so rapid, that we are
at a loss to bring modern observations into accord with older statements.
Thus, I am entirely unable to accept the linguistic classification of
Hervas, which certainly was based on the best information of his day. As
a matter of comparison I give it.

_List of Languages in the Governments of Maynas and the Marañon (Hervas)._

STOCKS. DIALECTS.

1. ANDOA. Araro.
Chuudaviño.
Gae.
Guazago.
Murato.
Pabo.
Pinche.
Simigae.
Bobonazo.

2. CAMPA. Amjemhuaco.
Curano.
Manua.
Nanerua.
Nesahuaco.
Sepaunabo.
Tasio.

3. CHAYAVITA. Cahuapano.
Paranaruro.

4. COMABA. Ginua.
Inuaco.
Ruanababo.
Zepo.

5. CUNIBA. Manamabobo.
Mananamabua.

6. ENCABELLADA. Guajoyo.
Guencoyo.
Neocoyo.
Zaparro, or Encabellado.
Ziecoyo.

7. IEBERA. Tiputini.
Tibilo.

8. MAINA. Chapo.
Coronado.
Humurano.
Roamaino.

9. MUNICHE. Muchimo.
Otanabe.

10. PANA. Iltipo.
Pelada.

11. PIRA. Cusitinavo.
Manatinavo.
Upatarinavo.

12. SIMIGAE. Arazo.
Ijinori.
Nevo.
Oa.
Zaparro.

13. LUCUMBIA. Putumayo.
Yete.
Ceoqueyo.

14. URARINA. Barbudo.
Itucale.
Mayoruño.
Musimo.

15. YAMEA. Amaono.
Nahuapo.
Napeano.
Masamae.

16. JINORI. Acamaori.
Camacori.
Iqueconejori.
Panajori.
Tremojori.

A slight examination of this classification suffices to reveal its
general inaccuracy. The Zaparos are included in both the Encabellada and
the Simigae stocks. The latter is given both as a stock and as a dialect
of the Andoa. In fact, all three of the stocks named belong together as
dialects of one. The Pano stock, as we now know it, appears scattered
under Cuniba, Urarina and Pana; and the arrangement is incorrect in many
other points. While it has a value in preserving the names of some now
missing tribes, as a linguistic scheme it is wholly unsafe.

The _Zaparos_ constitute one of the most extended and numerous nations
in the upper valley of the Amazon. They dwell near or adjacent to the
Jivaros on the south, and as their name is variously spelled Zaparos,
Xeberos and Jeberos, they have at times been confounded with them. They
differ, however, not only in language, but in appearance and temperament.
The Zaparos are lighter in color, smaller in stature, with oblique eyes,
large mouths, and expanded nostrils.[431] Their disposition is indolent
and easy tempered, and their abilities inferior. This is seen in the
construction of their houses and the appearance of their fields, which do
not compare advantageously with those of the Jivaros; but they display
some ingenuity in manufacturing clothing from the bark of a species of
_Ochroma_, and they are skillful in concocting the urara poison, in
making blow-pipes, and are daring boatmen.

In 1632 they lived near the Omaguas, on the river Curary, and their
number was estimated by the missionaries at 10,000. At present
their main body dwells between the rivers Pastaza and Napo and along
the Marañon between the rivers Zamora and Morona. In 1850 Osculati
estimated their number at over 20,000, which is certainly in excess
of their present representatives. The many small tribes into which
they are divided, and the confused orthography of the names applied
to them, render it difficult to offer a satisfactory list. It seems
tolerably certain that the ancient “Andoas” were the Zaparos of the
upper Pastaza,[432] and equally sure that the Encabellada, the Iebera,
the Simigae and the Jinori languages, all supposed by Hervas to be
independent stocks,[433] were spoken by members of the Zaparo family. The
Iquitos are another populous branch, sometimes supposed to be distinct.

The Zaparo language is agreeable to the ear, partaking of the phonetic
character of the Brazilian idioms. The Italian traveler, Osculati,
has furnished a very satisfactory account of it, both grammatical and
lexicographical,[434] and there are vocabularies by other voyagers.

I offer the following alphabetic list of the sub-tribes of the Zaparos,
without attempting to define their several positions in the general
district referred to:

ZAPARO LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Achuales_.
_Agapicos_.
_Aicores_.
_Andoas_.
_Anguteris_.
_Antires_.
_Araros_, or _Arazos_.
_Ayacares_.
_Bobonazos_.
_Cahuaches_.
_Chudavinos_.
_Churitunas_.
_Comacoris_.
_Conejoris_.
_Copatasas_.
_Curyies_.
_Curarayes_.
_Custimanos_.
_Cutinanas_.
_Encabellados_.
_Eriteynes_.
_Frascavinos_.
_Gaes_.
_Ginoris_.
_Gualaquizas_.
_Guazacas_.
_Himuetacas_.
_Huasimoas_.
_Ibanomas_.
_Incuris_.
_Itremajoris_.
_Macavinas_.
_Mautas_.
_Moronas_.
_Mueganos_.
_Muratos_.
_Napotoas_.
_Neocoyos_.
_Nepas_.
_Nerecamues_.
_Nushinis_.
_Oas_.
_Panajoris_.
_Paranapuras_.
_Pastazas_.
_Pavos_.
_Pindis_.
_Putumayos_.
_Quirivinas_.
_Rotunos_.
_Semigaes_.
_Shiripunas_.
_Tabalosos_.
_Tiputinis_.
_Tivilos_.
_Tremajoris_.
_Yasunis_.
_Yegueyos_.
_Yetes_.
_Zamoros_.
_Zapaos_.

On the mountain slope of the Cordillera, north of the Zaparos and east of
the Cañaris, are the _Jivaros_ (Givaros, Xivaros), a wild, warlike tribe,
never subjugated either by the Kechuas or the Spaniards. Their homes
are about the head-waters of the rivers Pastaza, Santiago, and other
affluents of the Marañon. They are rather tall, of light color, with thin
lips, aquiline noses, straight eyes, prognathic jaws, hair black or with
a reddish tinge.

Some say their various bands number as many as four hundred, named from
the streams on which they live. Most of them depend upon hunting and
fishing, others pursue agriculture and breed pigs. Their weapons are
the sarbacane, the lance, the bow and the shield. They have developed a
system of sound-signalling or telegraphy by means of large wooden drums
placed at certain distances apart, by beating on which in a peculiar
manner the advent of an enemy, his number and direction, can be heralded
over hundreds of square miles in a few hours. The Jivaros are celebrated
for the preparation of human heads by a process of boiling and drying so
as to preserve the hair and soft parts. Many of these trophy heads have
been brought to Europe, and their purpose has led to some discussion.
It appears that they are prepared both as trophies of victory and out
of reverence to departed chiefs.[435] Their houses are built solidly of
wood, with wooden doors. They sleep upon wooden frames, and construct
tools of the same material.[436]

The principal event in their history was their revolt against the
Spanish authorities in the year 1599. They destroyed many settlements
and the entire city of Logroño, carrying the women into captivity. Many
of them had already been converted to Christianity, and their rites are
said still to preserve some reminiscences of such teachings. In recent
years many of them have been civilized through the efforts of Italian
missionaries.

The language of this important nation, although early studied, has as yet
no printed literature. I have found of it only the first five numerals,
which do not seem to have connection with any other tongue. They are as
follows:

1. _Alza_; 2. _catuta_; 3. _kala_; 4. _ingatu_; 5. _aleyticlon_.[437]

From a study of proper names and ethnographic traits, Dr. Hamy has
expressed himself with great assurance that the Jivaros belong to the
Guarani group of the Tupi stock;[438] but the above numerals do not
indicate such relationship, nor do I think that his other arguments
establish it. For the present they must be considered an independent
stock.

JIVARO LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Antipas_, above the Pongo de Manseriche.
_Aguarunas_, below the mouth of the Rio Nieva and Rio Huallaga.
_Ayulis_, on the Rio Morono.
_Cherembos_, left bank of Marañon.
_Chirapas_.
_Huambisas_, on Marañon above the Pongo de Manseriche.
_Lojanos_.
_Muratos_, below mouth of the Rio Pastaza.
_Pautis_.
_Uambisas_, south of the Marañon.
_Zamoras_.

The eastern neighbors of the Jivaros are the scattered bands of the
_Maynas_, separated by Hervas into two stocks, the Maina and the
Chayavita, but so far as I can learn, without sufficient reason. The
language is or was spoken at the mission of the Conception on the upper
Marañon and in the uplands around Cerros de Mainas. It is singularly
harsh and difficult. The natives were wild, and lived by hunting and
fishing. Their earlier home was on the upper waters of the Morona and
Pastaza rivers.

The following bands are embraced in the

MAINA LINGUISTIC STOCK.[439]

_Cahuapanas_.
_Chapos_.
_Chayavitas_.
_Coronados_.
_Humuranos_.
_Mainas_.
_Roamainas_.

On the Rio Javary there seem to be several independent stocks. One of
these is that of the _Yameos_, who are found in the lower course of the
river and also further up the Marañon, near Nauta, and on the Huallaga,
where they are called Llameos, Yameos, Lamas, or Lamistas. Formerly
they were a numerous and warlike nation, sharply divided into gentile
organizations, and carefully refraining from intermarriage in the gens.
At an early date we hear of them between the Rio Tigre and the Napo.
(Markham.)

The following sub-tribes are stated by various writers to belong to the

LAMA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Aguanos_.
_Alabonos_.
_Amaonos_.
_Cahuaches_.
_Massamaes_.
_Miquianos_.
_Nahuapos_.
_Napeanos_.
_Parranos_.
_Yarrapos_.

Pöppig describes them as agricultural and industrious, and much given to
trade and travel.

In appearance, they are small, dirty and Mongoloid, sharply contrasting
with the Indians of the Huallaga, who are all tall, strong and well
built, with good features.[440]

In conformity to old authorities, Markham classes the _Ardas_ as a
sub-tribe of the Yameos. Their home was between the rivers Napo and
Masso. On the latter they were in immediate contiguity to the Massamaes
(Coleti). There has been published a _Doctrina_ in their language, from
which the Lord’s Prayer is quoted by Ludewig.[441] This version has no
resemblance to the Pater in Yamea contained in the Mithridates; so for
the present I leave the Ardas unclassified.

Higher up the river Javary are a number of tribes speaking related
dialects of what I shall call the _Peba_ stock, though there are some
reasons to consider it a corrupt dialect of the Omagua, and hence related
to the Tupi.

PEBA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Caumaris_.
_Cauwachis_.
_Pacayas_.
_Pebas_.

To this list I add the Yeguas, Yaguas or Yahuas, found in the same
vicinity, and remarkable for their fine personal appearance, “the
most perfect physical type,” says M. Ordinaire, “of all the Indian
races.”[442] The vocabulary of their language obtained by Castelnau
shows unmistakable affinities to that of the Pebas.[443]

On the Rio Chambira, adjacent to the Yameos and Omaguas, dwelt in the
early part of the last century the _Itucales_ and Varinas or Uarunas,
who, according to Coleti, spoke allied dialects. The Itucales were
noteworthy as the aptest and most biddable converts obtained by the
missionaries on the river. They were agricultural and monogamous.[444]
Hervas classes them with the Musimos, the Mayorunas and the Barbudos,
under the Urarina language; but the last two are members of the Pano
stock.

The _Ticunas_ (Tecunas, Tucunas) are found along the lower Javary and
the Solimoes, adjacent to the Pebas. They wander about in a state of
nakedness, depending on hunting and fishing, and under a loose control
of the Brazilian government. Many of them can converse in Kechua, though
their own tongue is of a different group. They are given to dances of
a sacred character, in which the actors appear in masks. An operation
allied to circumcision is practiced on infants of both sexes at the time
of assigning them names.[445] One of the several tribes called “Orejones”
is thought by Pöppig to belong to the Ticunas.[446]

The tribes in the valley of the Huallaga were first visited by Franciscan
missionaries in 1676. In that year Father Jose de Araujo converted a
number of the Hibitos (Xibitos) in the Upper Huallaga, and wrote an
_arte_ of their language. He found it the same as that of the Chunchos
in the Sierra. Their neighbors further down the river, the Cholones,
speaking a different idiom, were brought under the instruction of Father
Francisco Gutierrez, who composed a work on their tongue. A century
later we find these two nations living together at the mission, counting
4800 souls, and occupying that portion of the province of Cajamarquilla
between 7° and 8° 30´ s. lat. They were peaceable and agricultural, with
fields of cotton and food plants.[447]

This fair scene disappeared in the turbulent life of the next generation,
and when the traveler Pöppig visited the Huallaga in 1834 he found the
mission in decay, and the natives, much reduced in numbers, had resumed
their wild life and again become savages.[448] At present, along the
main stream to the north, are the Cocamillas, the Aguanteas, and the
Puinahuas. All these appear to be of the Tupi stock, with dialects akin
to the Cocama and Omagua.[449]

_The Panos._ When the missionaries first crossed the Cordillera and
explored the upper Ucayali river, they found a number of related tribes,
the principal of whom were the Panos. By their traditions they had moved
from near the equator at the north. They differed little in culture from
their neighbors, and are now nearly extinct. By the earlier writers they
were placed in relation to the Omaguas as members of the Tupi stock,[450]
but the researches of M. Raoul de la Grasserie have vindicated for them
an independent position.[451] They are said to have possessed a form of
hieroglyphic writing, which they painted on a sort of paper manufactured
from vegetable fibre.

Some of the Mayorunas are reported as having thick beards and white skins
(Martius), but these peculiarities are probably attributable to early
admixtures with the white race.

The largest of these tribes at present is that of the Conibos, who
constitute now the greater part of the natives the traveler encounters on
the Ucayali. In appearance they have some resemblance to the Peruvians.
The nose is aquiline and prominent, the forehead broad, the eye large,
and the cheek bones not prominent. In intelligence they are superior
to their neighbors, learning the Spanish language readily, and proving
themselves valuable house-servants. They are apathetic, however, and none
of the Panos have shown any earnest desire to adopt a civilized life.[452]

The Cashibos are the most savage tribe on the Ucayali or its affluents,
and are said to have the ugly custom of eating their relations when they
die, and if this event is long delayed, the old men are killed. But such
is the power of ideas, that one of the obstacles to their conversion is
that they so much prefer their bodies to become food for their relatives
than a feast for worms![453]

The Pacaguaras or Pacavaras, on the rivers Beni and Mamore, classed by
D’Orbigny as a separate stock, belong among the Panos, as is clearly
seen by the vocabulary furnished by that traveler, and later that by Mr.
Heath.[454] The easternmost branch of the stock (not noted by M. de la
Grasserie), are the Canawarys (Canamarys), who live on the banks of the
Purus. Mr. Chandless heard that they were related to the Conibos, and the
few words he obtained of their language prove the statement correct.[455]

PANO. PACAGUARA. CANAWARY.
Sun, _bari_, _uari_, _wari_.
Fire, _chi_, _chi-i_, _chi-i_.
Water, _uaca_, _waka_.

Mr. Chandless also says, “The Conibos are of the same tribe as the
Manitenerys of the river Purus,” which would bring these latter also
into the Pano stock. The short vocabulary of their language which he
supplies does not bear out this assertion. Mr. Richard Spruce considered
that it proved them to be of the Carib stock;[456] but to me it seems
unmistakably a member of the Arawak family, as will be seen from the
following analysis:

MANITENERY. ARAWAK STOCK.
Sun, _cashi_, _catche_.
Moon, _siri_, _casiri_.
Fire, _chi-chi_, _chichi_.
Water, _huni_, _uni_.

From the above considerations I offer the following names as comprising
the

PANO LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Barbudos_, on the Marañon.
_Callisecas_, on upper Ucayali.[457]
_Canawarys_, on Rio Purus.
_Caripunas_, near cataracts of Rio Madeira.
_Cashibos_, on Rio Pachitea and Aguaitia.
_Chamicuros_, on west bank of the Rio Huallaga.[458]
_Cochivuinas_, a sub-tribe of Mayorunas.
_Conibos_, on upper Ucayali.
_Culinos_, on Rio Juvary.
_Jaunavos_, see _Caripunas_.
_Mayorunas_, on Rio Tapichi and Rio Yavari.
_Maxorunas_, near Rio Tapichi.
_Panos_, on upper Ucayali.
_Pacaguaras_, on Rio Beni.
_Remos_, on Ucayali, from Abayan to Chanchaguaya.
_Sencis_, right bank of Ucayali above Saraycu.
_Setibos_ (_Setevos_), on upper Ucayali.[459]
_Sipibos_, on upper Ucayali.

Mr. Chandless[460] met on the rivers Purus and Jurua tribes of a
stock whose tongue I have not been able to connect with any other.
They are represented on the former stream by the Pammanas or Pammarys
(_pama-ouiri_, eaters of the _pama_, a kind of berry), or Puru-purus
(_piru-poru_, name of a skin disease which prevails there), whose name
has been transferred to the river. These are believed by Martius to
be the same or allied to the Pamas, a tribe who formerly lived on the
Madeira, but were driven thence by the Caripunas.[461] On the Jurua are
the apparently related _Arauas_ and Araicus. All these depend on hunting
and fishing, and are of migratory habits. Some of the Pammanas are
reported as light in hue, with blue eyes and brown hair.[462]

Many tribes with names differing from the above are recorded by the
older writers as resident on these rivers, but owing to the absence of
linguistic material, no identification is possible.

The close relationship of the Pammarys of the Purus and the Arauas of the
Jurua is shown by the following comparison:

PAMMARY. ARAUA.
Moon, _massicu_, _massicu_.
Fire, _si ju_, _sihu_.
Water, _paha_, _paha_.
Dog, _djuimahi_, _jumayhi_.

So far as known, I would place the following tribes in the

ARAUA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Arauas_ (_Araó_), on the lower Jurua.
_Pamas_, formerly on the Madeira.
_Pammarys_, on the Rio Purus.
_Puru-purus_, on the Rio Purus.

The jargon of the Yaguas, on the Amazon between Nauta and Pebas, seems to
have borrowed from this stock; as:

YAGUA. PAMMARY.
Sun, _ini_, _saf-iny_.
Water, _haha_, _paha_.

The neighbors of the Arauas on the river Purus are the _Hypurinas_
(better Jupurinas) of whose language Mr. Chandless also supplies a
short vocabulary. It contains a few words in common with the Pammary,
but probably only borrowed by both from the Arawak. The following will
illustrate the two tongues:

PAMMARY. JUPURINA.
Sun, _safiny_, _atocanti_.
Moon, _massicu_, _cassiri_.
Fire, _siju_, _chamina_.
Water, _paha_, _iborahai_.
River, _wainy_, _weni_.
Dog, _djuimahi_, _anguity_.
Tortoise, _ú-jurú_, _chetuyu_.
Tapir, _dama_, _chama_.

The Hypurinas on the Rio Acre (or Aquiri) belong to the same tribe. They
are said to be related to the Chacobos and the Piros of the Ucayali.
They are without civilization. The women go naked, but the men wear long
purple robes, and both sexes pierce the lips and nose. Some agriculture
is carried on, but hunting and fishing are the main sources of the food
supply.[463]

The total number of natives on the Purus and its affluents was estimated
by Colonel Labré, in 1885, at 40,000, “speaking forty or more different
languages;” but this last assertion we may take with large allowance.
Probably not over four or five stocks are represented. The same explorer
names nine tribes visited by him on the river Ituxy. They are the: 1,
Caccharari; 2, Canamary; 3, Catauxi; 4, Guarayo; 5, Huatanary; 6,
Hypurina; 7, Hyuma; 8, Pamana; and 9, Pammary tribes.[464]

In this list, as elsewhere, the term _Guarayos_ has no ethnic
significance. It is a Tupi word applied in this Spanish form to various
wild, uncivilized tribes.

_9. The Bolivian Highlands: the Chiquitos, Yurucares, Mosetenas, Tacanas,
Samucus, Canichanas and others._

On the Atlantic face of the Cordillera, in the easternmost portion of
Bolivia, where the head-waters of the Madeira are known by the names of
the Mamore, the Guapai and the Beni, there is an astonishing variety of
linguistic stocks. It would seem that the broken remnants of many diverse
nations had sought refuge in the deep vales and dense forests of this
region.

We have already seen that the Caribs were represented here by the
Palmellas, and the Arawaks by the Moxos and Baures. South of the Moxos
was the extensive region of the _Chiquitos_, stretching between south
latitude 16° and 18°, and from the upper affluents of the Paraguay
river to the summit of the Cordillera. On the south it adjoined the
Gran Chaco, and on the west the territory of the Kechuas. They were a
medium-sized, mild-mannered people, mostly of little culture, depending
on the chase for food, but willingly adopting the agricultural life
recommended to them by the missionaries. They were divided into a vast
number of small roving bands, the most important group of which were the
Manacicas, whose homes were near Lake Xaray, about the head-waters of
the Paraguay. Their myths relating to a male and female deity and their
son reminded the Jesuits of the Christian Trinity.[465] The Manacicas
were agriculturists and remarkably skilful potters. The villages they
constructed were surrounded with palisades and divided by broad streets.
The corpses of the dead were deposited in underground vaults, and both
property and rank passed in the male line to the sons of the deceased.

The Chiquito language is interesting for its scope and flexibility,
being chiefly made up of generic particles capable of indefinite
combination.[466] It is singular in having no numerals, not even as
far as three. Its four principal dialects were those of the Taos, the
Piñocos, the Manacicas and the Penoquies.[467] It was selected by the
missionaries as the medium of instruction for a number of the neighboring
tribes.

Of such tribes there were many, widely different in speech, manners and
appearance from the Chiquitos. Some of them are particularly noteworthy
for their un-Indian type. Thus, to the west of the Chiquitos, on the
banks of the rivers Mamore and Chavari, were the Yurucares, the Tacanas
and the Mosetenas, all neighbors, and though not of one tongue, yet alike
in possessing a singularly white skin and fine features. Their color
is as light and as really white as many southern Europeans, the face
is oval, the nose straight, fine, and often aquiline, the lips thin,
the cheek-bones not prominent, the eyes small, dark and horizontal, the
expression free and noble. They are of pure blood, and the most important
tribe of them derived their name, _Yurucares_, white men, from their
Kechua neighbors before the conquest. They are usually uncommonly tall
(1.75), bold warriors, lovers of freedom and given to a hunting life. The
women are often even taller and handsomer than the men.

The traveler D’Orbigny suggested that this light color arose from their
residence under the shade of dense forests in a hot and humid atmosphere.
He observed that many of them had large patches of albinism on their
persons.[468]

The branches of these stocks may be classed as follows:

YURUCARI LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Conis_.
_Cuchis_.
_Enetés_.
_Mages_.
_Mansiños_.
_Oromos_.
_Solostos_.

MOSETENA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Chimanis_.
_Magdalenos_.
_Maniquies_.
_Muchanis_.
_Tucupis_.

The Toromonas occupy the tract between the Madre de Dios and the Madidi,
from 12° to 13° south latitude. According to D’Orbigny they are, together
with the Atenes, Cavinas, Tumupasas and Isuiamas, members of one stock,
speaking dialects of the _Tacana_ language. He was unable to procure a
vocabulary of it, and only learned that it was exceedingly guttural and
harsh.[469] From their position and their Kechua name (_tuyu_), low or
swamp land, I am inclined to identify the Toromonas with the Tuyumiris
or Pukapakaris, who are stated formerly to have dwelt on the Madre de
Dios and east of the Rio Urubamba, and to have been driven thence by the
Sirineris (Tschudi).

According to recent authorities the Cavinas speak the same tongue as the
Araunas on the Madre de Dios, which are separated from the Pacaguaras by
the small river Genichiquia;[470] and as the language of the Toromonas is
called in the earlier accounts of the missions _Macarani_, I may make out
the following list of the members of the

TACANA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Araunas_.
_Atenes_.
_Cavinas_.
_Equaris_.
_Isuiamas_.
_Lecos_.
_Macaranis_.
_Maropas_.
_Pukapakaris_.
_Sapiboconas_.
_Tacanas_.
_Toromonas_.
_Tumupasas_.
_Tuyumiris_.

The Araunas are savage, and according to Heath “cannibals beyond a
doubt.” He describes them as “gaunt, ugly, and ill formed,” wearing the
hair long and going naked.[471] Colonel Labré, however, who visited
several of their villages in 1885, found them sedentary and agricultural,
with temples and idols, the latter being geometrical figures of polished
wood and stone. Women were considered impure, were not allowed to know
even the names of the gods, and were excluded from religious rites.[472]
The Cavinas, on the other hand, are described by early writers as
constructing houses of stone.[473] The Maropas, on the east side of the
river Beni near the little town of Reyes, speak a dialect of Tacana
as close to it as Portuguese to Spanish. They are erroneously classed
as a distinct nation by D’Orbigny, who obtained only a few words of
their tongue. The Sapiboconas, who lived at the Moxos Mission, and of
whose dialect Hervas supplies a vocabulary, are also a near branch of
the stock. We now have sufficient material to bring these tribes into
relation. With them I locate the Lecos, the tribe who occupied the
mission of Aten, and are therefore called also Atenianos.[474] At present
some civilized Lecos live at the mission of Guanay, between the Beni and
Titicaca; but we have nothing of their language.[475]

The Tacana dialects present a number of verbal analogies to Kechua and
Aymara; so many in fact that they testify to long inter-communion between
the stocks, though I think not to a radical identity. I present a few:

TACANA. KECHUA.
Man, _reanci_, _runa_.
Water, _jene_, _una_.
Hand, _ma_, _maqui_.
Foot, _quatri_, _chaqui_.
House, _etai_, _uta_ (Aymara).
Stone, _tumu_, _rumi_.
Star, _emata_, _matti_.
Lightning, _ilapa_, _illapa_.
Year, _mara_, _mara_.
Three, _quimisha_, _quimsa_.
Four, _puschi_, _pusi_ (Aymara).
Five, _pischica_, _pichka_.

The numerals above “two” have clearly been borrowed from the
Kechua-Aymara.

There are also a large number of verbal coincidences between the Tacana
and the Pano groups, but not enough to allow us to suppose an original
unity.

The _Samucus_ (Zamucas) embraced a number of sub-tribes dwelling on the
northern border of the Chaco, between 18° and 20° south latitude, and
about the river Oxuquis. They did not resemble the Chaco stocks, as they
were not vagrant hunters, but dwelt in fixed villages, and pursued an
agricultural life.[476] Their language was singularly sweet in sound, and
was called by D’Orbigny “the Italian of the forest.” They included the
following members:

SAMUCU LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Careras_.
_Cayporotades_.
_Coroinos_.
_Cuculados_.
_Guaranocas_.
_Ibirayas_.
_Morotocos_.
_Potureros_.
_Satienos_.
_Tapios_.
_Ugaronos_.

Among these the Morotocos are said to have offered the rare spectacle
of a primitive gynocracy. The women ruled the tribe, and obliged the
men to perform the drudgery of house-work. The latter were by no means
weaklings, but tall and robust, and daring tiger-hunters. The married
women refused to have more than two children, and did others come they
were strangled.

On the river Mamore, between 13° and 14° of south latitude, were
the numerous villages of the _Canichanas_ or Canisianas. They were
unusually dark in complexion and ugly of features; nor did this
unprepossessing exterior belie their habits or temperament. They were
morose, quarrelsome, tricky and brutal cannibals, preferring theft to
agriculture, and prone to drunkenness; but ingenious and not deficient
in warlike arts, constructing strong fortifications around their
villages, from which they would sally forth to harass and plunder their
peaceable neighbors. By a singular anomaly, this unpromising tribe
became willing converts to the teachings of the Jesuits, and of their own
accord gathered into large villages in order to secure the presence of a
missionary.[477] Their language has no known affinities. It is musical,
with strong consonantal sounds, and like some of the northern tongues,
makes a distinction between animate and inanimate objects, or those so
considered.[478]

Between 13° and 14° of south latitude, on the west bank of the Rio
Mamore, were the _Cayubabas_ or Cayuvavas, speaking a language without
known affinities, though containing words from a number of contiguous
tongues.[479] The men are tall and robust, with regular features and a
pleasant expression. The missionaries found no difficulty in bringing
them into the fold, but they obstinately retained some of their curious
ancient superstitions, as, for instance, that a man should do no kind
of work while his wife had her monthly illness; and should she die, he
would undertake no enterprise of importance so long as he remained a
widower.[480]

Brief notices will suffice of the various other tribes, many of them now
extinct, who centered around the missions of the Chiquitos and Moxos
early in this century.

The _Apolistas_ took their name from the river Apolo, an affluent of the
Beni, about south latitude 15°. They were contiguous to the Aymaras, and
had some physical resemblance to them. From their position, I suspect
they belong in the Tacana group.

The _Chapacuras_, or more properly Tapacuras, were on the Rio Blanco or
Baures in the province of Moxos. They called themselves _Huachis_, and
the Quitemocas are mentioned as one of their sub-tribes. Von Martius
thinks they were connected with the Guaches of Paraguay, a mixed tribe
allied to the Guaycuru stock of the Chaco. The resemblance is very slight.

The _Covarecas_ were a small band at the mission of Santa Anna, about
south latitude 17°. Their language was practically extinct in 1831.

The _Curaves_ and the _Curuminacas_, the former on the Rio Tucubaca
and the latter north of them near the Brazil line, were said to have
independent languages; but both were extinct at the time of D’Orbigny’s
visit in 1831. The same was true of the _Corabecas_ and _Curucanecas_.

The _Ites_ or Itenes were upon the river Iten, an affluent of the Mamore
about 12° south latitude. They were sometimes improperly called Guarayos,
a term which, like Guaycurus, Aucas, Yumbos and others, was frequently
applied in a generic sense by the Spanish Americans to any native tribe
who continued to live in a savage condition.

The _Movimas_ (Mobimas) occupied the shores of the Rio Yacuma, and Rio
Mamore about 14° south latitude. In character and appearance they were
similar to the Moxos, but of finer physique, “seldom ever under six
feet,” says Mr. Heath. They are now civilized, and very cleanly in their
habits. The vocabularies of their language show but faint resemblances
with any other.

The _Otuquis_, who in 1831 did not number over 150 persons, lived in the
northeast part of the province of Chiquitos near the Brazilian line.
Their language was nearly extinct at that time. The short vocabulary
of it preserved by D’Orbigny does not disclose connections with other
stocks, unless it be a distant affinity with the Tacana group. This may
be illustrated by the following words:

OTUQUI. TACANA DIALECTS.
Man, _vuani_, _reanci_.
Woman, _vuaneti_, _anu_.
Sun, _neri_, _ireti_.
Moon, _ari_, _bari_.
Water, _uru_, _yuvi_.
Head, _ikitao_, _ekuya_.

It was the policy of the Jesuits in their missions in this district
to gather the tribes from the forest and mountain into permanent
settlements, and reduce as far as possible the number of languages and
dialects, so as to facilitate instruction in religious teaching. Shortly
after this Order was expelled from their missions (1767), an official
report on their “reductions” was printed in Peru, giving a list of the
tribes at each station, and the languages in use for instruction.[481]
From this scarce work I extract a few interesting particulars.

The province of Apolobamba is described as extending about eighty leagues
northeast-southwest, east of the Cordillera, and west of the Rio Beni.
The languages adopted in it were the Leca, spoken by the Lecos Indians
at the mission of Aten, and the Maracani, at the mission of Tumupasa, on
the Rio Beni. Forty-nine nations are named as belonging to the mission
of the Chiquitos, each of whom is stated to have spoken a different
language or dialect, though all were instructed in their religious duties
in Chiquito. At the mission of Moxos twenty-nine tribes are named as in
attendance, but it had not been found possible, such was the difference
of their speech, to manage with less than nine languages, to wit, the
Moxa, the Baure, the Mure, the Mobima, the Ocorona, the Cayubaba, the
Itonama and the Maracani.[482]

Of these tongues I have classed the Leca and Maracani as dialects of the
Takana, not from comparison of vocabularies, for I have seen none of
either, but from the locations of the tribes speaking them. The Moxa and
Baure are dialects of the Arawak stock. The Mura is a branch of the Tupi,
spoken by the powerful tribe of the Muras on the Medeira and Amazon, who
distinctly recalled in tradition their ancestral home in the west.[483]
The Chiquito, the Mobima, the Caniciana (Canichana), the Cayubaba, the
Itonama and the Ocorona remain so far irreducible stocks. Vocabularies
of the first five have been preserved, but nothing of the Ocorona. It
is probably identical with the Rocorona, in which Professor Teza has
published some texts.[484] I have not been able to identify it with
any other tongue. Hervas unites both with the Herisebocona as a single
stock.[485]

2. THE PAMPEAN REGION.

South of the dividing upland which separates the waters of the Amazon
from those which find their way to the Rio de la Plata, the continent
extends in broad level tracts, watered by numerous navigable streams and
rich in game and fish. Its chief physical features are the wooded and
rolling Chaco in the north, the treeless and grassy Pampas to the south,
and the sterile rocky plains of Patagonia still further toward the region
of cold. In the west the chain of the Cordilleras continues to lift its
summits to an inaccessible height until they enter Patagonia, when they
gradually diminish to a range of hills.

The tribes of all this territory, both east and west of the Andes,
belong ethnographically together, and not with the Peruvian stocks. What
affinities they present to others to the north are with those of the
Amazonian regions.

_1. The Gran Chaco and its Stocks. The Guaycurus, Lules, Matacos and
Payaguas. The Charruas, Guatos, Calchaquis, etc._

The great streams of the Parana and Paraguay offer a natural boundary
between the mountainous country of southern Brazil and the vast plains of
the Pampas formation. In their upper course these rivers form extensive
marshes, which in the wet season are transformed into lakes on which
tangled masses of reeds and brushwood, knitted together by a lush growth
of vines, swim in the lazy currents as floating islands. These were the
homes of some wild tribes who there found a secure refuge, the principal
of whom were the Caracaras, who came from the lower Parana, and were one
of the southernmost offshoots of the Tupi family.[486]

For five hundred miles west of the Parana and extending nearly as far
from north to south, is a wide, rolling country, well watered, and
usually covered with dense forests, called El Gran Chaco.[487] Three
noble rivers, the Pilcomayo, the Vermejo and the Salado, intersect it in
almost parallel courses from northwest to southeast.

Abounding in fish and game and with a mild climate, the Chaco has always
been densely peopled, and even to-day its native population is estimated
at over twenty thousand. But the ethnology of these numerous tribes is
most obscure. The Jesuit missionaries asserted that they found eight
totally different languages on the Rio Vermejo alone,[488] and the names
of the tribes run up into the hundreds.

As is generally the case with such statements, distant dialects of the
same stock were doubtless mistaken for radically distinct tongues. From
all the material which is accessible, I do not think that the Chaco
tribes number more than five stocks, even including those who spoke
idioms related to the Guarani or Tupi. The remainder are the Guaycuru,
the Mataco, the Lule and the Payagua. This conclusion is identical with
that reached by the Argentine writer, Don Luis J. Fontana, except that he
considers the Chunipi independent, while I consider that it is a member
of the Mataco stock.

One of the best known members of the _Guaycuru_ stock was the tribe of
the Abipones, whose manners and customs were rendered familiar in the
last century through the genial work of the Styrian missionary, Martin
Dobrizhoffer.[489] They were an equestrian people, proud of their
horsemanship and their herds, and at that time dwelt on the Paraguay
river, but by tradition had migrated from the north.

The Guaycurus proper were divided into three gentes (_parcialidades_)
located with reference to the cardinal points. On the north were
the Epicua-yiqui; on the west the Napin-yiqui, and on the south the
Taqui-yiqui. Their original home was on the Rio Paraguay, two hundred
leagues from its mouth, but later they removed to the banks of the
Pilcomayo. Their system was patriarchal, the sons inheriting direct from
the father, and they were divided into hereditary castes, from which it
was difficult to emerge. These were distinguished by different colors
employed in painting the skin. The highest caste, the _nabbidigan_, were
distinguished by black.[490]

The Abipones were almost entirely destroyed early in this century by the
Tobas and Mbocobis,[491] and probably at present they are quite extinct.
The Tobas are now the most numerous tribe in the Chaco, and their
language the most extended.[492] They remain savage and untamable, and
it was to their ferocity that Dr. Crévaux, the eminent French geographer
and anthropologist, fell a victim in recent years. The dialects of
the Abipones, Mbocobis and Tobas were “as much alike as Spanish and
Portuguese” (Dobrizhoffer).

The Guachis speak a rather remote dialect of the stock, but undoubtedly
connected with the main stem. According to the analogy of many of their
words and the tenor of tradition, they at one time lived in the Bolivian
highlands, in the vicinity of the Moxos and Chiquitos. It is probable
that they are now nearly extinct, as for several generations infanticide
has been much in vogue among them, prompted, it is said, by superstitious
motives. Forty years ago an inconspicuous remnant of them were seen by
Castelnau and Natterer in the vicinity of Miranda.[493]

The Malbalas, who were a sub-tribe of the Mbocobis, dwelling on the Rio
Vermejo, are described as light in color, with symmetrical figures and of
kindly and faithful disposition. Like most of the Chaco tribes, they were
monogamous, and true to their wives.[494]

The Terenos and the Cadioéos still survive on the upper Paraguay, and are
in a comparatively civilized condition. The latter manufacture a pottery
of unusually excellent quality.[495]

On the authority of Father Lozano I include in this stock the
Chichas-Orejones, the Churumatas, that branch of the Mataguayos called
Mataguayos Churumatas (from the frequent repetition of the syllable
_chu_ in their dialect), the Mbocobis and Yapitalaguas, whose tongues
were all closely related to the Toba;[496] while Dr. Joao Severiano da
Fonseca has recently shown that the Quiniquinaux is also a branch of this
stock.[497]

The _Lules_ are a nation which has been a puzzle for students of the
ethnography of the Chaco. They were partly converted by the celebrated
Jesuit missionary and eminent linguist, Father Alonso de Barcena,
in 1690, who wrote a grammar of their language, which he called the
Tonicote. The Jesuit historian of Paraguay, Del Techo, states that
three languages were spoken among them, the Tonicote, the Kechua and
the Cacana, which last is a Kechua term from _caca_, mountain, and
in this connection means the dialect of the mountaineers. Barcena’s
converts soon became discontented and fled to the forests, where they
disappeared for thirty years or more. About 1730, a number of them
reappeared near the Jesuit mission of the Chaco, and settled several
towns on the rivers Valbuena and Salado. There their language was studied
by the missionaries. A grammar of it was composed by Machoni,[498] and
a vocabulary collected by the Abbé Ferragut.[499] Meanwhile the work of
Barcena had disappeared, and the Abbé Hervas expressed a doubt whether
the Lule of Machoni was the same as that of his predecessor. He advanced
the opinion that the ancient Lule was the Cacana; that the modern were
not the descendants of the ancient Lules, and that the Mataras of the
Chaco were the Tonicotes to whom Barcena was apostle.[500]

The missionary Lozano to some extent clears up this difficulty. He states
that the Lules or Tonicotes were divided into the greater and lesser
Lules, and it is only the latter to which the name properly belonged.
The former were divided into three bands, the Isistines, the Oristines,
and the Toquistines.[501] None of these latter existed under these names
at the close of the last century, and at present no tribe speaking
the Lule of Machoni is known in the Chaco. The language has evident
affinities both with the Vilela and the Mataco,[502] but also presents
many independent elements. The statement of Hervas, copied by various
subsequent writers,[503] that the ancient or greater Lules spoke the
Cacana, and that this was a different stock from the Lule of Machoni,
lacks proof, as we have no specimen of the Cacana, and not even indirect
knowledge of its character. Indeed, Del Techo says definitely that the
missionaries of the earliest period, who were familiar with the Lule of
that time, had to employ interpreters in ministering to the Cacanas.[504]

The modern Vilelas live on the Rio Salado, between 25° and 26° south
latitude. I find in it so many words of such character that I am inclined
to take it as the modern representative of the Lule of Machoni, though
corrupted by much borrowing. When we have a grammar of it, the obscurity
will be cleared up.

LULE. VILELA.
Tongue, _lequy_, _lequip_.
Tooth, _llu_, _lupe_.
Hand, _ys_, _ysip_.
House, _enú_, _quané_.

A comparison of the Vilela with the Chunipi, (Chumipy, Sinipi or
Ciulipi,) proves that they are rather closely related, and that the
Chunipi is not an independent tongue as has often been stated. In view of
this, I include it in the Lule dialects.

The third important stock is that of the _Matacos_. It is still in
extensive use on the Rio Vermejo, and we have a recent and genial
description of these people and their language from the pen of the
Italian traveler, Giovanni Pelleschi.[505] They are somewhat small in
size, differing from the Guaycurus in this respect, who are tall. Their
homes are low huts made of bushes, but they are possessed of many small
arts, are industrious, and soon become conversant with the use of tools.
Their hair is occasionally wavy, and in children under twelve, it is
often reddish. The eyes are slightly oblique, the nose large, straight
and low. Like all the Chaco Indians, they do not care for agriculture,
preferring a subsistence from hunting and fishing, and from the product
of their horses and cattle. What few traditions they have indicate a
migration from the east.

The term Mataguayos was applied to some of this stock as well as to some
of the Guaycurus. The former included the Agoyas, the Inimacas or Imacos,
and the Palomos, to whom the Jesuit Joseph Araoz went as missionary, and
composed a grammar and dictionary of their dialect. He describes them
as exceedingly barbarous and intractable.[506] The Tayunis had at one
time 188 towns, and the Teutas 46 towns. This was in the palmy days of
the Jesuit reductions.[507] Both these extensive tribes are classed by
D’Orbigny with the Matacos.

According to the older writers the _Payaguas_ lived on the river
Paraguay, and spoke their tongue in two dialects, the Payagua and the
Sarigue. Von Martius, however, denies there ever was such a distinct
people. The word _payagua_, he remarks, was a generic term for “enemies,”
and was applied indiscriminately to roving hordes of Guaycurus, Mbayas,
etc.[508]

The Payaguas, however, are mentioned distinctly by the early missionaries
as a nation with peculiar language and habits. They differed from their
neighbors as being aquatic, not equestrian. They were singularly skilful
boatmen and had a mythology apart from the other tribes, “worshipping the
devil under the figure of a great bird.”[509] There is also a manuscript
in the Library of the American Philosophical Society, written in the
middle of the last century, describing the visit of a missionary to the
Payaguas, at that time resident near Santa Fé in Paraguay. He accuses
them as given to revolting vices and utterly barbarous.[510]

The statement of Von Martius that the nation has entirely disappeared is
incorrect, as quite recently a vocabulary of it has been obtained by Don
Luis de Fontana, which shows it to be distinct both from the Guaycuru and
any other known stock.[511]

LINGUISTIC STOCKS OF THE GRAN CHACO.

_Guaycuru Stock_:

_Abipones_, in the central Chaco.
_Aguilotes_, sub-tribe of the Mbocobis.
_Bocobis_, see _Mbocobis_.
_Cadioéos_, near Fort Olimpo on the Paraguay.
_Chichas Orejones_.
_Churumatas_.
_Guachis_, on Rio Mondego.
_Guaycurus_, on the middle Paraguay.
_Malbalas_, on the Rio Vermejo.
_Matagayos-Churumatas_.
_Mbayas_, on Rio Xerui.
_Mbocobis_, on the Rio Vermejo.
_Pitilagas_, see _Yapitalaguas_.
_Quiniquinaux_, northeast of Albuquerque.
_Tobas_, north of the Mbocobis.
_Terenos_, on the Rio de Miranda.
_Yapitalaguas_, on the Rio Vermejo.

_Lule Stock_:

_Chunipis_, on Rio Vermejo.
_Juris_, on Rio Salado.
_Lules_, near Rio Vermejo.
_Mataras_, on Rio Pilcomayo.
_Oristines_, on Rio Pilcomayo.
_Sinipis_, see _Chunipis_.
_Tonocotes_, on Rio Pilcomayo.
_Toquistines_, on Rio Pilcomayo.
_Vilelas_, north of the Rio Vermejo.
_Ysistines_, on the Pilcomayo.

_Mataco Stock_:

_Agoyas_, on Rio Vermejo.
_Atalalas_, on Rio Vermejo.
_Enimagas_ or _Imacos_, on east bank of Pilcomayo.
_Matacos_, on Rio Verde.
_Mataguayos_, north of Rio Vermejo.
_Ocoles_, south of Rio Vermejo.
_Palomos_, on Rio Vermejo.
_Taunies_, on Rio Vermejo.
_Teutas_, on Rio Vermejo.
_Vejosos_, on Rio Vermejo.
_Xolotes_, on Rio Vermejo.
_Yoes_, on Rio Vermejo.

_Payagua Stock_:

_Agaces_, on Rio Paraguay.
_Payaguas_, near Santa Fé.
_Sarigues_, on middle Paraguay.

Among the independent Chaco stocks, D’Orbigny classes the _Lenguas_, who
in 1828 lived, about 300 in number, near Corrientes.[512] Von Martius
believed they were a branch of the Guaycurus.[513] There is ample
evidence, however, that they were a wandering branch of the Chiquitos
of Bolivia. The missionary, J. P. Fernandez, who visited them about a
century before D’Orbigny, says expressly that they spoke the same tongue
as the Chiquitos;[514] and the statement of Hervas that the similarities
of their words to the Chiquito arose from borrowed expressions is not
well founded.[515]

The _Charruas_ were a barbarous nation living in the extensive plains
which stretch from the banks of the Parana to the sea coast. They were
savage and courageous, without fixed homes, and skilled in the use of
the bola. One of their customs was to cut off a joint of a finger on
the death of a relative, and there were few of the adults that were not
thus maimed.[516] In appearance they were usually large in size, heavily
built, with big heads and broad faces, narrow noses, small eyes and large
mouths. Their color was dark.[517]

The members of this family as recorded by the early writers, especially
Hervas, are as follows:

CHARRUA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Bohanes_, on the Paraguay near the Rio Negro (extinct).
_Chanes_, adjacent to the Bohanes.
_Charruas_, on the coast east of the Rio Uruguay.
_Guenoas_, east of the Uruguay.
_Martidanes_, east of the Uruguay.
_Minuanes_, between the Uruguay and Parana.
_Yaros_, on east bank of Uruguay (extinct).

Dr. Paul Ehrenreich describes them as they are to-day, splendid riders
and daring soldiers, but faithless and tricky;[518] so they have not much
improved since Father Chomé in 1730 stigmatized them as _francs voleurs
de grand chemin_.[519]

The _Guatos_ or Vuatos were accolents of the upper Paraguay and Araguay,
and had fixed settlements near Albuquerque. Travelers report them as an
unusually handsome people. They are well-built, light in hue, with Roman
noses and regular features, and the men with a well-developed beard on
lip and chin. This appearance does not belie their intelligence, which is
above the average. Polygamy prevails to an uncommon extent. Von Martius
thought that they were of a northeastern origin, connected perhaps with
the Malalis of Bahia, who are a Tapuya people.[520] There may have
been some admixture, as from a small vocabulary I quote the following
resemblances:

GUATO. TAPUYA.
Water, _maguen_, _magnan_.
Head, _dōken_, _dicran_.
Hand, _ida_, _danicra_.
Foot, _apoo_, _po_, _ipaa_.
Tooth, _maqua_, _aiqua_.
Tongue, _chagi_, _dageuto_.

A recent writer does not give so favorable an opinion of this people. He
found them living about the junction of the Rio San Lorenzo with the Rio
Paraguay, and in a depraved condition. Girls who were not more than five
or six years old were used by the men as wives. Sterility and premature
decrepitude were the natural consequences.[521]

On the western border of the Chaco, in the provinces of Tucuman and
Catamarca, resided the _Calchaquis_, a tribe interesting as the only one
in the South Atlantic Group who constructed walls of cut stone. At least,
such are found in their country, as for instance, one about thirty miles
from Andalgala, where there is a well-constructed dry wall about ten
feet high, enclosing a space nearly a mile in diameter, evidently once a
walled city. Stone built tombs are also frequent, from which the rifler
is rewarded with mummies, ornaments of impure gold, and small idols of
copper. But I doubt if the Calchaquis developed any such ripe arts as
these. History tells us that they voluntarily accepted the rule of the
Incas about the middle of the fifteenth century, and that their land
became part of the _Collasuyu_ or southern district of the empire. All
these remains have a distinct impress of Kechua art, and we may be sure
that their inspiration was throughout Peruvian.[522]

The earliest missionaries depict the Calchaquis with curious usages
and with a certain barbaric splendor. A widow became the wife of her
husband’s brother, as of old in Israel. So long as she was a virgin, a
girl could dress in the gaudiest colors, but once _prostrato pudore_,
as the monk delicately puts it, she must change to sober weeds. Their
ornaments were of silver and copper, and the nobles wore a circlet of
gold and brilliant feathers. Their seasons of mourning were accompanied
with the most violent orgies. Over the dead they raised heaps of stones,
and held that the souls became stars.[523]

We have no specimen of the language of the Calchaquis, although a
grammar of it was written by the Jesuit, Alonso de Barcena, and perhaps
published. It is called the Katamareño or Cacana tongue, terms derived
from the Kechua. The proper names, however, which have been preserved in
it indicate that it was different from the Kechua.[524] I have already
referred (page 227) to Von Tschudi’s suggestion that it survives in the
modern Atacameño.

From the few specimens of skulls which have been examined, the Calchaquis
appear allied to the Aucanian stock,[525] and it may be that further
research will prove them a branch of the Araucanians.

The following tribes are mentioned by old writers as members of the

CATAMAREÑA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Acalianes_.
_Cacas_ or _Cacanas_.
_Calchaquis_.
_Catamarcas_.
_Diagitas_ or _Drachitas_.
_Quilmes_.
_Tamanos_.

The learned Barcena also prepared a grammar of the Natixana or Mogana
language, spoken by the _Naticas_, whom we find mentioned by later
authorities as neighbors of the Calchaquis in the government of Santa
Fé.[526] They apparently belonged among the Chaco tribes. Barcena adds
that nine different tongues were spoken in the district of Cordova, among
which were the Sanavirona and Indama, which had not been learned by the
missionaries.[527]

_2. The Pampeans and Araucanians._

South of the Gran Chaco, say from south latitude 35°, begins the true
Pampas formation. This, according to the geologist Burmeister, is not a
marine deposit, but the result of fluvial overflows and dust storms. It
is diluvial and quaternary, and overlies the Patagonian formation, which
is marine and early Pleistocene. The pampas are in parts wide grassy
plains, like the prairies of the upper Mississippi valley; in parts they
are salt deserts, in parts more or less wooded. With little variety, this
scenery reaches from the Chaco to the Rio Negro, S. lat. 40°. Nearly the
whole of this territory was occupied by one linguistic stock. It is the
same which is found in Chili, where its most prominent members are the
Araucanians.

Which was the course of migration, whether from the Pacific coast to
the Pampean plains or the reverse, is not positively decided, but I am
inclined to believe it was the latter. The ancestors of the Araucanians
would not willingly have crossed the barren wastes of the desert of
Atacama; there are evidences of a different people inhabiting Chili
before they possessed it, and we have traces that they had not obtained
full possession of that country at its discovery. This view does not
deny subsequent migrations of the Araucanians into the Pampas under the
pressure of the Spanish invasion.[528] In such moving they were simply
returning to the traditional homes of their ancestors. As the name of
the whole stock, I adopt the word Aucanian, from the Araucanian verb
_aucani_, to be wild, indomitable, from which are derived the tribal
names Aucanos and Aucas, occurring on both sides of the Andes.[529]

The Pampeans are principally nomadic hordes wandering from pasture
to pasture with their horses, cattle and sheep. Their transitory
encampments, called _tolderias_, are pitched by the side of some pond
or stream. There their low tents made of dried horse skins are grouped
confusedly, one to each family. Their food is chiefly horse flesh
and mutton, often eaten raw. They raise no vegetables, and dislike
agriculture. They carry on, however, many small industries, tan and dye
leather, which they work up into boots and horse furniture, and forge
with skill iron heads for their long lances, and knives for the chase,
while the women trim the ostrich skins into rugs, and weave wool into
blankets and ponchos, highly prized for their serviceable qualities.[530]
These products are bought up by the merchants in the cities, and thus the
tribe is supplied with what it most prizes from European markets.

These roving hordes have no particular names. They are referred to as the
northern, eastern or western peoples by the Aucanian terms having these
significations, Puelches, Moluches, Huiliches. Besides these, there are
the Ranqueles on the Rio Quinto, directly west of Buenos Ayres, who are
said to have immigrated from Chili,[531] and the Querandies, now probably
extinct, who once dwelt near that city.

Those living on the eastern slopes of the Andes, about the city of
Mendoza, and in the ancient province of Cuyo, are described as taller
and stronger than the Araucanians of Chili, and as claiming descent from
the Pampean tribes.[532] They were locally known as Guarpes, and spoke
dialects called the Allentiac and the Milcocayac, not distant from the
Pampean proper, concerning which some grammatical description has been
preserved.[533]

Few of the Pampean tribes have been induced to accept civilization or
Christianity. They still believe in their good spirit, _Chachoa_, and
in one of evil or misfortune, _Gualicho_; they continue to obey their
priests or medicine men; and the resting places of the dead are regarded
with superstitious awe. Marriage among them, while it has the appearance
of violence, is really carried out with the consent of the girl and her
parents, for a sum agreed upon.

The Molu-Che or Manzaneros are said to be the best of the Pampeans.
They are sedentary and have extensive orchards of apples and flocks of
sheep to the north of the Rio Limay. They have well-cut features, fresh
light complexion, black fine hair, and their women are considered really
handsome.[534]

The Araucanians of Chili, known as singularly bold warriors who defied
successfully the Incas, and gave the Spaniards the greatest trouble,
occupy the Pacific coast from south latitude 25° to about 43°, and
number about 20,000. In physical appearance they resemble the Pampeans,
and present marked differences from both the Kechuas of Peru and the
Tapuyas of Brazil, having high, brachycephalic skulls,[535] and a clear
copper color of skin. They are of moderate stature, but muscular, with
black hair, round faces, small eyes, and small feet and hands. They
are divided locally into northern and southern tribes, but there is
little difference in dialects. Their tongue, the _Chilidungu_, has
been extravagantly lauded by some who have studied it, and one worthy
missionary was so enamored with it that he published a grammar and
dictionary of it in Europe, that it might be introduced as the learned
language there, to supersede the Latin:[536] it certainly is harmonious
and flexible.

The Araucanians did not at any time rise in culture above the level of
the Iroquois and Algonquins in the northern continent. It is true that in
the tombs in their country we discover fine specimens of pottery, some
good work in bronze, gold, copper and silver, and beautiful specimens of
polished stone implements.[537] But if one examines closely the art-forms
of these relics, he can not fail to recognize in them the potent
inspiration of the Inca civilization; and we may be sure that if they
were not directly booty from that nation, they were the products of its
trained workmen, and are not to be put to the credit of Aucanian industry.

AUCANIAN LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Araucanos_, in northern and central Chili.
_Aucanos_ or _Aucas_, in the central Pampas.
_Chauques_, in the Archipelago of Chiloe.
_Chonos_,(?) on Pacific, south of Chiloe.
_Cuncos_, in Chili, south of Rio Valdivia.
_Divie-ches_, on Rio Colorado.
_Guarpes_, near Mendoza.
_Huiliches_(southern people), tribes to the south.
_Moluches_ (western people or warriors), on Pacific coast.
_Pehuenches_ (pine-forest people), east of Cordillera, north of
Rio Colorado.
_Picunches_ (northern people), north of Pehuenches.
_Puelches_ (eastern people), on both banks of Rio Negro.
_Querandies_, near site of Buenos Ayres.
_Ranqueles_, between Rio Quarto and Rio Quinto.

The Pacific coast of Patagonia, gashed by ancient glaciers into deep
fiords and rocky islands, harbors various tribes whose affinities are
uncertain. The most curious of them would seem to be the _Chonos_ or
Chunos, or Cuncones. They lived south of the archipelago of Chiloe, and
are described as having red hair, a light olive complexion, and of mild
and friendly manners. They raised a breed of dogs (perhaps guanacos), and
wove their clothing from its coarse long hair.

This account comes to us from as far back as 1619, when the first
missionaries visited them,[538] and these traits cannot therefore be
attributed to intermixture with Europeans. They are not peculiar in these
respects. Similar traits are reported of the Boroas, a tribe in one of
the valleys of central Chili;[539] and I have already referred to the red
hair of the boys among the Matacos of the Gran Chaco. Perhaps it was not
unusual among these nations, as I can in no other way explain the strange
idea of the poet Ercilla the Homer of the Araucanian Conquest, that
these people were descendants of the Frisians of North Holland![540]

The language of the Chonos is said to be quite different from that of
the Araucanians. Pöppig believed it to be a distant dialect of the same
stock. Some recent travelers assert that they are now extinct, but Dr. C.
Martin informs us that the original inhabitants of the Chonos Islands,
who were the “Huaihuenes” Indians, were transported in 1765 to the island
of Chaulañec, where their posterity still survive.[541]

_3. The Patagonians and Fuegians._

The Patagonians call themselves Chonek or Tzoneca, or Inaken (men,
people), and by their Pampean neighbors are referred to as Tehuel-Che,
southerners. They do not, however, belong to the Aucanian stock, nor
do they resemble the Pampeans physically. They are celebrated for
their stature, many of them reaching from six to six feet four inches
in height, and built in proportion.[542] In color they are a reddish
brown, and have aquiline noses and good foreheads. They care little for
a sedentary life, and roam the coast as far north as the Rio Negro.
They are not without some religious rites, and are accustomed to salute
the new moon, and at the beginning of any solemn undertaking to puff
the smoke of their pipes to the four cardinal points, just as did the
Algonquins and Iroquois.[543]

Their language differs wholly from the Araucanian, though it has borrowed
many words from it. An interesting fact illustrating its stability in
spite of their roving life has been brought out by Ramon Lista. He has
compared its present form with the vocabulary of it given by Pigafetta in
his voyage in 1520, and shows that in the intervening generations it has
undergone scarcely any change.[544]

Von Martius believed that a connection between the Patagonian and the
Tapuya stocks could be shown, and gives a tabular comparison of the
two.[545] I have extended this by means of Ramon Lista’s vocabulary
of the former and Dr. Ehrenreich’s corrected forms of the Tapuya, and
conclude that the resemblances are illusory, depending on incorrect
orthography of the sounds.

About the beginning of the last century the tribes known as Poyas
(_Pey-yuy_) and Reyes (_Rey-yuy_) were collected at a Mission established
on Lake Nahuelhuapi, about south latitude 42°. Hervas reports them as
speaking a language radically different from the Araucanian, and probably
they should be classed with the Tzonecas.[546]

On the inhospitable shores of Tierra del Fuego there dwell three nations
of diverse stock, but on about the same plane of culture. One of these is
the _Yahgans_ or Yapoos, on the Beagle canal; the second is the _Onas_ or
Aonik, to the north and east of these; and the third the _Alikulufs_, to
the north and west.

Of these the Yahgans are the best known, through the efforts of the
English missionaries who have reduced their language to writing. It is a
polysyllabic, agglutinative tongue, with both pre- and suffixes, and is
extremely rich in expressions for the ordinary needs of their life. The
verb has four numbers, a singular, dual, trial and plural. It does not
seem in any way related to the Aucanian stock.[547]

The tongue of the Onas, who are known as the _Yakanna-Cunni_, is
apparently connected with the Tsoneca or Patagonian, which people they
also resemble in stature and physical traits.[548]

The Fuegians are generally quoted as a people on the lowest round of the
ladder of culture; and so they are painted by many observers. They have
no government, they can count only to three, ordinary family affection
is not observable, and even mothers manifest a lack of love for their
offspring. Their shelters are wretched, and they go almost naked in a
climate which is both cold and damp.

On the other hand, they display singular ingenuity in their utensils for
hunting and fishing; they use the sling, the club, the bow, the bola and
the lance; the women weave reed baskets so firmly that they will hold
water, and their bark canoes are light and seaworthy.

In hunting they have the service of a native dog which they have
trained, and whose welfare they look after with sedulous attention.
Though devoid of idols and external rites of worship, they manifest
in many ways a sense of religion. Thus the relations of the sexes are
surrounded with ceremonies of fasting and bathing, to neglect which
would entail misfortunes, and the name of the dead is not pronounced out
of superstitious awe. The songs and legends of the Yahgans show some
imaginative power. Many of them relate to the marvelous achievements
of the national hero, _Umoara_, who appears to be a wholly mythical
individual. Their strongest passion would seem to be for personal
adornment, and for this purpose shells, vegetable beads, bright pebbles
and variegated feathers, are called into requisition.[549]

These traits are not those of an enfeebled intellect, and an examination
of their physical powers supports a favorable opinion of their
capacities. Some of them are unusually tall and strong, especially
those on the east coast. Their skulls are mesocephalic and prognathic,
and their brains, which have been examined most carefully by a German
anatomist, show not a single point of inferiority to the average European
brain.[550]

From examinations which have been carried on in the numerous shell-heaps
which line the shores, there is no evidence that any other people ever
occupied the islands. Skulls and relics are such as those of the present
inhabitants.[551] The total number of these is about 8000, nearly equally
divided between the tribes named.

The classification of the smaller tribes under the above stocks is not
yet complete. So far as I can make it out, it is as follows:

ALIKULUF LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Alikulufs_, on the western end of the Beagle Channel.
_Karaikas_, south of the Alikulufs.

ONA LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Aoniks_ or _Onas_, on Magellan Strait, both shores.
_Huemuls_, near Skyring and Otway Bays.
_Irees_, see _Pescherees_.
_Oensmen_, see _Aoniks_.
_Pescherees_, on central portions of the Strait.
_Yacanas_, see _Aoniks_.

YAHGAN LINGUISTIC STOCK.

_Kennekas_, see _Takanikas_.
_Takanikas_, on both shores of the Beagle Channel.
_Yahgans_, see _Yapoos_.
_Yapoos_, on the central Beagle Channel.

The opinion has been advanced by Dr. Deniker of Paris,[552] that the
Fuegians represent the oldest type or variety of the American race. He
believes that at one time this type occupied the whole of South America
south of the Amazon, and that the Tapuyas of Brazil and the Fuegians
are its surviving members. This interesting theory demands still
further evidence before it can be accepted. It is not confirmed by such
linguistic comparisons as I have been able to institute.

LINGUISTIC APPENDIX

The linguistic classification of the American tribes is at present
imperfect in many regions on account of the incomplete information about
their tongues. A proper comparison of languages or dialects includes
not merely the vocabulary, but the grammatical forms and the phonetic
variations which the vocal elements undergo in passing from one form of
speech to another. In some respects, the morphology is more indicative of
relationship than the lexicon of tongues; and it is in these grammatical
aspects that we are peculiarly poorly off when we approach American
dialects. Yet it is also likely that the tendency of late years has
been to underestimate the significance of merely lexical analogies. The
vocabulary, after all, must be our main stand-by in such an undertaking.

For that reason I have thought it worth while to bring together a short
list of common words and show their renderings in a number of American
tongues. Inasmuch as the languages north of Mexico--those in the
United States and Canada--have been frequently studied and are readily
accessible in published books, I have confined my specimens to the
tongues of the central and southern regions of the continent.

The words I have selected for the vocabulary are those which I think
would be most likely to indicate relationship, when such existed. But
as every comparative linguist is aware, neither these nor any words are
free from the risk of ambiguity and equivocation. Thus, in many languages
there are two or three different terms for “man,” as _homo_, _vir_ or
_male_; “woman” is _wife_ or _female_; “sun” and “moon” are often merely
descriptive terms or synonyms of day, light, night and darkness; the
parts of the body have in American tongues the personal possessive noun
prefixed or suffixed; what is worse, the terms for such may differ with
the person, as in Kechua, where the word for “eye,” “arm,” etc., differ
as it is _my_ or _thy_ eye, etc. “Hand” and “arm,” “foot” and “leg,” are
frequently not discriminated, the corresponding words meaning properly
“upper extremity,” “lower extremity,” etc.; and so on for almost every
word that could be chosen.

The proper inference to draw from these facts is, not that a comparison
of vocabularies is worthless or nearly so, but just the contrary. Where
we find that a short vocabulary, imperfect for the above reasons, and
still more so for the general ignorance of linguistics on the part of
collectors, and the varying values they give to the alphabets employed,
yet reveals identities with others, we are justly authorized to consider
such analogies as highly significant and suggestive of profounder
comparisons.

YUMA DIALECTS NEAR THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA.

_Cochimi._ _Guaicuru._ _Seri._ _Yuma._
Man, uami, tama, éte, _pl._ ti, eketam, hamuk.
Woman, wakoe, wuetu, anai, ekemam, hanya.
Sun, ibo, ibunga, untairi, shaa, rahj, inyaa.
Moon, gamma, isah, kilshia.
Fire, usi, amak, aua.
Water, kahal, ahj, aχ, aha.
Head, agoppi, ihlit, ilta,
Eye, ayibika, ito, ido.
Ear, istla, ismahlka.
Mouth, ahà, iten, ya-à.
Nose, namu, ife, ihu.
Tongue, ipχl, ehpelh.
Teeth, itast, ehdoh.
Hand, neganna, titshuketa, intlash, israhl.
Foot, agannapa, itova, ime.
House, ajihuenen, ambuja, aki, ava.
1, teguep, tashχo, sitik.
2, goguò, kamoe, ko-okχ, o’ak.
3, kombio, meakunju, ka-pka, hamok.
4, magacubugua, kshuχkua, hoba.
5, naganna teguep, ko-oχtom, harabk.

The above vocabularies illustrate the extension of the Yuma stock to
the southward. The Cochimi and Guaicuru are remote dialects, but of
positive affinities. The Yuma words which I have added for comparison are
principally from the Mohave dialect, and are taken from the vocabularies
published by the “U. S. Geographical Surveys west of the 100th Meridian.”

The Seri words are chiefly from the satisfactory vocabulary obtained by
the late John Russell Bartlett. The relationship of the dialect to the
Yuma stock is evident.

DIALECTS OF THE UTO-AZTECAN STOCK.

_Tarahumara._ _Pima._ _Nahuatl._ _Ute._
Man, tehoje, tinot, tlacatl, tawatz.
Woman, muki, upi, uba, cihuatl, oubea.
Sun, taica, tash, tonatiuh, tabi.
Moon, maitsaca, { maskat, } metztli, mytogé.
{ massar, }
Fire, naïki, tletl, tē vua, M.
Water, { shontik, } atl, pah.
{ sueti, }
Head, moola, nemoah, totzontecon, totsein.
Eye, pusiki, ixtololotli, puevi.
Ear, nechcala, naank, nacaztli, nangk.
Mouth, camatl, temb.
Nose, jachcala, yacatl, yaga, M.
Tongue, tenila, nenepilli, lengi, M.
Tooth, ptahan, tlantli, tahwan.
Hand, noh, maitl, mōu, makhde.
Foot, tala, icxitl, igug.
House, { nip-ki, } calli, kahan.
{ ki, }
1, yumako, ce, shui.
2, oca, guoca, kuak, ome, wyune.
3, vaīk, yey, pay.
4, ki-ak, nahui, vachue.
5, huitas, macuilli, manuy.

The eight dialects which I give from the extensive Uto-Aztecan stock will
illustrate the relationship of its members. The words marked M. in the
Ute or Shoshonian vocabulary belong to the Moqui dialect, which appears
to approach nearer the Aztecan branch than the speech of the northern
tribes. The Tepehuana words are from the vocabulary obtained by M.
Tarayre, and published in his _Explorations_ (see _anté_, p. 136). I have
placed the geographical extremes, the Nahuatl and the Ute, side by side,
to illustrate the really striking similarity of these dialects, the one
current on the Columbia river, the other extending to Chiriqui lagoon,
near the Isthmus of Panama. Buschmann, in his works already referred to
(_anté_, p. 119), cites numerous other examples.

DIALECTS OF THE UTO-AZTECAN STOCK.--(_Continued._)

_Heve._ _Tepehuana._ _Opata._ _Cora._
Man, dor, chiuaitcam, uri, teuit, teáta.
Woman, { hub, } osi, _pl._ nau, uita.
{ hoquis, }
Sun, tuui, tanaol, tät, xeucat.
Moon, metzat, maasol, metza, añahupi.
Fire, te, tay, thai, teujcuarit.
Water, bat, suudai, vat, ahti.
Head, zonit, maao, muuti.
Eye, vusit, bopoe, mäua, hiuziti.
Ear, nacat, naxaihti.
Mouth, tenit, intrigni.
Nose, dacat, yak.
Tongue, nenet, nuin, nanuriti.
Tooth, tanus, tatama.
Hand, mamat, ingnaono.
Foot, tarat, incaiao, moamati.
House, quit, vāāk, kit, chapoariti.
1, sei, homad, se.
2, godum, gaok, hualpoa.
3, veidum, baech, vaide.
4, nausi, maukao, nago.
5, marqui, chetam, marizi.

Still more substantial proof of the unity of this stock is furnished by
the comparative grammar of its different members. These present various
phases of morphological development, but always on the same lines. The
Nahuatl is much the higher of them all, and in some of its forms attains
to a truly inflectional character, as has been shown by Professor
Steinthal.

CENTRAL STOCKS.

_Totonaco._ _Tarasco._ _Otomi._
_Upper._ _Lower._
Man, tziuereti, n’yōh.
Woman, chajat, tac, taco, cucha, cuxareti, datsu, sitzu.
Sun, co, chichini, huriata, ’hiadi.
Moon, papa, malcoyo, cutzi, rzana.
Fire, turiri, tzibi.
Water, chochot, xcan, itsi, dehe.
Head, ayxaca, ehpu, ña.
Eye, lacaztaponitni, lacacholna, eskua, da.
Ear, tangan, cacaxcolna, kutsikua, gu.
Mouth, quilni, quelpaja, haramekua, ne.
Nose, quincan, quin, tz-ure, siu.
Tongue, katamba, qhane.
Tooth, tatzanitni, taizalatna, sini, ttzi.
Hand, macanitni, macatatna, haqui, ’ye.
Foot, tohuan, tojolat, gua.
House, quahta, ngu.
1, tom, omollana, ma, ’ne, r’e.
2, toy, toy, tziman, yoho.
3, toto, toton, tanimo, hiu.
4, tat, tamu, gooho.
5, quitziz, yumu, cqtta.

The Totonaco is spoken in two diverse dialects by the inhabitants of the
plains and the uplands. The difference is not so great as appears in the
written tongue, as they are mutually intelligible.

A number of works on the Tarascan language have recently been edited or
written by Dr. Nicolas Leon, of Morelia, Michoacan, so that there is
abundant material for the study of the tongue.

The Otomi presents so many sounds unfamiliar to the European ear that the
attempt to represent it by our alphabets can be only remotely accurate.
I have a very extensive MS. dictionary of the tongue, based on the
_Vocabulario Mexicano_ of Molina.

CENTRAL STOCKS.

_Zoque._ _Mixe._ _Zapotec._ _Mixtec._
Man, puen, yai-tohk, beni niguio, yee.
Woman, yoma, toix, beni gonaa, ñahadzehe.
Sun, hama, xeuh, { chii,
{ gobiche.
Moon, poya, xapa, xona xibeo.
Fire, hucata, xöön, guii.
Water, na, noo, niza.
Head, copac, cobaac, icqui, dzini.
Eye, vitem, huin, bizaloo, tenu.
Ear, tatzec, tatzc, tiaga, tutnu, dzoho.
Mouth, angnaca, au, rua, rohua, yuhu.
Nose, quina, höp, xii, dzitui.
Tongue, totz, yen, luuchi, yaa.
Tooth, tetz, tötz, chitalaaga, noho.
Hand, tzamguica, cöö, naa, daha.
Foot, manguica, teic, nii.
House, töc, tenk, yuu, lichi, huahi.
1, tuma, tuuc, tubi, ek.
2, metza, metzc, tiopa, uvui.
3, tucay, tucoc, chona, uni.
4, macscuy, mactaxc, tapa, kmi.
5, mosay, mocoxc, guayo, hoho.

In the above vocabularies the relation of the Zoque to the Mixe is more
clearly shown than that of the Zapotec to the Mixtec. A more extended
comparison of the two latter has been instituted by Pimentel in his work
on the languages of Mexico, which appears to strengthen the belief that
they belong to the same stock. Prof. Friedrich Müller, however, continues
to regard them as separate stocks (_Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft_,
Bd. II., Ab. I., s. 298, sq.). The question is discussed with fullness
in the introduction, by Dr. Nicholas Leon, to the _Arte del Idioma
Zapoteco_, of Juan de Cordova (ed. Morelia, 1886), to which the student
is referred. I think the evidence is sufficient to regard them as allied
idioms. The Zapotec of the mountains, _Zapoteco serrano_, differs
considerably from that which is given above.

CENTRAL STOCKS.

_Chinantec._ _Huave._ _Maya._ _Chapanec._
Man, { cha, } náshui, uinic, dipaju, naha.
{ ñuh, }
Woman, mui, { naptah, } ixal, nafui.
{ nostah, }
Sun, mañui, noet, kin, napiju, nyumbu.
Moon, zei, cahau, u, yuju.
Fire, nigei, kaak, niiyu.
Water, mui, ha, nimbu.
Head, gui, pol, hol, tkima.
Eye, manihi, uich, naté.
Ear, xicin, nyujmi.
Mouth, cuhaha, chi, duŭi, nunsu.
Nose, ni, nyungu.
Tongue, uak, baelu, griji.
Tooth, co, niji.
Hand, nquaha, cab, dila, diro.
Foot, nni, uoc, oc, laku, gura.
House, nu, piem, otoch, nangu.
1, cna, anop, hun, tike, ticao.
2, tno, epoem, ca, jomi, hăo.
3, nne, erof-poef, ox, jami, haui.
4, quiu, apûkif, can, haha.
5, ña, akukif, ho, hāomo.

The Chinantec is included in the Zapotec stock by Pimentel, who follows
the dictum of Hervas, confessedly without examination (_Lenguas Indigenas
de Mexico_, Tom. III., cap. 37). This was not the opinion of Dr. Berendt,
who has compared both tongues, and a comparison of the short vocabularies
which I give shows only one word, that for “foot,” which is identical in
both.

The Huaves, who claim a migration from the south, do not reveal a
connection in their language with any of the southern stocks.

The Maya of the Vocabulary is the pure tongue as spoken in Yucatan.
Its various dialects have been carefully studied by Berendt, Stoll and
others. The most corrupt is probably the Chaneabal of Chiapas, of which I
gave a short analysis in the _American Anthropologist_, Jan., 1888.

INTER-ISTHMIAN STOCKS.

_Musquito._ _Lenca._ _Xicaque._ _Ulva._
Man, waikna, amashe, jomé, all.
Woman, mairen, mapu, pitmé, yall.
Sun, lapta, gasi, behapoi, moa.
Moon, kati, numui, uaigo.
Fire, pauta, uga, inqueamoos, ku.
Water, li, güas, sur, uas.
Head, lel, toro, laipuco, tunik.
Eye, nakro, saring, non, miniktaka.
Ear, kiama, yang, fora, tabaki.
Mouth, bila, ingori, muipane, dinibas.
Nose, kakma, napse, meguin, nangitak.
Tongue, twisa, navel, rin, tuki.
Tooth, napa, nagha, quir, anaki.
Hand, mita, gulala, mor, tumi.
Foot, mena, güagl, san, kalkibas.
House, watla, tahu, chef, u.
1, kumi, ita, pani, { aslar,
{ aloslag.
2, wal, na, matis, muye bu.
3, niupa, lagua, contis, muye bas.
4, wälwäl, aria, urupan, muya runca.
5, matasip, saihe, casanpani, muye sinca.

The above four vocabularies are taken from MS. material in my possession
collected by E. G. Squier and Dr. C. H. Berendt. They do not appear to
indicate the slightest relationship either between themselves, or with
any other known stocks. The careful researches of Lucien Adam on the
Musquito grammar do not bring it into connection either with the Carib
or the Chibcha families, with which it has sometimes been supposed to be
affined.

The Lenca dialects, of four of which I have vocabularies, do not differ
materially, but the exact distribution of the stock at the period of the
conquest is uncertain.

INTER-ISTHMIAN STOCKS.--(_Continued_.)

_Guatuso._ _Subtiaba._ _Matagalpan._ _Xinca._
Man, ochapa, rabu, misa, jumu, jurac.
Woman, curijuri, rabaku, yūeiya, ayala.
Sun, toji, daska, lal, pari.
Moon, ziji, dŭkkú, aiko, ahua.
Fire, cuepala, agu, lauale, ŭra.
Water, ti, iĭa, li, ui.
Head, machia, edi, ekxu, ma’ike, gesalia.
Eye, mafi zicu, siktu, kuñke, yurati.
Ear, nato coto, nyahu, topalke, mami.
Mouth, macoquica, daghu, taŭake, xajac.
Nose, natain, dakko, namke, jutu narin.
Tongue, macu, duhun, tomamke, eilan.
Tooth, oca, sinnyu, ninike, jari xajan.
Hand, macu quichia, nyau, panake, pum, pu.
Foot, naho quichia, nasku, napake, guapan.
House, uh, guá, u, macu.
1, anacachumaru, imba, bas, ica.
2, ponca, pangi, apu, buyo, ti, piar.
3, assu, gūatba, uala.
4, paque, posai, asku, bota´jio, iria.
5, uissu, pijar.

The Guatuso is taken from the vocabularies collected by Bishop Thiel, and
several times republished. The remaining three are from MS. materials
collected by Dr. C. H. Berendt. The Xinca I have previously published,
with a general discussion of the tribe, in the _Proc. of the Amer.
Philosoph. Soc._, 1885.

The Matagalpan or “Chontal of Nicaragua” (see _anté_, p. 149), is from
the vocabulary collected by the Rev. Victor Noguera. It appears to stand
quite alone. A few remote resemblances to the Talamanca dialects of Costa
Rica seem to exist, which, if real, would connect the Matagalpan with
South American stocks.

COLUMBIAN STOCKS.

_Cuna._ _Changuina._ _Andaqui._ _Tucura._
Man, mastule, taro, himbera.
Woman, puna, bia.
Sun, ipe, querele, caqui, ahumautu.
Moon, ni, sirala, mitae, jedeco.
Fire, chau, quebu, jifi (= candle).
Water, ti, si, ti, yi, jiji, pania.
Head, chag’la, { duku, } quinaji, poru.
{ quinunuma, }
Eye, ibia, oko, sifi, tabu.
Ear, ugua, kuga, sunguajo, quiburi.
Mouth, kagya, caga, ité.
Nose, ŭchue, neko, quifi, kaimbu.
Tongue, guapina, cuba, sonae.
Tooth, nugada, zuu, sicoga.
Hand, changa, kulosol, sacaá, juwajimi.
Foot, nacamali, ser, soguapana, jenu.
House, neca, hu, cojoo, té.
1, quenchigue, que, aba.
2, pogua, como, unmé.
3, pagua, calabach, unpia.
4, paquegua, calacapa, kimare.
5, atale, calamale, cuesume.

The Cuna and the Changuina or Dorasque are from M. Alph. Pinart’s various
publications on these dialects; the Andaqui from the collections of the
Presbyter Albis; and the Tucura, a Choco dialect, from the report of Dr.
A. Ernst (_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1887, 302). The last mentioned
was obtained on the upper Sinu river, near the junction of the Rio Verde.
It is not of the San Blas (Cuna) family, but clearly Choco.

I have already referred (p. 200) to some slight similarity of the Andaqui
to the Chibcha; but until we have more extensive material of the former,
the question must be left open.

DIALECTS OF THE CHOCO STOCK.

_Noanama._ _Tado´._ _Chami._ _Sambo or Choco._
Man, emokoyda, umujina, muguira, { umachina,
{ muguira.
Woman, uida, uena, huera, auera.
Sun, edau, pesia, umata, pisia, imuanba.
Moon, edau, jedego, tedeco, jedecó.
Fire, igdn, tibúa, tibuzhia, tŭjoor.
Water, du, panea, pania, { pania.
{ do = river.
Head, púdu, paru´, boro, poro.
Eye, daū, taū, tao, tau.
Ear, cachi, kŭru´, guru, juru.
Mouth, i, itai´, gu, ji, itai.
Nose, keun, kung, y, cung, jun.
Tongue, meujina, kinóme, guiranee, quirame.
Tooth, hierra, kida´, guida, tida.
Hand, hua, hua´, tua, jua.
Foot, bopidi, jinuga´, tiui, jinu.
House, di, tee´, te, dhe.
1, aba, aba, aba, aba.
2, nu, ume, ube, ome.
3, tanjupa, kimaris, umpea, ompea.
4, jay upa, guasuma, guimare, quimari.
5, juambo, kisona, guasome, guasoma.

The Choco family had probably at one time a much wider extension than we
are familiar with in historic times. I have suggested (_anté_, pp. 274,
275), that even the sparse material for comparison as yet available seems
to indicate an affinity with the Betoya stock. As our knowledge of the
Orinoco and the Columbian region extends, probably other tribes will be
discovered speaking related dialects. The four vocabularies which I give
above serve to illustrate the comparatively slight differences of the
phonetics. Another dialect, the Tucará (see _anté_, p. 176, note), is
given on the preceding page.

DIALECTS OF THE CHIBCHA STOCK.

_Chibcha._ _Aroac._ _Chimila._ _Guaymi._
Man, muysca, sökue, söökué, nitocua.
Woman, ti-güi, yun-kue, yuunkué, meri.
Sun, sua, yuia, neiin-á, ninguane.
Moon, chie, tii, tii, só.
Fire, gata, gué, uuñé, nocua.
Water, sie, yira, niitake, si, ña.
Head, zysqui, zankalla, oökrá, thokua.
Eye, upcua, uba, uaákua, ocua.
Ear, cuhuca, kuhcua, kuúsaka, olo.
Mouth, quihica, köhka, köökua, cā da.
Nose, saca, niksaiñ, naañakra, secua.
Tongue, pcua, kuca, kuá, tudra.
Tooth, sica, köhka (?), né, tu.
Hand, yta, atta-kra, aattakra, cuse.
Foot, quihicha, ksa, pukré, pookré, ngoto.
House, güe, húi, aátaka, jú.
1, ata, kuté, kuté, kr-ati.
2, boza, moga, muuhná, kro-bu.
3, mica, maigua, teieme´, kro-mai.
4, muihica, murieié, murieié, kro-boko.
5, hisca, achigua, kutendeu-rehattagra, kro-rigua.

The relations of the Chibcha dialects are so important in their bearings
on the question of the migrations from South into North America, that in
addition to the specific comparisons on page 186, I here add vocabularies
of six dialects; three, the Chibcha, Aroac and Chimila, from south of the
Isthmus, and three, the Guaymi, Talamanca and Boruca, from north of it.

The Chibcha proper is a language of extremely difficult phonetics for a
European, and doubtless the Spanish orthography, in which it is rendered,
is far from accurate.

The fundamental identity of the dialects of the stock becomes much more
apparent after a study of their laws of phonetic variation, as set forth
by Dr. Max Uhle (_anté_, p. 185).

CHIBCHA STOCK. COLUMBIAN STOCKS.
_Talamanca._ _Boruca._ _Paniquita._ _Timote._
Man, vipá, con-rokh, piz, petam, { mayoi,
{ kak, nachu.
Woman, arácra, kam-rokh, neyo, cuenas, { kursum,
{ naktun.
Sun, divu, kak, itaqui, mpú.
Moon, turu, tebe, ate.
Fire, yuk, dukra, ipi, chirip, fú.
Water, di, di, yo, chimpué.
Head, tsuko, sagra, dicté, kicham.
Eye, vubra, caix, yafi.
Ear, cucüh, cuaga, tógnue, timabum.
Mouth, sacu, casa, yugue, { macabó,
{ karichnuck.
Nose, chi´scah, xiska, inz.
Tongue, ku, tone, chiqui vú.
Tooth, aka, quith.
Hand, ura, dijurre, cose.
Foot, iucra, di-krescua, chinda, kuju.
House, huh, yath, nakot.
1, et, yas, vitech, kari.
2, bug, enz, gem.
3, mang, tec, sut, hisjut.
4, keng, panz, pit.
5, skera, taz, { caboc,
{ mubes.

The Talamanca and Boruca are Chibcha dialects (see preceding page). The
Paniquita (see _anté_, pp. 190-192) has no positive affinities with
its neighbors. The grammatical character of its Paez dialect has been
analyzed by Fr. Müller (_Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft_, Bd. II., Ab.
I., p. 356). He points out some similarity in the numerals to the Kechua
and Goajiro. But this is not significant.

The various vocabularies of the Timote stock differ considerably, and
none of them is at all complete.

DIALECTS OF THE DIALECTS OF THE
BARBACOA STOCK. COCANUCO STOCK.
_Colorado._ _Cayapa._ _Moguex._ _Totoro._
Man, zachi, unilla, liu-pula, muck, mujel.
Woman, sona, sonala, su-pula, schut, ishu.
Sun, ió, pacta, puizarum.
Moon, pe, macara, puil.
Fire, ni, ninguma, ipt.
Water, pi, pi, pii.
Head, muchú, mishpuca, pusro, pushu.
Eye, cacó, capucua, cap, captchul.
Ear, pungui, calo.
Mouth, fiquiforo, tipaqui, chidbchad, trictrap.
Nose, quinfu, kijo, kind, kim.
Tongue, nigca, nile.
Teeth, tesco, tchugul.
Hand, tede, fia-papa, coze, cambil.
Foot, nede, ne-papa, kadzigd.
Home, ia, ya, yaatk, ia.
1, manga, kanendova.
2, paluga, pubuin.
3, paimun, puinbun.
4, humbaluló, pipuin.
5, manta, tchajpun.

A comparison of the above vocabularies will probably strengthen the
supposition I have advanced (_anté_, p. 199), that these two stocks were
originally branches of one and the same. The material on all the dialects
is scanty, and for a proper grammatical collation is quite wanting.
As they are yet living idioms, it is to be hoped that some energetic
traveler will supply the facts to solve the question. The sources of the
vocabularies are indicated in the text.

PERUVIAN STOCKS.

_Kechua._ _Aymara._ _Yunca._ _Atacameño._
Man, runa, hague, chacha, ñofœn, sima.
Woman, huarmi, marmi, mecherrœc, licau.
Sun, inti, inti, villca, xllang, capim.
Moon, quilla, phakhsi, çamur.
Fire, nina, nina, humur.
Water, una, yacu, uma, la, leng, puri.
Head, uma, ppekeña, lecq, hlacsi.
Eye, ñaui, nayra, locq, kjepi.
Ear, rincri, hinchu, medeng, aike.
Mouth, simi, lacca, ssap, khaipe.
Nose, sencca, nasa, fon, misi, sipe.
Tongue, ccallu, lakhra, ed, lasi.
Tooth, quiru, lacca, cchacca, œcquang, quenne.
Hand, maqui, ampara, mœcqua, suyi.
Foot, chaqui, cayu, loc, khoche.
House, huasi, uta, enec, lec, an, turi.
1, huc, mayni, maya, onöc, na, sema.
2, iscay, pani, paya, atput, pac, poya.
3, quimsa, quimsa, çopæt, çoc, palama.
4, tahua, pusi, nopœt, noc, chalpa.
5, pichka, pisca, exllmätzh, mutsma.

The wide differences between the four main Peruvian stocks are seen
in the above vocabularies. The Kechua and Aymara alone have anything
in common. The Yunca is presented in the Mochica dialect, which is
that adopted by Carrera in his Grammar. The vocabulary of the Etenes,
as furnished by Bastian, differs from it only in the word for “eye,”
_tassack_, and “head,” _chätz_, which is remarkable, considering the
extreme difficulty of the Yunca phonetics. The grammars of these three
tongues are carefully analyzed by Fr. Müller.

The Atacameño words are from the authorities quoted on p. 227. Of its
grammar we have only the imperfect account furnished by San Roman, which
seems to remove it from the character of the Kechua and Aymara.

SOUTH ATLANTIC LINGUISTIC STOCKS.

_Arawak._ _Tapuya._ _Tupi._ _Kiriri._
Man, wadili, { samnaha, } apyaba, klöh.
{ waha, }
Woman, hiaeru, zokna, cunhá, kütsi.
Sun, haddali, taru te mu, curasse, utschih.
Moon, katti, kmuniak, jaçi, cayacu.
Fire, hikkihi, chompek, tatá, issuh.
Water, wuini, muniā, hy, dzu.
Head, krain, canga, tzambu.
Eye, akussi, ketom, tesa, po-nubi.
Ear, adikkehi, nunk-hōn, namby, benjen.
Mouth, uelleru kuhu, nimā, juru, oriza.
Nose, issirihi, kigin, iting, nambih.
Tongue, uejehi, kzigiok, japecong, nunuh.
Tooth, ari, { zhún, } ainha, dza.
{ yune, }
Hand, uekabbu, po, ypo, mnssang.
Foot, ukutti, po, py, bouih.
House, bahü, kjiemm, oka, era, bate.
1, abba, pogik, jebe, bihe.
2, biama, nom, mucuing, wachani.
3, kabbuhin, tscho caorhu, musapui, wachani dikie.
4, bibiti, iapes chacoron, erundi.
5, abbatekabbe, nonhoron.

The four chief stocks of the eastern Amazon region present a fundamental
diversity both in vocabulary and grammar. The Arawak is shown as it is,
as current in Guiana and along the northern affluents of the Amazon;
the Tapuya is in the dialect of the Botocudos, as presented by Dr. Paul
Ehrenreich; the Tupi is the “lingua geral” of Brazil; and the Kiriri is
from the _Arte_ of Mamiani.

In most of the South Atlantic stocks the numerals are imperfectly
developed, all quantities above three being usually expressed by compound
words.

DIALECTS OF THE ARAWAK STOCK.

_Chontaquiro._ _Baniva._ _Piapoco._ _Guana._
Man, geji, enami, ima, { hapohitai,
{ tahanan.
Woman, sichuné, neyau, inanahi, zeeno.
Sun, intiti, amorci, ureri, kat-hai.
Moon, cachiri, { pia, } keri, kohaivai.
{ achita, }
Fire, chichi, arsi, kitsai, incu.
Water, uné, ueni, huni, houna.
Head, huejijua, { ibupi, } ivita, kombaipoi.
{ nombo, }
Eye, huijarsajé, nu puri, nouto ui, onguei.
Ear, huijepe, notarifara, gua-wui, guaihaino.
Mouth, huespé, e-noma, wa-numa, baho.
Nose, huisiri, pe-yapa, nouïacou, agueiri.
Tongue, guenè, n-hotare, wa-nimi, nahainai.
Tooth, huisé, na-si, yai, onhai.
Hand, huamianuta, capi, ha-capi, no.
Foot, huisiqui, itsipara, ouabari, djahavai.
House, panchi, panisi, capi, maihaino.
1, suriti, abehita, poikoja.
2, apiri, pucheibata, pid-djaho.
3, noquiri, maisibba, mopoa.
4, ticti, bainoco, honaton.
5, tictisiri, abemo hacapi, houakoo.

These four vocabularies of some dialects of the Arawak stock, from
localities wide apart, disclose extensive variations from the standard
tongue. They are, however, rather apparent than real, and often depend on
either variations in orthography, or the substitution of synonymous or
allied words. This is well seen in the comparative table of thirty-six
Arawak dialects presented in tabular form by Karl von den Steinen in
his _Durch Central-Brasilien_, s. 294. Neither he nor Adam includes the
Chontaquiro in the Arawak stock, but a comparison of vocabularies leaves
no doubt about it. The Chontaquiro prefix _hue_ is the Piapoco _gua_, =
“thy.”

DIALECTS OF THE CARIB STOCK.

_Bakairi._ _Motilone._ _Guaque._ _Tamanaca._
Man, uguruto, ya´kano, guire, nuani.
Woman, pekoto, esate, guerechi, aica.
Sun, tsisi, güicho, uehi.
Moon, nuna, kuna, nuna.
Fire, pĕ´to, güesta, majoto.
Water, paru, kuna-siase, tuna.
Head, kχinaraχu, jutuye, prutpe.
Eye, kχānu´, anú, emuru, januru.
Ear, kχi uanata´, pana, janari, panari.
Mouth, kχi ta´λ, indare.
Nose, kχana´λ, ona, onari.
Tongue, kχ u´lu, inico, nuru.
Tooth, kχ ie´λ, kiyuko, yeri.
Hand, kχ ama´λ, oma, niñare, jamgnari.
Foot, kχ uχuλ, pisa, iyu puru, ptari.
House, ŏtá, pesoa, migna.
1, tokalole, tukum-arko, ovin.
2, asage, kos-arko, oco.
3, asage-tokalo, koser-arko, orva.
4, asage-asage, kos aj-taka.
5, oma (hand).

The oldest existing forms of the Carib stock are believed by Von den
Steinen to be preserved in the Bakairi, which I have accordingly placed
first in the vocabularies of this family.

The Motilone, which is placed beside it, is one of the most northwestern
dialects, and shows singular tenacity of the radicals of the language.

The Guaque, which is substantially the same as the Carijona, is the
extreme western member of the family, but presents unmistakably the
physiognomy of the stock.

Of the Tamanaca I have seen but incomplete specimens, but on account of
its former importance, I insert it in this connection.

DIALECTS OF THE CARIB STOCK.--_Continued._

_Roucouyenne._ _Macuchi._ _Maquiritare._ _Cumanagoto._
Man, okiri, uratâe, rahuwari, guarayto.
Woman, oli, nery, wiri, guariche.
Sun, chichi, uci, ouéi, chi, sis.
Moon, nunu, capoui, nonna, nuna.
Fire, uapot, apo, guahato.
Water, tuna, tuna, tona, tuna.
Head, itepuru, popahy, iyoha, putpo.
Eye, yanuru, yénu, tenu, yenur, ono.
Ear, panari, panure, ihanarri, panar.
Mouth, uaiamu, unta, intarri, umptar.
Nose, yemna, yuna, yonari, ona.
Tongue, nulu, unum, iwini, nuri.
Tooth, yéré, piriabura, adderri, yer.
Hand, yamuru, yanda, arra mori, yemiar.
Foot, pupuru, uta, ohorro, putar.
House, pacolo, euete, ahute, pata.
1, auini, tiuim, toni, tibin.
2, uakéné, sagané, hake, achac.
3, eleuau, siruané, arrowawa, achoroao.
4, sacreré, hake kiema, yzpe.
5, matiquim, petpe.

The Roucouyenne and Macuchi are dialects on either slope of the sierra
south of Guyana. Both appear to have been affected by their proximity to
the Arawak stock.

The Maquiritare of the Orinoco and the Cumanagoto of the northern portion
of Venezuela are comparatively closely related, and both present few
foreign elements.

We may expect a thorough treatment of the comparative grammar of the
Carib dialects from M. Lucien Adam, who is engaged in this study at the
present time.

A large amount of material has been collected by Von den Steinen, of
which but a small portion has been published. It relates principally to
the southern Carib dialects.

LANGUAGES OF THE ORINOCO BASIN.

_Opone and _Peba._ _Yahua._ _Saliva._
Carare._
Man, comoley, huano, cocco.
Woman, watoa, huaturuna, gnacu.
Sun, bueno, wana, hini, mumesechecocco.
Moon, cano, remelane, arimaney, vexio.
Fire, fotó, feula, jigney, egussa.
Water, tuna, ain, aah, cagùa.
Head, iube, siyoco, raino, firignio.
Eye, ieu, yeo, vinimichi, huiranca, pacuté.
Ear, itana, stana, mituva, ontisiui, aicupana.
Mouth, rito, huiçama, aajà.
Nose, iena, yena, vinerro, unirou, incuu.
Tongue, inu, syno.
Tooth, viala.
Hand, iaso, iyaso, vi-nitaily, hui janpana, immomó.
Foot, idebu, stuyo, vi nimotay, muniumatu, caabapa.
House, mune, lowarrey, rore.
1, tomeulay, tekini.
2, nomoira, nanojui.
3, tamoimansa, munua.
4, namerayo, naïrojuiño.
5, taonella, tenaja.

The Opone and the Carare have evidently been subjected to foreign
influences, but still retain the characteristics of the Carib dialects.

The Peba and the Yahua are not attached to the Carib family. They,
however, reveal the traces of its influence, and appear to have adopted
many words from it. Probably they are largely jargons, and between
themselves indicate a rather close relationship.

Of the Saliva, which seems to stand alone, the materials are inadequate.
Some texts, with an effort at a grammatical analysis, are given in the
_Mithridates_, III., s. 625.

LANGUAGES OF THE ORINOCO BASIN.--(_Continued._)

_Otomaca._ _Piaroa._ _Guaraouna._ _Guahiba._
Man, andoua, ovo, guarao, pebi.
Woman, ondoua, ysaho, { ibama, petiriba, C.,
{ tira, pihaoua.
Sun, noua, morho, hoke, { wameto, C.,
{ icatia, isota.
Moon, oura, chawa, guanica, oamito.
Fire, noua, ocoura, hècouno, isoto.
Water, ia, ahiia, ho, mera.
Head, chû, { pemoto hocota, C.,
{ ibun.
Eye, chiahere, yto huto.
Ear, cacoco, { pemohuyo roto, C.,
{ nu tanipara.
Mouth, chaha, doco, pinpierda.
Nose, chihino, ca-icari, pepomuteito.
Tongue, chame, peeberta.
Tooth, chacou, ca-ycay, bono.
Hand, chumu, ca-mahu, napi.
Foot, chinepo, omu, petahu.
House, hanouco, ta-habo (my).
1, enga, itchaca, cahene.
2, dé, manamo, nawanube.
3, yakia, dianamo, acueyani.
4, depitade, urabocaya, penaya autsiva.
5, ionga pinibo, uabachi, cahecobe.

The above four _lengue matrice_ were among the most important on the
Orinoco. The Guaraouna or Warrau was, and continues to be, spoken by the
tribes of the delta, who are numerous and intelligent, when they have a
fair chance to live undisturbed.

Of the Otomaca only the merest fragments have been published, and my
vocabulary is nearly empty.

Several recent travelers have brought back information about the Piaroa
and Guahiba, some of which may be found in the eighth volume of the
_Bibliothèque Linguistique Américaine_ (Paris, 1882), with observations
by M. Adam. C. refers to Chaffanjon.

LANGUAGES OF THE ORINOCO BASIN.--(_Continued._)

_Omagua._ _Yarura._ _Betoya._ _Correguaje._
Man, ava, mena, pume, umasoi, emiud, pai.
Woman, huaina, cunia, ibi, ain, ro.
Sun, huarassi, do, teo-umasoi, ense.
Moon, yase, goppe, teo-ro, paimia.
Fire, tata, condé, futui.
Water, uni, uui, ocudú, ocŏ.
Head, yacue, pacchá, rosaca, sijope.
Eye, zaicana, { batchioo, C., } ufoniba, ñancoca.
{ jonde, }
Ear, nami, cajoroso.
Mouth, yuru, yaoo, C.
Nose, ti, nappe, jusaca, jinquepui.
Tongue, cumuera, { hihn, C., } ineca, chimenu.
{ toppono, }
Tooth, say, hundee, C., cojini.
Hand, pua, icchi, rum-cosi, jete.
Foot, pueta, tahoo, C., rem-ocá, coapi.
House, uca, guce.
1, uyepe, canāme, edojojoi.
2, mucuica, { adotchami, } edoi.
{ ñoeni, }
3, iruaca, tarani, ibutu.
4, adoitchemī.
5, canikiro.

The Omagua is a well-marked Tupi dialect. Adam has shown the grammatical
concordances clearly (_Compte-Rendu du Cong. des Amer._, 1888, p. 496).

The Yarura and Betoya reveal faint resemblances in the words for “sun”
and “tongue”; but not enough to justify assuming a relationship. Their
grammars are quite unlike, that of the Yarura preceding by suffixes, that
of the Betoya by prefixes (see Müller, _Sprachwissenschaft_, Bd. II., Ab.
I., s. 361).

The Correguaje shows less analogy to the Betoya in the above vocabulary
than in a more extended comparison. The word for water, _ocŏ_, reappears
in a number of dialects not akin to this stock, and is perhaps allied to
the Chinchasuyu _yacu_ (see _anté_, p. 205).

DIALECTS OF THE UPPER AMAZONIAN BASIN.

_Pano._ _Culino._ _Baré._ _Puinavi._
Man, buene, huebo, nukung, ehinari.
Woman, avio, yusabu, auy, hinatape.
Sun, bari, wari, camuhu, iama.
Moon, usde, osi, ozii, ki, heboet.
Fire, si, yuai, cameni.
Water, uaca, unpas, uaka, huni, u, eti.
Head, macho, mapo, mazu, dosia, ahouiat.
Eye, buero, würru, iwiti, ambic.
Ear, pauké, tsaybynky, idatini, about.
Mouth, uschà, ibi, ecuacha, inuma, ayé.
Nose, desan, rüky, itti, mohec.
Tongue, āna, anu, inene, arok.
Tooth, seta, sena, sita, heheyi.
Hand, maku, nucobi, arap.
Foot, tacu, tarú, whyta, isi, asim.
House, subo, subu.
1, pajü, uüty, bacanacari, atam.
2, dabui, rubä, rabii, bicunama, ahao.
3, muken aute, takuma, kirikunama, apaoui.
4, akaouno.
5, daptan.

The grammatical and phonetic relations of the Pano stock have been
judiciously analyzed by M. Raoul de la Grasserie (_Compte-Rendu du
Cong. des Amer._, 1888, p. 438, sq.). The Pano and Culino are seen to
be closely connected, those who use the one doubtless understanding the
other.

The Baré, which is an Arawak dialect, I have inserted here for the sake
of convenience.

The Puinavi is unclassified (see _anté_, p. 278). In the few words above
given, those for “sun,” “water,” and “foot” appear to have affinities to
the Baré.

DIALECTS OF THE UPPER AMAZONIAN BASIN.--(_Continued._)

_Catoquina._ _Ticuna._ _Zaparo._ _Tucano._
Man, eu, iyate, táúcuo, euma, mina.
Woman, ainà, niai, itiúmu, numea.
Sun, tscha, ehajeh, yano´cua, muipu.
Moon, wahlya, cashi´cua, mama nunpo.
Fire, ychta, ejheh, anamis-hu´cua, pecaméê.
Water, uata-hy, aaitchu, muricha, ocó.
Head, ghy, nahairu, a´naca, diptuá.
Eye, yghó, nehaai, namijia, caperi.
Ear, masaehta, nachiuai, taure, umepero.
Mouth, nunaghy, naha, atupa´ma, sero.
Nose, opaghpó, naran, najúcua, ekéá.
Tongue, nogho, kohny, ririccià, yéménó.
Tooth, y, taputa, icare, upiry.
Hand, paghy, tapamai, ichiosa, amupamá.
Foot, achman, nacoutai, iñocua, dipoca.
House, ih, hi, itia, uiy’.
1, heghykty, hucih, nucua´qui, nekeu.
2, upaua, tarepueh, anamis-hiñaqui, piana.
3, tupaua, tomepueh, aimucuraque, itiana.
4, hoyhan, ague mouji, { huet sara maja } bapalitina.
{ itiaca, }
5, hueamepueh, manucua, nicumakina.

The Catoquina and Ticuna are mixed dialects or jargons, but clearly
related to each other. Martius hesitated whether to assign them to his
“Guck” or his “Gês” stem. They both contain elements of the Arawak,
probably by borrowing. Locally they are neighbors. The vocabulary of
Ticuna is from Paul Marcoy’s work.

The Tucano, which is in the form obtained by Coudreau, shows elements
of Betoya and Arawak. Its relationship to the Tapuya is not fully
established.

The Zaparo from the Putumayo is from the collection of Osculati. It does
not seem in any way related to the great stocks of the Amazonian region.

DIALECTS OF THE UPPER AMAZONIAN BASIN.--(Continued.)

_Tacana._ _Maropa._ _Sapibocona._ _Araua._
Man, deja, dreja, reanci, maquida.
Woman, ano, anu, anu, waidaua.
Sun, ireti, isjeti, mahi.
Moon, bari, bantri, bari, massicu.
Fire, quati, cuati, cuati, sihu.
Water, { eave, } yuvi, eubi, paha.
{ jene,
Head, echu, echujā, echuja.
Eye, etra drun dru, eta chundru, etua churu.
Ear, edaja, eshacuena.
Mouth, equatri, equatra.
Nose, evieni, evi, evi.
Tongue, eana, eana, eana.
Tooth, etre, etré.
Hand, ema, eme, eme, usafa.
Foot, equatri, evatri, ebbachi, otama.
House, ejtej, etai, zami.
1, pea, pembive, carata, warihi.
2, beta, beta, mitia, famihi.
3, quimisha, camisha, curapa, arishafaha.
4, puchi, puschi.
5, puchica, pischica.

The interesting group of the Tacana stock is illustrated above by three
of its dialects. I regret that the recent publication on the Arauna by
Rev. Nicolas Armentia (_Navegacion del Rio Madre de Dios_) has not been
accessible to me.

The scanty vocabulary of the Araua does not permit any extended study of
its relations.

I call attention to the numerals of the Sapibocona and Cayubaba as
given above and on page 360. Prof. Fr. Müller has transposed the two in
his lists of examples (_Sprachwissenschaft_, II., I., p. 438. Compare
_Mithridates_, III., p. 576).

LANGUAGES OF THE BOLIVIAN HIGHLANDS.

_Yurucare._ _Itene._ _Samucu._ _Chiquito._
Man, suñe, huatiki, { vairiguè, } ñoñich.
{ nani, H., }
Woman, yee, tana, { yacotea, } paich.
{ cheke, H., }
Sun, puine, mapito, yede, anene, zuuch.
Moon, subi, panevo, etosia, vaach, paas.
Fire, aima, iche, pioc, pee.
Water, sama, como, yod, tuuch.
Head, dala, mahui, yatodo, taanys.
Eye, tanti, tauté, to, yedoy, nosuto.
Ear, meye, iniri, yagorone, { nonemasu,
{ umapus.
Mouth, pile, ai.
Nose, unte, yacunachu, iña.
Tongue, otu.
Tooth, sansa, oo.
Hand, bana, uru, ymanaetio, { panaucos,
{ ees, H.
Foot, te farafka, irie, pope.
House, { vive, techte, } poo.
{ siba, }
1, lecia, lecca, chomara, etama.
2, lasie, gar.
3, libi, gaddioc.
4, lapsa.
5, cheti.

The variety of stocks on the Bolivian highlands is clearly shown by the
vocabularies on this and the following page. I have taken them from the
D’Orbigny MSS., in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, the collections
of Hervas, and the papers of E. Heath in the _Kansas City Review_,
1883. I have not been able to connect any one of the eight tongues
with any other, although each has some words which have been borrowed
from others or from some common stock. Thus, the Yurucare _suñe_, man,
Mosetena _zoñi_, Chiquito _ñoñich_, are too similar not to be from the
same radical. It must be remembered that the Chiquito was adopted by the
missionaries as the general language for instruction, and other tribes
were persuaded to learn it whenever possible. Thus some of its words came
to be substituted for those originally familiar to the speakers.

The Chiquito and the Yurucare are the only tongues of the eight given
of which I have found satisfactory grammatical notices; and that of the
latter is still unpublished (see _anté_, p. 297).

LANGUAGES OF THE BOLIVIAN HIGHLANDS.--(_Continued._)

_Canichana._ _Mosetena._ _Cayubaba._ _Mobima._
Man, { hiochama, } zoñi, meyése, iti-laqua.
{ enacu, D., }
Woman, huiquigáue, phen, tenani, { cue´ya,
{ cuc ya, H.
Sun, ni-cojli, tsuñ, itoco, { tino,
{ mossi, H.
Moon, ni-milaue, yvua, irara, yeche.
Fire, ni-chuco, tsi, idore, vŭée.
Water, nih-tji, ozñi, ikita, to´mi.
Head, ni-mucukh, hutchi, guana-quana, ba-quáqua.
Eye, eu-tokhe, ve, _pl._, vein, en-chaco, tsora.
Ear, eu-comeh, choñ, ena-jengicui, lototo.
Mouth, eu-chene, chóo, en-diachi, cuana.
Nose, e-ebjé, hey, ena-hauvéo, { ba-chi,
{ chini, H.
Tongue, eu-tscháva, nem, ena-yi, { ruchlan,
{ rulcua, H.
Tooth, { eu-huti, } monyin } söichlan.
{ eu-cuti, D., } (_pl._), }
Hand, eu-tehli, uñ, en-dadra, { chopan,
{ zoipok, H.
Foot, eu-ajts, yu, en-arje, risan.
House, nit-cojl, aca, droya, asña.
1, mereca, zrit, pebbi.
2, caadita, pana, bbeta.
3, caarjata, chibbin, kimisa.
4, tsis.
5, canam.

LANGUAGES OF THE CHACO TRIBES.

_Guaycuru._ _Guaycuru._ _Toba._ _Payagua._
Man, conailaigo, sellarnicke, iale, yraic, D., pichires.
Woman, ivuavo, alucke, aló, elommi.
Sun, ali jega, nalacke, la lá, ijcabala.
Moon, aipainahi, auriucke, karoic, apajsa.
Fire, noolai, nodecke, nodec, anorec, D.
Water, niogo, estract, netrat, guayaque.
Head, lacaicke, lakaic, caracaic, D., yamagra.
Eye, cogaicoguo, laicté, haité, yacte, D., yatiqui.
Ear, conapajoti, telá, tela, yaiguala.
Mouth, coniola, halap, ayap, D.
Nose, codeimie, lunuke, lomi, imic, D., iyocque.
Tongue, codocaiti, lacharat.
Tooth, codoai, hué, lué, yohua, D.
Hand, cobahaga, yagata, pokena, inagchiac.
Foot, codohoua, lapiá, lapiá, ypia, D., ybagro.
House, dimi, lumacké, nollic, nnoic, D., yaggo.
1, nathedac.
2, cacayni _or_ nivoco.
3, cacaynilia.
4, nalotapegat.
5, nivoca-cacaynilia.

The three dialects of the Guaycuru stock above given show considerable
diversity. The first is from Castelnau, the second from Fontana, the
third (Toba) from Carranza and de Angelis. The Payagua is also from
Fontana (_Revista de la Soc. Geog. Argentina_, 1887, p. 352, sq.).

All the Chaco tribes are singularly defective in numeration. Pelleschi
says that intelligent chiefs among them cannot count the fingers of one
hand. Above the two numerals are generally compound words and have not
fixed forms.

LANGUAGES OF THE CHACO TRIBES.--(_Continued._)

_Lule._ _Vilela._ _Chunupi._ _Mataco._
Man, pelé, nitemoi, nitepac, { pairé,
{ inoon, D.
Woman, uacal, quisle, jiolé, chiegua.
Sun, yny, olò, oló, iguala.
Moon, alit, copī, cocpi, huela.
Fire, ycuá, niè, nié, etog.
Water, to, fo, ma, maá, { elot,
{ guag, D.
Head, tocó, niscone, niscan, litec, D.
Eye, zu, chù, toqué, tacqui, teloy.
Ear, cusanep, maslup, mas leguep, kiotei.
Mouth, cá, yep, notagni, D.
Nose, nùs, limic, niji veppe, nognes.
Tongue, lequy, lequip.
Tooth, llu, lupe.
Hand, ys, isip, ysivep, nog-guez.
Foot, ellú, ape, huopep, kalay´.
House, uyâ, enú, guane, huane, { guoslo,
{ lubuque, D.
1, alapea, agit, { hotequachi,
{ efagla, D.
2, tamop, uke, { hotequoasi,
{ tacuas, D.
3, tamlip, nipetuei, { lach tdi qua jel,
{ tacuya, D.
4, locuep, yepkatalet, { tdi-qua less-hichi,
{ nocuepogec, D.
5, ype befagla, D.

The near relationship of the Lule, Vilela and Chunupi appears clear from
the above comparison. The Chunupi words are taken from Fontana (_ubi
suprá_), the Vilela from the vocabulary of Gilii’s _Storia Americana_,
and the Lule from Machoni’s Grammar.

The Mataco is also from Fontana, and represents the dialect as spoken
to-day. The words marked D. are from the D’Orbigny MSS.

LANGUAGES OF THE LA PLATA BASIN AND PAMPAS.

_Guachi._ _Guato._ _Caraja._ _Araucanian._
Man, chacup, matai, abou, che.
Woman, outie´, mouhaja, awkeu, domo.
Sun, ō-es, nouveai, tisu, antu.
Moon, o-alete, upina, aadou, endo, cuyen.
Fire, mata, eastou, cuthal.
Water, euak, maguen, be-ai, co.
Head, iotapa, dōkeu, woara, lonco.
Eye, iataya, marei, waa-rouwai, ge.
Ear, irtanmété, mavi, wana-outai, pilun.
Mouth, iape, dijio, wa-a-rou, uun.
Nose, ia-note, taga, wa-day-asan, yu.
Tongue, iteche, chagi, wa-cla-rato, que-uun.
Tooth, iava, maqua, wa-a-djon, voro.
Hand, iolai-mason, ida, wa-debo, cuu.
Foot, iacalep, apoo, wa-a-wa, namun.
House, poecha, mucu, aeto, ruca.
1, tamak, tchenai, wadewo, quiñe.
2, eu-echo, du-uni, wadebo-thoa, epu.
3, eu-echo-kailau, tchum, wadeboa-heodo, cula.
4, eu-echo-way, dekai, wadebo-jeodo, meli.
5, localau, toera, wadewa-jouclay, quechu.

The vocabularies of the Guachis, Guatos and Carajas are from the
collections of Castelnau (_Expédition_, Tome V., Appendix); that of the
Araucanian from Febres’ _Diccionario_.

The Guachis are classed as belonging to the Guaranis (Tupi stock), and by
tradition came from the west (see _anté_, p. 233). A comparison with the
Samucu vocabulary (page 359) seems to me to suggest several resemblances
which would be worth further study on more extended material.

The Guatos may be a mixed off-shoot of the Tapuya stock, as has been
suggested (_anté_, p. 318). Of the Caraja, we must await the publication
of the abundant material collected by Dr. Paul Ehrenreich.

PATAGONIAN AND FUEGIAN STOCKS.

_Tsoneca, 1._ _Tsoneca, 2._ _Yahgan._ _Alikuluf._
Man, nuken, chonik, ohă, uön, ack´inish.
Woman, nacuna, karken, kepa, shepush, ack´hanash.
Sun, chuina, gengenko, lŭm, lŭm.
Moon, chuina, showan, han´nuka, cunnequa.
Fire, ma-ja, yaik, pushaky, tĕtal.
Water, karra, ley, shamea, chanash.
Head, guil, kittar, lukabe, of´chocka.
Eye, gottel, g-ötl, della, telkh.
Ear, shene, shaa, ufkhea, teldil.
Mouth, shahan, yeak, uffeare.
Nose, oo, tchal, or, cushush, nohl.
Tongue, del, tal, lŭn, luckin.
Teeth, curr, oër, orre, tu´un, cauwash.
Hand, ore, fan, tsicc’r, { jösch, } yuccaba.
{ marpo, }
Foot, keal, { shankence, } cŏeeă, cutliculcul.
{ alj, }
Home, cocha, kou, uk kral, hŭt.
1, cheuquen, chuche, ocoale, tow quid ow.
2, xeukay, houke, combabe, telkeow.
3, keash, { aäs, } mutta, cup´eb.
{ kaash, }
4, kekaguy, { carge, } carga, inadaba.
{ kague, }
5, keytzum, ktsin, cup´aspa.

The vocabularies of the Tsoneca, Tehuelhet or Patagonian differ
considerably in the various writers. No. 1 is from Von Martius, completed
from D’Orbigny’s lists. No. 2 is based on Lt. Muster’s examples,
supplemented from the vocabularies in Ramon Lista’s _Exploraciones_.

The Yahgan and Alikuluf pass for independent stocks. Yet in a number of
words they resemble each other, and in a few, for example, those for
“eye,” “woman,” “moon,” “man,” there seems more than a chance similarity.

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

P. 24. AURIFEROUS GRAVELS OF CALIFORNIA. The principal reference is J.
D. Whitney, _The Auriferous Gravels of the Sierra Nevada of California_,
pp. 258-288 (Cambridge, Mass., 1879). Professor Whitney believes that the
evidence is sufficient to attribute the mortars, pestles, beads, etc.,
found in the auriferous gravels to late pliocene man. But Dr. Joseph
Leidy describes equine skulls, molars, incisors, etc., found in these
gravels, thirty-five to forty feet below the surface, “not differing in
any respect from those of the modern horse,” and “unchanged in texture”
(see _ibid._, p. 257). Dr. Leidy informs me personally that for such
reasons he gravely doubts the antiquity of the formation, and distrusts
the great age of the human relics it contains.

P. 27. PALÆOLITHIC IMPLEMENTS. Reports of the discovery of very large
numbers of supposed palæolithic implements in various parts of the
United States have been collected and published by Mr. Thomas Wilson
in the _Report of the U. S. National Museum_, 1887-88, pp. 677-702.
These implements, however, are called palæolithic from their form and
workmanship only, and not from the stratigraphic relations in which they
were found. As palæolithic forms often survived in the riper culture of
the neolithic age, the only positive proof of their older origin must be
that they are found in undisturbed relation to older strata.

P. 33. REMAINS OF MAN IN THE EQUUS BEDS. What American geologists call
the Equus Beds are those which yield in abundance the bones of various
species of fossil horse, as _E. major_, _occidentalis_, _excelsus_,
_barcenæi_, _fraternus_, _crenidens_, etc., most of which have been
determined by Dr. Joseph Leidy and Prof. E. D. Cope. The principal
localities of these beds are: 1. The Oregon Desert; 2. The country of
the Nueces, in southwestern Texas; and 3. The valley of Mexico. The
horizon to which these beds should be referred was considered by Prof.
King to be the Upper Pliocene; but by Prof. G. K. Gilbert, Dr. Joseph
Leidy, and I think, by Prof. Cope, it is rather held to be pleistocene
or early quaternary, probably as old as the great glacial phenomena of
the Continent. According to Cope and Gilbert, rude stone implements have
undoubtedly been found _in place_ in the Equus beds of Nevada, California
and Southwestern Texas. See the _American Naturalist_, 1889, p. 165;
_Proc. Acad. Nat. Sciences_, Phila., 1883, p. 134, sq.

Pp. 106, 108. KWAKIUTL AND NOOTKA STOCKS. After the pages referred
to had been printed, I received, through the kindness of Mr. Horatio
Hale, advance sheets of the Sixth Annual Report of the Committee of the
British Association on the tribes of the Northwest Coast, prepared by
Dr. Franz Boas, with an introduction by Mr. Hale, and including eighteen
vocabularies. Dr. Boas’ researches furnish clear evidence of a connection
between the Kwakiutl and the Nootka tongues, and there is little doubt
that they are distantly related. An instructive article on the physical
characteristics of the Indians of the North Pacific coast is contributed
by Dr. Boas to the _American Anthropologist_ for January, 1891. His
conclusion is: “Each tribe appears composed of many types, but in each we
find a marked prevalence of a certain type.”

P. 123. SUPPOSED CONNECTION OF SONORAN LANGUAGES WITH THE MAYA STOCK.
In his _Etudes Aztèques_, published in the _Museon_, 1890, p. 506, M.
W. Baligny endeavors to show a connection between the vocabularies of
Sonoran languages and the Maya dialects. His strong points are some of
the numerals and the personal pronouns of the first and second person. I
have elsewhere given good reasons for not depending on these pronominal
analogies in American languages (see _Essays of an Americanist_, p. 396).
And as to the numerals, “dont la ressemblance est évidente” (according
to him), when the Sonoran tongues disagree with the Nahuatl, they have
almost always clearly borrowed from the Yuma stem, as in “two,” _guoca_,
_kuak_ (see _Vocabs._, _anté_, pp. 335, 336).

P. 163. LANGUAGE OF THE RAMAS. Since my negative observations about the
Ramas were in type, I have received a short vocabulary of their language
from the Rev. W. Siebärger, Moravian missionary on the Musquito coast.
The orthography is German.

_Rama._
Man, nikikna,
Woman, kuma,
Sun, nunik,
Moon, tukan,
Fire, abung,
Water, sii,
Head, kiing,
Eye, up,
Ear, kuka,
Mouth, kaka,
Nose, taik.
Tongue, kup.
Tooth, siik.
Hand, kuik.
Foot, kaat.
House, knu.
1, saiming.
2, puk sak.
3, pang sak.
4, kun kun beiso.
5, kwik astar.

My informant writes me that the Ramas are about 250 in number, and are
all Christians and able to speak and write English, except a few very old
persons. Their language will probably be extinct in a few years. They
are confined to their island in Blewfield Lagoon. It is particularly
interesting, therefore, to fix their affinities before the opportunity
passes. From the above vocabulary I think there is little doubt but that
they are a branch of the Changuina or Dorasque stock, described pp. 174,
175. The following words attest this, the Changuina forms being from A.
L. Pinart’s _Vocabulario Castellano-Dorasque, Dialectos Chumulu, Gualaca
y Changuina_ (Paris, 1890):

_Rama._ _Changuina._
Sun, nunik, kĕlik u.
Fire, abung, kebug-al (fire-brand).
Water, sii, si.
Head, kiing, kin-unuma.
Ear, kuka, kuga.
Mouth, kaka, kaga.
Nose, taik, θakai.
Tongue, kup, kuba.
Tooth, siik, su.
Hand, kuik, kula.
House, knu, ku.

The numerals for “two” and “three,” _puk sak_, _pang sak_, are doubtless
the Cuna _pocua_, _pagua_. The Ramas, therefore, belong to the Isthmian
tribes, and formed the vanguard of the South American immigration into
North America. What time they moved northward and possessed themselves of
their small island is unknown, but it was probably after the conquest.
Mr. Siebärger writes me: “They were always kept under, even ill-treated,
by the Musquito Indians, and are still very submissive and teachable.”

The following errata should be noted:

P. 69, line 3; for _Nehaunies_ read _Nahaunies_.

Pp. 89, 95, 98 and 101, the numbers of the sections should read 7, 8, 9,
10, instead of 5, 6, 7, 8.

P. 169, line 17, for _maternal_ read _paternal_.

P. 197, for _Morropas_ read _Malabas_.

P. 251, line 11, for _Wapiana_ read _Woyawoi_.

Transcriber’s Note: the listed errata have been corrected.

FOOTNOTES

[1] For the full development of these principles, I would refer the
reader to my work entitled _Races and Peoples; Lectures on the Science of
Ethnography_ (David McKay, Philadelphia.)

[2] Notably, Adair’s _History of the North American Indians_, and Lord
Kingsborough’s magnificent _Mexican Antiquities_.

[3] For a complete refutation of this venerable hypothesis see an article
“L’Atlantide,” by Charles Ploix, in the _Revue d’Anthropologie_, 1887, p.
291; and de Mortillet, _Le Préhistorique Antiquité de l’Homme_, p. 124.

[4] De Quatrefages, _Histoire Générale des Races Humaines_, p. 558. He
adds the wholly incorrect statement that many Japanese words are found in
American languages.

[5] The nearest of the Aleutian islands to Kamschatka is 253 miles
distant. The explorer Behring found the western Aleutians, those nearest
the Asian shore, uninhabited. See W. H. Dall, “Origin of the Innuit,”
pp. 96, 97, in _Contributions to North American Ethnology_, Vol. I.
(Washington, 1877).

[6] The evidences of a vast ice-sheet once covering the whole of
East Cape are plainly visible. See Dr. I. C. Rosse, _Medical and
Anthropological Notes on Alaska_, p. 29. (Washington, 1883.)

[7] Joseph Prestwich, _Geology_, Vol. II, p. 465, (Oxford, 1888). J.
D. Dana, _Text Book of Geology_, pp. 355-359 (New York, 1883). Geo. M.
Dawson, in _The American Geologist_, 1890, p. 153. The last mentioned
gives an excellent epitome of the history of the great Pacific glacier.

[8] James D. Dana, loc. cit., p. 359.

[9] James D. Dana, “Reindeers in Southern New England,” in _American
Journal of Science_, 1875, p. 353.

[10] See “On an Ancient Human Footprint from Nicaragua,” by D. G.
Brinton, in _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_ 1887, p.
437.

[11] J. S. Wilson, in _Memoirs of the Anthropological Society of London_,
Vol. III., p. 163.

[12] The finders have been Messrs. H. P. Cresson and W. H. Holmes. From
my own examination of them, I think there is room for doubt as to the
artificial origin of some of them. Others are clearly due to design.

[13] Her account is in the _American Naturalist_, 1884, p. 594, and
a later synopsis in _Proceedings of the American Association for the
Advancement of Science_, 1889, p. 333.

[14] G. K. Gilbert, in _The American Anthropologist_, 1889, p. 173.

[15] W. J. McGee, “Palæolithic Man in America,” in _Popular Science
Monthly_, November 1888.

[16] See G. Frederick Wright, _The Ice Age in North America_.

[17] Dr. Abbott has reported his discoveries in numerous articles, and
especially in his work entitled _Primitive Industry_, chapters 32, 33.

[18] De Mortillet, _Le Préhistorique Antiquité de l’Homme_, p. 132, sq.

[19] Mariano de la Barcena, “Fossil Man in Mexico,” in the _American
Naturalist_, Aug., 1885.

[20] Florentino Ameghino, _La Antiguedad del Hombre en el Plata_, passim.
(2 vols, Buenos Aires, 1880.)

[21] _The Descent of Man_, p. 155. Dr. Rudolph Hoernes, however, has
recently argued that the discovery of such simian forms in the American
tertiary as the _Anaptomorphus homunculus_, Cope, renders it probable
that the anthropoid ancestor of man lived in North America. _Mittheil
der Anthrop. Gesell. in Wien_, 1890, § 71. The Anaptomorphus was a lemur
rather than a monkey, and had a dentition very human in character.

[22] Quoted by G. F. Wright in _The Ice Age in America_, p. 583.

[23] H. Habernicht, _Die Recenten Veränderungen der Erdoberfläche_, s. 27
(Gotha, 1882). He further shows that at that time both northern Russia
and northern Siberia were under water, which would effectually dispose of
any assumed migration by way of the latter.

[24] J. W. Spencer, in the London _Geological Magazine_, 1890, p. 208,
sqq.

[25] James Scroll, _Climate and Time_, p. 451.

[26] G. F. Wright, _The Ice Age in North America_, pp. 582-3 (New York,
1890). De Mortillet, _Le Préhistorique_, etc., pp. 186-7. H. Rink, in
_Proc. of the Amer. Philos. Society_, 1885, p. 293.

[27] In his excellent work, _The Building of the British Isles_, (London,
1888), Mr. A. J. Jukes-Browne presents in detail the proofs of these
statements, and gives two plates (Nos. XII. and XIII.), showing the
outlines of this land connection at the period referred to (pp. 252, 257,
etc.).

[28] Wright, _The Ice Age_, p. 504.

[29] Gilbert, _Sixth An. Rep. of the Com. of the N. Y. State
Reservation_, p. 84 (Albany, 1890).

[30] _Races and Peoples_, chapter III. (David McKay, Philadelphia.)

[31] “Palæolithic Man in America” in _Popular Science Monthly_, Nov.,
1888.

[32] “No one could live among the Indians of the Upper Amazon without
being struck with their constitutional dislike to heat.” “The impression
forced itself upon my mind that the Indian lives as a stranger or
immigrant in these hot regions.” H. W. Bates, _The Naturalist on the
Amazon_, Vol. II., pp. 200, 201.

[33] See E. F. im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_, pp. 189, 190, who
speaks strongly of the debility of the tropical Indians.

[34] See J. Kollmann, _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1884, s. 181 _sq._
The conclusion of Virchow is “que les caracteres physionomiques des têtes
Américaines montrent une divergence si manifeste qu’on doit renoncer
definitivement à la construction d’un type universel et commun des
Indigènes Américains.” _Congrès des Américanistes_, 1888, p. 260. This is
substantially the conclusion at which Dr. James Aitken Meigs arrived, in
his “Observations on the Cranial Forms of the American Aborigines,” in
_Proc. of the Acad. Nat. Sci. of Phila._, 1866.

[35] Henry Gilman, _Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1885_, p.
239. Other perforated skulls from similar graves in the same locality
showed indices of, 82, 83, 85.

[36] D. G. Brinton, _Races and Peoples; Lectures on the Science of
Ethnography_, p. 20. (David McKay, Philadelphia.)

[37] Dr. Washington Matthews, in the _American Anthropologist_, 1889, p.
337.

[38] _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, Bd. II., s. 195.

[39] Cf. Lucien Carr, in the _Eleventh Annual Report of the Peabody
Museum_, p. 367.

[40] Lucien Carr, “Notes on the Crania of New England Indians,” in the
_Anniversary Memoirs of the Boston Society of Natural History_, 1880; and
compare Topinard, _Elements d’Anthropologie Générale_, p. 628. (Paris,
1885.)

[41] H. Fritsch, in _Compte-Rendu du Congrès des Américanistes_, 1888, p.
276.

[42] For instance, some of the Mixes of Mexico have full beards (Herrera,
_Decadas de las Indias_, Dec. IV., Lib. IX., cap. VII.); the Guarayos
of Bolivia wear long straight beards, covering both lips and cheeks
(D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, Vol. I., p. 126); and the Cashibos of
the upper Ucayali are bearded (Herndon, _Exploration of the Valley of the
Amazon_, p. 209).

[43] “Report on the Blackfeet,” in _Trans. Brit. Assoc. Adv. of Science_,
1885.

[44] “Les Indiens de la Province de Mato Grosso,” in the _Nouvelles
Annales des Voyages_, 1862.

[45] The Mexican president Benito Juarez was a full-blood Zapotec;
Barrios of Guatemala, a full-blood Cakchiquel.

[46] _Vues des Cordillères, et Monumens des Peuples Indigènes de
l’Amérique_, Tome I. p. 51.

[47] _Ancient Society_, by Lewis H. Morgan (New York, 1878); _Houses and
House-Life of the American Aborigines_, by the same (Washington, 1881);
Bandelier, in the _Reports of the Peabody Museum_; Dr. Gustav Brühl, _Die
Culturvölker Alt Amerikas_ (Cincinnati, 1887); D. G. Brinton, _The Myths
of the New World_, 3d Ed. revised, David McKay (Philadelphia, 1896);
_American-Hero Myths_, by the same (Philadelphia, 1882).

[48] The word totem is derived from the Algonkin root _od_ or _ot_ and
means that which belongs to a person or “his belongings,” in the widest
sense, his village, his people, etc.

[49] Among the Brazilian hordes, for instance, Martius, _Beiträge zur
Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas_, Bd. I. s. 116 (Leipzig, 1867).

[50] Thus the Heiltsuk and Kwakiutl of the northwest coast, though
speaking close dialects of the same stock, differ fundamentally in their
social organization. That of the former is matriarchal, of the latter
patriarchal. Boas, _Fifth Report to the Brit. Assoc. Adv. Science_, p. 38.

[51] _Races and Peoples; Lectures on the Science of Ethnography_, p. 55
(David McKay, Philadelphia.)

[52] _Die Entstehung der Arten durch Räumliche Sonderung_ (Basel, 1889).

[53] J. W. Sanborn, _Legends, Customs and Social Life of the Seneca
Indians_, p. 36 (Gowanda, N. Y., 1878).

[54] Father Ragueneau tells us that among the Hurons, when a man was
killed, thirty gifts were required to condone the offence, but when a
woman was the victim, forty were demanded. _Relation des Jesuits_, 1635.

[55] Dr. W. H. Corbusier, in _American Antiquarian_, Sept., 1886; Dr.
Amedée Moure, _Les Indiens de Mato Grosso_, p. 9 (Paris, 1862).

[56] This opinion is defended by Max Schlosser in the _Archiv für
Anthropologie_, 1889, s. 132.

[57] The lama was never ridden, nor attached for draft, though the
opposite has been stated. See J. J. von Tschudi, “Das Lama,” in
_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1885, s. 108.

[58] See “The Lineal Measures of the Semi-Civilized Nations of Mexico and
Central America,” in my _Essays of an Americanist_, p. 433 (Philadelphia,
1890).

[59] The Caribs and some of the Peruvian coast tribes sometimes lifted a
large square cloth when running with the wind; but this is not what is
meant by a sail.

[60] _American Hero-Myths_ (Philadelphia, 1882).

[61] Carlos de Gagern, _Charakteristik der Indianischen Bevölkerung
Mexikos_, s. 23 (Wien, 1873.)

[62] I have treated this subject at considerable length in opposition
to the opinion of Lucien Adam and Friedrich Müller in my _Essays of an
Americanist_, pp. 349-389 (Philadelphia, 1890).

[63] Packard, “Notes on the Labrador Eskimo and their former range
southward,” in _American Naturalist_, 1885, p. 471.

[64] John Murdoch, in _The American Anthropologist_, 1888, p. 129; also
Dr. Henry Rink, _The Eskimo Tribes_ (London, 1887); Dr. Franz Boas, _The
Central Eskimo_, in the Sixth _Annual Report_ of the Bureau of Ethnology;
W. H. Dall, _Tribes of the Extreme Northwest_ (Washington, 1887); Ivan
Petroff, in _The American Naturalist_, 1882, p. 567.

[65] Dall is positive that there is no racial distinction between the
Innuit and the other American Indians, loc. cit., p. 95. He adds: “The
Tartar, Japanese or Chinese origin of these people finds no corroboration
in their manners, dress or language.”

[66] Commander G. Holm found the East Greenlanders, a pure stock, well
marked mesocephalic, with a maximum of 84.2 (_Les Grönlandais Orientaux_,
p. 365, Copenhagen, 1889). Dall gives the range to his measurements of
Innuit skulls from 87 to 70 (_Contributions to American Ethnology_, Vol.
I, p. 71).

[67] “Unlike the Indian,” writes Mr. F. F. Payne, “the Eskimo is nearly
always laughing, and even in times of great distress it is not hard
to make them smile.” “The Eskimo at Hudson Strait,” in _Proc. Canad.
Institute_, 1889, p. 128.

[68] W. J. Hoffman, “On Indian and Eskimo Pictography,” in _Trans.
Anthrop. Soc. of Washington_, Vol. II, p. 146.

[69] See some examples in my _Essays of an Americanist_, pp. 288-290
(Philadelphia, 1890).

[70] G. Holm, _Les Grönlandais Orientaux_, p. 382 (Copenhagen, 1889).

[71] Dr. A. Pfizmaier, _Darlegungen Grönländischer Verbalformen_ (Wien,
1885).

[72] On the relative position of the Chukchis, Namollos and Yuit, consult
Dall in _American Naturalist_, 1881, p. 862; J. W. Kelly, in _Circular
of the U. S. Bureau of Education_, No. 2, 1890, p. 8; A. Pfizmaier, _Die
Sprachen der Aleuten_, p. 1 (Vienna, 1884). The Yuits are also known as
_Tuski_. The proper location of the Namollos is on the Arctic Sea, from
East Cape to Cape Shelagskoi (Dall).

[73] _Proceedings of the U. S. National Museum_, 1883, p. 427. All of
Clement G. Markham’s arguments for the Asiatic origin of the Eskimos have
been refuted.

[74] Either from the river Olutora and some islands near its mouth
(Petroff); or from Eleutes, a tribe in Siberia, whom the Russians thought
they resembled (Pinart).

[75] Ivan Petroff, in _Trans. Amer. Anthrop. Soc._, Vol. II, p. 90.

[76] Comp. H. Winkler, _Ural-Altäische Völker und Sprachen_, s. 119, and
Dall, _Contributions to N. Amer. Ethnology_, Vol. I, p. 49, who states
that their tongue is distinctly connected with the Innuit of Alaska.

[77] Dr. A. Pfizmaier, _Die Sprache der Aleuten und Fuchsinseln_, s. 4
(Vienna, 1884).

[78] Dall, loc. cit., p. 47.

[79] Ivan Petroff, loc. cit., p. 91.

[80] Mr. A. S. Gatschet has compiled the accessible information about
the Beothuk language in two articles in the _Proceedings of the American
Philosophical Society_, 1885 and 1886.

[81] J. C. E. Buschmann, _Der Athapaskische Sprachstamm_, 4to., Berlin,
1856, and _Die Verwandtschafts-Verhältnisse der Athapaskischen Sprachen_,
Berlin, 1863.

[82] See Mgr. Henry Faraud, _Dix-huit Ans chez les Sauvages_, pp. 345,
etc. (Paris, 1866.) Petitot, _Les Déné Dindjié_, p. 32.

[83] See George M. Dawson, in _An. Rep. of the Geol. Survey of Canada_,
1887, p. 191, sq.; Washington Matthews and J. G. Bourke, in _Jour. of
Amer. Folk-Lore_, 1890, p. 89, sq.

[84] The best blanket-makers, smiths and other artisans among the Navajos
are descendants of captives from the Zuñi and other pueblos. John G.
Bourke, _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, 1890, p. 115.

[85] A. F. Bandelier, _Indians of the Southwestern United States_, pp.
175-6 (Boston, 1890).

[86] Dr. Washington Matthews, in _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, 1890,
p. 90.

[87] The student of this language finds excellent material in the
_Dictionnaire de la Langue Déné-Dindjié_, par E. Petitot (folio, Paris,
1876), in which three dialects are presented.

[88] Stephen Powers, _Tribes of California_, p. 72, 76 (Washington, 1877).

[89] “On voit que leur conformation est à peu près exactement le nôtre.”
Quetelet, “Sur les Indiens O-jib-be-was,” in _Bull. Acad. Royale de
Belgique_, Tome XIII.

[90] I refer to the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia. The
numerous measurements of skulls of New England Algonkins by Lucien Carr,
show them to be mesocephalic tending to dolichocephaly, orthognathic,
mesorhine and megaseme. See his article, “Notes on the Crania of New
England Indians,” in the _Anniversary Memoirs of the Boston Society of
Natural History_, 1880.

[91] The best work on this subject is Dr. C. C. Abbott’s _Primitive
Industry_ (Salem, 1881).

[92] _The Lenâpé and their Legends; with the Complete Text and Symbols
of the Walum Olum, and an Inquiry into its Authenticity._ By Daniel G.
Brinton, Philadelphia, 1885 (Vol. V. of Brinton’s _Library of Aboriginal
American Literature_).

[93] See Horatio Hale, “_Report on the Blackfeet_,” in _Proc. of the
Brit. Assoc. for the Adv. of Science_, 1885.

[94] See _Lenâpé-English Dictionary: From an anonymous MS. in the
Archives of the Moravian Church at Bethlehem, Pa._ Edited with additions
by Daniel G. Brinton, M. D., and Rev. Albert Seqaqkind Anthony. Published
by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1888. Quarto,
pp. 236.

[95] J. Aitken Meigs, “Cranial Forms of the American Aborigines,” in
_Proceedings_ of the Acad. of Nat. Sciences of Philadelphia, May, 1866.

[96] Horatio Hale, _The Iroquois Book of Rites_, pp. 21, 22.
(Philadelphia, 1883. Vol. II. of Brinton’s _Library of Aboriginal
American Literature_.)

[97] J. W. Powell, _First Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, p. 61.
(Washington, 1881.)

[98] _The Iroquois Book of Rites_, referred to above.

[99] There are twenty-one skulls alleged to be of Muskoki origin in
the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, of which fifteen have a
cephalic index below 80.

[100] Examples given by William Bartram in his MSS. in the Pennsylvania
Historical Society.

[101] See on this subject an essay on “The Probable Nationality of the
Mound-Builders,” in my _Essays of an Americanist_, p. 67. (Philadelphia,
1890.)

[102] D. G. Brinton, “The National legend of the Chahta-Muskoki Tribes,”
in _The Historical Magazine_, February, 1870. (Republished in Vol. IV. of
Brinton’s _Library of Aboriginal American Literature_.)

[103] “The Seminole Indians of Florida,” by Clay MacCauley, in _Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, 1883-4.

[104] See for the Yuchis, their myths and language, Gatschet in
_Science_, 1885, p. 253.

[105] _Arte de la Lengua Timuquana_ compuesto en 1614 per el Pe
Francisco Pereja. Reprint by Lucien Adam and Julien Vinson, Paris,
1886. An analytical study of the language has been published by Raoul
de la Grasserie in the _Compte Rendu du Congrès International des
Américanistes_, 1888.

[106] See “The Curious Hoax of the Taensa Language” in my _Essays of an
Americanist_, p. 452.

[107] D. G. Brinton, “The Language of the Natchez,” in _Proceedings_ of
the American Philosophical Society, 1873.

[108] _Die Länder am untern Rio Bravo del Norte._ S. 120, sqq.
(Heidelberg, 1861.) I give the following words from his vocabulary of the
Carrizos:

Man, _nâ_.
Woman, _estoc_, _kem_.
Sun, _al_.
Moon, _kan_.
Fire, _len_.
One, _pequeten_.
Two, _acequeten_.
Three, _guiye_.
Four, _naiye_.
Five, _maguele_.

The numbers three, four and five are plainly the Nahuatl _yey_, _nahui_,
_macuilli_, borrowed from their Uto-Aztecan neighbors.

[109] Bartolomé Garcia, _Manuel para administrar los Santos Sacramentos_.
(Mexico, 1760.) It was written especially for the tribes about the
mission of San Antonio in Texas.

[110] As _chiquat_, woman, Nah. _cihuatl_; _baah-ka_, to drink, Nah.
_paitia_. The song is given, with several obvious errors, in Pimentel,
_Lenguas Indigenas de Mexico_, Tom. III., p. 564; Orozco y Berra’s lists
mentions only the Aratines, _Geografia de las Lenguas de Mexico_, p. 295.

[111] Adolph Uhde, _Die Länder am unteru Rio Bravo del Norte_, p. 120.

[112] The name Pani is not a word of contempt from the Algonkin language,
as has often been stated, but is from the tongue of the people itself.
_Pariki_ means a horn, in the Arikari dialect _uriki_, and refers to
their peculiar scalp-lock, dressed to stand erect and curve slightly
backward, like a horn. From these two words came the English forms Pawnee
and Arikaree. (Dunbar.)

[113] The authorities on the Panis are John B. Dunbar, in the _Magazine
of American History_, 1888; Hayden, _Indian Tribes of the Missouri
Valley_ (Philadelphia, 1862), and various government reports.

[114] J. Owen Dorsey, “Migrations of Siouan Tribes,” in the _American
Naturalist_, 1886, p. 111. The numerous and profound studies of this
stock by Mr. Dorsey must form the basis of all future investigation of
its history and sociology.

[115] The Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia.

[116] Mrs. Mary Eastman, _Dahcotah; or Life and Legends of the Sioux_, p.
211. (New York, 1849.)

[117] W. P. Clark, _Indian Sign Language_, p. 229 (Philadelphia, 1885);
Whipple, Ewbank and Turner, _Report on Indian Tribes_, pp. 28, 80.
(Washington, 1855.)

[118] R. Virchow, _Verhand. der Berliner Gesell. für Anthropologie_,
1889, s. 400.

[119] Dr. Franz Boas, “Fourth Report on the Tribes of the North West
Coast,” in _Proceed. Brit. Assoc. Adv. Science_, 1887.

[120] Dr. J. L. Le Conte, “On the Distinctive Characteristics of the
Indians of California,” in _Trans. of the Amer. Assoc. for the Adv. of
Science_, 1852, p. 379.

[121] Dr. Aurel Krause, _Die Tlinkit Indianer_. (Jena, 1885.)

[122] See the various reports of Dr. Boas to the British Association for
the Advancement of Science, and the papers of Messrs. Tolmie and Dawson,
published by the Canadian government.

[123] _A Manual of the Oregon Trade Language or Chinook Jargon._ By
Horatio Hale. (London, 1890.)

[124] Dr. W. F. Corbusier, in _American Antiquarian_, 1886, p. 276; Dr.
Ten Kate, in _Verhand. der Berliner Gesell. Für Anthrop._, 1889, s. 667.

[125] J. R. Bartlett, _Explorations in New Mexico_, Vol. I., p. 464. C.
A. Pajeken, _Reise-Erinnerungen in ethnographischen Bildern_, s. 97.

[126] Whipple, Ewbank and Turner, _Report on Indian Tribes_ (Washington,
1855), and numerous later authorities, give full information about the
Yumas.

[127] Jacob Baegert, _Nachricht von den Amerikanischen Halbinsel
Californien_. (Mannheim, 1773.)

[128] I have not included in the stock the so-called M’Mat stem,
introduced erroneously by Mr. Gatschet, as Dr. Ten Kate has shown no such
branch exists. See _Verhandlungen der Berliner Anthrop. Gesell._, 1889,
ss. 666-7.

[129] Mr. E. A. Barber estimates that the area in which the
characteristic remains of the cliff-dwellers and pueblos are
found contains 200,000 square miles. _Compte Rendu du Congrès des
Américanistes_, 1878, Tome I., p. 25.

[130] “Casas y atalayas eregidas dentro de las peñas.” I owe the
quotation to Alphonse Pinart.

[131] The Tze-tinne; Capt. J. G. Bourke, in _Jour. Amer. Folk-lore_,
1890, p. 114.

[132] This affinity was first demonstrated by Buschmann in his _Spuren
der aztekischen Sprache_, though Mr. Bandelier erroneously attributes it
to later authority. See his very useful _Report of Investigations among
the Indians of the South Western United States_, p. 116. (Cambridge,
1890.) Readers will find in these excellent reports abundant materials on
the Pueblo Indians and their neighbors.

[133] Buschmann, _Die Spuren der aztekischen Sprache im nördlichen Mexiko
und höheren Americanischen Norden_. 4to. Berlin, 1859, pp. 819.

_Grammatik der Sonorischen Sprachen._ 4to. Berlin, Pt. I., 1864, pp. 266;
Pt. II., 1867, pp. 215.

[134] Perez de Ribas, _Historia de los Triomphos de Nuestra Santa Fé_,
Lib. I., cap. 19.

[135] _Anales del Ministerio de Fomento_, p. 99. (Mexico, 1881.)

[136] Col. A. G. Brackett, in _Rep. of the Smithson. Inst. 1879_, p. 329.

[137] Capt. W. P. Clark, _The Indian Sign Language_, p. 118.
(Philadelphia, 1885.)

[138] _Ibid._, p. 338.

[139] See _Contributions to North American Ethnology_, Vol. I., p. 224.
(Washington, 1877).

[140] R. Virchow, _Crania Ethnica Americana_.

[141] W. P. Clark, _The Indian Sign Language_, p. 118.

[142] _The Snake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona._ By John G. Bourke. (New
York, 1884.)

[143] For these legends see Captain F. E. Grossman, U. S. A., in _Report
of the Smithsonian Institution_, pp. 407-10. They attribute the Casas
Grandes to Sivano, a famous warrior, the direct descendant of Söhö, the
hero of their flood myth.

[144] The Apaches called them Tze-tinne, Stone House People. See Capt.
John G. Bourke, _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, 1890, p. 114. The
Apaches Tontos were the first to wander down the Little Colorado river.

[145] See the descriptions of the Nevomes (Pimas) in Perez de Ribas,
_Historia de los Triumphos de Nuestra Santa Fé_, Lib. VI., cap. 2.
(Madrid, 1645.)

[146] “Las casas eran o de madera, y palos de monte, o de piedra y barro;
y sus poblaciones unas rancherias, a modo de casilas.” Ribas, _Historia
de los Triumphos de Nuestra Santa Fé_, Lib. X., cap. 1. (Madrid, 1645.)

[147] Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, Lib. V., cap. 44. An interesting
sketch of the recent condition of these tribes is given by C. A. Pajeken,
_Reise-Erinnerungen_, pp. 91-98. (Bremen, 1861.)

[148] Perez de Ribas, _Historia_, etc., Lib. II., cap. 33.

[149] Eustaquio Buelna, _Peregrinacion de los Aztecas y Nombres
Geograficos Indigenas de Sinaloa_, p. 20. (Mexico, 1887.)

[150] Buelna, loc. cit., p. 21.

[151] Father Perez de Ribas, who collected these traditions with care,
reports this fact. _Historia de los Triumphos_, etc., Lib. I., cap. 19.

[152] See “The Toltecs and their Fabulous Empire,” in my _Essays of an
Americanist_, pp. 83-100.

[153] There is an interesting anonymous MS. in the _Fond Espagnol_ of
the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, with the title _La Guerra de los
Chichimecas_. The writer explains the name as a generic term applied
to any tribe without settled abode, “vagos, sin casa ni sementera.” He
instances the Pamis, the Guachichiles and the Guamaumas as Chichimeca,
though speaking quite different languages.

[154] “Cuitlatl, = _mierda_” (Molina, _Vocabulario Mexicano_).
Cuitlatlan, _Ort des Kothes_ (Buschmann, _Aztekische Ortsnamen_, s.
621), applied to the region between Michoacan and the Pacific; also to a
locality near Techan in the province of Guerrero (Orozco y Berra, _Geog.
de las Lenguas_, p. 233).

[155] Dr. Gustav Brühl believes these schools were limited to those
designed for warriors or the priesthood. Sahagun certainly assigns them a
wider scope. See Brühl, _Die Calturvölker Alt-Amerikas_, pp. 337-8.

[156] See “The Ikonomatic Method of Phonetic Writing” in my _Essays of an
Americanist_, p. 213. (Philadelphia, 1890.)

[157] Four skulls in the collection of the Academy of Natural Sciences,
Philadelphia, give a cephalic index of 73.

[158] Sahagun, _Historia de la Nueva España_, Lib. X, cap. 29.

[159] D. G. Brinton, _Ancient Nahuatl Poetry_, p. 134. (Philadelphia,
1887, in Library of Aboriginal American Literature.)

[160] E. G. Tarayre, _Explorations des Regions Mexicaines_, p. 282.
(Paris, 1879).

[161] D. G. Brinton, _Essays of an Americanist_, p. 366.

[162] H. de Charencey, _Melanges de Philologie et de Palæographie
Américaine_, p. 23.

[163] Sahagun, _Historia_, Lib. X, cap. 29. The name is properly
_Tarex_, applied later in the general sense of “deity,” “idol.” Tarex
is identified by Sahagun with the Nahuatl divinity Mixcoatl, the god of
the storm, especially the thunder storm. The other derivations of the
name Tarascos seem trivial. See Dr. Nicolas Leon, in _Anales del Museo
Michoacano_, Tom. I. Their ancestors were known as Taruchas, in which we
see the same radical.

[164] Dr. Nicolas Leon, of Morelia, Michoacan, whose studies of the
archæology of his State have been most praiseworthy, places the beginning
of the dynasty at 1200; _Anales del Museo Michoacano_, Tom. I., p. 116.

[165] From the Nahuatl, _yacatl_, point, apex, nose; though other
derivations have been suggested.

[166] For numerous authorities, see Bancroft, _Native Races of the
Pacific Coast_, vol. II., pp. 407-8; and on the antiquities of the
country, Dr. Leon, in the _Anales del Museo Michoacano_, passim, and
Beaumont, _Cronica de la Provincia de Mechoacan_, Tom. III., p. 87, sq.
(Mexico, 1874).

[167] Sahagun, _Historia de la Nueva España_, Lib. X., cap. 6.

[168] Herrera, _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. II., Lib. V.,
cap. 8.

[169] Strebel, _Alt-Mexiko_.

[170] Pimentel, _Lenguas Indigenas de Mexico_, Tom. III., p. 345, sq.

[171] From _didja_, language, _za_, the national name.

[172] Mr. A. Bandelier, in his careful description of these ruins
_(Report of an Archæological Tour in Mexico_, Boston, 1884) spells this
Lyo-ba. But an extensive _MS. Vocabulario Zapoteco_ in my possession
gives the orthography _riyoo baa_.

[173] Garcia, _Origen de los Indios_, Lib. V., cap. IV., gives a lengthy
extract from one of their hieroglyphic mythological books.

[174] Sahagun, _Historia de la Nueva España_, Lib. X., cap. VI.

[175] Herrera, _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_. Dec. IV., Lib. X.,
cap. 7.

[176] _Explorations and Surveys of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec_, pp.
126-7. (Washington, 1872.)

[177] J. G. Barnard, _The Isthmus of Tehuantepec_, pp. 224, 225. (New
York, 1853.)

[178] _Apuntes sobre la Lengua Chinanteca, MS._

[179] Herrera, _Hist. de las Indias Occidentales_. Dec. III., Lib. III.,
cap. 15.

[180] Herrera, _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_. Dec. IV., Lib. X.,
cap. 11.

[181] Gregoria Garcia, _Origen de los Indios_, Lib. V., cap. v.

[182] Oviedo, _Historia General de las Indias_, Lib. XLII., cap. 5.

[183] Peralta, _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panama, en el Siglo XVI_, p. 777.
(Madrid, 1883.)

[184] Lucien Adam, _La Langue Chiàpanéque_ (Vienna, 1887); Fr. Müller,
_Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft_, Bd. IV., Abt. I. s. 177.

[185] _Anales del Ministerio de Fomento_, p. 98. (Mexico, 1881.)

[186] Beristain y Souza, _Biblioteca Hispano-Americana Septentrional_,
Tomo I., p. 438.

[187] For example:

_Tequistlatecan._ _Yuma dialects._
Man, acue, eke-tam, ham-akava.
Woman, canoc, anai, sinyok.
Sun, orá, rahj.
Moon, mu_tla_, h’la.
Water, laha, aha, kahal.
Head, ahūa, hū.
Eyes, au, yu.
Mouth, aco, a, aha.
Tree, ehe, ee-ee.
Foot, la_mish_, mie.
Two, ucuc, kokx, goguo.

[188] _Geografia de las Lenguas de Mejico_, p. 187.

[189] _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. III., Lib. VII., cap.
III.

[190] See also Dr. Berendt’s observations on this language in Lewis H.
Morgan’s _Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity in the Human Family_, p.
263. (Washington, 1871.)

[191] In his _Nicaragua, its People, Scenery and Monuments_, Vol. II.,
pp. 314, 324. (New York, 1856.)

[192] “Fr. Francisco de las Naucas primus omnium Indos qui _Popolocae_
nuncupantur anno Dom. 1540, divino lavacro tinxit, quorum duobus mensibus
plus quam duodecim millia baptizati sunt.” Franciscus Gonzaga, _De
Origine Seraphicae Religionis_, p. 1245. (Romae, 1587.)

[193] “Fr. Francisco de Toral, obispo que fué de Yucatan, supo primero de
otro alguno la lengua popoloca de Tecamachcalco, y en ella hizo arte y
vocabulario, y otras obras doctrinales.” Geronimo de Mendieta, _Historia
Eclesiastica Indiana_, Lib. V., cap. 44.

[194] “Linguâ Mexicanâ paullulum diversa.” De Laet, _Novus Orbis_, p. 25.

[195] _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Decad. II., Lib. X., cap. 21.

[196] See the note of J. G. Icazbalceta to the _Doctrina_ of Fernandez,
in H. Harrisse’s _Biblioteca Americana Vetustissima_, p. 445, sq.

[197] _Geografia de las Lenguas de Mejico_, p. 273.

[198] See an article “Los Tecos,” in the _Anales del Museo Michoacano_,
Año II., p. 26.

[199] Domingo Juarros, _Compendio de la Historia de la Ciudad de
Guatemala_, Tomo I., pp. 102, 104, et al. (Ed. Guatemala, 1857.)

[200] Dr. Otto Stoll, _Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala_, s. 26
(Zurich, 1884).

[201] In the _Sitzungsbericht der Kais. Akad. der Wissenschaften_, Wien,
1855.

[202] “Demas de ocho cientos años,” says Herrera. _Historia de las Indias
Occidentales_, Dec. III., Lib. IV., Cap. XVIII.

[203] I have edited some of these with translations and notes, in _The
Maya Chronicles_, Philadelphia, 1882. (Volume I. of my _Library of
Aboriginal American Literature_).

[204] Sahagun, _Historia de la Nueva España_, Lib. X., cap. 29, sec. 12.

[205] One of the most remarkable of these coincidences is that in the
decoration of shells pointed out by Mr. Wm. H. Holmes, in his article
on “Art in Shells,” in the _Second Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology_. (Washington, 1883.)

[206] On this point see “The Lineal Measures of the Semi-Civilized
Nations of Mexico and Central America,” in my _Essays of an Americanist_,
p. 433. (Philadelphia, 1890.)

[207] The principal authority is the work of Diego de Landa, _Relacion de
las Cosas de Yucatan_. It has been twice published, once imperfectly by
the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, Paris, 1864, 8vo.; later very accurately
by the Spanish government, Madrid, 1881, folio.

[208] The most profitable studies in the Maya hieroglyphs have been by
Dr. Cyrus Thomas in the United States, Dr. E. Förstemann, Ed. Seler and
Schellhas in Germany, and Prof. L. de Rosny in France. On the MSS. or
codices preserved, see “The Writings and Records of the Ancient Mayas” in
my _Essays of an Americanist_, pp. 230-254.

[209] _Popul Vuh, Le Livre Sacré._ Paris, 1861.

[210] _The Annals of the Cakchiquels, the original text with a
Translation, Notes and Introduction._ Phila., 1885. (Volume VI. of my
_Library of Aboriginal American Literature_.)

[211] See “The Books of Chilan Balam,” in my _Essays of an Americanist_,
pp. 255-273.

[212] The name Huaves is derived from the Zapotec _huavi_, to become
rotten through dampness. (_Vocabulario Zapoteco._ MS. in my possession.)
It was probably a term of contempt.

[213] _Nicaragua, its People and Scenery_, Vol. II., p. 310.

[214] E. G. Squier, “A Visit to the Guajiquero Indians,” in _Harper’s
Magazine_, October, 1859. A copy of his vocabularies is in my possession.

[215] I collected and published some years ago the only linguistic
material known regarding this tribe. “On the Language and Ethnologic
Position of the Xinca Indians of Guatemala,” in _Proceedings of the
American Philosophical Society_, 1884.

[216] On the ethnography of the Musquito coast consult John Collinson, in
_Mems. of the Anthrop. Soc. of London_, Vol. III., p. 149, _sq._; C. N.
Bell, in _Jour. of the Royal Geograph. Soc._, Vol. XXXII., p. 257, and
the _Bericht_ of the German Commission, Berlin, 1845. Lucien Adam has
recently prepared a careful study of the Musquito language.

[217] See Leon Fernandez and J. F. Bransford, in _Rep. of the Smithsonian
Institution_, 1882, p. 675; B. A. Thiel, _Apuntes Lexicograficos_, Parte
III.; O. J. Parker, in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_, p. 346.

[218] _Catalogo de las Lenguas conocidas._ Madrid, 1805. This is the
enlarged Spanish edition of the Italian original published in 1784, and
it is the edition I have uniformity referred to in this work.

[219] _Personal Narrative_, Vol. VI., p. 352 (English trans., London,
1826).

[220] _The Philosophic Grammar of American Languages, as set forth by
Wilhelm von Humboldt; with the Translation of an Unpublished Memoir by
him on the American Verb._ By Daniel G. Brinton. (8vo. Philadelphia,
1885.) This Memoir was not included in the editions of Wilhelm von
Humboldt’s Works, and was unknown even to their latest editor, Professor
Steinthal. The original is in the Berlin Public Library.

[221] _L’Homme Américain de l’Amérique Méridionale, considéré sous ses
Rapports Physiologiques et Moraux._ Par Alcide D’Orbigny. 2 vols. Paris,
1839.

[222] _Organismus der Khetsua Sprache._ Einleitung. (Leipzig, 1884.)

[223] _Beiträge zur Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, zumal
Brasiliens._ Von Dr. Carl Friedrich Phil. von Martius. Leipzig, 1867. 2
vols.

[224] Von Tschudi, _Organismus der Kechua Sprache_, s. 15, note.

[225] He was superior general of the missions on the Marañon and its
branches about 1730. See _Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, Tom. II., p.
111, for his own description of his experiences and studies.

[226] See especially his paper “Trois familles linguistiques des
bassins de l’Amazone et de l’Orénoque,” in the _Compte-Rendu du Congrès
internationale des Américanistes_, 1888, p. 489 _sqq._

[227] Joaquin Acosta, _Compendio Historico de la Nueva Granada_, p. 168.
(Paris, 1848.)

[228] _Hist. de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. VII., Cap. XVI.

[229] Dr. Max Uhle gives a list of 26 Cuna words, with analogies
in the Chibcha and its dialects. (_Compte-Rendu du Cong. Internat.
Américanistes_, 1888, p. 485.) Alphonse Pinart, who has published the
best material on Cuna, is inclined to regard it as affiliated to the
Carib. (_Vocabulario Castellano-Cuna._ Panama, 1882, and Paris, 1890.)

[230] A. L. Pinart, _Coleccion de Linguistica y Etnografia Americana_,
Tom. IV., p. 17; also the same writer in _Revu d’Ethnographie_, 1887, p.
117, and _Vocabulario Castellano-Dorasque_. Paris, 1890.

[231] On the Chocos consult _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1876, s.
359; Felipe Perez, _Jeografia del Estado del Cauca_, p. 229, sq.
(Bogota, 1862.) The vocabulary of _Chami_, collected near Marmato by C.
Greiffenstein, and published in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1878, p.
135, is Choco. The vocabulary of the Tucuras, given by Dr. Ernst in the
_Verhandlungen der Berliner Anthrop. Gesell._, 1887, p. 302, is quite
pure Choco. The Chocos call their language _embera bede_, “the speech of
men.”

[232] “Relacion de las tierras y provincias de la gobernacion de
Venezuela (1546),” in Oviedo y Baños, _Historia de Venezuela_, Tom. II.
Appendice. (Ed. Madrid, 1885.)

[233] Aristides Rojas, _Estudios Indigenos_, p. 46. (Caracas, 1878.)

[234] “Mas hermosas y agraciadas que las de otros de aquel continente.”
This was the opinion of Alonzo de Ojeda, who saw them in 1499 and later.
(Navarrete, _Viages_, Tom. III., p. 9). Their lacustrine villages
reminded him so much of Venice (Venezia) that he named the country
“Venezuela.”

[235] According to Lares, the Bobures and Motilones lived adjacent, and
to the north of the Timotes. The Motilones were of the Carib stock. See
Dr. A. Ernst, in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1885, p. 190.

[236] Joaquin Acosta, _Compend. Hist. de la Nueva Granada_, p. 31, note.

[237] Martin Fernandez de Enciso, _La Suma de Geografia_. (Sevilla,
1519.) This rare work is quoted by J. Acosta. Enciso was alguacil mayor
of Castilla de Oro in 1515.

[238] See Jose Ignacio Lares, _Resumen de las Actas de la Academia
Venezolana_, 1886, p. 37 (Caracas, 1886); and Dr. Ernst, in _Zeitschrift
für Ethnologie_, 1885, s. 190.

[239] G. Coleti, _Dizionario dell’ America Meridionale_, s. v. (Venezia,
1771.) Not to be confounded with the Zaparos of the Marañon.

[240] _Ibid._, s. v.

[241] G. Marcano, _Ethnographie Pre-Columbienne de Venezuela._ (Paris,
1889.)

[242] “La lingua _Muysca_, detta anticamente _Chybcha_, era la comune e
generale in tuttigl’ Indiani di quella Monarchia.” Coleti, _Dizionario
Storico-Geografico dell’ America Meridionale_, Tom. II., p. 39. (Venezia,
1771.)

[243] “Casi todos los pueblos del Nuevo Reyno de Granada son de Indios
Mozcas.” Alcedo, _Diccionario Geografico de America_, s. v. _Moscas_. “La
lengua Mosca es como general en estendissima parte de aquel territorio;
en cada nacion la hablan de distinta manera.” J. Cassani, _Historia del
Nuevo Reyno de Granada_, p. 48. (Madrid, 1741.) He especially names the
Chitas, Guacicas, Morcotes and Tunebos as speaking Chibcha.

[244] Herrera, _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. IV., Lib. X.,
cap. 8.

[245] Rafael Celedon, _Gramatica de la Lengua Köggaba_, Introd., p. xxiv.
(_Bibliothèque Linguistique Américaine_.)

[246] The vocabulary is furnished by General Juan Thomas Perez, in the
_Resumen de las Actas de la Academia Venezolana_, 1886, p. 54. I offer
for comparison the following:

SIQUISIQUE. CHIBCHA-AROAC.
Sun, _yuan_, _yuia_.
Wife, _esio_, _sena_.
Fire, _dueg_, _gue_.
Water, _ing_, _ni_.
Snake, _tub_, _kĕbi_.

[247] The connection of the Aroac (not Arawak) dialects with the Chibcha
was, I believe, first pointed out by Friedrich Müller, in his _Grundriss
der Sprachwissenschaft_, Bd. IV., s. 189, note. The fact was also noted
independently by Dr. Max Uhle, who added the Guaymis and Talamancas to
the family. (_Compte Rendu du Congrès Internat. des Américanistes_, 1888,
p. 466.)

[248] Pinart, _Bulletin de la Société de Geographie_, 1885; Berendt, in
_Bull. of Amer. Geog. Society_, 1876, No. 2.

[249] In _Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_. Washington,
1888.

[250] Joaquin Acosta, _Compendio Historico de la Nueva Granada_, p.
77. When, in 1606, the missionary Melchor Hernandez visited Chiriqui
lagoon, he found six distinct languages spoken on and near its shores by
tribes whom he names as follows: Cothos, Borisques, Dorasques, Utelaes,
Bugabaes, Zunes, Dolegas, Chagres, Zaribas, Dures. (_Id._, p. 454.)

[251] The only information I have on the Paniquita dialect is that
given in the _Revue de Linguistique_, July, 1879, by a missionary (name
not furnished). It consists of a short vocabulary and some grammatical
remarks.

[252] Herrera, _Descripcion de las Indias Occidentales_, Cap. XVI.

[253] Alcedo, _Diccionario Geografico_, s. v., Muzos.

[254] _Vocabulario Paez-Castellano_, por Eujenio del Castillo i Orosco.
Con adiciones por Ezequiel Uricoechea. Paris, 1877. (Bibliothèque
Linguistique Américaine.)

[255] Felipe Perez, _Geografia del Estado de Tolima_, p. 76 (Bogota,
1863); R. B. White, in _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, 1883,
pp. 250-2.

[256] Dr. A. Posada-Arango, “Essai Ethnographique sur les Aborigenes de
l’Etat d’Antioquia,” in the _Bulletin de la Société Anthrop. de Paris_,
1871, p. 202.

[257] Thirty thousand, says Herrera, with the usual extravagance of the
early writers (_Decadas de Indias_, Dec. VII., Lib. IV., cap IV.)

[258] Leon Douay, in _Compte Rendu du Congrès des Américanistes_, 1888,
p. 774, who adds a vocabulary of Moguex. The name is derived from _Mog_,
vir.

[259] Hervas, _Catologo de las Lenguas Conocidas_, Tom. I., p. 279.
Father Juan de Ribera translated the Catechism into the Guanuca, but so
far as I know, it was not printed.

[260] Bollaert, _Antiquarian and Ethnological Researches_, etc., pp. 6,
64, etc. The words he gives in Coconuca are:

IN MOGUEX.
Sun, _puitchr_, _piuchr_.
Moon, _puil_, _pulue_.
Stars, _sil_, _?_
Chief, _cashu_, _?_
Maize, _bura_, _purat_.

Bollaert probably quoted these without acknowledgment from Gen. Mosquera,
_Phys. & Polit. Geog. of New Granada_, p. 45 (New York, 1853).

[261] My knowledge of the Totoro is obtained from an anonymous notice
published by a missionary in the _Revue de Linguistique_, July, 1879. Its
relationship to the group is at once seen by the following comparison:

TOTORO. MOGUEX.
Man, _mujel_, _muck_.
Woman, _ishu_, _schut_.
Head, _pushu_, _pusts_.
Eye, _cap-tshal_, _cap_.
Mouth, _trictrap_, _chidbchab_.
Nose, _kim_, _kind_.
Arm, _qual_, _cuald_.
Fingers, _cambil_, _kambild_.

[262] See Herrera, _Hist. de las Indias_, Dec. VI., Lib. VII., cap. V.

[263] The vocabulary was furnished by Bishop Thiel. It is edited with
useful comments by Dr. Edward Seler in _Original-Mittheilungen aus der
Ethnologischen Abtheilung der König. Museen zu Berlin_, No. I., s. 44,
sq. (Berlin, 1885).

[264] Ed. André, in _Le Tour du Monde_, 1883, p. 344. From this very
meagre material I offer the following comparison:

TELEMBI. COLORADO.
Eye, _cachu_, _caco_.
Nose, _quimpu_, _quinfu_.
House, _yall_, _ya_.
Hand, _ch’to_, _te-de_.
Foot, _mi-to_, _ne-de_.
Mother, _acuá_, _ayá_.
Hair, _aichi_, _apichu_.

The terminal syllable _to_ in the Telembi words for hand and foot
appears to be the Colorado _té_, branch, which is also found in the Col.
_té-michu_, finger, _te-chili_, arm ornament, and again in the Telembi
_t’raill_, arm.

[265] In the _Verhandlungen der Berliner Anthrop. Gesellschaft_, 1887,
ss. 597-99.

[266] Other analogies are undoubted, though less obvious. Thus in Cayapa,
“man” is _liu-pula_; “woman,” _su-pula_. In these words, the terminal
_pula_ is generic, and the prefixes are the Colorado _sona_, woman,
abbreviated to _so_ in the Colorado itself, (see Dr. Seler’s article,
p. 55); and the Col. _chilla_, male, which in the Spanish-American
pronunciation, where _ll = y_, is close to _liu_.

[267] Bollaert, _Antiquarian and Ethnological Researches_, p. 82.

[268] Manuel I. Albis, in _Bulletin of the Amer. Ethnol. Soc._, vol. I.,
p. 52.

[269] A. Codazzi in Felipe Perez, _Jeografia del Estado de Tolima_, pp.
81 sqq. (Bogota, 1863.)

[270]

As tooth, Andaqui, _sicoga_; Chibcha, _sica_.
house, ” _co-joe_; ” _jüe_.

[271] Manuel P. Albis, in _Bull. of the Amer. Ethnolog. Soc._, Vol. I.,
pp. 55, sq. See also General T. C. de Mosquera, _Memoir on the Physical
and Political Geography of New Granada_, p. 41 (New York, 1853).

[272] Garcilasso de la Vega, _Commentarios Reales_, Lib. VIII., cap. 5.
He calls the natives Huancavillcas.

[273] F. G. Saurez, _Estudio Historico sobre los Cañaris_ (Quito, 1878).
This author gives cuts of these axes, and their inscribed devices.

[274] For a description, with cuts, see M. L. Heuzey, “Le Trésor de
Cuenca,” in _La Gazette des Beaux-Arts_, August, 1870.

[275] _Cronica del Peru_, Pt. I., cap. cxvi.

[276] _Comentarios Reales de los Incas_, Lib. VII., cap. 3.

[277] _Antiquarian, Ethnological and other Researches, in New Granada,
Ecuador, Peru and Chili_, p. 101 (London, 1860).

[278] He complains that the languages which the Incas tried to suppress,
had, since their downfall, arisen as vigorous as ever, _Comentarios
Reales de los Incas_, Lib. VII., cap. 3.

[279] _Organismus der Khetsua Sprache_, s. 64 (Leipzig, 1884).

[280] See von Tschudi, _Organismus der Khetsua Sprache_, s. 65. It is to
be regretted that in the face of the conclusive proof to the contrary,
Dr. Middendorf repeats as correct the statement of Garcilasso de la Vega
(_Ollanta, Einleitung_, s. 15, note).

[281] See his Introduction to the _Travels of Pedro Cieza de Leon_, p.
xxii. (London, 1864).

[282] See his _Organismus der Khetsua Sprache_, ss. 64-66.

[283] The Chinchaya dialect is preserved (insufficiently) by Father
Juan de Figueredo in an Appendix to Torres-Rubio, _Arte de la Lengua
Quichua_, edition of Lima, 1701. It retained the sounds of _g_ and _l_,
not known in southern Kechua. The differences in the vocabularies of the
two are apparent rather than real. Thus the Chin. _rupay_, sun, is the K.
for sun’s heat (ardor del sol); Chin. _caclla_, face, is K. _cacclla_,
cheeks. Markham is decidedly in error in saying that the Chinchaya
dialect “differed very considerably from that of the Incas” (_Journal
Royal Geog. Soc._, 1871, p. 316).

[284] Introduction to his translation of Cieza de Leon, p. xlvii, note.

[285] Bollaert, _Antiquarian and Ethnological Researches_, p. 81.

[286] Von Tschudi, _Organismus der Khetsua Sprache_, s. 66. Hervas was
also of the opinion that both Quitu and Scyra were Kechua dialects
(_Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas_, Tom. I., p. 276).

[287] A. Bastian, _Die Culturländer des Alten Americas_, Bd. II., s. 93.

[288] Juan de Velasco, _Histoire du Royaume de Quito_, pp. 11-21, sq.
(Ed. Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1840.) But Cieza de Leon’s expressions
imply the existence of the matriarchal system among them. See Markham’s
translation, p. 83, note. Some claim that the Quitus were a different,
and, in their locality, a more ancient tribe than the Caras.

[289] _Relaciones Geograficas de Indias_. Peru. Tom. I., p. 19. (Madrid,
1881.)

[290] In _Le Tour du Monde_, 1883, p. 406. The word _Yumbo_ appears to be
derived from the Paez _yombo_, river, and was applied to the down-stream
Indians.

[291] “Casi tal come lo enseñaron los conquistadores.” Manuel
Villavicencio, _Geografia de la Republica del Ecuador_, pp. 168, 354,
413, etc. (New York, 1858.) According to Dr. Middendorf, the limit of the
Incarial power (which, however, is not identical in this region with that
of the Kechua tongue), was the Blue river, the Rio Ancasmayu, an affluent
of the upper Patia. (_Ollanta, Einleitung_, s. 5. Berlin, 1890.)

[292] Mr. C. Buckley, “Notes on the Macas Indians of Ecuador,” in
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1874, pp. 29, sqq.

[293] References in Waitz, _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_, Bd. III., s.
492.

[294] _Arte de la Lengua Chilena_, Introd. (Lima, 1606).

[295] Paul Topinard, in _Revue d’Anthropologie_, Tome IV., pp. 65-67.

[296] Lucien Carr, _Fourth Report of the Peabody Museum of Archæology_.

[297] I would especially refer to the admirable analysis of the Peruvian
governmental system by Dr. Gustav Brühl, _Die Culturvölker Alt-Amerikas_,
p. 335, sqq. (Cincinnati, 1887.) I regret that the learned Kechuist,
Dr. E. W. Middendorf, had not studied this book before he prepared his
edition of the _Ollanta_ drama (Berlin, 1890), or he would have modified
many of the statements in its _Einleitung_.

[298] See J. J. von Tschudi, “Das Lama,” in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_,
1885, s. 93.

[299] Dr. Nehring has shown that all the breeds of Peruvian dogs can be
traced back to what is known as the Inca shepherd dog. _Zeitschrift für
Ethnologie_, 1885, s. 520.

[300] _Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft_, Bd. II., Abth. I., 370.

[301] A careful edition is that of G. Pacheco Zegarra, _Ollantai;
Drame en Vers Quechuas du temps des Incas_ (Paris, 1878); an English
translation, quite faulty, was given by C. G. Markham (London, 1871); one
in Kechua and German by Von Tschudi, and recently (1890) Dr. Middendorf’s
edition claims greater accuracy than its predecessors.

[302] Espada, _Yaravies Quiteños_. (Madrid, 1881.)

[303] J. J. Von Tschudi, _Organismus der Khetsua Sprache_ (Leipzig,
1884); Dr. E. W. Middendorf, _Das Runa Simi, oder die Keshua Sprache_.
(Leipzig, 1890.)

[304] The Yauyos spoke the Cauqui dialect, which was somewhat akin to
Aymara.

[305] See Markham’s paper in _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_,
1871, p. 309.

[306] _Arte de la Lengua Aymara_, Roma, 1603; _Vocabulario de la Lengua
Aymara_, Juli, 1612. Both have been republished by Julius Platzmann,
Leipzig, 1879.

[307] See Steinthal, “Das Verhältniss zwischen dem Ketschua und Aimara,”
in _Compte-Rendu du Congrès International des Américanistes_, 1888, p.
462. David Forbes reverses the ordinary view, and considers the Kechua
language and culture as mixed and late products derived from an older
Aymara civilization. See his article on the Aymara Indians in _Journal of
the Ethnological Society of London_, 1870, p. 270, sqq.

[308] “Principalmente se enseña en este Arte la lengua Lupaca, la qual no
es inferior a la Pacasa, que entre todas las lenguas Aymaricas tiene el
primer lugar.” Bertonio, _Arte de la Lengua Aymara_, p. 10.

[309] For measurements, etc., see David Forbes, in _Journal of the London
Ethnological Society_, October, 1870.

[310] One of the most satisfactory descriptions of them is by E. G.
Squier, _Travels in Peru_, Chaps. XV., XVI. (New York, 1877).

[311] The observations of David Forbes on the present architecture of
the Aymaras lend strong support to his theory that the structures of
Tiahuanuco, if not projected by that nation, were carried out by Aymara
architects and workmen. See his remarks in _Jour. of the London Ethnol.
Soc._, 1870, p. 259.

[312] D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, Tome I., p. 309.

[313] Quoted by A. Bastian.

[314] “Son estos _Uros_ tan brutales que ellos mismos no se tienen por
hombres.” Acosta, _Historia de las Indias_, p. 62 (Ed. 1591).

[315] “Los Indios Puquinas … son rudos y torpes.” La Vega, _Comentarios
Reales de los Incas_, Lib. VII., cap. 4.

[316] _Mithridates_, Theil III., Abth. II., ss. 548-550.

[317] In the _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, 1871, p. 305.

[318] In his _Organismus der Ketschua Sprache_, s. 76 (Leipzig, 1884).

[319] _Relaciones Geograficas de Indias_. Peru, Tom. I., p. 82. (Madrid,
1881.)

[320] Fernando de la Carrera, _Arte de la Lengua Yunga_. (Lima, 1644,
reprint, Lima, 1880.)

[321] See Von Tschudi, _Die Kechua Sprache_, p. 83, 84.

[322] Charles Wiener, _Perou et Bolivie_, p. 98, seq. (Paris, 1880.)

[323] _Commentarios Reales_, Lib. VI., cap. 32.

[324] See the chapter on “The Art, Customs and Religion of the Chimus,”
in E. G. Squier’s _Peru_, p. 170, sq. (New York, 1877.)

[325] “En la lengua Mochica de los Yungas.” Geronimo de Ore, _Rituale seu
Manuale Peruanum_. (Neapoli, 1607.)

[326] A. Bastian, _Die Culturländer Alt-Amer._ Bd. II.

[327] In C. R. Markham’s translation of Cieza de Leon, Introduction, p.
xlii. (London, 1864.)

[328] _Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas_, Tome I., p. 274.

[329] Dr. R. A. Philippi, _Reise durch die Wüste Atacama_, s. 66. (Halle,
1860.) J. J. von Tschudi, _Reisen durch Sud-Amerika_, Bd. V., s. 82-84.
T. H. Moore, _Compte-Rendu du Congrès Internat. des Américanistes_, 1877,
Vol. II., p. 44, sq. Francisco J. San-Roman, _La Lengua Cunza de los
Naturales de Atacama_ (Santiago de Chile, 1890). The word _cunza_ in this
tongue is the pronoun “our,”--the natives speak of _lengua cunza_, “our
language.” Tschudi gives the only text I know--two versions of the Lord’s
Prayer.

[330] “Con la nacion Aymara esta visiblimente emparentada la Atacameña.”
Dr. L. Darapsky, “Estudios Linguisticos Americanos,” in the _Bulletin del
Instituto Geog. Argentino_, 1890, p. 96.

[331] _L’Homme Américain_, Tom. II., p. 330.

[332] _Organismus der Khetsua Sprache_, s. 71, and _Reisen_, Bd. V., s.
84.

[333] Alcide D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, Tome I., p. 334. (Paris,
1839.)

[334] “Entre los Changos no se conserva vestigio de lengua indijena
alguna.” F. J. San-Roman, _La Lengua Cunza_, p. 4.

[335] Wallace estimates the area of the Amazon basin alone, not including
that of the Rio Tocantins, which he regards as a different system, at
2,300,000 square miles. (_Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro_, p. 526.)

[336] See authorities in Von Martius, _Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde
Amerikas_, Bd. I., s. 185. (Leipzig, 1867.)

[337] The origin of the Chiriguanos is related from authentic traditions
by Nicolas del Techo, _Historia Provinciæ Paraquariæ_, Lib. XI., Cap.
2. The name Chiriguano means “cold,” from the temperature of the upland
region to which they removed.

[338] “Nullam gentem Christianis moribus capessendis aut retiendis
aptiorem in australi hoc America fuisse repertam.” Nicolas del Techo,
loc. cit., Lib. X., Cap. 9.

[339] Comp. von Martius, u. s., s. 179.

[340] _Reise in Chile und Peru_, Bd. II., s. 450.

[341] “Though widely different from the Tupi, ancient or modern, I am
satisfied that the Mundurucú belongs to the same family.” C. F. Hartt, in
_Trans. of the Amer. Philological Association_, 1872, p. 75.

[342] Von Martius, _Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas_, Bd. I., s.
412. A specimen of their vocalic and sonorous language is given by E.
Teza, _Saggi Inediti di Lingue Americane_, p. 43. (Pisa, 1868.)

[343] G. Coleti, _Dizionario Storico-Geografico dell’ America
Meridionale_, Tom. II., p. 38. (Venezia, 1771.)

[344] Lozano, _Hist. de la Conquista de Paraguay_, pp. 415, 416.

[345] Lozano, _Ibid._, pp. 422-425.

[346] Paul Marcoy, _Voyage à travers l’Amérique du Sud_, Tome II., p.
241; comp. Waitz, _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_, Bd. III., s. 427.

[347] The “Amazon-stones,” _muira-kitan_, are ornaments of hard stone, as
jade or quartz.

[348] H. Müller, in _Compte Rendue du Congrès Internat. des
Américanistes_, 1888, p. 461.

[349] Dr. P. M. Rey, _Etude Anthropologique sur les Botocudos_, p. 51 and
passim. (Paris, 1880.) Dr. Paul Ehrenreich, “Ueber die Botocudos,” in
_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1887, Heft I.

[350] Von Tschudi, _Reise in Sud Amerika_, Bd. II., p. 281. If this is
one of their ancient arts, it is the only instance of the invention of an
artificial light south of the Eskimos in America.

[351] Dr. P. M. Rey states that the custom of kissing is known to them
both as a sign of peace between men, and of affection from mothers to
children. (_Et de Anthropologique sur les Botocudos_, p. 74, Paris,
1880.) This is unusual, and indeed I know no other native tribe who
employed this sign of friendship.

[352] Dr. Rey, _loc. cit._, p. 78, 79.

[353] In the _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1887, s. 49.

[354] A comparative vocabulary of these dialects is given by Von Martius,
_Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas_, Bd. I., s. 310.

[355] In the _Transactions of the American Association for the
Advancement of Science_, 1886, p. 329. The terms for comparison are
borrowed from Von den Steinen’s Comparative Vocabulary of the Tapuya
Dialects.

[356] See D. G. Brinton, “The Arawack Language of Guiana in its
Linguistic and Ethnological Relations,” in _Trans. of the Amer. Phil.
Soc._, 1871.

[357] Olivier Ordinaire, “Les Sauvages du Perou,” in _Revue
d’Ethnographie_, 1887, p. 282.

[358] C. Greiffenstein, in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1878, s. 137.

[359] Von Tschudi, _Organismus der Kechua Sprache_, p. 67. For other
members of the Campas see Hervas, _Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas_,
Tom. I., p. 262; Amich, _Compendio Historico de la Serafica Religion_, p.
35, and _Scottish Geog. Journal_, Feb., 1890.

[360] D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, Tom. II., p. 104, note.

[361] “Los Guanas son la mejor nacion de las barbaras hasta ahora
descubiertas en America.” Hervas, _Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas_,
Tom. I., p. 189.

[362] _Expédition dans l’Amérique du Sud_, Tome II., p. 480.

[363] _Compte-Rendu du Cong. Internat. des Américanistes_, 1888, p. 510.

[364] The words from the Paiconeca and Saraveca are from D’Orbigny,
_L’Homme Américain_, Tome I., p. 165; those from the Arawak stock from
the table in Von den Steinen, _Durch Central-Brasilien_, s. 294.

[365] Im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_, p. 165. Comp. Von den
Steinen, _Durch Central Brasilien_, ss. 295, 307.

[366] Sir Robert H. Schomburgk, in _Report of the Brit. Assoc. for the
Adv. of Science_, 1848, pp. 96-98. See also Im Thurn, u. s., pp. 163,
272; Martius, _Ethnographie_, Bd. I., s. 683.

[367] Lucien Adam, _Compte-Rendu du Congrès Internat. d’Américanistes_,
1888, p. 492.

[368] “All the numerous branches of this stem,” says Virchow, “present
the same type of skull.” _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1886, s. 695.

[369] Everard F. im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_, p. 189.
(London, 1883.)

[370] F. X. Eder, _Descriptio Provinciæ Moxitarum_, p. 217. (Budæ, 1791.)
Dr. Washington Matthews has kindly made for me a number of observations
upon Navajo Indians with reference to this anatomical peculiarity. It is
not markedly present among them.

[371] For particulars see Im Thurn, _ubi suprá_, Chap. VII.

[372] Von Martius, _Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas_, Bd. I., s.
625-626.

[373] Karl von den Steinen, _Durch Central-Brasilien_, Cap. XXI., “Die
Heimat der Kariben.”

[374] Im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_, p. 171-3.

[375] See Francisco de Tauste, _Arte, Bocabulario, y Catecismo de la
Lengua de Cumana_, p. 1 (Ed. Julius Platzmann).

[376] They are printed in the Berlin _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1878.

[377] Chaffanjon, _L’Orénoque et le Caura_, p. 308 (Paris, 1889).

[378] Joao Barboza Rodrigues, _Pacificaçáo dos Crichanas_, (Rio de
Janeiro, 1885). Dr. Rodrigues was Director of the Botanical Museum of
the Amazons. His work contains careful vocabularies of over 700 words
in the Macuchi, Ipurucoto and Crichana dialects. His journeys to the
Rio Jauapery were undertaken chiefly from philanthropic motives, which
unfortunately did not bear the fruit they merited.

[379] “D’un blanc presque pur.” Dr. J. Crévaux, _Voyages dans l’Amérique
du Sud_, p. 111 (Paris, 1883).

[380] Dr. Crévaux, _Ibid._, p. 304.

[381] See Dr. Paul Ehrenreich, in the _Verhandlungen der Berliner
Anthrop. Gesell._, 1888, p. 549. These are not to be confounded with the
Apiacas of the Rio Arinos, who are of Tupi stock. The word _apiaca_ or
_apiaba_ in Tupi means simply “men.”

[382] A. S. Pinart, _Aperçu sur d’ile d’Aruba, ses Habitants, ses
Antiquités, ses Petroglyphes_ (folio, Paris, 1890).

[383] Report of the _Brit. Assoc. for the Adv. of Science_, 1848, p. 96.

[384] _Bulletin of the Amer. Ethnolog. Society_, Vol. I., p. 59.

[385] The identification of the Motilones as Caribs we owe to Dr. Ernst,
_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1887, s. 296.

[386] “La mas bella, la mas robusta y la mas intelligente,” etc. F.
Michelena y Rojas, _Exploracion Official de la America del Sur_, p. 54
(Bruselas, 1867).

[387] See D. G. Brinton, “On a Petroglyph from the Island of St.
Vincent,” in _Proceedings of the Acad. of Nat. Sciences of Philadelphia_,
1889, p. 417.

[388] Also the Ouayéoué, of which a short vocabulary is given by M.
Coudreau in the _Archives de la Société Américaine de France_, 1886.

[389] Martius, _Ethnographie_, Bd. I., s. 346, sq. The word may mean
either maternal or paternal uncle, V. d. Steinen, s. 292.

[390] Luiz Vincencio Mamiani, _Arte de la Lingua Kiriri_, and his
_Catechismo na Lingua da naçao Kiriri_. The former has been republished
(1877), and also translated into German by Von der Gabelentz (1852).

[391] _Durch Central-Brasilien_, s. 303. This writer looks upon the
Cariris as a remote off-shoot from the Carib stock.

[392] See Von den Steinen, _Durch Central-Brasilien_, s. 320; Paul
Ehrenreich, _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1886, s. 184.

[393] Reinhold Hensel, “Die Coroados der Provinz Rio Grande do Sul,” in
_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, Bd. II., s. 195.

[394] F. de Castelnau, _Expédition dans l’Amérique du Sud_, Tom. I., p.
446.

[395] For instance:

CARAJA. BOTOCUDO.
Woman, _awkeu_, _joku-nang_.
Sun, _tiou_, _taru_.
Head, _w-oara_, _curu_.
Tooth, _wa-djon_, _yune_.
Hand, _wa-depo_, _nipo_.
Fire, _eaotou_, _poté_.

Dr. Paul Ehrenreich, who has a mass of unpublished material about the
Caraja language, says it is wholly unconnected with the Carib group.
_Verhandlungen der Berliner Anthrop. Gesell._, 1888, p. 548.

[396] Vocabularies of these are collected by Von Martius in his
_Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas_, Bd. II., ss. 155, 156, 161,
212, etc.

[397] The list is given in his _Personal Narrative of a Journey in the
Equinoctial Regions of America_, Vol. VI., pp. 354-358, of the English
translation (London, 1826).

[398] F. S. Gilii, _Saggio di Storia Americana_, Tom. III., Lib.
III., cap. 12 (Roma, 1782). In speaking of _lengue matrici_, he says
positively, “In tutta l’estensione del grande Orinoco non ve ne sono che
nove,” p. 204.

[399] Aug. Codazzi, _Geografia de Venezuela_, pp. 247, 248 (Paris, 1841).

[400] J. Chaffanjon, _L’Orénoque et la Caura_, p. 247 (Paris, 1889).

[401] Michelena y Rojas, _Exploracion Oficial de la America del Sur_, p.
344 (Bruselas, 1867).

[402] A. Coudreau, _Archives de la Société Américaine de France_, 1885,
p. 281.

[403] _L’Orénoque et le Caura_, p. 183.

[404] See the Vocabularies.

[405] Consult J. Cassani, _Historia de la Provincia de la Compañia de
Jesus del Nuevo Reyno de Granada_, fol. 170, 227 (Madrid, 1741); and
Joseph Gumilla, _El Orinoco Ilustrado y Defendido_, p. 65 (Madrid, 1745).

[406] Quoted by Aristides Rojas, _Estudios Indigenas_, p. 183 (Caracas,
1878). This work contains much useful information on the Venezuelan
languages.

[407] Jorge S. Hartmann, “Indianerstämme von Venezuela,” in _Orig.
Mittheil. aus der Ethnol. Abtheil. der König. Museen zu Berlin_, 1886, s.
162.

[408] Joseph Gumilla, _El Orinoco_, p. 66.

[409] Felipe Perez, _Geografia del Estado de Cundinamarca_, p. 109.

[410] _Historia de la Provincia de Granada_, pp. 87, 93. He calls them a
“nacion suave y racional.”

[411] Felipe Perez, _Geografia del Estado de Boyuca_, p. 136.

[412] G. D. Coleti, _Dizionario Storico-Geografico dell’ America
Meridionale_, Tom. I. p. 164 (Venezia, 1772).

[413] J. Chaffanjon, _L’Orénoque et le Caura_, p. 121.

[414] “Los Gitanos de las Indias, todo parecido en costumbres y modo de
vivir de nuestros Gitanos.” Cassani, _Hist. de la Prov. de Granada_, p.
111. Gumilla remarks: “De la Guajiva salen varias ramas entre la gran
variedad de Chiricoas.” (_El Orinoco Ilustrado_, etc. Tom. II. p. 38.)

[415] Chaffanjon, _L’Orénoque et le Caura_, pp. 177, 183, 187, 197.

[416] The subject is fully discussed from long personal observation by
Michelena y Rojas, _Exploracion Oficial de la America del Sur_, p. 346.

[417] See the observations of Level in Michelena y Rojas, _Exploracion
Oficial de la America del Sur_, p. 148, sq. The Guaraunos are also well
described by Crévaux, _Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud_, p. 600, sqq.
(Paris, 1883), and J. Chaffanjon, _Archives de la Société Américaine de
France_, 1887, p. 189. Im Thurn draws a very unfavorable picture of them
in his _Indians of British Guiana_, p. 167.

[418] A. Von Humboldt, _Personal Narrative_, Vol. III., p. 216 (Eng.
trans. London, 1826).

[419] Joseph Gumilla, _L’Orinoco Ilustrado_, Tom. II., p. 66. They spoke
Carib to him, but that was the _lengua general_ of the lower river.

[420] A description of the Correguages and a vocabulary of their dialect
are given by the Presbyter Manuel M. Albis, in _Bulletin of the Amer.
Ethnol. Soc._, Vol. I., p. 55.

[421] Arthur Simpson, _Travels in the Wilds of Ecuador_, p. 196 (London,
1886). In his appendix the author gives a vocabulary of the Pioje (and
also one of the Zaparo).

[422] Printed in the _Bibliothèque Linguistique Américaine_, by M. L.
Adam, Tome VIII., p. 52.

[423] Manuel P. Albis, in _Bull. of the Amer. Ethnol. Society_, Vol. I.,
p. 55.

[424] See the account in the interesting work of Father Cassani,
_Historia de la Provincia de la Compañia de Jesus del Nuevo Reyno de
Granada_, pp. 231, 232, 257, etc. (Madrid, 1741). He describes the
Jiraras as having the same rites, customs and language as the Airicos on
the river Ele, p. 96. Gumilla makes the following doubtful statement:
“De la lengua Betoya y Jirara, que aunque esta gasta pocas _erres_, y
aquella demasiadas, ambas quieren ser matrices, se derivan las lenguas
Situfa, Ayrica, Ele, Luculia, Jabue, Arauca, Quilifay, Anaboli, Lolaca, y
Atabaca.” (_El Orinoco Ilustrado y Defendido_, Tom. II., p. 38, Madrid,
1745.)

[425] Felipe Perez, _Geografia del Estado de Cundinamarca_, p. 113.

[426] In the _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1876, s. 336, sq.

[427] _Geografia del Estado de Cundinamarca_, p. 114 (Bogota, 1863).

[428] _Ibid._, _Geografia del Estado de Cauca_, p. 313.

[429] Chaffanjon, _ubi suprá_, p. 203.

[430] He gives _oueni_, water, _zenquerot_, moon, as identical in the
Puinavi and Baniva. The first may pass, but the second is incorrect. See
his remarks in A. R. Wallace, _Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro_, p.
528 (London, 1853). A vocabulary of 53 Puinavi words is furnished from
Dr. Crévaux’s notes in Vol. VIII. of the _Bibliothèque Linguistique
Américaine_ (Paris, 1882).

[431] Ed. André, in _Le Tour du Monde_, 1883, p. 406. But Osculati
describes them as tall and fine-looking, with small mustaches.
_Esplorazione delle Regioni Equatoriali_, p. 164, sq. (Milano, 1850).

[432] This opinion is supported by Hamy, Villavicencio, and other good
authorities.

[433] Hervas, _Catal. de las Lenguas Conocidas_, Tom. I., p. 262. The
term _Encabellados_ was applied to the tribe from their custom of
allowing the hair to grow to their waist. (_Lettres Edifiantes_, Tom.
II., p. 112). The _Pater Noster_ in the Encabellada dialect is printed by
E. Teza in his _Saggi Inediti di Lingue Americane_, p. 53 (Pisa, 1868).

[434] In the closing chapters of his _Esplorazione_, above quoted.

[435] An excellent article on the ethnography of this tribe is the
“Osservazioni Ethnografiche sui Givari,” by G. A. Colini in _Real. Accad.
dei Lincei_, Roma, 1883. See also Alfred Simpson, _Travels in the Wilds
of Ecuador_, p. 91, sq. (London, 1886).

[436] Ed. André, in _Le Tour du Monde_, 1883, p. 406.

[437] Prof. Raimondi, in the _Anthropological Review_, Vol. I., p. 33, sq.

[438] “La comunauté d’origine entre les Jivaros et les tribus du grand
groupe guaranien se trouvera etablie avec assurance.” Dr. Hamy, “Nouveaux
Renseignements sur les Indiens Jivaros,” in the _Revue d’Anthropologie_,
1873, p. 390.

[439] The _Mithridates_ (Bd. III., Ab. II., s. 592) gives from Hervas
the Pater Noster in the Maina dialect. Professor Teza (_Saggi inediti di
Lingue Americane_, pp. 54-57) has published the Pater Noster, Ave, Credo
and Salve in the Cahuapana dialect. They differ but little.

[440] See E. Pöppig, “Die Indiervölker des obern Huallaga,” in his _Reise
in Chile und Peru_, Bd. II., ss. 320, 321, 400, etc.

[441] _Literature of American Aboriginal Languages_, p. 12.

[442] Olivier Ordinaire, “Les Sauvages du Perou,” in the _Revue
d’Ethnologie_, 1887, p. 320.

[443] For example:

YAHUA. PEBA.
Bow, _cano_, _canou_.
Ear, _on-tisiu_, _mi-tiwi_.
Hair, _rinoncay_, _rainosay_.
Head, _fi-rignio_, _raino_.
Heart, _hu-iachai_, _ca-iishi_.
Forehead, _uno_, _nimo_.
Nose, _unirou_, _vinerro_.
Woman, _huata_, _uatoa_.

The Yahua has more Kechua elements than the Peba.

[444] _Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, Tome II., p. 112.

[445] Von Martius, _Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas_, Bd. I., s.
445.

[446] _Reise in Chile und Peru_, Bd. II., s. 415.

[447] Jose Amich, _Compendio Historico de la Serafica Religion_, etc.,
pp. 77, 78.

[448] E. Pöppig, _Reise in Chile und Peru_, Bd. II., s. 328 (Leipzig,
1836).

[449] Cf. Olivier Ordinaire, “Les Sauvages du Perou,” in _Revue
d’Ethnologie_, 1887, pp. 316, 317.

[450] Von Martius, _Ethnog. und Sprach. Amerikas_, Bd. I., s. 435.

[451] _Compte-Rendu du Cong. Internat. des Américanistes_, 1888, p. 438.

[452] See Dr. L. F. Galt, “The Indians of Peru,” in _Report of the
Smithsonian Institution_, 1877, p. 308, sq.

[453] Professor Antonio Raimondi, _Apuntes sobre la Provincia de Loreto_
(Lima, 1862), trans. by Bollaert, in _Jour. Anthrop. Institute_. He
states that they speak a dialect of Pano.

[454] D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, Tome II., p. 262.

[455] W. Chandless, in _Jour. of the Royal Geog. Soc._, Vol. XXXIX., p.
302; Vol. XXXVI., p. 118.

[456] _Ibid._, Vol. XXXVI., p. 123, note.

[457] The Callisecas are now no longer known by that name; but J. Amich
has given sufficient reasons to identify them as the ancestors of the
tribe later known as the Setibos. See his _Compendio Historico de la
Serafica Religion en las Montañas de los Andes_, p. 29 (Paris, 1854).
Lieutenant Herndon, however, who describes them as wearing beards,
believed they were the ancient Cashibos (_Exploration of the Valley of
the Amazon_, p. 209. Washington, 1853).

[458] According to Veigl. See _Mithridates, III._, II. 580, 581, 583.

[459] Called also _Mananaguas_, “mountaineers,” and believed by Waitz to
have been the _Manoas_ among whom an old missionary found an elder of
the tribe rehearsing the annals of the nation from a hieroglyphic scroll
(_Anthropologie der Naturvölker_, Bd. III., s. 541). The real Manoas or
Manaos belong to the Arawak stock.

[460] W. Chandless, in _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, Vol.
XXXVI., p. 118; Vol. XXXIX., p. 311.

[461] _Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde_, Bd. I., s. 414.

[462] Von Martius, _Ibid._, p. 422.

[463] _Scottish Geographical Magazine_, 1890, p. 242.

[464] _Proceedings of the Royal Geog. Society_, 1889, p. 501.

[465] Muratori, _Il Cristianesimo Felice_, p. 27 (Venezia, 1743).
Father Fernandez gives the names of 69 bands of the Manacicas (_Lettres
Edifiantes et Curieuses_, Tom. II., p. 174).

[466] A grammar of it has been edited by MM. Adam and Henry, _Arte de la
lengua Chiquita_, Paris, 1880. (_Bibliothèque Linguistique Américaine_,
Tom. VI.) The sub-divisions of the Chiquitos are so numerous that I
refrain from encumbering my pages with them. See D’Orbigny, _L’Homme
Américain_, Tom. II., p. 154, and authorities there quoted.

[467] Hervas, _Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas_, Tom. I., p. 159.

[468] Alcide D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, Vol. I., p. 356, sq. Among
the D’Orbigny MSS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale, I found an inedited
grammar and dictionary of the Yurucari language. It would be very
desirable to have this published, as our present knowledge of the tongue
rests on a few imperfect vocabularies. The work is doubtless that by P.
la Cueva, mentioned in H. Ludewig, _Lit. of Amer. Aborig. Languages_, p.
206; but the author and editor of that work were in error in classing
the Tacana and Maropa as members of the Yurucari stock. They belong to a
different family.

[469] _L’Homme Américain_, Tom. I., p. 374.

[470] _Scottish Geographical Magazine_, 1890.

[471] E. Heath, _Kansas City Review_, April, 1883. He gives vocabularies
of Tacana and Maropa. A devotional work has been printed in Tacana.

[472] _Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society_, 1889, p. 498.

[473] De Laet, quoted in _Mithridates_, Th. III., Ab. II., s. 577.

[474] “En Aten se habla la Leca por ser este pueblo de Indios Lecos.”
_Descripcion de las Misiones de Apolobamba_ (Lima, 1771).

[475] Weddell, _Voyage dans la Bolivie_, p. 453 (quoted by Waitz).

[476] Most of the Samucus were gathered at the mission of St. Ignatius.
Father Chomé remarks, “Les Zamucos, Cuculados, Tapios et Ugaronos parlent
à peu prés la même langue.” _Lettres Edifiantes_, Tome II., p. 191. See
also D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, Tom. II., p. 142.

[477] D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, Tome II., p. 247.

[478] Professor E. Teza gives some texts in his _Saggi Inediti di
Lingue Americane_, pp. 40, 41; and Mr. E. Heath has supplied a careful
vocabulary of recent date (_Kansas City Review_, April, 1883).

[479] Texts of the Pater, Ave and Credo are given by E. Teza, _Saggi
Inediti di Lingue Americane_, p. 51.

[480] D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, Tome II., p. 257.

[481] _Descripcion de las Misiones del Alto Peru_, 12mo, Lima, 1771. The
only copy of this work which I have seen, and that an imperfect one, is
in the Collection Angrand, in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. Among
the MSS. of this great library is a _Confessionario_ in Itonama, which
should be published as perhaps the only text of the language extant. Some
remarks on its phonetics may be found in D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_,
Tome II., p. 239.

[482] According to Father Fernandez there were, in 1726, 30,000 converts
under the care of the Moxos Mission, and fifteen different languages were
spoken, “qui ne se ressemblent nullement.” _Lettres Edifiantes_, Tom.
II., p. 161.

[483] See von Martius, _Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde_, Bd. I., s. 412.
Professor Teza gives the Pater, Ave and Credo in the Mura dialect of
Bolivia (_Saggi inediti di Lingue Americane_, p. 43).

[484] Pater, an Ave and a Credo. _Saggi inediti di Lingue Americane_, pp.
48, 49. The author of the _Descripcion_, however, distinguishes between
the _Ocoronos_ and the _Rotoroños_, both at the Moxos Mission.

[485] See _Mithridates_, Th. II., s. 577.

[486] The Capesacos and Menepes were others. Nicolas del Techo, _Historia
Provinciæ Paraquariæ_, Lib. XII., cap. 33.

[487] The word _chaco_, properly _chacu_, in Kechua is applied to game
driven into pens. Lozano says it was used metaphorically in reference to
the numerous tribes driven from their homes into the forests (_Descrip.
Chronograph. del Gran Chaco_, p. 1).

[488] Del Techo, _ubi suprá_, Lib. I., cap. 41.

[489] _Historia de Abiponibus_, Vienna, 1784. An English translation,
London, 1822.

[490] Pedro Lozano, _Descripcion del Gran Chaco_, pp. 62-65.

[491] “C’est _à_ peine s’il en reste aujourd’hui trois ou quatre
individus.” D’Orbigny MS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale. This was written
about 1834.

[492] A. J. Carranza, _Expedicion al Chaco Austral_, p. 422 (Buenos
Aires, 1884). This author gives a useful vocabulary of the Toba, together
with a number of familiar phrases.

[493] A comparison of their tongue is instituted by Martius,
_Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde_, Bd. II., s. 131. See also _Ibid._, Bd.
I., s. 244.

[494] Lozano, _Descripcion Chorographica del Gran Chaco_, p. 83.

[495] Richard Rohde, in _Orig. Mitt. Eth. Abth. König. Mus._, 1885,
s. 13. Von Martius identified the Cadioéos with the Cadigues of the
Payaguas, which is open to doubt (_Ethnographie_, Bd. I., 226).

[496] _Descripcion del Gran Chaco_, pp. 73, 76, 77.

[497] _Compte-Rendu du Cong. Internat. des Américanistes_, 1888, p. 510,
quoted by M. Lucien Adam.

[498] _Arte y Vocabulario de la Lengua Lule y Tonicote_ (Madrid, 1732).

[499] Printed in Gilii, _Saggio di Storia Americana_, Tom. III., p. 363.

[500] _Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas_, Tom. I., pp. 165-173.

[501] Pedro Lozano, _Descripcion Chorographica del Gran Chaco_, pp. 94-97
(Cordoba, 1733).

[502] As shown by Adelung, _Mithridates_, Bd. II., s. 508.

[503] S. A. L. Quevede has undertaken to show that the real Lule were
the hill tribes of the Anconquija range and their tongue the Cacana
(_American Anthropologist_, 1890, p. 64).

[504] Del Techo, _Historia Provinciæ Paraquariæ_, Lib. II., cap. 20.

[505] _Otto Mesi nel Gran Ciacco_ (Firenze, 1881).

[506] “Nacion la mas vil del Chaco.” Hervas, _Catalogo de las Lenguas
Conocidas_, Tom. I., p. 164.

[507] Lozano, _Descripcion del Gran Chaco_, pp. 75, 76.

[508] _Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde_, Bd. I., s. 225-6.

[509] _Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, Tome II., pp. 96, 97.

[510] _Viage del P. F. Pedro Parras desde Aragon á Indias en 1748_, MS.

[511] Printed in the _Revista de la Sociedad Geografica Argentina_,
1887, p. 352. I have compared this with the Payagua text given in the
_Mithridates_, Bd. III., 490, but the latter is so obscure that I derived
no data for a decision as to the identity of the dialects.

[512] _L’Homme Américain_, Tom. II., p. 116.

[513] _Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde_, Bd. I., 226.

[514] _Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, Tome II., p. 165.

[515] _Catalogo de las Lenguas_, Tom. I., p. 185.

[516] Pedro Lozano, _Historia de la Conquista de Paraguay_, Tom. I., p.
407 (Ed. Buenos Aires, 1873).

[517] D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, Tom. II., p. 83.

[518] _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1889, s. 658.

[519] _Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, Tome II., p. 107.

[520] _Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde_, Bd. I., s. 245, 246. A good
vocabulary is supplied by Castelnau, _Expédition_, Tome V., Appendix.

[521] Richard Rohde, in the _Orig. Mittheil. der Ethnol. Abtheil d. Mus.
zu Berlin_, 1885, s. 15.

[522] On the ruins of their fortresses and tombs, see Vincente G.
Quesada, _Estudios Historicos_, pp. 45-48 (Buenos Aires, 1864).

[523] Nicolas del Techo, _Hist. Prov. Paraquariæ_, Lib. V., cap. 23.

[524] See Von Tschudi, in _Verhand. der Berlin. Anthrop. Gesell._, 1885,
s. 184, sqq. This traveler could find no relics of the tongue in the
ancient Calchaqui district, which he visited in 1858. The only languages
then were Spanish and Kechua (_Reisen_, Bd. V., s. 84).

[525] Virchow, in _Verhand. der Berlin. Anthrop. Gesell._, 1884, s. 375.

[526] D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, Vol. II., p. 11.

[527] Barcena’s report is published in the _Relaciones Geograficas de
Indias_, Peru, Tom. II.

[528] Dr. Darapsky remarks that the Araucanians first crossed the Andes
into the Pampas about 300 years ago (_La Lengua Araucana_, p. 4, Santiago
de Chile, 1888). This is true, but the tribes they found there were
members of their own stock.

[529] Some have derived these names from the Kechua, _aucca_, enemy; but
I am convinced by the examples of Federico Barbara, _Manuel de la Lengua
Pampa_, p. 6 (Buenos Aires, 1879), that at any rate the same root belongs
to the Araucanian.

[530] Dr. Martin de Moussy gives an interesting sketch of these people in
the _Annuaire du Comité d’Archæologie Américaine_, 1865, p. 218, sq.

[531] The chief source of information on this tribe is Col. Lucio de
Mansilla, _Una Escursion á los Indios Ranqueles_, Vol. II. (Buenos Aires,
1870). The name Ranqueles means “thistle people,” from the abundance of
that plant in their country.

[532] G. Coleti, _Dizionario dell’ America Meridionale_, s. v., _Cuyo_.

[533] Valdivia, _Arte de la Lengua Chilena_. Ed. Lima, 1607.

[534] Lt. Musters, “On the Races of Patagonia,” in _Journal of the
Anthropological Institute_, Vol. I., p. 205.

[535] Paolo Riccardi, in _Memoire della Soc. Ethnograf. di Firenze_,
1879, p. 139; also the estimable work of Jose T. Medina, _Los Aborijenes
de Chile_ (Santiago, 1882).

[536] Bernard Havestadt, _Chilidugu, sive Res Chilenses_ (Westphalia,
1777. Reprint by Julius Platzmann, Leipzig, 1883).

[537] Many of these are portrayed in the work of Medina, _Los Aborijenes
de Chile_, above referred to.

[538] Nicolas del Techo, _Historia Provinciæ Paraquariæ_, Lib. VI., Cap.
IX.

[539] The Boroas live on the Tolten river, and have blue eyes, a fair
complexion, and aquiline noses. Pablo Treuter, _La Provincia de Valdivia
y los Araucanos_, p. 52, note (Santiago de Chile, 1861). E. Pöppig,
_Reise in Chili und Peru_, Bd. I., s. 463 (Leipzig, 1836).

[540]

“Mi nombre es Glaura, en fuerte hora nacida,
Hija del buen cacique Quilacura
De la sangre de Frisio esclarecida.”

Alonso de Ercilla, _La Araucana_, Canto XXVIII.

Faulkner and others refer to these as the _Cessares_ (_Description of
Patagonia_, p. 113, Hereford, 1774). There was such a tribe, and it was
made the subject of a Utopian sketch, _An Account of the Cessares_,
London, 1764.

[541] See Petermann’s _Mittheilungen_, 1883, s. 404, and compare the
same, 1878, s. 465. Dr. Martin elsewhere gives a vocabulary of the
Chauques of Chiloe. It is pure Araucanian (_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_,
1877, s. 168).

[542] On the stature of the Patagonians, see the very complete study of
D’Orbigny, _L’Homme Américain_, Vol. II., pp. 26-70.

[543] Lt. Musters, “On the Races of Patagonia,” u. s., p. 194, sq.

[544] Ramon Lista, _Mis Esploraciones y Descubrimientos en Patagonia_,
p. 116 (Buenos Aires, 1880). This author gives, pp. 125-130, a full
vocabulary of the “Choonke” as it is in use to-day.

[545] _Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde_, Bd. I., s. 313.

[546] _Lettres Ed. et Curieuses_, Tome II., p. 88; Hervas, _Catalogo de
las Lenguas_, Tom. I., p. 136.

[547] See Lucien Adam, _Grammaire de la Langue Jagane_ (Paris, 1885). Dr.
Darapsky thinks this tongue reveals a common point of divergence with
“los idiomas meso-Andinos.” _Boletin del Instituto Geog. Argentino_,
1889, p. 287.

[548] See Dr. Hyades, in _Revue d’Ethnographie_, Tome IV., No. VI.,
and the chapter “L’Ethnographie des Fuégiens,” in L. F. Martial,
_Mission Scientifique du Cap-Horn_, Tome I., Chap. VI. (Paris, 1888).
_Yakana-cunni_ means “foot people,” as they did not use horses.

[549] Dr. Domenico Lovisato, in _Cosmos_, 1884, fas. IV.

[550] Dr. Johann Seitz, in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1886, pp. 267,
268.

[551] Domenico Lovisato, _ubi suprá_.

[552] At the Congrès des Américanistes, Paris, 1890.

I. INDEX OF AUTHORS.

Abbott, C. C., 27, 77.

Acosta, J., 172, 178, 187, 191.

Acosta, Jos., 221.

Adair, J., 18.

Adelung, J. C., 165, 312.

Adam, L., 56, 90, 146, 163, 169, 170, 184, 247, 257, 274, 296, 311,
329, 341, 350, 352, 354.

Albis, M. I., 199, 200, 254, 274, 275, 343.

Alcedo, A., 182, 221.

Ameghino, F., 28.

Amich, J., 243, 288, 291.

André, E., 197, 208, 280, 283.

Angelis, P. de, 361.

Angrand, L., 304.

Anthony, A. S., 79.

Araoz, J., 314.

Araujo, J., 288.

Armentia, N., 358.

Aughey, Prof. 26.

Babbitt, F., 25.

Baegert, J., 112.

Balbi, A., 165.

Baligny, W., 366.

Bancroft, H. H., 138.

Bandelier, A. F., 45, 72, 116, 141.

Barbara, F., 322.

Barber, E. A., 114.

Barcena, A. de, 170, 311, 320, 321.

Barcena, M., 27.

Barnard, J. G., 143.

Barreda, P., 144.

Bartlett, J. R., 111.

Bartram, W., 87.

Bastian, A., 206, 221, 225, 348.

Bates, H. W., 35.

Beaumont, P. 138.

Berendt, C. H., 144, 149, 151, 152, 186, 340-2.

Beristain y Souza, 147.

Bertonio, L., 217, 218.

Bliss, J. P., 148.

Boas, F., 47, 60, 104, 106, 366.

Bollaert, W., 195, 198, 202, 206, 290.

Bourke, J. G., 71, 115, 123, 125.

Brackett, A. G., 120.

Branner, J. C., 241.

Bransford, J. F., 164.

Brasseur de Bourbourg, 156, 158.

Brinton, D. G., 17, 24, 38, 45, 78, 79, 88, 91, 135, 158, 161, 166,
241, 256.

Brühl, G., 45, 132, 211.

Buckley, C., 209.

Buelna, E., 127.

Burmeister, 28, 321.

Buschmann, J. C. E., 68, 116, 119, 128, 130, 337.

Carr, L., 39, 75, 211.

Carranza, A. J., 309, 361.

Carranza, D., 147.

Carrera, F., 224, 348.

Carver, J., 99.

Cassani, J., 182, 267, 268, 270, 275.

Castelnau, F., 244, 245, 260, 287, 310, 318.

Castillo y Orozco, E., 192.

Catlin, G., 98.

Celedon, R., 183.

Chaffanjon, J., 252, 264, 265, 266, 270, 272.

Chandless, W., 290-3.

Charencey, H. de, 136.

Chomé, P., 301, 318.

Clark, W. P., 102, 121, 122.

Codazzi, V., 199, 264, 265.

Coleti, G., 180, 181, 202, 232, 269, 287, 323.

Colini, G. A., 283.

Collinson, J., 163.

Cope, E. D., 366.

Corbusier, W. H., 49, 110.

Cordova, J., 339.

Coudreau, M., 257, 264, 266.

Cresson, H. P., 25.

Crévaux, J., 253, 257, 264, 272, 274, 278, 309.

Croll, J., 28, 30.

Cueva, P. la, 297.

Dall, W. H., 20, 61, 65, 66.

Dana, J. D., 22, 23.

Darapsky, L., 227, 322, 329.

Darwin, C., 28, 47.

Dawson, G. M., 22, 71, 106.

Deniker, Dr., 332.

D’Étré, G., 170.

Dobrizhoffer, M., 308.

D’Orbigny, A. de, 40, 166, 167, 220, 227, 243, 244, 245, 290, 297, 302,
309, 316, 328, 359, 364.

Dorsey, J. O., 98.

Douay, L., 194.

Dunbar, J. B., 95, 97.

Eastman, Mary, 100.

Eder, F. X., 247.

Ehrenreich, P., 237, 239, 253, 260, 261, 317, 328, 349.

Enciso, M. F., 178.

Ercilla, A. de, 327.

Ernst, A., 176, 178, 179, 255, 343.

Espada, 215.

Ewbank, 102, 111.

Faulkner, T., 327.

Faraud, F., 70.

Fernandez, B., 151.

Fernandez, J. P., 296, 305, 317.

Fernandez, L., 164.

Ferragut, P., 311.

Figueredo, J., 205.

Fletcher, Alice, 49.

Fonseca, J. S., 311.

Fontana, L. J., 308, 315.

Forbes, D., 217, 218, 220.

Förstemann, E., 157.

Fritsch, H. 40.

Gabelentz, von, F., 259.

Gagern, C. de, 55.

Galt, L. F., 290.

Garcia, B., 93.

Garcia, G., 142, 145.

Gatschet, A. S., 68, 90, 113.

Geikie, J., 29.

Gibbs, G., 121.

Gilbert, G. K., 26, 32.

Gilii, F. S., 250, 263-278, 311.

Gilman, H., 37.

Gonzaga, F., 150.

Grasserie, R. de la, 90, 289, 290, 356.

Greiffenstein, C., 175, 243.

Grossman, F. E., 124.

Gumilla, J., 267, 270, 272.

Gutierrez, F., 288.

Habernicht, H., 29.

Hale, H., 41, 79, 83, 84, 98, 107.

Hamy, Dr., 281, 284.

Harrisse, H., 151.

Hartmann, J., 267.

Hartt, C. F., 232.

Havestadt, B., 325.

Hayden, T., 97.

Heath, E., 290, 299, 302, 304.

Henderson, A., 162.

Henry, V., 296.

Hensel, R., 260.

Hensell, Dr., 39.

Hernandez, M., 187.

Herndon, Lt., 40, 291.

Herrera, A., 40, 140, 143, 145, 148, 154, 172, 183, 191, 194, 196.

Hervas, L., 165, 194, 195, 222, 226, 243, 278-280, 287, 296, 306,
311, 314, 317, 340.

Heuzey, L., 201.

Hoernes, R., 28.

Hoffman, W. J., 62.

Holm, G., 61, 63.

Holmes, W. H., 25, 154, 186.

Humboldt, A. von, 43, 165, 263, 270, 272.

Humboldt, W. von, 56, 166.

Hyades, Dr., 329.

Im Thurn, E. F., 35, 245-48, 251, 272.

Icazbalceta, J. G., 151.

Juarros, D., 152.

Jukes-Browne, A. J., 31.

Kingsborough, Lord, 18.

Kelly, J. W., 65.

Kollmann, J., 35, 36.

Krause, A., 106.

Labré, Col., 294, 299.

Laet, de, J., 150, 299.

Landa, D., 156.

Lares, J. I., 178, 179, 180.

Latham, R. G., 278.

Le Conte, J. L., 104.

Lengerke, H., 252.

Leon, C. de, 202, 206, 207, 210.

Leon, N., 137, 138, 338, 339.

Level, M., 272.

Lista, R., 328, 364.

Lovisato, D., 330, 331.

Lozano, P., 233, 307, 310, 312, 314, 317.

Ludewig, H., 286, 297.

Lund, Dr., 237.

MacCauley, C., 89.

McGee, W. J., 26, 34.

Machoni, A., 311.

Mamiani, L. V., 259, 349.

Mansilla, L., 323.

Marcano, G., 180.

Marcoy, P., 233, 245.

Markham, C. G., 65, 204, 205, 206, 207, 215, 216, 217, 222, 226, 286.

Martin, C., 327.

Martial, L. F., 329.

Martius, C. F., von, 46, 168, 169, 230, 232, 240, 246, 250, 257, 258,
262, 288, 289, 293, 310, 314, 316, 318, 328.

Matthews, W., 38, 71, 73, 247.

Medina, J. T., 324, 325.

Meigs, J. A., 36, 37, 82.

Mendieta, G., 150.

Michelena y Rojas, F., 255, 266, 271, 272.

Middendorf, Dr., 204, 208, 211, 215.

Molina, A., 130.

Moore, T. H., 227.

Morgan, L. H., 45, 83, 99, 149.

Mortillet, G. de, 19, 27, 30.

Morton, S. G., 36.

Mosquera, Gen., 195, 200.

Moure, A., 42, 49.

Moussy, M., 323.

Müller, Fr., 56, 146, 184, 215, 339, 346, 348.

Müller, H., 237.

Muratori, P., 296.

Murdoch, J., 60.

Musters, Lt., 324, 328, 364.

Natterer, J., 170, 250, 310.

Navarrete, 178.

Navas, F., 150.

Nehring, Dr., 212.

Noguera, V., 149, 342.

Ojeda, A. de, 178.

Ordinaire, O., 242, 286, 289.

Ore, G., 222, 224.

Orozco y Berra, 69, 93, 94, 130, 148, 152.

Osculati, 280, 281.

Oviedo y Baños, 177.

Oviedo, 145.

Pajeken, C. A., 111, 126.

Parker, O. J., 164.

Parras, P., 315.

Payne, F. F., 61.

Pector, D., 149.

Pelleschi, G., 313.

Peralta, M. de, 146.

Perez, F., 175, 193, 199, 268, 269, 276.

Perez, J. T., 183.

Petitot, E., 70, 73.

Petroff, I., 61, 66, 67.

Pfizmaier, A., 64, 65, 66.

Philippi, R. A., 227.

Piedrahita, 191.

Pimentel, F., 93, 94, 140.

Pinart, A., 66, 115, 127, 174, 185, 253, 254, 343.

Platzmann, J., 325.

Ploix, C., 19.

Posada-Arango, Dr., 193.

Pöppig, E., 231, 286, 288, 326, 327.

Powell, J. W., 45, 83.

Powers, S., 73.

Prestwich, J., 22.

Quatrefages, de, 19, 32.

Quesada, V. G., 319.

Quetelet, 75.

Quevede, A. L., 312.

Ragueneau, P., 49.

Raimondi, Prof., 284, 290.

Rey, P. M., 237-239.

Ribas, P., 119, 125-127.

Ribera, J. de, 195.

Riccardi, P., 324.

Rink, H., 30, 60.

Rodrigues, J. B., 252-3.

Rohde, R., 310, 319.

Rojas, A., 177, 267.

Roldan, P., 151.

Rosny, L. de, 157.

Rosse, I. C., 21.

Saenz, N., 276, 277.

Sahagun, B., 128, 132, 135, 136, 139, 142, 154.

Sanborn, J. W., 48.

San-Roman, J., 227, 228.

Schellhas, Dr., 157.

Scherzer, J., 153.

Schlosser, Max, 50.

Schomburgk, R. F., 246, 254.

Schweinitz, de, 64.

Seitz, J., 331.

Seler, E., 157, 196, 198.

Simpson, A., 274, 283.

Spencer, J. W., 30.

Spix, von, 262.

Spruce, R., 169, 226, 250, 291.

Squier, E. G., 149, 152, 159, 160, 220, 225, 341.

Steinen, K. von den, 169, 205, 241, 245, 258, 259, 260, 350, 351.

Steinthal, H., 217.

Stoll, O., 152, 340.

Strebel, H., 140.

Stübel, Dr., 206.

Suarez, F. G., 201.

Tarayre, E. G., 136, 336.

Tauste, F., 252.

Techo, N., 230, 231, 307, 311, 320, 326.

Ten-Kate, Dr., 110, 113.

Teza, E., 232, 281, 285, 302, 306.

Thiel, B. A., 164, 196, 197, 342.

Thomas, C., 157.

Tolmie, C., 106.

Topinard, P., 39, 211.

Toral, F., 150, 151.

Torquemada, 126.

Torres-Rubio, 205.

Treuter, P., 326.

Tschudi, J. J. von, 51, 168, 170, 203, 204, 205, 206, 212, 215, 222,
224, 227, 238, 243, 320.

Turner, 102, 111.

Uhde, A., 93, 94.

Uhle, M., 174, 184, 185.

Uricoechea, E., 192.

Valdivia, 209, 323.

Vega, G. de la, 201, 202, 203, 204, 221, 225, 227.

Veigl, 292.

Velasco, J. de, 207.

Vergara y Vergara, 267.

Villavicencio, M., 208, 281.

Virchow, R., 36, 103, 121, 247, 320.

Vinson, J., 90.

Wagner, M., 48.

Waitz, T., 209, 233, 292, 300.

Wallace, A. R., 229, 278.

Weddell, 300.

Whipple, Lt., 102, 111.

White, R. B., 193.

Wiener, C., 225.

Wilcszynski, H., 197.

Wilson, J. S., 25.

Winkler, H., 66.

Wright, G. F., 27, 29, 30, 31.

Zegarra, G. P., 215.

II. INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

Ababas, 235.

Abipones, 308, 309, 315.

Abnakis, 74, 80.

Acalianes, 320.

Acaxees, 127, 134.

Accawai, 254.
_See_ Akavais, Accowoios.

Achaguas, 268.

Achis, 158.

Achomawi, 108.

Achuales, 282.

Acroas, 239.

Adaize, 91.

Agaces, 316.

Agapicos, 282.

Agriculture, 50.

Aguanos, 285.

Aguanteas, 289.

Aguarunas, 284.

Aguatecas, 158.

Aguilotes, 315.

Ahomes, 134.

Aht, 108.

Aicores, 282.

Aimores, 239.

Airicos, 273.

Alabonos, 285.

Alaguilacs, 128.

Alaska, 65, 71.

Alazapas, 94.

Aleutians, 65.

Aleutian Islands, 20.

Algonkins, 44, 74-80.

Alikulufs, 329, 331, 364.

Allentiac dialect, 323.

Almaguereños, 200.

Amaguages, 273.

Amaonos, 285.

Amarapas, 249.

Amarisanes, 264, 266.

Amarizonas, 264.

Amazon stones, 234.

Amazonas, 235.

Amoruas, 268.

Amusgos, 142.

Anaboli, 276.

Anaddakkas, 97.

Anambes, 235.

Anaptomorphus, the, 29.

Ancon, 210.

Andaquis, 199, 343.

Andastes, 81.

Andoa, 279, 280.

Andoas, 282.

Angaguedas, 176.

Angekoks, 63.

Anguteris, 282.

Anibalis, 273.

Antipas, 284.

Antires, 282.

Antis, 242, 249.

Aonik, 329, 331.

Apaches, 69, 71, 73, 102, 109, 115, 214.

Apache-Mohaves, 110.

Apache-Tontos, 110, 125.

Apache-Yumas, 110.

Apalais, 257.

Apiacas, 235, 253.

Apina-gês, 239.

Apolistas, 303.

Aponegi-crens, 239.

Aratines, 94.

Arauca, 276.

Araguagus, 235.

Araicus, 249, 293.

Arapahoes, 80.

Araros, 282.

Araua stock, 293, 358.

Araucanians, 321, sq., 363.

Araunas, 298, 299.

Arawaks, 241, sq., 266, 267, 291, 295, 349, 350.

Arawak sub-stock, 268.

Araya, peninsula, 272.

Arbacos, 180.

Ardas, 286.

Arecunas, 254, 257, 264.

Aricaguas, 179.

Aricoris, 257.

Ariguas, 264.

Arikaris, 95.

Ariquipas, 73.

Arkansas, 100.

Aroacos, 182-189, 345.

Aruacas, 264, 273.

Arubas, 253.

Assinais, 97.

Assiniboins, 98-100.

Atabaca, 276.

Atacameños, 226, 227, 320, 348.

Atenes, 298, 299.

Athabascans, 68.

Atkan dialect, 66.

Atlantis, the, 18.

Atnahs, 73.

Atorai, 245, 249.

Atakapas, 92.

Atures, 264, 266.

Aucanos, 322.

Aucas, 303, 322.

Avanes, 264, 268.

Aviamos, 179.

Ayacares, 282.

Ayahucas, 215.

Aymara dialect, 217, 223.

Aymaras, 210, 216, sq., 227, 303, 348.

Ayrica, 276.

Ayulis, 284.

Aztecs, 118, sq., 128, sq., 336.

Bacorehuis, 127.

Bailadores, 179.

Bakairis, 253, 257, 351.

Banivas, 249, 250, 268, 278, 350.

Bannocks, 120.

Barbacoas, 196-8, 347.

Barbudos, 291.

Barés, 250, 268, 356.

Baures, 247, 249, 295, 305.

Bayanos, 173.

Beaver Indians, 73.

Beothuks, 67.

Betoya stock, 273, 344, 355.

Bilcoola, 108.

Biloxis, 99.

Bintucuas, 189.

Bisaniguas, 276.

Black Caribs, 162.

Blackfeet, 42, 74, 79, 80.

Blood Indians, 79.

Bobonazos, 282.

Bobures, 178.

Bocobis, 315.

Bohanes, 317.

Bones, sacred, 54.

Boni-Ouyana, 257.

Boroas, 326.

Borisques, 187.

Bororos, 235.

Borucas, 189, 346.

Botocudos, 237-239, 260, 261.

Brazilian tribes, 46.

Bribris, 189.

Bruncas, 189.

Bugabaes, 187.

Bulbuls, 162.

Burial rites, 54.

Cabacabas, 268.

Cabecars, 189.

Cabiunes, 264.

Cabres, 268.

Cacalotes, 94.

Cacana, 311-313, 320.

Cacas, 320.

Cacchararis, 294.

Caddoes, 91, 95.

Cadioéos, 310, 315.

Cafuanas, 268.

Cahitas, 125, 134.

Cahuaches, 282, 285.

Cahuapanas, 285.

Cahuillos, 133.

Caimanes, 178.

Cakchiquels, 43, 153, 158.

Calaveras skull, 24, 33, 365.

Calchaquis, 227, 319, sq.

California gravels, 23, 33, 365.

Callisecas, 291.

Camacans, 239.

Camaguras, 235.

Cambevas, 235.

Cambocas, 235.

Cames, 262.

Campa, 279.

Campas, 242, 243, 249.

Canaguaes, 179.

Canamirim, 249.

Canamarys, 290.

Canapeis, 190.

Cañaris, 201.

Canas, 215, 221.

Cañasgordas, 176.

Canawarys, 290, 291.

Canchis, 221.

Canelos, 208.

Canichanas, 301, 360.

Canisianas, 301.

Cannibals, 256.

Capesacos, 307.

Capochos, 240.

Caquetios, 177.

Caracaras, 307.

Caracatas, 235.

Carahos, 239.

Carai, 230.

Carajahis, 262.

Carajas, 260, 261, 363.

Caramantas, 176.

Carancas, 221.

Carankaways, 92.

Carare, 252, 353.

Caras, 207.

Carataimas, 264.

Carchas, 162.

Careras, 301.

Cariayos, 249.

Caribisis, 254, 257.

Caribs, 52, 161, 174, 242, 251-8, 264, 267, 272, 292, 295, 351-3.

Carib sub-stocks, 264.

Carijonas, 255, 258, 351.

Cariniacos, 257.

Cariris, 258.

Carnijos, 241.

Carrizos, 93.

Carusanas, 268.

Casamarcas, 215.

Casas grandes, 114, 123.

Cashibos, 40, 290, 292.

Catacoas, 226.

Catajanos, 94.

Catamarcas, 320.

Catauxis, 294.

Catawbas, 89.

Catios, 193.

Catoquina, 262, 357.

Catoxa, 262.

Cauiris, 268.

Cauixanas, 249.

Caumaris, 286.

Cauqui dialect, 216.

Cauwachis, 286.

Caveres, 264, 267, 268.

Cavinas, 298.

Cayapas, 197-8, 208, 347.

Cayapos, 239.

Cayovas, 235.

Cayporotades, 301.

Cayubabas, 302, 360.

Cempoalla, 139.

Cenis, 97.

Ceris, 110, 113.

Cerro de Sal, 243.

Cessares, 327.

Chachapuyas, 215.

Chaco, the, 307.

Chaco tribes, 49, 307, sq.

Chacobos, 294.

Chagaragotos, 177.

Chagres, 187.

Chahta-Muskokis, 85-89.

Chalivas, 175.

Chamas, 180.

Chamicuros, 292.

Chamis, 175, 176, 344.

Champlain period, 23.

Chancas, 216.

Chancos, 226.

Chaneabals, 158, 340.

Chanes, 317.

Chaneses, 235.

Changos, 226-227.

Changuinas, 174, 343, 367.

Chapacuras, 303.

Chapanecs, 143, 145, 340.

Chapos, 285.

Charcas, 221.

Charrua stock, 317.

Chatinos, 142.

Chauques, 325, 327.

Chavantes, 239.

Chayavitas, 279, 284, 285.

Chaymas, 252, 264.

Chemehuevis, 133.

Chepewyans, 68, 73.

Cherembos, 284.

Cherentes, 239.

Cherokees, 81-85.

Chetimachas, 91.

Cheyennes, 80.

Chiamus, 176.

Chiapas, 143, 340.

Chibchas, 181, sq., 345, 346.

Chicamochas, 189.

Chichas Orejones, 310, 315.

Chichimecs, 129.

Chicomoztoc, 142.

Chicriabas, 239.

Chiglit dialect, 60.

Chickasaws, 86-89.

Chilan Balam, 158.

Chinantecos, 158, 340.

Chimakuan, 108.

Chimalapas, 144.

Chimanis, 298.

Chimarikan, 109.

Chimbioas, 262.

Chimilas, 182, 183, 189, 345.

Chimmessyan, 108.

Chimus, 225.

Chinantecs, 144.

Chinchasuyu dialect, 205.

Chinchas, 226.

Chinooks, 106, 107, 108.

Chipeways, 74, 80.

Chiquitos, 244, 295, 305, 316.

Chirapas, 284.

Chiricahuas, 73.

Chiricoas, 264, 270.

Chirigotos, 177.

Chiriguanos, 230, 235.

Chiriqui, 129, 148, 186-187.

Chirupas, 264, 268.

Chitas, 182, 189.

Choco affinities, 274-275, 344.

Chocos, 175, 343, 344.

Choctaws, 85, sq.

Chogurus, 235.

Choles, 158.

Cholones, 243, 288.

Chonos, 326.

Chontals, 112, 146, sq., 342.

Chontal-lencas, 149.

Chontaquiro, _see_ Chuntaquiros.

Choonke, 328.

Chorotegans, 145, 160.

Choroyas, 276.

Chorti, 149.

Choseosos, 243.

Chualas, 244.

Chuchonas, 142, 151.

Chucunacos, 173.

Chudavinos, 282.

Chukchis, 64, 65.

Chumashan, 109.

Chumulus, 175.

Chunchas, 243, 288.

Chunipi, 308, 362.

Chuntaquiros, 245, 249, 350.

Churitunas, 282.

Churoya stock, 276.

Churumatas, 310, 315.

Citaraes, 176.

Ciulipis, 313.

Cliff-houses, 115.

Coahuiltecan, 93.

Coaquilenes, 94.

Cobeus, 240.

Cocamas, 231-235.

Cocamillas, 235, 289.

Cochimis, 112, 113, 335.

Cochivuinas, 292.

Coconucos, 194-196, 347.

Cocopas, 113.

Coco-Maricopas, 113.

Coco stem, 258.

Cocos, 162.

Cofanes, 276.

Colanes, 226.

Colimas, 190.

Collas, 217, 221.

Color, 39.

Colorados, 196, 208, 226, 347.

Columbian gravels, 25.
region, 172.
stocks, 346.

Comaba, 279.

Comacoris, 282.

Comanches, 101, 118, 120, sq., 133.

Comecrudos, 94.

Comeyas, 113.

Comoparis, 127.

Conchucos, 196, 216.

Conejoris, 282.

Conestogas, 81, 83.

Conibos, 289, 290, 291, 292.

Coninos, 113.

Conis, 298.

Copan, 153, 155.

Copatasas, 282.

Copehan, 109.

Corabecas, 303.

Coras, 126, 134, 337.

Cores, 252.

Coroados, 39, 259, 260.

Coretus, 239.

Coroinos, 301.

Coronados, 285.

Coromochos, 178.

Coropos, 240.

Correguages, 273, 355.

Coshattas, 89.

Costanoan, 109.

Cothos, 187.

Cotonames, 94.

Cotoxos, 237, 262.

Couvade, the, 248, 256.

Covarecas, 303.

Coviscas, 151.

Coybas, 173.

Coyoteros, 73.

Cranial capacity, 39.

Craniology, 36, 37.

Creeks, 86, sq.

Crees, 74, 80.

Crens, 236.

Crichanas, 252.

Cross, the, 54.

Crows, 98, 100.

Cuaiqueres, 197.

Cucciveros, 265.

Cuchan, 109, 113.

Cuchis, 298.

Cuchiuaras, 235.

Cuculados, 301.

Cuenca, 201.

Cuevas, 173.

Cuicatecos, 142.

Cuitlatecos, 128, 130, 134, 152.

Cukras, 162.

Culinos, 292, 362.

Cumanachos, 239, 240.

Cumanagoto, 252, 352.

Cumanas, 252.

Cunacunas, 173.

Cunas, 173, 178, 343.

Cuncos, 325, 326.

Cuneguaras, 265.

Cuniba, 279, 280.

Cunipusanas, 250.

Cunza language, 227.

Curarayes, 282.

Curaves, 303.

Curucanecas, 303.

Curuminacas, 303.

Curyies, 282.

Custimanos, 282.

Cutinanas, 282.

Dace, 240.

Dakotas, 98, sq.

Darien Indians, 173.

Dauri, 245.

Delawares, 80.

Diagitas, 320.

Diegueños, 213.

Dirians, 146.

Divie-ches, 325.

Dogs, 51, 212.

Dolegas, 187.

Dorasques, 174, 175, 187, 343.

Drachitas, 320.

Duits, 189.

Dures, 187.

Echemins, 74.

Ehnek, 109.

Ele, 276.

Enaguas, 265.

Encabellados, 279, 281, 282.

Enetés, 298.

Engaños, 200.

Enimagas, 316.

Equaris, 298.

Eries, 81.

Eriteynes, 282.

Escagueyes, 180.

Eskimos, 38, 49, 59-67, 74, 238.

Esmeraldas river, 24.

Esselenian, 109.

Etenes, 225, 348.

Eurafrica, 32.

Eudeves or Heves, 134, 337.

Five Nations, 47, 81-85.

Fornio, 241.

Frascavinos, 282.

Fuegians, 329, sq.

Fu-sang, 19.

Gaes, 282.

Galibis, 257.

Gentile system, 45.

Gês, 239.

Ginoris, 282.

Givaros, 282.

Glacial Epoch, 21-23, 30.

Goajiros, 178, 249, 255, 346.

Gohunes, 113.

Goyotacas, 239, 240.

Gran Chimu, 224.

Greenlanders, 61.

Guachaguis, 233.

Guaches, 303.

Guachichiles, 129.

Guachis, 233, 309, 315, 363.

Guacicas, 182, 189.

Guagues, 266.

Guaharibos, 252, 258.

Guahibos, 270, 354.

Guaicurus, 112, 113, 335.

Guajiqueros, 160.

Gualacas, 175.

Gualachos, 233.

Gualaquizas, 282.

Gualeas, 208.

Guamacas, 189.

Guamas, 264, 269.

Guamaumas, 129.

Guambianos, 196.

Guanas, 241, 243, 249, 350.

Guaneros, 264.

Guanucos, 194-6.

Guaques, 254, 257, 351.

Guaquis, 180.

Guaranis, 230, sq., 363.

Guaranocas, 301.

Guaraques, 180.

Guaraunos, 264, 271, 354.

Guarayos, 40, 235, 294-5.

Guaripenis, 268.

Guariquenas, 250.

Guarives, 265.

Guarpes, 323, 325.

Guatos, 318, 363.

Guatusos, 163, 342.

Guayanas, 235.

Guaybas, 264, 270.

Guaycos, 196.

Guaycurus, 244, 303, 308, 315, 361.

Guaymas, 127, 134.

Guaymies, 164.

Guaymis, 173, 184, 189, 345.

Guaypunavis, 268.

Guayqueris, 258.

Guayquiras, 264.

Guayquiries, 272.

Guayues, 276.

Guazacas, 282.

Guazapares, 127.

“Guck” nations, 169, 258, 363.

Guenoas, 317.

Guerens, 236.

Guetares, 146.

Guianaus, 254.

Guinaus, 249.

Guipunavis, 268.

Gujajaras, 235.

Haidahs, 77, 106, 108.

Hair, 39, 40.

Haytians, 248, 249.

Heiltsuks, 47, 108.

Hemenway expedition, 123, 125.

Hero-gods, 52, 53.

Herisebocona, 306.

Heves, _see_ Eudeves.

Hiawatha, 82.

Hibitos, 288.

Himuetacas, 282.

Hitchitees, 89.

Horse, American, 50.

Huachis, 303.

Huacrachucus, 216.

Huaihuenes, 327.

Hualapais, 113.

Huamachucus, 216.

Huambisas, 284.

Huancapampas, 216.

Huancas, 216.

Huancavillcas, 216.

Huanucus, 216.

Huasimoas, 282.

Huastecs, 135, 140, 153, sq.

Huatanarys, 295.

Huatusos, 163.

Huaves, 159, 340.

Huecos, 95.

Huemuls, 331.

Huiliches, 323, 325.

Humuranos, 285.

Hunos, 221.

Hupas, 69, 73.

Hurons, 48, 49, 81, 82, 85.

Hypurinas, 294-5.

Hyumas, 295.

Ibanomas, 282.

Ibirayas, 301.

Ice Age, 21-23, 30, 31.

Iebera, 279.

Iguiños, 179.

Illinois, 80.

Imacos, 314, 316.

Inaken, 327.

Incas, 216.

Incorporation, 56.

Incuris, 282.

Indama dialect, 321.

Inganos, 200.

Inimacas, 314.

Innies, 97.

Innuit, 20, 59-66.

Insumubies, 179.

Intags, 208.

Inter-glacial period, 25.

Intipuca, 152.

Iowas, 101.

Ipurucotos, 252.

Iquichanos, 216.

Irees, 331.

Iroquois, 42, 81-85.

Irriacos, 173.

Iscuandes, 196-9.

Isistines, 312, 316.

Island Caribs, 242, 257.

Isuiamas, 298.

Itenes, 303, 359.

Ites, 303.

Itonama, 305.

Itremajoris, 282.

Itucales, 287.

Ixils, 159.

Jabaanas, 249, 250.

Jabue, 276.

Jacundas, 235.

Jade, 65.

Jajies, 179.

Jamas, 273.

Jamudas, 236.

Janeros, 69.

Janos, 69, 73.

Japurin, 271.

Jaruris, 264.

Jauamerys, 252.

Jauna, 240.

Jaunavos, 292.

Javahais, 262.

Javis, 266.

Jeberos, 280.

Jemez, 117.

Jicarillas, 73.

Jinori, 279, 281.

Jivaros, 208, 280, 282-4.

Jonaz, 136.

Jucunas, 249.

Jumanas, 249.

Jupua, 240.

Jupurinas, 294.

Juris, 249, 316.

Kadjak dialect, 60.

Kalapooian, 108.

Kansas, 98, 101.

Karaikas, 331.

Karifs, 162.

Karina, 256.

Kaskaskias, 80.

Katamareño, 320.

Katchan, 109.

Katun, 157.

Kauvuyas, 133.

Kawitschin, 108.

Kayaks, 62.

Kechuas, 43, 203, sq., 348.

Kenais, 69, 73, 79.

Kennekas, 332.

Keras, 116, 117.

Kikapoos, 80.

Kioways, 101.

Kiriri, 258, 349.

Kissing, 238.

Kitunahan, 108.

Kizh, 123, 133.

Klikatats, 108.

Köggabas, 183, 189.

Kolosch, 39, 49, 104, 108.

Kuchins, 69, 71, 73.

Kulanapan, 109.

Kusan, 108.

Kustenaus, 246, 249.

Kutenay, 108.

Kwakiutls, 47, 106, 108, 366.

Lacandons, 153, 159, 161.

Lagoa Santa, 237.

Laguna, 117.

Laianas, 244.

Lama, the, 51.

Lama stock, 285.

Lamanos, 216.

Lamas, 285.

Lambayeque, 206.

Lamistas, 216, 285.

Lamps, 238.

Languages, American, 55-57.

Lecos, 298-9, 305.

Lenâpés, 47, 75, 76, 79, 80.

Lencas, 149, 152, 160, 341.

Lenguas, 316.

Lican-antais, 226-7.

Light-myths, 78.

Lineal measures, 51.

Lingua geral, 229, 349.

Linguistic stocks, 57.

Lipans, 69, 73.

Lipes, 227.

Llameos, 285.

Llanos, the, 262.

Llipis, 227.

Lojanos, 284.

Lolaca, 276.

Loucheux, 73.

Luculia, 276.

Lucumbia, 279.

Lules, 311, 316, 362.

Lummi, 108.

Lupaca dialect, 218, 222.

Lupacas, 217, 221.

Lutuamian, 109.

Macaguages, 273, 275.

Macarani, 298, 305.

Macas, 208.

Macavinas, 282.

Machacalis, 240.

Machigangas, 243.

Macos, 276.

Macuchis, 252, 352.

Macuenis, 268.

Macunis, 240.

Macusis, 251, 254, 258.

Magdalenos, 298.

Mages, 298.

Maidu, 109, 216.

Maiongkong, 254.

Maipures, 247, 250, 264, 267.

Malabas, 197, 206.

Malalalis, 239.

Malalis, 239, 318.

Malbalas, 310, 315.

Mams, 153-8.

Manacicas, 296.

Mananaguas, 262.

Manaos, 249.

Manatenerys, 249.

Mandauacas, 250.

Mandans, 98-101.

Mandingas, 173.

Mangaches, 208.

Mangues, 145.

Manhattans, 80.

Maniquies, 298.

Manipos, 190.

Manitenerys, 291.

Manitivas, 268.

Manitsauas, 236.

Manivas, 249, 268.

Manivis, 196-8.

Manoas, 292.

Mansiños, 298.

Mantas, 207.

Manzaneros, 324.

Maopityans, 245.

Mapuyas, 264.

Maquiritares, 264, 265, 352.

Maranhos, 249.

Maratins, 94.

Mariates, 249.

Maribois, 160.

Mariches, 180.

Maricopas, 111, 113.

Mariposan, 109.

Maritzis, 267.

Maropas, 298, 299, 358.

Marriage, 46, 47, 48.

Martidanes, 317.

Masacaras, 239.

Masacas, 250.

Massamaes, 285, 286.

Massets, 108.

Matacos, 313, 316, 326, 362.

Matagalpan, 149, 342.

Mataguayos, 310, 315.

Matanos, 265.

Mataras, 316.

Matlaltzincos, 136.

Maues, 236.

Mautas, 282.

Mawakwas, 249, 254.

Maxorunas, 292.

Maya stock, 140.

Mayas, 153-158, 340.

Maynas, 279, 284.

Mayongcong, 267.

Mayorunas, 289, 292.

Mayos, 125, 134.

Mazauhas, 136.

Mazatecos, 142.

M’Mats, 113.

Mbayas, 315.

Mbeguas, 236.

Mbocobis, 309, 315.

Mecos, 136.

Medicine men, 55.

Meepure, 264.

Mehinacus, 247.

Melchoras, 163.

Meliseets, 80.

Menepes, 307.

Meniens, 262.

Menomonees, 80.

Merigotos, 180.

Mesayas, 200, 233.

Mescaleros, 69, 74.

Mexicans, 134.

Meztitlatecas, 134.

Miamis, 80.

Michoacan, 137.

Micmacs, 74, 80.

Micos, 162.

Miguries, 179.

Milcocayac dialect, 323.

Minnetarees, 99.

Minuanes, 317.

Miquianos, 285.

Mirripuyas, 180.

Mitandues, 236.

Mitla, 141.

Mituas, 269.

Mixes, 40, 143, 339.

Mixtecs, 140, sq., 142, 339.

Mochicas, 225, 348.

Mocoas, 200.

Mocochies, 179-180.

Mocombos, 180.

Mocotos, 180.

Modocs, 109.

Mogana dialect, 321.

Moguexes, 195, 347.

Mohaves, 111, 113.

Mohawks, 82.

Mohegans, 74, 75, 80.

Moluches, 323, 326.

Mombunes, 179.

Mongoloid type, 37.

Monoxos, 240.

Montagnais, 74.

Mopans, 159.

Moquelumnian, 109.

Moquis, 116, 120, 123, 133.

Morcotes, 182, 189.

Morochucos, 216.

Moronas, 282.

Moroquenis, 269.

Morotocos, 301.

Moruas, 269.

Mosetenas, 297-9, 360.

Mosqueras, 196.

Motilones, 178, 255, 258, 351.

Mound-Builders, 88.

Movimas, 303, 305, 360.

Moxa dialect, 305.

Moxos, 232, 233, 247, 249, 295.

Mozcas, _see_ Muyscas.

Muchanis, 298.

Mucos, 265.

Mucunchies, 179.

Mucurabaes, 179.

Mucurus, 264.

Mucutuyes, 180.

Mueganos, 282.

Mummies, 54.

Mundurucus, 231-236.

Muniche, 279.

Muois, 184, 189.

Muras, 232, 236, 305.

Muratos, 282, 284.

Mure, 305, 306.

Murindoes, 176.

Murires, 184, 189.

Muskokis, 85-89.

Musimos, 287.

Musos, 190, 191.

Musquitos, 162, 341, 367.

Mutsun, 109.

Muyscas, 181, 189.

Nachitoches, 97.

Nagrandans, 159.

Nahaunies, 69, 74.

Nahuapos, 285.

Nahuas, 118, 128, sq., 135.

Nahuatl language, 119, 152, 336.

Namollos, 64.

Nanegales, 208.

Nani waya, 85.

Nanticokes, 75, 80.

Napeanos, 285.

Napos, 208.

Napotoas, 282.

Nasqua, 108.

Natacos, 97.

Natchez, 90.

Natixana dialect, 321.

Nauras, 190.

Navajos, 69, 71, 72, 74, 115, 117, 247.

Nayerits, 126.

Necodades, 176.

Nepas, 282.

Nerecamues, 282.

Neocoyos, 282.

Netela, 123, 133.

Neutral nation, 81.

Nevomes, 125.

Newfoundland Indians, 67.

Nez Percés, 107, 108.

Niagara river, 26, 31.

Nicaragua, 24, 145.

Nicaraos, 128, 134.

Niquirans, 134.

Nnehengatus, 266.

Noanamas, 176, 344.

Nozi, 109.

Nushinis, 282.

Nutabes, 193.

Nutka, 108, 366.

Oas, 282.

Oaxaca, 140, 144.

Ochozomas, 221.

Ocoles, 316.

Ocorona, 305, 306.

Ogallalas, 101.

Ojes, 264.

Ojibways, 75.

Olipes, 227.

Olmecan, 144.

Oluta, 151.

Omagua dialect, 286, 355.

Omaguas, 233-6, 269, 280, 289.

Omahas, 98, 101.

Omapachas, 216.

Onas, 329, 331.

Oneidas, 82.

Onotes, 177.

Opatas, 125, 134, 337.

Opelousas, 99.

Opone, 252, 353.

Orejones, 94, 288.

Orinoco basin, 262.
stocks, 264, 353.

Oristines, 312, 316.

Oromos, 298.

Orotinans, 146.

Osages, 98, 101.

Os incæ, 38.

Otomacos, 264, 269, 354.

Otomis, 135, 338.

Otuquis, 304.

Ottawas, 74, 80.

Ottoes, 101.

Ouayéoué, 257.

Oyampis, 236.

Pacaguaras, 290, 292, 298.

Pacajas, 236.

Pacaos, 94.

Pacasas, 217-221.

Pacavaras, 290.

Pacayas, 286.

Paezes, 189, sq.

Pacimonarias, 250.

Paiconecas, 167, 244, 249.

Paiuras, 264.

Pakawas, 94.

Palæoliths, 27, 33, 365.

Palaihnihan, 108.

Palenque, 153, 155.

Palenques, 252, 264.

Palmellas, 251, 258, 295.

Palomos, 316.

Pamas, 292.

Pames, 129, 136.

Pammarys, 292, sq.

Pampas, the, 321.

Pampticokes, 75, 80.

Pana, 279, 280.

Panajoris, 282.

Panares, 265.

Pancas, 239.

Panches, 190, 191.

Panhames, 240.

Pani stock, 95.

Paniquitas, 189, sq., 346.

Panos, 289, sq., 356.

Pantagoros, 190, 191.

Pantasmas, 163.

Paos, 269.

Papabucos, 142.

Papamiento, 253.

Paparos, 176.

Papayos, 134.

Paramonas, 258.

Paranapuras, 282.

Paravilhanas, 258.

Parecas, 265.

Parenes, 269.

Pareni, 249.

Parentintims, 236.

Parias, 252.

Paris, 231.

Parisis, 249.

Parranos, 285.

Parrastahs, 163.

Pascagoulas, 99.

Passamaquoddies, 80.

Passés, 249.

Pastazas, 282.

Patachos, 240.

Patagonians, 327, 364.

Patias, 200, 201.

Patoes, 176.

Paudacotos, 265.

Paunacas, 244.

Pautis, 284.

Pa-vants, 133.

Pavos, 282.

Pawnees, 95, sq.

Payaguas, 314, 316, 361.

Payas, 163.

Pebas, 286, 353.

Pehuenches, 326.

Penoquies, 296.

Pericus, 112, 113.

Peruvians, 38.

Pescherees, 331.

Peten, lake, 153.

Phratries, 46.

Pianagotos, 258.

Piankishaws, 80.

Pianochotto, 254.

Piapocos, 269, 350.

Piaroas, 264, 266, 354.

Pictography, 62.

Piegans, 79, 80.

Pijaos, 190, 191.

Pilcosumis, 243.

Pimas, 117, 123, sq., 134, 336.

Pindis, 282.

Piñocos, 296.

Piojes, 273, 274.

Pipiles, 128, 134, 160.

Pira, 279.

Pirindas, 136.

Piros, 117, 245, 249, 294.

Pitilagas, 315.

Piturunas, 236.

Pi-utes, 134.

Poignavis, 278.

Pokomams, 159.

Pokonchis, 159.

Polindaras, 196.

Pomo, 109.

Poncas, 98, 101.

Popolocas, 146, sq.

Popol Vuh, 158.

Potés, 239.

Poton, 239.

Pottawattomies, 80.

Potureros, 301.

Poyas, 329.

Pubenanos, 195.

Pueblo Indians, 113-117.

Pueblos, 47.

Puelches, 323, 326.

Puinahuas, 289.

Puinavis, 278, 356.

Pujunan, 109.

Pukapakaris, 298.

Puquinas, 221, sq.

Purigotos, 252, 258.

Puris, 239, 259.

Puru-purus, 292-3.

Purus, 292, 294.

Pastuzos, 200.

Putumayos, 282.

Quacas, 252.

Quaisla, 108.

Quapaws, 98, 101.

Quaquaros, 264, 269.

Quaquas, 264, 266.

Quekchis, 159.

Querandies, 323, 326.

Queres, 117.

Quevacus, 267.

Quiches, 153-8.

Quilifay, 273, 276.

Quillaguas, 221.

Quilmes, 320.

Quiniquinaux, 244, 311, 315.

Quinos, 180.

Quiri-quiripas, 264, 265.

Quirivinas, 282.

Quiroraes, 180.

Quitus, 207, 216.

Quivas, 265.

Quoratean, 109.

Ramas, 163, 366.

Ranqueles, 323, 326.

Red Indians, 67.

Remos, 292.

Reyes, 329.

Rio Verdes, 176.

Roamainas, 285.

Rocorona, 306.

Rotoroños, 306.

Rotunos, 282.

Roucouyennes, 253, 258, 352.

Rucanas, 216.

Rurok, 109.

Ryo-ba, 141.

Sabaguis, 124, 134.

Sabuyas, 259.

Sacchas, 196-8.

Sacs and Foxes, 80.

Sahaptins, 107, 108.

Salinan, 109.

Salish, 106, 107, 108.

Salivas, 264, 266, 353.

Sambaquis, 236.

Sambos, 177, 344.

Samie, 108.

Samucus, 300, sq., 359, 363.

Sanavirona dialect, 321.

San Blas Indians, 173.

Sapiboconas, 298, 299, 358.

Saravecas, 167, 244, 249.

Sarcees, 69, 71, 72, 74.

Sarigues, 314, 316.

Saskatchewan, R., 69.

Sastean, 109.

Satienos, 301.

Sauteux, 80.

Scyra dialect, 206.

Sebondoyes, 200, 201.

Sechuras, 226.

Secoffies, 80.

Seguas, 128, 134.

Semigaes, 282.

Seminoles, 86-89.

Sencis, 292.

Senecas, 82.

Sepaunabos, 243.

Seris, 110, 113, 127, 335.

Setibos, 222.

Shasta, 109.

Shawnees, 75, 80.

Shiripunas, 282.

Shoshonees, 116, 118, 120, 134.

Sicaunies, 74.

Simigae, 279, 280.

Simirenchis, 245, 249.

Sinipis, 313, 316.

Sinsigas, 189.

Sioux, 98.

Sipibos, 292.

Siquias, 163.

Sirineris, 298.

Siquisiques, 183.

Sirionos, 236.

Sisikas, 79.

Situfas, 273, 276.

Six Nations, 81.

Skidegates, 106, 108.
Ume Indians, 71, 74.
Uyaps, 162.

Snakes, 120, 122.

Sobaypuris, 124.

Soerigong, 254.

Solostos, 298.

Soltecos, 142.

Subironas, 163.

Subtiabas, 159, 342.

Sun worship, 72.

Susquehannocks, 81.

Suyas, 239.

Tabalosos, 282.

Tabayones, 179.

Tacanas, 297-299, 303, 304, 358.

Tados, 177, 344.

Taensas, 90.

Tahamies, 193.

Tainos, 249.

Takanikas, 332.

Takilman, 108.

Takullies, 69, 70, 74.

Talamancas, 164, 183-189, 346.

Tamanacas, 258, 264, 265, 351.

Tamanos, 320.

Tamas, 273, 274.

Tamoyos, 236.

Tanos, 117.

Taos, 117, 296.

Tapacuras, 303.

Tapaunas, 236.

Taparros, 179, 180.

Tapes, 231, 236.

Tapijulapanes, 144.

Tapios, 301.

Tapirapes, 236.

Tapuyas, 38, 236, 259, 262, 266, 318, 324, 328, 332, 349, 357.

Tarahumaras, 125, 134, 336.

Tarapita, 264, 269.

Tarascos, 136, sq., 338.

Tarianas, 250, 266.

Tarumas, 245-250.

Tatche, 109.

Tatuyes, 179.

Tauri, 245.

Tawakonies, 97.

Tayronas, 182, 183, 189.

Tayunis, 314, 316.

T’ho, 155.

Tecamachcalco, 150.

Tecoripas, 134.

Tecos, 128, 151.

Tecunas, 287.

Tehuas, 116, 117.

Tehuecos, 125, 134.

Tehuel-che, 327, 364.

Telame, 109.

Telembis, 196-9.

Teluskies, 175.

Tenez, 145.

Tenochtitlan, 128.

Teotihuacan, 139.

Tepeaca, 151.

Tepehuanas, 126, 134, 337.

Tepuzcolola, 151.

Tequistlatecas, 112, 148.

Terenos, 244, 310, 315.

Terrabas, 189.

Tetons, 101.

Teutas, 314, 316.

Teutecas, 145.

Texas, 97.

Tezcucans, 43, 128.

Tiahuanuco, 219.

Ticunas, 287, 357.

Tiguinos, 179.

Timotes, 178, 179, 346.

Timucuas, 90.

Tinné, 68, 74, 110.

Tiputinis, 282.

Tirribis, 189.

Tirripis, 178.

Tiverighotto, 254, 258.

Tivilos, 282.

Tlacopan, 128.

Tlapanecos, 151.

Tlascaltecs, 128, 134.

Tlinkit, 104, 108.

Tobas, 309, 315, 361.

Tobosos, 69.

Toltecs, 129.

Tonicas, 91.

Tonicotes, 311, 316.

Tonkaways, 92.

Tontos, 111, 113.

Toquistines, 312, 316.

Toromonas, 288.

Totems, 45, 78.

Totonacos, 139, 338.

Totoros, 195, 347.

Towachies, 97.

Tremajoris, 282.

Tricaguas, 180.

Trios, 258.

Triquis, 148.

Tshimshians, 106, 108.

Tsoneca, 364.

Tuapocos, 265.

Tubares, 126.

Tucanos, 240, 266, 357.

Tucas, 206.

Tucunas, 287.

Tucupis, 298.

Tucuras, 176, 177, 343.

Tucurriques, 189.

Tucutis, 173.

Tula, 129.

Tules, 173.

Tumupasas, 298.

Tunebos, 182, 189, 273.

Tunglas, 162.

Tupi-Guarani, 257.

Tupis, 229-236, 286, 307, 308, 349.

Turas, 232, 236.

Turbacos, 178.

Tuscaroras, 81, 82.

Tuski, 65.

Tuteloes, 98.

Tututenas, 69, 71, 14.

Tuyumiris, 298.

Twakas, 163.

Tzendals, 149, 153-8.

Tze-tinne, 115, 124.

Tzintzuntan, 137.

Tzoneca, 327.

Tzotzils, 153-8.

Tzutuhils, 159.

Uainambeus, 250.

Uainumas, 250.

Uambisas, 284.

Uarunas, 287.

Uaupes, 240, 269.

Uchees, _see_ Yuchis.

Ugaronos, 301.

Uirinas, 250.

Ulvas, 150, 161-163, 341.

Umpquas, 69, 71, 74.

Unalashkan, 66.

Unangan, 66.

Uraba, Gulf, 173.

Urarina, 279, 280.

Urus, 221.

Uspantecas, 159.

Utelaes, 187.

Utes, 118, 120, sq., 134, 336.

Utlateca, 159.

Uto-Aztecan stock, 44, 118, sq., 336.

Uyapas, 236.

Vaiyamaras, 258.

Valientes, 164, 182, 189.

Varinas, 287.

Varogios, 127.

Varrigones, 252.

Vauras, 247.

Vayamanos, 265.

Vejosos, 316.

Vilelas, 313, 316, 362.

Viracocha, 214.

Voyavois, 258.

Vuatos, 318.

Waimiris, 252.

Waiyamaras, 257, _see_ Vaiyamara.

Wakash, 108.

Wallawallas, 108.

Walum Olum, the, 78.

Wapisianas, 245, 250.

Warraus, 271, 354.

Wayilaptu, 108.

Weas, 80.

Weitspekan, 109.

West Indians, 250.

Wichitas, 95.

Wihinashts, 134.

Winnebagoes, 98-101.

Wintuns, 109.

Wishoskan, 109.

Woolwas, 163.

Woyawoi, 254, _see_ Voyavoi.

Wyandots, 83.

Xeberos, 280.

Xibitos, 288.

Xicaques, 161, 341.

Ximbioas, 262.

Xincas, 160, 342.

Xivaros, 282.

Xolotes, 316.

Yacates, 137.

Yaguas, 286, 293, 353.

Yahgans, 329, 332, 364.

Yahua, _see_ Yaguas.

Yakama, 108.

Yakana-cunni, 329.

Yakonan, 108.

Yamacies, 193.

Yamassees, 89.

Yameos, 279, 285.

Yanan, 109.

Yanktons, 101.

Yaos, 258, 265.

Yapitalaguas, 310, 315.

Yapoos, 329-332.

Yaquis, 125, 134.

Yaros, 317.

Yarrapos, 285.

Yarura language, 275, 355.

Yaruras, 264, 271.

Yasunis, 282.

Yatasses, 97.

Yauyos, 216.

Yavapais, 110, 113.

Yaviteris, 269.

Yeguas, 286.

Yegueyos, 282.

Yetes, 282.

Yocunos, 265.

Yoes, 316.

Yokuts, 109.

Yopes, 151.

Yuchis, 89.

Yuits, 64.

Yukian, 109.

Yumas, 38, 49, 109, sq., 148, 335.

Yumbos, 208, 303.

Yunca-cuna, 225.

Yuncas, 224, sq., 348.

Yuris, 250.

Yurunas, 236.

Yurucares, 39, 297-299.

Zamoros, 282, 284.

Zamucas, 300.

Zaparas, 180.

Zaparos, 208, 279, 280, sq.

Zapotecs, 43, 64, 140, sq., 339.

Zaribas, 187.

Zoques, 143, sq., 339.

Zuaques, 125.

Zunes, 187.

Zuñis, 116, 117.

Zurumutas, 258.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The American Race - A Linguistic Classification and Ethnographic Description of the Native Tribes of North and South America" ***

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