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Title: Cassell's History of England, Vol IV (of 8) - From the Fall of Marlborough to the Peninsular War
Author: Anonymous
Language: English
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CASSELL'S ILLUSTRATED HISTORY OF ENGLAND



    CASSELL'S

    HISTORY OF ENGLAND

    FROM THE FALL OF MARLBOROUGH
    TO THE PENINSULAR WAR

    WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS,
    INCLUDING COLOURED
    AND REMBRANDT PLATES

    VOL IV

    _THE KING'S EDITION_

    CASSELL AND COMPANY, LIMITED
    LONDON, NEW YORK, TORONTO AND MELBOURNE
    MCMIX



ALL RIGHTS RESERVED



CONTENTS


CHAPTER I.

THE REIGN OF QUEEN ANNE (_concluded_). PAGE

    Meeting of Parliament--Eugene's Visit to England--Ministerial
    Attacks on the Dutch--Meeting of the Negotiators at Utrecht--The
    Question of the Spanish Throne--Sham Fighting against the
    French--Debates on the Peace in Parliament--Withdrawal of the
    English Troops--Consequent Triumph of the French--Bolingbroke's
    Visit to Paris--Break-up of the Grand Alliance--More Negotiations
    with the Pretender--Death of Godolphin--Marlborough retires
    to the Continent--Signature of the Peace--The Treaty of
    Commerce--Its Rejection by the Commons--The Whereabouts
    of the Pretender--Dissolution of Parliament--The General
    Election--Intrigues with St. Germains--Bolingbroke's Activity--His
    Friends in Office--The Empire and Spain make Peace--The Pretender
    declines Overtures to Change his Religion--Illness of the
    Queen--Tax on Newspapers--Attack upon the "Public Spirit of the
    Whigs"--Steele expelled the House--Proposals against the Pretender
    and for bringing over the Electoral Prince--Counter-scheme for
    bringing over the Pretender--Obstacles to the Scheme--The Queen's
    Letter to the Elector--Death of the Electress Sophia--The Schism
    Bill--Its Progress through the Houses--Reward for the Apprehension
    of the Pretender--Fall of Oxford--Bolingbroke's Jacobite
    Cabinet--Illness of the Queen--The Whig _Coup d'État_--Ruin and
    Desperation of the Jacobites--Death of Anne--Proclamation of George
    I.                                                                1


CHAPTER II.

THE REIGN OF GEORGE I.

    Peaceful Accession of George I.--His Arrival--Triumph of the
    Whigs--Dissolution and General Election--The Address--Determination
    to impeach the late Ministers--Flight of Bolingbroke and
    Ormonde--Impeachment of Oxford--The Riot Act--The Rebellion
    of 1715--Policy of the Regent Orleans--Surrender of the
    Pretender's Ships--The Adventures of Ormonde and Mar--The
    Highlands declare for the Pretender--Mar and Argyll--Advance
    of Mackintosh's Detachment--Its Surrender at Preston--Battle
    of Sheriffmuir--Arrival of the Pretender--Mutual
    Disappointment--Advance of Argyll--Flight of the Pretender to
    France--Punishment of the Rebels--Impeachment of the Rebel
    Lords--The Septennial Act--The King goes to Hanover--Impossibility
    of Reconstructing the Grand Alliance--Negotiations with
    France--Danger of Hanover from Charles XII.--And from Russia--Alarm
    from Townshend--Termination of the Dispute--Fresh Differences
    between Stanhope and Townshend--Dismissal of the Latter--The
    Triple Alliance--Project for the Invasion of Scotland--Detection
    of the Plot--Dismissal of Townshend and Walpole--They go into
    Opposition--Walpole's Financial Scheme--Attack on Cadogan--Trial of
    Oxford--Cardinal Alberoni--Outbreak of Hostilities between Austria
    and Spain--Occupation of Sardinia--Alberoni's Diplomacy--The
    Quadruple Alliance--Byng in the Mediterranean--Alberoni deserted by
    Savoy--Death of Charles XII.--Declaration of War with Spain--Repeal
    of the Schism Act--Rejection of the Peerage Bill--Attempted
    Invasion of Britain--Dismissal of Alberoni--Spain makes
    Peace--Pacification of Northern Europe--Final Rejection of the
    Peerage Bill--The South Sea Company--The South Sea Bill--Opposition
    of Walpole--Rise of South Sea Stock--Rival Companies--Death
    of Stanhope--Punishment of Ministry and Directors--Supremacy
    of Walpole--Atterbury's Plot--His Banishment and the Return
    of Bolingbroke--Rejection of Bolingbroke's Services--A Palace
    Intrigue--Fall of Carteret--Wood's Halfpence--Disturbances in
    Scotland--Punishment of the Lord Chancellor Macclesfield--The
    Patriot Party--Complications Abroad--Treaty of Vienna--Treaty
    of Hanover--Activity of the Jacobites--Falls of Ripperda and of
    Bourbon--English Preparations--Folly of the Emperor--Attack on
    Gibraltar--Preliminaries of Peace--Intrigues against Walpole--Death
    of George I.                                                     24


CHAPTER III.

THE REIGN OF GEORGE II.

    Accession of George II.--Characters of the King and Queen--Adroit
    Tactics of Walpole--Rise and Fall of Compton--Attitude of
    the Opposition--Congress of Soissons--Causes of Dispute
    with Spain--Stanhope's successful Negotiations with King
    Philip--Retirement of Townshend--Walpole Supreme--Peace
    Abroad and at Home--Walpole's System of Wholesale Bribery
    and Corruption--The Public Prisons--Duel between Pulteney
    and Lord Hervey--The Excise Scheme--Great Outcry--Withdrawal
    of the Bill--Walpole's Vengeance--Attack on the Septennial
    Act--Wyndham's Speech--Depression of the Opposition--Definitive
    Peace of Vienna--Gin Act--The Porteous Riots--The Prince of
    Wales and the Opposition--Application for an Increase of his
    Allowance--Birth of George III.--Death of Queen Caroline--Attempt
    to Reduce the Army--Disputes with Spain--"Jenkins' Ear"--Walpole's
    Negotiations--Secession of the Opposition--Further
    Difficulties with Spain--Declaration of War--Privateers and
    Reprisals--Vernon's Victory--Frederick invades Silesia--Assistance
    of England--Parliament meets--Sandys' Motion--Walpole's
    Defence--Disasters of Maria Theresa--She throws herself on the
    Magyars--Misfortunes of the English Fleets--Vernon repulsed from
    Carthagena--Power slips from the Hands of Walpole--His last
    Battles--The Chippenham Election Petition--His Fall              57


CHAPTER IV.

REIGN OF GEORGE II. (_continued_).

    Effects of Walpole's Administration--Formation of the new
    Ministry--Attitude of the Malcontents--Committee of Inquiry into
    Walpole's Administration--Walpole's Protectors--Ministerial
    Measures--Prorogation of Parliament--Disasters of the
    French--British Diversion in the Netherlands--Opening of
    Parliament--The German Mercenaries--Amendment of the Gin
    Act--George goes to Germany--Stair and De Noailles in
    Franconia--Stair in a Trap--Bold Resolution of King George--The
    Battle of Dettingen--Resignation of Stair--Retreat of the
    French--Negotiations for Peace--Treaty of Worms--Pelham becomes
    Prime Minister--The Attacks of Pitt on Carteret--Attempted
    Invasion of England--Its Failure--Progress of the French
    Arms--Frederick II. invades Bohemia--His Retirement--Resignation
    of Carteret--Pelham strengthens his Ministry--Death of the
    Emperor--Campaign in Flanders--Battle of Fontenoy--Campaign of
    Frederick II.--The Young Pretender's Preparations--Loss of the
    _Elizabeth_--Landing in the Hebrides--The Highland Clans join
    him--The first Brush--Raising of the Standard--Cope's Mistake--He
    turns aside at Dalwhinnie--Charles makes a Dash for Edinburgh--The
    March to Stirling--Flight of the Dragoons--The "Canter of
    Coltbridge"--Edinburgh surprised by the Highlanders--Charles
    marching against Cope--Battle of Prestonpans--Delay in marching
    South--Discontent of the Highland Chiefs--The Start--Preparations
    in England--Apathy of the Aristocracy--Arrival of the Duke of
    Cumberland--Charles crosses the Border--Capture of Carlisle--The
    March to Derby--Resolution to retreat--"Black Friday"--The
    Retreat--Recapture of Carlisle--Siege of Stirling--Battle of
    Falkirk--Retreat to the Highlands--Cumberland's Pursuit--Gradual
    Collapse of the Highlanders--Battle of Culloden--Termination of the
    Rebellion--Cruelty of the Duke of Cumberland--Adventures of the
    Young Pretender--Trials and Executions--Ministerial Crisis       79


CHAPTER V.

REIGN OF GEORGE II. (_concluded_).

    Progress of the War on the Continent--Lethargic Condition of
    Politics--Battle of Laufeldt--Capture of Bergen-op-Zoom--Disasters
    of the French on the Sea and in Italy--Negotiations for
    Peace--Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle--Conditions of Peace--Peace
    at Home--Commercial Treaty with Spain--Death of the Prince
    of Wales--Popular feeling against the Bill for Naturalising
    the Jews--Lord Hardwicke's Marriage Act--Foundation
    of the British Museum--Death of Pelham--Newcastle's
    Difficulties--Failure of Robinson--Approaching Danger from
    America--A State of Undeclared War--The Battles of Boscawen
    and Braddock--George's Anxiety for Hanover--Subsidiary
    Treaties against Prussia--Pitt's Opposition--Debate in the
    House of Commons--Danger of England--French Expedition against
    Minorca--The Failure of Byng--Newcastle resigns--Attempts
    to form a Ministry--Devonshire succeeds--Weakness of
    the Ministry--Coalition against Prussia--Alliance with
    England--Commencement of the Seven Years' War--Frederick
    conquers Saxony--Gloominess of Affairs--Court-Martial on Byng,
    and his Death--Dismissal of Pitt--The Pitt and Newcastle
    Coalition--Failure of the Attack on Rochefort and of that on
    Louisburg--Convention of Closter-Seven--Frederick's Campaign;
    Kolin, Rossbach, and Lissa--Successes elsewhere--Wolfe and
    Clive--Battle of Plassey--Capture of Louisburg--Ticonderoga
    and Fort Duquesne--Attacks on St. Malo and Cherbourg--Victory
    of Crefeld--Frederick's Campaign--Commencement of 1759;
    Blockade of the French Coast--Pitt's Plans for the Conquest
    of Canada--Amherst's and Prideaux's Columns--Wolfe before
    Quebec--Position of the City--Wolfe fails to draw Montcalm from his
    Position--Apparent Hopelessness of the Expedition--Wolfe scales
    the Heights of Abraham--The Battle--Successes in India--Battle
    of Quibéron--Frederick's Fortunes--Campaign of Ferdinand of
    Brunswick--Battle of Minden--Glorious Termination of the
    Year--French Descent on Carrickfergus--Attempt of the French to
    Recover Quebec--Their Expulsion from North America--Frederick's
    Fourth Campaign--Successes of Ferdinand of Brunswick--Death of
    George II.                                                      111


CHAPTER VI.

PROGRESS OF THE NATION FROM THE REVOLUTION TO 1760.

    The Church after the Revolution--The Non-Jurors--The Act of
    Toleration--Comprehension Bill--Laxity of Religion--The Wesleys
    and Whitefield--Foundation of Methodism--Extension of the
    Movement--Literature--Survivors of the Stuart Period--Prose
    Writers: Bishop Burnet--Philosophers: Locke--Bishop
    Berkeley, etc.--Novelists: Fielding, Richardson, Smollett,
    and Sterne--Dr. Davenant--Bentley--Swift--Addison--Addison
    and Steele--Bolingbroke--Daniel Defoe--Lady Mary
    Wortley Montagu--Poets: Pope--His Prose Writings--Gay,
    Prior, Young, etc.--James Thomson, Allan Ramsay,
    Gray, and Minor Lights--Dramatists--Physical Science:
    Astronomers--Mathematicians--Electricians--Chemists--Medical
    Discoverers--Music: Purcell--Italian Music--Handel--Church
    Music--The Academy of Ancient Music and other
    Societies--Architecture--Wren and his Buildings--St. Paul's--His
    Churches and Palaces--Vanbrugh--Gibbs--Hawksmoor--Minor
    Architects--Painting and Sculpture: Lely and Kneller--Other Foreign
    Painters and Decorators--Thornhill--Other English Artists--Hogarth
    and his Works--Exhibition of British Artists--Sculptors--Shipping,
    Colonies, Commerce, and Manufactures--Increase of Canals--Woollen
    and Silk Trades--Irish Linens--Lace--Iron, Copper, and other
    Industries--Increase of the large Towns                         141


CHAPTER VII.

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

    Accession of George III.--His Conduct--Ascendency of Bute--Meeting
    of Parliament--Enthusiastic Reception of the King's Speech--Bute's
    Cabals--Hostility to Pitt--Ministerial Changes--Marriage of the
    King--Queen Charlotte--Misfortunes of Frederick--Ferdinand of
    Brunswick's Campaign--Defeat of the French in the East and West
    Indies--Negotiations for Peace--Pitt's large Demands--Obstinacy of
    Choiseul--The Family Compact suspected--Resignation of Pitt--Bute's
    Ministry--War with Spain--Abandonment of Frederick--Policy of
    the new Czar--Resignation of Newcastle--Bute at the Head of the
    Treasury--Successes in the West Indies--Capture of Manila--Bute's
    Eagerness for Peace--The Terms--Bute's Unpopularity--Close of
    the Seven Years' War--Successes of Clive--Defeat of the Dutch in
    India--Final Overthrow of the French in India--Fate of the Count
    de Lally--Bute and the Princess of Wales--The Cider Tax--Bute's
    Vengeance--His Resignation--George Grenville in Office--No. 45 of
    the _North Briton_--Arrest of Wilkes--His Acquittal--Vengeance
    against him--The King negotiates with Pitt--Wilkes's Affairs in
    Parliament--The Wilkes Riots--The Question of Privilege--The
    Illegality of General Warrants declared--Wilkes expelled the
    House--Debates on General Warrants--Rejoicing in the City of London
                                                                    168


CHAPTER VIII.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    The American Colonies and their Trade--Growing Irritation in
    America--The Stamp Act--The American Protest--The Stamp Act
    passed--Its Reception in America--The King's Illness--The
    Regency Bill--The Princess Dowager omitted--Her Name inserted
    in the Commons--Negotiations for a Change of Ministry--The
    old Ministry returns--Fresh Negotiations with Pitt--The first
    Rockingham Ministry--Riots in America--The Stamped Paper
    destroyed--Pitt's Speech--The Stamp Act repealed--Weakness
    of the Government--Pitt and Temple disagree--Pitt forms
    a Ministry--And becomes Lord Chatham--His Comprehensive
    Policy--The Embargo on Wheat--Illness of Chatham--Townshend's
    Financial Schemes--Corruption of Parliament--Wilkes elected for
    Middlesex--Arrest of Wilkes--Dangerous Riots--Dissolution of
    the Boston Assembly--Seizure of the _Liberty_ Sloop--Debates in
    Parliament--Continued Persecution of Wilkes--His Letter to Lord
    Weymouth--Again expelled the House--His Re-election--The Letters
    of Junius--Luttrell declared elected for Middlesex--Incapacity of
    the Ministry--Partial Concessions to the Americans--Bernard leaves
    Boston--He is made a Baronet--"The Horned Cattle Session"--Lord
    Chatham attacks the Ministry--Resignations of Granby and
    Camden--Yorke's Suicide--Dissolution of the Ministry            183


CHAPTER IX.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Lord North--He forms a Ministry--Chatham declaims against
    Secret Influence--Grenville's Election Committee--Lord North's
    Conciliatory Measures--Determination of the Bostonians--The
    Boston Massacre--Trial of the Soldiers--Apparent Success of
    North's Measures--Affair of the Falkland Islands--Promptitude
    of the Ministry--The Quarrel composed--Trials of Woodfall and
    Almon--The Right of Parliamentary Reporting--Strengthening of the
    Ministry--Quarrels in the City--The Royal Marriage Act--Fate of
    the Queen of Denmark--Anarchical Condition of Poland--Interference
    of Russia--Deposition of Poniatowski--Frederick's Scheme of
    Partition--It is ratified--Inquiry into Indian Affairs--Lord
    North's Tea Bill--Lord Dartmouth and Hutchinson--The Hutchinson
    Letters--Dishonourable Conduct of Franklin--Establishment of
    Corresponding Committees--Burning of the _Gaspee_--Destruction
    of the Tea--Franklin avows the Publication of the
    Letters--Wedderburn's Speech--The Boston Port Bill--The
    Massachusetts Government Bill--The Coils of Coercion--Virginia
    joins Massachusetts--Gage dissolves the Boston Assembly--He
    fortifies Boston Neck--The General Congress--A Declaration of
    Rights--The Assembly at Concord--They enrol Militia--Seizure of
    Ammunition and Arms--Meeting of Parliament--Chatham's conciliatory
    Speech--His Bill for the Pacification of the Colonies--Its
    Fate--Lord North's Proposal--Burke's Resolutions--Prorogation of
    Parliament--Beginning of the War                                199


CHAPTER X.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Gage attempts to seize American Arms--Skirmish at
    Lexington--Blockade of Boston--The Second Congress at
    Philadelphia--Washington chosen Commander-in-Chief--Fall of
    Ticonderoga and Crown Point--Washington at Boston--Battle
    of Bunker's Hill--The Olive Branch Petition--Condition
    of the American Army--Expedition against Canada--Capture
    of Montreal--Arnold's Expedition--His Junction with
    Montgomery--Failure of the Attack on Quebec--The Employment
    of German Mercenaries--Washington seizes Dorchester
    Heights--Evacuation of Boston--Howe retires to Halifax--The War
    in Canada--Thomas's Retreat--Sullivan evacuates Canada--The War
    in the South--Attack on Charleston--Paine's Pamphlet, "Common
    Sense"--New York and Virginia decide for Independence--Debate in
    Congress--Report of the Committee--Arbitrary Proceedings--The
    Declaration--Overtures to France--Arrival of Lord Howe--Position
    of Washington--Howe's Overtures--Battle of Brooklyn--Washington's
    Retreat--His Desperate Position--Howe receives a Deputation
    from Congress--Washington retires Step by Step--Cornwallis's
    Pursuit--Close of the Campaign--The Articles of Confederation
    published by Congress--Fresh Overtures to France--Parliament
    votes large Sums of Money--John the Painter--Chatham
    demands a Cessation of Hostilities--Washington's Change
    of Tactics--Surprise of Trenton--Washington outmanœuvres
    Cornwallis--He recovers New Jersey--Difficulties of Congress--Howe
    advances against Washington--Alteration of Howe's Plans--Battle
    of the Brandywine--Howe crosses the Schuylkill--Cornwallis
    enters Philadelphia--Battle of Germantown--Washington at
    Valley Forge--Burgoyne's Plan of Campaign--His Advance--St.
    Clair's Defeat--Burgoyne on the Hudson--The Beginning of his
    Misfortunes--Battle of Bemus's Heights--Burgoyne's Message to
    Clinton--He is surrounded--He attempts to cut his Way through--The
    Surrender of Saratoga--Clinton's Failure to relieve Burgoyne--Close
    of the Campaign                                                 217


CHAPTER XI.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Meeting of Parliament--Lord Chatham's Amendment to the Address--The
    News of Saratoga--Treaty between France and America--Washington
    in Valley Forge--Intrigues against him--Violation of Burgoyne's
    Convention--Debates in Parliament--Attempt to bring Chatham
    into the Ministry--Lord North's Conciliation Bills--The French
    Note--Patriotism of the Nation--The King refuses to send for
    Chatham--His last Speech and Death--Honours to his Memory--Burke's
    Measure of Irish Relief--Repeal of Laws against Roman
    Catholics--Explosion of Scottish Bigotry--Turgot's Warnings--Naval
    Engagement off Ushant--Failure of Lafayette's Canadian
    Expedition--Clinton compelled to evacuate Philadelphia--Failure
    of Lord North's Commissioners--D'Estaing and Sullivan attempt to
    take Rhode Island--Subsequent Proceedings of D'Estaing--Courts
    martial of Keppel and Palliser--The Irish Volunteers--Spain
    declares War--Military Preparations--Junction of the French
    and Spanish Fleets--They retire from the Channel--D'Estaing
    in the West Indies--His Attempt on Savannah--Weakness of Lord
    North's Ministry--Meeting of Parliament--Lord North's Irish
    Bill--Richmond, Shelburne, and Burke attempt Economic Reforms--The
    Meeting at York petitions for Reform of Parliament--Burke's
    Economic Scheme--North's Manœuvre--Further Attempts at Reform--The
    Westminster Meeting--Dunning's Motion--Defeat of his later
    Resolutions--"No Popery" in Scotland--Lord George Gordon's
    Agitation--The Riots and their Progress--Their Suppression--Trial
    of the Prisoners--Rodney relieves Gibraltar--Destruction of English
    Merchantmen--Disputes with Holland--The Armed Neutrality of the
    North--Capture of Charleston--Declaration of South Carolina--Battle
    of Camden--Expedition into North Carolina--Arrival of the French
    Squadron--Rodney in the West Indies--Arnold's Treachery--Trial
    and Death of André--Breach with Holland--Attacks on Jersey and
    Gibraltar--Mutiny in the Army of Washington--Arnold's Raids
    in Virginia--Cornwallis in North Canada--His Engagements with
    Greene--His March into Virginia--Rawdon and Greene--Battle of
    Eutaw Springs--Siege of York Town--The American Armies close round
    him--Cornwallis compelled to Surrender                          246


CHAPTER XII.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Rodney takes St. Eustatia--Destruction of Dutch Commerce--Loss
    of Minorca--Naval Actions--Meeting of Parliament--Vehemence
    of the Opposition--Losses in the West Indies--Breaking up of
    the Ministry--Their Defeat on Conway's Motion--Lord North's
    Resignation--Shelburne refuses the Premiership--New Whig
    Government--Agitation in Ireland--Grattan's Motion for Legislative
    Independence--The Volunteer Meeting at Dungannon--Grattan's Motion
    carried--Demands of the Irish Parliament conceded--Flood's
    Agitation--Economic Reforms--Pitt's Motion for Parliamentary
    Reform--Unsuccessful Negotiations for Peace--Rodney's Victory
    over De Grasse--Lord Howe's Exploits--The Siege and Relief of
    Gibraltar--Negotiations for Peace--Folly of Oswald and Duplicity
    of Shelburne--The Negotiations continued--Franklin throws over
    Vergennes--Conclusion of a Secret Treaty between England and
    America--Fate of the American Royalists--Announcement of the
    Peace in Parliament--Terms of Peace with France, Spain, and
    Holland--Opposition to the Peace--Coalition of Fox and North--Fall
    of Shelburne--Pitt's Attempt to form a Ministry--The Coalition
    in Office--Reform and the Prince of Wales--Fox's India Bill--Its
    Introduction--Progress of the Measure--The King's Letter to
    Temple--Reception of the News in the Commons--Dismissal of the
    Ministry--Pitt forms a Cabinet--Factious Opposition of Fox--Pitt's
    India Bill--He refuses to divulge his Intentions--The Tide
    begins to Turn--Attempt at a Coalition--Increasing Popularity of
    Pitt--Fox's Resolution--The Dissolution--"Fox's Martyrs"        284


CHAPTER XIII.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Victory of Pitt--The King's delight--Pitt's Finance--The India
    Bill--Pitt's Budget--The Westminster Election--The Scrutiny--Fox
    is returned--The Volunteers in Ireland--Flood's Reform Bill--Riots
    in Ireland--Pitt's Commercial Policy for Ireland--Opposition
    of the English Merchants--Abandonment of the Measure--Pitt's
    Reform Bill--His Administrative Reforms--Bill for fortifying
    Portsmouth and Plymouth--Pitt's Sinking Fund--Favourable
    Reception of the Bill--Pitt's Excise Bill--Commercial Treaty
    with France--Impeachment of Warren Hastings--Retrospect of
    Indian Affairs: Deposition of Meer Jaffier--Resistance of Meer
    Cossim--Massacre of Patna--Battle of Buxar and Capture of
    Allahabad--Clive's Return to India--Settlement of Bengal and
    Oude--Domestic Reforms--Rise of Hyder Ali--His Treaty with the
    English--He is defeated by the Mahrattas--Deposition of the
    Rajah of Tanjore--Failure of Lord Pigot to reinstate him--Lord
    North's Regulating Bill--Death of Clive--Warren Hastings becomes
    Governor-General--His dealings with the Famine--Treatment of
    Reza Khan and the Nabob of Bengal--Resumption of Allahabad and
    Corah--Massacre of the Rohillas--Arrival of the New Members of
    Council--Struggle for Supremacy--Robbery of Cheyte Sing--Nuncomar's
    Charges--His Trial and Execution--Hastings' Constitutional
    Resignation--His Final Victory--Wars against the Mahrattas--Hyder
    Ali's Advance--Defeat of Baillie--Energy of Hastings--Victories of
    Sir Eyre Coote--Capture of Dutch Settlements--Naval Engagements
    between the British and French--Death of Hyder Ali--Tippoo
    continues the War--He invokes Peace--Hastings' Extortions
    from Cheyte Sing--Hastings' visit to Benares--Rising of the
    People--Rescue of Hastings and Deposition of Cheyte Sing--Extortion
    from the Begums of Oude--Parliamentary Inquiries--Hastings'
    Reception in England--Burke's Motion of Impeachment--Pitt's
    Change of Front--The Prince of Wales and the Whigs--Inquiry into
    his Debts--Alderman Newnham's Motion--Denial of the Marriage
    with Mrs. Fitzherbert--Sheridan's Begum Speech--Impeachment of
    Hastings--Growth of the Opposition to the Slave Trade--The Question
    brought before Parliament--Evidence produced--Sir W. Dolben's
    Bill--Trial of Warren Hastings--Speeches of Burke, Fox, and
    Sheridan--Illness of the King--Debates on the Regency Bill--The
    King's Recovery--Address of the Irish Parliament to the Prince of
    Wales                                                           307


CHAPTER XIV.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Unsettled Condition of Europe--Machinations of Russia and
    Austria against Turkey--Disasters of the Austrians--Capture
    of Oczakoff--Further Designs of Catherine--Intervention
    of Pitt--Gustavus of Sweden invades Russia--His temporary
    Check--He remodels the Diet and pursues the War--Joseph renews
    the War--Disaffection in Hungary--Revolution in the Austrian
    Netherlands--Abolition of the _Joyeuse Entrée_--The Emperor
    declared to have forfeited the Crown--The Austrian Troops
    retired to Luxembourg--Death of Joseph--Outbreak of the French
    Revolution--Efforts of Turgot and his Successors to introduce
    Reforms--Loménie de Brienne--Recall of Necker--Assembly of the
    States General--The Third Estate becomes the National Assembly--The
    Meeting in the Tennis Court--Contemplated _Coup d'État_--Project
    of a City Guard--Dismissal of Necker--Insurrection in Paris--The
    City Guard--Capture of the Bastille--The Noblesse renounce their
    Privileges--Bankruptcy and Famine--"_O Richard, O Mon Roi!_"--The
    Women and the National Guard march on Versailles--The King brought
    to Paris--Effect of the Revolution in England--Different Views
    of Burke and Fox--Rejection of Flood's Reform Bill--The Nootka
    Sound Affair--Satisfaction obtained from Spain--Motions of Reform
    in the Irish Parliament--Convention of Reichenbach--Continuance
    of the War between Sweden and Russia--Renewal of the War with
    Tippoo Sahib--Debates in Parliament--Discussions on the Eastern
    Question--The Canada Bill--It is made the occasion of Speeches
    on the French Revolution--Breach between Fox and Burke--Abuse
    of Burke by the Whigs--Wilberforce's Notice for immediate
    Emancipation--Colonisation of Sierra Leone--Bill for the Relief
    of Roman Catholics--Fox's Libel Bill--Burke's "Reflections on the
    French Revolution"--Replies of Mackintosh and Paine--Dr. Price--Dr.
    Priestley--The Anniversary of the taking of the Bastille--The
    Birmingham Riots--Destruction of Priestley's Library--Suppression
    of the Riots--Mildness of the Sentences                         349


CHAPTER XV.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Progress of the French Revolution--Death of Mirabeau--Attempted
    Flight of the King from Paris--Attitude of the Sovereigns
    of Europe--The Parties of the Right and of the Left--The
    Girondists--Decrees against the Emigrants--Negotiations
    between Marie Antoinette and Pitt--Condition of the French
    Army--Session of 1792; Debates on Foreign Affairs--Marriage
    of the Duke of York--The Prince of Wales's Allowance--The
    Budget--The Anti-Slavery Movement--Magistracy Bill--Attempts at
    Reform--The Society of the Friends of the People--Proclamation
    against Seditious Writings--Fox's Nonconformist Relief
    Bill--Prorogation of Parliament--Associations and
    Counter-Associations--Lord Cornwallis's War against Tippoo
    Sahib--Capture of Seringapatam--Peace with Tippoo--Embassy to
    China--Designs of the Powers against Poland--Catherine resolves
    to strike--Invasion of Poland--Neutrality of England--Conquest
    of Poland--Imminence of War between France and Austria--It is
    declared--Failure of the French Troops--The Duke of Brunswick's
    Proclamation--Insurrection of the 10th of August--Massacre of the
    Swiss--Suspension of the King--Ascendency of Jacobinism--Dumouriez
    in the Passes of the Argonne--Battle of Valmy--Retreat of
    the Prussians--Occupation of the Netherlands by the French
    Troops--Custine in Germany--Occupation of Nice and Savoy--Edict
    of Fraternity--Abolition of Royalty--Trial and Death of the
    King--Effect of the Deed on the Continent--The Militia called
    out in England--Debates in Parliament on War with France--The
    Alien Bill--Rupture of Diplomatic Relations with France--War
    declared against Britain--Efforts to preserve the Peace--They are
    Ineffectual                                                     386


CHAPTER XVI.

THE REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Invasion of Holland by Dumouriez--He is defeated at Neerwinden
    and goes over to the Enemy--Second Partition of Poland--The
    Campaign in the Netherlands--And on the Rhine--The English
    Fleets in the Channel and West Indies--Siege of Toulon--First
    appearance of Napoleon Buonaparte--Fall of Lyons--The Reign of
    Terror--Insurrection in La Vendée--Its brutal Suppression--Worship
    of the Goddess of Reason--Opposition to the War in
    England--Prosecutions for Sedition--Trials in Scotland--Discussions
    on the subject in Parliament--Arrests of Horne Tooke, Thelwall,
    Hardy, and others--Battle of the First of June--The War in the
    West Indies--Annexation of Corsica--The Campaign of 1794--The
    Prussian Subsidy--Successes of Pichegru against the Austrians--The
    Struggle for the Sambre--Loss of Belgium--Danger of Holland--The
    War in the South--The Reign of Terror continues--The Festival of
    the Supreme Being--Death of Robespierre and his Associates--The
    Thermidorians--Final extinction of Poland--The Portland Whigs
    join the Ministry--Trials of Hardy, Horne Tooke, and their
    Associates--Opening of Parliament--The Budget--Attempts at
    Reform--Marriage of the Prince of Wales--His Allowance--The
    French occupy Holland--It becomes a Republic--Prussia and Spain
    leave the Coalition, but the War continues--Campaigns on the
    Rhine and in Italy--The War in La Vendée and in Brittany--The
    Expedition from England planned--Destruction of the Expedition
    at Quibéron--Extinction of the War in La Vendée--Establishment
    of the Directory--Attack on George the Third--The Budget--Pitt's
    first Negotiations for Peace--Failure of Lord Malmesbury's
    Mission--Successes in the West Indies and Africa--Expedition to
    Bantry Bay--The Campaign of 1796--Retreat of the French--Napoleon's
    Italian Campaign--The Battles of Arcole--A new British
    Loan--Suspension of Cash Payments--Grievances of the Seamen--Mutiny
    at Portsmouth--Its Pacification--Mutiny at the Nore--Descent on the
    Welsh Coast--Campaign of 1797--Preliminaries of Leoben--Treaty of
    Campo Formio--Lord Malmesbury's Mission to Lille                418


CHAPTER XVII.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Sympathy in Ireland for the French Revolution--Intrigues with the
    French--Attitude of the Roman Catholics--Failure of Fitzwilliam's
    Efforts at Reform--Open Rebellion begins--The Mission of Fitzgerald
    and O'Connor to France--Disclosure of the Conspiracy--Arrest of
    Fitzgerald and his Confederates--Outbreak of the Rebellion--Battle
    of Vinegar Hill--Arrival of Humbert's Expedition--Its brief Success
    and Surrender--Suicide of Wolfe Tone--Desire of France to invade
    England--Napoleon advises the Expedition to Egypt--He gives Nelson
    the slip--His gigantic Projects--Surrender of Malta--Nelson's
    Pursuit--Napoleon's Campaign--Battle of the Pyramids--Surrender
    of Cairo--Battle of the Nile (or Aboukir Bay)--Pitt's second
    Coalition--The Income Tax--Projected Union of Great Britain and
    Ireland--Proclamation of the Parthenopean Republic--Italy regained
    by the Coalition--Suppression of the Revolution in Naples--The
    Allies in Holland--Napoleon's March into Syria--His Defeat at
    Acre--Battle of Aboukir--Napoleon returns to France--_Coup
    d'État_ of the 18th Brumaire--Death of Tippoo Sahib--Napoleon's
    Letter to the King--The Union with Ireland--Means by which it
    was carried--Its Reception in England--Napoleon crosses the
    Alps--Battle of Marengo--The French recover Lombardy--Battle
    of Hohenlinden--Treaty of Lunéville--Corn Riots--Breach
    with Russia--Pitt's Resignation--The King's Illness--The
    Addington Ministry--Revival of the Armed Neutrality--Battle of
    Copenhagen--Peace between Britain and the Northern Powers--The
    Expedition to Egypt--Battle of Alexandria--Evacuation of Egypt by
    the French--Negotiations for Peace--Treaty of Amiens            460


CHAPTER XVIII.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Napoleon's Plans of Conquest--Sebastiani's Report--Napoleon's
    Complaints against the British Press--Espionage and
    Confiscation--He continues his Continental Aggressions--Napoleon's
    Interview with Lord Whitworth--Imminence of War--Negotiations for
    Pitt's Return to Office--War Declared--Napoleon arrests British
    Subjects in France--Seizure of Hanover--Emmett's Rebellion--Naval
    Attacks on the French Coast--The Mahratta War--Battle of
    Assaye--Successes of General Lake--Battle of Laswaree--Battle
    of Argaum--Conclusion of the War--Renewed Illness of George
    III.--Increasing Opposition of Pitt--He offers to undertake the
    Government--He forms a Tory Ministry--Wilberforce's Abolition
    Motion--The Additional Force Bill--Scheme for blowing up the
    French Fleet--War with Spain--The Georges Conspiracy--Murder
    of the Duke D'Enghien--Napoleon becomes Emperor--His
    Letter to the British King--The Condition of Europe--Lord
    Mulgrave's Reply to the Letter--Ministerial Changes--Weakness
    of the Ministry--Attack on Lord Melville--Whitbread's
    Motion--Melville's Defence--His Impeachment voted--Secession of
    Lord Sidmouth--The European Coalition--Hastened by Napoleon's
    Aggressions--Rashness of Austria--Invasion of Bavaria--Napoleon
    marches on the Rhine--Capitulation of the Austrian Army at
    Ulm--Occupation of Vienna--Battle of Austerlitz--Treaties of
    Schönbrunn and Pressburg--The Baltic Expedition--Expedition to
    Naples--Naval Affairs--Nelson's Pursuit of Villeneuve--Calder's
    Engagement--Battle of Trafalgar--Death of Nelson--Continuation
    of the Mahratta War--Lord Lake's Engagements with Holkar--Siege
    of Bhurtpore--Defeat of Meer Khan--The Rajah of Bhurtpore makes
    Peace--Treaties with Scindiah and Holkar--Death of Pitt--Payment of
    his Debts by the Nation                                         485


CHAPTER XIX.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    The Ministry of "All the Talents"--Fox informs Napoleon of a
    supposed Scheme for his Assassination--Futile Negotiations for
    Peace--Windham's Army Bills--Resolutions against the Slave Trade
    passed--Inquiry into the Conduct of the Princess of Wales--British
    Expeditions: Stuart in Calabria--Battle of Maida--Continued
    Resistance of the Neapolitans--Recapture of the Cape of Good
    Hope--Expedition to Buenos Ayres--Naval Successes: Victories of
    Duckworth, Warren, and Hood--Cochrane's Daredevilry--Napoleon's
    subject Kingdoms--Prussia makes Complaints--Napoleon prepares
    for War--Murder of Palm--Isolation of Prussia--Imbecility of
    their Plan of Campaign--Battle of Jena--Napoleon in Berlin--He
    seizes Brunswick--Complete Subjugation of Germany--Settlement of
    Germany--The Berlin Decrees--Napoleon rouses the Poles--Campaign
    against Benningsen--Death of Fox--Ministerial Changes--Votes
    in Supply--An Administrative Scandal--Abolition of the Slave
    Trade--Measures of Roman Catholic Relief--Dismissal of the
    Grenville Ministry--The Duke of Portland's Cabinet--Hostile Motions
    in Parliament--The General Election--Irish Coercion Bills--Failure
    of the Expeditions planned by the late Ministry: Buenos Ayres--The
    Expedition to the Dardanelles--Expedition to Alexandria--Attack
    on Rosetta--Withdrawal of the Expedition--War between Russia
    and Turkey--Secret Articles of the Treaty of Tilsit--Bombardment
    of Copenhagen and Capture of the Danish Fleet--Seizure of
    Heligoland--The Campaign in Europe--Battle of Eylau--Benningsen's
    Retreat--Napoleon on the Vistula--Fall of Dantzic--Battle of
    Friedland--Alexander resolves to make Peace--The Meeting on the
    Niemen--Treaty of Tilsit.                                       516


CHAPTER XX.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Napoleon's Designs on Spain--The Continental System--Treaty
    of Fontainebleau--Junot marches on Portugal--Flight of the
    Royal Family--The Milan Decree--The Pope imprisoned in the
    Quirinal--Imbecility of the Spanish Government--Quarrels of the
    Spanish Royal Family--Occupation of the Spanish Fortresses--The
    King's Preparations for Flight--Rests at Madrid--Abdication of
    Charles IV.--Murat occupies Madrid--The Meeting at Bayonne--Joseph
    becomes King of Spain--Insurrection in Spain--The Junta
    communicates with England--Ferocity of the War--Operations
    of Bessières, Duchesne, and Moncey--Dupont surrenders to
    Castanos--Joseph evacuates Madrid--Siege of Saragossa--Napoleon's
    Designs on Portugal--Insurrection throughout the Country--Sir
    A. Wellesley touches at Corunna--He lands at Figueras--Battle
    of Roliça--Wellesley is superseded by Burrard--Battle of
    Vimiera--Arrival of Dalrymple--Convention of Cintra--Inquiry into
    the Convention--Occupation of Lisbon--Napoleon's preparations
    against Spain--Wellington is passed over in Favour of
    Moore--Moore's Advance--Difficulties of the March--Incompetency
    of Hookham Frere--Napoleon's Position in Europe--The Meeting
    at Erfurth--Napoleon at Vittoria--Destruction of the Spanish
    Armies--Napoleon enters Madrid--Moore is at last undeceived--The
    Retreat--Napoleon leaves Spain--Moore retires before Soult--Arrival
    at Corunna--The Battle--Death of Sir John Moore--The Ministry
    determine to continue the War--Scandal of the Duke of York--His
    Resignation--Charges against Lord Castlereagh--Wellesley arrives in
    Portugal--He drives Soult from Portugal into Spain--His Junction
    with Cuesta--Position of the French Armies--Folly of Cuesta--Battle
    of Talavera--State of the Commissariat--Wellesley's Retreat--French
    Victories--The Lines of Torres Vedras--The Walcheren
    Expedition--Flushing taken--The Troops die from Malaria--Disastrous
    Termination of the Expedition--Sir John Stuart in Italy and the
    Ionian Islands--War between Russia and Turkey--Collingwood's last
    Exploits--Attempt of Gambier and Cochrane on La Rochelle.       546


CHAPTER XXI.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Austria gets ready for War--Napoleon's Preparations--Invasion
    of Bavaria by Austria--The Archduke Charles driven from
    Bavaria--Occupation of Vienna--Battle of Aspern--The Spirit
    of Revolt in Germany: Schill and Brunswick--Battle of
    Wagram--Peace of Vienna--Victories of the Tyrolese--Death
    of Hofer--The Betrayal of Poland and Italy--Deposition of
    the Pope--Ministerial Dissensions--Death of Portland, and
    Reconstruction of the Ministry--Inquiry into the Walcheren
    Expedition--Imprisonment of Gale Jones--Burdett committed to the
    Tower--The Piccadilly Riots--Arrest of Burdett--Debates in the
    House of Commons--Agitation for Parliamentary Reform--Liberation
    of Burdett--Remaining Events of the Session--Condition of
    Spain--Soult's victorious Progress--He fails at Cadiz--The
    Guerilla War--Massena sent against Wellington--Capture of
    Ciudad Rodrigo--Capitulation of Almeida--Battle of Busaco--The
    Lines of Torres Vedras--Massena baffled--Condition of the rival
    Armies--Victories in the East and West Indies--The War in Sicily.
                                                                    586



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.


                                     PAGE

    St. James's Palace, in the Time of Anne                           1

    Dean Swift                                                        5

    The English Plenipotentiaries insulted in the Streets of Utrecht  9

    Sir Richard Steele                                               13

    Welfen Castle, Hanover                                           17

    Anne making the Duke of Shrewsbury Lord Treasurer                21

    Great Seal of George I.                                          25

    The Earl of Mar raising the Pretender's Standard                 29

    Retreat of the Highlanders from Perth                            33

    James Edward Stuart, the "Old Pretender"                         37

    Sea Fight off Cape Passaro                                       41

    The South Sea Bubble                                             45

    George I.                                                        49

    Bartholomew Fair, London, in 1721                                53

    Five-Shilling Piece of the South Sea Company                     56

    Five-Guinea Piece of George II.                                  56

    Walpole's Quarrel with Townshend                                 61

    Sir Robert Walpole                                               65

    The Porteous Mob                                                 69

    Great Seal of George II.                                         73

    Maria Theresa and the Hungarian Parliament                       77

    George II.                                                       85

    Interior of the House of Commons in 1742                         89

    The Landing of Prince Charlie                                    93

    Prince Charles Edward Stuart (the "Young Pretender")             97

    Prince Charlie's Vanguard at Manchester                         101

    Culloden House                                                  105

    The Standard of Prince Charlie's Bodyguard, taken at Culloden   108

    The End of the '45                                              109

    Flora Macdonald                                                 113

    Wedding in the Fleet                                            117

    Defeat of General Braddock in the Indian Ambush                 121

    London Bridge in 1760                                           125

    Lord Clive                                                      129

    Surprise of Frederick at Hochkirch                              132

    Admiral Rodney bombarding Le Hâvre                              133

    Death of Wolfe                                                  137

    Martello Tower on the Plains of Abraham, Quebec                 140

    George Whitefield preaching                                     141

    John Wesley                                                     144

    Interior of the Jerusalem Chamber, Westminster Abbey            145

    Henry Fielding                                                  149

    Costumes of the Period of George II.                            153

    Mrs. Arabella Hunt singing to Queen Mary                        156

    Handel                                                          157

    St. Paul's Cathedral, London, and Ludgate Hill, as it was       161

    William Hogarth                                                 165

    Great Seal of George III.                                       169

    George III.                                                     173

    Temple Bar in 1800                                              176

    Lord Bute and the Londoners                                     177

    John Wilkes                                                     181

    Revenue Cutters capturing an American Smuggling Vessel          185

    Troops escorting the Stamped Paper to the City Hall, New York   189

    The Mob releasing Mr. Wilkes on his Way to Prison               193

    William Pitt, Earl of Chatham                                   197

    Affray at Boston between the Soldiers and Rope-Makers           201

    Spade Guinea of George III.                                     204

    Five-Shilling Piece of George III.                              204

    Twopenny Piece of George III.                                   204

    Press-Gang at Work                                              205

    Boston "Boys" disguised as Indians throwing the Tea Chests
      into the Harbour                                              209

    Benjamin Franklin                                               213

    American Twenty Dollars Bill (1775)                             216

    Montgomery's Assault on the Lower Town, Quebec                  221

    Signatures to the Declaration of Independence                   225

    Washington crossing the Delaware                                229

    American Bill of Credit (1775)                                  233

    Washington and his Men at Valley Forge                          237

    George Washington                                               241

    Surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga                               245

    Washington at Valley Forge: By the Camp Fire                    249

    Death of the Earl of Chatham                                    253

    The Saucy "Arethusa" and the "Belle Poule"                      257

    Lord North                                                      261

    "No Popery" Rioters assaulting Lord Mansfield                   265

    Dr. Johnson viewing the Scene of some of the "No Popery" Riots  269

    Old Newgate                                                     273

    Arrest of Major André                                           277

    Surrender of Lord Cornwallis, York Town                         281

    Edmund Burke                                                    285

    Henry Grattan                                                   289

    The Attack on the "Ville de Paris"                              293

    Map of the United States at the Time when they gained
      their Independence                                            297

    The Mansion House, London, in 1760                              301

    Charles James Fox                                               305

    General Election of 1784: Master Billy's Procession to
      Grocer's Hall--Pitt presented with the Freedom of
      the City of London                                            308

    General Election of 1784: The Hustings, Covent Garden;
      The Westminster Deserter drummed out of the
      Regiment--Defeat of Sir Cecil Wray                            309

    View of London from the Tower to London Bridge in the
      latter Part of the 18th Century                               313

    Deposition of Meer Jaffier                                      317

    The Great Mogul entering the English Camp                       320

    Warren Hastings                                                 321

    Benares                                                         325

    Surrender of Baillie to Hyder Ali                               329

    Arrest of the Rajah of Benares                                  333

    Richard Brinsley Sheridan                                       337

    The Trial of Warren Hastings                                    341

    Carlton House, London (1780)                                    345

    William Pitt                                                    348

    Expulsion of the Professors from the University of Antwerp      353

    Notre Dame, Paris                                               357

    The French Revolution: Costume of Lady of the Period            360

    The French Revolution: Costume of 1790                          360

    The French Revolution: Costume "à la Robespierre"               361

    Tricoteuse, or knitting Woman, of the National Convention       361

    The Conquerors of the Bastille                                  365

    The Bastille                                                    369

    Captain Cook                                                    373

    Scene in the House of Commons: Breach between Burke and Fox     377

    William Wilberforce                                             381

    The Priestley Riots at Birmingham                               385

    The Count de Mirabeau                                           389

    Government House, Calcutta                                      393

    View in Old Paris: Rue de Pirouette, North Side of Les Halles   397

    The Royal Family of France on their Way to the Assembly         401

    Marie Antoinette (1783)                                         405

    View in Old Paris: The Porte au Blé, from the End of
      the Old Cattle Market to the Pont Notre Dame                  409

    Trial of Louis XVI.                                             413

    Robespierre                                                     417

    View in the Old Town, Warsaw                                    420

    Retreat of the Royalists from Toulon                            421

    Napoleon Buonaparte, Lieutenant of Artillery                    425

    The Tolbooth, Edinburgh                                         429

    Calvi, Corsica                                                  432

    St. Just                                                        433

    Paris under the Reign of Terror: a Vain Appeal                  437

    The Palace of the Tuileries, Paris                              441

    La Roche-Jaquelein and the Republican Soldiers                  445

    Attack on the Royal Carriage                                    449

    The Cathedral of Milan                                          453

    The Mutiny at Spithead: Hauling down the Red Flag on
      the "Royal George"                                            457

    The Doge's Palace, Venice                                       459

    Dublin Castle                                                   461

    Capture of Wolfe Tone                                           465

    Lord Nelson                                                     469

    Napoleon's Coup de Main: Scene in the Hall of the Ancients      473

    Genoa                                                           477

    Nelson at the Battle of Copenhagen                              480

    Copenhagen                                                      481

    Sir Ralph Abercromby                                            484

    Napoleon and his Suite at Boulogne                              489

    The Jumma Musjid, Delhi                                         492

    The Chase at Argaum                                             493

    Kidnapping of the Duke d'Enghien                                497

    The Coronation of Napoleon in Notre Dame                        501

    Herrenhausen Castle, Hanover                                    505

    Lord Collingwood                                                509

    Sailing into Action at Trafalgar                                512

    The "Victory" at Portsmouth                                     513

    Talleyrand                                                      517

    The Queen of Prussia reviewing the Army                         525

    Napoleon at Rossbach                                            528

    Murat (King of Naples)                                          529

    Charing Cross, London, in 1795                                  533

    The British Fleet passing through the Dardanelles               537

    Departure of the British Troops from Alexandria                 540

    Heligoland                                                      541

    The Treaty of Tilsit                                            545

    Flight of the Royal Family of Portugal                          548

    Capture of Godoy                                                552

    Heroism of the Maid of Saragossa                                557

    Sir John Moore                                                  561

    The Royal Palace, Madrid                                        564

    Burial of Sir John Moore                                        569

    Sir David Baird                                                 573

    Map of Spain and Portugal to illustrate the Peninsular War      576

    The Bayonet Charge at Talavera                                  577

    The Duke of Wellington                                          581

    The "Mediator" breaking the Boom at La Rochelle                 585

    Marshal Lannes at Ratisbon                                      588

    The Duke of Brunswick and his Hussars (the Black Brunswickers)  592

    Andrew Hofer appointed Governor of the Tyrol                    593

    George Canning                                                  597

    Cadiz                                                           600

    Arrest of Sir Francis Burdett                                   601

    Wellington's Retreat from Coimbra                               605



LIST OF PLATES.


    PRINCE CHARLIE'S FAREWELL TO FLORA MACDONALD, 1746. (_By
      George W. Joy_)                                     _Frontispiece_

    GREENWICH HOSPITAL. (_By T. B. Hardy_)              _To face p._ 65

    GEORGE II. AT DETTINGEN, 1743. (_By Robert Hillingford_)  "      82

    "GOD SAVE KING JAMES." (_By Andrew C. Gow, R.A._)         "      94

    MAP OF ENGLAND DURING THE CIVIL WAR, 1642-1649            "     100

    AFTER CULLODEN: REBEL HUNTING. (_By Seymour Lucas, R.A._) "     107

    DR. JOHNSON IN THE ANTE-ROOM OF LORD CHESTERFIELD, WAITING
      FOR AN AUDIENCE, 1748. (_By E. M. Ward, R.A._)          "     145

    MAP OF THE AMERICAN PROVINCES IN 1763                     "     184

    "THE POLLING." (_By W. Hogarth_)                          "     192

    THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES OF
    AMERICA, JULY 4TH, 1776. (_By J. Trumbull_)               "     226

    GIBRALTAR. (_By Birket Foster, R.W.S._)                   "     257

    THE GORDON RIOTS. (_By Seymour Lucas, R.A._)              "     266

    THE DEFENCE OF GIBRALTAR BY LORD HEATHFIELD, 1782.
      (_By J. S. Copley, R.A._)                               "     294

    LOUIS XVI. AND MARIE ANTOINETTE IN THE PRISON OF THE
      TEMPLE. (_By E. M. Ward, R.A._)                         "     404

    LADY HAMILTON WELCOMING THE VICTORS OF THE NILE. (_By R.
      Hillingford_)                                           "     468

    NELSON'S CHASE AFTER THE FRENCH FLEET, 1805. (_By Thomas
      Davidson_)                                              "     497

    THE BATTLE OF TRAFALGAR AND THE VICTORY OF LORD NELSON
      OVER THE COMBINED FRENCH AND SPANISH FLEETS, OCTOBER
      21ST, 1805. (_By Clarkson Stanfield, R.A._)             "     505

    THE "VICTORY" TOWED INTO GIBRALTAR AFTER TRAFALGAR. (_By
      Clarkson Stanfield, R.A._)                              "     510

    THE DEATH OF NELSON. (_By Daniel Maclise, R.A._)          "     521

    "CRIPPLED BUT UNCONQUERED." (_By W. L. Wyllie, R.A._)     "     529

    NAPLES, FROM THE MERGELLINA. (_By Birket Foster, R.W.S._) "     550

[Illustration: PRINCE CHARLIE'S FAREWELL TO FLORA MACDONALD, 1746

FROM THE PAINTING BY GEORGE W. JOY.]



[Illustration: ST. JAMES'S PALACE, IN THE TIME OF ANNE.]



CASSELL'S

ILLUSTRATED HISTORY OF ENGLAND



CHAPTER I.

THE REIGN OF ANNE (_concluded_).

    Meeting of Parliament--Eugene's Visit to England--Ministerial
    Attacks on the Dutch--Meeting of the Negotiators at Utrecht--The
    Question of the Spanish Throne--Sham Fighting against the
    French--Debates on the Peace in Parliament--Withdrawal of the
    English Troops--Consequent Triumph of the French--Bolingbroke's
    Visit to Paris--Break-up of the Grand Alliance--More Negotiations
    with the Pretender--Death of Godolphin--Marlborough retires
    to the Continent--Signature of the Peace--The Treaty of
    Commerce--Its Rejection by the Commons--The Whereabouts
    of the Pretender--Dissolution of Parliament--The General
    Election--Intrigues with St. Germains--Bolingbroke's Activity--His
    Friends in Office--The Empire and Spain make Peace--The Pretender
    declines Overtures to Change his Religion--Illness of the
    Queen--Tax on Newspapers--Attack upon the "Public Spirit of the
    Whigs"--Steele expelled the House--Proposals against the Pretender
    and for bringing over the Electoral Prince--Counter-scheme for
    bringing over the Pretender--Obstacles to the Scheme--The Queen's
    Letter to the Elector--Death of the Electress Sophia--The Schism
    Bill--Its Progress through the Houses--Reward for the Apprehension
    of the Pretender--Fall of Oxford--Bolingbroke's Jacobite
    Cabinet--Illness of the Queen--The Whig _Coup d'État_--Ruin and
    Desperation of the Jacobites--Death of Anne--Proclamation of George
    I.


The Houses of Parliament reassembled on the 17th of January, 1712, and
Anne sent word that she was not able to attend in person, not having
recovered sufficiently from her attack of the gout. She announced that
the plenipotentiaries were now assembled at Utrecht, and were already
engaged in endeavouring to procure just satisfaction to all the Allies
according to their several treaties, and especially with relation to
Spain and the Indies. This was a delusion, for, by our treaty with the
Emperor, we had engaged to secure Spain and the Indies for his son;
and it was now, notwithstanding the assurance in her message regarding
them, fully determined to give them up to Philip. There was a strong
protest in the message against the evil declarations that there had
been an intention to make a separate peace, though nothing was more
notorious than that the Ministers were resolved, if the Allies did
not come to their terms, to go on without them. The message ended by
recommending a measure for the restriction of the liberty of the press.
Much alarm was expressed at the great licence in the publishing of
false and scandalous libels, though the Ministers themselves did not
scruple to employ the terrible pen of Swift.

On the 6th of January there landed at Greenwich an illustrious visitor
to the Court on an unwelcome errand--namely, Prince Eugene. The Allies,
justly alarmed at the Ministerial revolution which had taken place in
England, and at the obvious design of the Tories to render abortive
all the efforts of the Whigs and the Allies through the war, from mere
party envy and malice, sent over Eugene to convince the queen and
the Government of the fatal consequences of such policy. Harley paid
obsequious court to the prince as long as he hoped to win him over. He
gave a magnificent dinner in his honour, and declared that he looked on
that day as the happiest of his life, since he had the honour to see in
his house the greatest captain of the age. The prince, who felt that
this was a mean blow at Marlborough, replied with a polite but cutting
sarcasm, which must have sunk deep in the bosom of the Lord Treasurer,
"My lord, if I am the greatest captain of the age, I owe it to your
lordship." That was to say, because he had deprived the really greatest
captain of his command. The queen, though she was compelled to treat
Eugene graciously, and to order the preparation of costly gifts to him
as the representative of the Allies, regarded him as a most unwelcome
guest, and in her private circle took no pains to conceal it. The whole
Tory party soon found that he was not a man to be seduced from his
integrity, or brought to acquiesce in a course of policy which he felt
and knew to be most disgraceful and disastrous to the peace of Europe;
and being fully convinced of this, they let loose on the illustrious
stranger all the virulence of the press. Eugene returned to the
Continent, his mission being unaccomplished, on the 13th of March.

Whilst Prince Eugene had been labouring in vain to recall the English
Government from its fatal determination to make a disgraceful peace,
the Dutch envoy Van Buys had been equally active, and with as little
success. The Ministers incited the House of Commons to pass some severe
censures on the Dutch. They alleged that the States General had not
furnished their stipulated number of troops both for the campaigns
in the Netherlands and in Spain; that the queen had paid above three
millions of crowns more than her contingent. They attacked the Barrier
Treaty, concluded by Lord Townshend with them in 1709, and declared
that it contained several Articles destructive to the trade and
interests of Great Britain; that Lord Townshend was not authorised to
make that treaty; and that both he and all those who advised it were
enemies to the queen and kingdom. They addressed a memorial to the
queen, averring that England, during the war, had been overcharged
nineteen millions sterling--which was an awful charge of mismanagement
or fraud on the part of the Whig Ministers. They further asserted that
the Dutch had made great acquisitions; had extended their trade as well
as their dominion, whilst England had only suffered loss. Anne gave
her sanction to this address by telling the House that she regarded
their address as an additional proof of their affection for her person
and their attention to the interests of the nation; and she ordered
her ambassador at the Hague, the new Earl of Strafford, to inform the
States of these complaints of her Parliament, and to assure them that
they must increase their forces in Flanders, or she must decrease hers.

This naturally roused the States, who made a very different statement;
contending that, by the treaties, every ally was bound to do all in
its power to bring the common enemy to terms; that England, being more
powerful than Holland, ought to bear a larger share of the burden of
the war; yet that the forces of Holland had been in the Netherlands
often upwards of a hundred thousand, whilst those of England had not
amounted to seventy thousand; that this had prevented the Dutch from
sending more soldiers to Spain; and that, whilst England had been at
peace in her own territory, they (the Dutch) had suffered severely in
the struggle. To this a sharp answer was drawn up by St. John, and
despatched on the 8th of March, of which the real gist was that,
according to the Dutch, England could never give too much, or the
United Provinces too little. Nothing could exceed the bitterness of
tone which existed between England and the Allies, with whom it had
so long manfully contended against encroaching France; for the whole
world felt how unworthily the English generally were acting under the
Tory Ministry, and this did not tend to forward the negotiations,
which had been going on at Utrecht since the 29th of January. To this
conference had been appointed as the British plenipotentiaries, the new
Earl of Strafford--whom Swift, a great partisan of the Tory Ministry,
pronounced a poor creature--and Robinson, Bishop of Bristol, Lord Privy
Seal. On the part of France appeared the Marshal d'Uxelles, the Abbé
de Polignac, and Mesnager, who had lately been in England settling the
preliminaries. On the part of the Dutch were Buys and Vanderdussen;
and, besides these, the Emperor, the Duke of Savoy, and the lesser
German princes had their representatives.

France and England being already agreed, independently of the consent
of the rest of the Allies, the conference began on a basis which
was sure to lead to immediate confusion and contention. The Dutch
plenipotentiaries were astonished to see the different tone displayed
by the French ambassadors. They were no longer the humble personages
that they had been at Gertruydenberg. The Abbé Polignac, who was the
chief speaker, assumed a high and confident manner. The French envoys,
therefore, when the Dutch deputies demanded that the treaty should
be carried out on the basis of the terms offered at Gertruydenberg,
told them plainly that matters were now quite altered, and that the
conditions offered at Gertruydenberg could not be entertained by France
at all, but those to which the Queen of England had agreed in London;
that unless the Dutch were willing to treat on these conditions,
they would find their allies concluding peace without them, and that
on the spot. The chief article to which the Allies objected was the
concession of Spain to Philip; and they were the more resolute because
it had become imminently necessary from changes that had now taken
place in France. The Dauphin had died of the smallpox during the last
year. The title had been conferred on his son, the Duke of Burgundy;
but the Duke of Burgundy had just expired, too, in the sixth year of
his age; and of the Dauphin's children there only now remained the
Duke of Anjou, a sickly child of two years old. This child was the
only remaining obstacle to Philip, the King of Spain, mounting the
throne of France. The danger was so obvious of the union of France and
Spain in a very few years--to prevent which had been the object of the
war--that the English Government was compelled to demand from Philip
a distinct renunciation of all claims on the French Crown, and from
France as distinct a one in the treaty that any such claim should be
resisted. St. John entered into a correspondence with De Torcy, the
French minister, on this point; and the answers of De Torcy must have
shown the English Government how useless it was to attempt to bind
Frenchmen on such matters. He replied that any renunciation on the part
of Philip or any French prince would be utterly null and void according
to the laws; that on the king's death the next heir male of the royal
blood succeeded, independently of any disposition or restriction of
the late king, or any will of the people, or of himself, even; that
he was, by the laws of France, sovereign by right of succession, and
must be so, in spite of any circumstances to the contrary; that neither
himself, the throne, nor the people had anything to do with it, but
to obey the constitution. Therefore, even if Philip did bind himself
to renounce the Crown of France, should the present Dauphin die, he
would be king, independently of any circumstances whatever. Another
expedient, however, was proposed by the English ministry, who must have
seen clearly enough the folly of their treating on such hollow ground.
That was, if Philip did not like to renounce the Crown of France, he
should at once quit the throne of Spain, and agree that the Duke of
Savoy should take it and the Indies, surrendering his own territories
to Philip, to which should be added Naples, Sicily, Montserrat, and
Mantua, all of which, whenever Philip succeeded to the French Crown,
should be annexed to France, with the exception of Sicily, which should
be made over to Austria. Louis XIV. professed to be delighted with this
arrangement, but Philip would not listen to it, showing plainly that he
meant, notwithstanding any renunciation, to retain his claim to both
France and Spain.

On such utterly unsubstantial ground did the English ministers continue
this negotiation. They assured De Torcy that the Queen of England
insisted on Philip's renunciation of one throne or the other, and he
at length renounced that of France, everybody seeing that the sense in
which he renounced it was no renunciation at all, but a pretence to
get the peace effected; and thus the English ministers, with their
eyes open to the fraud, went on urging the Allies to come into these
most delusive and unsatisfactory terms. But as the renunciation of
Philip did not arrive till after midsummer, the negotiators at Utrecht
continued to talk without advancing, and the armies in the field
continued to look at each other without fighting.

Marshal Villars, like the French plenipotentiaries, had made a great
display of forces, pretty certain, from private information, that
there was little fear of being attacked. The Allies had a fine army of
one hundred and twenty thousand men opposed to him; but so far as the
English were concerned, their commander had his hands tied. The Duke
of Ormonde was sent to take the place of the Duke of Marlborough--a
certain indication that he was meant only for a mere show general. He
was a staunch Jacobite, but no general of talents or experience fit to
succeed a man like Marlborough. On arriving at the Hague he assured the
States General that his instructions were to act zealously with the
Allies, and especially the Dutch, and from his letters it would appear
that such were his orders. But before his arrival, Mr. Thomas Harley, a
relative of Oxford's, and the Abbé Gualtier, had reached the Hague, and
had assured the plenipotentiaries that the Government had determined on
peace, and would not allow the army to fight. They also brought over
with them the scheme of the Treaty, which was not yet to be made known
to the Dutch. But the States General were too well aware of the hollow
proceedings of the English Court, and, disgusted at the withdrawal of
Marlborough and the substitution of Ormonde, they would not entrust
their troops to him, but appointed Eugene as their own general. Thus,
instead of one generalissimo of consummate genius, the army was divided
under two chiefs, the abler chief, the Prince Eugene, having the
utmost contempt for the martial talents of his colleague. All on the
part of England, both in the conference and in the army, was hollow,
treacherous, and disgraceful. Yet, though there was to be no fighting,
the pretence of it was kept up. The Earl of Albemarle marched with a
detachment of the army to Arras, where he burnt and destroyed some
magazines of the French. Ormonde, too, joined Prince Eugene on the 26th
of May, and the united army passed the Scheldt, and encamped between
Haspres and Solennes. Eugene proposed to attack Villars in his lines,
and Ormonde consented to it, but he immediately received a peremptory
order from Mr. Secretary St. John against engaging in any siege or
battle, and he was directed to keep this order profoundly secret from
the Allies. Ormonde was also instructed that if Villars should intimate
that he was aware of these secret proceedings, he was to take no notice
of them; nor was Villars long in letting him know that they might now
consider each other as friends. The situation of Ormonde thus became
one of extreme embarrassment. On the one hand, Eugene urged him to
prepare for an engagement; on the other, the Dutch were impatient to
see some stroke which should humble the French and make negotiation
more easy; but Ormonde was as unable to move, notwithstanding previous
assurances, as if he had been a mere image of wood. He wrote to St.
John, expressing in strong terms the embarrassing nature of his
situation, assuring him that the Dutch were exclaiming that they were
betrayed; but St. John encouraged him to hold out as well as he could,
and Ormonde condescended to play this false and degrading part, equally
disgraceful to him as a general and a man of any pretences to honour.
The prince urged forward the necessity of laying siege to Quesnoy,
and Ormonde was allowed, for the sake of keeping up appearances, to
furnish a considerable detachment for the purpose. But there was so
evident a backwardness in the duke's movements, that the Dutch deputies
complained vehemently to the English plenipotentiaries at Utrecht of
his refusal to act in earnest against the enemy. Thereupon Robinson,
the bishop, took high ground, and retorted that the States General had
met the queen's proposals for peace so strangely, that her Majesty
now felt herself released from any further obligation to maintain the
treaties and engagements between herself and them. This roused the
States to great and indignant activity. They entered into communication
with the Electors of Hanover, of Hesse-Cassel, and other princes of
the Empire, regarding the effective service of their troops in the
pay of Great Britain. They sent off warm remonstrances to the Queen
of England, and Anne was obliged to summon a council, in which it was
agreed that Ormonde should appear as much as possible to concur with
Eugene in the siege.

Accordingly, on the 5th of June, the queen proceeded to the House
of Lords, and stated in a long speech the terms on which it was
proposed to make the peace with France--namely, that Louis XIV. should
acknowledge the Protestant succession and remove the Pretender out of
France; that Philip should renounce the Crown of Spain, should that
of France devolve on him; and that the kings of both France and Spain
should make solemn engagements for themselves and their heirs that the
two kingdoms should never be united under one crown; that Newfoundland,
with Placentia, Hudson's Bay, Nova Scotia, or Acadia, as it was then
termed by the French, as well as Gibraltar, Port Mahon, and the whole
island of Minorca, should be ceded to England; that the Spanish
Netherlands, Naples, Sardinia, the Duchy of Milan, and the places on
the Tuscan coast, formerly belonging to Spain, should be yielded to
Austria, the appropriation of Sicily being not so far determined;
that France would make the Rhine the barrier of the Empire, yielding
up all places beyond it, and razing the fortresses on the German side
as well as in the river; that the barriers of Savoy, the Netherlands,
and Prussia, should be made satisfactory to the Allies. The Electoral
dignity was to be acknowledged in the House of Hanover.

[Illustration: DEAN SWIFT.]

The House of Commons received the speech with enthusiasm, and carried
up an address of thanks in a body. Very different, however, was the
reception of the speech in the House of Lords. Lord Wharton proposed
that in the address they should declare themselves against a separate
peace, and the Duke of Marlborough supported that view. He said that
for a year past the measures pursued were directly opposed to her
Majesty's engagement with the Allies, had sullied the glories of her
reign, and would render our name odious to all nations. Lord Strafford,
who had come over from the Hague purposely to defend the Government
policy, and his own share in it at Utrecht, asserted that the
opposition of the Allies would not have been so obstinate had they not
been encouraged by a certain member of that House who corresponded with
them, and stimulated them by assurances that they would be supported
by a large party in England. This blow aimed at Marlborough called up
Lord Cowper, who directed his sarcasm against Strafford on the ground
of his well-known illiterate character, observing that the noble lord
had been so long abroad that he had forgotten not only the language but
the constitution of his country; that according to our laws it could
never be a crime in an individual to correspond with its allies, but
that it was a crime to correspond, as certain persons did, with the
common enemy, unknown to the allies, and to their manifest prejudice.
The amendment of Lord Wharton, however, was rejected, and the protest,
entered against its rejection by twenty peers and bishops, was voted
violent and indecorous, and erased from the journal.

Notwithstanding these addresses and the confident tone of the Queen's
Speech, the Funds fell, and there was general dissatisfaction at the
conditions of the proposed pacification. In order to stimulate the
proceedings and excite a jealousy of the Dutch, St. John professed to
discover that they were themselves secretly negotiating with France,
and urged that, if we did not take care, they would have the management
of the negotiations and not her Majesty. Lord Strafford hastened back
to the Hague, and from thence to Utrecht, where he proposed a cessation
of arms, which was rejected by the Allies. He then went on to the army,
where the Duke of Ormonde was in a situation of the utmost difficulty.
He had received orders from Government, in consequence of the clamour
in Parliament, to support Prince Eugene at the siege of Quesnoy, which
he had invested on the 8th of June, and accordingly he had appeared
before the place with such forces as threatened speedily to reduce it.
At the same time he had received from the Marquis de Torcy a copy of
the articles of peace signed by him, and from the Marquis of Villars
the most bitter remonstrances on his conduct, which he did not hesitate
to declare most perfidious and disgraceful. On the other hand, Prince
Eugene, who did not find the English forces, notwithstanding their
presence, rendering any active service, was equally irritated by his
proceedings. Ormonde could but reply to each party that such were
his orders, and leave the Government to bear the ignominy of it. To
extricate themselves from the just censures on this dishonourable
policy, St. John instructed Ormonde to demand from Villars the
surrender of Dunkirk, which, it was asserted, must be put into the
hands of the queen's troops, as a pledge that France would perform all
that she had promised, before there could be a cessation of hostilities.

The French hastened to comply with this condition, on the understanding
that Ormonde would immediately draw off his troops from Quesnoy; and
the duke was obliged to announce to Prince Eugene that he was under
this necessity, in consequence of the terms agreed upon between France
and England; in fact, that he must cease all opposition to the French.
Ormonde, therefore, not only gave the command for the retirement of
the English troops, but also of all those belonging to the German
princes which were in British pay. Eugene and the Dutch field deputies
protested most indignantly against this proceeding, and the mercenary
troops themselves refused to follow Ormonde. In vain did he endeavour
to move the officers of those troops; they despised the conduct of
England in abandoning the advantageous position at which they had
arrived for terminating the war gloriously, and releasing the common
enemy of Europe from his just punishment to gratify party spirit in
England.

When the French saw that Ormonde could not induce the mercenary
troops to move, they refused to surrender Dunkirk, and an English
detachment which arrived there to take possession found the gates
shut in their faces. At this insult the British troops burst out into
a fury of indignation. The officers as well as the men were beside
themselves with shame, and shed tears of mortification, remembering
the glorious times under Marlborough. Ormonde himself, thus disgraced,
thus helpless--for he had not the satisfaction, even, of being able to
avenge himself on the French,--thus deserted by the auxiliaries, and
made a laughing-stock to all Europe by the crooked and base policy of
his Government, retired from before the walls of Dunkirk, and directed
his course towards Douay. The Dutch shut their gates against him, and
he finally retired in ignominy to England.

Eugene, during these affairs, had been actively prosecuting the
fortunes of the Allies with his remnant of an army. He pushed on the
siege of Quesnoy, and took it. He sent a flying detachment of one
thousand five hundred cavalry, under Major-General Grovestein, to make
an incursion into France. This force made a rapid raid in Champagne,
passed the Noire, the Meuse, the Moselle, and the Saar, ravaged the
country, reduced a great number of villages and towns to ashes, rode
up to the very gate of Metz, and then retired to Traerbach with a
load of rich booty. This was a proof of what might have been done in
France at this period with the whole army united under a commander like
Marlborough, in place of miserably giving up everything to that country
in the moment of power. As it was, it created the utmost consternation
in Paris, the people of which already saw the English at their gate;
whilst Louis did not think himself safe at Versailles, but gathered
all the troops in the neighbourhood of the capital around his palace,
leaving the city to take care of itself.

But Harley and St. John had deprived the nation of its triumph, and
left the way open to fresh insults and humiliations. No sooner did
Villars see the English forces withdrawn from the Allies, than he
seized the opportunity to snatch fresh advantages for France, and thus
make all their demands on the Allies certain. He crossed the Scheldt on
the 24th of July, and, with an overwhelming force, attacked the Earl
of Albemarle, who commanded a division of the Allied army at Denain.
Eugene, who, from the reduction of Quesnoy, had proceeded to lay siege
to Landrey, instantly hastened to the support of Albemarle; but, to his
grief, found himself, when in sight of him, cut off from rendering him
any assistance by the breaking down of the bridge over the Scheldt; and
he had the pain to see Albemarle beaten under his very eyes. Seventeen
battalions of Albemarle's force were killed or taken. He himself and
all the surviving officers were made prisoners. Five hundred wagons
loaded with bread, twelve pieces of brass cannon, a large quantity of
ammunition and provisions, horses and baggage, fell into the hands of
the French. Villars then marched on to Marchiennes, where the stores
of the Allies were deposited, and took it on the 31st of July, the
garrison of five thousand being sent to Valenciennes prisoners. He next
advanced to Douay, where Eugene would have given him battle, but was
forbidden to do so by the States, and thus Douay fell into Villars'
hands. Then came the fall of Quesnoy and Bouchain, which had cost
Marlborough and Eugene so much to win.

It was now the turn of the French to triumph, and of the Allies to
suffer consternation. Louis, once more elate, ordered _Te Deum_ to be
sung in Notre Dame, and all Paris was full of rejoicing. He declared
that God had given a direct and striking proof of the justice of his
cause and of the guilty obstinacy of the Allies. His plenipotentiaries
assumed at Utrecht such arrogance that their very lacqueys imitated
them; and those of Mesnager insulted one of the plenipotentiaries,
Count von Richteren, and Louis justified them against all complaints.
In such circumstances, all rational hope of obtaining peace except on
the disgraceful terms accepted by England vanished.

In fact, though the Allies still held out, it was useless.
Bolingbroke--for St. John had been called in this year to the Upper
House as Viscount Bolingbroke--accompanied by Matthew Prior, had been
in Paris since the beginning of August, where they were assisted also
by the Abbé Gualtier, determined to close the negotiations for England,
whether the Allies objected or not. To make this result obvious to the
whole world, the troops which Ormonde had brought home were disbanded
with all practicable speed. The ostensible cause of Bolingbroke's and
Prior's visit to Paris was to settle the interests of the Duke of
Savoy and the Elector of Bavaria; but the real one was to remove any
remaining impediment to the conclusion of the Treaty of Peace. France
and England were quite agreed; Bolingbroke returned to London, and
Prior remained as resident at the Court of France, as if the Articles
of Peace were, in fact, already signed. A truce, indeed, for four
months longer by land and sea was proclaimed in Paris. It was agreed
that the Pretender should return to Lorraine; that all hostilities
should cease in Italy in consequence of the arrangement of the affairs
of the Duke of Savoy; and that the Austrian troops should be allowed to
quit Spain and return to Naples.

The secession of the Duke of Savoy only the more roused the indignation
of the Allies. The Dutch breathed a hotter spirit of war just as their
power of carrying it on failed; and even the experienced Heinsius
made an energetic oration in the States General, declaring that
all the fruits of the war would be lost if they consented to the
peace proposed. But to avoid it was no longer possible. The English
plenipotentiaries pressed the Allies more and more zealously to come
in, so much so that they were scarcely safe from the fury of the Dutch
populace, who insulted the Earl of Strafford and the Marquis del
Borgo, the Minister of the Duke of Savoy, when the news came that the
duke had consented to the peace. Every endeavour was made to detach
the different Allies one by one. Mr. Thomas Harley was sent to the
Elector of Hanover to persuade him to co-operate with her Majesty; but,
notwithstanding all risk of injuring his succession to the English
Crown, he declined. Similar attempts were made on the King of Prussia
and other princes, and with similar results. The English Ministers
now began to see the obstacles they had created to the conclusion of
a general peace by their base desertion of the Allies. The French,
rendered more than ever haughty in their demands by the successes of
Villars, raised their terms as fast as any of the Allies appeared
disposed to close with those already offered. The Dutch, convinced at
length that England would make peace without them, and was bending
every energy to draw away their confederates, in October expressed
themselves ready to treat, and to yield all pretensions to Douay,
Valenciennes, and Mauberg, on condition that Condé and Tournay were
included in their barrier; that the commercial tariffs with France
should be restored to what they were in 1664; that Sicily should be
yielded to Austria, and Strasburg to the Empire. But the French treated
these concessions with contempt, and Bolingbroke was forced to admit
to Prior that they treated like pedlars, or, what was worse, like
attorneys. He conjured Prior "to hide the nakedness of his country" in
his intercourse with the French Ministers, and to make the best of the
blunders of his countrymen, admitting that they were not much better
politicians than the French were poets. But the fault of Bolingbroke
and his colleagues was not want of talent, it was want of honesty; and,
by their selfish desire to damage their political rivals, they had
brought their country into this deplorable dilemma of sacrificing all
faith with their allies, of encouraging the unprincipled disposition of
the French, who were certain to profit by the division of the Allies,
and of abandoning the glory and position of England, or confessing that
the Whigs, however much they had erred in entering on such enormous
wars, had in truth brought them to the near prospect of a far more
satisfactory conclusion than what they were taking up with.

Whilst matters were in this discouraging condition, Lord Lexington
was sent to Spain to receive the solemn renunciation of the Crown of
France for Philip and his successors, in the presence of the Cortes,
which accordingly took place on the 5th of November. Portugal, also,
on the 7th of November, signed, at Utrecht, the suspension of arms, at
the same time admitting to the Allies that she did it only as a matter
of absolute necessity. The Portuguese had held out firmly till the
English refused to give them any assistance, when the Marquis de Bay
invaded the kingdom at the head of twenty thousand men, and laid siege
to Campo-Major. The English troops in Spain were ordered to separate
from those of the Allies under Count Stahremberg, and were marched into
Catalonia to embark at Barcelona. The people of that province beheld
the English depart with sentiments of indignant contempt. England had
first incited them to take up arms and declare for King Charles under
the most solemn engagements never to make peace without them. But now
they had broken their faith in the most shameless manner, and left them
to the vengeance of the French triumphant in Spain. Such on all sides
were the facts which forced on the world the conviction of the perfidy
of England, which had hitherto borne so fair a reputation.

Another dishonourable characteristic of the Ministers of Queen Anne
at this period was that they were in secret zealous partisans of the
Pretender, and whilst openly professing a sacred maintenance of the
Protestant succession, were doing all in their power to undermine
it. They had given mortal offence to the Elector George of Hanover,
the heir to the Throne, by their treachery to the Allies; and, as
the health of the queen was most precarious from her excessive
corpulence and gout, which was continually menacing a retreat to her
stomach, this was equally a cause for their hastening the peace,
however disgracefully, and for paving the way, if possible, for the
return of the Pretender at the queen's death. Bolingbroke was the
great correspondent with St. Germains, as his letters in the Stuart
Papers abundantly show. But Oxford, although always more cunning and
mysterious, was equally concerned in it; nor was the queen, if we
may believe these remarkable papers, by any means averse from the
succession of the Pretender, in spite of his stubborn adhesion to
Popery. The Jacobite party was numerous, powerful, and indefatigable.
They were in the Ministry and in both Houses of Parliament. At this
moment a public appointment was made which filled the Whigs with
consternation and rage. This was no other than that of the Duke of
Hamilton--a supposed partisan of the Pretender--to be Ambassador to the
Court of Versailles. Prior was still there, and had all the requisites
of a clever and painstaking Envoy; but, being only a commoner and a
poet, it did not suit the aristocratic notions of England that he
should be accredited Ambassador. Hamilton was appointed, and would
thus have had the amplest opportunity of concerting the return of the
Stuarts with the base ministers at home. But he was not destined to see
Versailles, for, as readers of Thackeray's "Esmond" will remember, he
was killed in a duel by Lord Mohun.

[Illustration: THE ENGLISH PLENIPOTENTIARIES INSULTED IN THE STREETS OF
UTRECHT. (_See p._ 7.)]

Instead of Hamilton, the Duke of Shrewsbury was sent to Versailles,
where Matthew Prior remained to lend his superior knowledge of French
affairs and superior address to the negotiations. The weight of Tory
vengeance now fell on the Duke of Marlborough, whom the ministers
justly regarded as the most dangerous man amongst the Whigs by his
abilities and the splendour of his renown. The Earl of Godolphin died
in September of this year. He had always been a staunch friend of the
Marlboroughs. His son, Lord Rialton, was married to Marlborough's
eldest daughter, and during Godolphin's later years he was nearly
a constant resident with the Marlboroughs, and died at their lodge
in Windsor Park. Godolphin was one of the best of the Whigs; of a
clear, strong judgment, and calm temper. He had rendered the most
essential services during the conflict against France, by ably and
faithfully conducting affairs at home, whilst Marlborough was winning
his victories abroad; and that great general knew that he should be
supported against all his enemies and detractors so long as Godolphin
remained in power. The highest eulogium on Godolphin's honesty lies in
the fact that he died poor. But at Godolphin's death Marlborough stood
a more exposed object to the malice of his foes. They did not hesitate
to assert that he had had a deep concern in the plot for Hamilton's
death. He was also harassed by debt. He therefore resolved to retire
to the Continent, where he continued to keep up a correspondence with
the Elector of Hanover and the Pretender to the last, so that whichever
came in he might stand well with him. He wrote to St. Germains, showing
that though he had appeared to fight against the King of England, as he
styled the Pretender, it was not so. He had fought to reduce the power
of France, which would be as much to the advantage of the king when he
came to the throne as it was to the present queen. He gave his advice
to the Pretender for his security and success. "The French king and his
ministers," he says, "will sacrifice everything to their own views of
peace. The Earl of Oxford and his associates in office will probably
insist upon the king's retiring to Italy; but he must never consent.
He must neither yield to the French king, nor to the fallacious
insinuations of the British Ministry, on a point which must inevitably
ruin his cause. To retire to Italy, by the living God! is the same
thing as to stab himself to the heart. Let him take refuge in Germany,
or in some country on this side of the Alps. He wants no security for
his person; no one will touch a hair of his head. I perceive such
a change in his favour, that I think it is impossible but that he
must succeed. But when he shall succeed, let there be no retrospect
towards the past. All that has been done since the Revolution must be
confirmed." He added that Queen Anne had no real aversion from her
brother's interests, but that she must not be alarmed, as she was very
timid.

At length it was announced that peace was signed with France at
Utrecht, and it was laid before the Council (March 31, 1713).
Bolingbroke had made another journey to the Continent to hasten the
event, but it did not receive the adhesion of the Emperor at last.
Holland, Prussia, Portugal, and Savoy had signed, but the Emperor, both
as king of Austria and head of the Empire, stood out, and he was to be
allowed till the 1st of June to accept or finally reject participation
in it. This conclusion had not been come to except after two years'
negotiation, and the most obstinate resistance on the part of all the
others except England. Even in the English Cabinet it did not receive
its ratification without some dissent. The Lord Cholmondeley refused
to sign it, and was dismissed from his office of Treasurer of the
Household. On the 9th of April the queen opened Parliament, though she
was obliged to be carried thither and back in a chair in consequence of
her corpulence and gout. She congratulated the country on this great
treaty, declared her firm adherence to the Protestant succession,
advised them to take measures to reduce the scandalous licentiousness
of the Press, and to prevent duelling, in allusion to the tragic
issue of that between Hamilton and Mohun. She finally exhorted them
to cultivate peace amongst themselves, to endeavour to allay party
rage; and as to what forces should be necessary by land and the sea,
she added, "Make yourselves safe; I shall be satisfied. Next to the
protection of Divine Providence, I depend on the loyalty and affection
of my people; I want no other guarantee." On the 4th of May the
proclamation of peace took place. It was exactly eleven years since the
commencement of the war. The conditions finally arrived at were those
that have been stated, except that it was concluded to confer Sicily
on the Duke of Savoy for his services in the war; on the Elector of
Bavaria, as some equivalent for the loss of Bavaria itself, Sardinia,
with the title of king; and that, should Philip of Spain leave no
issue, the Crown of Spain should also pass to him.

The Treaty of Peace received the sanction of the Parliament; not so the
Treaty of Commerce. By this treaty it was provided that a free trade
should be established according to the tariff of 1664, except as it
related to certain commodities which were subjected to new regulations
in 1669. This went to abolish all the restrictions on the importation
of goods from France since that period, and within two months a law
was also to be passed that no higher duties should be levied on goods
brought from France than on the like goods from any other country in
Europe. Commissioners were appointed to meet in London to carry these
propositions into effect; but there immediately appeared a violent
opposition to these regulations, which were contained in the eighth and
ninth articles of the Treaty of Commerce. It was declared that these
articles violated the Treaty of Methuen, according to which the duties
on Portuguese wines were always to be lower by one-third than the
duties on the French wines.

On the 9th of June, when the House of Commons went into committee on
the Bill, a large number of merchants desired to be heard against
it. For several days their statements were heard, and the Portuguese
Ambassador also presented a memorial declaring that should the duties
on French wines be lowered to those of Portugal, his master would
renew the woollen and other duties on the products of Great Britain.
This seemed to enforce the mercantile opinions; the sense of the
whole country was against the treaty, and the speech of Sir Thomas
Hanmer, a Tory, made a deep impression. There was, however, a growing
rumour, during the latter days of the debate, that Oxford had given
the treaty up--a rumour probably not without foundation, for Oxford
and Bolingbroke were no longer in unity. The latter, ambitious and
unprincipled, was intriguing to oust his more slow and dilatory
colleague; and, as the Bill was ostensibly the work of Bolingbroke,
probably Oxford was by no means unwilling that it should be thrown
out to damage him. When the question, therefore, was put on the 18th
of June, that the Bill be engrossed, it was negatived by a majority
of one hundred and ninety-four to one hundred and eighty-five. Thus
the commercial treaty was lost, much to the joy of the nation, and
certainly to its immediate benefit.

The defeated party, however, did not give up the idea of the Treaty of
Commerce. Another Bill was introduced to modify, or, as it was called,
to render the commercial treaty more effectual; but such a host of
petitions was presented against it, that it was abandoned. Sir Thomas
Hanmer, however, proposed and carried an address to the queen, which
was intended to cover, in some degree, the defeat of the Ministers;
and, as he had got rid of the Bill itself, he did not hesitate to
move for what appeared inconsistent with his proceedings, namely,
thanks to her Majesty for the care she had taken of the security and
honour of the kingdom by the Treaty of Peace, and also by her anxiety
for a Treaty of Commerce; and, further, recommending her to appoint
Commissioners to meet those of France, and endeavour to arrange such
terms of commerce as should be for the good and welfare of her people.
This was laid hold of, as was no doubt intended, in the queen's reply,
which assumed this to be a declaration of a full approbation of the
Treaty of Commerce, as well as that of Peace; and she thanked them in
the warmest terms for their address.

Encouraged by their success against the commercial treaty, the Whigs
demanded that the Pretender, according to the Treaty of Peace, should
be requested to quit France. It had been proposed by the French Court,
and privately acceded to by Anne, that he should take up his residence
at Bar-le-duc or Lorraine. The Duke of Lorraine had taken care to
inquire whether this would be agreeable to the queen, and was assured
by her Minister that it would be quite so. As his territory--though
really a portion of France--was nominally an independent territory, it
seemed to comply with the terms of the Treaty; but the Whigs knew that
this was a weak point, and on the 29th of June Lord Wharton, without
any previous notice, moved in the Peers that the Pretender should
remove from the Duke of Lorraine's dominions. The Court party was
completely taken by surprise, and there was an awkward pause. At length
Lord North ventured to suggest that such a request would show distrust
of her Majesty; and he asked where was the Pretender to retire to,
seeing that most, if not all, the Powers of Europe were on as friendly
terms with the king as the Duke of Lorraine. Lord Peterborough
sarcastically remarked that as the Pretender had begun his studies at
Paris, he might very fitly go and finish them at Rome. No one, however,
dared to oppose the motion, which was accordingly carried unanimously.
On the 1st of July, only two days afterwards, General Stanhope made a
similar motion in the House of Commons, which was equally afraid to
oppose it, seeing that the House was still under the Triennial Act, and
this was its last session. The slightest expression in favour of the
Pretender would have to be answered on the hustings, and there was a
long silence. Sir William Whitelock, however, was bold enough to throw
out a significant remark, that he remembered the like address being
formerly made to the Protector to have King Charles Stuart removed out
of France, "leaving to every member's mind to suggest how soon after
he returned to the throne of England notwithstanding." The addresses
carried up from both Houses were received by the queen with an air of
acquiescence, and with promises to do her best to have the Pretender
removed. Prior, in Paris, was directed to make the wishes of the public
known to the French Government. But this was merely _pro formâ_; it
was understood that there was no real earnestness on the part of the
English queen or ministry. Prior, writing to Bolingbroke, said that De
Torcy asked him questions, which for the best reason in the world he
did not answer; as, for instance, "How can we oblige a man to go from
one place when we forbid all others to receive him?" In fact, the Abbé
Gualtier, in his private correspondence, assures us that Bolingbroke
himself suggested to the Duke of Lorraine the pretexts for eluding the
very commands that he publicly sent him.

Anne prorogued Parliament on the 16th of July in a speech, in which she
felicitated herself on having closed a long and bloody war, which she
had inherited, and not occasioned. She trusted also that before the
meeting of the next Parliament the commercial interests of France and
England would be better understood, so that there would be no longer
any obstacle to a good commercial treaty. She said not a word regarding
the Pretender, so that it was felt by the Whigs that she had followed
the dictates of nature rather than of party in regard to him. On the
8th of August she dissolved Parliament by proclamation, its triennial
term having expired. Burnet says it had acquired the name of the
Pacific Parliament; and he winds up his own history with the remark
that "no assembly but one composed as this was could have sat quiet
under such a peace." There was every effort made, however, to impress
on the constituencies the high merit of the Parliament in making an
advantageous and glorious peace, medals being cast for that purpose
bearing the effigy of the queen and a Latin motto laudatory of peace.

The elections were now carried on with all the fire and zeal of the
two parties. The Tories boasted of their successful efforts to stem
the tide of expenditure for the war, to staunch the flow of blood, and
restore all the blessings of peace. The Whigs, on the contrary, made
the most of their opposition to the Treaty of Commerce, which they
represented as designed to sacrifice our trade to the insane regard now
shown to the French. To show their interest in trade, they wore locks
of wool in their hats; and the Tories, to show their attachment to the
Restoration and the Crown, wore green twigs of oak. Never was shown
more completely the want of logical reason in the populace, for whilst
they were declaring their zeal for the Protestant succession, and
whilst burning in effigy on the 18th of November--Queen Bess's day--the
Pope, the Devil, and the Pretender, they sent up a powerful majority
of the men who were secretly growing more and more favourable to the
Pretender's return. Never, indeed, had the chances of his restoration
appeared so great. General Stanhope, on the close of the elections,
told the Hanoverian minister that the majority was against them, and
that if things continued ever so short a time on the present footing,
the Elector would not come to the Crown unless he came with an army.

In the Macpherson and Lockhart Papers we have now the fullest evidence
of what was going on to this end. The agents of both Hanover and St.
Germains were active; but those of Hanover were depressed, those of St.
Germains never in such hope. The Jesuit Plunkett wrote: "The changes go
on by degrees to the king's advantage; none but his friends advanced or
employed in order to serve the great project. Bolingbroke and Oxford do
not set their horses together, because Oxford is so dilatory, and dozes
over things, which is the occasion there are so many Whigs chosen this
Parliament. Though there are four Tories to one, they think it little.
The ministry must now swim or sink with France." In fact, Oxford's
over-caution, and his laziness, at the same time that he was impatient
to allow any power out of his own hands, and yet did not exert it when
he had it, had disgusted the Tories, and favoured the ambitious views
which Bolingbroke was cherishing. The latter had now managed to win
the confidence of Lady Masham from the Lord Treasurer to himself; and,
aware that he had made a mortal enemy of the Elector of Hanover by his
conduct in compelling a peace and deserting the Allies, he determined
to make a bold effort to bring in the Pretender on the queen's decease,
which every one, from the nature of her complaint, felt could not be
far off. To such a pitch of openness did the queen carry her dislike,
that she seemed to take a pleasure in speaking in the most derogatory
terms of both the old Electress Sophia and her son. Oxford's close and
mysterious conduct disgusted the agents of Hanover, without assuring
those of the Pretender, and threw the advantage with the latter
party more and more into the hands of Bolingbroke. Baron Schutz, the
Hanoverian agent, wrote home that he could make nothing of Oxford, but
that there was a design against his master; and when Lord Newcastle
observed to the agent of the Pretender that, the queen's life being so
precarious, it would be good policy in Harley to strike up with the
king and make a fair bargain, the agent replied, "If the king were
master of his three kingdoms to-morrow, he would not be able to do for
Mr. Harley what the Elector of Hanover had done for him already." Thus
Oxford's closeness made him suspected of being secured by the Elector
at the very moment that the Elector deemed that he was leaning towards
the Pretender.

Meanwhile the changes made in the Government offices betrayed the
rising influence of Bolingbroke. The Duke of Shrewsbury was made Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland; the Duke of Ormonde, a noted Jacobite, was
appointed Warden of the Cinque Ports and Governor of Dover Castle, as
if for the avowed purpose of facilitating the landing of the Pretender;
Lord Lansdowne was made Treasurer of the Household; Lord Dartmouth,
Privy Seal; Mr. Bromley, the Tory leader of the Commons, joint
secretary with Bolingbroke; Benson, Chancellor of the Exchequer, was
created Lord Bingley, and sent as ambassador to Spain; and Sir William
Wyndham, till now a friend of Bolingbroke's, succeeded Benson as
Chancellor. Thus Bolingbroke was surrounded by his friends in office,
and became more daring in his rivalry with Oxford, and in his schemes
to supplant the House of Hanover and introduce the Pretender to the
British throne.

[Illustration: SIR RICHARD STEELE.]

Whilst the English Court was distracted by these dissensions, the
Emperor was endeavouring to carry on the war against France by himself.
He trusted that the death of Queen Anne would throw out the Tories, and
that the Whigs coming in would again support his claims, or that the
death of Louis himself might produce a change as favourable to him in
France; he trusted to the genius of Eugene to at least enable him to
maintain the war till some such change took place. But he was deceived.
The French, having him alone to deal with, made very light of it.
They knew that he could neither bring into the field soldiers enough
to cope with their arms, nor find means to maintain them. They soon
overpowered Eugene on the Rhine, and the Emperor being glad to make
peace, Eugene and Villars met at Rastadt to concert terms. They did not
succeed, and separated till February; but met again at the latter end
of the month, and, on the 3rd of March, 1714, the treaty was signed.
By it the Emperor retained Freiburg, Old Briesach, Kehl, and the forts
in the Breisgau and Black Forest; but the King of France kept Landau,
Strasburg, and all Alsace. The Electors of Bavaria and Cologne were
readmitted to their territories and dignities as princes of the Empire.
The Emperor was put in possession of the Spanish Netherlands, and the
King of Prussia was permitted to retain the high quarters of Guelders.

The peace with Spain was also ratified in London on the 1st of March.
By this, Spain, so far as diplomatic contracts could effect it, was
for ever separated from France. Philip acknowledged the Protestant
succession, and renounced the Pretender. He confirmed the Assiento, or
exclusive privilege of the English supplying the Spanish West Indies
and South American colonies with slaves, one-fourth of the profit of
which the queen reserved to herself--a strange proof of the small
idea of the infamy of this traffic which prevailed then in England,
whilst so truly benevolent a woman could calmly appropriate money
so earned to her own use. Gibraltar and Minorca were also confirmed
to England, on condition that the Spanish inhabitants should enjoy
their own property and their religion. There was a guarantee given by
Philip for the pardon and security of the Catalans. They were to be
left in possession of their lives, estates, and honours, with certain
exceptions, and even these were at liberty to quit the country and
remove to Italy with their effects. But the Catalans, who had taken up
arms for Charles of Austria at our suggestion, were greatly incensed
at the dishonourable manner in which we had abandoned them and the
cause, and, putting no faith in the word of Philip, they still remained
in arms, and soon found themselves overrun with French troops, which
deluged their country with blood, and compelled them to submit. Amid
all the disgraceful circumstances which attended the peace of Utrecht,
none reflected more infamy on England than its treatment of the people
of Catalonia.

During these transactions the activity of the Pretender and his agents
was encouraged by the growing influence of Bolingbroke in the English
Court. Bolingbroke proposed to Oxford that they should pay the dowry
of the Pretender's mother, the widow of James II.; but to this Oxford
objected, saying that the widow of James had not contented herself
with the title of queen-dowager of England, but had assumed that of
queen mother, which, he observed, could not be lawfully admitted after
the attainder of her son. This strengthened the hands of Bolingbroke
with Lady Masham, who was violently in favour of the Pretender. Lady
Masham's disgust with Oxford was wonderfully increased. In writing to
Mesnager, she did not hesitate to say that if the Court of St. Germains
trusted to Oxford, they would be deceived; that he was "famous for
loving a secret, and making intricacies where there needed none, and
no less renowned for causing everything of such a nature to miscarry."
The Pretender, having every day increased encouragement from Lady
Masham and Bolingbroke, demanded of the Emperor of Germany one of
his nieces in marriage; and it was reported that the Emperor was
agreeable to it, and ready to espouse his cause. It was well known
that distinct propositions had been made to the Pretender through the
Duke of Berwick, at the instance of Lady Masham, before her breach
with Oxford, by which his restoration on the demise of Anne was agreed
to on condition that he should guarantee the security of the Church
and Constitution of England, and that not even his mother should
be admitted to the knowledge of this agreement. At the last point,
however, Oxford failed to conclude this secret treaty. The Duke of
Berwick, in his Memoirs, says that, in consequence of this conduct of
Oxford's, the friends of the Pretender turned their attention to other
parties about the Court--to Lord Ormonde, the Duke of Buckingham,
and many other persons. Buckingham--who was married to the Lady
Catherine Darnley, a daughter of James II. by Catherine Sedley, and
was, therefore, brother-in-law to the Pretender--wrote to the Earl of
Middleton, the Pretender's Minister, how earnestly he desired to see
the king back on the English throne; that nothing but his religion
stood in the way; that this was the only thing which prevented the
queen from acknowledging him; and he urged him to follow the example of
Henry IV. of France, who gave up the Protestant religion when he saw
that he could not securely hold the Crown without doing so. But the
Pretender was, much to his credit--being firmly persuaded of the truth
of his religion--much too honest to renounce it, even for the Crown of
such a kingdom as Great Britain; and he argued that the English people
ought to see in his sincerity a guarantee for his faithful dealing
with them in all other matters. But, unfortunately, the example of his
father had barred the way to any such plea. No man was more positive
in the adherence to his religion, or in his sacrifices on its account;
but no man had at the same time so thoroughly demonstrated that he had
no such honourable feeling as to breaking his word where any political
matter was concerned.

In the midst of these secret correspondences the queen was seized at
Windsor with a serious illness, and, considering the general state
of her health, it was most threatening. The hopes of the Jacobites
rose wonderfully; the Funds went rapidly down; there was a great run
upon the Bank, and the Directors were filled with consternation by
a report of an armament being ready in the ports of France to bring
over the Pretender at the first news of Anne's decease. They sent
to the Lord Treasurer to inform him of the danger which menaced the
public credit. The whole of London was in excitement, from a report
that the queen was actually dead. The Whigs did not conceal their joy,
but were hurrying to and fro, and meeting in large numbers at the
Earl of Wharton's. The Lord Treasurer, to keep down the public alarm,
remained in town, and contented himself with sending expresses to
obtain constant news of the queen's state, for his hurrying to Windsor
would have had an inconceivable effect. He, therefore, let himself be
seen publicly where he could be questioned regarding the condition
of the queen, and gave assurances that she was better. To allay the
panic, Anne was induced to sign a letter prepared for her, announcing
to Sir Samuel Stancer, the Lord Mayor, that she was now recovering,
and would be in town and open Parliament on the 16th of February. This
news being confirmed, those who had been too hasty in pulling off their
masks found some awkwardness in fitting them on again. The Press was
active. Steele published a pamphlet called "The Crisis," in advocacy
of the Revolution, and on the danger of a Popish succession; whilst
on the other hand came out a reply, supposed to be written by Swift,
not without a few touches from Bolingbroke; it was styled "The Public
Spirit of the Whigs," and was distinguished by all the sarcasm of the
authors. The queen's recovery, and the fact that the French armament
was a fiction, quieted the storm and again restored the Funds.

The Parliament was punctually opened on the 16th of February, 1714, by
the queen, as she had promised at Windsor, though she was obliged to
be carried there; for during last autumn she had been obliged, by her
gout and obesity, to be raised into her chamber by pulleys, and so let
down again, like Henry VIII. After congratulating the two Houses on
the peace with Spain, she turned to the subject of the Press, and the
rumours spread by it regarding the danger of the Protestant succession.
Bolingbroke had been active enough in prosecuting the Press because it
was dangerous to the designs which he was cherishing, notwithstanding
the affected warmth which he and Oxford had put into the queen's
mouth. They had taxed the penny sheets and pamphlets which agitated
these questions; but this, according to Swift, had only done their own
side mischief. Bolingbroke had, further, arrested eleven printers and
publishers in one day. But now the war was opened in Parliament, Lord
Wharton, in the House of Peers, called for the prosecution of "The
Public Spirit of the Whigs," and the printer and publisher were brought
to the bar. These were John Morphew, the publisher, and one John Bache,
the printer. But Lord Wharton, who was aiming at higher quarry, said,
"We have nothing to do with the printer and publisher, but it highly
concerns the honour of this august assembly to find out the villain who
is the author of that false and scandalous libel." Oxford denied all
knowledge of the author, yet, on retiring from the debate, he sent one
hundred pounds to Swift, and promised to do more. Lord Wharton then
turned upon the printer, whom he had first affected to disregard, and
demanded that he should be closely examined; but the next day the Earl
of Mar, one of the secretaries of State, declared that her Majesty had
ordered his prosecution. This was to shield him from the Parliamentary
inquiry. Here the matter dropped, for Swift was too well screened by
his patrons, who had lately rewarded him by Church preferment, and
shortly afterwards made him Dean of St. Patrick's, in Dublin.

The attempt of the Whigs in the Lords to unearth the vituperative
dean, though it had failed, stimulated the Tories in the Commons to
retaliation. Richard Steele, author of "The Tatler," an eloquent and
able writer, had not sought to screen himself from the responsibility
of the honest truths in "The Crisis," as Swift had screened himself
from the consequences of his untruths, and a whole host of Tories
assailed him in the Commons, of which he was a member. Amongst these
were Thomas Harley, the brother of Oxford, Foley, the auditor, a
relative of Oxford's, and Sir William Wyndham, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. They flattered themselves with an easy triumph over him, for
Steele, though popular as a writer, was new to the House of Commons,
and had broken down in his first essay at speaking there; but he now
astonished them by the vigour, wit, and sarcasm of his defence. He was
ably supported, too, by Robert Walpole, who had obtained a seat in
this new Parliament. Nothing, however, could shield Steele, as Swift's
being anonymous had shielded him. Steele was pronounced by the votes of
a majority of two hundred and forty-five to one hundred and fifty-two
to be guilty of a scandalous libel, and was expelled the House. During
the debate Addison had sat by the side of Steele, and, though he was
no orator to champion him in person, had suggested continual telling
arguments.

The war of faction still went on furiously. In the Lords there was a
violent debate on an address, recommended by Wharton, Cowper, Halifax,
and others, on the old subject of removing the Pretender from Lorraine;
and they went so far as to recommend that a reward should be offered
to any person who should bring the Pretender, dead or alive, to her
Majesty. This was so atrocious, considering the relation of the
Pretender to the queen, that it was negatived, and another clause,
substituting a reward for bringing him to justice should he attempt
to land in Great Britain or Ireland. Though in the Commons, as well
as in the Lords, it was decided that the Protestant succession was in
no danger, an address insisting on the removal of the Pretender from
Lorraine was carried. Anne received these addresses in anything but
a gratified humour. She observed, in reply, that "it really would be
a strengthening to the succession of the House of Hanover, if an end
were put to these groundless fears and jealousies which had been so
industriously promoted. I do not," she said, "at this time see any
necessity for such a proclamation. Whenever I judge it necessary, I
shall give my orders to have it issued."

The Whigs were as active to bring over the Electoral Prince of Hanover
as they were to drive the Pretender farther off. With the Prince in
England, a great party would be gathered about him; and all those who
did not pay court to him and promote the interests of his House would
be marked men in the next reign. Nothing could be more hateful than
such a movement to both the queen and her ministers. Anne had a perfect
horror of the House of Hanover; and of the Ministers, Bolingbroke, at
least, was staking his whole future on paving the way of the Pretender
to the throne. When the Whigs, therefore, instigated Baron Schutz, the
Hanoverian envoy, to apply to the Lord Chancellor Harcourt for a writ
of summons for the Electoral Prince, who had been created a British
peer by the title of the Duke of Cambridge, Harcourt was thrown into
the utmost embarrassment. He pleaded that he must first consult the
queen, who, on her part, was seized with similar consternation. The
Court was equally afraid of granting the writ and of refusing it. If it
granted it, the prince would soon be in England, and the queen would
see her courtiers running to salute the rising sun; the Jacobites, with
Bolingbroke at their head, would commit suicide on their own plans now
in active agitation for bringing in the Pretender. If they refused it,
it would rouse the whole Whig party, and the cry that the Protestant
succession was betrayed would spread like lightning through the nation.
Schutz was counselled by the leading Whigs--Devonshire, Somerset,
Nottingham, Somers, Argyll, Cowper, Halifax, Wharton, and Townshend--to
press the Lord Chancellor for the writ. He did so, and was answered
that the writ was ready sealed, and was lying for him whenever he chose
to call for it; but at the same time he was informed that her Majesty
was greatly incensed at the manner in which the writ had been asked
for; that she conceived that it should have first been mentioned to
her, and that she would have given the necessary orders. But every one
knew that it was not the manner, but the fact of desiring the delivery
of the writ which was the offence.

Every engine of the English Court was put in motion to prevent the
Electoral Prince from coming. Oxford had an interview with Schutz, in
which he repeated that it was his applying for the writ to the Lord
Chancellor instead of to the queen that had done all the mischief;
that her Majesty, had it not been for this untoward incident,
would have invited the Prince to come over and spend the summer in
England--forgetting, as Schutz observed, that the minute before he had
assured him that the queen was too much afraid of seeing any of that
family here. He advised Schutz--who could not be convinced that he had
done anything irregular in his application, quoting numerous proofs to
show that it was the accustomed mode of applying for writs--to avoid
appearing again at Court; but Schutz, not seeming disposed to follow
that advice, immediately received a positive order to the same effect
from the queen through another channel. Schutz, therefore, lost no
time in returning to Hanover to justify himself. At the same time,
Lord Strafford was instructed to write from the Hague, blaming the
conduct of Schutz in applying for the writ in the manner he did, as
disrespectful to the queen; for, though strictly legal for an absent
peer to make such application, the etiquette was that he should defer
it till he could do it personally. Strafford ridiculed the idea of any
movement being afoot in favour of the Pretender, and observed that,
as to sending him out of the Duke of Lorraine's territory, it was not
practicable, because the French king maintained that he had fulfilled
the treaty, Lorraine not being any part of France. On the other hand,
there were striking signs that the cause of Hanover was in the
ascendant. Men who watched the course of events decided accordingly.
Marlborough, who so lately had been making court to the Pretender, now
wrote from Antwerp, urging the House of Hanover to send over the prince
without delay to England; that the state of the queen's health made
prompt action necessary; and that the presence of the prince in London
would secure the succession without risk, without expense, and without
war, and was the likeliest measure of inducing France to abandon its
design of assisting the Pretender.

[Illustration: WELFEN CASTLE, HANOVER.]

The real fact was, that exertions equally strenuous were all this time
being made on the part of the Pretender. As the state of Anne's health
became more and more precarious, both parties increased their efforts
to secure their ground, and there was a most active and incessant
struggle going on round the throne to enable the head of either
party to step into it the moment it became vacant. It was considered
essential for the claimant to be on the spot, and, therefore, every
means was used to induce the queen to admit the Pretender as well as
a member of the Electoral House to Court. It was a scheme of the Duke
of Berwick, which he communicated to Oxford through the Abbé Gualtier,
that the queen should be induced to consent to do her brother justice;
that he should go to St. James's, and that on the understanding that he
consented to allow liberty of the subject and of religion, the queen
should pass such Acts as were necessary for the public security on
these heads, and that then she should suddenly introduce him in full
Parliament.

But there was a circumstance taken for granted in such a scheme which
would never have been realised--the consent of the queen. Anne, like
most other sovereigns, abhorred the idea of a successor. She never
liked the contemplation of the occupation of her throne after death,
much less did she relish the presence of a competitor during her
lifetime. Besides in her days of disease and weakness she had enough to
do to manage her Ministry, without adding to her anxieties by a rival
authority either from Hanover or St. Germains. There was still another
obstacle--the unsatisfactory conduct of Oxford, who had professed
great zeal for the Pretender till he got the Peace of Utrecht signed,
because this secured him the vote of the Jacobites, but who since then
had trifled with them, and never could be brought to any positive
decision. Berwick had sent over the Abbé Gualtier to endeavour to bring
Oxford to a point. Gualtier soon informed his employer that Oxford was
actively corresponding with the House of Hanover and therefore Berwick
and De Torcy wrote a joint letter to him, putting the plain question,
what measures he had taken to secure the interests of the Pretender in
case of the death of the queen, which no one could now suppose to be
far off. Oxford, with unwonted candour this time, replied that, if the
queen died soon, the affairs of the Prince and of the Cabinet too were
ruined without resource. This satisfied them that he had never really
been in earnest in the Pretender's cause, or he would long ago have
taken measures for his advantage, or would have told them that he found
it impossible. They determined, therefore, to throw the interests of
the Jacobites into the party of Bolingbroke; and this was another step
in Oxford's fall. They managed to set Lady Masham warmly against him,
and this undermined him more than ever with the queen.

The scene grew every day more busy as the queen became more obviously
failing. Harley, at Hanover, was plying the Elector and his family
with reasons why the prince ought not to go to England. The Elector
himself appeared quite of the same opinion; but not so the Electress
or her son. The Electress, who was now nearly eighty-four, and who
was undoubtedly a woman of a very superior character, still had that
trace of earthly ambition in her, that she used frequently to say
she should die contented if she could only once for a little while
feel the crown of England on her head. She was the youngest daughter
of Elizabeth of Bohemia, who had ruined her husband by a similar
longing after a far less resplendent diadem. When pressed by Harley,
the Electress and her son presented him with a memorial, which he was
desired to forward to the queen. Anne, in indignation, addressed a
letter to the Electress, but without effect; and on the 30th of May
she indited a more determined epistle to the Elector himself:--"As the
rumour increases that my cousin, the Electoral Prince, has resolved to
come over to settle in my lifetime in my dominions, I do not choose to
delay a moment to write to you about this, and to communicate to you
my sentiments upon a subject of this importance. I then freely own to
you that I cannot imagine that a prince who possesses the knowledge
and penetration of your Electoral Highness can ever contribute to such
an attempt, and that I believe you are too just to allow that any
infringement shall be made on my sovereignty which you would not choose
should be made on your own. I am firmly persuaded that you would not
suffer the smallest diminution of your authority. I am no less delicate
in that respect; and I am determined to oppose a project so contrary to
my royal authority, however fatal the consequences may be."

This put matters beyond all chance of mistake. The menace had such an
effect on the aged Electress that she was taken ill and died suddenly
in the arms of the Electoral Princess, afterwards Queen Caroline (May
28, 1714). Sophia was a very accomplished as well as amiable woman. She
was perfect mistress of the German, Dutch, French, English, and Italian
languages; and, notwithstanding the endeavours of the Jacobite party in
England to render her ridiculous, had always maintained an elevated and
honourable character. She was more of an Englishwoman than a German,
and, had she lived a few weeks longer, would have had--according to her
often avowed wish--"Here lies Sophia, Queen of England," engraven on
her coffin. The journey of the prince was wholly abandoned; not that
the inclination of the prince for the journey was abated, nor that the
Whigs ceased to urge it. Townshend, Sunderland, Halifax, and others
pressed it as of the utmost importance; and both the Elector and his
son wrote to the queen, assuring her that, had the prince been allowed
to come, he would soon have convinced her Majesty of his desire to
increase the peace and strength of her reign rather than to diminish
them.

The two rival Ministers of England became every day more embittered
against each other; and Bolingbroke grew more daring in his advances
towards the Pretender, and towards measures only befitting a Stuart's
reign. In order to please the High Church, whilst he was taking the
surest measures to ruin it by introducing a popish prince, he consulted
with Atterbury, and they agreed to bring in a Bill which should prevent
Dissenters from educating their own children. This measure was sure to
please the Hanoverian Tories, who were as averse from the Dissenters as
the Whigs. Thus it would conciliate them and obtain their support at
the very moment that the chief authors of it were planning the ruin of
their party. This Bill was called the Schism Bill, and enjoined that
no person in Great Britain should keep any school, or act as tutor,
who had not first subscribed the declaration to conform to the Church
of England, and obtained a licence of the diocesan. Upon failure of
so doing, the party might be committed to prison without bail; and no
such licence was to be granted before the party produced a certificate
of his having received the Sacrament according to the communion of the
English Church within the last year, and of his having also subscribed
the oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy.

This Act, as disgraceful as any which ever dishonoured the statute-book
in the reigns of the Tudors or Stuarts, was introduced into the
Commons, on the 12th of May, by Sir William Wyndham, and was resolutely
opposed by the Whigs, amongst whom Sir Peter King, Sir Joseph Jekyll,
Mr. Hampden, Robert Walpole, and General Stanhope distinguished
themselves. They did not convince the majority, which amounted to no
less than two hundred and thirty-seven to one hundred and twenty-six.
In the Lords, Bolingbroke himself moved the second reading, and it
was ably opposed by the Lords Cowper, Wharton, Halifax, Townshend,
Nottingham, and others. The greatest curiosity was displayed regarding
the part which Oxford would take, as it was known that in the Council
he had endeavoured to soften the rigorous clauses; but in the House
he followed his usual shuffling habit, declaring that he had not yet
considered the question; and, having induced the Opposition to let the
second reading pass without a division, he absented himself from the
final voting, and thus disgusted both parties and hastened his own fall.

In committee the Opposition endeavoured to introduce some modifying
clause. They proposed that the Dissenters should have schools for their
own persuasion; and, had the object of the Bill been to prevent them
from endangering the Church by educating the children of Churchmen,
this would have served the purpose. But this was not the real object;
the motive of the Bill was the old tyrannic spirit of the Church, and
this most reasonable clause was rejected. They allowed, however, dames
or schoolmistresses to teach the children to read; and they removed
the conviction of offenders from the justices of peace to the courts
of law, and granted a right of appeal to a higher court. Finally,
they exempted tutors in noblemen's families, noblemen being supposed
incapable of countenancing any other than teachers of Court principles.
Stanhope seized on this to extend the privilege to the members of the
House of Commons, arguing that, as many members of the Commons were
connected with noble families, they must have an equal claim for the
education of their children in sound principles. This was an exquisite
bit of satire, but it was unavailing. The Hanoverian Tories, headed
by Lord Anglesey, moved that the Act should extend to Ireland, where,
as the native population was almost wholly Catholic, and therefore
schismatic in the eye of the Established Church, the Bill would have
almost entirely extinguished education. The Bill was carried on the
10th of June by a majority only of seventy-seven against seventy-two,
and would not have been carried at all except for the late creation of
Tory peers.

The Hanoverian Tories now again joined the Whigs, and their demands
compelled the Government to issue a proclamation offering a reward of
five thousand pounds for the apprehension of the Pretender should he
attempt to land anywhere in Great Britain. Wharton proposed that the
words "Alive or Dead" should be inserted in the proclamation, but the
queen rejected them with horror. The House of Lords passed a resolution
increasing the reward to one hundred thousand pounds. It was made high
treason, too, to enlist or be enlisted for the Pretender. Bolingbroke,
however, assured Iberville, a French agent, that "it would make no
difference;" and that the queen regarded the whole as a mere sop to
the public was evinced by her immediately afterwards receiving the
Earl of Mar, a most determined Jacobite, at Court on his marriage with
Lady Francis Pierrepoint, sister of the celebrated Lady Mary Wortley
Montagu, and soon after making this man one of her Ministers of State,
who, in the very next year, headed the Jacobite rebellion.

The queen closed the session on the 9th of July, assuring the
Parliament that her chief concern was for the preservation of our holy
religion and the liberty of the subject--this liberty having been most
grievously invaded by her through the Schism Bill. But the dissolution
of her Ministry was also fast approaching. The hostility of Oxford and
Bolingbroke was becoming intolerable, and paralysed all the proceedings
of Government. As for Oxford, he felt himself going, and had not the
boldness and resolution to do what would ruin his rival. He coquetted
with the Whigs--Cowper, Halifax, and others; he wrote to Marlborough,
and did all but throw himself into the arms of the Opposition. Had he
had the spirit to do that he might have been saved; but it was not in
his nature. He might then have uncovered to the day the whole monstrous
treason of Bolingbroke; but he had himself so far and so often, though
never heartily or boldly, tampered with treason, that he dreaded
Bolingbroke's retaliation. Bothmar, the Hanoverian envoy, saw clearly
that Oxford was lost. He wrote home that there were numbers who would
have assisted him to bring down his rival, but that he could not be
assisted, because, according to the English maxim, he did not choose to
assist himself. Swift endeavoured, but in vain, to reconcile his two
jarring friends; and Oxford finally utterly lost himself by offending
the great favourite, Lady Masham. He had been imprudent enough to
oppose her wishes, and refuse her some matter of interest. He now was
treated by her with such marked indignity, that Dr. Arbuthnot declared
that he would no more have suffered what he had done than he would have
sold himself to the galleys. Still, with his singular insensibility to
insult, he used to dine at the same table with her frequently, and also
in company with Bolingbroke, too.

Anne demanded Oxford's resignation. The "dragon," as Arbuthnot styled
him, held the White Staff with a deadly grip; but, on the 27th of July,
he was compelled to relinquish it, and that afternoon her Majesty
stated to the Council her reasons for dismissing him. His confidant and
creature, Erasmus Lewis, himself thus records them:--"The queen has
told all the Lords the reasons of her parting with him, namely, that
he neglected all business; that he was seldom to be understood; that
when he did explain himself she could not depend upon the truth of what
he said; that he never came to her at the time she appointed; that he
often came drunk; lastly, to crown all, that he behaved himself towards
her with bad manners, indecency, and disrespect."

Bolingbroke was now Prime Minister, and he hastened to arrange his
Cabinet entirely on Jacobite principles. So far as he was concerned,
the country was to be handed over to the Pretender and popery on the
queen's death. He would not run the risk of a new antagonist in the
shape of a Lord Treasurer, but put the Treasury in commission, with Sir
William Wyndham at its head. The Privy Seal was given to Atterbury;
Bromley was continued as the other Secretary of State; and the Earl
of Mar, the rankest of Jacobites, was made Secretary of State for
Scotland. Ormonde, long engaged in the Pretender's plot, was made
Commander-in-Chief--a most significant appointment; Buckingham was
made Lord President, and Harcourt Lord Chancellor. As for the inferior
posts, he found great difficulty in filling them up. "The sterility
of good men," wrote Erasmus Lewis to Swift, "is incredible." Good
men, according to the unprincipled Bolingbroke's notions, were not to
be found in a hurry. There were plenty of candidates ready, but it
may give an impressive notion of the state of that party, that there
was scarcely a man beyond those already appointed whom Bolingbroke
could trust. The Cabinet never was completed. What his own notions of
moral or political honesty were, may be imagined from the fact that
he did not hesitate to attempt a coalition with the Whigs. He gave
a dinner-party at his house in Golden Square to Stanhope, Walpole,
Craggs, General Cadogan, and other leaders; but though Walpole, when
Minister himself, boasted that every man had his price, Bolingbroke had
not yet discovered Walpole's price nor that of his colleagues. They
to a man demanded, as a _sine quâ non_, that the Pretender should be
compelled to remove to Rome, or to some place much farther off than
Lorraine, and Bolingbroke assured them that the queen would never
consent to such a banishment of her brother. Nothing but the lowest
opinion of men's principles could have led Bolingbroke to expect any
other result from these Whig leaders. Perhaps he only meant to sound
their real views; perhaps only to divert public attention from his
real designs, which the very names of his coadjutors in the Ministry
must have made patent enough to all men of any penetration. The very
same day that he thus gave this Whig dinner he assured Gualtier that
his sentiments towards "the king" were just the same as ever, provided
his Majesty took such measures as would suit the people of England.
Time only was wanting for this traitor-Minister to betray the country
to its old despotisms and troubles; but such time was not in the
plans of Providence. The end of Anne was approaching faster than was
visible to human eyes; but the shrewd and selfish Marlborough had a
pretty strong instinct of it, and was drawing nearer and nearer to the
scene of action, ready to secure himself whichever way the balance
inclined. He was at Ostend, prepared to pass over at an hour's notice,
and to the last moment keeping up his correspondence with the two
Courts of Hanover and Bar-le-duc. Both despised and suspected him, but
feared him at the same time. Such was still his influence, especially
with the army, that whichever party he adopted was considered pretty
sure to succeed. That it was likely to succeed was equally certain
before Marlborough did adopt it. Lockhart of Carnwath, one of the most
active and sagacious Jacobites, and likely to be in the secrets of
the Jacobite party, says that the Pretender, to test the sincerity of
Marlborough, asked the loan of one hundred thousand pounds from him, as
a proof of his fidelity. He did not abide the test, but soon afterwards
offered twenty thousand pounds to the Electoral Prince, to enable him
to come over to England. The moment that Marlborough was prepared,
with his deep-rooted love of money, to do that, it might be certainly
pronounced that he was confident of the success of the Hanoverians.

[Illustration: ANNE MAKING THE DUKE OF SHREWSBURY LORD TREASURER. (_See
p._ 22)]

The agitation which the queen underwent on the night of the 27th, when
she dismissed Oxford after a long and fierce altercation, produced a
marked change in her health. The Council was only terminated, having
sat to consider who should be admitted into the new Ministry, by the
queen falling into a swoon. Being got to bed, she passed the night,
not in sleep, but in weeping. The next day another Council was held,
but was again broken up by the illness of the queen, and was prorogued
to the 29th of July. To Dr. Arbuthnot, her physician, Anne declared
that the disputes of her Ministers had killed her; that she should
never survive it. Lady Masham, struck by the queen's heavy and silent
manner, apprehended the worst. Bolingbroke and his Jacobite colleagues
were thunderstruck by this sudden crisis. They assembled in council at
Kensington, in a room not far from that of the dying queen, but they
were so stupefied by the blow that they could do nothing. On the other
hand, the Whigs had been quite alert. Stanhope had made preparations
to seize the Tower; to secure the persons of the Ministers and the
leading Jacobites, if necessary, on the demise of the queen; to obtain
possession of the outports, and proclaim the king. A proof of this
concert was immediately given by the Dukes of Argyll and Somerset, who
belonged to the Privy Council, but, of course, had not been summoned,
suddenly entering the Council chamber, stating that, hearing of the
queen's critical position, they had hastened, though not summoned, to
offer their assistance. No sooner had they said this, than the Duke of
Shrewsbury rose and thanked them for their courtesy. The Whig dukes
immediately demanded that the queen's physicians should be called and
examined as to her probable continuance. The physicians in general
were of opinion that her Majesty might linger some time; but Dr. Mead
declared that she could not live many days, perhaps not many hours;
from the apoplectic symptoms she might be gone in one. Argyll and
Somerset thereupon declared it absolutely necessary that the post of
Lord Treasurer should be filled up, as it was requisite that, at such a
moment, there should be a recognised Prime Minister, and proposed that
the Duke of Shrewsbury should be nominated to that office. Bolingbroke
felt that his power and his plans were at an end, and sat like one
in a dream. The members of the Council then proceeded to the queen's
apartment, and Bolingbroke followed them, as it were, mechanically.
The queen was sensible enough to be made aware of their errand, and
expressed her approval of it. Shrewsbury, however, with that singular
hesitation which always characterised him, refused to take the White
Staff, except from her Majesty's own hand. It was, therefore, handed to
her, and she extended it towards Shrewsbury, saying, "For God's sake,
use it for the good of my people!" Shrewsbury was already Chamberlain,
and he presented the staff of that office in resignation of it; but the
queen bade him retain both; and thus he was at once Lord Treasurer,
Lord Chamberlain, and Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.

Oxford had sent round a circular to every Whig lord in or near London
who had ever belonged to the Privy Council, warning them to come and
make a struggle for the Protestant succession. This was one of the
most decided actions of that vibratory statesman, and was, no doubt,
prompted by his desire to avenge his recent defeat by Bolingbroke,
and to stand well at the last moment with the House of Hanover. In
consequence of this, the Jacobite Ministers found themselves completely
prostrate and helpless in the midst of the strong muster of Whigs. Even
the aged and infirm Somers made his appearance, and threw the weight
of his great name into the scale. Prompt measures were taken to secure
the advent of the new king. Four regiments were ordered to London;
seven battalions were sent for from Ostend, where Marlborough was said
to have secured their zealous fidelity to the Elector; a fleet was
ordered to put to sea to prevent any interruption of his transit, and
to receive him in Holland. An embargo was laid on all ports, and Anne
the next morning having sunk again into lethargy, the Council ordered
the Heralds-at-Arms and a troop of the Life Guards to be in readiness
to proclaim her successor. Mr. Craggs was sent express to Hanover to
desire the Elector to hasten to Holland, where the fleet would be
ready to receive him. The Council also sent a dispatch to the States
General, to remind them of the fact--which for a long time and to this
moment the English Government appeared itself to have forgotten--that
there was such a thing as a treaty, and that by it they were bound to
guarantee the Protestant succession. Lord Berkeley was appointed to the
command of the fleet, and a reinforcement was ordered for Portsmouth.
A general officer was hastened to Scotland, where much apprehension
of a movement in favour of the Pretender existed; and, in short,
every conceivable arrangement was made for the safe accession of the
Protestant king.

Still, during all this time, though the Tory Ministers in the Council
appeared paralysed, the Jacobite lords assembled in secret junto in the
very palace where the Council was sitting and the queen dying. Lady
Masham's apartments were the scene of the last convulsive agitation of
Jacobitism. From her the distracted leaders of that faction received
the accounts of the progress of the queen's illness. Amongst these
were Buckingham, Ormonde, Atterbury, and, when he was not at Anne's
bedside, Robinson, Bishop of London. This prelate, when he attended
to administer the Sacrament to the dying woman, received a message
from her, which he was bound by the Duchess of Ormonde to promise
to deliver, though it cost him his head. Probably it was some last
remembrance to her brother, the Pretender; though it was supposed by
some to be an order to the Duke of Ormonde, the Commander-in-Chief,
to hold the army for the Stuart. Nothing, however, of the nature of
this message ever transpired; but the Duke of Buckingham, on the
separation of the Council, which had just obtained the affixing of the
Great Seal to a patent providing for the government of the country by
four-and-twenty regents till the arrival of the successor, clapped his
hand on Ormonde's shoulder, saying, "My lord, you have four-and-twenty
hours to do our business in, and make yourself master of the country."
It was a forlorn hope. That evening Lady Masham entered her apartments
in great agitation, saying, "Oh, my lords, we are all undone--entirely
ruined! The queen is a dead woman; all the world cannot save her!"
Upon which one of the lords asked if the queen had her senses, and if
Lady Masham thought she could speak to them. She replied, "Impossible;
her pain deprives her of all sense, and in the interval she dozes and
speaks to nobody." "That is hard indeed," said one of the lords. "If
she could but speak to us, and give us orders, and sign them, we might
do the business for all that." "Alas!" replied another lord, "who would
act on such orders? We are all undone!" "Then we cannot be worse,"
said a third. "I assure you," remarked another of these conspirators,
probably Ormonde, "that if her Majesty would give orders to proclaim
her successor in her lifetime, I would do it at the head of the
army. I'll answer for the soldiers." "Do it, then!" swore the Bishop
Atterbury, for he did not stick at an oath. "Let us go out and proclaim
the Chevalier at Charing Cross. Do you not see that we have no time to
lose?" Lady Masham told them they might waive debate; there was nothing
to be done; her Majesty was no longer capable of directing anything. On
which the Duke of Ormonde exclaimed, "Lord, what an unhappy thing this
is! What a cause is here lost at one blow!"

The queen expired at seven o'clock on Sunday morning, the 1st of
August, 1714, not having recovered sufficient consciousness to receive
the Sacrament, or to sign her will. During her intervals of sense she
is reported to have repeatedly exclaimed, "Oh, my brother, my dear
brother, what will become of you!" She was still only in her fiftieth
year, and the thirteenth of her reign. Bolingbroke wrote to Swift--"The
Earl of Oxford was removed on Tuesday, and the queen died on Sunday.
What a world is this, and how does fortune banter us!"

Bolingbroke had assured Iberville, the French agent, that, had the
queen only lived six weeks longer, his measures were so well taken that
he should have brought in the Pretender in spite of everything. On the
very day of the queen's death Marlborough landed at Dover, so exactly
had he timed his return. He found George I. proclaimed in London, in
York, and in other large towns, not only without disorder, but with an
acclamation of joy from the populace which plainly showed where the
heart lay.



CHAPTER II.

THE REIGN OF GEORGE I.

    Peaceful Accession of George I.--His Arrival--Triumph of the
    Whigs--Dissolution and General Election--The Address--Determination
    to Impeach the late Ministers--Flight of Bolingbroke and
    Ormonde--Impeachment of Oxford--The Riot Act--The Rebellion
    of 1715--Policy of the Regent Orleans--Surrender of the
    Pretender's Ships--The Adventures of Ormonde and Mar--The
    Highlands declare for the Pretender--Mar and Argyll--Advance
    of Mackintosh's Detachment--Its Surrender at Preston--Battle
    of Sheriffmuir--Arrival of the Pretender--Mutual
    Disappointment--Advance of Argyll--Flight of the Pretender to
    France--Punishment of the Rebels--Impeachment of the Rebel
    Lords--The Septennial Act--The King goes to Hanover--Impossibility
    of Reconstructing the Grand Alliance--Negotiations with
    France--Danger of Hanover from Charles XII.--And from Russia--Alarm
    from Townshend--Termination of the Dispute--Fresh Differences
    between Stanhope and Townshend--Dismissal of the Latter--The
    Triple Alliance--Project for the Invasion of Scotland--Detection
    of the Plot--Dismissal of Townshend and Walpole--They go into
    Opposition--Walpole's Financial Scheme--Attack on Cadogan--Trial of
    Oxford--Cardinal Alberoni--Outbreak of Hostilities between Austria
    and Spain--Occupation of Sardinia--Alberoni's Diplomacy--The
    Quadruple Alliance--Byng in the Mediterranean--Alberoni deserted by
    Savoy--Death of Charles XII.--Declaration of War with Spain--Repeal
    of the Schism Act--Rejection of the Peerage Bill--Attempted
    Invasion of Britain--Dismissal of Alberoni--Spain makes
    Peace--Pacification of Northern Europe--Final Rejection of the
    Peerage Bill--The South Sea Company--The South Sea Bill--Opposition
    of Walpole--Rise of South Sea Stock--Rival Companies--Death
    of Stanhope--Punishment of Ministry and Directors--Supremacy
    of Walpole--Atterbury's Plot--His Banishment and the Return
    of Bolingbroke--Rejection of Bolingbroke's Services--A Palace
    Intrigue--Fall of Carteret--Wood's Halfpence--Disturbances in
    Scotland--Punishment of the Lord Chancellor Macclesfield--The
    Patriot Party--Complications Abroad--Treaty of Vienna--Treaty
    of Hanover--Activity of the Jacobites--Falls of Ripperda and of
    Bourbon--English Preparations--Folly of the Emperor--Attack on
    Gibraltar--Preliminaries of Peace--Intrigues against Walpole--Death
    of George I.


The calculations of no political party had ever been more completely
falsified than those of the Jacobites and their congeners the Tories
on the death of the queen. They had relied on the fact that the House
of Hanover was regarded with dislike as successors to the throne of
England by all the Catholic Powers of Europe, on account of their
Protestantism, and many of the Protestant Powers from jealousy; and
reckoned that, whilst France would be disposed to support the claims of
the Pretender, there were no Continental countries which would support
those of Hanover, except Holland and the new kingdom of Prussia,
neither of which gave them much alarm. Prussia was but a minor Power,
not capable of furnishing much aid to a contest in England. Holland
had been too much exhausted by a long war to be willing to engage
in another, except for a cause which vitally concerned itself. In
England, the Tories being in power, and Bolingbroke earnest in the
interest of the Pretender, the Duke of Ormonde at the head of the
army, there appeared to the minds of the Jacobites nothing to fear but
the too early demise of the queen, which might find their plans yet
unmatured. To this they, in fact, attributed their failure; but we
may very confidently assert that, even had Anne lived as long as they
desired her, there was one element omitted in their calculations which
would have overthrown all their attempts--the invincible antipathy
to Popery in the heart of the nation, which the steadfast temper of
the Pretender showed must inevitably come back with him to renew all
the old struggles. The event of the queen's death discovered, too, the
comparative weakness of the Tory faction, the strength and activity of
the Whigs. The king showing no haste to arrive, gave ample opportunity
to the Jacobites--had they been in any degree prepared, as they ought
to have been, after so many years, for this great crisis--to introduce
the Pretender and rally round his standard. But whilst George I.
lingered, no Stuart appeared; and the Whigs had taken such careful and
energetic precautions, that without him every attempt must only have
brought destruction on the movers. The measures of Shrewsbury were
complete. The way by sea was secured for the Protestant king, and the
Regency Act provided for the security of every department of Government
at home.

Before the proclamation of the new king the Council had met, and,
according to the Regency Act, and an instrument signed by the king and
produced by Herr Kreyenberg, the Hanoverian resident, nominated the
persons who were to act till the king's arrival. They consisted of the
seven great officers of State and a number of the peers. The whole was
found to include eighteen of the principal noblemen, nearly all of the
Whig party, as the Dukes of Shrewsbury, Somerset, and Argyll; the Lords
Cowper, Halifax, and Townshend. It was noticed, however, that neither
Marlborough, Sunderland, nor Somers was of the number; nor ought this
to have excited any surprise, when it was recollected that the list was
drawn out in 1705, though only signed just before the queen's death.
These noblemen belonged to that junto under whose thraldom Anne had so
long groaned. The omission, however, greatly incensed Marlborough and
Sunderland.

[Illustration: GREAT SEAL OF GEORGE I.]

Marlborough landed at Dover on the day of the queen's death, where he
was received with the warmest acclamations and tokens of the highest
popularity. He was met on his approach to London by a procession of two
hundred gentlemen, headed by Sir Charles Coxe, member for Southwark. As
he drew nearer this procession was joined by a long train of carriages.
It was like a triumph; and Bothmar, the Hanoverian Minister, wrote home
that it was as if he had gained another battle at Höchstädt (Blenheim)
that he would be of great service in case the Pretender should make any
attempt, but that he was displeased that he was not in the regency, or
that any man except the king should be higher in the country than he.
He went straight to the House of Lords to take the oaths to the king;
but at Temple Bar his carriage broke down, to the great delight of the
people, because it compelled him to come out and enter another, by
which they got a good view of him. Having taken the oaths, he retired
into the country till the arrival of the king, disgusted at his not
being in the regency.

The Lords Justices having met, appointed Joseph Addison, afterwards so
celebrated as a writer, and even now very popular, as their secretary,
and ordered all despatches addressed to Bolingbroke to be brought to
him. This was an intimation that Bolingbroke would be dismissed; and
that proud Minister, instead of giving orders, was obliged to receive
them, and to wait at the door of the Council-chamber with his bags and
papers. As the Lords Justices were apprehending that there might be
some disturbances in Ireland, they were about to send over Sunderland
as Lord-Lieutenant, and General Stanhope as Commander-in-Chief; but
they were speedily relieved of their fears by the intelligence that
all had passed off quietly there; that the Lords Justices of Ireland,
the Archbishop of Armagh, and Sir Constantine Phipps, who had been
more than suspected of Jacobitism, had proclaimed the king on the
6th of August, and, to give evidence of their new zeal, had issued
a proclamation for disarming Papists and seizing their horses. The
proclamation of George passed with the same quietness in Scotland, and
no king, had he been born a native, in the quietest times, could have
succeeded to the throne more smoothly. Eighteen lords, chiefly Whigs,
were nominated by the new king to act as a Council of Regency, pending
his arrival, and the Civil List was voted by Parliament.

During these transactions there was naturally an earnestly-inquiring
eye kept open towards Hanover, whence the king appeared in no hurry
to issue forth and assume the throne of these three fair kingdoms.
The coolness with which George of Hanover appeared to contemplate the
splendid prize which had fallen to him, seemed to the English little
less than unnatural. Thrones and crowns are generally seized upon
with avidity; but the new king seemed to feel more regret in quitting
his petty Electorate than eagerness to enter on his splendid kingdom.
But George was a man of phlegmatic disposition, and of the most exact
habits, and went through his duties like an automaton or a piece of
machinery. He took, therefore, much time in settling his affairs in
Hanover before he turned his face towards England, and it was not till
the 18th of September, or nearly seven weeks after the decease of the
late queen, that he landed at Greenwich with his son George. "His views
and affections were," as Lord Chesterfield properly observed, "singly
confined to the narrow compass of his Electorate. England was too big
for him."

The triumph of the Whigs was complete. Whilst Oxford, who had been
making great efforts at the last to retrieve himself with his party
by assisting them to seize the reins of power on the queen's illness,
was admitted in absolute silence to kiss the king's hand, and that not
without many difficulties, Marlborough, Somers, Halifax, and the rest
were received with the most cordial welcome. Yet, on appointing the
new cabinet, the king showed that he did not forget the double-dealing
of Marlborough. He smiled on him, but did not place him where he hoped
to be, at the head of affairs. He made Lord Townshend Secretary of
State and Prime Minister; Stanhope, the second Secretary; the Earl of
Mar was removed from the Secretaryship of Scotland to make way for
the Duke of Montrose; Lord Halifax was made First Lord Commissioner
of the Treasury, and was raised to an earldom, and was allowed to
confer on his nephew the sinecure of Auditor of the Exchequer; Lord
Cowper became Lord Chancellor; Lord Wharton was made Privy Seal,
and created a marquis; the Earl of Nottingham became President
of the Council; Mr. Pulteney was appointed Secretary-at-War; the
Duke of Argyll, Commander-in-Chief for Scotland; Shrewsbury, Lord
Chamberlain and Groom of the Stole; the Duke of Devonshire became Lord
Steward of the Household; the Duke of Somerset, Master of the Horse;
Sunderland, Lord-lieutenant of Ireland; Walpole was at first made
simply Paymaster of the Forces, without a place in the cabinet, but
his ability in debate and as a financier soon raised him to higher
employment; Lord Orford was made First Lord of the Admiralty; and
Marlborough, Commander-in-Chief and Master of the Ordnance. His power,
however, was gone. In the whole new cabinet Nottingham was the only
member who belonged to the Tory party, and of late he had been acting
more in common with the Whigs. The Tories complained vehemently of
their exclusion, as if their dealings with the Pretender had been a
recommendation to the House of Hanover. They contended that the king
should have shown himself the king of the whole people, and aimed at a
junction of the two parties.

The Ministerial arrangements being completed, the coronation took place
on the 31st of October, and was fully attended by the chief nobles and
statesmen, even by Oxford and Bolingbroke, and was celebrated in most
parts of the kingdom with many demonstrations of joy. Parliament was
then dissolved, and the elections went vastly in favour of the Whigs,
though there were serious riots at Manchester, and throughout the
Midlands. The hopes of advantage from a new monarch made their usual
conversions. In the House of Commons of 1710 there was a very large
majority of Whigs; in that of 1713 as great a one of Tories; and now
again there was as large a one of Whigs. In the Lords the spectacle was
the same. Bolingbroke says, "I saw several Lords concur to condemn, in
one general vote, all that they had approved of in a former Parliament
by many particular resolutions."

In the Commons, Mr. Spencer Compton, the Ministerial nominee, was
elected Speaker. The king opened his first Parliament in person, but,
being unable to speak English, he handed his speech to Lord Chancellor
Cowper to read. In the Commons the Address condemned in strong language
the shameful peace which had been made after a war carried on at such
vast expense, and attended with such unparalleled successes; but
expressed a hope that, as this dishonour could not with justice be
imputed to the nation, through his Majesty's wisdom and the faithful
endeavours of the Commons the reputation of the kingdom might in due
time be vindicated and restored. This was the first announcement
of the Ministers' intention to call their predecessors to account,
and Secretary Stanhope, in the course of the debate, confirmed it,
observing that it had been industriously circulated that the present
Ministers never designed to bring the late Ministers to trial, but
only to pass a general censure on them; but he assured the House that,
though active efforts had been used to prevent a discovery of the late
treasonable proceedings, by conveying away papers from the Secretaries'
offices, yet Government had sufficient evidence to enable them to bring
to justice the most corrupt Ministry that ever sat at the helm. Before
three weeks were over a secret committee was appointed to consider the
Treaty of Utrecht.

Bolingbroke promptly fled and took service with the Pretender; Ormonde,
after putting himself ostentatiously forward as leader of the Jacobite
Opposition, followed his example. Both were proceeded against by Act of
Attainder.

The impeachment of Oxford followed. On the 9th of July, 1715, Lord
Coningsby, attended by many of the Commons, carried up to the Lords
the articles against him, sixteen in number, to which afterwards six
more were added. The first fifteen related to the Peace of Utrecht;
the sixteenth to the sudden creation of twelve peers in 1711, in order
to create a Tory majority, by which it charged him with highly abusing
the constitution of Parliament and the laws of the kingdom. When the
Articles had been read, it was doubted whether any of the charges
amounted to high treason. To decide this as a legal point, it was moved
that the judges should be consulted; but this motion was rejected, and
another was made to commit Oxford to the Tower; and, though reprieved a
few days on account of an indisposition, he was committed accordingly,
having made a very solemn plea of his innocence, and of having only
obeyed the orders of the queen, without at all convincing the House.
He continued to lie in the Tower for two years before he was brought
to trial, matters of higher public interest intervening. Eventually
the impeachment was dropped, the documentary evidence being considered
insufficient.

Whilst these proceedings were in agitation, the Tory and Jacobite
party, which had at the king's accession appeared stunned, now
recovering spirit, began to foment discontent and sedition in the
public mind. They got the pulpits to work, and the High Church clergy
lent themselves heartily to it. The mobs were soon set to pull down the
meeting-houses of the Dissenters. Many buildings were destroyed, and
many Dissenters insulted. They did not pause there, but they blackened
the character of the king, and denied his right to the Crown, whilst
the most fascinating pictures were drawn of the youth, and grace, and
graciousness of the rightful English prince, who was wandering in
exile to make way for the usurper. To such a length did matters go,
that the Riot Act, which had been passed in the reign of Mary, and
limited to her own reign, which was again revived by Elizabeth, and
had never since been called into action, was now made perpetual, and
armed with increased power. It provided that if twelve persons should
unlawfully assemble to disturb the peace, and any one Justice should
think proper to command them by proclamation to disperse, and should
they, in contempt of his orders, continue together for one hour, their
assembling should be felony without benefit of clergy. A subsequent
clause was added, by which pulling down chapels or houses, even before
proclamation, was made subject to the same penalties. Such is the Act
in force at this day.

We come now to the rebellion of 1715. The succession of the House of
Hanover had raised the Pretender and his Jacobite faction in England
to a pitch of excitement which made them ready to rush upon the most
desperate measures. In England the destruction of the Tory Ministry,
the welcome given to the new Protestant king, and the vigour with which
the Whigs and all the supporters of the principles of the Revolution
had shown the majority which they were able to return to the new
Parliament, were all indications that the spirit of the nation was more
firmly than ever rooted in Protestantism and the love of constitutional
liberty, and that any endeavours to overturn the new dynasty must be
supported by an overwhelming power from without. Without such force
the event was certain failure; yet, under existing auspices, it was
determined to try the venture. Bolingbroke, on his arrival in France,
saw that all was rashness, impatience, and want of preparation in the
party on both sides of the Channel. The Highlanders were all eagerness
for the Chevalier's arrival, lest he should land in England, and the
English should snatch the glory of the restoration from them. From
England came the letters of Ormonde, who was down in the West, and sent
most glowing representations of the spirit of the people there; that
out of every ten persons nine were against King George, and that he
had distributed money amongst the disbanded officers, to engage them
in the cause of King James. But all these fine words terminated with
the damping intelligence that nobody would stir until they saw the
Chevalier with a good army at his back. Such an army there was not the
smallest hope of obtaining from France. All that Louis would or could
do, without engaging in a new war with England, was to prevail on his
grandson, Philip of Spain, to advance four hundred thousand crowns for
the expedition, and besides this, the Pretender had been able privately
to borrow another hundred thousand, and purchase ten thousand stand of
arms. At this juncture came two fatal events--the flight of Ormonde and
the death of Louis XIV. on September 1st.

Louis was succeeded for the time by the Duke of Orleans as Regent, who
had other views, and was surrounded by other influences than the old
king. He had secured the Regency in opposition to Madame Maintenon and
the royal bastards. He changed all the ministers, and was not inclined
to risk his government by making enemies of the English abroad, having
sufficient of these at home. He had been for some time cultivating the
good offices of the present English Government, which had offered to
assist him with troops and money, if necessary, to secure the Regency.
He had seen a good deal of the new Secretary of State, Stanhope, in
Spain, and still maintained a correspondence with him. Lord Stair,
the British Ambassador, therefore, was placed in a more influential
position with the Regent, and the Pretender and his ministers were but
coldly looked on.

Vigilant Stair had discovered the ships that had been prepared at
Havre, by the connivance and aid of the late king, and he insisted that
they should be stopped. Admiral Byng also appeared off Havre with a
squadron, and Lord Stair demanded that the ships should be given up to
him. With this the Regent declined to comply, but he ordered them to be
unloaded, and the arms to be deposited in the royal arsenal. One ship,
however, escaped the search, containing, according to Bolingbroke, one
thousand three hundred arms, and four thousand pounds of powder, which
he proposed to send to Lord Mar, in Scotland.

This succession of adverse circumstances induced Bolingbroke to
dispatch a messenger to London to inform the Earl of Mar of them,
and to state that, as the English Jacobites would not stir without
assistance from abroad, and as no such help could be had, he would see
that nothing as yet could be attempted. But when the messenger arrived
in London, he learnt from Erasmus Lewis, Oxford's late secretary, and
a very active partisan of the Jacobites, that Mar was already gone to
raise the Highlands, if we are to believe the Duke of Berwick, at the
especial suggestion of the Pretender himself, though he had, on the
23rd of September, in writing to Bolingbroke, expressed the necessity
of the Scots waiting till they heard further from him. If that was so,
it was at once traitorous towards his supporters and very ill-advised,
and was another proof to Bolingbroke of the unsafe parties with whom he
was embarked in this hopeless enterprise.

As soon as this news reached France the Pretender hastened to St.
Malo in order to embark for Scotland, and Ormonde hastened over from
Normandy to Devonshire to join the insurgents, whom he now expected
to meet in arms. He took with him only twenty officers and as many
troopers from Nugent's regiment. This was the force with which Ormonde
landed in England to conquer it for the Pretender. There was, however,
no need of even these forty men. The English Government had been
beforehand with him; they had arrested all his chief coadjutors, and
when he reached the appointed rendezvous there was not a man to meet
him. On reaching St. Malo, Ormonde there found the Pretender not yet
embarked. After some conference together, Ormonde once more went on
board ship to reach the English coast and make one more attempt in
the hopeless expedition, but he was soon driven back by a tempest. By
this time the port of St. Malo was blockaded by the English, and the
Pretender was compelled to travel on land to Dunkirk, where, in the
middle of December, he sailed with only a single ship for the conquest
of Scotland, and attended only by half a dozen gentlemen, disguised,
like himself, as French naval officers.

Mar had left London on the 2nd of August to raise the Highlands. In
order to blind the agents of Government he ordered a royal levée on
the 1st, and on the following night got on board a collier bound for
Newcastle, attended by Major-General Hamilton and Colonel Hay. From
Newcastle they got to the coast of Fife in another vessel. On the 6th
of September he raised the standard of the Chevalier at Kirkmichael,
a village of Braemar. He was then attended by only sixty men, and the
Highland chiefs, extremely alive to omens, were startled by the gilt
ball falling from the summit of the pole as it was planted in the
ground. The standard was consecrated by prayers, and he was in a few
days joined by about five hundred of his own vassals. The gentlemen
who came on horseback, only about twenty at first, soon became several
hundreds, and were named the Royal Squadron. The white cockade was
assumed as the badge of the insurgent army, and clan after clan came
in; first the Mackintoshes, five hundred in number, who seized on
Inverness. James was proclaimed by Panmure at Brechin, by the Earl
Marshal at Aberdeen, by Lord Huntly at Gordon, and by Graham, the
brother of Claverhouse, at Dundee. Colonel Hay, brother of the Earl of
Kinnaird, seized Perth, and in a very short time the country north of
the Tay was in the hands of the insurgents.

[Illustration: THE EARL OF MAR RAISING THE PRETENDER'S STANDARD.] (_See
p._ 28.)

By the 28th of September Mar had mustered at Perth about five thousand
men. He was cheered by the arrival of one or two ships from France
with stores, arms, and ammunition. He had also managed to surprise a
Government ship driven to take shelter at Burntisland, on its way to
carry arms to the Earl of Sutherland, who was raising his clan for King
George in the north. The arms were seized by Mar's party, and carried
off to the army. Argyll, commander of the king's forces, arrived about
the same time in Scotland, and marched to Stirling, where he encamped
with only about one thousand foot and five hundred cavalry. This was
the time for Mar to advance and surround him, or drive him before him;
but Mar was a most incompetent general, and remained inactive at Perth,
awaiting the movement of the Jacobites in England. Thanks, however, to
the energy of the Government, that movement never took place.

At length Mar, who was kept back by the absence of the Pretender,
determined to outwit Argyll by sending a detachment under Brigadier
Mackintosh across the Firth of Forth below Stirling, whilst another
body, under General Gordon, was despatched to seize on Inverary, and
keep the clan Campbell in check. Mackintosh had about two thousand
men under his command, chiefly from his own clans, but supported by
the regiments of the Lords Nairn, Strathmore, and Charles Murray. To
prevent these forces from crossing, three English ships of war ascended
the Forth to near Burntisland; but whilst a detachment of five hundred
men held the attention of the ships at that point, the main body were
embarking on the right in small boats lower down, and the greater part
of them got across the Firth, and landed at Aberlady and North Berwick.
The city of Edinburgh was in consternation at this daring manœuvre,
and at the proximity of such a force; and Mackintosh, hearing of this
panic, and of the miserable state of defence there, determined to
attempt to surprise it. He stayed one night at Haddington to rest
his men, and on the 14th appeared at Jock's Lodge, within a mile of
Edinburgh. But on the very first appearance of Mackintosh's troops, Sir
George Warrender, the Provost of Edinburgh, had despatched a messenger
to summon the Duke of Argyll from Stirling to the aid of the capital.
The duke was already approaching Edinburgh, and therefore Mackintosh,
perceiving that he had no chance of surprising the town, turned aside
to Leith.

Continuing southwards, Mackintosh joined the English insurgents at
Kelso on the 22nd. This united force now amounted altogether to
about two thousand men--one thousand four hundred foot commanded by
Mackintosh, and six hundred horse under Lord Kenmure and Mr. Forster.
This force might, in the paucity of troops in the service of the king,
have produced a great effect had they marched unitedly southward and
engaged General Carpenter, who was advancing from Newcastle, with
only about nine hundred cavalry, to attack them; or had they gone at
once north, taken Argyll in the rear, and then combined with Mar. But
after marching to Jedburgh and then to Hawick, the Scots and English
formed two different opinions. The Scots would not enter England, being
persuaded by the Earl of Wintoun that, if they went into England, they
would be all cut to pieces, or be sold for slaves. Mackintosh was
willing to enter England, but they would listen to no one but Wintoun.
Several hundred Highlanders deserted, and the remainder of the army,
under the inefficient command of Forster, marched into England and
reached Preston without molestation.

But here their career was doomed to end. Preston had witnessed the
rout of the Royalists by Cromwell, and it was now to witness the
rout of the rebels by the Royalists. Carpenter, on finding that the
insurgents had taken the way through Cumberland, also hastened back
to Newcastle and Durham, where he was joined by General Wills. Wills
was in advance with six regiments of cavalry, mostly newly-raised
troops, but full of spirit, and well-officered. He came near Preston
on the 12th of November, whilst Carpenter was approaching in another
direction, so as to take the enemy in the flank. Forster quickly showed
that he was an incompetent commander. He was at first greatly elated
by the junction of the Lancashire men, but, on hearing that the royal
troops were upon them, he was instantly panic-stricken, and, instead
of issuing orders, or summoning a council, he betook himself to bed.
Lord Kenmure roused him from his ignominious repose, but it was too
late; no means were taken to secure the natural advantages of the
place. The bridge over the Ribble, which might have kept the enemy
at bay, was left undefended; so that when Wills rode up to it on the
morning of the 13th, he imagined that the rebels had evacuated the
place. Besides the bridge over the river, there was a deep and hollow
way of half a mile from the bridge to the town, with high and steep
banks, from which an army might have been annihilated; but all was
left undefended. It was only when Wills advanced into the town that
he became aware that the rebels were still there, and found his path
obstructed by barricades raised in the streets. His soldiers gallantly
attacked these barricades, but were met by a murderous fire both from
behind them and from the houses on each side. But luckily for the
royal forces the least ability was wanting in the rebel commander.
With all the advantages on his side, Forster secretly sent Colonel
Oxburgh to propose a capitulation. Wills at first refused to listen
to it, declaring that he could not treat with rebels who had murdered
many of the king's subjects; but at length he said, if they would lay
down their arms, he would defend them from being cut to pieces by the
soldiers till he received further orders from Government. One thousand
five hundred men surrendered, including eight noblemen, but a good many
escaped.

This branch of the rebel force was thus completely removed from the
field, and on the same day a far more sanguinary conflict had taken
place between the chief commanders on the two sides, Argyll and Mar, at
Sheriffmuir.

It was the 10th of November when Mar, aware that Argyll was advancing
against him, at length marched out of Perth with all his baggage and
provisions for twelve days. On the 12th, when they arrived at Ardoch,
Argyll was posted at Dunblane, and he advanced to give them battle.
The wild, uneven ground of Sheriffmuir lay between them, and it was on
this spot that Argyll on quitting Stirling had hoped to meet them. He
therefore drew up his men on this moorland in battle array, and did
not wait long for the coming of the Highland army. It was on a Sunday
morning, the 13th of November, that the battle of Sheriffmuir was
fought. Argyll commanded the right wing of his army, General Whitham
the left, and General Wightman the centre. He calculated much on this
open ground for the operations of his cavalry. On the other hand, Mar
took the right wing of his army, and was thus opposed, not to Argyll,
but to Whitham. The Highlanders, though called on to form in a moment,
as it were, did so with a rapidity which astonished the enemy. They
opened fire on Argyll so instantly and well, that it took the duke's
forces by surprise. The left army retired on Stirling pursued by Mar.
Argyll was compelled to be on the alert. He observed that Mar had drawn
out his forces so as to outflank him; but, casting his eye on a morass
on his right, he discovered that the frost had made it passable, and
he ordered Major Cathcart to lead a squadron of horse across it, while
with the rest of his cavalry he galloped round, and thus attacked
the left wing of Mar both in front and flank. The Highlanders, thus
taken by surprise, were thrown into confusion, but still fought with
their wonted bravery. They were driven, however, by the momentum of
the English horse, backwards; and between the spot whence the attack
commenced and the river Allan, three miles distant, they rallied ten
times, and fairly contested the field. Argyll, however, bore down upon
them with all the force of his right wing, offering quarter to all who
would surrender, and even parrying blows from his own dragoons which
went to exterminate those already wounded. After an obstinate fight of
three hours, he drove the Highlanders over the Allan, a great number of
them being drowned in it. Mar at this crisis returned to learn the fate
of the rest of his army. He found that he had been taking the office
of a General of Division instead of that of the Commander-in-Chief,
whose duty is to watch the movements of the whole field, and send aid
to quarters which are giving way. Like Prince Rupert, in his ardour for
victory over his enemies in front of him, he had totally forgotten the
centre and left wing, and discovered now that the left wing was totally
defeated. He was contented to draw off, and yet boast of victory.

At this juncture, while daily desertions thinned Mar's army at Perth,
arrived the Pretender. He landed at Peterhead on the 22nd of December.
On the 6th of January, 1716, he made his public entry into Dundee, at
the head of his cavalcade, the Earl of Mar riding on his right hand,
and the Earl Marshal on his left, and about three hundred gentlemen
following. His reception was enthusiastic. The people flocked round him
to kiss his hands; and to gratify this loyal desire he remained an
hour in the market-place. On the 8th he arrived at Scone, and took up
his residence in the ancient palace of his ancestors. There he was only
two miles from the army, and having established a council, and issued
six proclamations, ordering a public thanksgiving for the "miraculous
providence" of his safe arrival, for prayers in the church, for the
currency of foreign coin, for a meeting of the Convention of Estates,
for all fencible men from sixteen to sixty to repair to his standard,
and for his coronation on the 23rd of January, he presented himself
before the army. But here the scene was changed. Instead of enthusiasm
there was disappointment--disappointment on both sides. The soldiers,
who expected to see a royal-looking, active-looking man, likely to
encourage them and lead them on their career, beheld a tall, thin,
pale, and dejected sort of person, who evidently took no great interest
in them. That the Pretender should not exhibit much vivacity was no
wonder. He had been assured by Mar that his army had swelled to sixteen
thousand men; that the whole North was in his favour; and that he had
only to appear to carry everything before him. On inquiring into the
force, it turned out to be so miserably small, that the only desire was
to keep it out of sight. The spirits of the Pretender fell, and though
not destitute of ability, as is manifest by his letters, he had by no
means that strength of resolution demanded by such an enterprise.

At length Argyll, whose movements had been hastened by the arrival
of General Cadogan, prepared to march northwards through deep snow
and villages burnt by the Pretender's order. On the 30th of January
the rebel army retreated from Perth, the Highland soldiers, some
in sullen silence, others in loud curses, expressing their anger
and mortification at this proceeding. The inhabitants looked on in
terror, and bade adieu to the troops in tears, expecting only a heavy
visitation for having so long harboured them. Early the next morning
they crossed the deep and rapid Tay, now, however, a sheet of solid
ice, and directed their march along the Carse of Gowrie towards Dundee.

Argyll, who received the news of the retreat about four in the
afternoon of that day, occupied Perth with Dutch and English troops by
ten o'clock the next morning. They had quitted Stirling on the 29th,
and that night they encamped on the snow amid the burnt remains of
the village of Auchterarder. Argyll and Cadogan followed the advanced
guard and entered Perth on the evening of the 1st of February; but the
remainder of the troops did not arrive till late at night, owing to the
state of the roads and the weather. Some few of the rebels, who had
got drunk and were left behind, were secured. The next day Argyll and
Cadogan, with eight hundred light foot and six squadrons of dragoons,
followed along the Carse of Gowrie to Dundee. Cadogan, in a letter to
Marlborough, complained of the evident reluctance of Argyll to press on
the rebels. When he arrived at Dundee on the 3rd, the rebel army was
already gone. He and Cadogan then separated, taking different routes
towards Montrose. Cadogan, whose heart was in the business, pushed on
ahead, and on the 5th, at noon, reached Arbroath, where he received the
news that the Pretender had embarked at Montrose and gone to France. In
this manner did the descendant of a race of kings and the claimant of
the Crown of Great Britain steal away and leave his unhappy followers
to a sense of his perfidious and cruel desertion. His flight, no doubt,
was necessary, but the manner of it was at once most humiliating and
unfeeling. The consternation and wrath of the army on the discovery
were indescribable. They were wholly broken up when Argyll reached
Aberdeen on the 8th of February.

Gloomy as was the Pretender's fortune, it was, nevertheless, infinitely
better than that of thousands who had ventured their lives and fortunes
in his cause. There were not many prisoners in Scotland, but the clans
which had sided with the English Government were hounded on to hunt
down those who had been out with the Pretender amongst their hills,
and they were hunted about by the English troops under the guidance of
these hostile clans; and where they themselves were not to be found,
their estates suffered by troops being quartered in their houses and
on their lands. In England the prisons of Chester, Liverpool, and
other northern towns were crowded by the inferior class of prisoners
from the surrender of Preston. Some half-pay officers were singled out
as deserters, and shot by order of a court-martial; but the common
soldiers were eventually acquitted or let off with light sentences.

On the 9th of January, a month after their arrival, Lord Derwentwater
was impeached of high treason by Mr. Lechmere in a bitter speech in the
Commons. Other members, with equal acrimony, followed with impeachments
against the Lords Widdrington, Nithsdale, Wintoun, Carnwath, Kenmure,
and Nairn. The impeachments were carried up to the House of Lords on
the same day, and on the 19th the accused noblemen were brought before
the Peers, where they knelt at the bar until they were desired to rise
by the Lord Chancellor, when, with the exception of Lord Wintoun, they
confessed their guilt, and threw themselves on the mercy of the king.
Sentence of death was immediately pronounced on those who had pleaded
guilty; and Lord Wintoun was condemned after trial, but several months
later he effected his escape from the Tower. Every effort was made to
save the prisoners, and they were all reprieved, with the exception
of Derwentwater, Kenmure, and Nithsdale. The first two were executed;
but the Countess of Nithsdale, being about to take her leave of her
husband, contrived, by introducing some friends, to secure his escape
in female attire.

In April the inferior prisoners were tried in the Common Pleas.
Forster, brigadier Mackintosh, and twenty of their accomplices were
condemned; but Forster, Mackintosh, and some of the others, managed,
like Wintoun, to escape; so that, of all the crowds of prisoners, only
twenty-two in Lancashire and four in London were hanged. Bills of
attainder were passed against the Lords Tullibardine, Mar, and many
others who were at large. Above a thousand submitted to the king's
mercy, and petitioned to be transported to America.

Meanwhile the Whigs were anxious to add fresh security to their own
lease of office. At the last election they had procured the return
of a powerful majority; but two years out of the triennial term had
expired, and they looked with apprehension to the end of the next year,
when a dissolution must take place. They were aware that there were
still strong plottings and secret agitations for the restoration of the
banished dynasty. By both the king and his Ministers all Tories were
regarded as Jacobites, and it was resolved to keep them out of office,
and, as much as possible, out of Parliament. They had the power in
their own hands in this Parliament, and, in order to keep it, they did
not hesitate to destroy that Triennial Act for which their own party
had claimed so much credit in 1694, and substitute a Septennial Act in
its place. They would thereby give to their own party in Parliament
more than a double term of the present legal possession of their seats.
Instead of one year, they would be able to look forward four years
without any fear of Tory increase of power through a new election. On
the 10th of April, Devonshire, Lord Steward of the Household, moved
the repeal of the Triennial Act, long lauded as one of the bulwarks
of our liberties, under the now convenient plea that it had been
"found very grievous and burthensome, by occasioning much greater and
more continued expenses in order to elections of members to serve in
Parliament, and more lasting heats and animosities amongst the subjects
of this realm than ever were known before the said clause was enacted."

In the preamble to the new Bill the object of that extended Bill was
candidly avowed, namely, that when "a restless and popish faction are
designing and endeavouring to renew the rebellion in this kingdom and
an invasion from abroad, it might be destructive to the peace and
security of the Government." The Septennial Bill was, in fact, intended
as a purely temporary measure, and, though originated by party spirit,
it was really of great advantage in days when every general election
meant a fresh exercise of the influence of the Crown and the Lords.

[Illustration: RETREAT OF THE HIGHLANDERS FROM PERTH. (_See p._ 31.)]

Whilst Parliament was busy with the Septennial Bill, George I. was
very impatient to get away to Hanover. Like William III., he was but a
foreigner in England; a dull, well-meaning man, whose heart was in his
native country, and who had been transplanted too late ever to take
to the alien earth. The Act of Settlement provided that, after the
Hanoverian accession, no reigning sovereign should quit the kingdom
without permission of Parliament. George was not content to ask this
permission, but insisted that the restraining clause itself should be
repealed, and it was accordingly repealed without any opposition. There
was one difficulty connected with George's absence from his kingdom
which Council or Parliament could not so easily deal with: this was his
excessive jealousy of his son. The king could not take his departure
in peace if the Prince of Wales was to be made regent, according to
custom, in his absence. He proposed, therefore, through his favourite,
Bothmar, that the powers of the prince should be limited by rigorous
provisions, and that some other persons should be joined with him in
commission. Lord Townshend did not hesitate to express his sense of the
impolicy of the king's leaving his dominions at all at such a crisis;
but he also added that to put any other persons in commission with
the Prince of Wales was contrary to the whole practice and spirit of
England. Driven from this, the king insisted that, instead of regent,
the prince should be named "Guardian and Lieutenant of the Realm"--an
office which had never existed since the time of the Black Prince.

The retreat of George to Hanover was not merely to enjoy his native
scenes and old associations; he felt himself insecure even on the
throne of England, and the rebellion for the present quelled; he was
anxious to form or renew alliances on the Continent to give strength to
his position. The part which England had taken at the end of the war
seemed to have alienated all her confederates of the Grand Alliance,
and transferred their resentment to himself with his accession to the
British Crown. Holland was, perhaps, the least sensible of the past
discords; she had kept the treaty, and lent her aid on the landing of
the Pretender; but she was at daggers drawn with Austria, who was much
irritated by the Barrier Treaty, by which the Dutch secured a line of
fortresses on the Austrian Netherlands. As for the Emperor, he was
more feeble and sluggish than he had shown himself as the aspirant to
the throne of Spain. He was a bigoted Catholic, little disposed to
trouble himself for securing a Protestant succession, although it had
expended much money and blood in defence of his own. On the contrary,
he felt a strong jealousy of George, the Elector of Hanover, as King of
England, and therefore capable of introducing, through his augmented
resources, aggressive disturbances in Germany. The King of Prussia, his
son-in-law, was rather a troublesome and wrangling ally than one to be
depended upon.

Taking this view of his Continental neighbours, George was driven to
the conclusion that his only safety lay in firmly engaging France to
relinquish the Pretender. The means of the attainment of this desirable
object lay in the peculiar position of the Regent, who was intent on
his personal aims. So long as the chances of the Pretender appeared
tolerable, the Regent had avoided the overtures on this subject; but
the failure of the expedition to the Highlands had inclined him to give
up the Pretender, and he now sent the Abbé Dubois to Hanover to treat
upon the subject. He was willing also to destroy the works at Mardyk
as the price of peace with England. The preliminaries were concluded,
and the Dutch included in them; but the Treaty was not ratified till
January, 1717.

But though this difficulty was tided over, there remained a still
greater one with Sweden. Charles XII., overthrown by the Czar Peter at
the battle of Pultowa, had fled into Turkey, and obstinately remained
at Bender, though the Czar and his allies were all the time overrunning
and taking possession of the Swedish territories on the eastern side
of the Baltic. Russians, Norwegians, Danes, Saxons, and Prussians were
all busy gorging the spoil. The King of Denmark, amongst the invasions
of Swedish territory, had seized on the rich bishoprics of Bremen and
Verden, which had been ceded to Sweden at the Peace of Westphalia.
These bishoprics, which lay contiguous to Hanover, had always been an
object of desire to that State. And now Charles of Sweden, suddenly
ruined by the proceedings of his neighbours, who thus rent his kingdom
limb from limb, galloped away from Bender, and in November, 1714,
startled all his enemies by appearing at Stralsund. The Danish king,
seeing a tempest about to burst over his head, immediately tempted
the English king to enter into alliance with him, by offering him the
stolen bishoprics of Bremen and Verden on condition that he should
pay a hundred and fifty thousand pounds and join the alliance against
Sweden. Without waiting for any consent of Parliament, Sir John Norris
was sent with a fleet to the Baltic, under the pretence of protecting
our trade there, but with the real object of compelling Sweden to cede
the bishoprics, and to accept a compensation in money for them.

At the same time that we were thus dragged into hostilities with
Sweden, we were brought into hostilities with the Czar too in defence
of Hanover. Peter had married his niece to the Duke of Mecklenburg,
who was on bad terms with his subjects, and the Czar was only too glad
to get a footing in Germany by sending a large body of troops into
the Duchy. Denmark became immediately alarmed at such a dangerous and
unscrupulous neighbour, and remonstrated; whereupon the Czar informed
the Danish king that if he murmured he would enter Denmark with his
army too. Of course the King of Denmark called on his ally, George
of Hanover, for the stipulated aid; and George, who hated the Czar
mortally, and was hated by the Czar as intensely in return, at once
sent his favourite, Bernsdorff, to Stanhope, who had accompanied him to
Hanover, with a demand that "the Czar should be instantly crushed, his
ships secured, his person seized, and kept till he should have caused
his troops to evacuate both Denmark and Germany."

The receipt of such proposals in England produced the utmost
consternation in the Cabinet. Townshend, in an "absolutely secret"
answer to Stanhope, expressed the concern both of himself and the
Prince of Wales at the prospect of a rupture with the Czar, who would
seize the British ships and subjects in Russia, and prohibit the supply
of naval stores from his kingdom, and that especially at a crisis when
England was threatened with an invasion from Sweden and a rising of the
Jacobites. He did not deny that there was a great risk of both these
kingdoms and the German empire being exposed to imminent danger by the
designs of the Czar on the whole coast of the Baltic, a danger which
he might, had he dared, truly have attributed to George's own deeds
by offending Sweden, instead of uniting with it to counterbalance the
Czar's plan of aggrandisement. Fortunately, the Czar was induced, by
the combined remonstrances of Austria, Denmark, and Sir John Norris,
to abandon his projects for the moment, at least in Germany, and to
withdraw his troops from Mecklenburg.

The fear of the Russians being removed, the king was impatient to get
the Treaty with France ratified both by England and Holland. As there
was some delay on the part of Holland, Stanhope proposed to comply with
the king's desire, that the Treaty should be signed, without further
waiting for the Dutch, but with the agreement on both sides that they
should be admitted to sign as soon as they were ready. Dubois was
to proceed to the Hague, and there sign the Treaty in form with our
plenipotentiaries at that place, Lord Cadogan and Horace Walpole. But
these ministers had repeatedly assured the States that England would
never sign without them, and Horace Walpole now refused to consent to
any such breach of faith. He declared he would rather starve, die, do
anything than thus wound his honour and conscience; that he should
regard it as declaring himself villain under his own hand. He said he
would rather lay his patent of reversion in the West Indies, or even
his life, at his Majesty's feet, than be guilty of such an action,
and he begged leave to be allowed to return home. Townshend, for a
moment, gave in to the proposition for not waiting for the Dutch,
but immediately recalled that opinion; and he drew the powers of the
plenipotentiaries for signing so loosely, that Dubois declined signing
upon them. As we have said, the ratification did not take place till
January, 1717, and after great causes of difference had arisen between
Townshend and Stanhope. So greatly did Stanhope resent the difference
of opinion in Townshend, that he offered his resignation to the king,
who refused to accept it, being himself by this time much out of humour
with both Townshend and Robert Walpole, the Paymaster of the Forces.

Various causes, in fact, were operating to produce a great schism
in the Ministry of George I. Townshend, as we have seen, had very
unguardedly expressed his disgust with the measures of the king at and
concerning Hanover. George's dislike was, of course, fomented by his
courtiers and mistresses, and they found a powerful ally in Sunderland,
who, tired of his subordinate position in the Ministry, had joined
the king in Hanover. A letter from Townshend, in which, in order to
allow the longer absence of the king, he recommended that additional
powers should be conferred on the Prince of Wales, brought George's
indignation to a head. This letter, which arrived about the middle of
December, seemed to cause his anger to burst all bounds, and he vowed
that he would dismiss Townshend at once from his service.

Stanhope appears to have done his best to break Townshend's fall. He
represented to the king the high character of that minister, his real
services, and the injustice and impolicy of disgracing him; that he
might remove him to another office, and thus answer every purpose.
He could take the chief direction of affairs out of his hands, even
while appearing to promote him. He therefore advised that Townshend
should, without a word of dismissal or disapprobation, be offered the
Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland, instead of the Secretaryship of State,
and to this the king consented. Accordingly Stanhope was directed to
write to Townshend, and also to Secretary Methuen, and he did so on
the 14th of December, conveying in most courteous terms the king's
desire that he should accept the Lord-Lieutenancy, and this without
a syllable of discontent on the part of his Majesty. Townshend at
first refused, but on the arrival of George in London he received
Townshend very cordially, and so softened him as to induce him to
accept the Lord-Lieutenancy, and to do the very thing he had declared
it was not common honesty to do--accept the post and still remain in
London, acting with the rest of the Cabinet. His political adherents,
including Methuen, Pulteney, the Walpoles, Lord Orford, and the Duke
of Devonshire, were contented to remain in office. The only change was
that Methuen was made one of the two Secretaries along with Stanhope.
It was thus imagined that the great schism in the Whig party was
closed; but this was far from being the case: the healing was only on
the surface. It was during this brief reconciliation that the great
Triple Alliance between England, France, and Holland, was concluded.

Thus entered the year 1717. It had been intended to open Parliament
immediately on the king's return, but the discovery of a new and
singular phase of the Jacobite conspiracy compelled its postponement.
We have seen that the trafficking of George with Denmark for the
bishoprics of Bremen and Verden, reft in the king of Sweden's absence
from his possession, had incensed that monarch, and made him vow that
he would support the Pretender and march into Scotland with twelve
thousand men. Such a menace on the part of a general like Charles XII.
was not likely to pass unnoticed by the Jacobites. The Duke of Berwick
had taken up the idea very eagerly. He had held several conferences
upon it with Baron Spaar, the Swedish Minister at Paris, and he had
sent a trusty minister to Charles at Stralsund, with the proposal
that a body of seven or eight thousand Swedes, then encamped near
Gothenburg, should embark at that port, whence, with a favourable wind,
they could land in Scotland in eight-and-forty hours. The Pretender
agreed to furnish one hundred and fifty thousand livres for their
expenses. At that time, however, Charles was closely besieged by the
Danes, Prussians, and their new ally, George of Hanover, purchased by
the bribe of Bremen and Verden. Charles was compelled by this coalition
to retire from Stralsund, but only in a mood of deeper indignation
against the King of England, and therefore more favourable to his
enemies.

The invasion of Scotland was again brought under his notice, and
strongly recommended by his chief confidant and minister, Baron Gortz.
Charles now listened with all his native spirit of resentment, and
Gortz immediately set out on a tour of instigation and arrangement of
the invasion. He hastened to Holland, where he corresponded with Count
Gyllenborg, the Swedish Ambassador at London, and Baron Spaar, the
Swedish Minister at Paris. He put himself also into communication with
the Pretender and the Duke of Ormonde. The scheme of Gortz was able
and comprehensive. A peace was to be established between Charles and
his great enemy and rival, Peter of Russia. They both hated George
of Hanover and England, and by this union might inflict the severest
injuries on him. Next a conspiracy was to be excited against the
Regent of France, so as to prevent him aiding England according to the
recent Treaty, and all being thus prepared, Charles XII. was himself
to conduct the army of twelve thousand veterans destined to invade
Scotland, and, if supported by the Jacobites, England.

The Jacobites were in ecstasies at this new phase of their old
enterprise. By Charles's adhesion, their scheme was stripped of all
those prejudices which had insured its ruin with the English. It had
no longer the unpopular aspect of a French invasion; it was no longer
headed by a Popish but a Protestant leader; it was no longer consigned
to an untried or doubtful general, but to one of the most victorious
monarchs living, who came as a Protestant to call on a Protestant
nation to receive their rightful king. Money was not wanting. Spain
remitted to Baron Spaar a million of livres for the expedition, and the
Court of the Pretender offered sixty thousand pounds.

But unfortunately for the Pretender, at the moment that the Swedish
hero should prepare his armament for the earliest spring, the
conspiracy exploded. Whilst the leaders of it had been flattering
themselves that it was conducted with the profoundest secrecy, the
English Ministry were in possession of its clue. As early as October
they had found reason to induce them to intercept the correspondence
of Gyllenborg, and had come at once on the letters of Gortz. The
matter was kept close, and as nothing was apprehended in winter,
Ministers used the time to improve their knowledge of the scheme from
the inspected letters passing between Gortz and Gyllenborg. On the
king's return it was resolved to act, and accordingly Stanhope laid the
information regarding this formidable conspiracy before the Council,
and proposed that the Swedish Minister, who had clearly, by conspiring
against the Government to which he was accredited, violated the law of
nations, and deprived himself of its protection, should be arrested.
The Cabinet at once assented to the proposal, and General Wade, a man
of firm and resolute military habits, was ordered to make the arrest of
the Ambassador. The general found Count Gyllenborg busy making up his
despatches, which, after announcing laconically his errand, Wade took
possession of, and then demanded the contents of his escritoire. The
Dutch Government acted in the same manner to Gortz, and the evidence
thus obtained was most conclusive.

[Illustration: JAMES EDWARD STUART, THE "OLD PRETENDER."]

When Parliament met on the 20th of February, this conspiracy was laid
before it and excited great indignation. The two Houses voted cordial
addresses to his Majesty, and for a while there was an air of harmony.
But the fires of discontent were smouldering beneath the surface, and,
on a motion being made in April, in consequence of a royal message, to
grant the king an extraordinary Supply in order to enable his Majesty
to contract alliances with foreign powers, that he might be prepared
to meet any attempts at invasion which the Swedes might, after all,
be disposed to make, the heat broke forth. The Supply moved for was
fixed at two hundred and fifty thousand pounds. It was expected that
Walpole, having had his name suspiciously mentioned in Gyllenborg's
correspondence, would take this opportunity to wipe off all doubt
by his zeal and co-operation. On the contrary, he never appeared so
lukewarm. Both he and his brother Horace, indeed, spoke in favour of
the Supply, but coldly; and Townshend and all their common friends
openly joined the Tories and Jacobites in voting against it; so that
it was carried only by a majority of four. This could not pass; and
the same evening Stanhope, by the king's order, wrote to Townshend,
acknowledging his past services, but informing him that he was no
longer Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.

Walpole did not wait for a like humiliation. The next morning he
waited on the king, and tendered his resignation of his places as
First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer. The king,
if he could be judged by his conduct, had formed no resolution of
parting with Walpole. He handed again to him the seals, cordially
entreating him to take them back, speaking to him in the kindest
manner, and appearing as though he would take no refusal. But Walpole
remained steady to his purpose, and, accordingly, his friends Methuen,
Pulteney, Lord Orford, and the Duke of Devonshire, resigned a few days
afterwards. Stanhope was then appointed First Lord of the Treasury and
Chancellor of the Exchequer; Sunderland and Joseph Addison were made
Secretaries of State; Craggs, Secretary at War; Lord Berkeley, First
Lord of the Admiralty; the Duke of Newcastle, Lord Chamberlain; the
Duke of Bolton, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland; Lord Cowper and the Duke of
Kingston retaining their old places.

The retired Ministers showed for the most part a very hostile attitude,
and Pulteney denounced the new Ministry as a "German Ministry."
Walpole, for a little time, affected a liberal conduct, declaring,
when the Supply of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds was voted,
that, as he had before spoken in its favour, he should now vote in its
favour, and would show by his proceedings that he had never intended
to make the king uneasy, or to embarrass his affairs. But it was not
in Walpole's nature to maintain this air of temperance long. He was as
violent in opposition as he was able and zealous in office. Whether in
or out of office, he was, in fact, equally unscrupulous. He very soon
joined himself to Shippen, Wyndham, Bromley, and the other violent
opponents of the reigning family; so that Shippen himself ere long said
exultingly that he was glad to see that Walpole was no longer afraid of
being styled a Jacobite.

Before Walpole thus threw off the mask of moderation--indeed, on the
very day of his resignation--he introduced a well-matured scheme for
the reduction of the National Debt, which was, in fact, the earliest
germ of the National Sinking Fund. Though the ordinary rate of interest
had been reduced, by the statute of the 12th of Queen Anne, to five per
cent., the interest on the funded debt remained upwards of seven. The
Long and Short Annuities were unredeemable, and could not be touched
without the consent of the proprietors; but Walpole proposed to borrow
six hundred thousand pounds at only four per cent., and to apply all
savings to the discharge of the debts contracted before December, 1716.
He proposed, also, to make some arrangement with the Bank and the South
Sea Company, by which the Bank should lend two millions and a half, and
the Company two millions, at five per cent., to pay off such holders of
redeemable debts as should refuse to accept an equal reduction.

The new Administration took measures to render themselves popular.
They advised the king to go down to the House on the 6th of May, and
propose a reduction of the army to the extent of ten thousand men, as
well as an Act of Grace to include many persons concerned in the late
rebellion. Walpole and his friends, on the contrary, did all in their
power to embarrass the Government. Lord Oxford was not included in
the Act of Indemnity, and it was resolved now by his friends to have
his trial brought on. Before this was effected, however, a violent
attack was made on Lord Cadogan. As Ambassador at the Hague, he had
superintended the embarkation of the Dutch troops sent to aid in
putting down the rebellion. He was now charged with having committed
gross peculations on that occasion. Shippen led the way in this
attack, but Walpole and Pulteney pursued their former colleague with
the greatest rancour, and Walpole declaimed against him so furiously
that, after a speech of nearly two hours in length, he was compelled
to stop by a sudden bleeding at the nose. Stanhope, Craggs, Lechmere,
and others defended him; but such was the combination of enemies
against him, or rather, against the Ministers, that the motion was only
negatived by a majority of ten.

Lord Oxford's case was brought at length to a termination also in his
favour. His friends having complained of the hardship of keeping him
without a hearing for nearly two years, the 24th of June was appointed
for the trial to take place in Westminster Hall. The Commons again met
in committee to complete the evidence against him; but it was now found
that Walpole, who was the chairman, and who had formerly pursued the
inquiry with all eagerness, had suddenly cooled, and seldom came near
the Committee; and they therefore appointed a new one. In fact, he and
Townshend, out of opposition, were doing that secretly which they could
not do openly without loss of character--they were exerting themselves
in favour of their old antagonist, and they soon hit on a scheme for
bringing him off without any trial at all. The Lords were persuaded
to listen to any evidence in support of the charge of misdemeanour
before they heard that on the grave charge of treason, and the result
foreseen by the Opposition took place when the resolution was reported
to the Commons. They immediately determined that it was an infringement
of their privileges, and declined compliance with it. This was what
Walpole and the then partisans, secret or open, of Lord Oxford, had
foreseen. The Commons refusing to attend in Westminster Hall on the day
fixed, the Lords returned to their own House, and passed a resolution
declaring the Earl of Oxford acquitted, an announcement received by
the people with acclamation. The Commons then demanded that Oxford
should be excepted from the Act of Grace; but, notwithstanding, he was
released from the Tower, and the Commons never renewed the impeachment.

It might have been supposed that Europe, or at least the southern
portion of it, was likely to enjoy a considerable term of peace.
France, under a minor and a Regent, appeared to require rest to recruit
its population and finances more than any part of the Continent. The
King of Spain was too imbecile to have any martial ambition; and though
his wife was anxious to secure the succession to the French throne in
case of the death of the infant Louis XV., yet Alberoni, the Prime
Minister, was desirous to remain at peace. This able Churchman, who had
risen from the lowest position, being the son of a working gardener,
and had made his way to his present eminence partly by his abilities
and partly by his readiness to forget the gravity of the clerical
character for the pleasure of his patrons, was now zealously exerting
himself to restore the condition of Spain. He was thus brought into
collision with Austria and France, and eventually with this country
to which at first he was well disposed. England was under engagement
both to France and the Empire, which must, on the first rupture with
either of those Powers and Spain, precipitate her into war. The treaty
with the Emperor--as it guaranteed the retention of the Italian
provinces, which Spain beheld with unappeasable jealousy, in Austrian
hands--was the first thing to change the policy of Alberoni towards
Britain. This change was still further accelerated by the news of the
Triple Alliance, which equally guaranteed the _status quo_ of France.
The Spanish Minister displayed his anger by suspending the Treaty of
Commerce, and by conniving at the petty vexations practised by the
Spaniards on the English merchants in Spain, and by decidedly rejecting
a proposal of the King of England to bring about an accommodation
between the Emperor and the Court of Spain.

In this uneasy state of things Austria very unnecessarily put the match
to the political train, and threw the whole of the south of Europe
again into war. Don Joseph Molina, the Spanish Ambassador at Rome,
being appointed Inquisitor-General at Spain, commenced his journey
homewards, furnished with a passport from the Pope, and an assurance of
safety from the Imperial Minister. Yet, notwithstanding this, he was
perfidiously arrested by the Austrian authorities and secured in the
citadel of Milan. The gross insult to Spain, and equally gross breach
of faith, so exasperated the King and Queen of Spain that they would
listen to nothing but war. The earnest expostulations of Alberoni,
delivered in the form of a powerful memorial, were rejected, and he was
compelled to abandon the cherished hopes of peaceful improvement and
make the most active preparations for war.

Alberoni despatched Don Joseph Patiño to Barcelona to hasten the
military preparations. Twelve ships of war and eight thousand six
hundred men were speedily assembled there, and an instant alarm was
excited throughout Europe as to the destination of this not very
formidable force. The Emperor, whose treacherous conduct justly
rendered him suspicious, imagined the blow destined for his Italian
territories; the English anticipated a fresh movement in favour of
the Pretender; but Alberoni, an astute Italian, who was on the point
of receiving the cardinal's hat from the Pope led Charles (VI.) to
believe that the armament was directed against the Infidels in the
Levant. The Pope, therefore, hastened the favour of the Roman purple,
and then Alberoni no longer concealed the real destination of his
troops. The Marquis de Lede was ordered to set out with the squadron
for the Italian shores; but when Naples was trembling in apprehension
of a visit, the fleet drew up, on the 20th of August, in the bay of
Cagliari, the capital of the island of Sardinia. That a force which
might have taken Naples should content itself with an attack on the
barren, rocky, and swampy Sardinia, surprised many; but Alberoni knew
very well that, though he could take, he had not yet an army sufficient
to hold Naples, and he was satisfied to strike a blow which should
alarm Europe, whilst it gratified the impatience of the Spanish monarch
for revenge. There was, moreover, an ulterior object. It had lately
been proposed by England and Holland to the Emperor, in order to induce
him to come into the Triple Alliance and convert it into a quadruple
one, to obtain an exchange of this island for Sicily with the Duke of
Savoy. It was, therefore, an object to prevent this arrangement by
first seizing Sardinia. The Spanish general summoned the governor of
Cagliari to surrender; but he stood out, and the Spaniards had to wait
for the complete arrival of their ships before they could land and
invest the place. The governor was ere long compelled to capitulate;
but the Aragonese and the Catalans, who had followed the Austrians
from the embittered contest in their own country, defended the island
with furious tenacity, and it was not till November, and after
severe losses through fighting and malaria, that the Spaniards made
themselves masters of the island. The Powers of the Triple Alliance
then intervened with the proposal that Austria should renounce all
claim on the Spanish monarchy, and Spain all claim on Italy. Enraged at
this proposal, Alberoni embarked on extensive military preparations,
and put in practice the most extensive diplomatic schemes to paralyse
his enemies abroad. He won the goodwill of Victor Amadeus by holding
out the promise of the Milanese in exchange for Sicily; he encouraged
the Turks to continue the war against the Emperor, and entered into
negotiations with Ragotsky to renew the insurrection in Hungary; he
adopted the views of Gortz for uniting the Czar and Charles of Sweden
in peace, so that he might be able to turn their united power against
the Emperor, and still more against the Electorate of Hanover, thus
diverting the attention and the energies of George of England. Still
further to occupy England, which he dreaded more than all the rest, he
opened a direct correspondence with the Pretender, who was now driven
across the Alps by the Triple Alliance, and promised him aid in a new
expedition against Britain under the direction of the Duke of Ormonde,
or of James himself. In France the same skilful pressure was directed
against all the tender places of the body politic. He endeavoured to
rouse anew the insurrection of the Cevennes and the discontents of
Brittany. The Jesuits, the Protestants, the Duke and Duchess of Maine,
were all called into action, and the demands for the assembling of the
States-General, for the instant reformation of abuses, for reduction of
the national debts, and for other reforms, were the cries by which the
Government was attempted to be embarrassed.

These preparations on the part of Spain were in one particular
favourable to the King of England--they rendered the Emperor much
more conceding. The English envoy at that Court--rather singularly a
Swiss of the canton of Bern--the General de St. Saphorin, had found
Stahremberg, the Emperor's Minister, very high, and disinclined to
listen to the proposals of the King of England regarding Bremen and
Verden; but the news of the Spanish armament, and still more of its
having sailed from Cadiz to Barcelona, produced a wonderful change.
The Imperial Court not only consented to the demands of England, but
accepted its mediation with the Turks, by which a considerable force
was liberated for the service in Italy. The Emperor acceded to the
alliance proposed between England, France, and Germany in order to
drive Spain to terms, and which afterwards, when joined by the Dutch,
was called the Quadruple Alliance. In France, however, all obstacles to
this Treaty were not yet overcome. There was a strong party, headed by
the Marshal d'Huxelles, chief of the Council for Foreign Affairs, which
strongly opposed this plan of coercing the grandson of Louis XIV. To
overcome these obstacles Stanhope went over to Paris, and had several
conferences with King Philip; and, supported by Lord Stair and Nancré,
all difficulties were removed, and the Alliance was signed in the
succeeding August.

By this treaty Parma and Tuscany were ceded in reversion to the
infant Don Carlos; Sicily was to be made over to the Emperor, and, in
exchange for it, Sardinia was to be given to Victor Amadeus of Savoy.
As Sardinia was an island of so much less extent and value than Sicily,
the succession to the Crown of Spain was guaranteed to the House of
Savoy should Philip of Spain leave no issue. Three months were allowed
for the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy to come in, and after that,
in case of their non-compliance, force was to be used to effect it.
It was to avert such a result that Stanhope (now Secretary for the
Southern Department, which included Foreign Affairs) made a journey to
Spain, where he failed to make the slightest impression on Alberoni.
Before setting out, however, Admiral Byng had been despatched to the
Mediterranean with twenty-one ships of the line, and peremptory orders
to attack the Spanish fleet whenever he should find it engaged in any
hostile attempt against Sicily, Naples, or any other of the Emperor's
possessions in the Mediterranean.

Byng went in pursuit of the Spanish fleet, which was assisting in the
conquest of Sicily, and came in sight of twenty-seven sail of the
line, with fire-ships, ketches, bombs, and seven galleys, drawn up in
line of battle between him and Cape Passaro. So soon as they were clear
of the straits, a council was held to determine whether they should
fight or retreat. They came to no resolution, but continued to linger
about in indecision till Byng was down upon them. Whereupon he utterly
destroyed them (August 11, 1718).

Alberoni, though defeated at sea, was more successful in Sicily, and he
continued his cabals against England in nearly every Court of Europe
with only the more assiduity. He was zealously at work in France,
England itself, Holland, Piedmont, and Sweden. By his ambassador at the
Hague he endeavoured to keep the Dutch out of the Quadruple Alliance
by exciting their commercial jealousy; but he was ably opposed by our
minister there, the Earl of Cadogan. In Piedmont he endeavoured to
deter Victor Amadeus from entering into this alliance by assuring him
that he was only endeavouring to secure Sicily to keep it out of the
hands of the Austrians, and reserve it for him; while, on the other
hand, he threatened him with thirty thousand bayonets if he dared to
accede to the Quadruple Treaty. The Allies, however, threatened still
greater dangers, and the Duke at last consented to accept Sardinia in
lieu of Sicily, and that island remains attached to the kingdom of
Italy to the present time.

[Illustration: SEA FIGHT OFF CAPE PASSARO. (_See p._ 41.)]

Foiled in these quarters, Alberoni appeared more successful in the
North. A negotiation had been opened between the two potentates, so
long at bitter variance, the Czar and Charles XII. of Sweden. They were
induced to meet in the island of Åland, and to agree that the Czar
should retain Livonia, and other Swedish territories south of Finland
which he had torn from Sweden, but, in compensation, Charles was to
be allowed to reconquer Bremen and Verden from George of Hanover and
England, and Norway from Denmark; and the two monarchs were to unite
their arms for the restoration of Stanislaus to the throne of Poland,
and of the Pretender to that of Great Britain. The success of these
arrangements appeared to Alberoni so certain that he boasted that the
Northern tempest would burst ere long over England with annihilating
fury; but even here he was doomed to disappointment. Charles XII.
delighted in nothing so much as in wild and romantic enterprise. Such
was that of the conquest of Norway; and he was led by his imagination
to commence it without delay. With his characteristic madness, he
divided his army into two parts, with one of which he took the way by
the coast of Norway, and the other he sent over the mountains at the
very beginning of winter. There that division perished in the snow amid
the most incredible horrors; and he himself, whilst carrying on the
siege of Frederickshall, was killed on the 11th of December, as appears
probable, by the treacherous shot of a French engineer in his service.
Almost simultaneously the Duke of Maine's conspiracy against the French
Government was detected, and he and his wife, together with the Spanish
Ambassador, were apprehended. There was nothing for it on the part of
the Regent but to proclaim war against Spain--a measure which England
had long been urging on him. The English declaration appeared on the
28th of December, 1718, and the French on the 9th of January, 1719.

In the session of 1719 Stanhope and his colleagues tried to undo the
arbitrary measures of 1711 and 1714--the Occasional Conformity Bill
and the Schism Bill. Stanhope would have made a strenuous effort to
abolish not only these laws, but the Test Act itself; but Sunderland,
though equally liberal, was more prudent, and showed that, to attempt
too much was to ruin all; and when they came to introduce their greatly
modified measure--that of annulling only some of the less prominent
clauses of the Test Act under the name of a Bill for strengthening the
Protestant interest--they found so much opposition that Sunderland's
discernment was fully justified. Not only the two archbishops and some
of the bishops opposed the measure, but the great Whigs, the Duke
of Devonshire and Earl Cowper. Cowper, though he expressed himself
willing to abolish the Schism Bill, stood stoutly for the Test and
Corporation Acts as the very bulwarks of our constitution in Church
and State; whilst the Earl of Islay declared even this moderate
measure a violation of the union with Scotland. On the other hand,
the Bishops Hoadley, Willis, Gibson, and Kennett supported the Bill,
which, however, was not carried without considerable mutilation; and
had Stanhope introduced such a measure as he proposed, including even
considerable relief to Catholics, the whole would have been lost.

Parliament was prorogued on the 18th of April, and the king soon after
set out for his German dominions, taking Stanhope along with him,
and his mistress, the Duchess of Kendal. In appointing the Regency
to administer affairs in the king's absence, the Prince of Wales was
entirely passed over, to his great indignation; nor were he and the
Princess allowed to hold levees, that duty being assigned to the young
princesses, to the great scandal of the public, and further exposure
of the discord raging in the Royal family. Even during the session
the ministers had brought in a Bill to "settle and limit the Peerage
in such a manner that the number of English peers should not be
enlarged beyond six of the present number (178), which, upon failure
of male issue, might be supplied by new creations; that, instead of
the sixteen elective peers of Scotland, twenty-five should be made
hereditary on the part of that kingdom; and that this number, upon
failure of heirs male, should be supplied from the other members of the
Scottish Peerage." Both the king and ministers flattered themselves
that they should carry this Bill, and thus fetter the Prince of
Wales when he came to the throne. The king was desirous to do this
out of sheer jealousy and hatred of his own son, and the ministers,
Sunderland in particular, out of dread of his vengeance in that case;
for, if he created a dozen peers at a time, as Anne had done, he
could easily swamp the Whigs and put the present ministers in peril
of impeachment. But though the Whigs had been clamorous against the
act of Anne, some of them now, Cowper and Townshend at their head, as
vehemently denounced this measure as a gross infringement of the royal
prerogative. The debate became very bitter, and many friendships were
broken up by it, amongst others that of Addison and Steele, who took
different sides; but the Bill was finally dropped, through the vigorous
opposition offered to it by Walpole.

Scarcely had Parliament ceased to sit, and the king was gone to spend
the summer months in Germany, when the vigilance of the Ministry was
demanded to ward off a fresh invasion. Alberoni, defeated in his
schemes on France, and his hopes of the invasion of England by Charles
XII. crushed by that monarch's death, determined now to make a grand
effort to support the Pretender himself. For this purpose, he invited
him to Spain, and at the same time began the equipment of a formidable
fleet to carry over a Spanish force, under the command of the Duke
of Ormonde, to the shores of Britain. The Pretender was not intended
to accompany the expedition, but to be in readiness to follow on the
first news of its successful landing. But it was no more destined to
reach these shores than the Grand Armada. It has always been the fate
of invading squadrons to encounter providential tempests in coming
hitherward, and the usual hurricane was ready to burst. Scarcely,
indeed, had the fleet lost sight of Cape Finisterre before the storm
swooped down upon it. For twelve days the terrible Bay of Biscay was
swept by a frightful wind, which drove the vessels in all directions,
and rendered it impossible to manage them. Fortunate would it have
been if every vessel had failed to reach the shores at which they
aimed; but two vessels, on board of which were the Earls Marshal and
Seaforth, and the Marquis of Tullibardine, accompanied by about three
hundred Spanish soldiers, reached Scotland, and landed, on the 16th of
April, at Kintail, in Ross-shire. In the hope that Ormonde would still
reach England, this small force lay quiet for some time, and so little
did they excite notice, that the Government imagined that they had
re-embarked. Their presence there, however, had the mischievous effect
of exciting some few of the Highlanders to join them. They seized Donan
Castle, and thus attracted the attention of the English. Some vessels
of war arrived upon the coast. The castle was speedily retaken, and
Lord Carpenter, the commander of the forces in Scotland, sent some
troops from Inverness against them. General Wightman, the officer
thus despatched, was attended by about a thousand men, and found the
enemy, now swollen to about two thousand, strongly posted at Glenshiel.
He immediately attacked them, and the miscellaneous force speedily
dispersed. The Highlanders, who knew the country, rapidly disappeared
amongst the hills, and the Spaniards had no other resource than to lay
down their arms.

Alberoni now found himself in turn attacked by France. Whilst busying
himself to repair a few of the shattered ships which had escaped from
the tempest, in order to harass the coast of Brittany in conjunction
with the malcontents there, he beheld an army of thirty thousand French
menacing the Pyrenean frontier. War having begun, the Spaniards were
utterly defeated by the French in Spain and by the Austrians in Sicily,
thanks to the zealous co-operation of the British fleet under Admiral
Byng. At length Philip was compelled to dismiss Alberoni.

The King of Spain hoped, by the dismissal of Alberoni, to obtain more
advantageous terms of peace from France and England; but they still
stood firmly to the conditions of the Quadruple Alliance. On the 19th
of January, 1720, the plenipotentiaries of England, France, and Holland
signed an engagement at Paris not to admit of any conditions of peace
from Spain contrary to those of the alliance. Stanhope despatched his
secretary, Schaub, to Madrid, to endeavour to bring over the queen to
this agreement, and Dubois sent instructions to the Marquis Scotti,
Father d'Aubenton, and others in the French interest to press the same
point. She stood out firmly for some time, but eventually gave way,
and the mind of the king was soon influenced by her. Some difficulties
which could not be overcome were referred to a congress to be held
at Cambray. On the 26th of January Philip announced his accession
to the Quadruple Alliance, declaring that he gave up his rights and
possessions to secure the peace of Europe. He renewed his renunciation
of the French Crown, and promised to evacuate Sicily and Sardinia
within six months, which he faithfully performed.

By the firmness of the Allies a peace which continued twelve years was
given to Europe, and the storm which Alberoni had so fondly expected
out of the North was as completely dissipated. The new Queen of Sweden
had consented to yield absolutely to George I., as King of Hanover,
the disputed possession of Bremen and Verden. Poland was induced to
acknowledge Augustus of Saxony as king, and Prussia to be satisfied
with the acquisition of Stettin and some other Swedish territory.
But the Czar and the King of Denmark, seeing Sweden deprived of its
military monarch, and exhausted by his wild campaigns, contemplated the
actual dismemberment of Sweden. The Queen of Sweden threw herself for
protection on the good offices of the King of England, and both England
and France agreed to compel the Czar and the King of Denmark to desist
from their attacks on Sweden if they would not listen to friendly
mediation. Lord Carteret, a promising young statesman, was sent as
ambassador to Stockholm, and Sir John Norris, with eleven sail of the
line, was ordered to the Baltic. Russia and Denmark, however, continued
to disregard the pacific overtures of England, trusting to there being
no war with that Power. They ravaged the whole coast of Sweden, burning
above a thousand villages, and the town of Nyköping, the third place in
the kingdom. Seeing this, Lord Stanhope, who was still at Hanover with
the king, sent orders to Admiral Norris to pay no regard to the fact of
there being no declaration of war, but to treat the Russian and Danish
fleet as Byng had treated the Spanish one. Norris accordingly joined
his squadron to the Swedish fleet at Carlscrona, and went in pursuit
of the fleet of the Czar. Peter, seeing that the English were now in
earnest, recalled his fleet with precipitation, and thereby, no doubt,
saved it from complete destruction; but he still continued to refuse to
make peace, and determined on the first opportunity to have a further
slice of Swedish territory. Denmark, which was extremely poor, agreed
to accept a sum of money in lieu of Marstrand, which it had seized; and
thus all Europe, except the Czar, was brought to a condition of peace.

George had arrived in England from his German States on the 11th of
November of the preceding year, 1719, and opened Parliament on the
23rd. In his speech he laid stress on the success of his Government
in promoting the evacuation of Sicily and Sardinia by Spain, in
protecting Sweden, and laying the foundation of a union amongst the
great Protestant Powers of Europe. He then recurred to the subject
of the Bill for limiting the peerage, which had been rejected in the
previous Session. George was animated by the vehement desire to curtail
the prerogative of his son, and said that the Bill was necessary to
secure that part of the Constitution which was most liable to abuse.
Lord Cowper declared, on the other hand, that besides the reasons which
had induced him to oppose the measure before, another was now added
in the earnestness with which it was recommended. But Cowper was not
supported with any zeal by the rest of the House, and the Bill passed
on the 30th of November, and was sent down to the House of Commons
on the 1st of December. There it was destined to meet with a very
different reception. During the recess Walpole had endeavoured to rouse
a resistance to it in both Houses. He had convened a meeting of the
Opposition Whigs at Devonshire House, and called upon them to oppose
the measure; but he found that some of the Whig peers were favourable
to it, from the perception that it would increase the importance of
their order; others declared that it would be inconsistent in them to
oppose a principle which they had so strenuously maintained against a
Tory Ministry--that of discountenancing the sudden creation of peers
for party purposes; and others, though hostile to the Bill, declared
that they should only expose themselves to defeat by resisting it. But
Walpole persisted in his opposition, and declared that, if his party
deserted him, he would contend against the Bill single-handed. He
asserted that it would meet with strong resistance from the country
gentlemen who hoped some time or other to reach the peerage--a hope
which the Bill, if carried, would extinguish for ever.

By these endeavours Walpole managed to array a considerable body of the
Commons against it. It was introduced on the 8th of December, and Sir
John Pakington, Sir Richard Steele, Smith, Methuen, and others joined
him in attacking it. Steele made a very powerful speech against it, but
the grand assault was that of Walpole. He put out all his strength,
and delivered a harangue such as he had never achieved till that day.
He did not spare the motives of the king, though handling them with
much tact, and was unsparingly severe on the Scottish clauses, and
on the notorious subserviency of the Scottish representative peers.
He declared that the sixteen elective Scottish peers were already a
dead weight on the country; and he asked what they would be when made
twenty-five, and hereditary? He declared that such a Bill would make
the lords masters of the king, and shut up the door of honour to the
rest of the nation. Amongst the Romans, he said, the way to the Temple
of Fame was through the Temple of Virtue; but if this Bill passed, such
would never be the case in this country. There would be no arriving at
honours but through the winding-sheet of an old, decrepit lord, or the
tomb of an extinct noble family. Craggs, Lechmere, Aislabie, Hampton,
and other Ministerial Whigs supported the Bill; but, in the words of
Speaker Onslow, the declamation of Walpole had borne down everything
before it, and the measure was defeated by a majority of two hundred
and sixty-nine to one hundred and seventy-seven.

In our time this defeat would, as a matter of course, have turned out
the Ministry, but in that day it had no such effect. They continued to
hold office, and to command undiminished majorities on other questions.
Still more singular was its effect, for it induced them to offer
office to their triumphant opponent Walpole, who not only accepted
a subordinate post amongst them--the Paymaster of the Forces--but
consented to support the very clauses regarding the Scottish peers
which he had so firmly denounced, should they be inclined to bring
forward the Bill a third time.

[Illustration: THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE. (_After the Picture by E. M. Ward,
R.A., in the National Gallery, London._)]

The spring of 1720 was a period of remarkable national prosperity.
But "the grand money schemes projected of late," which appeared to
the Jacobite Atterbury and others calculated to cement the royal
peace and strengthen the foundation of the Government and nation, were
destined to produce a very different effect. For the South Sea Bubble
was about to burst. In 1711, Harley, being at his wits' end to maintain
the public credit, established a fund to provide for the National Debt,
which amounted to ten millions of pounds. To defray the interest he
made permanent the duties on wine, vinegar, and tobacco, etc. To induce
the purchase of the Government stock, he gave to the shareholders
the exclusive privilege of trading to the Spanish settlements in
South America, and procured them an Act of Parliament and a royal
charter, under the name of the South Sea Company. The idea, hollow and
groundless as it was, seized on the imagination of the most staid and
experienced traders. All the dreams of boundless gold which haunted the
heads of the followers of Drake and Raleigh were revived. The mania
spread through the nation, and was industriously encouraged by the
partisans of Harley. But this stupendous dream of wealth was based on
the promises of Ministers, who at the Peace of Utrecht were to secure
from the Government of Spain this right to trade to its colonies. The
right was never granted by that haughty and jealous Power, further than
for the settlement of some few factories, and the sending of one small
ship annually of less than five hundred tons. This, and the Assiento,
or privilege of supplying those colonies with African slaves, were the
sole advantages obtained, and these were soon disturbed by the war with
Spain, which broke out under Alberoni. The South Sea Company, however,
from its general resources, remained a flourishing corporation, and was
deemed the rival of the Bank of England.

It was at the close of 1719, when George I. returned from Hanover, that
this Company proposed to Ministers to consolidate all the funds into
one. It was strange that both Ministers and merchants could be deluded
by the hope of enriching themselves by a share of the trade with the
Spanish South American provinces, when Spain herself, in full enjoyment
of them, was sunk into indigence and weakness, and presented the most
determined resistance to the unfettered intercourse of any other nation
with them. Yet Sir John Blunt, a leading director of the South Sea
Company, persuaded the Ministers that by granting the Company power to
deal with the public funds, and especially to buy up the unredeemable
annuities which had been granted in the two preceding reigns, chiefly
on terms of ninety-nine years, and which now amounted to about eight
hundred thousand pounds a year, they could, in twenty-six years, pay
off the entire National Debt. But, to enable them to do this, they
must be empowered to reduce all the different public securities to
one aggregate fund in their hands, to convert both redeemable and
unredeemable debts into stock by such arrangements as they could make
with the holders, and to have certain commercial privileges vested in
them. Ministers accepted the proposals with great alacrity. Aislabie
introduced the scheme to Parliament in the month of February, 1720,
declaring that, if it was accepted by the House, the prosperity of
the nation would be amazingly enhanced, and all its debts liquidated
in a very few years. Craggs seconded the proposal in most sanguine
terms, expressing his conviction that every member of the House must be
ready to adopt so advantageous an offer. Ministers had already closed
with the proposals of the Company, and they were themselves greatly
disconcerted by the suggestion of Mr. Thomas Brodrick, the member for
Stockbridge, who expressed his entire accordance with Ministers, but
thought that the nation should endeavour to obtain the best terms for
itself by opening the competition to every other company or association
of men as well as that in question. Ministers were confounded by this
proposal, and Aislabie endeavoured to get out of it by declaring
that to do this would be like putting the nation up to auction, and
that such things should be done with spirit. But Jekyll interposed,
saying it was this spirit which had ruined the nation, and it was
now requisite to consider seriously what was best for the public. A
violent debate ensued, in which Walpole eloquently recommended open
competition, and was sharply replied to by Lechmere. The question
was carried in favour of competition; and then the Bank of England,
which before had coolly declined to enter into the proposals, suddenly
appeared in a new temper, and made liberal offers for the privilege of
thus farming the public debts. But the South Sea Company was not to be
outdone; it offered seven millions and a half, and the Bank gave way in
despair.

Walpole, however, continued to oppose the South Sea Bill in the
Commons, declaring that the terms were too extravagant ever to be
fulfilled; that the experiment could result in nothing but a fearful
increase of the costs of stockjobbing, and final confusion and ruin.
He insisted that, before the proposals of the Company were accepted,
the rise of their stock should be limited, and every means taken to
prevent the fever of infatuation that would ensue from the promise of
dividends out of funds which could never be realised. He proposed for
this purpose the introduction of a clause fixing the number of years'
purchase to be granted to the annuitants of the South Sea Company; but
to this it was objected that it was the interest of the Company to take
up the annuities; and, as the annuitants had the power of coming in or
not, as they pleased, the Company would, of course, offer advantageous
terms, and, therefore, the whole affair might be safely left to private
adjustment. Aislabie added that the South Sea Company would not submit
to be controlled in an undertaking they were to pay so dear for. The
Bill passed both Houses.

The South Sea Company had immediately on the passing of the Bill
proposed a subscription of one million, and this was so eagerly seized
on that, instead of one, two millions were subscribed. To stimulate
this already too feverish spirit in the public, the Company adopted
the most false and unjustifiable means. They had eight millions and a
half to pay over to Government as a _douceur_ for granting them the
management of the Funds; and, therefore, to bring this in rapidly, they
propagated the most lying rumours. It was industriously circulated that
Lord Stanhope had received overtures at Paris to exchange Gibraltar and
Port Mahon for invaluable gold lands in Peru! The South Sea trade was
vaunted as a source of boundless wealth in itself. In August the stock
had risen from the one hundred and thirty of the last winter to one
thousand! Men sold houses and land to become shareholders; merchants of
eminence neglected their affairs and crippled their resources to reap
imaginary profits. The Company flattered the delusion to the utmost.
They opened a third, and even a fourth subscription, larger than the
former, and passed a resolution that from next Christmas their yearly
dividend should not be less than fifty per cent.! In labouring to
increase the public delusion they seem to have caught the contagion
themselves, for they began to act, not like men who were blowing a
bubble which they knew must speedily burst, but like persons who had
mounted permanently into the very highest seat of prosperous power.
They assumed the most arrogant and overbearing manner, even towards men
of the highest station and influence. "We have made them kings," said a
member of Parliament, "and they deal with everybody as such."

The spirit of gambling thus set going by Government itself soon
surpassed all bounds, and burst forth in a thousand shapes. It was
well known that the king, his mistresses, his courtiers, his son and
heir apparent, were all dabbling busily in the muddy waters of this
huge pool of trickery and corruption. A thousand other schemes were
invented and made public to draw in fresh gudgeons, and the Prince
of Wales allowed his name to stand as governor of a Welsh Copper
Company. All ranks and classes rushed to Change Alley--dukes, lords,
country squires, bishops, clergy (both Established and Dissenting),
were mixed up with stockjobbers and brokers in eager traffic. Ladies
of all ranks mingled in the throng, struggling through the press and
straining their voices to be heard amid the hubbub. There and all over
the kingdom were advertised and hawked about the following and other
schemes:--Wrecks to be fished for on the Irish coast; plans for making
of oil from sunflower seeds; for extracting of silver from lead; for
the transmuting of quicksilver into a malleable and fine metal; for
importing a number of large jackasses from Spain; for a wheel for
perpetual motion; and, finally, for an undertaking which shall in due
time be revealed!

The South Sea Company, with a folly of which extreme greed only is
capable, endeavoured to put down these rival schemes and obtained an
order from the Lords Justices and writs of _scire facias_ against
several of these new bubbles. It was like raising a wind to blow away
the bubbles, forgetting that their own was a bubble too, and would
go with them. The moment that the people began to distrust one they
distrusted all. The panic became as great as the mania had been. The
South Sea stock dropped in less than a month from one thousand to
below six hundred. There was a simultaneous rush to sell out, and
the shares must have sunk instantly to _nil_ but for the gigantic
exertions of the Company to raise money and buy in. The relief,
however, was but temporary. The bankers and pawnbrokers who had
advanced money on scrip broke and fled; merchants, goldsmiths, and
speculators rushed away after them. Walpole was summoned in haste from
Haughton to devise some means of staying the panic. He endeavoured
to get the Bank of England to circulate three millions of South Sea
bonds for a year; but the Bank, seeing that the case was desperate,
declined it. This was decisive. The rage and despair of the swarming
dupes were indescribable. They heaped execrations not only on the
South Sea Company, but on Ministers, the king, his mistresses, and
the Royal Family, who had all been deep in the affair, and who had
taken good care of themselves. George landed at Margate on the 9th of
November, soon after which the South Sea stock fell to one hundred and
thirty-five. On the 8th of December Parliament met, and promptly began
to investigate the scandal.

In the House of Lords on the 24th of January, 1721, five directors who
had been called before them were arrested and their papers seized. By
what had been drawn from them, it appeared that large sums had been
given to people in high places to procure the passing of the South
Sea Bill. Lord Stanhope rose and expressed his indignation at such
practices, and moved that any transfer of stock for the use of any
person in the Administration without a proper consideration was a
notorious and dangerous corruption. The motion was seconded by Lord
Townshend, and carried unanimously. The examination being continued on
the 4th of February, Sir John Blunt refused to answer their lordships,
on the plea that he had already given his evidence before the Secret
Committee. A vehement debate arose out of this difficulty, during which
the Duke of Wharton, a most profligate young nobleman, and president of
the Hell-fire Club, made a fierce attack on Stanhope, accused him of
fomenting the dissensions between the king and his son, and compared
him to Sejanus, who had sown animosities in the family of Tiberius,
and rendered his reign hateful to the Romans. Stanhope, in replying to
this philippic, was so transported by his rage, that the blood gushed
from his nostrils. He was carried from the House, and soon afterwards
expired.

Lord Townshend succeeded Stanhope as Secretary of State. Aislabie, who
had been deep in the iniquities of the South Sea affair, was compelled
to resign his post as Chancellor of the Exchequer, to which Walpole
succeeded. Meanwhile the Secret Committee appointed by the Commons
continued its labours indefatigably. They sat nearly every day from
nine in the morning till eleven at night, and on the 16th of February,
1721, they presented their first report to the House. This revealed a
vast amount of Ministerial corruption.

On the very day that this report was being read in the House died
one of the accused, James Craggs, Secretary of State. His complaint
was smallpox; but the state of mind induced by this exposure is
supposed to have rendered the malady fatal. His father, who was
Postmaster-General, was so shamefully involved in the same dishonest
proceedings, that he took poison.

Charles Stanhope, though clearly guilty, escaped, after examination
in the House, by a majority of three, out of respect for the memory
of his deceased relative, the upright Lord Stanhope. Aislabie's case
came next, and was so palpably bad that he was committed to the Tower
and expelled the House, amid the ringing of bells, bonfires, and other
signs of rejoicing in the City of London. The bulk of his property,
moreover, was seized. This was some compensation to the public,
which had murmured loudly at the acquittal of Stanhope. Sunderland's
case was the next, and he escaped by the evidence against him being
chiefly second-hand. He was acquitted by a majority of two hundred and
thirty-three against one hundred and seventy-two. As to the king's
mistresses, their sins were passed over out of a too conceding loyalty;
but no favour was shown to the directors, though some of them were
found to be much poorer when the scheme broke up than they were when it
began. Amongst them was Mr. Gibbon, the grandfather of the historian,
who afterwards exposed the injustice of many of these proceedings,
though at the time they were considered as only too merited. The
directors were disabled from ever again holding any place, or sitting
in Parliament; and their estates, amounting to upwards of two millions,
were confiscated for the relief of the sufferers by the scheme.

On the death of Stanhope, Sir Robert Walpole was left without a rival,
and he received his commission of First Lord of the Treasury on the 2nd
of April, and from this period down to 1742 he continued to direct the
government of Great Britain. His chief anxiety now was to restore the
public credit. He drew up, as Chairman of the Committee of the Commons,
a report of all that had been lost in the late excitements, and of the
measures that had been adopted to remedy the costs incurred. Amongst
these were the resolutions of the House respecting the seven and a half
millions the directors of the South Sea Company had agreed to pay to
Government; more than five had been remitted, and we may add that on
the clamorous complaints of the Company the remainder was afterwards
remitted too. The forfeited estates had been made to clear off a large
amount of encumbrance, the credit of the Company's bonds had been
maintained, and thirty-three per cent. of the capital paid to the
proprietors. Such were the measures adopted by the Commons, and these
being stated in the report to the king, a Bill was brought in embodying
them all. Many of the proprietors, however, were not satisfied. They
were very willing to forget their own folly and greediness, and charge
the blame on the Government. On the second reading of Walpole's Bill
they thronged the lobby of the House of Commons. The next day the Bill
was carried, and gradually produced quiet; but Walpole himself did not
escape without severe animadversions. He was accused of having framed
his measures in collusion with the Bank, and with a clear eye to his
own interest; but he had been strenuously vindicated from the charge,
and on the whole the vigour and boldness with which he encountered the
storm and quelled it deserve the highest praise, and may well cover a
certain amount of self-interest, from which few Ministers are free.

[Illustration: GEORGE I.]

The discontents occasioned by the South Sea scheme and its issue
had caused the Jacobites to conceive fresh hopes of success, and
their spirits were still more elevated by the birth of a son to the
Pretender. The business of this faction was conducted in England
by a junto or council, amongst the chief members of which were the
Earls of Arran and Orrery, Lords North and Gower, and the Bishop of
Rochester. Lord Oxford had been invited to put himself at the head
of this council of five, but everything of a decided nature was out
of his character. He continued to correspond with the leaders of the
faction, but he declined putting himself too forward. In fact, his
habitual irresolution was now doubled by advancing infirmities, and
he died three years afterwards. Though several of the junto were men
of parliamentary, and North of military experience, Atterbury was the
undoubted head of it. The period of confusion created by the South Sea
agitation was first pitched on for a new attempt, then that of the
general election, which had taken place in March, and, finally, it was
deferred till the king should have gone to Hanover, according to his
custom, in the summer.

In preparation for this movement James the Pretender was to sail
secretly to Spain, in readiness to cross to England; and he had already
quitted his house in Rome and removed to a villa, the more unobserved
to steal away at the appointed moment. Ormonde also had left Madrid
and gone to a country seat half way to Bilbao, when the secret of the
impending expedition was suddenly revealed by the French Government to
that of England. The conspirators had been mad enough to apply to the
Regent for five thousand troops, trusting that, notwithstanding his
peaceful relations with Britain, he would secretly enjoy creating it
some embarrassment. But in this, as in all other views, they proved
more sanguine than profound. Sir Luke Schaub, the British Ambassador,
was immediately informed of it on condition, it was said, that no one
should die for it.

Walpole was instantly on the alert on this startling discovery. He
prevailed on the king to put off his journey to Germany. Troops were
drawn round London and a camp was formed in Hyde Park. The king took
up his residence at Kensington, in the midst of the soldiers, and the
Prince of Wales retired to Richmond. General Macartney was dispatched
for still more troops from Ireland; some suspected persons were
arrested in Scotland; the States of Holland were solicited to have
ships and soldiers in readiness; an order was obtained from the Court
of Madrid to forbid the embarkation of Ormonde; and General Churchill
was dispatched to Paris to make all secure with the Regent. Atterbury
was arrested on the 24th of August.

Parliament opened its first sitting on the 9th of October. The rumour
of invasion, of course, gave the tone to the king's speech. He recited
the leading facts of the conspiracy, and observed that he should the
less wonder at them had he in any one instance, since his accession to
the throne of his ancestors, invaded the liberty or property of his
subjects.

The very first act was to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act for a year.
To punish the Catholics and Non-jurors, who were all regarded as
implicated in this conspiracy, Walpole proposed to raise one hundred
thousand pounds by a tax on their estates. A Bill of Pains and
Penalties was passed against Atterbury, and he was compelled to go
into banishment. On the 18th of June Atterbury was put on board a
man-of-war and conducted to Calais. As he landed there, he was told
that Bolingbroke had received the king's pardon, and was just quitting
Calais for England; and the Bishop said, with a smile, "Then I am
exchanged."

This Act, however, merely gave Bolingbroke the right to come back and
live in security in England. His ambition could only be satisfied by
the restoration of his estates and honours. Unfortunately for him, when
he arrived in England, the king had sailed for Hanover, attended by
Townshend and Carteret, and his great patroness, the Duchess of Kendal.
He waited, therefore, on Walpole, who promptly rejected his offers.
Mortified at this repulse, Bolingbroke returned to Paris, where a field
of action had opened in which he was well calculated to figure.

The restless Englishman, much more like a Frenchman in temperament and
character than a native of England, had married Madame de Villette,
a niece of Louis XIV.'s last mistress, Madame de Maintenon, a lady
rich and well-trained in all the Court life of Paris. By this means
Bolingbroke was brought into close connection with that Court. The
notorious Cardinal Dubois had died in August, 1723, and in less than
four months died also the Duke of Orleans, the Regent. Louis XV. being
nominally of age, no other Regent was appointed; but the Duke of
Bourbon, a man of better character but of less ability than the Regent,
Orleans, was Prime Minister. He was greatly under the influence of his
bold and ambitious mistress Madame de Prie; and Bolingbroke, who was
high in the favour of both Minister and mistress, flattered himself
that, with the aid of his courtier wife, he could govern both them and
France.

Bolingbroke was well aware that a violent strife for power was going on
in the British Cabinet. Lord Carteret, the new Secretary of State, and
afterwards Earl Granville, was labouring hard to undermine both Walpole
and Townshend. He was a very accomplished man and a great linguist,
familiar with nearly all the Continental languages, including German,
which, strangely enough, the English courtiers neglected, though they
had a German monarch on the throne who could not speak English. German
then was regarded as a language rude and even vulgar--a tongue, as
Voltaire afterwards said, "only fit for horses." But Carteret, by being
master of it, could converse freely with the king, whilst Walpole,
ignorant, too, of French, could hold communication with him only in
Latin, which, from the wide difference between the English and foreign
pronunciation of it, could not have been a very favourable medium.
Carteret had ingratiated himself so much with the king by conversing
in German, and flattering George's German tastes and politics, that he
had succeeded to the influence which Stanhope had formerly possessed.
He had also secured the same influence in the Court of Paris. He had
by that means confirmed the appointment of Sir Luke Schaub at that
Court, and thus kept open the most favourable communication with the
Abbé Dubois. The Courts of England and France continued during Dubois'
life in close connection, and through the influence of George and his
Ministers, Dubois obtained first the Archbishop's mitre, and then the
Cardinal's hat.

The struggle for ascendency proceeding, Walpole and his party secured
the interest of the Duchess of Kendal, who always took care to side
with that which she thought the stronger. Carteret and his party,
on the other hand, secured the interest of the other mistress, the
Countess of Darlington, and her sister, Madame de Platen. Whilst
affairs were in this position, the two Secretaries of State, Townshend
and Carteret, accompanied the king to Hanover. There came upon the
_tapis_ the question of a marriage between the Count St. Florentin,
the son of La Vrillière, the Secretary of State for France, and a
daughter of Madame de Platen. Madame de Platen, however, demanded
that La Vrillière should be made a duke, so that in due course of
time her daughter would be a duchess. George I. warmly seconded this
demand; and, had Bolingbroke used his influence, there was little
doubt that it would have been accomplished. But the French nobility
raised a huge outcry against this honour being conferred on the family
of La Vrillière, which they deemed too obscure for such a dignity.
Bolingbroke, however, was seeking his own objects through the other
mistress, the Duchess of Kendal; and, notwithstanding the repulse
which he had received from Walpole, he still calculated that his power
would prevail, and he therefore smothered his personal vexation, and
remained on the side of the Duchess of Kendal and Walpole, leaving
Carteret and his allies, the Platens, to fight their own battle.

In the midst of these cabals died the Regent, and Townshend, acting
with Walpole, sent over Walpole's brother Horace to watch their
interests at Paris. Carteret, on the other hand, ordered Sir Luke
Schaub to make every exertion for the grant of the dukedom. On the
arrival of Horace Walpole, Bolingbroke, obeying the impulses of the
courtier and not of the man, immediately waited on him, and placed all
his influence at the French Court at his service; but Walpole, who had
an invincible repugnance to Bolingbroke, whilst he availed himself of
the advantages offered by Bolingbroke, still kept him at a great and
stately distance. Undeterred by this conduct, however, Bolingbroke
swallowed his mortification, and continued to keep his eye and his hope
on the Walpole Ministry. Unassisted by Bolingbroke, the dukedom could
not be obtained; but George reconciled Madame Platen to the match by
giving her daughter a portion of ten thousand pounds. Horace Walpole,
at the same time, succeeded in getting Schaub recalled, and himself
installed in his office of Ambassador at Paris--a decided victory
over Carteret; indeed, so decided, that Carteret was removed from the
Secretaryship to the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland.

The domestic serenity of the realm was, however, greatly disturbed
at this moment by Dean Swift, who seized on the occasion to avenge
himself on the Whig Ministry for the defeat and punishment of his
party, and especially of his particular friends and patrons, Oxford
and Bolingbroke. There had long been a great deficiency of copper coin
in Ireland. The Government undertook to remove this pressing want of
so useful a medium, and they set about it in an honest and honourable
manner as regarded the quality of the coin. Tenders were issued, and
various offers received for the coining of farthings and halfpence
to the value of a hundred and eight thousand pounds. The proposal of
Mr. William Wood, an iron and copper founder, of Wolverhampton, was
accepted; but the quality of the coin, both as to weight and fineness,
was determined by the advice of Sir Isaac Newton, then Master of the
Mint, and Wood was bound under heavy penalties to furnish it according
to this stipulation. Every care was used by the Ministers and the
Solicitor- and Attorney-General to insure the supply of a much better
copper coinage than Ireland had ever possessed before.

There were some circumstances, however, which came out that created
considerable suspicion and displeasure in Ireland. Wood had given a
bribe to the king's mistress, the Duchess of Kendal, to procure him
the contract, and the Government had ordered the coinage without
paying the Irish Privy Council and Lord-Lieutenant the compliment of
consulting them on this occasion. Swift saw these errors, and seized
on them for his own purposes. He did not stop to inquire whether,
after all, the proposed coinage would not, in any circumstances, be
much better than the present distressing scarcity of copper money, and
whether the farthings and halfpence might not turn out as good, though
they were contracted for. It was enough for him that there was a cause
of discontent which he could fan into a flame against the British
Government. He threw all his spiteful soul into it, and his "Drapier's
Letters" inflamed the public mind to such a degree that Walpole was
compelled to cancel the patent.

The tumult in Ireland was succeeded by one in Scotland. The people
of that country, though they were, by the provisions of the Act of
Union, to bear their proportion of the malt tax, had always refused
compliance, and in 1713 had issued a violent resolution against it.
They had never yet complied with the law, and Walpole, seeing the
sturdy nature of the opposition, was willing to give up the point
quietly. But during the Parliamentary Session of this year, Mr.
Brodrick proposed that a duty of sixpence on every barrel of ale should
be paid in lieu of it. Walpole was reluctant to go into the question,
but the House was bent on it, and he therefore complied so far as to
consent to a duty of threepence per barrel, or half the amount. There
were promptly riots in Glasgow, and at Edinburgh the brewers refused
to brew. Walpole sent down the Earl of Islay, the brother of the Duke
of Argyll, and a zealous adherent of his own, to pacify the country.
Islay behaved with equal prudence and firmness. He found the powerful
combination of brewers essaying to make a stand against and then
attempting to make terms with him. But he let them know that nothing
but unconditional surrender to the laws would be accepted, and they at
length held a meeting, where the chairman put the question, "To brew,
or not to brew?" The members were to vote _seriatim_; but neither the
man on his right nor the one on his left would venture to begin. In
the long pause that ensued, one Gray declared that he thought there
was nothing for them to do but to return to their trades; that he
would not be bound by the majority, but would vote independently, and
he voted to brew. The meeting broke up, and that night a number of
breweries were set to work, and the next day, at noon, about forty
brew-houses were in full action in Edinburgh, and ten in Leith.

One of the first acts of the Parliament, which met on November 12th,
was to punish the peculations and abuses of the Lord Chancellor,
Parker, Earl of Macclesfield. The Court of Chancery, in former ages
a sink of corruption, was at this time in its worst condition. The
offices of Masters were regularly sold, and the Masters as regularly
took care to recoup themselves by all manner of peculation. The estates
of widows and orphans and the money of suitors were unscrupulously
plundered. There was a loud outcry against these robberies, and
especially against the Lord Chancellor, for his not only tolerating
but partaking in them. He endeavoured to escape the storm of public
indignation by resigning in January, but this did not avail him. He
was impeached by Sir George Oxenden in the Commons, and tried in the
Lords, and fined thirty thousand pounds. A motion for disabling him
from ever again sitting in Parliament or holding any office was lost
only by a very few votes. The king struck his name out of the list of
Privy Councillors, and in 1725 Sir Peter King was made Chancellor in
his stead, with the title of baron.

Bolingbroke, now restored to his estates, though the attainder still
deprived him of his seat in the House of Lords, endeavoured to create
a new species of opposition in Parliament. He retained his influence
with the Duchess of Kendal, and cultivated that of the ultra-Tories.
Still more, he soon discovered that William Pulteney, the most eloquent
man in the House, had grown disgusted with Walpole, who could never
bear any man of pre-eminent ability near the throne except himself.
Pulteney had been one of the steadiest friends of the late queen's
Government, and of the Protestant succession. Under George he had been
made Secretary at War. He had adhered to Walpole when he was sent to
the Tower for corruption, and in the great schism of 1717. Yet Walpole
had carefully excluded him from any high post in the Cabinet, and had
endeavoured to veil his jealousy of him by offering to procure him a
peerage, by which he would have removed him from the active sphere
of the House of Commons. Pulteney saw the object, and rejected the
specious favour. Instead of conferring on Pulteney some office worthy
of his talents, Walpole then put him into that of Cofferer of the
Household. In the state of indignation which this paltry appointment
raised in him Bolingbroke soon induced Pulteney to put himself at the
head of a large body of Oppositionists, under the title of "Patriots."
In this character he made some smart attacks on Walpole and his heavy
drafts on the Civil List for his friends, for which he was dismissed,
and joined Bolingbroke in a bold attempt to write down the Minister.
Between them the celebrated paper _The Craftsman_ was planned and
established, and they became the bitterest and most persevering
assailants of Walpole.

[Illustration: BARTHOLOMEW FAIR, LONDON, IN 1721. (_From a Painting on
a Fan._)]

Soon after the close of the Session in June, the king proceeded to
Hanover, accompanied, as usual, by Townshend and the Duchess of Kendal.
The state of his foreign relations demanded the utmost attention,
and very soon underwent the most extraordinary changes. These were
precipitated by the Duke of Bourbon, and were caused by the state of
the French succession. The young king might have children, and the
only reason why he might not have legitimate issue soon was that he
was affianced to the Infanta, Mary Ann, Philip's daughter, then a mere
child. Should he not have children, the young Duke of Orleans, the son
of the late Regent, would succeed him. To prevent this contingency,
the Duke of Bourbon, who had a violent hatred of Orleans, prevailed
on Louis to dismiss the Infanta, and choose as queen some princess of
mature age. He turned his eye for this purpose on the Princess Anne of
England, but George declined the alliance, because the Queen of France
was bound to become Catholic. The Princess Mary Leczinska was next
fixed upon, daughter of the exiled Stanislaus of Poland, and the Duke
of Bourbon then sent the Infanta back to Spain.

This insult roused the fiery blood of Spain. The king and queen were
excited to paroxysms of rage. They told Mr. William Stanhope that,
in future, they would put confidence in no prince except his master,
nor admit any one else to mediate for them in their negotiations. But
George refused to break with France on their account, and ventured to
remind Philip that he himself stood greatly in need of the alliance
with France. Blinded, however, by their wounded pride, the King and
Queen of Spain now turned their anger against England. They recalled
their plenipotentiaries from the Congress of Cambray, which was sitting
to settle the affairs of Europe, and professed their readiness to
abandon all their hostility to the Emperor of Germany, and to concede
all that they had so long demanded from him, on condition that he
entered into a close alliance with them against France and England.
They sent back to France the widow of the late Don Louis, and also
Mademoiselle Beaujolais, another daughter of the late Regent Orleans,
who had been contracted to Don Carlos.

The Emperor of Germany was delighted at the Spanish offer. He had
always felt himself aggrieved by the conditions of the Quadruple
Alliance. He was afraid of France, and hated George of England for his
German policy. He had, moreover, embroiled himself with both England
and Holland, by establishing at Ostend an East India Company, which
was declared to be in violation of the Treaty of Westphalia, and was,
at all events, regarded with particular jealousy by both England and
Holland. This being the case, Ripperda, the envoy of Spain, a Dutch
adventurer, who had been the tool of Alberoni, completed with ease a
treaty with the Emperor at Vienna, which was signed on the 30th of
April, 1725.

By this treaty almost everything was given up which had kept Spain
and Austria in war and conflict for many years, and by themselves
and their allies had steeped Europe in blood. The King of Spain
agreed to sanction the Ostend Company, to yield the long-contested
point regarding the exclusive mastership of the Golden Fleece. He
surrendered the right to garrison with Spanish troops the fortresses
of Tuscany. He acknowledged the Emperor's right to Naples, Sicily, the
Milanese, and Netherlands, and guaranteed what was termed the Pragmatic
Sanction; that is, the succession of the hereditary states of Austria
in the female line. This was a concession of immense importance to
the Emperor, who had only daughters, and whose claim to the Flemish
and Italian dominions might thus have been contested by Philip on the
Emperor's death. Thus, before the emotions of a family quarrel, fell
at once all the mighty questions which had rent and desolated Europe
for a quarter of a century! Both the sovereigns engaged to afford
mutual support should either be attacked. Charles agreed to bring into
the field twenty thousand foot and ten thousand horse, Philip twenty
thousand troops and fifteen ships of war.

The world looked on in astonishment--diplomatists in dread of more
secret and momentous compacts, and that not without cause. In the
heat of this hastily-formed alliance, it was proposed to marry the
young Archduchess, the heiress of the Austrian States, to one of the
Infants of Spain--a contract, if carried out, which would probably have
overthrown all that had been done at such cost of life and wealth for
the establishment of the balance of power. This dangerous project was
frustrated by other events, but serious engagements were entered into
for compelling England to surrender Gibraltar and Minorca to Spain, and
for placing the Pretender on the throne of Great Britain.

But during these transactions France and England had not been idle.
A new alliance had been signed at Hanover between England, France,
and Prussia, to which soon after were added Denmark and Holland. The
real objects of this treaty were to counterbalance that between Spain,
Austria, and Russia, to compel the dissolution of the Ostend Company,
and to prevent the menaced assistance to the Pretender. This was the
celebrated Treaty of Hanover.

The confederacy of Spain, Austria, and Sweden against England greatly
encouraged the Pretender and his party. His agents were active on
almost every coast in Europe, under the able direction of Atterbury.
But there were two new allies whom James acquired at this time who did
him little service; these were Lord North and the Duke of Wharton.
They went over to the Continent, and not only openly avowed themselves
as friends of the Pretender, but renounced Protestantism and embraced
Popery. Lord North, however, found himself so little trusted at the
Pretender's Court, notwithstanding his apostasy, that he went to Spain,
entered its service, and there continued till his death, in 1734.
Wharton also arrived at Madrid, where he fell in with a congenial
spirit. This was Ripperda, the renegade Dutchman, now created a Duke
and made Prime Minister of Spain. He had lately returned from a mission
to Vienna, and was as full of foolish boastings as Wharton himself.
He told the officers of the garrison at Barcelona on landing, that
the Emperor would bring one hundred and fifty thousand men into the
field; that Prince Eugene had engaged for as many more within six
months of the commencement of a war; that in that case France would
be pillaged on all sides, the King of Prussia, whom he was pleased to
call the Grand Grenadier, would be chased from his country in a single
campaign, and King George out of both Hanover by the Emperor, and Great
Britain by the Pretender; that so long as he was in authority there
should never be peace between France and Spain. Yet to Mr. Stanhope he
declared that though he had talked both in Vienna and Spain in favour
of the Pretender, he was, nevertheless, as sincerely attached to the
interests of his Britannic Majesty as one of his own subjects; that
he would prove this on the first opportunity, and that he only talked
as he did to please their Catholic majesties, and to avoid being
suspected as a traitor, and falling into the hands of the Inquisition,
which he knew kept a sharp eye on him as a recent convert.

The folly of Ripperda, however, had ruined his credit with his own
sovereigns and the nation even more than with foreign Powers. His
swaggering and inflated language, in which he imagined that he was
enacting Alberoni, had destroyed all faith in him. But his final
blow came from his own false representations to each other of the
preparations for war made by Austria and Spain. Count Königseck was
most indignant when he discovered the miserable resources of the
Spanish monarchy in comparison with the pompous descriptions made
of them by Ripperda at Vienna; and the Spanish Court was equally
disappointed by a discovery of the real military status of Austria.
Ripperda was suddenly and ignominiously dismissed on the 14th of May.

A revolution of a similar character took place in France within a month
of the fall of Ripperda in Spain. The Duke of Bourbon had exhibited
a gross incapacity for governing France under the young king. He was
replaced by Cardinal Fleury, whose pacific designs harmonised with
those of Walpole. Thus Fleury's accession to power only strengthened
the English alliance with France. As for Spain, notwithstanding the
fall of Ripperda, Philip continued the same course of policy--clinging
firmly to the Emperor, and employing Palm, the envoy of the Emperor
in London, through bribery to the Duchess of Kendal and the king's
Hanoverian Ministers, Bothmar and the rest, who were averse from the
Treaty of Hanover, as in their estimation too exclusively calculated
for British interests. They even produced a strong feeling of this
kind in the mind of George, and they managed to detach the King of
Prussia from the British alliance. On the other hand, Sweden was won
over, by British gold and diplomacy, from Russian interests. The Dutch
also, with their usual slowness, came into the Hanover Treaty. Several
British fleets were at sea during the summer, watching the different
points of possible attack. One under Admiral Wager sailed to the Baltic
to overawe the Russians, which it did effectually. Admiral Jennings,
with another squadron, having on board some land troops, scoured the
coasts of Spain, kept the Spaniards in constant alarm, and returned
home safe before winter. A third fleet, under Admiral Hosier, was not
so fortunate. He was ordered to sail to the West Indies, and the
shores of the Spanish Main, to obstruct or capture the galleons; but
he was attacked off Porto Bello by the yellow fever, and lost a great
number of his men.

Parliament met on the 17th of January, 1727. The Royal Speech breathed
a decidedly warlike tone. The king informed Parliament that he had
received information, on which he could rely, that a secret article of
the treaty between Spain and the Emperor bound those parties to place
the Pretender on the throne of Great Britain, and that the surrender
of Gibraltar and Port Mahon was the price to be paid for this service.
He asked whether the public would not regard with indignation the
imposition of a Popish Pretender on the nation at such a cost. He added
that the King of Spain had ordered his Ambassador to quit the kingdom,
leaving behind him a formal demand for the surrender of the above-named
places. There was a great ferment in the House. Palm, the Emperor's
envoy, wrote to his Imperial master, advising him to disavow any such
secret agreement in the treaty at Vienna, and thus allay the excitement
in England. But Charles, who owed his throne to the victories of
Marlborough, and whose claims on Spain had been prosecuted by Britain
at serious cost of men and money, performed this disavowal with as much
arrogance as stupidity. He was not contented to say that the King of
England was mistaken, but he declared that his speech was false. This
gross insult to the head of the nation roused the indignation of all
parties, even of the Opposition; and Wyndham, Pulteney, and Shippen
denounced it as loudly as any, and supported a motion of Walpole,
declaring it an insolent affront. Palm was ordered to quit the kingdom
immediately.

With Spain the prospect of war became every day more imminent. Stanhope
quitted that country, and the Spanish Government ordered the seizure
of the _Prince Frederick_, a ship belonging to the South Sea Company.
Twenty thousand men were assembled and sent against Gibraltar. All
attempts on the great fortress were as useless as former ones had been.
The English regarded the attack with even an air of indifference,
whilst their guns, sickness, and desertion, were fast cutting off the
besiegers. In four months the investing army, being reduced to half its
number, drew off with this empty but destructive result.

This and other events at length convinced the stupid and ungrateful
Emperor that the war was hopeless. Russia had as good as deserted him;
Prussia, so lately won over, was again wavering; Sweden and Holland
had joined the allies; and Spain, so far from helping him, could not
drive the enemy from a corner of its own territory. He therefore
listened to terms of peace which were offered by the allies through the
pacific medium of Fleury, and the preliminaries were signed at Paris
by the Austrian Ambassador on the 31st of May with England, France,
and Holland. The Emperor agreed to suspend for seven years the charter
of the Ostend Company; to confirm all treaties previous to 1725; and
to refer any other objects of dispute to a general congress. Several
articles were introduced regarding Spain. The English consented to
withdraw the fleet of Admiral Hosier from blockading Porto Bello, so
that the galleons could return home; the siege of Gibraltar was to be
discontinued, and the _Prince Frederick_ to be restored. These articles
were signed by the Spanish Ambassador at Paris, but Philip himself
never ratified them, and England and Spain continued in a dubious state
of neither peace nor war.

[Illustration: FIVE-SHILLING PIECE OF THE SOUTH SEA COMPANY.]

[Illustration: FIVE-GUINEA PIECE OF GEORGE I.]

Whilst Walpole was thus labouring to secure the peace of Europe,
Bolingbroke was as industriously at work to undermine him. He had
cultivated his intimacy with the Duchess of Kendal still more
diligently, and by liberal bribes, and more liberal promises if he
succeeded in once more regaining power, he had brought her to exert her
influence with the king in his favour. This most sordid and rapacious
of mistresses, who looked on England only as a country to be managed
for her benefit, ventured at length to put into the king's hand a
memorial drawn up for her by Bolingbroke, demonstrating that the
country must be absolutely ruined if Walpole continued in office. The
stratagem was too palpable. Whilst she talked only, her suggestions
might pass for her own, but the style of the document must have at once
caused the king's suspicion of its true source. He put the paper into
Walpole's hand. Walpole, after interrogating the two Turks, who were
always in attendance on the king, and on their denying all knowledge of
the means by which the missive reached the royal person, went directly
to the Duchess and charged her with the fact. She did not deny it.
Walpole advised the king to admit Bolingbroke to the audience which
he solicited in the memorial, trusting that the king's dislike of him
would prevail in the interview. The result appeared to be of that kind;
nevertheless, Walpole was far from being secure in his own mind. He
knew that the mistress would be continually returning to the charge
in favour of her friend and paymaster, though she enjoyed a pension
from Government of seven thousand five hundred pounds; and he even
contemplated retiring with a peerage, but was dissuaded from this by
the Princess of Wales and the Duke of Devonshire. On the other hand,
Bolingbroke was in the highest expectation of his speedy restoration
not only to rank but to office.

The deaths of monarchs, however, were peculiarly fatal to this
ambitious man; that of Queen Anne had precipitated him from power,
and rescued his country from the ruin he prepared for it; that of
George now came as opportunely to prevent the national calamity of his
ministry. George set out for Hanover on the 3rd of June, accompanied,
as usual, by Townshend and the Duchess of Kendal. Just before his
departure the youthful Horace Walpole saw him for the first and last
time. When the king was come down to supper, Lady Walsingham took
Walpole into the Duchess's ante-room, where George and his favourite
were alone. Walpole knelt and kissed the king's hand. George appeared
in his usual health.

In his impatience to reach his beloved Hanover, the king had
out-travelled his Minister and the mistress, and reached Delden on
the 8th late at night. The next morning he proceeded again so early
as four o'clock, and was pressing onward, when in the forenoon he
was seized with a fit of apoplexy in his coach, and on arriving at
Ippenburen he was observed to be quite comatose--his eyes fixed, his
hands motionless, and his tongue hanging from his mouth. His attendants
wished to remain at Ippenburen to procure medical assistance; but
this seemed to rouse him, and he managed to articulate, "Osnabrück!
Osnabrück!" The only chance for his life, if there was any, depended
on instant surgical aid; they went in obedience to his command, and on
arriving at Osnabrück he was found quite dead on the 9th of June, 1727.



CHAPTER III.

THE REIGN OF GEORGE II.

    Accession of George II.--Characters of the King and Queen--Adroit
    Tactics of Walpole--Rise and Fall of Compton--Attitude of
    the Opposition--Congress of Soissons--Causes of Dispute
    with Spain--Stanhope's successful Negotiations with King
    Philip--Retirement of Townshend--Walpole Supreme--Peace
    Abroad and at Home--Walpole's System of Wholesale Bribery
    and Corruption--The Public Prisons--Duel between Pulteney
    and Lord Hervey--The Excise Scheme--Great Outcry--Withdrawal
    of the Bill--Walpole's Vengeance--Attack on the Septennial
    Act--Wyndham's Speech--Depression of the Opposition--Definitive
    Peace of Vienna--Gin Act--The Porteous Riots--The Prince of
    Wales and the Opposition--Application for an Increase of his
    Allowance--Birth of George III.--Death of Queen Caroline--Attempt
    to Reduce the Army--Disputes with Spain--"Jenkins' Ear"--Walpole's
    Negotiations--Secession of the Opposition--Further
    Difficulties with Spain--Declaration of War--Privateers and
    Reprisals--Vernon's Victory--Frederick invades Silesia--Assistance
    of England--Parliament Meets--Sandys' Motion--Walpole's
    Defence--Disasters of Maria Theresa--She throws herself on the
    Magyars--Misfortunes of the English Fleets--Vernon Repulsed from
    Carthagena--Power slips from the Hands of Walpole--His Last
    Battles--The Chippenham Election Petition--His Fall.


George II. was born in 1683, and was, consequently, in his forty-fourth
year when he ascended the throne. In 1705 he married the Princess
Caroline Wilhelmina of Anspach, who was born in the year before
himself, by whom he had now four children--Frederick Prince of Wales,
born in 1707, William Duke of Cumberland, born in 1721, and two
daughters.

George had, if anything, a narrower intellect than his father, but
spoke English fluently, though with a foreign accent--a great advantage
over his predecessor. He was small of stature, and subject to fits of
violent passion, neither of which qualities was conducive to royal
dignity. Nor did the attributes of his mind supply any gain calculated
to remedy these defects. He was possessed of courage, which he had
proved at the battle of Oudenarde, and displayed again at Dettingen,
and he was praised for justice. Perhaps it was a love of order and
etiquette rather than justice which distinguished him. For his sort of
military precision and love of soldiers he was nicknamed the "Little
Captain" by the Jacobites. But the worst trait of his disposition was
his avarice. He admitted, says Lord Chesterfield, that he was much
more affected by little things than great ones--the certain mark of a
little mind; he therefore troubled himself very little about religion,
but took it as he found it, without doubt, objection, or inquiry. He
hated and despised all literature and intellectual pursuit, arts and
sciences, and the professors of them.

As for the queen, she was a far superior person. She had been well
brought up on the second marriage of her mother after the death of
her father, by the Queen of Prussia, Sophia Charlotte, the sister of
George I. She had been handsome till she grew corpulent and suffered
from the smallpox, and still she was much admired for her impressive
countenance, her fine voice, penetrating eye, and the grace and
sweetness of her manner. She was still more admired for the striking
contrast which she presented to her husband in her love of literature
and literary men, extending her interest and inquiries into philosophy,
theology, and metaphysics. Those who are disposed to ridicule her
pretence to such knowledge admit that she was equally distinguished by
prudence and good sense. She combined in her manners royal dignity
and unassuming grace, and was more popular with the nation than any
one of the Hanover family had ever yet been. She delighted to engage
theologians in discussing knotty points of doctrine, and in perplexing
them with questions on the various articles of faith in different
churches, and corresponded with them on these subjects through her
bedchamber woman, Mrs. Clayton, afterwards Lady Sundon. But the best
proofs of Queen Caroline's superiority were shown in her pure moral
character, which was free from the slightest stain, and in her quick
discernment and substantial promotion of the most able men in the
Church.

For a moment Walpole appeared about to fall from his altitude, and
the Jacobite faction was in ecstasies. The dispatch of Townshend,
announcing the king's death in Germany, arrived in London on the 14th
of June, and was soon followed by himself. Walpole instantly hastened
to the palace of Richmond, where the Prince of Wales resided, and
was told that the prince was taking his usual afternoon _siesta_.
He desired that he might be awoke, in consequence of important
intelligence. George, suddenly aroused, rushed forth half dressed to
learn the urgent business, when Walpole knelt down and kissed his hand,
informing him of his father's decease, and that he was king. George
was at first incredulous, but Walpole produced Townshend's dispatch,
and inquired whom his majesty would be pleased to appoint to draw up
the necessary declaration to the Privy Council, trusting that it would
be himself. To his consternation and chagrin the king said abruptly,
"Compton;" and Walpole withdrew in deep vexation, imagining his own
reign was at an end.

He waited on Sir Spencer Compton with the royal command. This gentleman
was confounded at the proposal to draw up the declaration to the
Privy Council, and begged Walpole to do it for him. Walpole instantly
recovered his spirits. He saw that such a man could never be his
rival, and he advised his colleagues, if they went out of office, not
to engage in any violent opposition, as they would soon be wanted
again. He knew, too, that he had the queen in his favour, who was too
clear-headed not to see that Walpole was alone the man for the time.
To complete his favour with her he offered to procure her a jointure
from Parliament of one hundred thousand pounds a year, whilst the
impolitic Compton had proposed only sixty thousand pounds. The queen
did not oppose the king's attempt to change the Ministry, but she
impressed him with the danger of disturbing an already powerful and
prosperous Cabinet, and she made him aware of the fact that Compton had
been compelled to get Walpole to draw up the Declaration. Besides the
liberal jointure which he promised she added that he intended to add
one hundred thousand pounds to the Civil List. Horace Walpole, arriving
from Paris, threw his whole weight into the scale, representing
difficulties which must beset foreign negotiations in new hands.
These combined circumstances told strongly on George; but the finish
was put to Compton's government by his feeling overwhelmed by his
own incompetence, and resigning the charge. The king had, therefore,
nothing for it but to reappoint the old Ministry again. Some slight
modifications took place. Lord Berkeley, who had joined the opposition
of Carteret and Roxburgh, was replaced by Lord Torrington, and Compton
received the title of Lord Wilmington, the Order of the Garter, and the
Presidency of the Council. The coronation took place on the 11th of
October, 1727.

The Hanoverian dynasty and the Walpole Ministry made rapid strides in
popularity, and carried all before them. The new Parliament met in
January, 1728, and Walpole's party had in the House four hundred and
twenty-seven members, all staunch in his support. So strong was the
party in power, that several measures were carried which at other times
would have raised discontent. It was proposed by Horace Walpole that
two hundred and thirty thousand pounds should be voted for maintaining
twelve thousand Hessians in the king's service. The Duke of Brunswick
was, by treaty, to be paid twenty-five thousand pounds a year for four
years for the maintenance of five thousand more troops.

These things did not pass without remark by the Opposition. Pulteney
and Bolingbroke discussed them with much vigour and acrimony in The
Craftsman. It was asserted in the House that the public burthens had
increased instead of diminished since 1716; but Walpole contended that
there had been a reduction of debt to the amount of two million five
hundred thousand pounds; and his statement was supported by a large
majority, and it was laid before the king. The Opposition then demanded
an explanation of the expenditure of two hundred and fifty thousand
pounds for secret service money. It was well understood that Walpole
had used the greater part of it in buying up that triumphant majority
which enabled him to carry the most obnoxious measures. The demands
of the Opposition were so vehement, and the abuse was so glaring, that
even Walpole was embarrassed how to get rid of the question. He could
only recur to the old plea, that the money had been spent on services
highly advantageous to the State, but which could not properly be made
public. Suddenly events lifted him out of his difficulty. News arrived
that the King of Spain, who declined to ratify the preliminaries of
peace entered into at Vienna, on hearing of the death of George I.,
hoping for a revolution, had now given way, and had issued what was
called the Act of Pardo, ratifying the preliminaries, and referring
all remaining difficulties to be settled at a congress to be held at
Soissons.

At the Congress, which began in June, William Stanhope, Horace Walpole,
and Poyntz represented England. At Paris Lord Waldegrave supplied the
place of Horace Walpole; and at the Hague the Earl of Chesterfield ably
managed the national interests. At the Congress there was a frequent
exchange of memorials and counter-memorials, but no real business was
done. The only things which grew apparent were that France and Spain
were becoming more reconciled, and that the league between Spain and
the Emperor was fast dissolving.

The great difficulties of the Government at this time were the
settlement of the questions with Spain of the right to cut logwood in
the bay of Campeachy, and the retention of Gibraltar. The Spaniards
had frequently resisted the cutting of logwood in the Bay of Campeachy
by the English; and in 1717 the Marquis of Monteleone had presented a
memorial against it; but the Board of Trade contended that the practice
was of old standing, and amounted to a right. This representation
was now laid before the House of Commons, and was backed by many
petitions from the merchants of London and other places, complaining
of the interruptions to their trade to the South American and West
Indian colonies, which had been carried on by connivance rather than
by actual permission of Spain. There was a great fermentation in the
public mind on these subjects, and the Minister was accused of tamely
submitting to national injuries. The nation seemed ready to rush into
a war with Spain, and perhaps all the more so that the king, in his
opening speech, had observed that "an actual war was preferable to such
a doubtful peace, but that the exchange was very easy to be made at any
time."

The point, however, which excited the most indignation was that
regarding Gibraltar. There was a strong feeling in the public mind
that the Government was willing to give up this fortress to Spain.
The Spanish Government was extremely urgent on the subject, declaring
that there could be no peace, no truce with England, until it was
surrendered. It was recollected by the English public that Stanhope
had actually offered to give it up, and it was not known whether any
equivalent except the signing of the Quadruple Alliance had been
demanded. The Opposition in the House of Lords moved, "That effectual
care be taken in any treaty that the King of Spain do renounce all
claims to Gibraltar and Minorca in plain and strong terms." The
Ministers, however, carried a more moderate resolution--"That the House
relies on his Majesty for preserving his undoubted right to Gibraltar
and Minorca." A similar discussion with a similar result took place in
the Commons. The Government saw plainly that nothing would induce the
British people to relinquish this important station.

No sooner, therefore, had the Parliament closed and the king set out to
Hanover, than Ministers sent off William Stanhope to Madrid to procure
a treaty of peace without any mention of Gibraltar. On arriving at
Madrid he found that the Court had removed to Seville, in Andalusia.
This had been done by the influence of the queen, in order to draw
Philip from the Council of Castile, which was doing all it could to
prevail on him again to abdicate. Stanhope followed the Court to
Seville, and laboured with such effect that he obtained the signing of
a treaty of defensive alliance between England, Spain, and France, to
which Holland afterwards acceded (November 9, 1729). By this treaty
Spain revoked all the privileges granted to Austria by the treaties of
Vienna, and re-established the British trade with her American colonies
on its former footing, restored all captures, and made compensation
for losses. The Assiento was confirmed to the South Sea Company.
Commissioners were appointed to adjust all claims of Spaniards for
ships taken in 1718, and to settle the limits of the American trade.
The succession of Don Carlos to Parma and Tuscany was recognised, with
the right to garrison the ports of Leghorn, Porto Ferrajo, Parma,
and Placentia with six thousand Spanish troops. Not a word was said
of Gibraltar--a silence amounting to a renunciation of its demand
by Spain; and that Philip regarded it as such was evidenced by his
beginning to construct the strong lines of San Roque, and thus to cut
off all communication with the obnoxious fortress by land.

William Stanhope was rewarded for his accomplishment of this treaty
with the title of Lord Harrington, and was soon after made Secretary
of State. But whilst the English were delighted by the completion of
the treaty, the Emperor was enraged by it, and his mortification was
doubled by the fact that, when he sought to raise four hundred thousand
pounds by a loan in London to supply the want of his Spanish subsidies,
the Ministry brought in and rapidly passed a Bill prohibiting loans to
foreign Powers, except by a licence from the king under the Privy Seal.
The Opposition raised a loud outcry, calling it "a Bill of Terrors," an
"eternal yoke on our fellow-subjects," and a "magnificent boon to the
Dutch." But Walpole very justly answered, "Shall British merchants be
permitted to lend their money against the British nation? Shall they
arm an enemy with strength and assist him with supplies?"

In the midst of this prosperous career the two brothers-in-law, the
Ministers, began to differ in their views, and Lord Townshend was
soon driven by the overbearing conduct of Walpole to resign. Lady
Townshend, the sister of Walpole, and even Queen Caroline, exerted
their influence for some time to put an end to these feuds; but Lady
Townshend soon died, and the queen, finding the breach inevitable, took
the side of Walpole as the more indispensable servant of the Crown.
There were serious topics on which Townshend and Walpole differed,
both domestic and foreign. Townshend did not approve of the length
to which matters were carried against the Emperor, and he was weary
of the timid temper of the Duke of Newcastle, and strongly urged his
dismissal, and the employment of Lord Chesterfield in his place; but a
Pension Bill brought the quarrel to a crisis. The object of the Bill,
which was warmly supported by the Opposition, was to prevent any man
holding a pension, or who had any office held in trust for him, from
sitting in Parliament. The king privately styled it "a villainous Bill,
which ought to be torn to pieces in every particular." Both Walpole
and Townshend were of the same opinion; but Townshend was for openly
opposing it, Walpole for letting it pass the Commons, and be thrown
out in the Lords. Townshend, to whom the odium of rejecting it was
thus carried in the Lords, protested against this disingenuous conduct
on the part of Walpole, and assured him that the trick would soon be
fully observed, and bring more unpopularity on him in the end than a
manly, open opposition--which it did.

The temper of Townshend was warm, though his nature was upright; and in
this mood, a discussion taking place on foreign affairs at the house of
Colonel Selwyn, the dispute became so heated that Walpole declared that
he did not believe what Townshend was saying. The indignant Townshend
seized Walpole by the collar, and they both grasped their swords. Mrs.
Selwyn shrieked for assistance, and the incensed relatives were parted;
but they never could be reconciled, and, after making another effort
to obtain the dismissal of Newcastle, and to maintain his own position
against the overbearing Walpole, Townshend resigned on the 16th of
May. He retired to Reynham, and passed the remainder of his life in
rural pursuits. One of the greatest benefits which he conferred on this
country he conferred after his retirement--that of introducing the
turnip from Germany.

On the retirement of Townshend, Walpole reigned supreme and without a
rival in the Cabinet. Henry Pelham was made Secretary at War; Compton
Earl of Wilmington Privy Seal. He left foreign affairs chiefly to
Stanhope, now Lord Harrington, and to the Duke of Newcastle, impressing
on them by all means to avoid quarrels with foreign Powers, and
maintain the blessings of peace. With all the faults of Walpole, this
was the praise of his political system, which system, on the meeting
of Parliament in the spring of 1731, was violently attacked by Wyndham
and Pulteney, on the plea that we were making ruinous treaties, and
sacrificing British interests, in order to benefit Hanover, the eternal
millstone round the neck of England. Pulteney and Bolingbroke carried
the same attack into the pages of _The Craftsman_, but they failed to
move Walpole, or to shake his power.

The cause of the Pretender sank in proportion to the peace throughout
Europe and the prosperity at home. From 1728 to 1740 it was at a very
low ebb, and lost the few marked men who had moved in it. Three of the
chief leaders died about this time--Mar, Wharton, and Atterbury. So
low was the Jacobite interest now fallen, that Sir Robert Walpole said
that, if ever the Stuarts came again, it must be through the lowest
people, for the chiefs were all dead or discouraged.

[Illustration: WALPOLE'S QUARREL WITH TOWNSHEND. (_See p._ 60.)]

Such was the peace abroad and the prosperity of the country at this
time, that there occur few events worthy of record. Of those which
took place in 1731, the most remarkable was an Act abolishing the use
of Latin in all proceedings of the Courts of Justice, and the next the
renewal of the charter of the East India Company. If the country was
peaceful and prosperous, however, it was neither free from corruption
nor from the need of extensive reform. The very system of Walpole which
produced such a show of prosperity that an old Scottish Secretary of
State asked the Minister what he had done to make the Almighty so much
his friend, was built on the most wholesale bribery and corruption. It
was, in fact, a purchased domestic peace. In social life the example
of the Government produced the like dishonesty. There was a fearful
revelation of the proceedings of a charitable corporation for lending
small sums of money to the industrious poor at legal interest; and
Sir Robert Sutton, the late Ambassador at Paris, was found so deeply
implicated in the frauds and extortions practised on those they were
employed to benefit, that he was expelled from the House. There was
also an inquiry into the state of the public prisons of London, which
opened up a most amazing scene of horrors. It was found to be a common
practice of the warders to connive at the escape of rich prisoners for
a sufficient bribe, and to inflict the most oppressive cruelties on
those who were too poor to pay heavy fees.

The year 1732 was distinguished by little of importance. The
Opposition, led on by Pulteney, attacked the Treaty of Vienna,
concluded on March 16th, 1731, by which the Pragmatic Sanction had
been approved of, and which, they contended, might lead us into a
Continental war some day, or into a breach of the public faith, of
which, they asserted, this Ministry had perpetrated too many already.
They assailed the standing army, but were answered that there was yet a
Pretender, and many men capable of plotting and caballing against the
Crown. The King was so incensed at Pulteney for his strictures on the
army, that he struck his name out of the list of Privy Councillors, and
ordered that all commissions of the peace which he held in different
counties should be revoked. Amongst the staunchest supporters of the
Government was Lord Hervey, a young man of ability who is now best
remembered because, having offended Pope, he was, according to custom,
pilloried by the contentious poet, as Sporus in the Epistle to Dr.
Arbuthnot. Pope nicknamed him Lord Fanny, in derision of his dainty and
effeminate manners. Hervey contended that the writers who attacked
Government ought to be put down by force, and in his own person he
attempted to put this in practice; for Pulteney being suspected by him
of having written a scarifying article on him in _The Craftsman_, he
challenged him, and both combatants were wounded. Plumer very justly
contended that scribblers ought to be left to other scribblers.

In the Parliamentary session of 1733 Walpole produced another scheme
for increasing the revenue and lessening the burdens upon land, which
was an extension of the Excise. The Excise duties were first levied
under the Commonwealth; they had now reached three millions two hundred
thousand pounds annually. It was whilst the public were feeling the
gradual increase of this item of taxation very sensibly, that they
were alarmed by the news, which the Opposition sounded abroad with
all diligence, that Ministers were about immediately to bring fresh
articles under the operation of this tax, which was levied on articles
of popular consumption. "A general crisis is coming!" was the cry. "A
tax on all articles of consumption! a burthen to grind the country to
powder! a plot to overthrow the Constitution and establish in its place
a baleful tyranny!" The Opposition had now got a most popular subject
of attack on the Ministry, and it prosecuted it vigorously.

Sir Robert Walpole was not a man, with his huge standing majority, to
be readily frightened from his purpose. On the 14th of March, 1733, he
brought forward his project in a speech in which he put forth all his
ability, and that under a well-maintained air of moderation. He took
advantage of the alarm that the tax was to be general, by representing
the falsity of that declaration, and the very slight and limited nature
of his real proposal. Adverting to what he called the common slander of
his having intended to propose a general excise, he said: "I do most
unequivocally assert that no such scheme ever entered my head, or, for
what I know, the head of any man I am acquainted with. My thoughts have
been confined solely to the duties on wine and tobacco; and it was
the frequent advices I had of the shameful frauds committed in these
two branches that turned my attention to a remedy for this growing
evil. I shall for the present confine myself to the tobacco trade."
He then detailed the various frauds on the revenue in tobacco, which
he stated were of such extent and frequency, that the gross average
produce of the tax was seven hundred and fifty thousand pounds, but
the nett average only a hundred and sixty thousand pounds. The remedy
which he proposed was to transfer this revenue from the Customs to the
Excise. That the same might afterwards be applied to wine, a system of
warehousing for re-exportation or placing in bond was proposed, which,
he said, "would tend to make London a free port, and, by consequence,
the market of the world." He held out the expectation that the success
of this plan would render the land tax unnecessary, and thus enable the
Government to dispense with it entirely.

Walpole ridiculed the notion which had gone abroad that the revenue
officers would be increased into quite a standing army, and would
endanger the common liberty by their being empowered to enter private
dwellings to search for concealed excisable articles. He said the
increase would be only a hundred and twenty-six persons and that the
Customs now possessed more searching power than he proposed to give to
the Excise.

Whilst the debate was proceeding, great crowds gathered round the
House, and became even more numerous and more agitated. Walpole,
irritated by the persuasion that these throngs were collected by
the arts of the Opposition, threw out a remark which he afterwards
deeply repented. He said gentlemen might call themselves what they
liked, but he knew whom the law called "Sturdy Beggars." This phrase,
carried out of doors, highly incensed the crowd, who considered that
it was meant to cast contempt on the people at large. At two o'clock
in the morning, and after thirteen hours' debate, on division there
appeared two hundred and sixty-six for the measure, and two hundred and
five against. The great increase of the minority struck Walpole with
surprise and alarm.

When the resolutions of the Committee were reported two days
afterwards, the debate was renewed with all its vehemence, and
Pulteney unveiled another view of the case, which had much real truth
and warning in it. "It is well known," he said, "that every one of
the public officers have already so many boroughs or corporations
which they look on as their properties. There are some boroughs which
are called Treasury boroughs; there are others which may be called
Admiralty boroughs; in short, it may be said that nearly all the towns
upon the sea-coast are already seized upon, and in a manner taken
prisoners by the officers of the Crown. In most of them they have
so great an influence that none can be chosen members of Parliament
but such as they are pleased to recommend. But, as the Customs are
confined to our seaports, as they cannot travel far from the coast,
therefore this scheme seems to be contrived in order to extend the laws
of Excise, and thereby to extend the influence of the Crown over all
the inland towns and corporations of England."

Despite these representations, however, the resolutions were confirmed
by the same majority as before. Other debates succeeded on the second
reading of the Bill, but the majority on these gradually sank from
sixty to sixteen. As the storm grew instead of abated, the queen
demanded of Lord Scarborough what he thought of it, and he replied,
"The Bill must be relinquished. I will answer for my regiment against
the Pretender, but not against the opposers of the Excise." "Then,"
said the queen, "we must drop it." Sir Robert summoned his majority,
and requested their opinion, and they proposed to go on, observing that
all taxes were obnoxious, and that it would not do to be daunted by a
mob. But Walpole felt that he must yield. He declared that he was not
disposed to enforce it at the point of the bayonet, and on the 11th of
April, on the order of the day for the second reading, he moved that
the measure should be postponed for two months. Thus the whole affair
dropped. The usually triumphant Minister found himself defeated by
popular opinion. The Opposition were hardly satisfied to allow this
obnoxious Bill thus to slip quietly away; but out-of-doors there was
rejoicing enough to satisfy them.

The depth of Walpole's mortification, however, was shown by the
vengeance he took on those who had opposed him. This fell with peculiar
weight on Lord Chesterfield. Chesterfield had acquired a great
reputation by his able management of affairs at the Hague. Since his
return he had become Lord Steward of the Household, and a frequent and
much admired debater in the House. But Chesterfield was too ambitious
himself to stoop patiently to the domineering temper of Walpole. He was
said to have thrown out some keen sarcasms at Walpole's Excise Bill,
and his three brothers in the Commons voted against it. Only two days
after the abandonment of the Bill, as Chesterfield was ascending the
staircase at St. James's, he was stopped by an attendant, and summoned
home to surrender the White Staff. The same punishment was dealt out
to a number of noblemen who acted in concert with him. Lord Clinton,
a Lord of the Bedchamber, the Earl of Burlington, Captain of the Band
of Pensioners, were dismissed, as well as the Duke of Montrose, and
the Earls of Marchmont and Stair from offices held in Scotland. The
Duke of Bolton and Lord Cobham were, by a most unjustifiable stretch of
authority, deprived of their regiments.

In 1734 England was the witness of war raging in different parts of
Europe without having any concern in it, generally known as the War
of the Polish Succession. A sharp Parliamentary campaign had been
conducted at home. The Opposition talked loudly of the lamentable and
calamitous situation of England, because she was wise enough to keep
out of the war. Their motions were all guided by the secret hand of
Bolingbroke, whose restless and rancorous mind could not brook that
partial obscurity to which he was doomed by the immovable spirit of
Walpole. But the grand attack was on the Septennial Act. This was a
delicate subject for the Whigs in Opposition, for they, and Pulteney
especially, had, in 1716, supported this Act with many specious
arguments. But Wyndham led the way again with amazing eloquence, and
discharged a philippic against Walpole of such ruthless and scathing
vigour, as must have annihilated a less adamantine man.

"Let us suppose," said Wyndham, "a man abandoned to all notions of
virtue and honour; of no great family, and but of a mean fortune,
raised to be chief Minister of State by the concurrence of many
whimsical events; afraid or unwilling to trust any but creatures of
his own making, lost to all sense of shame and reputation, ignorant of
his country's true interest, pursuing no aim but that of aggrandising
himself and his favourites; in foreign affairs trusting none but
those who, from the nature of their education, cannot possibly be
qualified for the service of their country, or give weight and credit
to their negotiations; let us suppose the true interest of the nation
by such means neglected, or misunderstood, her honour tarnished, her
importance lost, her trade insulted, her merchants plundered, and
her sailors murdered; and all these circumstances overlooked, lest
his administration should be endangered. Suppose him next possessed
of immense wealth, the plunder of the nation, with a Parliament
chiefly composed of members whose seats are purchased, and whose votes
are bought at the expense of public treasure. In such a Parliament
suppose attempts made to inquire into his conduct, or to relieve
the nation from the distress which has been entailed upon it by his
administration. Suppose him screened by a corrupt majority of his
creatures, whom he retains in daily pay, or engages in his particular
interest by distributing among them those posts and places which
ought never to be bestowed upon any but for the good of the public.
Let him plume himself upon his scandalous victory because he has
obtained a Parliament like a packed jury, ready to acquit him at all
adventures. Let us suppose him domineering with insolence over all
the men of ancient families, over all the men of sense, figure, or
fortune in the nation; as he has no virtue of his own, ridiculing it
in others, and endeavouring to destroy or corrupt it in all. With such
a Minister and such a Parliament, let us suppose a case which I hope
will never happen--a prince upon the throne, uninformed, ignorant, and
unacquainted with the inclinations and true interests of his people;
weak, capricious, transported with unbounded ambition, and possessed
with insatiable avarice. I hope such a case will never occur; but,
as it possibly may, could any greater curse happen to a nation than
such a prince on the throne, advised, and solely advised, by such a
Minister, and that Minister supported by such a Parliament?" By those
who have considered the extent to which Walpole carried the system of
corrupting the representatives of the people, and thus ruling at his
own will, and not by the sanction of the public opinion and feeling,
this severe portrait of him can scarcely be considered as exaggerated.
Walpole, no doubt, felt it deeply, but feeling, too, whence the attack
really came--namely, from the armoury of Bolingbroke--he passed Wyndham
lightly over, and emptied the burning vial of his indignation on the
concealed foe, in a not less vigorous and graphic strain.

On the 16th of April Parliament was dissolved and the elections were
conducted with immense party heat. Each side did all in its power, by
fair means and foul, to increase its adherents. Sir Robert used the
persuasives for which he became so famous, that he boasted "every man
had his price," and if we are to believe the journals of the day, the
Opposition were not at all behind him, as far as their ability went.
They made ample use, too, of the Septennial Act, the Riot Act, the
Excise scheme, and the unrecompensed commercial claims on Spain. They
declared the neutrality preserved under such circumstances disgraceful
to the country, though they would have been the first to have denounced
Ministers had they gone to war. They gained several seats, but when
the Parliament met in January, 1735, it was soon discovered that,
though less, the majority was as steady as ever, and the Opposition
having tried their strength against it for a few times, became greatly
depressed for a while. Bolingbroke quitted the country, and settled
himself at Chanteloup, in Lorraine.

[Illustration: _By permission of Messrs. S. Hildesheimer & Co., Ltd._

GREENWICH HOSPITAL

FROM THE PICTURE BY T. R. HARDY.]

[Illustration: SIR ROBERT WALPOLE.]

Whilst these affairs had been taking place in England, the Emperor had
been finding himself less and less able to contend against France and
Spain. He had in vain exerted himself to engage the Dutch and English
in his quarrel. He called upon them as bound by the faith of treaties;
he represented the balance of power for which both Holland and England
had made such sacrifices, as more in danger than ever; but none of
these pleas moving Walpole or the Dutch, he threatened to withdraw his
troops from the Netherlands, and make over that country to France. The
threat of the Emperor did not move Walpole; he knew too well that it
was but a threat. The Emperor, therefore, was now compelled to come
to terms. A treaty was to be entered into under the mediation of the
maritime Powers. As Fleury and Walpole, too, were bent on peace, they
submitted to all the delays and punctilios of the diplomatists, and
finally were rewarded by a peace being concluded between the different
parties on these terms:--Don Carlos was to retain Naples and Sicily,
but he was to resign the possession of Parma and the reversion of
Tuscany; of the claimants to the Polish Crown, Augustus was to remain
King of Poland, and Stanislaus was to receive, as an equivalent, the
Duchy of Lorraine, which, after his decease, was to devolve to the
Crown of France. This was an aim which France had had in view for
ages, but which neither the genius of Richelieu nor of Mazarin could
accomplish. It was rendered comparatively easy now, as the young Duke
of Lorraine was about to marry the Empress's only child, the Princess
Maria Theresa, and thus to succeed through her to the Empire. Yet
the Duke ceded his patrimonial territory with extreme regret, and
not till he had received in return the Grand Duchy of Tuscany and a
pension from France. The regnant Grand Duke of Tuscany, the last of
the Medicis, was on the verge of death, and his decease took place in
less than two years, when the Duke of Lorraine was put in possession.
France and Sardinia gave their guarantee to the Pragmatic Sanction, and
Sardinia obtained, in consequence, Novara, Tortona, and some adjoining
districts. England appears to have looked on with strange apathy at
this aggrandisement of France by the acquisition of Lorraine, but
it was impossible to prevent it, except by a great war, and Walpole
was not disposed for even a little one. This treaty is known as the
Definitive Peace of Vienna (Nov. 8, 1738).

As harmony was restored on the Continent, so harmony characterised, to
a wonderful degree, the opening of the British Parliament in January,
1736. The king felicitated the country on the happy turn which affairs
had taken on the Continent, and said "that he trusted the same peace
and goodwill would manifest themselves in the domestic affairs of the
realm." All appeared likely to realise this wish. A congratulatory
address was carried without a division, and without a syllable of
dissent. But the peace was hollow--the calm only preceded a storm.

The first debate arose on the subject of drunkenness and gin.
Drunkenness had of late years appeared to grow rapidly, and to assume
more horrible features from the increasing use of gin. Sir Joseph
Jekyll proposed in committee that a heavy tax should be laid on this
pernicious liquor, which should put it out of the reach of the working
classes--namely, a duty of twenty shillings per gallon on all sold
retail, and fifty pounds yearly for the licence to every retailer.
This benevolent man had not arrived at the truth, that to tax a crime
is only to stop up one vent of it, and to occasion its bursting out in
half a dozen other places. Sir Robert Walpole saw this clearly, and
though he would not oppose the Bill for this purpose, he predicted
that Parliament would soon be called upon to modify its provisions.
The small duties heretofore levied on this article had brought in
about seventy thousand pounds annually, and, as the Excise had been
made over to the Crown, this sum went to the Civil List. Walpole
demanded, therefore, that whatever deficiency of this sum should be
produced by the new regulations should be made up to the Civil List.
The whole measure excited great clamour out of doors. It was regarded
as an invidious attempt to abridge the comforts of the people, whilst
those of the wealthy remained untouched. The clause proposed by Walpole
to protect the revenue was assailed with much fury both in and out of
the House. It was said that the Minister was quite indifferent to the
morals of the people on the one hand, or to their enjoyment on the
other, so that the revenue did not suffer.

The session of Parliament closing on the 26th of May, George took
his annual trip to Hanover, leaving, as usual, the queen to act as
Regent. She found her duties this year by no means light. Everyone
is acquainted with the Porteous Riots, as they are described by the
inimitable pen of Sir Walter Scott in "The Heart of Midlothian." The
simple historic facts are these:--Two noted smugglers from Fife, Wilson
and Robertson, were condemned to death for a robbery, and were confined
in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh. They made a determined effort to effect
their escape before the day of execution. Wilson, who would go first,
being a man of a corpulent though very powerful build, wedged himself
fast in the window, and could neither get out nor draw back again.
He was found thus in the morning, and the two prisoners were again
secured. Wilson lamented that by his own eagerness he had prevented
Robertson from going first, who, from his slenderer person, could
easily have escaped. Before execution it was the custom at that period
in Scotland to conduct the prisoners about to suffer, under a strong
guard, to church. This being done in the case of these two men, just as
the service was concluded, Wilson suddenly laid hold of two of the four
soldiers who guarded them, called out to Robertson to run for his life,
and detained the third soldier by seizing him by the collar with his
teeth. He escaped, and was never seen in Edinburgh again. This daring
scheme, so cleverly executed, raised the admiration of the bravery
and magnanimity of Wilson to the highest pitch. At his execution
the soldiers were attacked with stones. Porteous, who commanded the
guard, fired upon the mob. For this he was condemned to death, but was
reprieved by Queen Caroline after full inquiry. The people in fury
attacked the Tolbooth, the magistrates and the commander of the troops
were afraid to act, the prison was broken open, and Porteous hanged
on a barber's pole. All attempts to discover the perpetrators of the
outrage failed.

But the more the mystery, the greater was the rage of the English
Government. On the opening of the Session of Parliament for 1737,
a Bill was brought in of a most frantic and unwise character:--"To
abolish the charter of the City of Edinburgh, to rase the city
gates, disband the City Guard, and declare Mr. Wilson, the Provost,
incapable of again holding any public office." Nothing so furious
and unstatesmanlike could ever have been imagined possible in the
eighteenth century. Witnesses were called to the bar of both Houses,
and amongst them three Scottish judges, in their robes, were subjected
to a sharp cross-examination. Nothing, however, could be elicited
except some degree of carelessness on the part of the city magistrates.
The Scottish nation, with its usual spirit, highly resented the menaces
of this impolitic Bill. The Duke of Argyll in the Lords, and various
members of the Commons, denounced it as equally insulting and unjust.
They were zealously supported by many English members, especially by
Wyndham and Sir John Barnard, and the Bill gradually shrank into an
Act disabling Mr. Provost Wilson from holding any office in future,
and fining the city two thousand pounds for the benefit of the widow
of Captain Porteous; and, alluding to her original station, it was
jocosely said, therefore, that all this terrible menace ended in making
the fortune of an old cookmaid.

The attention of the public was now again drawn to those unnatural
feuds which disturbed the Royal Family. The exhibition of domestic
discord and hatred in the House of Hanover had, from its first
ascension of the throne, been most odious and revolting. The quarrels
of the king and his son, like those of the first two Georges, had
begun in Hanover, and had been imported along with them only to assume
greater malignancy in foreign and richer soil. The Prince of Wales,
whilst still in Germany, had formed a strong attachment to the Princess
Royal of Prussia. George forbade the connection. The prince was
instantly summoned to England, where he duly arrived in 1728.

The prince found in the Opposition in England the most unfortunate
fosterers of his unfilial temper. Pulteney, Wyndham, Chesterfield,
Carteret, Cobham, and, worst of all, Bolingbroke, became his
associates, and the frequenters of his house. Fast ripening into a
pattern of unfilial popularity under such influences, possessing some
accomplishments, and a desire to stand well with the people, he married
in April, 1736, Augusta of Saxe-Gotha, a princess of so much beauty
and good sense, as might have reclaimed many a nature; who seems to
have at least won the heart of her husband from his former romantic
passion. It was an ominous circumstance, however, that the address
of congratulation on this occasion was moved, not by the king's own
Ministers, but by the king's own Opposition. Pulteney was the mover,
and it was supported by two young men who that evening made their first
speeches, and in them burst suddenly forth with that splendour which
was destined to grow transcendent through many years. They were Pitt,
afterwards Lord Chatham, and Lord Lyttelton.

Scarcely was the Prince married, when he began to complain of his
limited income. His father, as Prince of Wales, had been allowed one
hundred thousand pounds from the Civil List, which then was only seven
hundred thousand pounds, but he now received only fifty thousand pounds
from a Civil List of eight hundred thousand pounds. Bolingbroke, two
years before, on leaving England, told the prince, as his parting
advice, to apply to Parliament, without any regard to the king, for a
permanent income of one hundred thousand pounds a year. Under these
circumstances, Walpole persuaded the king to send a message to the
prince, offering to settle a large jointure on the princess, and to
make the prince's own income independent of his father. Here the prince
ought to have yielded; if he had been either politic or well-disposed,
he would have done so. The king was at this time very ill, and his
physicians declared that if he did not alter soon, he could not live
a twelvemonth. This circumstance of itself would have touched any
young man of the least natural feeling, to say nothing of policy; for,
if the king died, there was an end of the question--the prince would
be king himself. But he was now in such a temper that he would not
listen to the royal proposal; and the next day, the 22nd of February,
1737, Pulteney made his motion in the House of Commons for an address
beseeching the king to settle upon the prince a hundred thousand pounds
a year, and promising that the House would enable him effectually to
do so. What was still stranger, it was seconded by Sir John Barnard.
The Commons were not willing to run counter to a prince apparently on
the point of ascending the throne, and Walpole would have found himself
in a minority had Wyndham, as he hoped, brought the Tories to vote for
the prince. But forty-five Jacobites, who could not bring themselves
to vote for an heir of the House of Hanover, though they would by
that have done a serious mischief to the Hanoverian usurper, as they
styled him, rose in a body and quitted the House. On the division,
the Ministerial party amounted to two hundred and thirty-four, the
Opposition to only two hundred and four--being a majority for Ministers
of exactly thirty. The next day the same motion was made in the Lords
by Carteret, but was rejected by a large majority--one hundred and
three to forty.

This decided repulse ought to have shown the prince the violence that
he was doing to the public sense of decency, and the mischief to his
own character; but the disappointment only the more embittered him and
increased his miserable obstinacy. Time had no effect in abating his
unnatural resentment. Though this parliamentary decision took place
in February, he continued so much in the same temper, that the very
last day of the following May, his wife being seized with symptoms of
labour, he suddenly determined to remove her from Hampton Court, where
all the Royal Family then were, and hurry her off to London.

Fortunately, the princess was safely delivered at St. James's (June
4), though the house was unprepared for such an emergency--the rooms
and beds being unaired, and there being no adequate suite of servants.
The moment that the king heard of this extraordinary conduct of the
prince, he despatched Walpole and Lord Harrington to attend the birth,
but they were too late. After that the king repulsed all the prince's
advances towards a reconciliation. Frederick betook himself to Norfolk
House, St. James's Square, and there all the opponents of his father's
Government collected around him. The prince was now the head and centre
of the Opposition himself.

This open breach of the Royal Family was quickly followed by the death
of the queen. Besides the misery of seeing her son and husband so
awfully at variance, she had long been struggling with a complaint
which, out of false delicacy, she had carefully concealed. "The queen's
great secret," says Horace Walpole, "was her own rupture, which, till
her last illness, nobody knew but the king, her German nurse, Mrs.
Mailborne, and one other person, Lady Sundon."

She continued till nearly the last to hide from the surgeons the real
cause of her sufferings, and was treated by the medical men for gout in
the stomach. When the secret was at length disclosed, it was too late;
though one of the surgeons declared that, if they had been informed two
days earlier, they could have saved her.

Admirable as was the character of Caroline, she has been accused
of retaining her resentment against her son to the last. Pope and
Chesterfield affirm that she died refusing to see or forgive her
son; but Ford, though he says she would not see him, states that she
"heartily forgave him"; and Horace Walpole says she not only forgave
him, but would have seen him, but that she feared to irritate her
husband. To Sir Robert Walpole she expressed her earnest hope that he
would continue to serve the king as faithfully as he had done, and,
curiously enough, recommended the king to him, not him to the king. She
died on the 20th of November, perhaps more lamented by Walpole than by
her own husband (though, as Lord Hervey tells us, George was bitterly
affected), for Walpole well knew how much her strong sense and superior
feeling had tended to keep the king right, which he could not hope for
when she was gone. The king appeared to lament her loss considerably
for a time, that is, till consoled by his mistress, the Countess of
Walmoden, whom he had kept for a long time at Hanover, and now soon
brought over to England. He sent for her picture when she was dead,
shut himself up with it some hours, and declared, on reappearing, that
he never knew the woman worthy to buckle her shoe.

On the opening of Parliament, in January, 1738, a desperate effort
was made by the Opposition at once to reduce the army and to kindle
a war with Spain. Walpole proposed to place the army on a footing of
seventeen thousand men. The "Patriots," as they were called, voted to
reduce the number to twelve thousand. Walpole, exasperated at their
factious conduct, launched an indignant sarcasm at them, which produced
so much effect that they did not venture to divide on the motion. "No
man of common sense," said Walpole, "will now profess himself openly a
Jacobite; by so doing he not only may injure his private fortune, but
must render himself less able to do any effectual service to the cause
he has embraced; therefore there are but few such men in the kingdom.
Your right Jacobite, sir, disguises his true sentiments. He roars
out for revolutionary principles; he pretends to be a great friend to
liberty and a great admirer of our ancient Constitution; and under this
pretence there are numbers who every day endeavour to sow discontent
among the people."

[Illustration: THE PORTEOUS MOB. (_See p._ 67.) [_After the Painting by
James Drummond, R.S.A._]]

Defeated in this object, the Patriots united all their force to embroil
us with Spain. There were many causes in our commercial relations with
Spain which led to violent discontent amongst our merchants. They
found the trade with the Spanish settlements in America exceedingly
profitable, but they had no right, beyond a very limited extent, to
trade there. The Spaniards, though they winked at many encroachments,
repressed others which exceeded these with considerable vigour. Their
Coastguard insisted on boarding and searching our vessels which
intruded into their waters, to discover whether they were bringing
merchandise or were prepared to carry away colonial produce. By the
treaty of 1670 Spain had recognised the British colonies in North
America, and England had agreed that her ships should not enter the
ports of the Spanish colonies except from stress of weather, or with an
especial licence from the Spanish Government to trade. By the treaty
of 1729 we had agreed to the old regulations regarding trading to
the Spanish Main, namely, that we should have the Assiento, or right
of supplying these colonies with slaves, and that, besides this, we
should only send one ship annually to the Spanish West Indies and South
America. As fast as that authorised ship discharged its cargo in a
Spanish port, she received fresh supplies of goods over her larboard
side from other vessels which had followed in her wake, and thus poured
unlimited quantities of English goods into the place. Other English
traders did not approach too near the Spanish coasts, but were met in
certain latitudes by South American smugglers, who there received their
goods and carried them into port. In short, such a system of contraband
trade was carried on in these waters by our merchants, that English
goods in abundance found their way all over the Spanish American
regions, and the great annual fair for goods imported from or by Spain
dwindled into insignificance.

It was no wonder that Spain, feeling the serious effects of this
state of things, should resist it; and when she did so, and exerted
an unusual degree of vigilance, then the most terrible outcries were
raised, and wonderful stories were circulated of Spanish cruelties to
our people beyond the Atlantic. At this time the Opposition got hold
of one of these, and made the House of Commons and the nation resound
with it. It was, that one Captain Robert Jenkins, who had been master
of a sloop trading from Jamaica, had been boarded and searched by a
Coastguard, and treated in a most barbarous manner, though they could
detect no proof of smuggling in his vessel. He said that the Spanish
captain had cut off one of his ears, bidding him carry it to his king,
and tell his Majesty that if he were present he would treat him in the
same manner. This story was now seven years old, but it was not the
less warmly received on that account. It excited the utmost horror, and
Jenkins was ordered to appear at the bar of the House of Commons on the
16th of March, to give an account of the outrage himself; and it would
appear that both he and other witnesses were examined the same day.
Jenkins carried his ear about with him wrapped in cotton, to show to
those to whom he related the fact, and the indignation was intense. He
was asked by a member how he felt when he found himself in the hands
of such barbarians, and he replied, "I recommended my soul to God, and
my cause to my country." The worthy skipper had probably been crammed
with this dramatic sentiment by some of his clever Parliamentary
introducers; but its effect was all the same as if it had been a
genuine and involuntary expression of his own mind. Researches made at
the Admiralty in 1889 proved that he really had lost an ear.

And, in truth, everything now seemed to run counter to Walpole, and to
tend towards war. His colleague, the Duke of Newcastle, who had been
one of the most obsequious of subordinates both under Stanhope and
Walpole, now thought he should serve himself decidedly by advocating
war. The king was naturally of a martial turn; he had won some military
repute in his youth, and he was no longer under the exceedingly
sensible guidance of the queen. Newcastle, therefore, probably in the
hope of supplanting Walpole, fostered this spirit in the king, and took
advantage of it to recommend warlike measures in the Cabinet, and to
send despatches to the British ambassadors in Spain, which but for the
energy and wisdom of Walpole might have done irreparable mischief, and
which rendered the negotiations extremely difficult. Lord Chancellor
Hardwicke and Lord Harrington arrayed themselves on the same side, and
blew the war-note in the House of Lords with unrestrained zeal. There
was a time when Walpole would have had these antagonistic colleagues
dismissed; but both he and they saw too well that there was such a
strong war spirit in both king and people, that no such thing was
possible. He therefore pursued his efforts with the Court of Spain for
peaceable conclusions, at the same time that he fell in so far with
the belligerent spirit as to make active preparations as if for an
encounter. This, however, was his last and most powerful argument for
peace--an argument meant to tell on the fears, as he could not reach a
spirit of conciliation in the Spaniards.

He despatched a squadron of ten ships of the line to the Mediterranean,
under Admiral Haddock; another strong squadron sailed for the West
Indies; letters of marque and reprisal were issued to the merchants;
and troops and stores were forwarded to Georgia, which the Spaniards
had threatened to invade. He gave directions to all merchants in
Spanish ports to register their goods with a public notary in case of a
rupture. These measures produced a rapid change of tone at the Spanish
Court. On comparing the demands on both sides for damages sustained in
commerce, there appeared a balance in favour of England of two hundred
thousand pounds. Against this, the Spaniards demanded sixty thousand
pounds in compensation for the ships taken by Admiral Byng in 1718--a
claim which Stanhope would never allow, but which had been recognised
in the Treaty of Seville, and was now, therefore, acknowledged. This
reduced the sum to a hundred and forty thousand pounds, which the
Spanish Court proposed should be paid by assignments on the American
revenues. This, the Ministers were well aware, might involve the most
endless delays and uncertainties, and they certainly showed a most
conceding spirit by allowing a deduction of forty-five thousand pounds
for prompt payment at Madrid. The sum was now reduced to ninety-five
thousand pounds; and this being agreed to, a convention was signed on
the 14th of January, 1739.

In this Convention no mention was made of the right of search, and
various other matters were reserved for the consideration of the
plenipotentiaries. When the Convention was announced to Parliament by
the king in his opening speech, there arose a general denunciation of
it both in and out of Parliament. The right of search was declared
to be purposely sacrificed; the limits of Georgia were undefined;
and the Spanish captains in the West Indies were unpunished for all
their cruelties. That sixty thousand pounds should be allowed for
compensation for ships taken by Admiral Byng in 1718 was very justly
declared taxing us for our victories. In fact, Walpole, in this treaty,
seemed ready to give up everything to Spain, knowing, probably, how
hopeless it was to extract money from that country, and glad of an
excuse of any set-off against our claims as to the easiest way of
settling them. But all did not avail him. The more conceding he was to
the Spaniards the more immovable they became, whilst the public at home
were enraged at the tameness displayed by Ministers. Ministers found
their majority continually on the wane. On the division in the Commons
it had dwindled to twenty-eight, namely, two hundred and sixty votes
against two hundred and thirty-two.

But that there should be a majority at all on such a question brought
the Opposition to try an experiment which they had been for some
time planning. This was the absurd scheme of seceding in a body from
the House of Commons, on the plea that a paid and standing majority
rendered all reason and argument nugatory. In the course of his
farewell speech, Wyndham made use of such violent language, that Mr.
Pelham jumped up to move the commitment of the honourable member to
the Tower; but Walpole was too well aware that such a proceeding would
only have served the ends of the Opposition, rendering them martyrs to
their country's cause, and raising a vivid interest in their behalf. He
therefore stopped him, and said that the measures which that gentleman
and his friends might pursue gave him no uneasiness; on the contrary,
the House was much obliged to them for pulling off the mask. Relieved
of their presence, he now carried his measures in unopposed quiet.

Parliament, having so smoothly transacted its business, was prorogued
on the 14th of June, and Walpole then addressed himself to the
settlement of the Spanish difference. But here he found a spirit of
resistance which had undoubtedly grown from the invectives of the
Opposition. The outcries against the Spanish captains, the right of
search, and the payment of compensation for the ships taken by Byng,
had given great offence to the proud Spaniards. They were encouraged,
also, by the earnest manner in which Walpole had argued for peace.
They now assumed a high tone. They complained of the continuance of
the British fleet in the Mediterranean. They demanded the payment of
the sixty-eight thousand pounds which they said was due from the South
Sea Company, though it had been stipulated in the Convention that it
should not come into consideration.

Here all further progress became impossible. The Spaniards having
reduced their debt to less than one half the original sum, were
fighting stoutly to reduce it to nothing. There appeared no chance
but for arms to decide it. Cardinal Fleury, with his usual pacific
disposition, made an effort to avert the war by guaranteeing to
undertake the payment of the ninety-five thousand pounds by Spain,
provided that the British fleet was withdrawn from the Mediterranean.
But English spirit, even in Walpole, had now reached its limit of
patience. The king and the nation were equally in a mood for war.
Walpole, therefore, ceased to listen any longer to the Spanish
objections, but took his stand on the true British ground of resistance
to the right of search, and on that of an acknowledgment of all
British rights and claims in North America. Instead of withdrawing the
Mediterranean fleet, he ordered its reinforcement, sent Sir Chaloner
Ogle with fresh ships to the West Indies, and Sir John Norris was
ordered to put to sea with a third squadron. The above demands being
peremptorily made from the Court of Madrid, and being rejected, war
was proclaimed in London on the 19th of October. Walpole, who had
reluctantly resorted to this master evil, as he heard the rejoicings,
exclaimed, "They may ring the bells now, but they will soon be wringing
their hands!" The first symptoms of the consequences which the war was
likely to produce were seen in the new hopes which it awoke in the
ranks of the Jacobites. Large numbers of them met at Edinburgh, and
drew up a bond of association, pledging one another to take arms and
venture life and fortune for the restoration of the Stuart. On the
other hand, those nations on which England calculated for aid hung back
and remained neutral. The Dutch were bound to furnish certain troops
in case of war, and, before the declaration of it, Horace Walpole was
despatched by his brother to demand their production; but they pleaded
the menaces of France, which threatened them with invasion by fifty
thousand men if they assisted the English, and which held out to them
the prospect of their obtaining that trade to the Spanish colonies
which England had enjoyed. As for France herself, she assumed an air
rather ominous of war than of peace, and thus Britain was left alone in
the contest.

The war was scarcely begun when it was discovered that we had
proclaimed hostilities much before we were prepared to carry them out.
Our ships were badly manned, and therefore slow to put to sea, and the
more alert Spaniards were busy picking up our merchant vessels. Not
they only, but the French, Dutch, and other nations who had hoisted
Spanish colours, were making wide devastation amongst our trading
vessels. Walpole was compelled to issue letters of marque and licences
to swarms of privateers, which issued forth to make reprisals. The
Lords of the Admiralty, on the 1st of February, 1740, had ordered an
embargo on all shipping except coasters, so as at once to keep them
out of reach of the enemy, and to induce seamen to enter the navy; but
on the 28th of March a petition from merchants and owners of shipping
was presented, complaining of the hardships and the destruction of
trade by it. The Lords of the Admiralty contended that such had been
the complaints of injuries done at sea to our traders, that they had
been compelled to impose the embargo in the absence of sufficient hands
for men-of-war. They now took the embargo off foreign ships, and gave
notice to English owners that they would take it off altogether, on
condition that the owners and masters of vessels would enter into an
engagement to furnish a certain number of men to the navy in proportion
to the number of hands in each trader. This also was denounced as a
most oppressive measure, and the Opposition represented it as intended
to make the mercantile community sick of the war. Driven, however, to
extremities, Ministers would not listen to these arguments; a motion
was carried sanctioning this plan, and then the merchants came into it.

Such were the difficulties which Ministers had to contend with for
commencing the war at sea. In one particular, however, there was more
liberality; money was ungrudgingly voted; the land-tax was raised
from two to four shillings in the pound, and the Sinking Fund was so
freely resorted to, that the supplies altogether amounted to upwards
of four millions. During these discussions, news came on the 13th of
March, that on the 21st of November, 1739, Admiral Vernon had taken
Porto Bello from the Spaniards. This was good news for the Opposition,
for Vernon was one of their party, and a personal enemy of Walpole.
There were great rejoicings and the Lords sent down an address of
congratulation to the king, for the concurrence of the Commons. Yet
in this they could not avoid making a party matter of it, the address
stating that this glorious action had been performed with only six
ships, and thus to mark the contrast with the doings of Admiral Hosier
in those seas, and so to blacken his memory. The address was carried in
a thin House, but only by thirty-six against thirty-one, so that along
with the news went the comment to Vernon, that the Ministry begrudged
him his glory. Parliament was prorogued on the 29th of April, 1740, and
the king set off on his summer visit to Hanover.

[Illustration: GREAT SEAL OF GEORGE II.]

The turn of affairs on the Continent justified Walpole's gravest
apprehensions. France was discovered to have made a compact with
Spain, and once having taken this step, she displayed her usual
activity in every Court of Europe, to induce the allies to break
with England and prevent her from making new leagues. Walpole did
his best to counteract these French influences. He managed to secure
the Russian Court, before in connection with France, and subsidised
Sweden, Denmark, Hesse-Cassel, and some other of the German States.
But at this crisis (1740) died the savage old Frederick William of
Prussia, and his son Frederick now commenced that extraordinary
military career which obtained him the name of the Great. Temptingly
adjoining his own territory, the young king beheld that of an equally
young female sovereign, Maria Theresa of Austria, and he determined
to extend his kingdom at her expense. The mystery of Frederick's
movements was dissipated by his crossing, on the 23rd of December, the
Austrian frontiers into Silesia. It was seen that it was the favourable
opportunity of overpowering a weak neighbour which had tempted the
Prussian to break his engagement, and to endeavour to make himself
master of the domains of a defenceless young princess. But Frederick
brought out some antiquated claims on the province Of Silesia, and on
these he justified his breach of treaties. Maria Theresa applied, in
her alarm, to the Powers who had concurred in the Pragmatic Sanction,
but all except George II. fell away instantly from her. They believed
her incapable of defending her territories, and hoped to come in for a
share of the spoil. The Elector of Bavaria joined Prussia; Saxony did
the same; France was eager for the promised half of the winnings; and
Spain and Sardinia assured Frederick of their secret support. George
II., confounded by this universal defection, advised Maria Theresa to
compromise the affair with Prussia by giving up half Silesia, or the
whole, if necessary; but the high-spirited queen rejected the proposal
with scorn, and called on George to furnish the troops guaranteed by
England under the Pragmatic Sanction. George could, however, only
assemble some few soldiers on the Hanoverian frontier, but this obliged
Frederick to appropriate a considerable section of his army to guard
against any attack from Hanover.

The king, in his speech on opening Parliament, mentioned the fleets
which we had dispatched to the West Indies and South America, and his
determination to continue those armaments so as to bring Spain to
reason. He professed to rely with confidence on our allies, although
we had scarcely one left, whilst in the same breath he admitted the
no longer doubtful hostility of France at the very moment that our
only ally--namely, Austria--was calling on us for assistance, instead
of being able to yield us any, should we need it. On the proposal of
the address, the Opposition proceeded to condemn the whole management
of the war. The Duke of Argyll led the way, and was followed by
Chesterfield, Carteret, Bathurst, and others, in a strain of extreme
virulence against Walpole, calling him a Minister who for almost twenty
years had been demonstrating that he had neither wisdom nor conduct.
In the Commons Wyndham was no longer living to carry on the Opposition
warfare, but Pitt and Lyttelton more than supplied his place.

The storm grew every day more violent, and on the 11th of February,
1741, Sandys, who had acquired the name of "the Motion Maker,"
announced that he intended to make a motion for a direct condemnation
of the Minister, and for his removal from office. On the following
Friday Sandys made his threatened motion of condemnation. The
surprise of the debate occurred when Shippen--"the thorough Shippen,"
as he was called--said that he would not join in the ruin of the
assailed Minister. He declared that he never followed any dictates of
self-interest, and cared little who was in or out, unless he could see
a prospect of different measures; but that he regarded this movement
only as the attempt to turn out one Administration in order to bring
another in. He would therefore have no concern in it, and with that he
withdrew, followed by thirty-four of his party. All Prince Frederick's
servants and party also, except Lyttelton, Pitt, and Granville, left
the House; so that, though there were more than five hundred members
present at the commencement of the debate, when the question came to be
put there were not above four hundred.

It is said that Sir Robert had, some time before, addressed a letter
to the Pretender with the object of softening the asperity of his
partisans in England, and that this had so raised the hopes of James,
that Walpole was actually intending to come round, that he had
ordered his followers to avoid anything which should shake his power.
Whatever the cause, the fact was striking, and the Opposition having
concluded its onslaught upon him, he rose to make his reply. It was an
occasion which demanded the utmost exertion of his powers, and he put
them forth. Walpole's speech on this day has justly been deemed his
masterpiece. It was four o'clock in the morning when he concluded his
masterly defence, and the motion was instantly rejected by two hundred
and ninety votes against one hundred and six. The immediate effect
of the attack appeared to be to strengthen the Minister, and that
considerably; his _levée_ the next morning was more crowded than had
ever been known, and he seemed to sway the Cabinet with uncontrolled
power. But thinking men predicted that the blow would tell in the end,
when the momentary enthusiasm had gone off; and Walpole himself seemed
to be of the same opinion. The attack, in truth, was but the first
outbreak of the storm which, kept up by the implacable spirit of a
powerful Opposition, was sure to bear him down at last.

Whilst this powerful confederacy was putting forth all its strength
to drive from the seat of supremacy the man who had so long guided
the fortunes of England, another confederacy was knitting together
its selfish members to rend in pieces and share amongst them the
empire of the young Queen of Austria. Frederick was willing enough to
make a league with France, but he was cautious enough not to make it
too soon. He wanted to know whether he could keep England out of the
campaign, in which case he could deal easily with Austria himself.
Walpole's attempts to prevent the war from becoming European, however,
failed, and the treaty being signed with the Prussian king, Marshal
Maillebois marched an army across the Rhine, and Belleisle and Broglie
went with another. Maillebois pursued his course direct for Hanover,
where George was drilling and preparing a number of troops, but in
no degree capable of making head against the French. Panic-stricken
at their approach, he made haste to come to terms, and agreed to a
year's neutrality for Hanover, leaving Maria Theresa to her fate, and,
moreover, engaging not to vote for the election of her husband, the
Duke of Lorraine, to be Emperor. The news of this conduct of the King
of England in the person of the Elector of Hanover, was received in
Great Britain with the utmost indignation. Belleisle and De Broglie
had, during this time, joined their forces to those of the old Elector
of Bavaria, the constant enemy of Austria and the friend of France, and
had marched into Austria. He took Linz, on the Danube, and commenced
his march on Vienna. As this allied army approached Vienna, Maria
Theresa fled with her infant son, afterwards Joseph II., into Hungary,
her husband and his brother, Prince Charles of Lorraine, remaining to
defend the city. The Hungarians received their menaced queen with
enthusiasm. She had done much since the recent commencement of her
reign to win their affections. She had been crowned in the preceding
month of June in their ancient capital, and had sworn to maintain their
ancient constitution in all its force, and the people were fervent
in their loyalty. When, therefore, she appeared before the Hungarian
Parliament in Presburg with her son in her arms, and called upon that
high-spirited nation to defend her against her perfidious and selfish
enemies, the sensation was indescribable. All rose to their feet, and,
drawing their swords half-way from the scabbard, they exclaimed, "Our
lives and our blood for your majesty! We will die for our _king_, Maria
Theresa!"

Whilst these transactions had been taking place on the Continent, our
fleets, which should have kept the French and Spaniards in check, had
done worse than nothing. France had subtly delayed to declare war
against us, so that, although she joined her fleets and armies to the
enemy, we could not attack her without being the first to declare war,
or to commence it by direct breach of the peace. Admiral Haddock, who
was on the watch in the Mediterranean to harass the Spaniards, was thus
baffled. The Spanish fleet was joined by twelve French men-of-war from
Toulon, the admiral of which declared that he had orders to defend
the Spaniards if they were attacked. As the combined fleet, moreover,
doubled his own, Haddock was compelled to fall off and leave them.

Still more inglorious were the proceedings of our fleet on the coasts
of the Spanish-American colonies. Sir Chaloner Ogle joined Vernon in
Jamaica on the 9th of January, 1741, and no time was to be lost, for
the wet season set in at the end of April, which, besides the deluges
of rain, is attended by a most unhealthy state of the climate. Vernon,
however, did not move till towards the end of the month, and then,
instead of directing his course towards the Havannah, which lay to the
leeward, and could have been reached in three days, he beat up against
the wind to Hispaniola, in order to watch the motions of the French
fleet under D'Antin. It was the 15th of February before he learned
distinctly that the French had sailed for Europe in great distress
for men and provisions. Now was the time to make his way to Cuba;
but, instead of that, he called a council of war--the resource of a
weak commander,--which was followed by its almost invariable result,
a contrariety of advice. It was at length concluded that, as Admiral
Torres had now sailed for the Havannah, and thus closed the opportunity
for its attack, the fleet should take in wood and water at Hispaniola,
and make for the continent of New Spain. On the 4th of March the fleet
came to anchor in Playa Grande, to the windward of Carthagena.

Carthagena was strongly fortified, and the garrison was reinforced
by the crews of a squadron lying there under Don Blas de Leon. If
the place was to be assaulted, it should have been done at once; but
Vernon lay perfectly inactive for five days, as if to allow the enemy
to make all his preparations for defence. Notwithstanding this, the
brave English erected a battery on shore, and played so effectually
on the principal fort, that they soon made a breach in it, whilst the
fleet fired into the harbour, thus dividing the attention of the enemy.
In spite of their advantages, the Spaniards abandoned their forts and
batteries, the English entered the breach, the vessels in the harbour
were destroyed, and the passage cleared so that the fleet could sail
in and support the army. There appeared nothing capable of preventing
the conquest of the town but the cabals of the two commanders. Lord
Cathcart had caught the endemic fever and died, and was succeeded by
General Wentworth in command of the land forces. Wentworth had a great
contempt of Vernon, and Vernon was by no means well disposed towards
Wentworth. The fleet having entered the harbour, the land forces were
all disembarked, and posted within a mile of Carthagena; but there the
success stopped. Vernon had written home his dispatches to the Duke of
Newcastle saying, "The wonderful success of this evening and night is
so astounding, that we cannot but cry out, 'It is the Lord's doing, and
it seems marvellous in our eyes!'"

The news, when it reached England, produced a transport of exultation.
Bells were rung, cannon fired, and great rejoicings made, anticipatory
of fresh tidings of wonderful success. But very different was the
reality. Wentworth called on Vernon to bombard Carthagena from the
harbour, whilst he assailed it on land; but Vernon replied that
he could not get near enough to attack the town effectually, and
that Wentworth must attempt the reduction of the Fort San Lazaro,
which commanded the town, and might be taken by escalade. This was
attempted, and while our men were thus standing under a murderous fire,
they discovered, to their consternation, that their scaling ladders
were too short. But the escalade was persisted in: they remained
splicing their ladders, and a detachment of Grenadiers, under Colonel
Grant, reached the top of a rampart; but Grant was instantly killed,
and the Grenadiers hurled back over the wall. Still, the bull-dog
spirit of the English made them persist in this desperate attempt, till
six hundred--that is, half of them, lay dead, when they drew off.

All this time "the great Admiral Vernon," as the Opposition delighted
to call him, in disparagement of all the commanders favourable to the
Government, lay still with his ships and afforded no assistance to the
land troops. When Wentworth bitterly complained of this, to show that
it was impossible to operate on the town from the harbour, Vernon sent
into the inner harbour the _Galicia_, a Spanish ship which had been
taken. This ship kept up a cannonade on the town for several hours,
producing little effect, and was fired on from the town with as little.
The men were then brought off in boats, the _Galicia's_ cable was cut,
and she was suffered to run upon a shoal, where she soon filled. The
troops were now hastily re-embarked; the unhealthy season was at its
height, and the men were swept away by fever more rapidly than they had
been mowed down on land. The heavy rains had set in, and the troops
in a few days were reduced to one half their number. Admiral Vernon
instead of undertaking any enterprise which might have retrieved the
honour of the British arms, set sail from Jamaica with the forces in
July, and anchored in the south part of Cuba in a bay, on which he
bestowed the appellation of Cumberland Harbour. Here the remains of
that fine fleet and army, capable of achieving the most brilliant
conquests under able commanders, were suffered to corrode away under
the influence of inactivity, the season, bad salted provisions, and
excess of rum.

The conduct of Vernon, though he had been the Idol of the Opposition,
and not of the Ministry, as it became known, increased enormously the
unpopularity of Walpole. Though he had literally been forced into the
war by the Opposition, the whole of its disasters were charged, not on
them, but on him; and they did not hesitate to throw from themselves
upon him the odium of all its failures. The general election which now
came on was seized upon to load Walpole with all the weight of the
unsuccessful war. The Duchess of Marlborough, Pulteney, and the Prince
of Wales raised funds to outbribe the master of corruption himself.
They incurred heavy debts to complete his ruin, and as the news of
the miserable issue of the expedition to the Spanish settlements came
in, numbers of those who had been returned to Parliament as friends
of the Ministry turned round and joined the Opposition in violent
denunciations of the mismanagement of the war. Lord Chesterfield,
whilst these transactions had been progressing, had hastened on to
Avignon, and, taking up his quarters with the Duke of Ormonde, obtained
from the Pretender letters to nearly a hundred Jacobites in England
and Scotland, engaging them to put out all their power and influence
against Walpole.

Whilst these combined efforts were being made to unseat him, Walpole
saw his Cabinet every day becoming more untrustworthy, more divided
against him. The Duke of Newcastle was eagerly pressing forward to
supplant him. He had entered into secret engagements with the Duke of
Argyll, and Lord Chancellor Hardwicke threw himself into that clique.
To these were added the Earl of Wilmington, formerly Sir Spencer
Compton, who, forgetting his alarm at the idea of succeeding Walpole
as Prime Minister, now was anxious for that honour. To add to these
depressing circumstances, the king arrived from Hanover in a humour
ready to lay his disgrace and failure at anybody's door. On the 4th
of December he opened the new Parliament, and, conscious of his own
contemptible figure after the submission to French dictation in
Hanover, he took care to remind it that he had commenced the war only
at the urgent desire and advice of both Houses, and that he had been
particularly counselled to direct our naval efforts towards Spanish
America.

[Illustration: MARIA THERESA AND THE HUNGARIAN PARLIAMENT.

(_After the Picture by Laslett J. Pott, by permission of Ephraim
Hallam, Esq._)]

The Opposition made no objection to the re-election of Onslow as
Speaker of the Commons, but they made a determined attack on the
Address. Lord Noel Somerset moved that in the Address his Majesty
should be desired not to engage this kingdom in a war for the defence
of his Hanoverian dominions. This was seconded by Shippen, who declared
that he had grown old in the House of Commons only to see all the
predictions of his life realised in the management of the nation.
Pulteney seemed to be animated by a double portion of patriotic
indignation. He reviewed Walpole's whole administration, and accused
him, not merely of individual acts of erroneous policy, but of
deliberate treachery. The Whigs, elated by this fiery denunciation of
the Minister, called for a division; but Pulteney, aware that they had
not yet a majority, observed that dividing was not the way to multiply.
Walpole, on his part, offered to leave out the paragraph thanking his
Majesty for his royal care in prosecuting the war with Spain; but
this was only regarded as a proof of conscious weakness, and Pulteney
proceeded to charge Walpole with purposely ruining the nation to serve
the Pretender. This called Walpole up, and he defended himself with
all his accustomed self-command and ability. He retorted the charges
of serving the Pretender on his enemies, and these with real grounds.
He referred to Chesterfield's recent visit to the Pretender's Court at
Avignon. He asked, as he had done before more than once, whether he,
as Minister, had raised the war in Germany, or advised the war with
Spain? Whether he was amenable for the deaths of the late Emperor and
the King of Prussia, which opened up all these complications? Whether
the lawless ambition of Frederick, and the war between Sweden and
Russia, were chargeable on him? He offered to meet the Opposition on
the question of the state of the nation, if they would name a day. This
challenge was accepted, and the 21st of January, 1742, was fixed upon.
The clause respecting the Spanish war, as Walpole had suggested, was
also struck out, and the Address then was carried unanimously.

But though the 21st of January was to be the day of the grand attack
on the Ministry, the battle was not deferred till then. Every day was
a field-day, and the sinking Minister was dogged step by step, his
influence weakened by repeated divisions, and his strength worn out by
the display of the inevitable approach of the catastrophe. The first
decided defeat that he suffered was in the election of the Chairman of
Committees. The Ministerial candidate, Giles Earle, was thrown out by a
majority of two hundred and forty-two to two hundred and thirty-eight,
and the Opposition candidate, Dr. Lee, was hailed by a shout that rent
the House. Other close divisions followed. The fall of Walpole was
now certain, and he would have consulted both his dignity and comfort
in resigning at once. This was the earnest advice of his friends, but
he had been too long accustomed to power to yield willingly. He was
oppressed with a sense of his defeats, and the insolence of enemies
whom he had so long calmly looked down upon without fear. He was
growing old and wanted repose, but he still clung convulsively to his
authority, though he had ceased to enjoy it.

In these circumstances opened the year 1742. Fearing the consequences
of the debate on the state of the nation that was to take place on
the 21st of January, Walpole made a last grand effort to divide the
party in array against him: this was, to buy off the Prince of Wales
and his adherents. For this purpose he prevailed on the king to grant
an additional fifty thousand pounds a year and the payment of all his
debts, on condition that he should abandon the Opposition. Secker,
Bishop of Oxford, was selected as the bearer of this offer; but the
prince declined the proposal, declaring that he would listen to no
overtures so long as Walpole continued in office. This was a stunning
blow, but the tenacious Minister did not yet give in. He continued to
avail himself of the interval before the 21st to bribe and bring over
less distinguished men. The Opposition, however, were now every hour
receiving fresh accessions of strength, and men who had stood the brunt
of many years now went over to them. Lord Hervey joined Pulteney and
Chesterfield; and Bubb Doddington, now perceiving that one side really
preponderated, stepped out of his equivocal demeanour, and openly wrote
to Lord Wilmington to entreat him to persuade the king to dismiss the
obnoxious Minister.

The 21st of January arrived, and Pulteney entered on his great
question. There was nothing new to bring forward, but the old charges
were dressed up with new force. Walpole defended himself with an
ability worthy of his best days. He boldly reminded the Opposition of
the long twenty years of defeats in their endeavours to turn him out;
he declared their accusations were just as false and groundless as
ever; and he proceeded to anatomise the characters of Bubb Doddington
and Pulteney in a manner which must have made men of any feeling wince.
He was ably supported by Sir William Yonge, by Pelham, and Winnington,
but the division showed a majority for the Minister of only three.

The result of this division shook the last resistance of Walpole. When
the motion which had been rejected on the 18th of December--for copies
of the correspondence with the King of Prussia--was again put, he made
no opposition, and it passed without a division. He made, however,
one more attempt to carry his measures. In the disputed election of
Chippenham he stood his ground against the petition, and was defeated
by a majority of one. It was now clear to himself that he must give
way. His relatives and friends assured him that to defer longer was
only to court more decided discomfiture. On the 31st of January, he,
therefore, prepared to depart for his seat at Houghton, and the next
morning he demanded of the king, in a private audience, leave to
retire. George, on this occasion, evinced a degree of feeling that did
him honour. When the old Minister who had served him through so long a
course of years knelt to kiss hands, the king embraced him, shed tears,
and begged that he would often come to see him. On the 9th of February
Sir Robert was created Earl of Orford, and on the 11th he made a formal
resignation of all his places.



CHAPTER IV.

Reign of George II. (_continued_).

    Effects of Walpole's Administration--Formation of the new
    Ministry--Attitude of the Malcontents--Committee of Inquiry into
    Walpole's Administration--Walpole's Protectors--Ministerial
    Measures--Prorogation of Parliament--Disasters of the
    French--British Division in the Netherlands--Opening of
    Parliament--The German Mercenaries--Amendment of the Gin
    Act--George goes to Germany--Stair and De Noailles in
    Franconia--Stair in a Trap--Bold Resolution of King George--The
    Battle of Dettingen--Resignation of Stair--Retreat of the
    French--Negotiations for Peace--Treaty of Worms--Pelham becomes
    Prime Minister--The Attacks of Pitt on Carteret--Attempted
    Invasion of England--Its Failure--Progress of the French
    Arms--Frederick II. invades Bohemia--His Retirement--Resignation
    of Carteret--Pelham strengthens his Ministry--Death of the
    Emperor--Campaign in Flanders--Battle of Fontenoy--Campaign of
    Frederick II.--The Young Pretender's Preparations--Loss of the
    _Elizabeth_--Landing in the Hebrides--The Highland Clans join
    him--The First Brush--Raising of the Standard--Cope's Mistake--He
    turns aside at Dalwhinnie--Charles makes a Dash for Edinburgh--The
    March to Stirling--Right of the Dragoons--The "Canter of
    Coltbridge"--Edinburgh surprised by the Highlanders--Charles
    marching against Cope--Battle of Prestonpans--Delay in marching
    South--Discontent of the Highland Chiefs--The Start--Preparations
    in England--Apathy of the Aristocracy--Arrival of the Duke of
    Cumberland--Charles crosses the Border--Capture of Carlisle--The
    March to Derby--Resolution to retreat--"Black Friday"--The
    Retreat--Recapture of Carlisle--Siege of Stirling--Battle of
    Falkirk--Retreat to the Highlands--Cumberland's Pursuit--Gradual
    Collapse of the Highlanders--Battle of Culloden--Termination of the
    Rebellion--Cruelty of the Duke of Cumberland--Adventures of the
    Young Pretender--Trials and Executions--Ministerial Crisis.


So passed from a long possession of power a Minister who inaugurated
a system of corruption, which was not so much abused by himself, as
made a ready instrument of immeasurable mischief in the hands of his
successors. Had Walpole used the power which he purchased with the
country's money more arbitrarily and perniciously, the system must have
come much sooner to an end. As it was, the evils which he introduced
fell rather on posterity than on his own time.

Before he withdrew, the king, who retained his high opinion of his
political wisdom, consulted him on the constitution of the new Cabinet.
Walpole recommended that the post of First Lord of the Treasury,
including the Premiership, should be offered to Pulteney, as the man
of the most undoubted talent. If he should refuse it, then that it
should be given to Lord Wilmington, who, though by no means capable
of directing affairs by his own energy, was of a disposition which
might allow them to be conducted by the joint counsel of his abler
colleagues. The king consented that the Premiership should be offered
to Pulteney, though he hated the man, but only on this condition,
that he pledged himself to resist any prosecution of the ex-Minister.
Pulteney declined the overture on such a condition, for though he said
he had no desire to punish Walpole, he might not be able to defend him
from the attacks of his colleagues, for, he observed, "the heads of
parties, like those of snakes, are carried on by their tails." The king
then sent Newcastle to Pulteney, and it was agreed to allow Wilmington
to take the post of First Lord of the Treasury. Carteret thought
that this office was more due to him, but Pulteney declared that if
Wilmington were not permitted to take the Premiership he would occupy
it himself, and Carteret gave way, accepting the place of Secretary of
State, with the promise that he should manage in reality the foreign
affairs. In all these arrangements the king still took the advice
of Walpole, and Newcastle was instructed to again endeavour to draw
from Pulteney a promise that he would at least keep himself clear of
any prosecution of the late Minister. Pulteney evaded the question by
saying that he was not a bloody or revengeful man; that he had always
aimed at the destruction of the power of Walpole, and not of his
person, but that he still thought he ought not to escape without some
censure, and could not engage himself without his party.

Newcastle, who wanted to retain his place in the new Cabinet, was
more successful on his own behalf. Pulteney said he had no objection
to himself or the Lord Chancellor, but that many changes must be made
in order to satisfy the late Opposition, and to give the Cabinet a
necessary majority. Pulteney then declared that, for himself, he
desired a peerage and a place in the Cabinet, and thus the new Ministry
was organised:--Wilmington, First Lord of the Treasury; Carteret,
Secretary of State; the Marquis of Tweeddale, Secretary for Scotland;
Sandys, the motion-maker, Chancellor of the Exchequer; the Prince of
Wales was to receive the additional fifty thousand pounds a year; and
his two friends, Lord Baltimore and Lord Archibald Hamilton, to have
seats at the new Board of Admiralty.

When these arrangements became known, the Tory party grew dreadfully
exasperated. But not the Tories only--there were throngs of Whigs who
had battled zealously for the same object, and with the same hope
of personal benefit, and yet they were passed over, and Pulteney,
Carteret, and their immediate coterie had quietly taken care of
themselves, and thrown their coadjutors overboard. A meeting was
appointed between Pulteney and the rest already in office, and the Duke
of Argyll, Chesterfield, Cobham, Bathurst, and some others. The Prince
of Wales was present, and the different claims were discussed. Argyll
was satisfied by being made Master-General of the Ordnance, Colonel
of His Majesty's Royal Regiment of Horse Guards, Field-Marshal and
Commander-in-Chief of all the forces in South Britain. Chesterfield
got nothing, professing to wait to see a more thorough change of men
before he went amongst them; but Cobham was made a Field-Marshal,
and restored to the command of the Grenadier Guards, but he could
get nothing for his nephew, the fiery Oppositionist, Lyttelton. Lord
Harrington was made an Earl and President of the Council. But what
surprised the country most was that Pulteney, hitherto the head and
soul of the party, should have been content to sacrifice himself for
the sake of a title. He was made Earl of Bath and received a place in
the Cabinet; but by this change, although he seemed to have a brilliant
career before him, he forfeited the confidence of the country, which
had always looked up to him as the most determined and disinterested of
patriots. From this moment he sank into insignificance and contempt.
Some others of the old officials remained in as well as Newcastle. Sir
William Yonge and Pelham, brother of Newcastle, retained their posts,
Yonge as Secretary of War, and Pelham as Paymaster of the Forces.

The new Ministry were now to find that it was very difficult to
perpetuate principles and measures which they had for a quarter of
a century been condemning simply because they furnished weapons of
annoyance to the party then in power. The public, still smarting under
the ruinous mismanagement of the war, returned to the charge, by
demanding an inquiry into the conduct of Walpole, whom they accused of
their sufferings. These petitions were introduced and recommended by
what were called the Boy Patriots--Pitt, Lyttelton, and the rest.

As a means of popularity, they insisted on the standing army being
abolished in time of peace, on the strict limitation of placemen in
Parliament, and on the return to triennial Parliaments. These were hard
topics for the patriots now in power to digest. But the depression
of trade continued, and no one could suggest a remedy but that of
reducing taxation at the very time that all parties were zealous
for the prosecution of the war. Finding no other solution to their
difficulties, the public turned again to the demand of an inquiry into
the administration of Walpole, hoping to lay bare in that the causes of
their sufferings. Accordingly Lord Limerick, on the 23rd of March, rose
and proposed a committee to inquire into the administration of Walpole,
not for twenty, but for the last ten years. Pulteney not only voted,
but spoke in favour of this motion, and it was carried by a majority
of seven. Lord Limerick was chosen chairman, and such was the partial
and vindictive spirit in which they went to work in examining papers
and witnesses, that the honourable-minded Sir John Barnard, though so
staunch an opponent of Walpole when in power, declared that he would
no longer take part in the labours of a committee which displayed
so little regard to the general inquiry, but concentrated all their
efforts on the ruin of one individual.

But the Committee found itself opposed in these objects in the highest
quarter. The king displayed the most firm disposition to protect
his late Minister, and was in constant communication with Walpole
and his friends for the purpose. Every means were used to protect
from the scrutiny of the Committee those who were possessed of the
most important information, and to induce them to remain obstinately
silent. Mr. Edgecumbe, who had managed the Cornish boroughs for
Walpole, and could have revealed things which would have filled the
Committee with exultation, was raised to the Upper House, and thus
removed from the power of the Commons. Paxton, the Solicitor to the
Treasury, a most important witness, remained unshakably silent, and
was committed to Newgate; nor was the Committee more successful with
Scrope, the Secretary to the Treasury. This officer, who, no doubt,
held most desirable knowledge in his bosom, firmly refused to make any
disclosures, though he was now a very feeble old man. Other officials
declined to make statements whose disclosure might incriminate
themselves, and which they were excused from doing by the great
principles of our judicature. To remove this obstacle Lord Limerick,
the Chairman of the Committee, then moved that a Bill of Indemnity
should be passed, to exempt witnesses from all penalties in consequence
of their disclosures. This passed the Commons by a majority of twelve,
but was rejected in the House of Lords by a large majority.

After contending with such difficulties--for the Committee was, in
truth, combating with all the powers of the Crown--it was not likely
that it would produce a very effective report. In fact, desirable as it
was that a deep and searching inquiry should have been made, and the
mysteries of that long reign of corruption thrown open, the fact that
the Monarch and the Minister had gone hand in hand through the whole of
it was, on the very surface, fatal to any hope of a successful issue,
and what rendered this fatality greater was, that the Committee too
obviously went into the question hotly to crush an old antagonist who
had defeated and humiliated them for a long course of years, rather
than to serve the nation. When, therefore, on the 30th of June, they
presented their report, the feeling, on its perusal, was one of intense
disappointment. It alleged that, during an election at Weymouth, a
place had been promised to the Mayor if he would use his influence
in obtaining the nomination of a retiring officer, and that a church
living had been promised to the Mayor's brother-in-law for the same
purpose; that some revenue officers, who refused to vote for the
ministerial nominees, were dismissed; that a fraudulent contract had
been given to Peter Burrell and John Bristow, two members of the House
of Commons, for furnishing money in Jamaica for the payment of the
troops, by which they had pocketed upwards of fourteen per cent. But
what were these few trifling and isolated cases to that great system
of corruption which the public were satisfied had spread through all
Walpole's administration, and which abounded with far more wonderful
instances than these? The very mention of them, and them alone, was a
proclamation of defeat.

The Committee of Inquiry, stimulated by the disappointment of the
public, began preparations for a fresh report; but their labours were
cut short by the termination of the Session. In order to conciliate in
some degree public opinion, Ministers hastened to allow the passing
of a Bill to exclude certain officers from the House of Commons; they
passed another to encourage the linen manufacture; a third, to regulate
the trade of the Colonies; and a fourth, to prevent the marriage of
lunatics. They voted forty thousand seamen and sixty-two thousand
landsmen for the service of the current year. The whole expenditure of
the year amounted to nearly six million pounds, which was raised by a
land-tax of four shillings in the pound; by a malt-tax; by a million
from the sinking fund; and by other resources. They provided for the
subsidies to Denmark and Hesse-Cassel, and voted another five hundred
thousand pounds to the Queen of Hungary. On the 15th of July the king
prorogued Parliament; at the same time assuring the two Houses that
a peace was concluded between the Queen of Hungary and the King of
Prussia, through his mediation; and that the late successes of the
Austrian arms were in a great measure owing to the generous assistance
of the British nation.

Deserted by the Prussians, the French retired with precipitation to
Prague, where they were followed by the Austrian army under Prince
Charles of Lorraine and Prince Lobkowitz. Soon after the Grand Duke
of Tuscany took the principal command, and the French offered to
capitulate on condition that they might march away with their arms and
baggage. This was refused; but Marshal Belleisle stole out of Prague
in December, and, giving Lobkowitz the slip, made for the mountains
with fourteen thousand men and thirty pieces of artillery. Belleisle
displayed unwearied activity in protecting his men and baggage from
the harassing pursuit of Lobkowitz. Notwithstanding this his men
perished in great numbers from famine and the severity of the season.
They had been reduced to eat horseflesh before leaving Prague, and now
they fell exhausted in the deep snows, and were mercilessly butchered
by the Austrian irregulars and peasantry. On the 29th of December he
reached Eger, and from that point marched into Alsace without further
molestation; but he then found that of the thirty-five thousand troops
which he took into Germany, only eight thousand remained. Though this
retreat was celebrated as one of the most remarkable in history, the
Marshal, on reaching Versailles, was received with great coldness.

Whilst these events had been passing in Austria and Bavaria, the
King of England had endeavoured to make a powerful diversion in the
Netherlands. Under the plea of this movement sixteen thousand British
troops were embarked in April for the Netherlands; but they were first
employed to overawe Prussia, which was in contention with Hanover
regarding the Duchy of Mecklenburg. There were other causes of dispute
between Prussia and the Elector of Hanover. George having now this
strong British force, besides sixteen thousand Hanoverian troops and
six thousand auxiliary Hessians, Frederick thought proper to come
to terms with him, and, in consequence of mutual arrangements, the
Hanoverian troops quitted Mecklenburg, and George, feeling Hanover
safe, marched this united force to the Netherlands to join the British
ones. He expected the Dutch to co-operate with him and the Austrians,
and strike a decided blow at France. But the Earl of Stair, who was
to command these forces, and who was at the same time ambassador to
the States, found it impossible to induce the Dutch to act. They had
increased their forces both by sea and land, but they were afraid of
the vicinity of the French, and were, with their usual jealousy, by no
means pleased to see the English assuming power in the Netherlands.
Therefore, after making a great demonstration of an attempt on the
French frontier with the united army, the project was suddenly
abandoned, and the troops retired into winter quarters. But little was
accomplished during this year by the British fleet.

Parliament met on the 16th of November, when the king told them that
he had augmented the British forces in the Low Countries with sixteen
thousand Hanoverians and six thousand Hessians. In fact, it had been
his design, accompanied by his son, the Duke of Cumberland, to go over
and take the command of the combined army of English, Hanoverians,
Austrians, and Dutch; but the arrival of the Earl of Stair, who had
been the nominal commander of these troops, and the return of Lord
Carteret from the Hague, with the news that the Dutch could not be
moved, had caused him to give up the idea and order his baggage on
shore again. He assured Parliament, however, that the spirit and
magnanimity of the Queen of Hungary, and the resolute conduct of the
King of Sardinia in Italy, had produced the most beneficial effect.
The usual address, proposed by the Marquis of Tweeddale, met with
considerable opposition, especially in the Upper House, from the Earl
of Chesterfield. Lyttelton again introduced the Place Bill, but it
was rejected by the very men who had formerly advocated it. There was
another motion made for inquiry into the administration of Walpole,
on the plea that inquiry had been shamefully stifled on the former
occasion; but it met with the same fate. But on the 10th of December
the Opposition mustered all its strength on the motion of Sir William
Yonge, the new Secretary at War, that we should pay for the sixteen
thousand Hanoverians and the six thousand Hessians, and that a grant
of six hundred and fifty-seven thousand pounds should be made for
their maintenance from August, 1742, to December, 1743. It was the
hard task of Sandys, as the new Chancellor of the Exchequer, to defend
this monstrous grant and the interests of Hanover, after so many
years of attack on these topics in opposition. Pitt answered Sandys
in the most caustic style of his eloquence, and Sir John Aubyn and
others followed as indignantly; but the Ministers carried the motion
by two hundred and sixty votes against one hundred and ninety-three.
Their ablest supporter on this occasion was Murray, afterwards Lord
Mansfield, who made his first parliamentary speech on the occasion, and
showed the delighted Cabinet that the man whom they had just made their
Solicitor-General was capable of contending with that "terrible comet
of horse," Pitt.

[Illustration: GEORGE II. AT DETTINGEN, 1743.

FROM THE PAINTING BY ROBERT HILLINGFORD]

The year 1743 opened with a mighty struggle on the subject of gin. In
1736, as we have seen, the awful increase of drunkenness, which was
attributed to the cheapness of gin, induced a majority of the House
of Commons to pass an Act levying twenty shillings a gallon duty upon
the liquor, and charging every vendor of it fifty pounds per annum for
a licence. Walpole at the time declared that such an attempt to place
gin beyond the reach of the poor consumers would fail; that it would
fail equally as a source of revenue, for it would lead to wholesale
smuggling and every possible evasion of the law. The event had proved
Walpole only too correct in his prognostications. So far from checking
the use of gin, the Act had stimulated it enormously. The licences, so
preposterously high, were wholly neglected; no duty was paid, yet the
destructive liquid was sold at every street corner. Ministers now saw
that, by attempting too much, every thing in this case had been lost.
They were sacrificing the revenues only to sacrifice the well-being of
the people. They determined, therefore, to reduce the licences from
fifty pounds to one pound per annum, and at the same time to retain a
moderate duty on the liquor. By this means the fatal compound would
remain much at the same price, but the vendors would be induced to take
out licences, and the revenues would be greatly improved, whilst the
whole sale of the article would be more under the restraints of law
and police. A Bill was framed on these principles, and passed rapidly
through the Commons; but in the Lords it encountered a determined
opposition. It was, however, carried entire, and, says Smollett, "we
cannot help averring that it has not been attended with those dismal
consequences which the Lords in the Opposition foretold."

The business of the session now hastened to its close. Votes were given
for forty thousand seamen and eleven thousand marines; for sixteen
thousand British troops in Flanders, and twenty-three thousand for
guards and garrisons at home. For the year's supplies six millions of
pounds were voted, and then Parliament was prorogued on the 21st of
April. In doing this, George told the Houses that he had ordered his
army to pass the Rhine to support the Queen of Hungary. No sooner had
Parliament closed, than George, accompanied by his son, the Duke of
Cumberland, and Lord Carteret, hastened off to Germany. The British
army, which the king had ordered to march from Flanders to aid the
Austrians, had set out at the end of February. They were commanded
by Lord Stair, and on their route were joined by several Austrian
regiments under the Duke of Aremberg, and the sixteen thousand
Hanoverians in British pay, who had wintered at Liége. They marched
so slowly that they only crossed the Rhine in the middle of May. They
halted at Höchst, between Mayence and Frankfort, awaiting the six
thousand Hanoverians in Electoral pay, and an equal number of Hessians,
who had been garrisoning the fortresses of Flanders, but who were now
relieved by Dutch troops. Stair had now forty thousand men, and might
easily have seized the Emperor at Frankfort. All parties had respected,
however, the neutrality of Frankfort, and Stair did the same, probably
because the Emperor, having no subjects to ransom him, might have
proved rather a burden on his hands. De Noailles, on his part, had
sixty thousand men, independently of the twelve thousand furnished to
Broglie. He kept an active eye on the motions of the allied army, and
as Stair encamped on the northern bank of the Main, he also passed the
Rhine and encamped on the southern bank of the Main. The two camps lay
only four leagues from each other, presenting a most anomalous aspect.

The genius of Lord Stair was anything but military, and soon led him
into a dilemma. Instead of waiting, as he had first determined, for the
reinforcements of Hessians and Hanoverians, he advanced up the river,
with the intention of drawing supplies from Franconia. He advanced to
Aschaffenberg, which he reached on the 16th of June; but Noailles had
rapidly followed him, and adroitly seized on the fords of both the
Upper and Lower Main, thus cutting off Stair both from his own stores
at Hanau, and from the expected supplies of Franconia. At this critical
moment King George arrived at the camp, and found Noailles lying in a
strong position, and Stair cooped up with his army in a narrow valley
between the wild and hilly forest of Spessart, which extends from
Aschaffenberg to Dettingen and the river Main. To render his case the
more desperate, he had quarrelled with Aremberg, who had let him pursue
his march alone; and Stair now lay, with only thirty-seven thousand
men, in the very grasp, as it were, of Noailles and his sixty thousand
men.

In this awkward dilemma the king resolved to cut his way through the
French, superior as they were, and regain communication with their
magazines and their auxiliaries at Hanau. But Noailles was closely
watching their movements; and, being aware of what was intended, took
instant measures to prevent the retreat. He immediately advanced
from their front to their rear, threw two bridges over the Main at
Selingenstadt, and despatched his nephew, the Duke de Gramont, to
secure the defile of Dettingen, through which the English must pass in
their retreat. He also raised strong batteries on the opposite bank of
the Main, so as to play on the English as they marched along the river.
These preparations being unknown to the English, and still supposing
Noailles' principal force lay between them and Aschaffenberg, instead
of between them and Dettingen, on the 27th of June, at daybreak, the
king struck his tents, and the march on Dettingen began. George showed
a stout heart in the midst of these startling circumstances, and the
soldiers, having the presence of their king, were full of spirits.
George took up his position in the rear of his army, expecting the
grand attack to come from that quarter; but presently he beheld his
advanced posts repulsed from Dettingen, and the French troops pouring
over the bridge of the Main. He then perceived that Noailles had
anticipated their movements, and, galloping to the head of his column,
he reversed the order of his march, placing the infantry in front and
the cavalry in the rear. His right extended to the bosky hills of the
Spessart, and his left to the river. He saw at once the difficulty of
their situation. Gramont occupied a strong position in the village of
Dettingen, which was covered by a swamp and a ravine. There was no
escape but by cutting right through De Gramont's force--no easy matter;
and whilst they were preparing for the charge, the batteries of the
French on the opposite bank of the Main, of which they were previously
unaware, began to play murderously on their flank. With this unpleasant
discovery came at the same instant the intelligence that Noailles had
secured Aschaffenberg in their rear with twelve thousand men, and was
sending fresh reinforcements to De Gramont in front. Thus they were
completely hemmed in by the enemy, who were confidently calculating on
the complete surrender of the British army and the capture of the king.

George and his soldiers, however, lost no atom of heart; they
determined to cut a way through the enemy or die on the ground; and
luckily at this moment the enemy committed almost as great an error
as Stair had done. Noailles quitted his post in front of the king's
army, and crossed the Main bridge to give some further orders on that
side; and no sooner did he depart than his nephew, De Gramont, eager
to seize the glory of defeating the English, and not aware that the
whole British army was at that moment about to bear down upon him,
ordered his troops to cross the ravine in their front, and assault the
English on their own side. The order was executed, and had instantly
the unforeseen effect of silencing their own batteries on the other
side of the river, for, by this movement, the French came directly
between their fire and the English, which it had been till that moment
mercilessly mowing down.

At this moment the horse which George II. was riding, taking fright at
the noise made by the French in their advance, became unmanageable,
and plunged forward furiously, nearly carrying the king into the
midst of the French lines. Being, however, stopped just in time, the
king dismounted, and placing himself at the head of the British and
Hanoverian infantry on the right, he flourished his sword and said,
"Now, boys! now for the honour of England! Fire, and behave bravely,
and the French will soon run!"

The first charge, however, was not so encouraging. The French made
an impetuous onset, and threw the advanced guard of the English into
confusion; but the king and his son, the Duke of Cumberland, who
commanded on the left, and, like his father, took his stand in the
front line, displayed the highest pluck, and inspired their troops
with wonderful courage. The tide of battle was quickly turned, and
Noailles, from the other side, saw with astonishment and alarm his
troops in action contrary to his plans. He returned in all haste to
give fresh support to his soldiers, but it was too late. Gallantly as
the French fought, the presence of the king and prince on the other
side made the English and Hanoverians irresistible. King, and prince,
and army all showed an enthusiastic courage and steadiness which bore
down everything before them. The dense column of infantry, led on by
the king, broke the French ranks, and cut through them with terrible
slaughter. Noailles, seeing the havoc, gave a command which completed
the disaster. To shield his men, he ordered them to repass the Main;
but a word of retreat, in all such cases, is a word of defeat. The
retrograde movement produced dismay and disorder; the whole became a
precipitate rout. The French were driven in confused masses against the
bridges, the bridges were choked up with the struggling throng, and
numbers were forced into the river, or jumped in for escape, and were
drowned.

Such was the battle of Dettingen, equally remarkable for the blunders
of the generals and the valour of the men; still more so, as the last
battle in which a King of England has commanded in person. At Hanau,
the army not only refreshed itself, but was joined by reinforcements,
which rendered the Allies nearly equal in numbers to the French. Lord
Stair, therefore, proposed to pass the Main, and make a second attack
on the enemy. The king, however, would not consent. Stair, with all his
bravery, had shown that he was very incautious. He was, moreover, of a
most haughty temper, and had quarrelled violently with the Hanoverian
officers, and displayed much contempt for the petty German princes.
They were, therefore, by no means inclined to second his counsels,
though they had fought gallantly at Dettingen. Stair complained loudly
of the neglect to follow up the French, and resigned.

[Illustration: GEORGE II.]

The best excuse for George II.'s apparent sluggishness was, that the
French were now so closely pressed by concentrating armies. Prince
Charles of Lorraine and the Austrians were pressing De Broglie so
hotly that he was glad to escape over the Rhine near Mannheim; and
Noailles, thus finding himself between two hostile armies, followed his
example, crossed over the Rhine to Worms, where, uniting with Broglie,
they retreated to their own frontier at Lauter, and thus the Empire
was cleared of them. The Emperor Charles now suffered the fate which
he may be said to have richly deserved. He was immediately compelled
to solicit for peace from Austria through the mediation of George of
England and Prince William of Hesse. But Maria Theresa, now helped out
of all her difficulties by English money and English soldiers, was
not inclined to listen to any moderate terms, even when proposed by
her benefactor, the King of England. The Emperor was down, and she
proposed nothing less than that he should permanently cede Bavaria to
her, or give up the Imperial crown to her husband. Such terms were
not to be listened to; but the fallen Emperor finally did conclude a
treaty of neutrality with the Queen of Hungary, by which he consented
that Bavaria should remain in her hands till the conclusion of a peace.
This peace the King of England and William of Hesse did their best to
accomplish; and Carteret, who was agent for King George, had consented
that on this peace England should grant a subsidy of three hundred
thousand crowns to the Emperor. No sooner, however, did the English
Ministers receive the preliminaries of this contract, than they very
properly struck out this subsidy, and the whole treaty fell to the
ground.

Before quitting Germany, however, George had signed a treaty between
himself, Austria, and Sardinia, in which Italian affairs were
determined. The Spaniards, under Count Gages and the Infant Don
Philip, had made some attempts against the Austrians in Italy, but
with little effect. By the present treaty, signed at Worms on the
13th of September, the King of Sardinia engaged to assist the Allies
with forty-five thousand men, and to renounce his pretensions to the
Milanese, on condition that he should command the Allied army in Italy
in person, should receive the cession of Vigevenasco and the other
districts from Austria, and a yearly subsidy of two hundred thousand
pounds from England. This was also negotiated by Lord Carteret on the
part of King George, and without much reference to the Ministers in
England, who, on receiving the treaty, expressed much dissatisfaction;
but, as it was signed, they let it pass. But there was another and
separate convention, by which George agreed to grant the Queen of
Hungary a subsidy of three hundred thousand pounds per annum, not only
during the war, but as long as the necessity of her affairs required
it. This not being signed, the British Ministers refused to assent to
it, and it remained unratified.

In all these transactions Carteret showed the most facile disposition
to gratify all the Hanoverian tendencies of the king, in order to
ingratiate himself and secure the Premiership at home. But in this he
did not succeed; he was much trusted by George in foreign affairs, and
in them he remained. Lord Wilmington, Prime Minister, had died two
months before the signing of the treaty at Worms, and the competitors
for his office were Pelham, brother of the Duke of Newcastle, and
Pulteney. Pelham was supported by Newcastle, Lord Chancellor Hardwicke,
and still more powerfully by the old Minister under whom he had been
trained--Lord Orford, who, though out of office, was consulted in
everything relating to it. Pulteney and Pelham had both, according
to their friends, neglected the necessary steps for succeeding
Wilmington. Pulteney had declined any office, vainly hoping that his
great popularity would enable him to guide public affairs. His friends
reminded him that had he taken the Treasury on Walpole's resignation,
he would now have been still at the helm. Pelham's great adviser,
Lord Orford, said to him, "If you had taken my advice, and held the
Exchequer under Wilmington, the whole had dropped into your mouth."
Pelham, however, received the appointment from the king, and this was
communicated in a letter from Carteret, who candidly told him that, as
the old friend and colleague of Pulteney, Lord Bath, he had done all in
his power to secure the office for him, but now he would support Pelham
cordially, notwithstanding. Pelham was at this period forty-seven years
of age, of far inferior talent to Orford, but pursued his cautious
principles and acted under his advice.

On the return of the king and Carteret, Parliament was opened on the
1st of December. The first trial of the Opposition was on the Address,
on which occasion its real strength was not called forth, and this was
carried by two hundred and seventy-eight votes against one hundred
and forty-nine. But the subject of Hanoverian troops and Hanoverian
measures soon displayed its extent and virulence. There was a vehement
feeling against everything relating to Hanover, and Pitt lost no time
in denouncing Carteret and his measures in the most bitter terms.
Pitt's thunder was echoed by others, and the scene in the Commons
was described by a spectator as like nothing but a tumultuous Polish
Diet. Such was the ferment amid which opened the year 1744, and it
soon became evident that the existence of the country was at stake.
Preparations had been making for the invasion of England for some time.
Cardinal Tencin, the new French Minister, sent Murray of Broughton to
James in Rome, to desire him to send his eldest son, Prince Charles,
to France to be in readiness for the campaign in England, and in due
course the Young Pretender arrived at Gravelines.

The expedition against England was at this moment actually in motion.
The squadrons of Brest and Rochefort were already united under the
command of Admiral Roquefeuille, and sailing up the Channel to clear
the way for the transports containing the soldiers. Sir John Norris had
been appointed Admiral of our Channel fleet, consisting of twenty-one
ships of the line. He had lain at Spithead, but had quitted that
station and sailed into the Downs, where he was joined by other ships
from Chatham; and thus was not only superior in number to the French,
but had the advantage of being well acquainted with the coasts, he
having long been Captain of Deal Castle. Roquefeuille sailed right
up to the Isle of Wight, and, observing no vessels off Spithead, he,
in his French egotism, concluded that the fleet had sought shelter
in Portsmouth harbour. He therefore lost no time in despatching a
small vessel to Dunkirk to hasten on his armament. Seven thousand men
were instantly sent on board transports, and the prince and Marshal
Saxe, who was to take command of the land force, accompanied them.
Roquefeuille, meanwhile, proceeding on his voyage, came to anchor off
Dungeness, which he had no sooner done than he beheld the British fleet
bearing down upon him in much greater force than his own, for he had
only fifteen ships of the line and five frigates. The destruction of
the French fleet appeared inevitable, but Sir John Norris this time
justly incurred the censure of lingering. He thought, from the state of
the tide and the approach of night, it was better to defer the attack
till morning; and, when morning came, no Frenchmen were to be seen. The
French admiral, much more active than poor old Sir John, had slipped
his cables and made the best of his way homewards.

The next day tempest scattered the approaching transports. Sir John
thought the storm sufficient excuse for not pursuing; but the winds
followed the invaders, and blowing directly from London towards
Dunkirk, dispersed the French transports, sank some of the largest
of them with all their men, wrecked others on the coast, and made
the rest glad to recover their port. Charles waited impatiently for
the cessation of the tempest to put to sea again, but the French
ministers were discouraged by the disaster, and by the discovery of so
powerful a British fleet in the Channel. The army was withdrawn from
Dunkirk, Marshal Saxe was appointed to the command in Flanders, and the
expedition for the present was relinquished.

After these transactions there could no longer remain even the name of
peace between France and England. Mr. Thompson, the British Resident at
Paris, made the most indignant complaints of the hostile proceedings
of the French fleets and of the encouragement of the Young Pretender.
The reply to this was a formal declaration of war, couched in the most
offensive terms, in the month of March, to which George replied in a
counter-declaration equally strong.

The French having now formally declared war with England, entered on
the campaign with Flanders in the middle of May with eighty thousand
men, the king taking the nominal command, in imitation of Louis XIV.
Marshal Saxe was the real commander, and with this able general Louis
went on for some time reaping fictitious laurels. The King of England
expected to see the Allies muster seventy-five thousand men--a force
nearly equal to that of the French; but the Dutch and Austrians had
grievously failed in their stipulated quotas, and the whole army did
not exceed fifty thousand. General Wade, the English commander, was
a general of considerable experience, but no Marlborough, either
in military genius or that self-command which enabled him to bear
up against tardy movements and antagonistic tempers of the foreign
officers. Consequently, whilst he had to contend with a very superior
force, he was hampered by his coadjutors, lost his temper, and, what
was worse, lost battles too. The French went on taking town after town
and fortress after fortress. But this career of victory was destined
to receive a check. Prince Charles of Lorraine, at the head of sixty
thousand men, burst into Alsace, and marched without any serious
obstacle to the very walls of Strasburg; while the French king was
stricken with fever at Metz.

Whilst Louis lay ill at Metz, France received an unexpected relief.
Prince Charles was hastily recalled to cope with Frederick of Prussia,
who had now joined France in the counter-league of Frankfort, and burst
into the territories of Maria Theresa. He found in Prague a garrison of
fifteen thousand men, yet by the 15th of September he had reduced the
place, after a ten days' siege. At the same time Marshal Seckendorf,
the Imperial general, entered Bavaria, which was defended only by a
small force, and quickly reinstated Charles on the throne of Munich.
Vienna itself was in the greatest alarm, lest the enemies uniting
should pay it a visit. But this danger was averted by the rapid return
of Prince Charles of Lorraine from before Strasburg. He had to pass the
very front of the French army; nevertheless, he conducted his forces
safely and expeditiously to the frontiers of Bohemia, himself hastening
to Vienna to consult on the best plan of operations. Maria Theresa
again betook herself to her heroic Hungarians, who, at her appeal, once
more rushed to her standard; and Frederick, in his turn alarmed, called
loudly on the French for their promises of assistance, but called in
vain. The French had no desire for another campaign in the heart of
Austria. The Prussian invader, therefore, soon found himself menaced on
all sides by Austrians, Croatians, and Hungarian troops, who harassed
him day and night, cut off his supplies and his forages, and made him
glad to retrace his steps in haste.

Carteret--or Granville, as we must now style him, for he succeeded to
the earldom in 1744--still retained the favour of the king precisely
in the same degree as he had forfeited that of the people and the
Parliament, by his unscrupulous support of George's Hanoverian
predilections. Elated with the favour of the king, Granville insisted
on exercising the same supreme power in the Cabinet which Walpole had
done. This drove Pelham and his brother, Newcastle, to inform the king
that they or Granville must resign. George, unwilling to part with
Granville, yet afraid of offending the Pelham party, and risking their
support of the large subsidies which he required for Germany, was in a
great strait. He sent for Lord Orford up from Houghton, who attended,
though in the extreme agonies of the stone, which, in a few months
later, brought him to his end. Walpole, notwithstanding the strong
desire of the king to retain Granville, and that also of the Prince
of Wales--who on this and all points connected with Hanover agreed
with the king, though no one else did--decided that it was absolutely
necessary that he should resign; and accordingly, on the 24th of
November, Granville sullenly resigned the seals, and they were returned
to his predecessor, the Earl of Harrington.

The fall of Granville became the revolution of all parties. The
Pelhams, in order to prevent his return to the Ministry through the
partiality of the king, determined to construct a Cabinet on what was
called a broad bottom--that is, including some of both sections of the
Whigs, and even some of the Tories. They opened a communication with
Chesterfield, Gower, and Pitt, and these violent oppositionists were
ready enough to obtain place on condition of uniting against Granville
and Bath. The difficulty was to reconcile the king to them. George
was not well affected towards Chesterfield, and would not consent to
admit him to any post near his person, but permitted him, after much
reluctance, to be named Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. As for Pitt, he
was even more repugnant to the king than Chesterfield, and Pitt, on
his part, would accept nothing less than the post of Secretary at
War. The Pelhams advised him to have patience and they would overcome
the king's reluctance; but when they proposed that the Tory Sir John
Hynde Cotton should have a place, George, in his anger, exclaimed,
"Ministers are kings in this country!"--and so they are for the time.
After much negotiation and accommodating of interests and parties, the
Ministry was ultimately arranged as follows:--Lord Hardwicke remained
Lord Chancellor; Pelham was First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor
of the Exchequer; the Duke of Newcastle became one Secretary of State,
Lord Harrington the other; the Duke of Devonshire remained Steward of
the Household; the Duke of Bedford was appointed First Lord of the
Admiralty, with Lord Sandwich as Second Lord; Lord Gower was made
Privy Seal; Lord Lyttelton became a member of the Treasury Board; Mr.
Grenville was made a Junior Lord of the Admiralty; Sir John Hynde
Cotton received the office of Treasurer of the Chamber in the Royal
Household; and Bubb Doddington contrived to be included as Treasurer of
the Navy. Lords Cobham and Hobart had also appointments; and the Duke
of Dorset was made President of the Council.

Granville being got rid of, and the Opposition bought up with place,
the only difference in the policy which had been pursued, and which
had been so bitterly denounced by the noblemen and gentlemen now in
office, was that it became more unequivocally Hanoverian and more
extravagant. "Those abominably Courtly measures" of Granville were
now the adopted measures of his denouncers. The king had expressed,
just before his fall, a desire to grant a subsidy to Saxony; but Lord
Chancellor Hardwicke had most seriously reminded his Majesty of the
increased subsidy to the Queen of Hungary, which made it impracticable:
now, both the increased subsidy to Maria Theresa and the subsidy to
Saxony were passed without an objection. A quadruple alliance was
entered into between Britain, Austria, Holland, and Saxony, by which
Saxony was to furnish thirty thousand men for the defence of Bohemia,
and to receive a hundred and fifty thousand pounds, two-thirds of which
were to be paid by England, and one-third by Holland. The Elector of
Cologne received twenty-four thousand pounds, the Elector of Mayence
eight thousand pounds. Nay, soon discovering that, as there was no
opposition, there was no clamour on the subject, Ministers the very
next year took the Hanoverians into their direct pay again, and in 1747
increased the number of them from eighteen thousand to twenty thousand.

[Illustration: INTERIOR OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS IN 1742.

(_From a Drawing by Gravelot engraved by W. J. White._)]

In January of 1745 died Charles VII., King of Bavaria and Emperor of
Germany. His life had been rendered miserable, and his kingdom made the
prey of war, by his unpatriotic mania of supporting the French in their
attacks on Germany. His son and successor showed himself a wiser and a
better man. He at once renounced all claims to the Austrian succession,
and to the Imperial crown. He agreed to vote for the Prince of Tuscany,
Maria Theresa's husband, at the next Diet, and never to support the
French or the Prussian arms. On these terms a treaty was concluded
between Austria and Bavaria at Füssen, and Austria therefore restored
to him his rightful inheritance of Bavaria.

The campaign in Flanders opened in April. The British faithfully
furnished their stipulated number of men (twenty-eight thousand), but
both Austria and Holland had most disgracefully failed. Holland was to
send fifty thousand into the field, and keep the other ten thousand in
her garrisons; but she had sent less than half that number, and Austria
only eight squadrons. The French had a fine army of seventy-five
thousand men under the able general, Marshal Saxe; and the King of
France and the Dauphin had come to witness the conflict, which gave a
wonderful degree of spirit to their troops. On the part of the Allies,
the Duke of Cumberland was chief in command, but, from his youth, he
was not able to set himself free from the assumptions of the Austrian
general, old Marshal Königsegg, and the Dutch general, the Prince of
Waldeck. As it was, to march against the French before Tournay was
to rush into a certain contest with the whole French army of nearly
eighty thousand men, whilst the Allies could have only about fifty
thousand. Saxe made the ablest arrangements for the coming fight. He
left fifteen thousand infantry to blockade Tournay, drew up his army in
a very strong position a few miles in advance, and strengthened it by
various works.

The Allies, on coming near, found Saxe encamped on some gentle heights,
with the river Scheldt and the village of Antoine on his right, and a
wood named Barré on his left. In front lay a narrow valley, and, as
at Dettingen, he had secured the passage of the river by the bridge
of Calonne in his rear, defended by a tête-de-pont, and a reserve
of the Household Troops. He had constructed abatis in the wood of
Barré, thrown up redoubts between Antoine and Fontenoy, and strongly
fortified those villages themselves. The narrow valley between Barré
and Fontenoy was formidably defended by cross batteries, and by the
natural ruggedness of the ground; and altogether the French officers
confidently regarded their position as unassailable. Yet, inferior
as they were in numbers, the Allies at once marched and attacked the
French pickets and outposts, drove them in, and stood under arms, as it
was growing dark, ready to renew the onset at daybreak.

At four o'clock in the morning (the 11th of May) the cannonade began.
Prince Waldeck undertook to carry Fontenoy and Antoine with the Dutch,
and the Duke of Cumberland, at the head of the English and Hanoverians,
to bear down on the enemy's left. At the same time, the Duke sent
General Ingoldsby with a division to clear the wood of Barré, and
storm the redoubt beyond. When Ingoldsby reached the wood, he found
it occupied by a body of sharpshooters, and instead of attacking them
vigorously he paused and returned to the duke for fresh orders--a great
neglect of duty by which much time was lost, and the enemy enabled
to direct their undivided attention on that side to the main body of
English and Hanoverians advancing under the duke. On the other hand,
the Dutch, finding Fontenoy surrounded by a fosse, and the French
mounted with their batteries on the rubbish of houses, which they had
demolished for the purpose, were panic-struck, and instead of making a
resolute rush to storm the place, having suffered considerably from the
French batteries, fell back, and stood aloof, thus leaving the English
and Hanoverians exposed to the whole fire of the hostile army.

Thus shamefully deserted on both hands, Cumberland still led forward
his British and Hanoverians against the main body of the French army.
The ruggedness of the ground in the narrow valley between the wood of
Barré and Fontenoy compelled them to leave the cavalry behind; but the
infantry pushed on, dragging with them several pieces of artillery.
Cumberland had the advantage of the advice and spirit of his military
tutor, General Ligonier, and, in face of a most murderous fire, the
young commander hastened on. The batteries right and left mowed them
down, and before this comparative handful of men stood massed the
vast French army, in a position pronounced by the French impregnable.
The dense column of the English, compressed between the wood of Barré
and Fontenoy, soon drove the French from their positions, and, still
pushing on towards the rear of Fontenoy, threatened to cut off the
bridge of Calonne, and with it the enemy's retreat across the river.
Both French and English conceived that the battle was decided for the
Allies. Marshal Königsegg congratulated Cumberland on their victory,
and, on the other hand, Saxe warned Louis XV. that it was necessary
to retreat. Louis, however, is said to have protested against giving
way, and both French and English soon became aware that the Dutch
had deserted their post, and that the right wing of the French army
remained wholly unengaged. The British and Hanoverian conquerors on
their right, when they mounted the French positions, looked out for
their left wing, the Dutch, and, to their dismay, beheld them hanging
with cowardly inactivity in the distance. The brave Marshal Saxe, at
the same moment making the same discovery, called forward the Household
Troops, which had been posted to receive the Dutch, and precipitated
them on the flank of the British. Foremost in this charge was the Irish
Brigade, in the pay of France, who fought like furies against their
countrymen. Overwhelmed by numbers, and numbers perfectly fresh, and
mowed down by additional artillery which the default of the Dutch had
set at liberty, and unsupported by their own cavalry from the confined
and rugged nature of the ground, the brave British and Hanoverians were
compelled to give way. But they did it in such order and steadiness,
disputing every inch of the ground, as excited the admiration of their
opponents. The Duke of Cumberland was the last in the retreat, still
regardless of his own danger, calling on his men to remember Blenheim
and Ramillies; and seeing one of his officers turning to flee, he
threatened to shoot him. Thus they gave way slowly, and still fighting,
till they reached their horse, which then made a front to cover them,
till they were out of the _mêlée_; their dastardly allies, the Dutch,
then joined them, and they marched away in a body to Ath. Tournay, for
which the battle was fought, might have detained the French a long
time; but here, again, Dutch treachery did its work. Hertsall, the
chief engineer in the Dutch service, betrayed the place to the French,
fled to their camp, and then assisted them by his advice. Tournay
surrendered in a fortnight, and the citadel the week after. Ghent,
Bruges, Oudenarde, and Dendermond fell in rapid succession. Whilst the
Allies were covering Antwerp and Brussels, the French attacked and took
Ostend, again by the treachery of the governor, who refused to inundate
the country.

The affairs of England, menaced by invasion, were during this time
compelling George to draw part of his forces homeward; it was,
consequently, only the approach of winter which saved the towns of
Flanders from the French. At the same time, the wily Prussian was in
arms again, trusting to seize yet more of the Austrian territories,
whilst the powerful ally of Maria Theresa was at once pressed by
the fault of the Dutch and Austrians in Flanders, and at home by
the Pretender. George, who, in spite of all remonstrances, had
persisted, notwithstanding the domestic danger, in paying his annual
visit to Hanover, was earnestly engaged, through Lord Harrington,
in endeavouring to accomplish a peace between Prussia and Austria.
Neither Frederick nor Maria Theresa, however, was in any haste to
conclude peace. Frederick hoped to profit by the engagement of England
with the French, and Maria Theresa held out, with some vague hopes of
regaining Silesia through the money of England. But Frederick, on the
3rd of June, gained a decided victory over Prince Charles of Lorraine,
throwing himself between the Austrians and the Saxons, whom the English
subsidy had brought to their aid. In this battle of Hohen Friedberg
the Austrians lost nine thousand men in killed and wounded, and had as
many made prisoners. Prince Charles retreated into Bohemia, and was
soon followed by Frederick, who fixed his camp at Chlum. Whilst another
battle was impending, Maria Theresa, still undaunted, accompanied her
husband to the Diet at Frankfort, where she had the satisfaction of
seeing him elected Emperor of Germany on the 13th of September. The
same month, however, her troops were again defeated by Frederick at
Sohr, near the sources of the Elbe. The King of Prussia now offered
to make peace, and Maria Theresa rejected his overtures; but another
victory over her combined army of Austrians and Saxons, which put
Frederick in possession of Dresden, brought her to reason. A peace was
concluded at Dresden on Christmas Day, by which Silesia was confirmed
to Prussia, and Frederick, on his part, acknowledged the recent
election of the Emperor Francis. King George had also entered into a
secret treaty with Prussia; and Frederick, sending his army into winter
quarters in Silesia, returned to Berlin, thence to ponder fresh schemes
of aggrandisement.

The time for the last grand conflict for the recovery of their
forfeited throne in Great Britain by the Stuarts was come. The
Pretender had grown old and cautious, but the young prince, Charles
Edward, who had been permitted by his father, and encouraged by France,
to attempt this great object in 1744, had not at all abated his
enthusiasm for it, though Providence had appeared to fight against him,
and France, after the failure of Dunkirk, had seemed to abandon the
design altogether. When he received the news of the battle of Fontenoy
he was at the Chateau de Navarre, near Evreux, the seat of his attached
friend, the young Duke de Bouillon. He wrote to Murray of Broughton to
announce his determination to attempt the enterprise at all hazards.
He had been assured by Murray himself that his friends in Scotland
discountenanced any rising unless six thousand men and ten thousand
stand of arms could be brought over; and that, without these, they
would not even engage to join him. The announcement, therefore, that
he was coming threw the friends of the old dynasty in Scotland into
the greatest alarm. All but the Duke of Perth condemned the enterprise
in the strongest terms, and wrote letters to induce him to postpone
his voyage. But these remonstrances arrived too late; if, indeed, they
would have had any effect had they reached him earlier. Charles Edward
had lost no time in making his preparations.

He had been able to borrow a hundred and eighty thousand livres from
two of his adherents, had made serious exertions to raise arms, and
though he had kept his project profoundly secret from the French King
and Ministry, lest they might forcibly detain him, he had managed to
engage a French man-of-war called the _Elizabeth_, carrying sixty-seven
guns, and a brig of eighteen guns called the _Doutelle_, an excellent
sailer. On the 2nd of July the _Doutelle_ left St. Nazaire, at the
mouth of the Loire, and waited at Belleisle for the _Elizabeth_, when
they put forward to sea in good earnest. Unfortunately, only four days
after leaving Belleisle, they fell in with the British man-of-war the
_Lion_, of fifty-eight guns, commanded by the brave Captain Butt,
who in Anson's expedition had stormed Paita. There was no avoiding
an engagement, which continued warmly for five or six hours, when
both vessels were so disabled that they were compelled to put back
respectively to England and France.

With the _Elizabeth_ the Young Pretender lost the greater part of
his arms and ammunition. Yet he would not return, but set out in
the _Doutelle_ towards Scotland. In two days more the little vessel
was pursued by another large English ship, but by dint of superior
sailing they escaped, and made the Western Isles. It was only after a
fortnight's voyage, however, that they came to anchor off the little
islet of Erisca, between Barra and South Uist.

Charles landed in Lochnanuagh on the 25th of July, and was conducted
to a farm-house belonging to Clanranald. He then despatched letters to
the Highland chiefs who were in his interest. Principal amongst these
were Cameron of Lochiel, Sir Alexander Macdonald, and Macleod. Lochiel
was as much confounded at the proposal to commence a rebellion without
foreign support as the Macdonalds. For a long time Lochiel stood out,
and gave the strongest reasons for his decision; but Charles exclaimed,
"I am resolved to put all to the hazard. I will erect the Royal
Standard, and tell the people of Britain that Charles Stuart is come
over to claim the crown of his ancestors, or to perish in the attempt.
Lochiel, who, my father has always told me, was our firmest friend, may
stay at home, and learn from the newspapers the fate of his prince."
"Not so!" instantly replied the impulsive Highlander. "I will share
the fate of my prince, whatever it may be, and so shall every man over
whom nature or fortune has given me any power." The decision of Lochiel
determined the whole Highlands. The Macdonalds of Skye held back when
sent for, but numbers of others were immediately influenced by the
example of Lochiel. Macdonald of Keppoch, Macdonald of Glengarry, and
numbers of others, sent in their adhesion. Charles then removed to
Kinloch Moidart, the residence of the chief of that name, where he was
joined by Murray of Broughton, who brought with him from the south
the manifestoes of Charles ready printed. Charles appointed him his
secretary, which post he continued to hold during the expedition.

On the 16th of August a party of English soldiers, sent by the Governor
of Fort Augustus to reinforce the garrison at Fort William, were
assailed by a number of Keppoch's Highlanders in the narrow pass of
High Bridge. They attempted to retreat when they found they could not
reach their antagonists in their ambush, but they were stopped by a
fresh detachment of the followers of Lochiel, and compelled to lay
down their arms. Five or six of them were killed, and their leader,
Captain Scott, was wounded. They received the kindest treatment from
the conquerors, and as the Governor of Fort Augustus refused to trust
a surgeon amongst them to dress the wounds of Captain Scott, Lochiel
immediately allowed Scott to return to the fort on his parole, and
received the rest of the wounded into his house at Auchnacarrie.

[Illustration: THE LANDING OF PRINCE CHARLIE. (_See p._ 92.)]

In the valley of Glen Tronian, on the 19th of August, they proceeded to
erect the standard. The Marquis of Tullibardine, as highest in rank,
though feeble and tottering with age, was appointed to unfurl the
banner, supported on each hand by a stout Highlander. The colours were
of blue and red silk, with a white centre, on which, some weeks later,
the words TANDEM TRIUMPHANS were embroidered. Tullibardine held the
staff till the manifesto of James, dated Rome, 1743, appointing his son
Regent, was read; and as the banner floated in the breeze the multitude
shouted lustily, and the hurrahs were boisterously renewed when Charles
made them a short address in English, which few of the common class
understood.

The slowness with which the Government became aware of these
proceedings is something astonishing in these days of telegraphs and
railroads. Though Charles sailed on the 2nd of July, it was not till
the 30th of the same month that Lord Tweeddale, the Scottish Secretary
of State in London, was informed even that he had left Nantes. Sir John
Cope was the commander of the forces in Scotland, and he immediately
gave orders for drawing together such troops as he had to Stirling.
These were extraordinarily few. There were two regiments of dragoons,
Gardiner's and Hamilton's, but both recent in the service; and the
whole force at his disposal, exclusive of garrisons, did not amount to
three thousand men. Cope was eager enough to march into the Highlands,
even with such forces as he had, and crush the insurrection at once.
He proposed this apparently active and judicious scheme to the Lords
Justices in England, George II. himself being at Hanover, and they
warmly approved of it, and issued their positive orders for its
execution. It was, in truth, however, the most fatal scheme which could
be conceived. The spirit of rebellion was fermenting in every glen and
on every hill, and to march regular troops into these rugged fastnesses
was only to have them shot down by invisible marksmen on all hands,
and reduced to the extremity of the two companies already captured.
The plan was to have secured all the passes into the Lowlands, to have
drawn his forces to the foot of the mountains wherever a descent could
be made, and blockade the rebels in their own hills till they should be
reduced by gradual approaches and overwhelming numbers. Famine, indeed,
would soon have tamed any large body of men in those sterile regions.

Sir John marched out of Edinburgh for the north on the very day that
the standard of the Stuarts was erected in Glenfinnan, the 19th of
August. On the following day he continued his route from Stirling,
accompanied by one thousand five hundred foot, leaving, very properly,
the dragoons behind him, as of no service in the mountains, nor capable
of finding forage there. He then continued his march towards Fort
Augustus, which he hoped to make the centre of his operations, and then
to strike a sudden and annihilating blow on the handful of rebels. At
Dalwhinnie he heard that the rebels now mustered six thousand, and
that they meant to dispute the pass of Corriarrick, lying directly
in the line of his march towards Fort Augustus. This Corriarrick had
been made passable by one of General Wade's roads, constructed after
the rebellion of 1715, to lay open the Highlands. The road wound up
the mountain by seventeen zig-zags or traverses, and down the other
side by others, called by the Highlanders the Devil's Staircase. Three
hundred men were capable, much more three thousand, of stopping an army
in such a situation, and Cope called a council of war. At length it
was agreed that they should take a side route, and endeavour to reach
Inverness and Fort George. The resolve was a fatal one, for it gave the
appearance of a flight to the army, and left the road open to Stirling
and the Lowlands.

Charles, on his part, had determined to occupy Corriarrick. For that
purpose he had made a forced march, disencumbered himself of all
possible encumbrances by burning his own baggage, and encouraging his
followers to do the same. On the morning of the 27th he stood on the
north side of Corriarrick, and, as he put on his brogues, he is said to
have exclaimed, with exultation, "Before these are unloosed, I shall be
up with Mr. Cope." To his great astonishment, however, when he reached
the summit all was one wild solitude--not a man was visible. At length
they discerned some soldiers ascending, whom they set down for part of
Lord Loudon's regiment, forming the English vanguard. They turned out
to be only some deserters, who informed them of the change in Cope's
route.

At this news the Highlanders were filled with exuberant joy. They
demanded permission to pursue and attack Cope's soldiers; but the
chiefs saw too clearly the grand advantage offered them of descending
suddenly into the Lowlands by the road thus left open. Whilst Sir John
was making a forced march to Inverness, which he reached on the 29th of
August, the Highlanders were descending like one of their own torrents
southwards. In two days they traversed the mountains of Badenoch; on
the third they reached the Vale of Athol.

On the 30th of August they reached Blair Castle. The Duke of Athol, the
proprietor, fled at their approach, and old Tullibardine resumed his
ancestral mansion, and gave a splendid banquet there to Charles and his
officers. On the third day they resumed their march, and reached Perth
on the 4th of September, which the prince entered on horseback, amid
loud acclamations. Whilst at Perth he received two valuable accessions
to his party--the titular Duke of Perth, who brought with him two
hundred men, and Lord George Murray, the brother of the Duke of Athol,
and a man of considerable military experience.

[Illustration: "GOD SAVE KING JAMES."

FROM THE PAINTING BY ANDREW C. GOW, R.A.]

Hearing that General Cope--who had seen his blunder in leaving open the
highway to the Scottish capital--after having reached Inverness, had
begun a rapid march on Aberdeen, trusting to embark his army there,
and reach Edinburgh in time to defend it from the rebel army, Charles
marched out of Perth on the 11th of September. He reached Dunblane
that evening, and on the 13th he passed the fords of Frew, about eight
miles above Stirling, knowing that several king's ships were lying
at the head of the Firth. On their approach, Gardiner retired with
his dragoons from the opposite bank. Stirling, being deserted by the
troops, was ready to open its gates; but Charles was in too much haste
to reach Edinburgh. Hearing that Gardiner, with his dragoons, intended
to dispute the passage of Linlithgow Bridge, Charles sent on one
thousand Highlanders, before break of day, under Lord George Murray,
in the hope of surprising them; but they found that they had decamped
the evening before, and they took peaceable possession of Falkirk and
the old palace. The prince himself came up on the evening of that
day, Sunday, the 15th, where the whole army passed the night, except
the vanguard, which pushed on to Kirkliston, only eight miles from
Edinburgh.

The consternation of the city may be imagined. The inhabitants, who
had, at first, treated the rumour of the Young Pretender's landing
with ridicule, now passed to the extreme of terror. On Sunday night
the Highlanders lay between Linlithgow and the city, and on Monday
morning Charles sent forward a detachment, which, on coming in sight
of the pickets, discharged their pistols. The dragoon pickets did not
wait to return the fire, but rode off towards Coltbridge, nearer to
Edinburgh, where Gardiner lay with the main body of horse. No sooner,
however, did this commander perceive the advancing Highlanders, than
he also gave the order to retreat, and the order was so well obeyed,
that from a foot's-pace the march quickened into a trot and presently
into a gallop, and the inhabitants of Edinburgh saw the whole force
going helter-skelter towards Leith, where they drew bit. The valiant
troops mounted again, and galloped to Preston, six miles farther, some
of them, it was said, not stopping till they reached Dunbar. This
"Canter of Coltbridge," as it was called in derision, left the city at
the mercy of the Highlanders, except for about six or seven hundred
men mustered from the City Guard, the volunteer corps, and some armed
gentlemen from Dalkeith and Musselburgh, who took post at the gates.

The magistrates, now summoned by the Lord Provost to a meeting in
the Goldsmiths' Hall, resolved to send a deputation to the prince,
desiring that he would cease hostilities till they had had time to
decide what they should do. Scarcely had the deputies set out, when
news came that the transports, with Cope's army on board, were seen
off Dunbar, the wind being unfavourable for making Leith, and that
his troops would soon be landed, and in full march for the city. It
was now determined to recall the deputation, but that was found to
be too late, and General Guest was applied to to return the muskets,
bayonets, and cartridge boxes which had been given up to him. Guest
very properly regarded men who had thrown up their arms in a panic as
unfit to be trusted with them again, and advised that the dragoons
should be ordered to unite with Cope's infantry, and advance on the
city with all possible speed. About ten o'clock at night the deputation
returned, having met the prince at Gray's Mill, only two miles from
the city, who gave them a letter to the authorities, declaring that
they had a sufficient security in his father's declarations and his own
manifesto; and he only gave them till two o'clock in the morning to
consider his terms. The deputation returned in the utmost dejection,
little deeming that the prince had taken such measures as should render
them the means of surrendering the city. But Charles had despatched
Lochiel and Murray of Broughton, with eight hundred Camerons, to watch
every opportunity of surprising the town, carrying with them a barrel
of gunpowder to blow up one of the gates. This detachment had arrived,
and hidden themselves in ambush near the Netherbow Port. The deputation
passed in with their coach by another gate, and the ambush lay still
till the coachman came out at the Netherbow Port to take his carriage
and horses to the stables in the suburbs. The ambush rushed upon the
gate before it could be closed, secured the sentinels, ran forward to
the other gate, and secured its keepers also. When the inhabitants rose
in the morning they were astonished to find the city in possession of
the Highlanders. On the 17th of September Charles occupied Holyrood.
Amidst wild enthusiasm, the Old Pretender was proclaimed as King James
VIII. at the Cross, Murray of Broughton's beautiful wife sitting on
horseback, with a drawn sword in her right hand, while with her left
she distributed white favours to the crowd.

But there was no time for festivities. The English army was
approaching, and it was necessary for Charles to assert his right
by hard blows as well as by proclamations. The citizens stood aloof
from his standard; but Lord Nairn arrived most opportunely from the
Highlands with five hundred of the clan Maclachlan, headed by their
chief, and accompanied by a number of men from Athol. These swelled
his little army to upwards of two thousand five hundred, and Charles
declared that he would immediately lead them against Cope. The chiefs
applauded this resolution, and on the morning of the 19th he marched
out to Duddingston, where the troops lay upon their arms, and then he
summoned a council of war. He proposed to continue the march the next
morning, and meet Cope upon the way. In the highest spirits the clans
marched on through Musselburgh and over the heights at Carberry, where
Mary Queen of Scots made her last unfortunate fight, nor did they stop
till they came in sight of the English army.

Cope had landed his force at Dunbar on the very day that the prince
entered Edinburgh. His disembarkation was not completed till the 18th.
Lord Loudon had joined him at Inverness with two hundred men, and now
he met the runaway dragoons, six hundred in number, so that his whole
force amounted to two thousand two hundred men--some few hundreds less
than the Highlanders. Sir John took the level road towards Edinburgh,
marching out of Dunbar on the 19th of September. Next day Lord Loudon,
who acted as adjutant-general, rode forward with a reconnoitring party,
and soon came back at a smart trot to announce that the rebels were not
approaching by the road and the open country to the west, but along
the heights to the south. Sir John, therefore, altered his route, and
pushed on to Prestonpans, where he formed his army in battle array. He
placed his foot in the centre, with a regiment of dragoons and three
pieces of artillery on each wing. His right was covered by Colonel
Gardiner's park wall and the village of Preston; his left extended
towards Seaton House, and in his rear lay the sea, with the villages of
Prestonpans and Cockenzie. Between him and the Highlanders was a deep
morass.

The night was cold, and the two armies lay on the ground. In the middle
of the night Anderson of Whitburgh, a gentleman whose father had been
out in the 'Fifteen and who knew the country well, suddenly recollected
a way across the bog to the right. He communicated this to Hepburn
of Keith and Lord George Murray, who went to waken the prince, who,
sitting up in his heap of pea-straw, received the news with exultation.
He started up, a council was called, and as it drew towards morning
it was resolved to follow Anderson as their guide immediately. An
aide-de-camp was despatched to recall Lord Nairn and his five hundred,
and the army marched after Anderson in profound silence. It was not
without some difficulty that they crossed it, after all; some of the
soldiers sank knee-deep, and the prince himself stumbled and fell.
When they reached the firm ground the mounted pickets heard the sound
of their march, though they could not see them for the thick fog. The
dragoon sentinels demanded who went there, fired their pistols, and
galloped off to give the alarm.

Cope maintained the order of battle arranged the day previous, except
that he turned the men's faces towards the east instead of the west,
to meet the new position of the enemy. His infantry was posted in the
centre; Hamilton's dragoons were on the left, and Gardiner's with
the artillery in front, on the right, leaning on the morass. The
Highlanders no sooner saw the enemy than, taking off their caps, they
uttered a short prayer, and pulling their bonnets over their brows,
they rushed forward in their separate clans with a yell that was
frightful.

Colonel Gardiner endeavoured to charge the advancing enemy with his
dragoons; but it was in vain that he attempted to animate their craven
souls by word and example--at the first volley of the Highlanders they
wheeled and fled. The same disgraceful scene took place on the left,
at nearly the same moment. Hamilton's regiment of horse dispersed at
the first charge of the Macdonalds, leaving the centre exposed on
both its flanks. The infantry made a better stand than the cavalry;
it discharged a steady and well-directed volley on the advancing
Highlanders, and killed some of their best men, amongst others, a son
of the famous Rob Roy. But the Highlanders did not give them time for
a second volley; they were up with them, dashed aside their bayonets
with their targets, burst through their ranks in numerous places, so
that the whole, not being able to give way on account of the park wall
of Preston, were thrown into confusion, and at the mercy of the foe.
Never was a battle so instantly decided--it is said not to have lasted
more than five or six minutes; never was a defeat more absolute. Sir
John Cope, or Johnnie Cope, as he will be styled in Scotland to the end
of time, by the assistance of the Earls of Loudon and Home, collected
about four hundred and fifty of the recreant dragoons, and fled to
Coldstream that night. There not feeling secure, they continued their
flight till they reached Berwick, where Sir Mark Kerr received Cope
with the sarcastic but cruelly true remark that he believed that he
was the first general on record who had carried the news of his own
defeat.

[Illustration: PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD STUART (THE "YOUNG PRETENDER").
(_After the Portrait by Tocque_, 1748.)]

Charles was anxious to follow up his victory by marching directly into
England, trusting to the effect of this signal triumph to bring all
inclined to the Stuart dynasty to his standard. He was confident that
if he met with anything like success on the way, a rapid march would
put London in his possession. And, in truth, such was the miserably
misgoverned condition of the country at the time, that, had he come
with a tolerable French army, nothing could have prevented him from
becoming master of the kingdom. Never was England so thoroughly exposed
to foreign danger, so utterly unarmed and unprotected, whilst it had
been sending such armaments to the Continent. Fortunately, the French
had not supported the Pretender on this occasion, as they had promised,
and fortunately, too, when Charles came to review the army with which
he proposed to enter England, there remained of it only one thousand
four hundred men. The rest had gone home with their booty; nay, some
had gone and were returning, not to fight, but to carry off more which
they had concealed.

Accordingly, Charles could do nothing but maintain his position for the
present in Scotland, and send off a messenger to France to announce his
wonderful success, and to urge that now was the moment to hasten over
troops and supplies, and secure the Crown and friendship of England for
ever. He sent over Mr. Kelly to the French Court and to his father, and
for a moment there was a lively disposition at Versailles to strike
the blow. The king immediately despatched some supplies of money and
arms, some of which were seized by English cruisers, and some of
which arrived safely. There was also a talk of sending over Charles's
brother, Henry, Duke of York, at the head of the Irish regiments
and of others, and active preparations were made for the purpose at
Dunkirk. But again this flash of enthusiasm died out, and Charles,
three weeks after Kelly, sent over Sir James Stewart to aid him in his
solicitations. But all was in vain. The French again seemed to weigh
the peril of the expedition, and on their part complained that the
Jacobites showed no zeal in England, without which the invasion would
be madness. Thus the time went by, till the Dutch and English troops
landed in England, and the opportunity was lost.

Meanwhile, Charles, compelled to wait the course of events in
Edinburgh, endeavoured to render himself popular by his moderation
and magnanimity. Volunteers began to flock to his standard, the chief
cause, however, being, no doubt, the _prestige_ of his victory. Fresh
reinforcements poured down from the Highlands. Altogether, Charles's
army now amounted to nearly six thousand men. It would have amounted
to ten thousand had the Macdonalds and Macleods of Skye and Lord
Lovat joined him. But though Charles sent a Macleod of Skye over to
the island chiefs, urging them now to join his standard as certain of
victory, they refused to move. He then went over from Skye to Castle
Dounie to stimulate Lord Lovat, but that deceitful old miscreant was
playing the double game, and waiting to see which side would be the
stronger. At length his army had received the last reinforcements that
he expected, by the arrival of Menzies of Sheen with a considerable
body of men, and he was impatient to march southwards. He was the more
ready to quit Scotland because Lord Lovat had now sent him word that
though he could not, from the state of his health, join the march into
England, both he and the Macdonalds and the Macleods of the Isles
were prepared to defend his interests in the Highlands. The greater
part of this intelligence was false, entirely so as regarded the
Islesmen, and it was now well known that the English Government had got
together twelve thousand veteran troops, besides thirteen regiments
of infantry and two of cavalry newly raised. The Highland chiefs,
therefore, strenuously opposed the march till they should receive the
reinforcements which he had promised them from France, as well as more
money. Others contended that he ought not to invade England at all, but
to remain in Scotland, make himself master of it, and reign there as
his ancestors had done. But it was not merely to secure the Crown of
Scotland that he had come; it was to recover the whole grand heritage
of his race, and he determined to march into England without further
delay. The Highland chiefs, however, resolutely resisted the proposal,
and at three successive councils he strove with them in vain to induce
them to cross the Border and fight the army of Marshal Wade, which
lay at Newcastle, consisting of Dutch and English troops. At length
Charles said indignantly, "Gentlemen, I see you are determined to stay
in Scotland; I am resolved to try my fate in England, and I go, if I go
alone."

Lord George Murray then said that, as they needs must go, he proposed
that they should enter England on the Cumberland side, so as to harass
Wade's troops, if he marched across to meet them. The idea was adopted
as a great improvement; it was kept a profound secret. Still further
to mislead the English, Lord George proposed another plan, which was
also adopted--to divide the army into two columns, to march by two
different routes, but to unite at Carlisle. One of these was to be
led by the prince himself by Kelso, as if intending to march straight
into Northumberland; the other to take the direct road through Moffat.
It was resolved to leave Lord Strathallan to command in Scotland, to
take up his headquarters at Perth, receive the expected succours from
France, and all such reinforcements from the Highlands as should come
in.

These arrangements being complete, Charles lay at Pinkie House on the
31st of October, and the next day, the 1st of November, he commenced
his march. Each of the two columns was preceded by a number of horsemen
to act as scouts. In the day of battle each company of a regiment
furnished two of its best men to form the bodyguard of the chief, who
usually took his post in the centre, and was surrounded by his brothers
and cousins, with whom it was a point of honour to defend the chief to
the death. So set forward the Highland army for England, and it is now
necessary to see what preparations England had made for the invasion.

The news of the invasion brought George from Hanover. He arrived in
London on the last day of August, by which time the Young Pretender
had already been entertained by Lord Tullibardine at Blair Castle;
but he seemed to feel no great alarm. He thought the forces of Cope
were sufficient to compete with the insurgents, and Lord Granville and
his party did their best to confirm him in this opinion. On the 20th
of September three battalions of the expected Dutch forces landed,
and received orders to march north. But what contributed more than
anything to the security of the kingdom was the activity of the fleet.
The seamen all round the coasts showed as much spirit and life as the
soldiers had shown cowardice. Privateers as well as men-of-war vied
with one another in performing feats of bravery. A small ship off
Bristol took a large Spanish ship, bound for Scotland, with arms and
money. Another small ship took the _Soleil_, from Dunkirk, carrying
twenty French officers and sixty men, to Montrose; and a small squadron
of privateers, which volunteered to serve under a brave naval captain,
took a vast number of French vessels, and drove still more upon their
own shores. Charles's younger brother, Henry, was waiting to bring
over the Irish regiments to his aid, but Louis would not hazard their
appearance at sea in the face of such a dangerous fleet. Charles made
an attempt to corrupt Captain Beavor, of the _Fox_ man-of-war, by
offering him splendid rewards in case of his success, but the gallant
officer sent him word that he only treated with principals, and that,
if he would come on board, he would talk with him.

In London, notwithstanding, there was considerable alarm, but rather
from fear of the Papists and Jacobites at home than of any danger
from abroad. Every endeavour had been used, in fact, to revive the
old Popery scare. There were rumours circulated that the Papists
meant to rise, cut everybody's throats, and burn the City. There
was fear of a run on the Bank of England, but the merchants met at
Garraway's Coffee-house, and entered into engagements to support the
Bank. They also opened a subscription to raise two hundred and fifty
thousand pounds to enlist troops, and many of them gave as much as two
thousand pounds apiece. A camp was formed in Hyde Park of the Household
Troops, horse and foot, a regiment of horse grenadiers, and some of
the battalions that came over from Flanders. In the provinces many of
the great nobility proposed to raise regiments at their own expense,
and this act of patriotism was loudly applauded. In some instances
the patriotism was real. But the main body of the Whig nobility and
some others cut a very different figure. No sooner did Parliament
meet on the 18th of October, and whilst the Jacobites were in the
highest spirits, and opposing both the Address and the suspension of
the Habeas Corpus, than the Dukes of Devonshire, Bedford, Rutland,
Montague, the Lords Herbert, Halifax, Cholmondeley, Falmouth, Malton,
Derby, and others, moved, contrary to their splendid promises, that
their regiments should be paid by the king, and should be put upon
the regular establishment. The king was as much disgusted as the most
independent of his subjects, but he found himself unable to prevent the
measure.

At length the Duke of Cumberland arrived from Flanders, and foreign and
English troops were assembled in the Midland counties; Marshal Wade
had also ten thousand men collected at Newcastle-on-Tyne. The Duke of
Cumberland was appointed Commander-in-Chief, and the brave soldiers
who had fought under him at Fontenoy were ready to follow him, in the
highest confidence of making short work with the Highlanders.

Those Highlanders commenced their march into England with no
predilection for the adventure. The warfare of Scotland was familiar
to them; in all ages they had been accustomed to descend from their
mountains and make raids in the Lowlands. But England was to them
an unknown region; they knew little of the dangers or the perils
before them; they knew that in the Whiggish clans of the West they
left powerful enemies behind them. No sooner did they lose sight of
Edinburgh than they began to desert. Charles led his division of the
army across the Tweed at Kelso, and sent on orders to Wooler to
prepare for his reception, thus keeping up the feint of marching
eastward; instead of which, he took his way down Liddesdale, and on the
8th of November crossed the Esk, and encamped that night at a place
called Reddings, on the Cumberland side.

The next day, the other column, which had marched through Moffat,
came up, and the united army advanced towards Carlisle. They were
perceived as they were crossing a moor on the 9th, about two miles
from Carlisle, by the garrison, which began to fire their cannon upon
them, and kept it up actively for some time. On the 10th Charles
sent a letter summoning the garrison to surrender, but the garrison
returned no answer, except by its cannon. They expected that Marshal
Wade would soon march to their relief, whence their courage; and,
indeed, the prince heard that Wade was on the way by Hexham, and,
instead of waiting for him, he went to meet him at Brampton, in the
forest of Inglewood, seven miles from the town; but, finding he had
been deceived, he sent back part of the troops to commence the siege of
Carlisle in form. As the batteries began to rise, the courage of the
commanders in the town began to fail, and they offered to capitulate;
but the prince declined any terms but surrender of both town and
castle, the troops being allowed to retire without their arms on
engaging not to serve against Charles for twelve months. These terms
were accepted on the 15th, and the prince made a triumphant entry on
the 17th.

The town, the castle, the arms, horses, and military stores being
surrendered to the prince, and the militia and invalids having marched
out, a council of war was called to determine future proceedings. Some
proposed to march against Wade and bring him to action, others to
return to Scotland, but Charles still insisted on marching forward.
Lord George Murray was the only one who at all seconded him, and he
did not recommend marching far into England without more encouragement
than there yet appeared; but as the prince was anxious to ascertain
that point, he said he was sure his army, small as it was, would follow
him. Charles expressed his conviction that his friends in Lancashire
waited only for their arrival; and the Marquis D'Eguilles declaring his
expectation of a speedy landing of a French army, under this assurance
the council consented to the advance.

On the 20th of November this memorable march commenced. For the
convenience of quarters, the two divisions of the army were still
maintained, the first led by Lord George Murray, the second by the
prince himself. They left a garrison of two hundred men at Carlisle,
though, on a muster, it was discovered that above a thousand men had
deserted since they left Edinburgh, and that they had now only four
thousand five hundred to attempt the conquest of England with. At
Penrith the whole army halted for a day, hearing that Wade was coming
against them; but finding, on the contrary, that he was gone back,
they pursued their route by Shap, Kendal, and Lancaster, to Preston,
where they arrived on the 27th. On the way, so far from meeting with
any signs of adhesion, the farmers from whom they had taken horses
congregated and pursued them on other horses, dismounted some of their
cavalry, and carried their horses away again. Preston was a place
of ill omen to the Highlanders ever since the defeat of the Duke of
Hamilton in the Civil War there, and the surrender of Mackintosh in
1715. They had a fixed idea that no Scottish army could ever advance
farther. To break this spell, Lord George led his vanguard at once over
the bridge, and quartered them beyond it. The army halted there a day,
and then proceeded to Wigan, which they entered the next day. Till
he reached Preston, however, Charles received no tokens of sympathy.
At Preston, for the first time, he received three hearty cheers, and
a few men joined his standard. On the road from Wigan to Manchester
the expressions of goodwill increased; throngs of people collected
to see him pass, but none would consent to join them. At Manchester
the approach of the army had been heralded by a Scottish sergeant, a
drummer, and a woman, the men in plaids and bonnets exciting great
astonishment, and bringing together thousands of spectators. They
announced the prince for the morrow, and began recruiting for his
service. They offered a bounty of five guineas, to be paid when the
prince came. A considerable number enlisted, receiving a shilling in
token of engagement.

On the 1st of December the army resumed its march. They immediately
found the effect of Cumberland's presence at Lichfield: they had to
ford the Mersey near Stockport, and to carry the baggage and artillery
over a rude wooden bridge, consisting of the trunks of trees thrown
across, at Chorlton. That evening they reached Macclesfield. Lord
George pushed on with his division to Congleton, whence he sent on
Colonel Kerr, who routed a small body of the Duke of Kingston's horse,
and drove them towards Newcastle-under-Lyme. Kerr seized Captain
Weir, well known as one of Cumberland's principal spies, and, by
threatening him with the gallows, drew from him the particulars of the
duke's numbers and position. It appeared that the duke was under the
impression that the prince was directing his march towards Wales to
join his partisans there, and having encouraged this notion by this
advance, and led the duke to proceed as far as Stone, Lord George
suddenly altered his route, and got to Ashbourne, and thence to Derby,
thus throwing the road to London quite open, and being two or three
days' march in advance of the duke. Charles entered Derby the same day,
the 4th of December, and took up his quarters at a house belonging to
the Earl of Exeter, at the bottom of Full Street.

[Illustration: PRINCE CHARLIE'S VANGUARD AT MANCHESTER. (_See p. 100._)]

They were now only one hundred and twenty-seven miles from the capital,
both Wade and Cumberland behind them, and Charles, notwithstanding
the conditions on which they had come on from Macclesfield, still
confidently and enthusiastically dwelt on the onward march to London,
and his certain success. In the morning a council was held, when Lord
George Murray appealed to the prince whether they had received the
least accession of strength, or the smallest sign of encouragement?
Such being the case, what hope was there for them in proceeding? They
had barely five thousand men to contend against three armies, amounting
at least altogether to thirty thousand. If they got to London before
Cumberland, and if they managed to elude the army at Finchley, they
had scarcely numbers to take quiet possession of London. But were
they forced to fight the king and his army under the walls of the
metropolis, they could not do it without loss; and then, supposing Wade
and Cumberland to unite behind them, as they certainly would do, how
could they hope to contend against them? Assistance from France, as
they had pointed out, was hopeless whilst the English had such a force
in the Channel. Charles listened to these arguments with undisguised
impatience, and the probability is that, had his officers been willing
to follow him, and live or die in the enterprise, he would have seized
London, and accomplished one of the most brilliant exploits in history.

It is true that George II. was also a brave and staunch commander,
prepared to die on the spot rather than yield, as he had shown at
Dettingen. But the greater part of his forces at Finchley were raw
levies, and might not have stood better than the troops had done in
Scotland. There was a terror of the Highlanders, even in the army; and
as for London itself, the panic, when it was heard that they had got
between the duke's army and the capital, was, according to Fielding,
who was then in London, incredible. There was a frantic rush upon the
Bank of England, and it is said that it must have closed had it not
gained time by paying in sixpences. The shops were shut, business was
at a stand, the Ministers were in the utmost terror, and the Duke of
Newcastle was said to have shut himself up for a day, pondering whether
he should declare for the Pretender or not. The king himself was by
no means confident of the result. He is said to have sent most of his
precious effects on board a yacht at the Tower quay, ready to put off
at a minute's warning. The day on which the news of the rebels being at
Derby reached London was long renowned as Black Friday. In such a state
of terror, and the army at Finchley inferior in numbers, and infinitely
inferior in bravery, who can doubt that Charles would for a time have
made himself master of the metropolis?

Charles, wrought up to the highest pitch of agony at the prospect of
being compelled to abandon the splendid design of entering London
in triumph, continued to expostulate and entreat the whole day. The
Duke of Perth and some of the Irish officers, moved by his distress,
gave way, and called on the other chiefs to yield; but they remained
immovable, and the prince, seeing the case hopeless, at length gave up
the contest, and, in deep dejection, assented to the retreat. But, as
if he deemed the relinquishment of the march on the metropolis the ruin
of the whole enterprise, he declared that henceforth he would summon no
more councils--being accountable only to God and his father, he would
not again either seek or accept their advice.

The next morning, the 6th of December, the retreat commenced; but
the soldiers and the inferior officers little dreamed that it was a
retreat. They imagined that they were going to fight the Duke of
Cumberland, and marched out in high spirits. The morning was foggy,
and for some time the delusion was kept up; but when the fog cleared
away, and they perceived that they were retracing their former route,
their disappointment and rage became excessive. The retreat was rapidly
continued through Preston, and on to Lancaster, which they reached
on the 13th. On the 18th Oglethorpe and Cumberland, accompanied by
a mob of country squires and mounted farmers, attacked Lord George
Murray's rear near Penrith; but the countrymen were speedily put to
flight by a charge of the Glengarry clan, and Oglethorpe fell back to
the main body. They came up again, however, in the evening near the
village of Clifton, and Lord George perceived, by the fitful light of
the moon, the enemy forming behind the stone walls, and lining every
hedge, orchard, and outhouse. Just as the royal troops commenced their
charge they were stopped by a cross-fire of the concealed Highlanders,
and, whilst affected by this surprise, Lord George cried, "Claymore!
claymore!" and rushing down upon them with the Macphersons of Cluny,
attacked them sword in hand. Being supported by the Stuarts of Appin,
they compelled the English to retreat.

Nevertheless, the whole army was dead beat and in the most deplorable
condition when they entered Carlisle on the morning of the 19th. As the
enemy did not appear, they rested that day and the following night,
when they set forward again, leaving a fresh garrison. Cumberland was
soon up before the walls, and they fired vigorously at him; but he sent
off to Whitehaven and brought up six eighteen-pounders, with which, to
their dismay, he began to play on their crumbling walls on the 29th.
Next morning they hung out a white flag, and offered to capitulate;
but Cumberland would hear of no terms except their surrendering on
condition that they should not be put to the sword. At three o'clock in
the afternoon both town and castle were surrendered, the garrison being
shut up in the cathedral, and a guard set upon them. On the 3rd of
January the Duke of Cumberland left the command to General Hawley, and
hastened back to London, being summoned to defend the southern coast
from a menaced landing of the French.

Meanwhile, the Highland army was continuing its retreat. On the 20th
of December they left Carlisle, and crossed into Scotland by fording
the Esk. On the 26th Lord George entered Glasgow, and Charles, with
the other division, on the 27th. At Glasgow the prince and the army
lay for seven days to rest, and to levy contributions of all kinds of
articles of apparel for the soldiers. On the 3rd of January, 1746, the
same day that Cumberland left Carlisle for London, Charles marched his
army out of Glasgow, new clad and new shod, for Stirling. The next day
he took up his quarters at the house of Bannockburn, and distributed
his men through the neighbouring villages, Lord George Murray occupying
Falkirk. Lords Strathallan and Drummond soon arrived from Perth with
their united force, attended by both battering-guns and engines from
France.

With this force, tempted by the battering train, Charles committed the
error of wasting his strength on a siege of Stirling Castle, instead of
preparing to annihilate the English troops, which were in rapid advance
upon him.

The Duke of Cumberland, being called southward, had got General Hawley
appointed to the command of the army sent after the Young Pretender.
Wade was become too old and dilatory, but Hawley was much fitter for
a hangman than a general. Horace Walpole says he was called "the
Lord Chief Justice," because, like Jeffreys, he had a passion for
executions; that when the surgeons solicited the body of a deserter,
which was dangling before Hawley's windows, for dissection, he would
only consent on condition that he had the skeleton to ornament the
guard room. Hearing of his approach, Charles drew in his forces from
Falkirk under Lord George, left a few hundred men to blockade Stirling,
and concentrated his army on the renowned field of Bannockburn. On
the 16th of January Charles, expecting Hawley, drew up his forces,
but no enemy appeared. The next day, still perceiving no Hawley, he
advanced to Pleanmuir, two miles east of Bannockburn, and on the way
to Torwood. No enemy yet appearing, the prince determined to advance
and find him out. Hawley was so confident of dispersing the Highland
rabble at any moment that he chose, that he had neglected every
military precaution, had fixed no outposts, and was away at Callander
House, at some distance from the field, comfortably taking luncheon
with Lady Kilmarnock, whose husband was in the rebel army, and who
was exerting all her powers of pleasing to detain the foolish general
as long as possible. At length, when the rebels had come up so near
that there was only Falkirk Moor between the armies, Hawley, roused
by fresh messengers, came galloping up without his hat, and in the
utmost confusion. In the middle of this rugged and uneven moor, covered
with heath, rose a considerable ridge, and it appeared to be a race
between the two enemies which should gain the advantage of the summit.
On the one side galloped the English cavalry, on the other sped the
Highlanders, straining for this important height; but the fleet-footed
Gael won the ground from the English horse, and Hawley's horse halted
a little below them. Neither of the armies had any artillery, for
the Highlanders had left theirs behind in their rapid advance, and
Hawley's had stuck fast in the bog. So far they were equal; but the
prince, by taking a side route, had thrown the wind in the teeth of
the English, and a storm of rain began with confounding violence to
beat in their faces. The English cavalry remained, as it had galloped
up, in front, commanded, since the death of Gardiner, by Colonel
Ligonier, and the infantry formed, like the Highlanders, in two lines,
the right commanded by General Huske, and the left by Hawley. Behind,
as a reserve, stood the Glasgow regiment and the Argyll militia. The
order being given, the cavalry under Ligonier charged the Macdonalds,
who coolly waited till the English horse was within ten yards of
them, when they poured such a murderous volley into them as dropped
a frightful number from their saddles, and threw the whole line into
confusion. The Frasers immediately poured an equally galling cross-fire
into the startled line, and the two dragoon regiments which had fled
at Coltbridge and Prestonpans waited no longer, but wheeling round,
galloped from the field at their best speed. The Macdonalds, seeing
the effect of their fire, in spite of Lord George Murray's endeavours
to keep them in order, rushed forward, loading their pieces as they
ran, and fell upon Hawley's two columns of infantry. Having discharged
their pieces, they ran in upon the English with their targets and
broadswords. The left soon gave way, and Hawley, who had got involved
in the crowd of flying horse, had been swept with them down the
hill, and thus had no means of keeping them to their colours. On the
right of the royal army, however, the infantry stood firm, and as
the Highlanders could not cross the ravine to come to close quarters
with sword and target, they inflicted severe slaughter upon them; and
Cobham's cavalry rallying, soon came to their aid and protected their
flank, and increased the effect on the Highlanders, many of whom began
to run, imagining that the day was lost. Charles, from his elevated
position observing this extraordinary state of things, advanced at the
head of his second line, and checked the advance of the English right,
and, after some sharp fighting, compelled them to a retreat. But in
this case it was only a retreat, not a flight. These regiments retired,
with drums beating and colours flying, in perfect order. A pursuit of
cavalry might still have been made, but the retreat of the English was
so prompt, that the Highlanders suspected a stratagem; and it was only
when their scouts brought them word that they had evacuated Falkirk
that they understood their full success (January 18, 1746).

The battle of Falkirk, which in itself appeared so brilliant an affair
for Prince Charles, was really one of his most serious disasters.
The Highlanders, according to their regular custom when loaded with
plunder, went off in great numbers to their homes with their booty.
His chief officers became furious against each other in discussing
their respective merits in the battle. Lord George Murray, who had
himself behaved most bravely in the field, complained that Lord John
Drummond had not exerted himself, or pursuit might have been made and
the royal army been utterly annihilated. This spirit of discontent
was greatly aggravated by the siege of the castle of Stirling. Old
General Blakeney, who commanded the garrison, declared he would hold
out to the last man, in spite of the terrible threats of Lord George
Murray if he did not surrender. The Highlanders grew disgusted with
work so contrary to their habits; and, indeed, the French engineer,
the so-called Marquis de Mirabelle, was so utterly ignorant of his
profession, that the batteries which he constructed were commanded by
the castle, and the men were so much exposed that they were in danger
of being destroyed before they took the fortress. Accordingly, on the
24th of January they struck to a man, and refused to go any more into
the trenches.

This was followed by a memorial, signed by most of the chief officers,
including Lord George Murray, Lochiel, Keppoch, Clanranald, and Simon
Fraser, Master of Lovat. This was sent by Lord George to Charles, and
represented that so many men were gone home, and more still going,
in spite of all the endeavours of their chiefs, that if the siege
were continued they saw nothing but absolute destruction to the whole
army. The prince sent Sir Thomas Sheridan to remonstrate with the
chiefs, but they would not give way, and Charles, it is said, sullenly
acquiesced in the retreat.

It was time, if they were to avoid a battle. Cumberland was already on
the march from Edinburgh. He quitted Holyrood on the 31st of January,
and the insurgents only commenced their retreat the next morning, the
1st of February, after spiking their guns. With this force the prince
continued his march towards Inverness, a fleet accompanying him along
the coast with supplies and ammunition. On nearing Inverness, he found
it rudely fortified by a ditch and palisade, and held by Lord Loudon
with two thousand men. Charles took up his residence at Moray Castle,
the seat of the chief of the Macintoshes. The chief was in the king's
army with Lord Loudon, but Lady Macintosh espoused the cause of the
prince zealously, raised the clan, and led them out as their commander,
riding at their head with a man's bonnet on her head, and pistols at
her saddle-bow. Charles, the next morning, the 17th of February, called
together his men, and on the 18th marched on Inverness. Lord Loudon
did not wait for his arrival, but got across the Moray Firth with his
soldiers, and accompanied by the Lord-President Forbes, into Cromarty.
He was hotly pursued by the Earl of Cromarty and several Highland
regiments, and was compelled to retreat into Sutherland. Charles
entered Inverness, and began to attack the British forts. Fort George
surrendered in a few days, and in it they obtained sixteen pieces of
cannon and a considerable stock of ammunition and provisions.

But, notwithstanding these partial advantages, and though the duke and
his army were enduring all the severities of a Highland winter, exposed
to the cutting east winds on that inclement coast, and compelled to
keep quarters for some time, Cumberland was steadily seizing every
opportunity to enclose the Highlanders in his toils. His ships cut
off all supplies coming by sea. They captured two vessels sent from
France to their aid, on board of one of which they took the brother of
the Duke of Berwick. The _Hazard_, a sloop which the Highlanders had
seized and sent several times to France, was now pursued by an English
cruiser, and driven ashore on the coast of Sutherland: on board her
were a hundred and fifty men and officers, and ten thousand pounds in
gold, which the clan Mackay, headed by Lord Reay, got possession of.
This last blow, in addition to other vessels sent out to succour him
being compelled to return to France, reduced Charles to the utmost
extremities. He had only five hundred louis-d'ors left in his chest,
and he was obliged to pay his troops in meal, to their great suffering
and discontent. Cumberland was, in fact, already conquering them
by reducing them to mere feeble skeletons of men. The dry winds of
March rendered the rivers fordable, and, as soon as it grew milder,
he availed himself of this to coop the unhappy Highlanders up still
more narrowly in their barren wilds, and stop all the passes into
the Lowlands, by which they might obtain provisions. He himself lay
at Aberdeen with strong outposts in all directions; Mordaunt at Old
Meldrum, and Bland at Strathbogie. As soon as he received an abundance
of provisions by a fleet of transports, along with Bligh's regiment,
hearing that the Spey was fordable, on the 7th of April he issued
orders to march, and the next day set forward himself from Aberdeen
with Lord Kerr's dragoons and six regiments of foot, having the fleet
still following along the shore with a gentle and fair wind. On
reaching the Spey Lord John Drummond disputed their passage, having
raised a battery to sweep the ford, and ranged his best marksmen along
the shore. But the heavier artillery of the duke soon drove Lord John
from the ground; he set fire to his barracks and huts, and left the
ford open to the enemy, who soon got across. On Sunday, the 13th of
April, the English advanced to Alves, and on the 14th reached Nairn.
As the van, consisting of the Argyllshire men, some companies of
Grenadiers, and Kingston's Light Horse, entered Nairn, the rear of Lord
John Drummond had not quitted it, and there was skirmishing at the
bridge. The Highlanders still retreated to a place called the Lochs of
the Clans, about five miles beyond Nairn, where the prince came up with
reinforcements, and, turning the flight, pursued the English back again
to the main body of their army, which was encamped on the plain to the
west of Nairn.

[Illustration: CULLODEN HOUSE. (_From a Photograph by G. W. Wilson and
Co., Aberdeen._)]

That night Charles and his chief officers lay at Culloden House, the
seat of the able and patriotic Lord-President, Duncan Forbes; but the
troops were obliged to lie on the moor amid the heather, which served
them both for beds and fuel, the cold being very severe. They were up
early in the morning, and formed in order of battle on Drummossie
Muir, the part of the heath of Culloden near to Culloden House. No
enemy, however, appeared, and there the poor hungry men lay for most
of the day with no other food than a biscuit per man. A council of war
being called, Lochiel stated this fact as a plea for delay; Lord John
Drummond, the Duke of Perth, and others, were of the same opinion; but
Lord George Murray declared for making a night march, and surprising
the duke's army whilst it would lie, as they supposed, asleep in a
drunken debauch. Charles, who had the same idea, but had not yet
broached it, embraced Lord George with ardour, declaring it of all
things his own wish. The idea was adopted, yet the slightest military
wisdom would have shown them the futility of the scheme. The men were
in a general state, not only of famine, but of discontent, from the
non-payment of their arrears. The night was dark, and the men soon
began to stumble through bog and mire, making their march heavy, and
causing them to curse and swear. It was soon found that they were so
feeble and incapable of walking, even, to say nothing of fighting after
a fourteen or fifteen miles' march, on empty stomachs, that it was
impossible to make the rear keep up with the van. They had calculated
on being at Nairn at two o'clock, but it was that hour before they had
all passed Kilravock House, only four miles from the English camp. It
was clear that it would be daylight long before they reached Nairn, and
they could only get there to be slaughtered in helplessness, for they
would be too tired either to fight or run away. It was therefore agreed
to return.

The retreat was made, and the men found themselves again in the morning
on the bleak, black heath of Drummossie, hungry and worn out, yet
in expectation of a battle. There was yet time to do the only wise
thing--retreat into the mountains, and depend upon a guerilla warfare,
in which they would have the decided advantage. Lord George Murray now
earnestly proposed this, but in vain. Sir Thomas Sheridan and other
officers from France grew outrageous at that proposal, contending that
they could easily beat the English, as they had done at Prestonpans and
Falkirk--forgetting that the Highlanders then were full of vigour and
spirit. Unfortunately, Charles listened to this foolish reasoning, and
the fatal die was cast.

The English army was now in full march against them. About eight
o'clock in the morning of April 16 a man who had been left asleep in
the wood of Kilravock hastened to Culloden House, where Charles and
his chief officers were resting, to announce that Cumberland's troops
were coming. There was then a hurried running and riding to get the
army drawn up to receive them. Cumberland came on with his army,
divided into three columns of five battalions each. The artillery and
baggage followed the second column along the sea-coast on the right;
the cavalry covered the left wing, which stretched towards the hills.
The men were all in the highest spirits, and even the regiments of
horse, which had hitherto behaved so ill, seemed as though they meant
to retrieve their characters to-day. The Highlanders were drawn up
about half a mile from the part of the moor where they stood the day
before, forming a sad contrast to Cumberland's troops, looking thin,
and dreadfully fatigued. In placing them, also, a fatal mistake was
made. They were drawn up in two lines, with a body of reserve; but the
Clan Macdonald, which had always been accustomed to take their stand
on the right since Robert Bruce placed them there in the battle of
Bannockburn, were disgusted to find themselves now occupying the left.
Instead of the Macdonalds now stood the Athol Brigade. As the battle
began, a snow-storm began to blow in the faces of the Highlanders,
which greatly confounded them.

Their cannon was both inferior and worse served than that of the
English; and when, at one o'clock, the duke began to play on their
ranks with his artillery, he made dreadful havoc amongst them. Several
times the Highlanders endeavoured to make one of their impetuous
rushes, running forward with loud cries, brandishing their swords
and firing their pistols; but the steady fire of the English cannon
mowed them down and beat them off. Seeing, however, a more determined
appearance of a rush, Colonel Belford began to charge with grape
shot. This repelled them for a time; but at length, after an hour's
cannonade, the Macintoshes succeeded in reaching the first line of
the English. Firing their muskets, and then flinging them down, they
burst, sword in hand, on Burrel's regiment, and cut their way through
it. The second line, however, consisting of Sempill's regiment,
received them with a murderous fire. Cumberland had ordered the first
rank to kneel down, the second to lean forward, and the third to fire
over their heads. By this means, such a terrible triple volley was
given them as destroyed them almost _en masse_. Those left alive,
however, with all their ancient fury, continued to hew at Sempill's
regiment; but Cumberland had ordered his men not to charge with their
bayonets straight before them, but each to thrust at the man fronting
his right-hand man. By this means his adversary's target covered him
where he was open to the left, and his adversary's right was open to
him. This new manœuvre greatly surprised the Highlanders, and made
fearful havoc of them. From four to five hundred of them fell between
the two lines of the English army. Whilst the Macintoshes were thus
immolating themselves on the English bayonets, the Macdonalds on their
left stood in sullen inaction, thus abandoning their duty and their
unfortunate countrymen from resentment at their post of honour on the
right having been denied them. At length, ashamed of their own conduct,
they discharged their muskets, and drew their broadswords for a rush;
but the Macintoshes were now flying, and the grape-shot and musket-shot
came so thickly in their faces, that they, too, turned and gave way.
Whilst Charles stood, watching the rout of his army to the right, he
called frantically to those who fled wildly by to stand and renew the
fight. At this moment Lord Elcho spurred up to him, and urged him to
put himself at the head of the yet unbroken left, and make a desperate
charge to retrieve the fortune of the day; but the officers around
him declared that such a charge was hopeless, and could only lead the
men to certain slaughter, and prevent the chance of collecting the
scattered troops for a future effort. Though he did not attempt to
resist the victorious enemy, which was now hopeless, he seems to have
lingered, as if confounded, on the spot, till O'Sullivan and Sheridan,
each seizing a rein of his bridle, forced him from the field.

[Illustration: AFTER CULLODEN: REBEL HUNTING.

AFTER THE PAINTING BY SEYMOUR LUCAS, R.A., IN THE NATIONAL GALLERY OF
BRITISH ART]

Charles, accompanied by O'Sullivan, Sheridan, and other gentlemen, rode
away to a seat of Lord Lovat's. The wild gallop of horsemen startled
that wily old fox in his lair; and when he heard the news the Master
began to tremble for his own safety. There are different accounts of
his reception of the fugitive prince. One says that he was so occupied
with thinking of making his own escape, that he hardly showed common
courtesy to the prince and his companions, and that they parted in
mutual displeasure. Another states that Lovat urged the same advice
as Lord George Murray had done, still to get up into the mountains,
and make a bold face, by which time might be gained for fresh
reinforcements, or at least for making some terms for the unhappy
people. But it is clear that Charles had now lost all spirit, if he
had ever retained much after he had been forced to retreat from Derby.
He and his party rode away again at ten o'clock at night, and reached
Invergarry, the castle of Glengarry, about two hours before daybreak.
Lord George still entertained the idea of keeping together a large
body of Highlanders. He had already with him one thousand two hundred.
Charles had stolen away from Invergarry to Arkaig, in Lochaber, and
thence to Glenboisdale, where the messengers of Lord George found him,
accompanied only by O'Sullivan, O'Neil, and Burke, his servant, who
knew the country and acted as guide. All the rest of his train had
shifted for themselves. Lord George entreated the prince not to quit
the country, but to continue to gather a force in the mountains, and
thus resist and harass their enemies till they received reinforcements;
but Charles sent him word that the only chance was for himself to
hasten over to France, and use all his interest to bring over an
efficient force. He therefore sent Lord George a written plan of his
intentions, which was not, however, to be opened till he had sailed;
and he desired Lord George to request the different chiefs and their
men to seek their own safety as best they might. That act terminated
the Rebellion.

Cumberland was now hunting down the fugitives on all sides. He posted
himself at Fort Augustus, which the insurgents had blown up before
leaving it, and from that centre he sent out his myrmidons in every
direction to hunt out the Highlanders, and shoot them down on the spot
or bring them in for execution. Everywhere the unhappy clans were
pursued by their hereditary enemies, the Whig clans, especially by the
men of Argyllshire, and massacred with the most atrocious cruelty. They
stripped their houses and then burned them down, drove away the cattle,
and tracking the miserable families into dens and caves, smothered
them with burning heather, or thus forced them to rush out upon their
bayonets. In all these diabolical proceedings, the Duke of Cumberland
and the brutal General Hawley were foremost. "After all," Cumberland
(whose wicked work earned him the name of "The Butcher") wrote to the
Duke of Newcastle from Fort Augustus, "I am sorry to leave this country
in the condition it is in, for all the good that we have done has been
_a little blood-letting, which has only weakened the madness, but not
at all cured it_; and I tremble for fear that this vile spot may still
be the ruin of this island and our family."

[Illustration: THE STANDARD OF PRINCE CHARLIE'S BODYGUARD, TAKEN AT
CULLODEN. (_In the possession of Sir Archibald Lamb at Beauport,
Sussex._)]

The Young Pretender, during this time, had been making a hard run for
his life, beset and hunted on all sides for the thirty thousand pounds
set upon his head. During the whole five months of his adventurous
wanderings and hidings, nothing could induce a single Highlander to
betray him, notwithstanding the temptation of the thirty thousand
pounds. The most familiar story is his escape from South Uist, where he
had been tracked and surrounded. At this moment Miss Flora Macdonald, a
near relative of Macdonald of Clanranald, with whom she was on a visit,
stepped forward to rescue him. She procured a pass from Hugh Macdonald,
her stepfather, who commanded part of the troops now searching the
island, for herself, her maid, Betty Burke, and her servant, Neil Mac
Eachan. She, moreover, induced Captain Macdonald to recommend the
maid, Betty Burke--which Betty Burke was to be Charles in disguise--to
his wife in Skye as very clever at spinning. At the moment that all
was ready, General Campbell, as if suspecting something, came with a
company of soldiers, and examined Clanranald's house. The prince, in
his female attire, however, was concealed in a farm-house, and the next
morning he and his deliverer embarked in a boat with six rowers and the
servant Neil. In passing the point of Vaternish, in Skye, they ran a
near chance of being all killed, for the militia rushed out and fired
upon them. Luckily the tide was out, so that they were at a tolerable
distance, were neither hurt, nor could be very quickly pursued. The
boatmen pulled stoutly, and landed them safely at Mougstot, the seat
of Sir Alexander Macdonald. Sir Alexander was on the mainland in
Cumberland's army; but the young heroine had the address to induce his
wife, Lady Margaret Macdonald, to receive him; and as the house was
full of soldiers, she sent him to her factor and kinsman, Macdonald of
Kingsburgh, in the interior of the island, who brought him to a place
of safety. At last, on the 20th of September, he got on board the
French vessel. Lochiel and Cluny, and about a hundred other refugees,
sailed with him, and they landed at the little port of Roscoff, near
Morlaix, in Finistère, on the 29th of September, whence Charles
hastened to Paris, was received in a very friendly manner by Louis XV.,
and by the Parisians, when he appeared at the opera, with rapturous
acclamations.

Charles was, both in Scotland--on which his wild adventure had
inflicted such miseries--and in France, a hero of romance; but his
captured adherents had far other scenes to face than the lights and
luxurious music of the opera. The prisons were crammed to such a degree
with the unfortunate Gaels, that Government was compelled to stow
numbers away on board of men-of-war and transports, till fever broke
out and swept them off by hundreds, sparing the labours of judges,
juries, and hangmen. In Carlisle prison alone four hundred Scots were
jammed in a space not properly sufficient for forty! The poor prisoners
had been brought out of Scotland in open defiance of the Act of Union
and of the recognised rights of the Scottish courts; and now they were
called on to cast lots for one in twenty to take their trials, with a
certainty of being hanged, and the rest shipped off to the Plantations
in America without any trial at all.

[Illustration: THE END OF THE '45. (_After the Painting by John Pettie,
R.A., by permission of the late Captain Hill._)]

Amongst the most distinguished persons captured were Lords Kilmarnock,
Cromarty, Balmerino, Mordington, and Lovat. Cromarty, Balmerino, and
Kilmarnock were brought to trial before the peers in Westminster Hall
on the 28th of July. "Cromarty," says Horace Walpole, "was a timid man,
and shed tears; and Kilmarnock, though behaving with more dignity,
pleaded guilty, both expressing remorse for their past conduct, and
their fervent good wishes for the person and government of the king."
But old Balmerino, the hero of the party, pleaded not guilty, and
took exceptions to the indictment. "He is," writes Walpole, "the most
natural, brave old fellow I ever saw; the highest intrepidity, even
to indifference." All these noblemen were pronounced guilty. Cromarty
pleaded piteously the condition of his wife and family: that he left
his wife _enceinte_, and eight innocent children to suffer for his
fault. His wife's entreaties and the interest of the Prince of Wales
saved him; Kilmarnock and Balmerino were beheaded.

Lord Lovat was the last who was brought to the block for this
rebellion, and we will conclude our account of it with his trial and
execution, though they did not take place till March, 1747. Lovat had
not appeared in arms, nor committed any overt act, and therefore it was
difficult to convict him. The cunning old sycophant hoped to elude
the law, as he had done so often before, but Murray of Broughton, the
brother of Murray, afterwards Lord Mansfield, to save his own life,
turned king's evidence, and won eternal infamy by sacrificing his
own friends. He not only produced letters and other documents which
amply proved the guilt of Lovat, but threw broad daylight on the whole
plan and progress of the insurrection from 1740 onwards. The conduct
of Lovat on his trial was as extraordinary as his life had been. He
alternately endeavoured to excite compassion, especially that of
Cumberland--who attended this, though he avoided the trials of the
other insurgents--by representing how he had carried his Royal Highness
in his arms about Kensington and Hampton Court Parks as a child, and
then by the most amusing jests, laughter, execrations, and tricks, to
puzzle or confuse the witnesses.

As he left the hall he turned and said, "Farewell, my lords; we shall
never meet again in the same place." And with this tragi-comedy
closed the strange, romantic, and melancholy rebellion of 1745 and
1746, for in a few weeks an act of indemnity was passed, disfigured,
however, with eighty omissions. It was followed by other measures for
subduing the spirit of the vanquished Highlanders--the disarming act,
the abolition of heritable jurisdiction, and the prohibition of the
Highland costume.

Whilst the rebellion was raging in Scotland there had been an attempt
to change the ministry, and to place at the helm Lord Granville. That
nobleman had so engrossed the favour of the king, that Pelham and
his brother, Newcastle, found their measures greatly obstructed by
Granville's influence, and suspected that they would soon be called
on to give place to him. They determined, therefore, to bring matters
to a crisis, confident that Granville would never be able to secure a
majority in either House against them. To furnish a reason for their
tendering their resignation, they demanded the place which they had
promised to Pitt.

Under the influence of Granville and of Lord Bath, the king refused
to admit Pitt, and they determined to resign, but got Lord Harrington
to take the first step. He tendered the resignation of the Seals on
the 10th of February, 1746, and the king accepted them, but never
forgave Harrington. The same day Newcastle and Pelham tendered theirs,
and their example was followed by others of their colleagues. The
king immediately sent the Seals to Granville, desiring him and Bath
to construct a new administration. They found the thing, however,
by no means so easy. It was in vain that they made overtures to men
of distinction to join them. Sir John Barnard declined the post
of Chancellor of the Exchequer; Chief Justice Willes that of Lord
Chancellor. After forty-eight hours of abortive endeavours, Lord Bath
announced to the king that they were unable to form a Cabinet. It
was with extreme chagrin that George was compelled to reinstate the
Pelhams. He expressed the most profound mortification that he should
have a man like Newcastle thus forced upon him--a man, he said, not
fit to be a petty chamberlain to a petty prince of Germany. What
made it the more galling, the Pelhams would not take back the Seals
without authority to name their own terms, and one of them was, that
such of the adherents of Bath and Granville as had been retained
in the Ministry should be dismissed. The Marquis of Tweeddale was,
accordingly, one of these, and his office of Secretary of State for
Scotland was abolished. Pitt was introduced to the Cabinet, not as
Secretary at War, as he had demanded, but as Vice-Treasurer of Ireland,
and subsequently, on the death of Winnington, as Paymaster of the
Forces. By this event the Opposition was still further weakened, and
the Pelhams for some time seemed to carry everything as they wished,
almost without a single ruffle of opposition.



CHAPTER V.

REIGN OF GEORGE II.--(_concluded_).

    Progress of the War on the Continent--Lethargic Condition of
    Politics--Battle of Laufeldt--Capture of Bergen-op-Zoom--Disasters
    of the French on the Sea and in Italy--Negotiations for
    Peace--Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle--Conditions of Peace--Peace
    at Home--Commercial Treaty with Spain--Death of the Prince
    of Wales--Popular feeling against the Bill for Naturalising
    the Jews--Lord Hardwicke's Marriage Act--Foundation
    of the British Museum--Death of Pelham--Newcastle's
    Difficulties--Failure of Robinson--Approaching Danger from
    America--A State of Undeclared War--The Battles of Boscawen
    and Braddock--George's Anxiety for Hanover--Subsidiary
    Treaties against Prussia--Pitt's Opposition--Debate in the
    House of Commons--Danger of England--French Expedition against
    Minorca--The Failure of Byng--Newcastle resigns--Attempts
    to Form a Ministry--Devonshire Succeeds--Weakness of
    the Ministry--Coalition against Prussia--Alliance with
    England--Commencement of the Seven Years' War--Frederick
    Conquers Saxony--Gloominess of Affairs--Court-Martial on Byng,
    and his Death--Dismissal of Pitt--The Pitt and Newcastle
    Coalition--Failure of the attack on Rochefort and of that on
    Louisburg--Convention of Closter-Seven--Frederick's Campaign;
    Kolin, Rosbach, and Lissa--Successes elsewhere--Wolfe and
    Clive--Battle of Plassey--Capture of Louisburg--Ticonderoga
    and Fort Duquesne--Attacks on St. Malo and Cherbourg--Victory
    of Crefeld--Frederick's Campaign--Commencement of 1759;
    Blockade of the French Coast--Pitt's Plans for the Conquest
    of Canada--Amherst's and Prideaux's Columns--Wolfe before
    Quebec--Position of the City--Wolfe fails to draw Montcalm from his
    Position--Apparent Hopelessness of the Expedition--Wolfe Scales
    the Heights of Abraham--The Battle--Successes in India--Battle
    of Quiberon--Frederick's Fortunes--Campaign of Ferdinand of
    Brunswick--Battle of Minden--Glorious Termination of the
    Year--French Descent on Carrickfergus--Attempt of the French to
    Recover Quebec--Their Expulsion from North America--Frederick's
    Fourth Campaign--Successes of Ferdinand of Brunswick--Death of
    George II.


The Scottish rebellion had been an auspicious circumstance for the arms
of France. Marshal Saxe had taken the field, to the surprise of the
Allies, in the very middle of winter, invested Brussels, and compelled
it to surrender on the 20th of February, 1746. One town fell after
another; Mons, Antwerp, Charleroi, and finally, Namur capitulated
on the 19th of September, after a siege of only six days. As soon
as Cumberland could leave Scotland after the battle of Culloden, he
returned to London, in the hope that he should be appointed, covered,
as he was, with his bloody laurels, to the supreme command of the
Allied forces in Flanders, where he flattered himself he could arrest
the progress of the French. But that command had been conferred on
Prince Charles of Lorraine, the Emperor's brother, much to the disgust
of both Cumberland and the king. On the 11th of October the Prince of
Lorraine engaged the French at Raucoux, on the Jaar, and was signally
defeated; the English cavalry, under General Ligonier, managing to
save his army from total destruction, but not being able to stem the
overthrow. At the close of the campaign the French remained almost
entire masters of the Austrian Netherlands.

In Italy, on the contrary, France sustained severe losses. The
Austrians, liberated from their Prussian foe by the peace of Dresden,
threw strong forces into Italy, and soon made themselves masters of
Milan, Guastalla, Parma, and Piacenza. On the 17th of June they gave
the united French and Spaniards a heavy defeat near the last-named
city, entered Genoa in September, and made preparations to pursue them
into Provence.

Philip V. of Spain died on the 9th of July, and his son and successor,
Ferdinand VI., showed himself far less anxious for the establishment
of Don Philip in Italy--a circumstance unfavourable to France. On
the contrary, he entered into separate negotiations with England.
A Congress was opened at Breda, but the backwardness of Prussia to
support the views of England, and the successes of the French in the
Netherlands, caused the Congress to prove abortive.

The year 1747 was opened by measures of restriction. The House of
Lords, offended at the publication of the proceedings of the trial
of Lord Lovat, summoned the parties to their bar, committed them to
prison, and refused to liberate them till they had pledged themselves
not to repeat the offence, and had paid very heavy fees. The
consequence of this was that the transactions of the Peers were almost
entirely suppressed for nearly thirty years from this time, and we draw
our knowledge of them chiefly from notes taken by Horace Walpole and
Lord Chancellor Hardwicke. What is still more remarkable, the reports
of the House of Commons, being taken by stealth, and on the merest
sufferance, are of the most meagre kind, sometimes altogether wanting,
and the speeches are given uniformly under fictitious names; for to
have attributed to Pitt or Pelham their speeches by name would have
brought down on the printers the summary vengeance of the House. Many
of the members complained bitterly of this breach of the privileges of
Parliament, and of "being put into print by low fellows"; but Pelham
had the sense to tolerate them, saying, "Let them alone; they make
better speeches for us than we can make for ourselves." Altogether,
the House of Commons exhibited the most deplorable aspect that can
be conceived. The Ministry had pursued Walpole's system of buying up
opponents by place, or pension, or secret service money, till there
was no life left in the House. Ministers passed their measures without
troubling themselves to say much in their behalf; and the opposition
dwindled to Sir John Hinde Cotton, now dismissed from office, and
a feeble remnant of Jacobites raised but miserable resistance. In
vain the Prince of Wales and the secret instigations of Bolingbroke
and Doddington stimulated the spirit of discontent; both Houses
had degenerated into most silent and insignificant arenas of very
commonplace business.

The campaign in Flanders commenced with the highest expectation on the
part of England. Cumberland had now obtained the great object of his
ambition--the command of the Allied army; and the conqueror of Culloden
was confidently expected to show himself the conqueror of Marshal Saxe
and of France. But Cumberland, who was no match for Marshal Saxe, found
the Dutch and Austrians, as usual, vastly deficient in their stipulated
quotas. The French, hoping to intimidate the sluggish and wavering
Dutch, threatened to send twenty thousand men into Dutch Flanders,
if the States did not choose to negotiate for a separate peace. The
menace, however, had the effect of rousing Holland to some degree
of action. When the vanguard of Saxe's army, under Count Löwendahl,
burst into Dutch Flanders, and reduced the frontier forts of Sluys,
Sas-van-Ghent, and Hulst, the Dutch rose against their dastardly
governors, and once more placed a prince of the House of Nassau in the
Stadtholdership. William of Nassau, who had married Anne, daughter
of George II. of England, was, unfortunately, not only nominated
Stadtholder, but Captain-General and Lord High Admiral; and, being
equally desirous of martial glory with his brother-in-law, the Duke of
Cumberland, he headed the Dutch army, and immediately began to contend
with Cumberland for dictation as to the movements of the army. In these
disastrous circumstances, the Allies came to blows with the French at
the village of Laufeldt, before Maestricht. The Dutch in the centre
gave way and fled; the Austrians on the right, under Marshal Batthyani,
would not advance out of their fortified position; the brunt of the
whole onset, therefore, fell upon the English. Cumberland found himself
engaged with the whole French army, directed by the masterly mind of
Saxe, and animated by the presence of Louis himself. The dispositions
of Cumberland were bad, but the bravery of the British troops was never
more remarkable. Though it was impossible for them to prevail against
such overwhelming numbers, they did not retreat before they had,
according to Saxe's own acknowledgment, killed or wounded nine thousand
of the French.

Saxe followed up his advantage by despatching Löwendahl against
Bergen-op-Zoom, the key of Holland, and the masterpiece of the
celebrated engineer, Cohorn. This was not only amazingly strong in its
fortifications, but had a powerful garrison, and was covered by an
entrenched camp of twelve thousand men. The trenches were opened in the
middle of July, and might have defied all the efforts of the French,
had not Baron Cronstrom, the commander, a man of eighty, suffered them
to take it by surprise on the 15th of September. The French had led
a vast number of men before this place, and its surrender ended the
campaign.

Most unexpectedly, however, the French were as desirous of peace as
the Allies ought to have been. At sea and in Italy they had not been
so successful as in Flanders. Admiral Anson had defeated them off Cape
Finisterre, and taken six ships of the line, several frigates, and a
great part of a numerous convoy; Admiral Hawke, off Belleisle, had
taken six other ships of the line; and Commodore Fox took forty French
merchantmen, richly laden, on their way from the West Indies. In fact,
in all quarters of the world our fleet had the advantage, and had made
such havoc with the French commerce as reduced the mercantile community
to great distress.

In Italy the French had been as unfortunate as they had been fortunate
in Flanders. In November of 1746 the Austrians and Sardinians, assisted
by a British fleet, had entered Provence and bombarded Antibes. They
were recalled, however, by the news that the Genoese had revolted, and
thrown off the Austrian yoke. In their retreat they were harassed by
Marshal de Belleisle, laid siege to Genoa in vain, and began to quarrel
amongst themselves. The French, to complete their own discomfiture,
marched another army into Italy under the brother of Belleisle; but
they were stopped in the Pass of Exilles, and defeated, with the loss
of four thousand men and of their commander, the Chevalier de Belleisle.

[Illustration: FLORA MACDONALD. (_After the Portrait by J. Markluin_,
1747.)]

There was grave discontent and suffering in France, and Marshal Saxe,
through General Ligonier, made proposals for peace. The news of these
overtures gave great delight in England, but the king and Cumberland
were bent on continuing the war. Pelham and Chesterfield advocated
acceptance of the terms, but Newcastle sided with the king, to gain
favour with him. As the terms, however, could not with decency be
bluntly rejected, Cumberland solicited and obtained the post of
negotiator in the matter for England; but the Ministers, desirous of
peace, foreseeing that the wishes or the hasty temper of Cumberland
would soon ruin every chance of accomplishing a treaty, the Earl of
Sandwich was sent over to act as assistant to the duke; this meant
that he was to overrule, if possible, the mischief Cumberland would be
sure to make. Sandwich accordingly hastened over to Holland, and had a
secret interview with the Marquis de Puisieulx, the French Minister for
Foreign Affairs, and, after much dodging on the part of the marquis, he
managed to have the discussion removed from military negotiators to a
congress at Aix-la-Chapelle.

The congress had opened at Aix-la-Chapelle early in the spring, but it
did not begin its sittings till the 11th of March, 1748, Sandwich being
sent thither as our Plenipotentiary. The campaign, however, opened
simultaneously, and, could Cumberland and the king have managed it,
war would soon have overturned the hopes of peace; but circumstances
were too much for them. The Prince of Nassau, ambitious as he was of
military renown, failed to bring into the field his Dutch levies; the
thirty thousand Prussians, as Pelham had expected, did not appear.
The Dutch, so far from furnishing the sums they had engaged for,
sent to London to raise the loan of a million sterling; but London
itself had ceased to be a money-lending place. The war had drained
the resources even of the British capital. To complete the deadlock,
Marshal Saxe advanced into the field, and showed to the world that,
though Cumberland might beat an army of famine-exhausted Highlanders,
he was no match for him. He completely out-generalled him, made false
demonstrations against Breda, where the Allied army lay, and then
suddenly concentrated his forces before Maestricht, which, it was
evident, must soon fall into his hands. Maestricht secured, the highway
into Holland was open.

The king and his war cabinet were now compelled to sue to France for
the peace which was so freely offered the year before. Newcastle
wrote to Sandwich in April, that the impossibility of arresting the
progress of the French army, the discordant pretensions of the Allies,
and their gross neglect of their engagements, rendered it absolutely
necessary to make peace. Sandwich was to communicate this necessity to
the Plenipotentiaries of the Allies, and if they declined to assent
to it, to sign the preliminaries without them. The Ministers of the
Allies still refused to join; it suited them very well to receive vast
subsidies to fight their own battles, and yet to leave England to fight
them. On the other hand, Count St. Severin, the Plenipotentiary of
France, now felt his vantage-ground, and offered far worse terms than
before, and, to force their acceptance, threatened that if they were
not agreed to without delay, the French would leave the fortifications
of Ypres, Namur, and Bergen-op-Zoom, and march directly into Holland.
The treaty was signed by England, France, and Holland on the 18th of
April. The general conditions were a mutual restoration of conquests.
All the nations were placed very much _in statu quo_, except that
Prussia had got Silesia, and Sardinia had lost Placentia and Finale. As
for England, she firmly established her maritime supremacy, which from
that date has remained unchallenged. The Young Pretender was compelled
to leave France, and thenceforward ceased to be of any political
importance.

From the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle for several years little of striking
interest occurred in the affairs of Britain. The public at first was
rejoiced at the return of peace; but the more it looked into the
results of so costly a war the more dissatisfied it grew, and the
complaints were loud and general that Ministers had sacrificed the
honour and interests of the nation. The Opposition, however, was at
so low an ebb, that little was heard of the public discontent in
Parliament; and Pitt, formerly so vociferous to denounce the war, now
as boldly vindicated both it and the peace, and silenced all criticisms
by his overmastering eloquence. The Government still went on granting
subsidies to the German princes, though the war was at an end.

During the year 1750 the French evinced a hostile disposition. They
laid claim to part of Nova Scotia, and refused to surrender the
islands of St. Lucia and St. Vincent, as they were bound to do by
the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. They continued to stir up bad feeling
towards us both in Spain and Germany. The Empress listened with
eagerness to the suggestions of France, and co-operated with that
country in endeavouring to influence Spain against us. Fortunately,
the good disposition of the Queen of Spain, and the able management
of Mr. Keene, our Ambassador, foiled all these efforts, and completed
a commercial treaty with that country. This treaty was signed on
the 5th of October, 1750, and placed us at once on the same footing
in commercial relations with Spain as the most favoured nations.
We abandoned the remaining term of the Assiento, and obtained one
hundred thousand pounds as compensation for the claims of the South
Sea Company. The right of search, however, was passed over in silence,
and we continued to cut logwood in Campeachy Bay and to smuggle on
the Spanish Main, winked at by the Spanish authorities, but liable to
interruption whenever jealousy or ill-will might be in the ascendant.
In various directions our commerce flourished at this time, and many
injurious restrictions were removed, such as those that hampered the
whale fishery of Spitzbergen, the white herring and coast fisheries,
the trade to the coast of Guinea, the import of iron from the American
plantations and of raw silk from China. Our manufactures also grew
apace, in spite of the internal jarrings of the Ministry and the
deadness of Parliament.

While affairs were in this state, the Prince of Wales died (March
20, 1751). He had been in indifferent health for some time, and had
injured his constitution by dissipated habits. He was forty-four
years of age, of a weak character, which had led him into excesses,
and the consequences of these were made worse by great neglect of his
health. The same weakness of character had made him very much the tool
of political faction, and placed him in an unnatural opposition to
his father. An attempt was made by Lord Egmont to keep together the
prince's party. He assembled a meeting of the Opposition at his house
on the morning of the prince's death, and hinted at taking the princess
and her family under their protection; and he recommended harmony among
themselves; but some one said, "Very likely, indeed, that there should
be harmony, when the prince could never bring it about;" and so every
one hastened away to look after themselves. It was no sooner seen that
there was an understanding between the Princess of Wales and the king
than numbers of the late prince's friends offered their adhesion to the
Pelhams, equally out of dread of the Duke of Cumberland and dislike
of the Duke of Bedford, who was opposed to the Pelhams, and, it was
feared, likely to support Cumberland, and thus place him at the head of
affairs.

The Session of 1753 was distinguished by two remarkable Acts of
Parliament. The one was for the naturalisation of the Jews, the
other for the prevention of clandestine marriages. The Jew Bill was
introduced into the Lords, and passed it with singular ease, scarcely
exciting an objection from the whole bench of bishops; Lord Lyttelton
declaring that "he who hated another man for not being a Christian was
not a Christian himself." But in the Commons it raised a fierce debate.
On the 7th of May, on the second reading, it was assailed by loud
assertions that to admit the Jews to such privileges was to dishonour
the Christian faith; that it would deluge the kingdom with usurers,
brokers, and beggars; that the Jews would buy up the advowsons, and
thus destroy the Church; that it was flying directly in the face of
God and of Prophecy, which had declared the Jews should be scattered
over the face of the earth, without any country or fixed abode. Pelham
ridiculed the fears about the Church, showing that, by their own rigid
tenets, the Jews could neither enter our Church nor marry our women,
and could therefore never touch our religion, nor amalgamate with us
as a people; that as to civil offices, unless they took the Sacrament,
they could not be even excisemen or custom-house officers. The Bill
passed by a majority of ninety-five to sixteen; but the storm was only
wafted from the Parliament to the public. Out-of-doors the members of
Parliament, and especially the bishops, were pursued with the fiercest
rancour and insult. Members of the Commons were threatened by their
constituents with the loss of their seats for voting in favour of
this Bill; and one of them, Mr. Sydenham, of Exeter, defended himself
by declaring that he was no Jew, but travelled on the Sabbath like a
Christian. The populace pursued the members and the bishops in the
streets, crying, "No Jews! No Jews! No wooden shoes!" In short, such
was the popular fury, that the Duke of Newcastle was glad to bring in a
Bill for the repeal of his Act of Naturalisation on the very first day
of the next Session, which passed rapidly through both Houses.

It was high time that some measures were taken for preventing
clandestine marriages. Nothing could be so loose as the marriage laws,
or so scandalous as the practice regarding marriages at this date. No
previous public notice or publication of banns was hitherto required,
nor was any license requisite. Any clergyman, though of the most
infamous character, could perform the ceremony at any time or place,
without consent of parents or guardians. The consequence was, that the
strangest and most scandalous unions took place, for which there was no
remedy, and the results of which were lives of misery and disgrace. The
merest children were inveigled into such connections, and the heirs of
noble estates were thus entrapped into the most repulsive alliances,
and made the victims of the most rapacious and unprincipled of mankind.
The Fleet Prison, where were many ruined parsons--ruined by their
crimes and low habits--was a grand mart for such marriages. A fellow
of the name of Keith had acquired great pre-eminence in this line. He
used to marry, on an average, six thousand couples every year; and on
the news of this Bill, which would stop his trade, he vowed vengeance
on the bishops, declaring that he would buy a piece of ground and
out-bury them all!

The Bill was prepared by the judges, and afterwards remodelled and
conducted through the Lords by Lord Chancellor Hardwicke. It provided
that banns should be published for every marriage in the parish
church for three successive Sundays; that no license to waive these
banns should be granted to any minor without consent of the parent
or guardian; and that special licenses, empowering the marriage to
be celebrated at any time or place, should only be granted by the
archbishop, and for a heavy sum. The Bill was opposed in the Lords
by the Duke of Bedford, and in the Commons by Henry Fox, Mr. Nugent,
Mr. Charles Townshend, and others. It was declared to be a scheme
for keeping together the wealth of the country in the hands of a few
grasping and ambitious families. Townshend denounced it as intended to
shut younger sons out of all chance of raising themselves by marriage.
Henry Fox had benefited especially by the looseness of the old marriage
law, for he had run away with Lady Caroline Lennox, the eldest daughter
of the Duke of Richmond. He was especially severe on Lord Hardwicke,
accusing him of seeking by the Bill to throw more power into the hands
of the Lord Chancellor, and Hardwicke retorted with still greater
acrimony. The Bill passed, and there was a strong inclination to extend
its operation to Scotland, but the Scottish lawyers and representative
peers defeated this attempt.

Another measure in this Session marks an epoch in the history of
literature and science in Great Britain. Parliament empowered the
Crown to raise money by lottery for the purchase of the fine library,
consisting of fifty thousand volumes, and the collection of articles
of vertu and antiquity, amounting to sixty-nine thousand three hundred
and fifty-two in number, bequeathed by Sir Hans Sloane to the nation
on the condition that twenty thousand pounds should be paid to his
daughters for what had cost himself fifty thousand pounds. The same
Bill also empowered Government to purchase of the Duchess of Portland,
for ten thousand pounds, the collection of MSS. and books, etc., made
by her grandfather, Harley, the Lord Treasurer Oxford, and also for the
purchase of Montagu House, which was offered for sale in consequence of
the death of the Duke of Montagu without heirs, in which to deposit
these valuable collections. The antiquarian and literary collections
of Sir Robert Cotton, purchased in the reign of Queen Anne, were also
removed to Montagu House; and thus was founded the now magnificent
institution, the British Museum. It is remarkable that whilst Horace
Walpole, professing himself a patron of letters, has recorded all the
gossip of his times, he has not deemed this great literary, scientific,
and artistic event worthy of the slightest mention.

The course of business was suddenly interrupted by the unexpected
death of Pelham, the Prime Minister, in 1754. Pelham was but sixty
years of age, of a florid and apparently healthy appearance, but at
once indolent and too fond of the table. He had been compelled to seek
sea-bathing at Scarborough, and on the 7th of January wrote to his
brother, the Duke of Newcastle, saying that he never was better; but
on the 3rd of March he was taken ill, and on the 6th was a corpse. The
king was startled at his death, for his moderation and quiet management
had long held together very jarring elements in the Ministry. "Now I
shall have no more peace!" exclaimed George, on hearing the news of
his decease, and he was only too correct in his prognostic. Pelham
was a respectable rather than a great minister. His abilities were by
no means shining, but experience had made him a good man of business.
Waldegrave gave him credit for being "a frugal steward of the public,
averse to Continental extravagances and useless subsidies;" and yet
never were more of each perpetrated than during his administration.
He had the merit, which he had acquired in the school of Walpole, of
preferring peace to war; and Horace Walpole admits that "he lived
without abusing his power, and died poor."

Newcastle, a man older than his brother Pelham, and of inferior
abilities, instead of strengthening himself by the promotion of Pitt
and Henry Fox, was only anxious to grasp all the power of the Cabinet,
and retain these far abler men as his obedient subordinates. He at
once got himself placed at the head of the Treasury, and selected
as Chancellor of the Exchequer Henry Legge, a son of the Earl of
Dartmouth, a quiet but ordinary man of business, by no means fitted to
take the leadership of the House of Commons. The three men calculated
for that post were Pitt, Fox, and Murray; but Pitt was still extremely
disliked by the king, who did not forget his many years' thunderings
against Hanoverian measures, and both George and Newcastle were no
little afraid of his towering ambition. Henry Fox was a man of amiable
character in private life, but in politics an adventurer.

[Illustration: WEDDING IN THE FLEET. (_From a Print of the Eighteenth
Century._)]

Murray, afterwards Lord Mansfield, as we have said, of a decided
Jacobite house, was a rising young lawyer, who had won great fame
for his speech in a case of appeal before the House of Lords, was
now Solicitor-General--accomplished and learned in the law, a man
of pleasing person, and a fine orator, bold, persevering in his
profession, yet, with all the caution of a Scotsman, plodding his way
towards the bench--the real and almost the only object of his ambition.
Murray, indeed, let Newcastle know that such was his ambition;
and therefore, as Pitt was passed over from the royal dislike and
Newcastle's own jealousy, and Murray, too, for this reason, Henry Fox
alone was the man for the leadership of the Commons. Newcastle told
him that he proposed him for that post; but when they met, Fox soon
found that he was expected to play the rôle without the essential
power. Fox, of course, demanded to be informed of the disposal of the
secret-service money, but Newcastle replied that his brother never
disclosed that to any one, nor would he. Fox reminded him that Pelham
was at once First Lord of the Treasury and leader of the Commons, and
asked how he was to "talk to members when he did not know who was in
pay and who was not?" And next he wished to know who was to have the
nomination to places? Newcastle replied, Himself. Who was to recommend
the proper objects?--Still himself. Who to fill up the ministerial
boroughs at the coming elections?--Still Newcastle himself. Fox
withdrew in disgust, and Newcastle gave the seals of the Secretaryship
to a mere tool--Sir Thomas Robinson, a dull, uncouth man, who had been
some years ambassador at Vienna, and had won the favour of the king by
his compliance with all his German desires. Robinson, according to Lord
Waldegrave, was ignorant even of the language of the House of Commons,
and when he attempted to play the orator, threw the members into fits
of merriment. Newcastle, says Lord Stanhope, had succeeded in a very
difficult attempt--he "had found a Secretary of State with abilities
inferior to his own."

As to the other changes in the Ministry, Sir Dudley Ryder being
advanced to the bench, Murray succeeded him as Attorney-General. Lord
Chancellor Hardwicke was made an earl; Sir George Lyttelton and George
Grenville, friends of Pitt, had places--one as Treasurer of the Navy,
the other as cofferer. Pitt himself, who was suffering from his great
enemy, the gout, at Bath, was passed over. No sooner did he meet with
Fox in the House of Commons, than he said aloud, "Sir Thomas Robinson
lead us! Newcastle might as well send his jack-boot to lead us!" No
sooner did the unfortunate Sir Thomas open his mouth, than Pitt fell
with crushing sarcasm upon him; and Fox completed his confusion by
pretending to excuse him on account of his twenty years' absence
abroad, and his consequent utter ignorance of all matters before
the House. Soon after, Pitt made a most overwhelming speech, on the
occasion of a petition against the return of a Government candidate by
bribery, and called on Whigs of all sections to come forward and defend
the liberties of the country, unless, he said, "you will degenerate
into a little assembly, serving no other purpose than to register the
arbitrary edicts of one too powerful subject!" This was a blow at
Newcastle, which, coming from a colleague in office, made both him and
his puppets in the Commons, Legge and Robinson, tremble. Newcastle
saw clearly that he must soon dismount Robinson from his dangerous
altitude, and give the place to Fox.

The new Parliament reassembled on the 14th of November, and the king in
his speech, whilst pretending the differences which had arisen between
us, France, and Spain were by no means serious, yet called for enlarged
supplies to defend our American territories against the designs of
these Powers. In fact, matters were becoming very serious in our
American colonies; but the Government withheld the real facts from the
knowledge of the public, and it was not till the opening of Parliament,
in March, 1755, that they candidly avowed that war was inevitable. The
French and English were actually engaged in war both in the East Indies
and in America. In the East Indies there was just now an apparent pause
in hostilities, through an agreement between the two Companies; but in
North America matters daily grew worse. There were, and had been ever
since the Peace, violent disputes as to the boundary-lines both of Nova
Scotia--produce of the tax was seven hundred Acadia--and between Canada and
our colony of New England. The French, becoming more and more daring,
commenced the erection of forts in the valley of the Ohio, to connect
the settlements on the St. Lawrence with those on the Mississippi. They
had already erected one called Duquesne, greatly to the indignation of
the inhabitants of Pennsylvania and Virginia. In Nova Scotia, Major
Lawrence, with one thousand men, defeated the French and their Indian
allies; but, on the other hand, the French surprised and sacked Block's
Town, on the Ohio, belonging to the Virginians, who sent forward Major
George Washington to attack Fort Duquesne. Washington, destined to
acquire the greatest name in the New World, marched with four hundred
men, but was surprised at a place called Great Meadows, and was glad to
capitulate on condition of retiring with military honours (1754).

At this crisis, when an able diplomatist at Paris might have avoided
a great war, the Earl of Albemarle, who never had been an able or
attentive ambassador, but a mere man of pleasure, died; and though
George II. was so well aware of the gathering storm that he sent a
message to the House of Commons announcing the necessity for increased
forces, and, consequently, increased supplies, nothing could induce
him to forego his usual summer journey to Hanover. The Commons readily
voted a million and a half, but made an energetic protest against the
king quitting the country in the circumstances. Besides the state of
affairs in France and Spain, those of Ireland were very disturbed. The
Duke of Dorset, the Lord-Lieutenant, was recalled, and Lord Harrington
sent in his place to endeavour to restore order. Lord Poulett,
therefore, moved a resolution against George's journey; but it was
overruled, and the infatuated king set out in April, attended by Lord
Holderness.

The day before George embarked, Admiral Boscawen set sail, with
eleven ships of the line and two regiments of soldiers, to intercept
the French fleet, which had sailed from Rochefort and Brest to carry
reinforcements to the Canadians. Boscawen was to attack and destroy
the French, if possible. Boscawen came up with the French fleet on
the banks of Newfoundland, but a thick fog hid them from each other.
Captain Howe, afterwards Lord Howe, and Captain Andrews, however,
descried and captured two of the French men-of-war, containing eight
thousand pounds in money, and many officers and engineers; but the rest
of the fleet, under Admiral Bois de la Motte, warned by the firing,
got safe into the harbour of Louisburg.

On the arrival of this news the French Court complained bitterly of the
violation of the peace, to which the Court of St. James's replied that
the French had too prominently set the example, and the ambassadors
on both sides were recalled--an equivalent to a declaration of war,
though none on either side yet followed. We had soon a severe reverse
instead of a victory to record. General Braddock had been despatched
against Fort Duquesne, and had reached Great Meadows, the scene of
Washington's defeat in the preceding summer. Braddock was a general of
the Hawley school--brave enough, but, like him, brutal and careless.
His soldiers hated him for his severity. The Indians resented so much
the haughtiness with which he treated them, that they had most of
them deserted him; and, as was the fatal habit of English commanders
then and long afterwards, he had the utmost contempt for what were
called "Provincials" (that is, Colonists), supposing that all sense
and knowledge existed in England, and that the English, just arrived,
knew more about America than natives who had spent their lives in
it. He therefore marched on into the woods, utterly despising all
warnings against the Indians in alliance with the French. At Great
Meadows he found it necessary, from the nature of the woods and the
want of roads, to leave behind him all his heavy baggage, and part of
his troops to guard it, and he proceeded with only one thousand two
hundred men and ten pieces of artillery. On the 9th of July, 1755,
having arrived within ten miles of Fort Duqnesne, he still neglected
to send out scouts, and thus rashly entering the mouth of a deep woody
defile, he found himself assaulted by a murderous fire in front and
on both flanks. His enemies were Indians assisted by a few French,
who, accustomed to that mode of fighting, aimed from the thickets and
behind trees, and picked off his officers, whom they recognised by
their dress, without themselves being visible. Without attempting to
draw out of the ambush, and advance with proper precautions, Braddock
rushed deeper into it, and displayed a desperate but useless courage.
Now was the time for his Indians to have encountered his enemies in
their own mode of battle, had his pride not driven them away. After
having three horses killed under him, in the vain endeavour to come at
his foes, he was shot, and his troops retreated in all haste, leaving
behind them their artillery and seven hundred of their comrades on
the ground. Their retreat was protected by the "provincial" George
Washington--whose advice had been unheeded--or the slaughter would have
been greater.

The news of Braddock's defeat, reaching London whilst the king was
still absent, caused a great panic and want of decision. Sir Edward
Hawke had been despatched with a fleet of eighteen sail in July to
intercept the return of the French fleet from Canada, but, hampered by
contradictory orders, he only took prizes; and now Admiral Byng, in
October, was sent out with twenty-six more, but both failed in their
object. Our privateer cruisers had done more execution in the West
Indies. They had nearly annihilated the trade of the French in those
islands, and, according to Smollett, captured, before the end of the
year, three hundred French vessels, and brought into the English ports
eight thousand French seamen.

As the French now made vigorous preparations for war, George II. began
to tremble for Hanover, and put out all his energies to accomplish
fresh alliances--of course, at the cost of fresh subsidies to be paid
by England. Hesse-Cassel, the Empress of Russia, and even his old
enemy, Frederick of Prussia, were applied to, and engaged, by promises
of English money, in defence of Hanover. George was especially afraid
of Frederick, who was bound by no ties where his interest was at stake,
and who, if not retained at a high rate, might fall on Hanover as he
had done on Silesia. In gaining Frederick, however, George lost his old
ally, Austria, which, forgetting all past obligations, immediately made
alliance with France.

When the subsidy to Hesse-Cassel was sent home to receive the
signatures of the Cabinet, it was found to amount to an annual
payment by England of one hundred and fifty thousand crowns, besides
eighty crowns to every horseman, and thirty crowns to every foot
soldier, when they were really called out to service. That to Russia
was immensely greater; then came in prospective that to Saxony, to
Bavaria, etc. These latter States had been fed all through the last
few years for doing nothing, and now demanded vastly higher terms.
Yet when the Hessian Treaty was laid on the Council table by the
compliant Newcastle, Ministers signed it without reading it. Pitt and
Fox, however, protested against it; and when the Treasury warrants
for carrying the treaty into execution were sent down to Legge, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, he refused to sign them.

This was a thunderstroke to Newcastle--Legge, who had been so pliant,
thus to rebel. Newcastle, in his consternation, hastened to Pitt,
imploring him to use his influence with Legge, and promising him the
Seals as Secretary, engaging to remove all prejudice from the king's
mind. But not only Pitt, but the public, had been long asking whether,
in these critical times, everything was to be sacrificed for the
sake of this old grasping jobber at the Treasury? whether Newcastle
was to endanger the whole nation by keeping out of office all men of
talent? Pitt stood firm: no offers, no temptations, could move him.
Newcastle, finding Pitt unmanageable, flew to Fox, who accepted the
Seals on condition of having proper powers conceded to him, and agreed
to support the treaties, against which he had been equally as violent
as Pitt, having just before said to Dodington, "I am surprised you are
not against all subsidies." Robinson was consoled with a pension of two
thousand pounds a year and the post of Master of the Wardrobe. The king
had returned from Hanover, and Fox was not to receive the Seals till
two days after the meeting of Parliament, so that he might keep his
place and support the Address. By his accession to office he changed
the violence of the opposition of the Duke of Bedford, and brought the
support of the Russells to the Ministry. This strength, however, did
not prevent the certainty of a breakup of the Cabinet. Pitt was now
arrayed against his former colleagues.

Whilst things were in this position, Parliament met on the 13th of
November. The great question on which the fate of the Ministry depended
was that of the subsidies to Hesse and Russia. It was something new
to see not merely an ordinary opposition, but the Chancellor of the
Exchequer and the Paymaster of the Forces--Legge and Pitt--ranging
themselves against the king and their colleagues on this question. In
the House of Lords the Address in reply to the royal speech, which
implied approbation of these subsidies, was supported by Newcastle,
Hardwicke, and the Duke of Bedford, who hitherto, since quitting
office, had opposed everything, and was opposed by Lords Temple and
Halifax. But the great struggle was in the Commons. The debate began
at two in the afternoon, and continued till five the next morning--the
longest hitherto recorded, except the one on the Westminster election
in 1741. On this occasion William Gerard Hamilton made his first and
almost last speech, which acquired him promotion in the Government of
Ireland, and the cognomen of "Single-speech Hamilton." Murray spoke
splendidly in defence of the subsidies; but Pitt, rising at one o'clock
in the morning, after sitting eleven hours in that heated atmosphere,
burst out upon the whole system of German subsidies with a tempest of
eloquence which held the House in astonished awe. He denounced the
whole practice of feeing the little German potentates as monstrous,
useless, absurd, and desperate: an eternal drain on England for no
single atom of benefit. He compared the union of Newcastle and Fox to
the union of the Rhône and Saône--a boisterous and impetuous torrent,
with a shallow, languid, and muddy stream. But though Pitt's eloquence
dismayed and confounded Ministers, it could not prevent their majority.
The Address was carried by three hundred and eleven votes against
one hundred and five; and it was now clear that Pitt must quit the
Cabinet. In fact, in a very few days, not only he, but Legge and George
Grenville, were summarily dismissed, and James Grenville, the other
brother, resigned his seat at the Board of Trade.

The year 1756 opened with menaces to England of the most serious
nature. The imbecility of the Ministry was beginning to tell in the
neglect of its colonies and its defences. France threatened to invade
us, and a navy of fifty thousand men was suddenly voted, and an army
of thirty-four thousand two hundred and sixty-three of native troops;
but as these were not ready, it was agreed to bring over eight thousand
Hessians and Hanoverians. To pay for all this it was necessary to grant
excessive supplies, and lay on new duties and taxes. In presenting
the money bills in the month of May, Speaker Onslow could not avoid
remarking that there were two circumstances which tended to create
alarm--foreign subsidies and foreign troops introduced, and nothing
but their confidence in his Majesty could allay their fears, or give
them confidence that their burdens would be soon reduced. There was,
in fact, no chance for any such reduction, for wars, troubles, and
disgraces were gathering around from various quarters. The first
reverse came from the Mediterranean.

[Illustration: DEFEAT OF GENERAL BRADDOCK IN THE INDIAN AMBUSH. (_See
p._ 119.)]

The French had always beheld with jealousy our possession of the island
of Minorca, which had been won by General Stanhope in 1708, and secured
to us by the Peace of Utrecht. That England should possess the finest
port in the Mediterranean, and that so near their own shores, was a
subject of unceasing chagrin. The miserable administration of British
affairs, the constant attention to the interests of Hanover instead of
our own, now inspired France with the resolve to snatch the prize from
us. Great preparations were made for this object, and the report of
these as duly conveyed to the English Ministers by the consuls in both
Spain and Italy, but in vain. At length the certainty that the French
were about to sail for Minorca burst on the miserable Ministers; but
it was too late--they had nothing in readiness. The port of Mahon was
almost destitute of a garrison; the governor, Lord Tyrawley, was in
England; and the deputy-governor, General Blakeney, though brave, as he
had shown himself at the siege of Stirling, was old, nearly disabled
by his infirmities, and deficient in troops. What was still worse, all
the colonels were absent from the regiments stationed there, and other
officers also--altogether thirty-five!

The alarmed Ministers now mustered what ships they could, and
despatched Admiral Byng with them from Spithead on the 7th of April.
The whole of these ships amounted only to ten, in a half rotten
condition and badly manned; and they commenced their voyage only three
days before the French armament issued from Toulon, the English having
to cross the Bay of Biscay, and traverse two hundred leagues of the
Mediterranean, whilst the French had only seventy leagues to travel
altogether. The French armament consisted of twelve ships of the line,
and numerous transports, under Admiral La Galissonière, consisting
of sixteen thousand men, under the command of the Duke de Richelieu.
General Blakeney received news of the approach of this fleet by means
of a fast-sailing sloop, and began in all activity to prepare for
his defence. He collected his forces into the castle of St. Philip,
commanding the town and harbour of Mahon, calling in five companies
from Ciudadela. All his troops, however, amounted only to two thousand
eight hundred. He had large quantities of cattle driven into the fort,
flour and bakers were got in, the ports blocked up, and he sank a sloop
in the channel to obstruct the entrance to the harbour. The French
fleet appeared off port Ciudadela on the 18th of April, but Byng did
not come in sight till the 19th of May--a month after--and then he came
disappointed and dispirited. There was a mutual attempt made by Byng
and by Blakeney to effect communication, but it does not appear to have
been of a determined character, and it failed. La Galissonière was now
bearing down on Byng, and the next day, the 20th of May, the two fleets
confronted each other. Byng, about two o'clock, gave the signal to
Rear-Admiral West to engage, which West did with such impetuosity, that
he drove several of the French ships out of line. But Byng himself did
not follow the example of West; he hung back, and thereby prevented
West from following up his advantage. It was in vain that Byng's own
captain urged him to advance; he pretended that it could not be done
without throwing his ships out of regular line; and he kept at such a
distance that his vessel, a noble ship carrying ninety guns, never was
fairly in action at all, and had not a single man killed or wounded.
Thus deserted, West was compelled to fall back; and La Galissonière,
who showed no disposition to continue the fight, sailed away. Byng
retired to Gibraltar.

At the sight of Byng sailing away, the French fired a _feu de joie_
from all their lines, and Blakeney knew that he was left to his fate.
He determined still to defend the place, but Richelieu sent in haste to
Toulon for fresh reinforcements. The fort was soon surrounded by twenty
thousand men, with eighty-five pieces of artillery. In about a week
Richelieu carried one of the breaches by storm, though with great loss,
and Blakeney capitulated on condition that the English should march out
with all the honours of war, and should be conveyed in the French ships
to Gibraltar. Thus was Minorca lost to England through the shameful
neglect of a miserably incompetent Ministry and a faint-hearted admiral.

The tidings of this disaster roused the people of England to a pitch
of desperation. The Ministers were condemned for their gross neglect
and imbecile procrastination, and Byng was execrated as a coward and
a traitor. Meanwhile, the most culpable man of all, Newcastle, was
trembling with terror, and endeavouring to find a scapegoat somewhere.
Fox was equally trembling, lest Newcastle should make that scapegoat
of him. He declared to Dodington that he had urged Newcastle to send
succour to Minorca as early as Christmas, and that Cumberland had
joined him in urging this, to no purpose. He asserted that Newcastle
ought to answer for it. "Yes," replied Dodington, "unless he can find
some one to make a scapegoat of." This was the very fear that was
haunting Fox, and he hastened, in October, to the king, and resigned
the seals. This was a severe blow to Newcastle, and he immediately
thought of Murray to succeed him; but, unfortunately, Sir Dudley Ryder,
the Lord Chief Justice, just then having died, Murray had fixed his
ambition on occupying his seat on the bench. They were obliged to
give it to him, with the title of Mansfield, or make a mortal enemy
of him. Newcastle then thought of conciliating Pitt. Pitt refused to
belong to any Ministry at all in which Newcastle remained. Newcastle,
in his perplexity, next tried Lord Egmont, and even old Granville, but
both declined the honour; and not a man being to be found who would
serve under him, he was compelled most reluctantly to resign. He had
certainly presided over the destinies of the nation far too long.

The king now thought of placing Fox at the head of a new
administration; but when Fox asked Pitt to join, he refused, and the
king was obliged to send for Pitt, much as he hated him. Pitt replied
that he was laid up with the gout--a complaint which troubled him,
but which he frequently found it convenient to assume. George then
prevailed upon the Duke of Devonshire, a man of no commanding ability,
and averse from office, but of the highest integrity of character, to
accept the post of First Lord of the Treasury, and to form a Cabinet.
Though the friend of Fox, he felt that statesman to be too unpopular
for a colleague, and offered Pitt the seals of Secretary of State,
which he accepted; Legge was re-appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer;
Pitt's brother-in-law, Lord Temple, First Lord of the Admiralty;
Temple's brother, George Grenville, Treasurer of the Navy; another
brother, James Grenville, again was seated at the Treasury Board; Lord
Holderness was the second Secretary of State, to oblige the king;
Willes, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas; the Duke of Bedford was made
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, it was said by Fox's suggestion, as a thorn
in the flesh to Pitt, and, as Horace Walpole sarcastically remarked,
Pitt had not Grenville cousins enough to fill the whole Administration;
Charles Townshend was made Treasurer of the Chamber, though his talents
and eloquence, in which he excited Pitt's jealousy, deserved a much
higher office.

The Ministry being complete, Parliament met on the 2nd of December.
It was found that the new Administration had not that influence in
the boroughs that Newcastle, who had cultivated it, had; and several
members of the Cabinet, Pitt amongst them, had difficulty in getting
returned, as was the case with Charles Townshend. In the king's
speech, his Majesty was made to speak of the militia, which he was
known by everybody to hold in sovereign contempt, as the best and most
constitutional means of national defence. He announced also that he
had ordered the return of the Hanoverian troops to their own country;
and the Duke of Devonshire inserted in the Address from the Lords an
expression of thanks for having brought these troops over. Pitt had
declared that he would quit the Cabinet if such a vote was passed, and
Temple came hurrying down to the House--Pitt being absent from the
Commons with the gout--and declared that he had quitted a sick bed
to protest against it. This was an unlucky beginning. It was clear
that there was want of unity in the Cabinet at its very birth, and
out-of-doors the people were loudly complaining of the scarcity of
food, and bread riots were frequent. The king himself could not help
ridiculing the speech his new Ministers had composed for him; and a
poor printer being arrested for putting another speech into his mouth,
George said he hoped the man might receive very lenient punishment,
for, as far as he could understand either of the speeches, he thought
the printer's the best. To abate the ferment out-of-doors, the Commons
passed two Bills: one prohibiting the export of grain, flour, or
biscuit; the other prohibiting, for several months, distillation from
wheat or barley.

But though Pitt protested against thanking the king for bringing over
Hanoverian troops, he found it necessary to support the king's German
treaties and alliances, which were avowedly for the defence of Hanover.
Fox reminded him of his favourite phrase, that Hanover was a millstone
round the neck of England; but it was not the first time that Pitt had
had to stand the taunt of eating his own words, and he braved it out,
especially voting two hundred thousand pounds to Frederick of Prussia.
A wonderful revolution in Continental politics had now converted this
long-hostile nephew of George II. into an ally, if not a friend.

The Empress Maria Theresa, never reconciling herself to the seizure of
Silesia by Frederick, and not finding England disposed to renew a war
for the object of recovering it, applied to her old enemy, France. It
required some ability to accomplish this object of detaching France
from its ancient policy of hostility to Austria, pursued ever since
the days of Henry IV., and in severing the alliance with Prussia; but
her Minister, Kaunitz, who had been her ambassador in Paris, contrived
to effect it. The temptation was thrown out of the surrender of Belgic
provinces to augment France, in return for assistance in recovering
German possessions from Prussia. To add fresh stimulus to this
change, the vengeance of offended woman was brought into play. Madame
Pompadour, Louis XV.'s all-powerful mistress, had sent flattering
compliments to Frederick by Voltaire; but the Prussian king only repaid
them with sneers. On the other hand, the virtuous Maria Theresa did
not blush to write, with her own hand, the most flattering epistles
to the Pompadour. By these means, the thirst of revenge raised in
the heart of the French mistress worked successfully the breach with
Prussia and the alliance with Austria. The same stimulus was tried,
and with equal effect, on the Czarina Elizabeth, on whose amorous
licence the cynical Prussian monarch had been equally jocose. Kaunitz
knew how to make the sting of these ungallant sallies felt at both
Paris and St. Petersburg, and the winter of 1755-6 saw the Russian
alliance with Prussia and England renounced, the English subsidy,
with far more than German probity, renounced too, and Russia pledged
to support Austria and France. The Elector of Saxony, Augustus, King
of Poland, who amused himself with low pot-house companions and tame
bears, and left his affairs to his minister, Count Brühl, was also
induced, by the promise of Prussian territory, to join the league; and
even Sweden, whose queen, Ulrica, was sister to Frederick, was drawn
over to take side against him, in the hope of recovering its ancient
province of Pomerania. This confederation of ninety millions of people,
leagued against five millions, was pronounced by Pitt "one of the most
powerful and malignant ones that ever yet threatened the independence
of mankind."

The confederates endeavoured to keep their plans profoundly secret till
they were ready to burst at once on the devoted King of Prussia; but
Frederick was the last man alive to be taken by surprise. The secret
was soon betrayed to him, and, at once waiving his dislike of the King
of England, he concluded a convention with him in January, 1756, and
bound himself, during the disturbances in America, not to allow any
foreign troops to pass through any part of Germany to those colonies,
where he could prevent it. Having his treasury well supplied, he put
his army in order, and in August of that year sent a peremptory demand
to Vienna as to the designs of Austria, stating, at the same time, that
he would not accept any evasive reply; but the reply being evasive, he
at once rushed into Saxony at the head of sixty thousand men, blockaded
the King of Saxony in Pirna, and secured the queen in Dresden. By this
decisive action Frederick commenced what the Germans style "The Seven
Years' War." In the palace of Dresden Frederick made himself master
of the secret correspondence and treaties with France, Russia, and
Austria, detailing all their designs, which he immediately published,
and thus fully justified his proceedings to the world.

The Austrians advanced under Marshal Braun, an officer of English
extraction, against Frederick, but after a hard-fought battle at
Lowositz, on the 1st of October, Frederick beat them, and soon after
compelled the Saxon army, seventeen thousand strong, to surrender at
Pirna. The King of Saxony, who had taken refuge in the lofty rock
fortress of Königstein, surrendered too, on condition of being allowed
to retire to Warsaw, and Frederick established his headquarters for the
winter at Dresden, levying heavy contributions throughout Saxony.

During this year little was done in America. General Bradstreet
defeated a body of the enemy on the River Onondaga, and, on the other
hand, the French took the two small forts of Ontario and Oswego.

The year 1757 opened amid very gloomy auspices. War, of a wide and
formidable character, was commencing in Europe, and the House of
Commons was called on to vote no less than eight million three hundred
thousand pounds for the supplies of the year, and to order fifty-five
thousand men for the sea service, and forty-five thousand for the
land. The National Debt had now reached seventy-two million pounds,
and was destined to a heavy and rapid increase. Pitt commenced the
admirable plan recommended years before by Duncan Forbes, of raising
Highland regiments from the lately disaffected clans. The militia
was remodelled, it was increased to thirty-four thousand, and it was
proposed to exercise the men on Sunday afternoons, to facilitate their
progress in discipline; but an outcry from the Dissenters put a stop
to this. Serious riots, moreover, were the consequences of forcing
such a number of men from their homes and occupations in the militia
ranks; and the public discontent was raised to a crisis by the voting
of two hundred thousand pounds, avowedly for the protection of Hanover.
A measure which the nation beheld with astonishment Pitt himself
introduced, notwithstanding his many thunderings against the Hanover
millstone.

Amid these angry feelings Admiral Byng was brought to trial. The
court-martial was held at Plymouth. It commenced in December, 1756, and
lasted the greater part of the month of January of the following year.
After a long and patient examination, the Court came to the decision
that Byng had not done his utmost to defeat the French fleet or relieve
the castle of St. Philip. The Court, however, sent to the Admiralty in
London to know whether they were at liberty to mitigate the twelfth
Article of War, which had been established by an Act of Parliament of
the twenty-second year of the present reign, making neglect of duty as
much deserving death as treason or cowardice. They were answered in
the negative, and therefore they passed sentence on Byng to be shot on
board such of his Majesty's ships of war and at such time as the Lords
of the Admiralty should decide.

[Illustration: LONDON BRIDGE IN 1760.]

No sooner was the sentence passed than his judges were seized with a
vehement desire to procure a pardon for the admiral. They made the
most urgent entreaties to the Admiralty for that purpose, and Captain
Augustus Keppel authorised Horace Walpole to say that he and four
others of the members of the Council had something of importance to
communicate, and desired to be relieved from their oath of secresy. The
House of Commons was quite ready to pass a Bill for the purpose, and
the king respited the admiral till all such inquiries had been made.
But when the Bill had been passed by one hundred and fifty-three to
twenty-three, it turned out that these five officers had nothing of
consequence to disclose. Still Lord Temple, who was at the head of the
Admiralty, was greatly averse from the carrying out of the sentence,
which, in fact, was much disproportioned to the crime. Pitt also
interceded with the king, and renewed applications were made to the
Admiralty; but, on the other hand, the people were smarting under the
loss of Minorca, and demanded the execution of the sentence. Hand-bills
were posted up, "_Hang Byng, or take care of the King._" The House of
Lords, when the Commons' Bill was carried up to them, however, settled
the matter. Murray and Lord Hardwicke demanded of every member of the
court-martial at the bar of the House whether they knew of any matter
which showed their sentence to be unjust, or to have been influenced by
any undue motive; and as all declared they did not, the Lords dismissed
the Bill. The sentence was therefore fixed for execution on the 14th
of March. Byng, both during the trial, and now when brought on board
the _Monarch_ in Portsmouth Harbour to be shot, showed no symptoms
of fear. When one of his friends, to prevent a man from coming in to
measure Byng for his coffin, said, standing up by him, "Which of us is
the taller?" Byng immediately replied, "Why this ceremony? I know what
it means; let the man measure me for a coffin." On the deck he wished
to have his eyes left unbound; but when told it might frighten the
soldiers and distract their aim, he said, "Let it be done, then; if it
would not frighten them, they would not frighten me." He fell dead at
the discharge (March 14, 1757).

Cumberland was now appointed to command the troops in Hanover
intended to co-operate with Prussia against France and Austria; but
he had an intuitive dread of Pitt, and was very unwilling to quit
the kingdom whilst that formidable man was Paymaster of the Forces.
He therefore never rested till the king dismissed him from office.
George himself required little urging. He had always hated Pitt for
his anti-Hanoverian spirit; nor had his conduct in office, however
respectful, done away with his dislike. George, therefore, was desirous
to get rid of the able Pitt and recall the imbecile Newcastle. He
complained that Pitt made harangues, even in the simplest matters
of business, which he could not comprehend; and as for Lord Temple,
his brother-in-law, he declared him to be pert and insolent. George
therefore sent Lord Waldegrave to Newcastle to invite him to return
to office, saying, "Tell him I do not look upon myself as king whilst
I am in the hands of these scoundrels, and am determined to be rid of
them at any rate." Newcastle longed to regain his favour, but he was
afraid of a notice made in the House of Commons for an inquiry into
the causes of the loss of Minorca. The king, nevertheless, dismissed
Temple and Pitt, and Legge and others resigned. Cumberland, in great
delight, then embarked for Hanover, thinking the main difficulty over;
but, in fact, it had only just begun. The inquiry into the Minorca
affair was, indeed, so managed that it did not absolutely condemn the
Ministry of Newcastle, neither did it fully acquit them; whilst, at the
same time, the public were highly incensed at the dismissal of Pitt,
whom they rightly deemed the only man in the two Houses with abilities
capable of conducting the affairs of the nation successfully. Addresses
and presentations of the freedom of their cities came pouring in on
Pitt from all the great towns of the kingdom. Horace Walpole said it
literally rained gold boxes. Legge, as the firm ally of Pitt, received
also his share of these honours.

But for Newcastle to form a Cabinet was no such easy matter. Pitt
refused to take office with him unless he had the whole management of
the war and foreign affairs. The king then agreed to send for Henry
Fox, who accepted the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer; but
Newcastle was so sensible of Fox's unpopularity that he was terrified
at undertaking an Administration with Fox and without Pitt, though he
was equally reluctant to let a Cabinet be formed without the former.
For three months the fruitless endeavours to accomplish a Ministry
went on, Parliament sitting all the time, and a great war commencing.
Finally, the king and Newcastle were compelled to submit to the terms
of "the Great Commoner," as they called Pitt, who became Secretary of
State, with the management of the war and foreign affairs. Newcastle
became again First Lord of the Treasury, but without one of his old
supporters, and Legge Chancellor of the Exchequer; Holderness, a mere
cipher, was the other Secretary of State; Anson was placed at the head
of the Admiralty; Lord Temple was made Lord Privy Seal; and Pratt, an
able lawyer and friend of Pitt, Attorney-General. Fox condescended to
take the office of Paymaster of the Forces; and thus, after a long and
severe struggle, the feeble aristocrats, who had so long managed and
disgraced the country, were compelled to admit fresh blood into the
Government in the person of Pitt. But they still entertained the idea
that they only were the men, and that wisdom would die with them. One
and all, even the otherwise sagacious Chesterfield, prognosticated only
dishonour and ruin for such a plebeian appointment. "We are no longer a
nation," said Chesterfield; "I never yet saw so dreadful a prospect."

And, for some time, events seemed to justify these apprehensions
by the old governing class. Not a plan of Pitt's but failed. His
first enterprise was one of that species that has almost universally
failed--a descent on the coast of France. Early in September a fleet
of sixteen ships of the line, attended by transports and frigates, was
despatched to Rochefort, carrying ten regiments of foot, under the
command of Sir John Mordaunt. Sir Edward Hawke commanded the fleet, and
the troops were landed on a small fortified island named Aix, at the
mouth of the Charente. There, in spite of strict orders, the English
soldiers and sailors became awfully drunk, and committed shocking
excesses and cruelties on the inhabitants. The rumour of this made the
forces in Rochefort furious for vengeance; and when the army was to
be landed within a few miles of the place in order to its attack, as
usual in such cases, the admiral and general came to an open quarrel.
Mordaunt betrayed great timidity, and demanded of Hawke how the troops,
in case of failure, were to be brought off again. Hawke replied, that
must depend on wind and tide--an answer which by no means reassured
Mordaunt. General Conway, next in command to Mordaunt, was eager for
advancing to the attack; and Colonel Wolfe--afterwards the conqueror
of Quebec--offered to make himself master of Rochefort with three
ships of war and five hundred men at his disposal. The brave offer
was rejected, but the report of it at once pointed out Wolfe to Pitt
as one of the men whom he was on the look-out to work with. Howe, the
next in command to Hawke, proposed to batter down the fort of Fouras
before advancing on Rochefort; but Mordaunt adopted the resort of all
timid commanders--a council of war--which wasted the time in which the
assault should have been made, and then it was declared useless to
attempt it; the fortifications of Aix were destroyed, and the fleet put
back. Mordaunt, like Byng, was brought before a court-martial, but with
very different results. He was honourably acquitted--perhaps, under the
atrocious 12th Article of War, the Court feared even to censure; and
it was said by the people that Byng was shot for not doing enough, and
Mordaunt acquitted for doing nothing at all.

In North America matters were still more unprosperous. Lord Loudon
had raised twelve thousand men for the purpose of taking Louisburg
and driving the French from our frontiers; but he did nothing, not
even preventing the attack of Marshal Montcalm, the Commander-in-Chief
in Canada, on Fort William Henry, which he destroyed, thus leaving
unprotected the position of New York. At the same time, Admiral
Holbourne, who was to have attacked the French squadron off Louisburg,
did not venture to do it, because he said they had eighteen ships to
his seventeen, and a greater weight of metal.

Such was the condition into which an army and navy, once illustrious
through the victories of Marlborough and Blake, were reduced by the
aristocratic imbecility of the Newcastles, Bedfords, and Cumberlands.
This last princely general had, in fact, put the climax to his career.
He had placed himself at the head of fifty thousand confederate
troops, in which there were no English, except the officers of his own
staff, to defend his father's Electorate of Hanover. But this ruthless
general, who never won a battle except the solitary one of Culloden,
against a handful of famished men, was found totally incompetent to
cope with the French general, d'Estrées. He allowed the French to cross
the deep and rapid Weser, and continued to fall back before them as
they entered the Electorate, until he was driven to the village of
Hastenbeck, near Hameln, where the enemy overtook and defeated him.
He then continued his retreat across the desolate Lüneburg Heath, to
cover Stade, near the mouth of the Elbe, where the archives and other
valuable effects of Hanover had been deposited for safety. At this time
Richelieu succeeded to the command of d'Estrées in this quarter, and
he continued to drive Cumberland before him, taking Hameln, Göttingen,
and Hanover itself, and soon after Bremen and Verden. Thus were Hanover
and Verden, which had cost England such millions to defend, seized by
France; nor did the disgrace end here. Cumberland was cooped up in
Stade, and compelled, on the 8th of December, to sign a convention at
Closter-Seven, by which he engaged to send home the Hesse and Brunswick
troops, and to disperse the Hanoverians into different quarters, not to
serve again during the war.

Meanwhile, Frederick of Prussia was waging a tremendous war with
France, Russia, and Austria. To disable Austria before her allies
could come up to her aid, he suddenly, in April, made an eruption
into Bohemia. His army threaded the defiles of the mountains of the
Bohemian frontier in different divisions, and united before Prague,
where Marshal Braun and Prince Charles of Lorraine met him with eighty
thousand men, his own forces amounting to about seventy thousand. A
most obstinate and sanguinary conflict took place, which continued from
nine in the morning till eight at night, in which twenty-four thousand
Austrians were killed, wounded, or taken prisoners, and eighteen
thousand Prussians. The Prussians were destitute of pontoons to cross
the Moldau, or their writers contend that not an Austrian would have
escaped. But Marshal Daun advancing out of Moravia with another strong
army, to which sixteen thousand of the fugitives from Prague had united
themselves, Frederick was compelled to abandon the siege of Prague, and
march to near Kolin, where he was thoroughly defeated by Daun, with a
loss of thirteen thousand of his bravest troops.

This was a blow which for a time completely prostrated the Prussian
monarch. Nothing but the most indomitable spirit and the highest
military talent could have saved any man under such circumstances. But
Frederick had disciplined both his generals and soldiers to despise
reverses, and he relied on their keeping at bay the host of enemies
with which he was surrounded till he had tried a last blow. On the
field of Rosbach, near the plain of Lützen, where Gustavus Adolphus
fell, after having relieved Marshal Keith at Leipsic, Frederick gave
battle to the united French and Austrians. The French numbered forty
thousand men, the Austrians twenty thousand; yet, with his twenty
thousand against sixty thousand, Frederick, on the 5th of November,
took the field. His inferior numbers favoured the stratagem which he
had planned. After fighting fiercely for awhile, his troops gave way,
and appeared to commence a hasty retreat. This, however, was continued
only till the French and Austrians were thrown off their guard, when
the Prussians suddenly turned, and received the headlong squadrons
with a murderous coolness and composure. The Austrians, confounded,
fled at once; and Soubise, a general of the princely House of Rohan,
who owed his appointment to Madame Pompadour, was totally incapable of
coping with the Prussian veterans. He saw his troops flying in wild
rout, and galloped off with them, leaving a vast number of slain, seven
thousand prisoners, and the greater part of his baggage, artillery, and
standards in the hands of the enemy.

The Battle of Rosbach raised the fame of Frederick wonderfully all
over Europe. He soon roused himself, however, for fresh efforts.
Whilst he had been thus engaged on the Saale, the Austrians had again
overrun Silesia, defeating the Prussians under the Duke of Bevern,
storming the great fortress of Schweidnitz, and making themselves
masters of Breslau, the capital. In spite of his reduced numbers and
the advancing winter, Frederick immediately directed his march towards
Silesia, gathering reinforcements as he went, so that by the 5th of
December, just one month from the Battle of Rosbach, he came up with
Prince Charles of Lorraine and Marshal Daun at Lissa, a small village
near Breslau, and with forty thousand men encountered and defeated
nearly seventy thousand Austrians, killing and wounding twenty-seven
thousand of them, taking above fifty standards, one hundred cannon,
four thousand waggons, and much other spoil. This battle at once freed
Silesia from the Austrians, who trooped over the mountains in all
haste, and left the victorious king to close this unexampled campaign.

To add to the fame of Frederick, news arrived that Marshal Lewald, with
twenty thousand Prussians, had beaten the great horde of Russians at
Jägerndorf, and driven them out of Prussia, with the single exception
of Memel; that Lewald and Manteuffel had swept the Swedes out of
Pomerania, taking three thousand prisoners; and that Prince Henry of
Prussia and Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, to whom Frederick, at the
urgent request of England, had entrusted the command of the Hanoverian
and Hessian troops which Cumberland had abandoned, had, with these
very troops, driven the French from Lüneburg, Zell, and Hanover. These
troops, it is true, were bound by the Convention of Closter-Seven
not to fight again during the war; but the generals pleaded that the
cruelties and rapacity of the French in Hanover were such as set aside
all compacts.

Pitt, though he remained determined against our continuing to send
soldiers to Germany, was so elated at the success of Frederick that,
on the meeting of Parliament, on the 1st of December, he supported
the vote of six hundred and seventy thousand pounds as a subsidy to
Prussia, George having entered into a new convention with Frederick
to defend his Electorate. Pitt, on the same occasion, pronounced a
glowing eulogium on Clive's proceedings in India. This great Minister
had, in fact, formed the most extensive designs for the colonial
aggrandisement of England, and the repulse of France in those quarters.
At his suggestion, Lord Loudon had been sent to North America, and
as he had failed to render any service, General Abercrombie had gone
out to supersede him. Pitt already, however, had his eye on a young
officer, Wolfe, whom he deemed the true hero for that service; whilst,
on the opposite side of the globe, he was watching the proceedings
of another young officer with immense pleasure--namely, Clive. These
two remarkable men, under the fostering genius of Pitt, were destined
to destroy the ascendency of France in those regions, and to lay
the foundations of British power on a scale of splendour beyond all
previous conception.

[Illustration: LORD CLIVE. (_After the Portrait by Gainsborough._)]

Clive, a young clerk of the Company's, at Madras, had deserted his
desk, taken a commission, and, as early as 1748, had distinguished
himself by baffling the French commanders Dupleix and Bussy, at
Pondicherry. In 1751 he had taken Arcot from Chunda Sahib, the Viceroy
of the Carnatic, and, aided by the Mahrattas, defeated Rajah Sahib,
the son of Chunda, in a splendid victory at Arnee. In 1752 he raised
the siege of Trichinopoly, where the Nabob of Arcot was besieged by
the French. In 1755, landing at Bombay from England, he, with Admiral
Watson, made an expedition to Gheriah, the stronghold of the celebrated
pirate Angria, demolished it, and seized the spoils, valued at one
hundred and twenty thousand pounds. In 1757 he took Calcutta from the
Nabob Surajah Dowlah, the ally of the French, who had captured it, and
shut up the English prisoners in the memorable Black Hole, where, in
one night (June 20, 1756), out of one hundred and forty-six persons,
one hundred and twenty-three perished. Clive also captured the city
of Hooghly, defeated Dowlah, and compelled him to cede the town and
vicinity. He then drove the French from their factory of Chandernagore;
marched forward on Moorshedabad, defeated Surajah Dowlah in a battle
extraordinary for the rout of an immense army by a mere handful of men,
at Plassey (1757); deposed him, and seated on his throne Meer Jaffier.
From this day dates British supremacy in India.

In America Lord Amherst took the chief command, with Wolfe as his
second; Abercrombie being despatched to reduce the French forts on
Lakes George and Champlain, and thus open the way into Canada. On
the 2nd of June the British fleet, commanded by Admiral Boscawen,
and carrying Lord Amherst and twelve thousand men, anchored before
Louisburg, the capital of Cape Breton. The French had six thousand
men, soldiers and marines, and five ships of the line were drawn up in
the harbour. The landing was therefore effected with difficulty; but
Wolfe, who led the way in person, showed such spirit and activity, and
the Admiral and General, unlike the usual conduct on such occasions,
acted together with such unanimity and zeal, that the French were
compelled, towards the end of July, to capitulate, and the soldiers of
the garrison were sent to England, prisoners of war. The whole island
of Cape Breton submitted to the conquerors, and the island of St. John
was also reduced by Colonel Lord Rollo. St. John's was afterwards named
Prince Edward's Island, in compliment to the royal family.

The events on land were very different. Abercrombie, like General
Braddock, advanced with all the careless presumption of a second-rate
general. The grand object was to reduce Fort Ticonderoga, built on
a neck of land between Lakes George and Champlain. At the landing,
Lord Howe, one of the best officers, was killed, but they drove back
the French, and advanced on the fort, which was of great strength,
defended by a garrison of four thousand men, commanded by the Marquis
de Montcalm, the Commander-in-Chief of the Canadians, himself. Montcalm
had raised a breastwork eight feet high, and made in front of it a
barricade of felled trees with their branches outwards. Abercrombie,
with a foolish confidence, advanced right upon this barricade, without
waiting for the coming up of his artillery, which was detained by the
badness of the roads. With a reckless disregard of the lives of his
men, he commanded them to attempt to storm these defences, and after
fighting with the usual courage of Englishmen for several hours, and
two thousand of them being slaughtered, it was found that their efforts
were useless, and they were ordered to retire. Brigadier Forbes, who
had been sent against Fort Dupuesne, an attempt so disastrous to both
Washington and Braddock, executed his task with the utmost promptitude
and success. Forbes took possession of it on the 25th of November, and,
in compliment to the great Minister under whose auspices they fought,
named it Fort Pitt, since grown from a solitary fort into Pittsburg.

In Europe, Pitt was still bent on those attacks on the coast of
France which long experience had shown were of little use as means of
successful war, but highly objectionable, as fraught with excessive
inhumanity to the innocent people of the seaboard. This, his second
expedition, was aimed at St. Malo. A fleet of eighteen ships of the
line, thirteen frigates, with sloops, fire-ships, and bomb-ketches,
was put under the command of Lord Howe; but as Sir Edward Hawke, his
senior, struck his flag, and refused to serve as second, Lord Anson,
to get rid of the difficulty, put himself nominally at the head of
the squadron. The command of the troops was given to the Duke of
Marlborough, a brave man, but destitute of the genius of his father,
and Lord George Sackville and Lord Granby were under him. There
were fourteen thousand troops of the line and six thousand marines.
With these went a number of aristocratic volunteers, amongst them
Lord Downe, Sir John Armitage, and Sir John Lowther, the possessor
of fourteen thousand pounds a-year. On the 5th of June, 1758, the
transports anchored in Cancale Bay, and next day the troops were landed
and led against St. Malo. This town, built on one of a cluster of
granite rocks which rise out of the sea on that iron-bound coast, they
found too strongly fortified to storm, but they burnt a hundred and
thirty privateers and a great quantity of small craft in the harbour,
and then returned to their ships. They then sailed for Le Hâvre, but
were prevented by the wind from doing the same damage, and so continued
their voyage to Granville and Cherbourg, whence they were driven by
storm; and thereupon coasting a considerable way farther, but to no
purpose, the fleet returned to Portsmouth, the main result being a
heavy expense. Fox and the Opposition in the Commons called it breaking
windows with guineas; and the old king, who had expressed his dislike
of this sort of warfare, said we should brag of having burnt the French
ships, and the French of having driven us away.

The next month Pitt despatched a smaller fleet and force to destroy
the port of Cherbourg, which the French had constructed under Cardinal
Fleury, and, as they stated by an inscription, "for all eternity." This
time the command was given to General Bligh. Howe was admiral, and on
board with him went Prince Edward, afterwards Duke of York. On the 8th
of August the troops were landed at Cherbourg, which was deserted by
the garrison, and they destroyed the forts and harbour, demolished a
hundred and seventy pieces of iron cannon, and carried off twenty-two
fine brass ones. After re-embarking and returning to Portsmouth, Bligh
was ordered to pay another visit to St. Malo, but still found it too
strong for him; yet he landed his men in the bay of St. Lunaire,
about two leagues westward of St. Malo; and the weather immediately
driving Howe to sea, the army was marched overland to St. Cast, some
leagues off. The soldiers were allowed to rove about and plunder, till
Bligh heard that the Duke of Aiguillon was advancing against them at
the head of a strong force. Bligh then, but in no hurry, marched for
the port of St. Cast, followed by Aiguillon, who waited till he had
embarked all but one thousand five hundred men, when he fell upon them,
and slaughtered a thousand of them in a hollow way amongst the rocks
leading down to the shore.

In Germany, Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, after driving the French
out of Hanover, had followed them across the Rhine this spring, and
on the 23rd of June defeated them at Crefeld, with a slaughter of six
thousand men. He then took Düsseldorf; but the French court recalling
the incapable Clermont, and sending Marshal De Contades with fresh
forces against him, and Prince Soubise defeating the Hessians, he was
obliged to fall back into Westphalia, where he was joined by the Duke
of Marlborough and Lord George Sackville with the English auxiliaries,
but too late to effect anything further. Shortly afterwards the Duke
of Marlborough died suddenly, under strong suspicions of having been
poisoned.

Frederick of Prussia, meanwhile, had been beset by Austrians, Russians,
and French, and had never been able to retire to winter quarters. He
had continued to blockade Schweidnitz amid frost and snow, and having
reduced it, at the very first symptoms of spring he suddenly burst into
Moravia, and invested Olmütz, its capital. There he had to contend
with the able and cautious Marshal Daun and General Laudohn, nearly as
efficient. Laudohn managed to seize three thousand waggons, bringing
from Silesia supplies for Frederick; and whilst the king was in this
state of destitution for food even for his army, a hundred thousand
Russians, under General Fermor, were marching steadily on Berlin. They
had taken Königsberg, laid waste the whole country beyond the Vistula,
and then pushed on for the Oder. They had arrived before Küstrin,
only a few marches from Berlin, when Frederick, leaving his brother,
Prince Henry, to keep Daun and Laudohn in check before Olmütz, marched
against them. A terrible battle took place on the plain of Zörndorf,
near Custrin, in which neither Prussians nor Russians gave quarter,
and which lasted from nine in the morning till seven at night. Twenty
thousand Russians were left killed or wounded on the field, and eleven
thousand Prussians. The Russians retired with reluctance, and did not
wholly evacuate the Prussian territory till the end of October. But
Frederick himself, long before that time, had been compelled to hurry
back to the support of his brother Henry, whom Daun had driven back
into Saxony. He fixed his camp at Hochkirch, near Bautzen, and close to
the Bohemian lines. But a few mornings after, before daybreak, Daun and
Laudohn burst into his camp by a combined movement, and threw the whole
into confusion before the troops could muster. When Frederick awoke at
the uproar and rushed from his tent, all around was one fearful scene
of slaughter and flight. The news of this defeat of the generally
victorious Prussians threw the court of Vienna into ecstacies, for
they thought that Frederick was ruined; and so he might have been
had Daun been as alert to follow him up as he had been successful in
surprising him. But Daun was naturally slow; a very few days sufficed
for Frederick to collect fresh forces around him, and he suddenly
darted away into Silesia. There he raised the siege of Neisse, which
was invested by another division of the Austrian army; then, falling
back on Dresden, threatened by Daun, he drove him back, and, marching
to Breslau, fixed there his winter quarters.

The year 1759 is one of the most glorious in our annals. Pitt, by his
own spirit, and by selecting brave and able men, had infused such
ardour into our service, that our officers no longer seemed the same
men. Still, France, stung by the reverses and insults which we had
heaped on her, but especially by our ravages of her coast, contemplated
a retaliatory descent on ours. Gunboats were accumulated at Le Hâvre
and other ports, and fleets were kept ready at Toulon and Brest, as
well as a squadron at Dunkirk, under Admiral Thurot, a brave seaman.
The king sent a message to the Commons, demanding the calling out of
the militia; and the twenty-four thousand French prisoners who had
been left in great destitution by their own Government on our hands,
were marched into the interior of the country. In July Admiral Rodney
anchored in the roads of Le Hâvre, bombarded the town, set it on fire
in several places, and destroyed many of the gunboats. In August the
Toulon fleet, commanded by Admiral De la Clue, on its way to operate
against our coast, was pursued by Boscawen, who had recently returned
from America, and overtaken off Lagos, in Algarve. De la Clue was
mortally wounded, and his ship--reckoned the finest in the French
navy--and three others were taken, whilst a fifth was run aground
and burnt. At the same time the blockades of Dunkirk and Brest were
vigorously kept up.

[Illustration: SURPRISE OF FREDERICK AT HOCHKIRCH. (_See p._ 131.)]

The enemy's fleets being thus destroyed or shut up, Pitt determined on
his great enterprise, the conquest of Canada. The idea was worthy of
his genius. His feeble predecessors had suffered the French from this
neighbouring colony to aspire to the conquest of our North American
territory. They had built strong forts on the lakes and down the valley
of the Ohio; they intended to connect them with the Mississippi, and
then to drive us out of the country. Had not Pitt come into office
they might probably have succeeded. But Pitt had already commenced the
driving in of the French outposts, and he now planned the complete
expulsion of that nation from their advanced posts and from Canada
itself. His scheme had three parts, which were all to concentrate
themselves into one grand effort--the taking of Quebec, the capital.
It was a daring enterprise, for Canada was ably governed and defended
by Marshal de Montcalm, a man of great military experience and talent,
and highly esteemed for his noble character by the colonists and the
Indians, vast tribes of whom he had won over to his interest by his
courtesy and conciliatory manner, whilst the English had as much
disgusted them by their haughty surliness. But Pitt had picked his men
for the occasion, and especially for the grand _coup-de-main_, the
taking of Quebec. He formed his whole plan himself, and though it was
not perfect, and was greatly criticised by military men, it succeeded
though not in effecting the combination which he contemplated, in all
its parts.

[Illustration: ADMIRAL RODNEY BOMBARDING LE HÂVRE. (_See p._ 132.)]

The left of his operations was entrusted to General Prideaux with
a body of colonial militia, and Sir William Johnson with another
of friendly Indians, over whom he had a wonderful ascendency. This
united force was to march against the fort of Niagara, reduce it,
and then, crossing Lake Ontario, advance on Montreal. The centre
of his operations was entrusted to General Amherst, who superseded
Abercrombie. With twelve thousand men he was again to attempt
Ticonderoga, open the navigation of Lake Champlain, and then, joining
Prideaux and Johnson at Montreal, descend the St. Lawrence to support
Wolfe, who was to be conveyed by sea to the St. Lawrence, and to
prepare for the storming of Quebec, it being hoped that, by the time of
his arrival, the two other divisions of the army would have come up.

In pursuance of this plan of the campaign, Prideaux and Johnson arrived
before the fort of Niagara in the middle of July, which they found very
strong, and garrisoned by six hundred men. Prideaux was soon killed by
the bursting of a shell, but Johnson continued the siege with great
ability, having to invest the fort on one hand, whilst he was menaced
on the other by a mixed body of French and Indians, one thousand seven
hundred in number, who came to relieve the fort. The attack upon him
commenced with a terrible war-whoop of the Indians, which, mingling
with the roar of the great cataract near, made the most horrible din
imaginable. But this did not disconcert the English and their savage
allies, who received them with such steady courage, that in less than
an hour they were put to the rout in sight of their own garrison, and
pursued for five miles with dreadful slaughter. The garrison thereupon
capitulated, remaining prisoners of war. There, however, Sir William
Johnson's career stopped. From various causes, not foreseen, he was not
able to advance beyond the Ontario to unite with Amherst. That general
had fully succeeded in taking Ticonderoga and Crown Point, but he found
the French so strongly posted on an island at the upper end of Lake
Champlain, that he was compelled to stop and build boats to enable his
army to reach and dislodge them; and it was not till October that he
was ready to proceed, when he was driven back repeatedly by tempests,
and compelled to go into winter quarters.

Wolfe, meanwhile, had reached the St. Lawrence in June, on board a
fleet commanded by Admiral Saunders. The navigation of that river was
considered very dangerous, but in ascending they captured two small
store-ships, and found on board some excellent charts of the river,
which enabled the admiral to ascend safely. On the 27th of June the
army was landed on the Isle of Orleans, in the middle of the St.
Lawrence, in front of Quebec.

The Canadas at that period contained only about sixty thousand souls,
Quebec about seven thousand. But the city occupies a most formidable
site. It stands on a steep and rocky promontory running into the left
bank of the St. Lawrence, about a hundred leagues from its mouth, and
where the river, from a breadth of from twelve to twenty miles, rapidly
narrows to about one mile. The city is built part on the rocky heights,
part on the slopes below. Up the river from the city rose still higher
and almost inaccessible steeps, called the Heights of Abraham, and, on
the other hand, the side of the city down the stream was bounded by the
river St. Charles, which there runs into the St. Lawrence. The stretch
of ground between the St. Charles and the stream of Montmorency, some
miles lower, called Beauport, was connected by a bridge with Quebec.
On this ground, as the most accessible side of the city, Montcalm
had encamped his army, consisting altogether of ten thousand French,
Canadians, and Indians.

Wolfe raised batteries at Point Levi and on the island, and bombarded
the town, but he could not draw the wary Montcalm from his strong
position. In his front lay the river and some unapproachable sandbanks,
behind and around him rocks and dense woods inaccessible. Once only
he made a rush across the river, and endeavoured, with a detachment
of one thousand six hundred men, to gain the batteries on Point Levi;
but his troops soon saw the attempt to be hopeless, and retired. No
measures were neglected by Wolfe, on his part, to draw Montcalm from
his position. He marched along the banks of the Montmorency opposite to
him, and made feints as if he would cross it somewhere above him, but
to no purpose--Montcalm knew his advantage. Wolfe wrote home, that if
Montcalm had but shut himself up in Quebec, he could have taken the
town very easily, but he could not readily force him from his admirable
position. Growing at length impatient, he determined to attack him
where he was, and he dispatched Admiral Holmes up the river with a
number of transports, as though he contemplated something in that
quarter. He then landed, on the 31st of July, a body of troops near the
mouth of the Montmorency, which there falls three hundred feet into the
St. Lawrence. He had discovered a ford at some distance up the river,
and dispatched Brigadier Townshend to cross there and attack Montcalm
in flank, whilst he himself, by means of the ships and their boats,
gained the beach and attacked in front. The _Centurion_ man-of-war was
placed to engage a battery which swept the place of landing, and then
the troops were conveyed in boats, which drew little water, towards
the shore. Some of these, however, got entangled amongst rocks, and
created a delay in getting them off. By this time the French were
hurrying down towards the landing-place with their artillery, and began
to fire murderously from the banks above upon them. Wolfe, seeing that
Townshend would cross the ford before they were ready to co-operate,
sent an officer to recall him. At this time, the Grenadiers having
reached the beach, rushed forward upon the entrenchments before the
rest of the troops could be got out of the boats to support them. They
were met by such a destructive fire that they were compelled to fall
back with much slaughter. By this time night was setting in, attended
by a storm, the roaring of which, mingling with the roar of the mighty
St. Lawrence as the tide fell, seemed to warn them to recover their
camp. The word was given to re-cross the river, and they made good
their retreat without the French attempting to pursue them, though the
Indians lurked in the rear to scalp such of the dead and such of the
wounded as could not be brought off.

Wolfe then held a council with his two next in command, the Brigadiers
Monckton and Townshend, and they resolved, as a desperate attempt,
to move up the river, and thus endeavour to draw Montcalm from his
unassailable position. Accordingly, leaving detachments to defend the
Isle of Orleans and Point Levi, the rest of the army ascended the St.
Lawrence for some miles, and pitched their camp on the right bank. To
attract still more attention, Admiral Holmes was ordered to put his
vessels in active motion for some days, as if seeking a landing-place
higher up the river. This stratagem, however, produced no other result
than that of Montcalm sending a detachment of one thousand five hundred
men to watch their proceedings. He himself maintained his old ground.

Completely disheartened by this result, Wolfe for a moment felt despair
of his object, and in that despairing mood, on the 9th of September, he
wrote to Pitt. He said that, "to the uncommon strength of the country,
the enemy had added, for the defence of the river, a great number
of floating batteries and boats; that the vigilance of the Indians
had prevented their effecting anything by surprise; that he had had
a choice of difficulties, and felt at a loss how to proceed; and he
concluded with the remark, that his constitution was entirely ruined,
without the consolation of having done any considerable service to the
State, or without any prospect of it."

But the despondency of Wolfe was but for a moment. Suddenly a new
idea--an inspiration, it seemed--burst upon him: he would scale the
Heights of Abraham--the point where no mortal ascent was dreamed of,
and which therefore was less defended, except by nature, than the rest
of the vicinity of the city. The ships were immediately ordered to make
a feint, under Admiral Saunders, opposite Montcalm's camp at Beauport,
and those under Holmes, at a point higher up the river. Attention being
thus drawn from himself, on the night of the 12th of September, when it
was pitch dark and the tide flowing, he put across the river to a small
inlet about two miles above Quebec, which ever since bears the name of
Wolfe's Cove.

They succeeded in landing unobserved by any of the sentinels posted
along the shore, where they had to wait for the boats fetching over the
second detachment, there not being boats enough. Before this arrived,
they began to climb the rocks by a narrow track, so steep and rugged
that they could only ascend by clinging to the bushes and projecting
crags. Directly above their heads was a watch-post of a captain and a
hundred and fifty men. There, as they drew near the summit, Colonel
Howe--a brother of Lord Howe, who fell at Ticonderoga--leading the van,
the watch became aware of a noise, and fired down the rocks, directed
by the sound. The English soldiers imprudently returned the volley
upwards, instead of reserving it until they had gained the ascent. They
continued their scramble up, however, with redoubled ardour, and the
French, on their sudden appearance, panic-struck, fled. The second
detachment soon followed them, and the whole little army stood on the
heights above the town before the break of day.

When Montcalm was informed of this wonderful feat, he thought it merely
some new feint to draw him from his lines; but when he had ascertained
with his own eyes the truth, he said, "I see them, indeed, where
they ought not to be; but, as we must fight, I shall crush them." He
immediately led his troops over the bridge of the St. Charles, and up
to the eminence above the town. There he found the English already
advanced in order of battle to within cannon-shot of Quebec. Wolfe
had drawn them up with much judgment. His left wing was formed in
what military men call _en potence_--that is, facing two ways, so as
to guard against being outflanked. In this wing, too, he had placed
a regiment of Highlanders, one of those which Pitt had formed, and
which had already shown its bravery. His right, extending towards the
St. Lawrence, had in the van the Grenadiers who had distinguished
themselves at the taking of Louisburg, supported by a regiment of the
line. Wolfe had taken his post on this wing. The sailors had managed
to drag up one cannon, and they had seized four other small guns at
the battery they had passed; that was all their artillery. But in
this respect Montcalm was no better off, for in his haste he had only
brought along with him two guns. He had ordered a cloud of Indians to
hover on the left of the English, and had lined the thickets and copses
with one thousand five hundred of his best marksmen. These concealed
skirmishers fired on the advancing pickets of the English with such
effect, that they fell back in confusion; but Wolfe hastened forward,
encouraged them to dash on, and ordered the first line to reserve their
fire till within forty yards of the enemy. The men well obeyed the
order, and marched briskly on without firing a shot, whilst the French
came hurrying forward, firing as they came. They killed many of the
English, but, as soon as these came within the forty yards' distance,
they poured a steady and well-directed a volley into the enemy that
did dreadful execution. Wolfe, with characteristic enthusiasm, was in
the front line, encouraging them by voice and action, and in less than
half an hour the French ranks broke, and many began to fly. Meanwhile
Wolfe, exposing himself to the very hottest fire, had been wounded in
the wrist by nearly the first discharge; and he had scarcely wrapped
his handkerchief around it, when another bullet hit him in the groin.
Still appearing to pay no attention to these serious wounds, he was
in the act of inciting his men to fresh efforts, when a ball pierced
his chest, and he fell. He was carried to the rear, and, whilst he
seemed to be in the very agony of death, one of those around him cried,
"See how they run!" "Who run?" exclaimed Wolfe, raising himself, with
sudden energy, on his elbow. "The enemy," replied the officer; "they
give way in all directions." "God be praised!" ejaculated Wolfe; "I
die happy!" and, falling back, he expired. Nearly at the same moment
Brigadier Monckton was severely wounded, and Brigadier Townshend took
the command, and completed the victory. Montcalm, also, had fallen. He
was struck by a musket-ball whilst endeavouring to rally his men, and
was carried into the city, where he died the next day. When told that
he could not live--"So much the better," replied this brave and able
man; "I shall not then live to see the surrender of Quebec." His second
in command was also mortally wounded, and being taken on board the
English ships, also died the next day. Of the French, one thousand five
hundred had fallen, and six hundred and forty of the English. On the
18th September, five days after the battle, the city capitulated, the
garrison marching out with the honours of war, and under engagement to
be conveyed to the nearest French port. Other fragments of the defeated
army retired to Montreal.

Whilst this glorious news came from the West, from the East arrived
tidings equally stirring. In India Colonel Coote, afterwards famous
as Sir Eyre Coote, defeated the French under Lally, and made himself
master of all Arcot. General Ford defeated the Marquis de Conflans, and
took Masulipatam, and afterwards defeated a detachment of Dutch, which
had landed from Java to aid our enemies in Bengal. Ford completely
routed them, and took the seven ships which had brought them over, and
which lay in the Hooghly.

At sea, Sir Edward Hawke attacked the French fleet under Admiral
Conflans at the mouth of the Vilaine in Quibéron Bay. The situation,
amid rocks and shoals, and with a sea running high, so late in the
year as the 20th of November, was most perilous, but Hawke scorned
all danger, attacked the French fleet close under their own shores,
took two men-of-war, sank four more, including the admiral's ship,
the _Soleil Royal_, and caused the rest, more or less damaged, to
take refuge up the river. Two of our own vessels were stranded in
the night, but their crews and stores were saved. For this brilliant
action, which crippled the French navy for the remainder of the war,
Hawke was thanked by Parliament, received from the king a pension of
one thousand five hundred pounds a-year for his own and his son's life,
and, in the next reign, was raised to the peerage. Thurot, meanwhile,
had escaped out of Dunkirk, but with only five ships, which kept out of
the way by seeking shelter in the ports of Sweden and Norway.

In Germany, Frederick of Prussia was hard put to it. A fresh army of
Russians, under General Soltikow, advanced to the Oder, and another
army of Austrians, under Laudohn, advanced to form a junction with
them. To prevent this, Frederick sent General Wedel to encounter the
Russians, but he was defeated by them on the 23rd of July, with heavy
loss. Frederick himself then hastened against them, but, before his
arrival, the Austrians had joined Soltikow, making a united force
of sixty thousand, which Frederick attacked, on the 12th of August,
with forty-eight thousand, at the village of Kunersdorf, close to
Frankfort-on-the-Oder. At first he was successful; but, attempting to
push his advantages, he was completely beaten, the whole of his army
being killed or scattered to three thousand men. So completely did his
ruin now seem accomplished, that, expecting the Russians, Austrians,
Poles, Swedes, and Saxons to come down on him on all sides, he once
more contemplated taking the poison that he still carried about him;
wrote a letter to that effect to his Prime Minister, and directed the
oath of allegiance to be taken to his nephew, and that his brother,
Prince Henry, should be regent; but finding that the Russians, who had
lost twenty thousand men, were actually drawing off, he again took
courage, was soon at the head of thirty thousand men, and with these
was hastening to the relief of Dresden, when he was paralysed by the
news that General Finck, with twelve thousand men, had suffered himself
to be surrounded at Maxen, and compelled to surrender. Despairing of
relieving Dresden during this campaign, Frederick eventually took up
his winter quarters at Freiberg, in Saxony, and employed himself in
raising and drilling fresh soldiers; compelled, however, to pay his
way by debasing both the Prussian coin, and the English gold which he
received in subsidy, by a very large alloy.

[Illustration: DEATH OF WOLFE. (After the Painting by Benjamin West,
P.R.A.)]

Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick was more successful. He was at the
head of an army of fifty-five thousand men, including ten or twelve
thousand English, under Lord George Sackville. As the French had
taken Frankfort-on-the-Main, he left the British and Hanoverian
troops, amounting to twenty-eight thousand men, to watch the French,
under Marshal de Contades, upon the Lippe, and set out to drive back
the other divisions of the French, under De Broglie. He found these
amounted to thirty-five thousand strong, but he did not hesitate
to engage them at Bergen, on the Nidda, near Frankfort. After a
hard-fought battle, he was defeated with a loss of two thousand men
and five pieces of cannon. De Broglie pushed rapidly after him, formed
a junction with Contades, and speedily reduced Cassel, Münster, and
Minden. There appeared every prospect of the whole Electorate of
Hanover being again overrun by them. The archives were once more sent
off to Stade, ready for embarkation. But Ferdinand now displayed
the superiority of his generalship. He left five thousand of his
troops, with an air of carelessness, in the way of the French, who,
unsuspicious of any stratagem, hastened forward to surprise them, when,
to their astonishment, they found the whole of Ferdinand's army had
been brought up in the night, and were drawn up behind a ridge near
Minden.

To approach Ferdinand's forces, the French were obliged to pass
a narrow ground between a river and a marsh, and were so cramped
that they committed the very error which cost them the battle of
Blenheim. They placed the cavalry in the centre, and made wings of
their infantry. The cavalry made a succession of furious charges on
Ferdinand's centre, but this stood compact and immovable, till the
French horse, being discouraged, the Allies charged in their turn, and
the centre of the army, the cavalry, being thus driven back, the whole
line gave way. At this moment Ferdinand sent orders to Lord George
Sackville to charge with the cavalry, which had been kept in reserve,
and thus complete the destruction of the flying French. But Lord
George, who had been constantly quarrelling with Ferdinand, as well as
his own second in command, the Marquis of Granby, now did not appear to
comprehend a succession of orders, and sat still. But Ferdinand, having
lost patience, sent word to the Marquis of Granby to advance, and he
promptly obeyed, but it was now too late; the French had got half an
hour's start. Thus the English cavalry was deprived of all share in
the victory; but the English foot had borne the chief brunt of the
attack, being in the centre. Six British regiments, in fact, for a time
maintained the whole shock of the French. Sackville was tried by court
martial, and dismissed from all his military appointments. The battle
of Minden was fought on the 1st of August, 1759.

The Parliament of England met on the 13th of October. Pitt, not without
cause, assumed much merit from the successes of the year; and, in
truth, so far as military matters went, rarely had this country reaped
such fame. We had triumphed in every quarter of the world. In January
came the news of the capture of Goree; in June, of Guadeloupe; in
August, that of the victory of Minden; in September, of the victory off
Lagos; in October, of the conquest of Quebec; in November, of Hawke's
victory off Quiberon. Horace Walpole said, "victories came so thick,
that every morning we were obliged to ask what victory there was, for
fear of missing one." At the same time, the condition of our trade
warranted the inscription afterwards placed on Chatham's monument in
the Guildhall, that he caused commerce to flourish with war.

The earliest martial event of the year 1760 was the landing of Thurot,
the French admiral, at Carrickfergus, on the 28th of February. He had
been beating about between Scandinavia and Ireland till he had only
three ships left, and but six hundred soldiers. But Carrickfergus being
negligently garrisoned, Thurot made his way into the town and plundered
it, but was soon obliged to abandon it. He was overtaken by Captain
Elliot and three frigates before he had got out to sea, his ships were
taken, he himself was killed, and his men were carried prisoners to
Ramsey, in the Isle of Man.

In April the French made an attempt to recover Quebec.
Brigadier-General Murray had been left in command of the troops, six
thousand in number, and the fleet had returned to England. The Marquis
de Vaudreuil, now the French governor at Montreal, formed a plan of
dropping down the St. Lawrence the moment the ice broke up, and before
the mouth of the river was clear for ships to ascend from England. He
therefore held in readiness five thousand regular troops, and as many
militia, and the moment the ice broke in April, though the ground was
still covered with snow, he embarked them in ships and boats under the
command of Chevalier de Levis, an officer of reputation. On the 28th of
that month they were within sight of Quebec. They had landed higher
up than where Wolfe did, and were now at the village of Sillery, not
far from Wolfe's place of ascent. Murray, who had only about three
thousand men available for such a purpose, the rest having been reduced
by sickness, or being needed to man the fortifications, yet ventured
to march out against them. He was emulous of the fame of Wolfe, and
attacked this overwhelming force with great impetuosity, but was
soon compelled to retire into Quebec with the loss of one thousand
men killed and wounded. This was a serious matter with their scanty
garrison, considering the numbers of the enemy, and the uncertainty of
the arrival of succour.

Levis, who knew that his success depended on forestalling any English
arrivals, lost no time in throwing up trenches and preparing batteries.
Had the river continued closed, Quebec must soon have reverted to the
French; but, on the 11th of May, the English were rejoiced to see a
frigate approaching, and this, only four days after, was followed
by another frigate and a ship of the line. These, commanded by Lord
Colville, immediately attacked and destroyed or drove on shore the
French flotilla, and at that sight Levis struck his tents and decamped
as rapidly as he came, leaving behind him his baggage and artillery.
Nor was the Marquis de Vaudreuil left long undisturbed at Montreal.
The three expeditions, which had failed to meet the preceding summer,
were now ordered to converge on Montreal--Amherst from Lake Ontario,
Haviland from Crown Point, and Murray from Quebec. Amherst had been
detained at Oswego by an outbreak of the Cherokees against us. This
native tribe had been friendly to us, and we had built a fort in
their country, and called it Fort Loudon, after Lord Loudon; but in
the autumn of 1759 they had been bought over by the French, and made
a terrible raid on our back settlements, murdering and scalping the
defenceless inhabitants. Mr. Lyttelton, the Governor of South Carolina,
marched against them with a thousand men, and compelled them to
submission; but no sooner had he retired than they recommenced their
hostilities, and Amherst sent against them Colonel Montgomery, with one
thousand two hundred men, who made a merciless retaliation, plundering
and burning their villages, so as to impress a sufficient terror upon
them.

Amherst had now ten thousand men; and though he had to carry all his
baggage and artillery over the Ontario in open boats, and to pass the
rapids of the upper St. Lawrence, he made a most able and prosperous
march, reducing the fort of Île Royale on the way, and reached the
isle of Montreal on the very same day as Murray, and a day before
Haviland. Vaudreuil saw that resistance was hopeless, and capitulated
on the 8th of September. The French were, according to contract, sent
home, under engagement not to come against us during the remainder of
the war. Besides this, Lord Byron chased a squadron of three frigates,
convoying twenty store-ships to Quebec, into the Bay of Chaleur, and
there destroyed them. Thus all the French possessions in North America,
excepting the recent and feeble settlement of New Orleans, remained in
our hands.

The war in Germany grew more and more bloody. Russia and Austria came
down upon Frederick this year with great forces. Daun entered Saxony;
Laudohn and Soltikow, Silesia. Laudohn defeated Fouqué at Landshut,
and took the fortress of Glatz, and compelled Frederick, though hard
pressed by Daun, to march for Silesia. The month was July, the weather
so hot that upwards of a hundred of his soldiers fell dead on the
march. Daun followed him, watching his opportunity to fall upon him
when engaged with other troops, but on the way Frederick heard of the
defeat of Fouqué and the fall of Glatz, and suddenly turned back to
reach Dresden before Daun, and take the city by storm; but as Daun was
too expeditious for him, and Maguire, the governor, an Irishman, paid
no heed to his demands for surrender, Frederick, who had lately been so
beautifully philosophising on the inhumanities of men, commenced a most
ferocious bombardment, not of the fortress but of the town. He burnt
and laid waste the suburbs, fired red-hot balls into the city to burn
it all down, demolished the finest churches and houses, and crushed
the innocent inhabitants in their flaming and falling dwellings, till
crowds rushed from the place in desperation, rather facing his ruthless
soldiers than the horrors of his bombardment.

Prevented by the arrival of Daun from utterly destroying Dresden,
though he had done enough to require thirty years of peace to restore
it, Frederick marched for Silesia. Laudohn, who was besieging Breslau,
quitted it at his approach; but the Prussian king, who found himself
surrounded by three armies, cut his way, on the 15th of August, at
Liegnitz, through Laudohn's division, which he denominated merely
"a scratch." He was instantly, however, called away to defend his
own capital from a combined army of Russians under Todleben, and of
Austrians under Lacy, another Irishman; but before he could reach them
they had forced an entrance, on the 9th of October. The Russians,
departing from their usual custom of plunder, touched nothing, but
levied a contribution of one million seven hundred thousand dollars on
the city. At Frederick's approach they withdrew.

But there was no rest for Frederick. Daun was overrunning Saxony; had
reduced Leipsic, Wittenberg, and Torgau. Frederick marched against him,
retook Leipsic, and came up with Daun at Torgau on the 3rd of November.
There a most sanguinary battle took place, which lasted all day and
late into the night. Within half an hour five thousand of Frederick's
grenadiers, the pride of his army, were killed by Daun's batteries of
four hundred cannon. Frederick was himself disabled and carried into
the rear, and altogether fourteen thousand Prussians were killed or
wounded, and twenty thousand of the Austrians. This scene of savage
slaughter closed the campaign. The Austrians evacuated Saxony, with the
exception of Dresden; the Russians re-passed the Oder, and Frederick
took up his winter quarters at Leipsic.

Prince Ferdinand this summer had to contend with numerous armies of the
French. De Broglie marched from Frankfort into Hesse with a hundred
thousand men. On the 10th of July they met the hereditary Prince of
Brunswick at Corbach, and defeated him, though he gained a decided
advantage over them a few days after at Emsdorf, taking the commander
of the division and five battalions prisoners. This was followed by
Ferdinand himself, who was at Warburg, where he took ten pieces of
artillery, killed one thousand five hundred of the French, and drove
them into the Dimel, where many were drowned. The British cavalry had
the greatest share in this victory. In fact, the Marquis of Granby led
them on all occasions with such spirit and bravery, that Ferdinand
placed them continually in the post of danger, where of course they
suffered more severely than the other troops.

Notwithstanding these checks at Emsdorf and Warburg, the French
obtained possession of Göttingen and Cassel. Ferdinand attempted, but
in vain, to dislodge them from Göttingen, and the hereditary Prince,
attempting to surprise the Marquis de Castries at Wesel, was repulsed
with a loss of one thousand two hundred men at Closter-Campen, near
that town, and was compelled to retreat. This closed the campaign, and
the French took up their winter quarters at Göttingen and Cassel.

Whilst these things were happening, and but two days before the mail
arrived bringing the news of the defeat at Closter-Campen, George II.
died. He had, till within the last two years, enjoyed robust health.
He had then a severe attack of gout, and from that time his eyes and
hearing had failed. On the morning of the 25th of October he rose at
his usual hour of six, drank his chocolate, inquired how the wind was,
being anxious for the arrival of the mails, and then suddenly fell,
uttered a groan, and expired. He was seventy-seven years of age.

[Illustration: MARTELLO TOWER ON THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM, QUEBEC.]



[Illustration: GEORGE WHITEFIELD PREACHING. (_See p._ 143.)]



CHAPTER VI.

PROGRESS OF THE NATION FROM THE REVOLUTION TO 1760.

    The Church after the Revolution--The Non-Jurors--The Act of
    Toleration--Comprehension Bill--Laxity of Religion--The Wesleys
    and Whitefield--Foundation of Methodism--Extension of the
    Movement--Literature--Survivors of the Stuart Period--Prose
    Writers: Bishop Burnet--Philosophers: Locke--Bishop
    Berkeley, etc.--Novelists: Fielding, Richardson, Smollett,
    and Sterne--Dr. Davenant--Bentley--Swift--Addison--Addison
    and Steele--Bolingbroke--Daniel Defoe--Lady Mary
    Wortley Montagu--Poets: Pope--His Prose Writings--Gay,
    Prior, Young, etc.--James Thomson, Allan Ramsay,
    Gray, and Minor Lights--Dramatists--Physical Science:
    Astronomers--Mathematicians--Electricians--Chemists--Medical
    Discoverers--Music: Purcell--Italian Music--Handel--Church
    Music--The Academy of Ancient Music and other
    Societies--Architecture--Wren and his Buildings--St. Paul's--His
    Churches and Palaces--Vanbrugh--Gibbs--Hawksmoor--Minor
    Architects--Painting and Sculpture: Lely and Kneller--Other Foreign
    Painters and Decorators--Thornhill--Other English Artists--Hogarth
    and his Works--Exhibition of British Artists--Sculptors--Shipping,
    Colonies, Commerce, and Manufactures--Increase of Canals--Woollen
    and Silk Trades--Irish Linens--Lace--Iron, Copper, and other
    Industries--Increase of the large Towns.


The Revolution of 1688, which overthrew absolutism in the State,
overthrew it also in the Church. The political principles of William
of Orange, and the Whigs who brought him in, were not more opposed to
the absolutism of the Stuarts than the ecclesiastical principles of
the new king and queen, and the prelates whom they introduced into the
Church, were to the high-churchism of Laud, Sancroft, Atterbury, and
their section of the Establishment. When Parliament, on the accession
of William and Mary, presented the Oath of Allegiance to the Lords
and Commons, eight of the bishops, including Sancroft, Archbishop of
Canterbury, refused it; and of these, five were of the number of the
seven who had refused to sign James II.'s Declaration of Indulgence,
and thus gave the immediate occasion to the outbreak ending in the
Revolution. Thus a fresh faction was produced in the Establishment,
that of the Non-jurors, who were, after much delay and patience,
finally excluded from their livings. As the existing law could not
touch the non-juring bishops so long as they absented themselves from
Parliament, where the oath had to be put to them, a new Act was passed,
providing that all who did not take the new oaths before the 1st of
August, 1689, should be suspended six months, and at the end of that
time, in case of non-compliance, should be ejected from their sees.
Still the Act was not rigorously complied with; they were indulged
for a year longer, when, continuing obstinate, they were, on the 1st
of February, 1691, excluded from their sees. Two of the eight had
escaped this sentence by dying in the interim--namely, the Bishops of
Worcester and Chichester. The remaining six who were expelled were
Sancroft, the Primate, Ken of Bath and Wells, Turner of Ely, Frampton
of Gloucester, Lloyd of Norwich, and White of Peterborough. In the room
of these were appointed prelates of Whig principles, the celebrated
Dr. Tillotson being made Primate. Other vacancies had recently or did
soon fall out; so that, within three years of his accession, William
had put in sixteen new bishops, and the whole body was thus favourable
to his succession, and, more or less, to the new views of Church
administration.

Having obtained a favourable episcopal bench, King William now
endeavoured to introduce measures of the utmost wisdom and
importance--measures of the truest liberality and the profoundest
policy--namely, an Act of Toleration of dissent, and an Act of
Comprehension, by which it was intended to allow Presbyterian ministers
to occupy livings in the Church without denying the validity of their
ordination, and also to do away with various things in the ritual
of the Church which drove great numbers from its community. By the
Act of Toleration--under the name of "An Act for exempting their
Majesties' Protestant subjects dissenting from the Church of England
from the penalties of certain laws"--dissenters were exempt from all
penalties for not attending church and for attending their own chapels,
provided that they took the new oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and
subscribed to the declaration against Transubstantiation, and also that
their chapels were registered, and their services conducted without the
doors being locked or barred. As the Quakers would take no oaths, they
were allowed to subscribe a declaration of fidelity to the Government,
and a profession of their Christian belief.

But the Comprehension Bill was not so fortunate. Ten bishops, with
twenty dignified clergymen, were appointed as a commission to make
such alterations in the liturgy and canons, and such plans for the
reformation of the ecclesiastical courts as, in their opinion, best
suited the exigencies of the times, and were necessary to remove
the abuses, and render more efficient the services of the Church.
The list of these commissioners comprised such men as Tillotson,
Stillingfleet, Sharp, Kidder, Hall, Tenison, and Fowler. They met
in the Jerusalem Chamber, and began their labours preparatory to
this great comprehensive bill. In order to sanction these changes,
Convocation was summoned, and then the storm broke loose. The Jacobites
and the discontented cried out they were going to pull the Church down;
the High Churchmen declared it was a scheme to hand over the Church
to the Presbyterians; the Universities cried that all the men engaged
in the plan were traitors to the true faith, and the king himself was
not spared. The High Churchmen who were included in the commission
fled out of it amain, and Convocation threw out the whole reform as
an abomination. Convocation having given this blow to all hopes of
ecclesiastical reform, was prorogued to the 24th of January, 1690, and
on the 6th of February was dissolved with the Parliament, nor was it
suffered to meet again for business till the last year of the reign of
William.

Burnet describes the state of religion and intelligence in the nation
at the period of Anne's reign as most lamentable, the clergy as "dead
and lifeless: the most remiss in their labours in private, and the
least severe in their lives," of all that he had seen amongst all
religions at home or abroad; the gentry "the worst instructed and
the least knowing of any of their rank that he ever went amongst;"
and the common people beyond all conception "ignorant in matters of
religion." The words of Atterbury, a high Tory, were quite as strong.
A description of the state of religion in the country, drawn up by
him, was presented by Convocation to the queen, which stated that "the
manifest growth of immorality and profaneness," "the relaxation and
decay of the discipline of the Church," the "disregard to all religious
places, persons, and things," had scarcely had a parallel in any age.
Dr. Calamy, a great Nonconformist, equally complains that the "decay of
real religion, both in and out of the Church," was most visible. Under
the Georges much the same state of affairs prevailed. The episcopal
bench was Whig, though very apathetic; while the clergy were Tory, and
disinclined to listen to their superiors.

It was at this era of religious apathy that John Wesley (_b._ 1703;
_d._ 1791), and Charles, his brother (_b._ 1708; _d._ 1788), and
George Whitefield (_b._ 1714), came forward to preach a revival, and
laid the foundation of Methodism. These young men, students at Oxford,
all of them originally of clerical families but Whitefield--who was
the son of an innkeeper--with Hervey, afterwards the author of the
well-known "Meditations amongst the Tombs," and some others of their
fellow-collegians, struck by the dearth of religious life of the time,
met in their rooms for prayer and spiritual improvement. They were soon
assailed with the nicknames of "Sacramentarians," "Bible Moths," and
finally, "Methodists," a term current against the Puritans in those
days, and suggested by the appellative _Methodistæ_, given to a college
of physicians in ancient Rome, in consequence of the strict regimen
which they prescribed to their patients.

In 1734 the Wesleys commenced their career as preachers to the
people, and were soon followed by Whitefield. This may, therefore, be
considered the date of the foundation of Methodism. None of them had
any the remotest idea of separating from the Church, or founding new
sects. The Wesleys made a voyage to Georgia, in America, and, on their
return, found their little party not only flourishing in Oxford but
in London, where they had a meeting-house in Fetter Lane. Whitefield,
however, was the first to commence the practice of field-preaching,
amongst the colliers at Kingswood, near Bristol; but in this he was
soon imitated by Wesley. As they began to attract attention by the
ardour of their preaching and the wonderful effect on the people,
this became necessary, for speedily all church doors were closed
against them. John Wesley had a peculiar genius for the construction
of a new religious community, and he was ready to collect hints for
its organisation from any quarter. The most prolific source of his
ordinances for his new society was the system of the Moravians,
whose great settlement at Herrnhuth, in Germany, he visited, and had
much consultation with its head, Count Zinzendorf. From it he drew
his class-meetings, his love-feasts, and the like. In framing the
constitution of his society, Wesley displayed a profound knowledge of
human nature. He took care that every man and woman in his society
counted for something more than a mere unit. The machinery of
class-meetings and love-feasts brought members together in little
groups, where every one was recognised and had a personal interest.
Numbers of men, who had no higher ambition, could enjoy the distinction
of class-leaders. It did not require a man to go to college and take
orders to become a preacher. Thomas Maxwell with Wesley, and Howel
Harris with Whitefield, led the way from the plane of the laity into
the pulpits of Methodism, and have been followed by tens of thousands
who have become able if not learned, and eloquent if not Greek-imbued,
preachers. Wesley divided the whole country into districts, into
which he sent one or more well-endowed preachers, who were called
circuit preachers, or round preachers, from their going their rounds
in particular circuits. Under the ministry of these men sprang up
volunteer preachers, who first led prayer-meetings, and then ascended
to the pulpit in the absence of the circuit preachers, and most of
them soon discovered unexpected talents, and edifying their own local
and often remote or obscure little auditories, became styled local
preachers. Out of these local preachers ever and anon grew men of large
minds and fertilising eloquence, who became the burning and shining
lights of the whole firmament of Methodism. It was Wesley's object not
to separate from the Church, and it was only after his death that the
Wesleyans were reckoned as Nonconformists.

Whitefield and Wesley soon separated into distinct fields of labour,
as was inevitable, from Whitefield embracing Calvinism and Wesley
Arminianism. Whitefield grew popular amongst the aristocracy, from the
Countess of Huntingdon becoming one of his followers, and, at the same
time, his great patron. Whitefield, like the Wesleys, made repeated
tours in America, and visited all the British possessions there. When
in England, he generally made an annual tour in it, extending his
labours to Scotland and several times to Ireland. On one of his voyages
to America he made some stay at Lisbon. Everywhere he astonished
his hearers by his vivid eloquence; and Benjamin Franklin relates a
singular triumph of Whitefield over his prejudices and his pocket.
He died at Newbury Port, near Boston, United States, on the 30th of
September, 1770. If Whitefield did not found so numerous a body as
Wesley, he yet left a powerful impression on his age; and we still
trace his steps, in little bodies of Calvinistic Methodists in various
quarters of the United Kingdom, especially in Wales.

[Illustration: JOHN WESLEY.]

The literature of this period is more distinguished for learning and
cleverness than for genius. There are a few names that rise above the
smartness and mere accomplishment of the time into the regions of pure
genius; but, with very few exceptions, even they bear the stamp of the
period. We have here no Milton, no Shakespeare, no Herbert, no Herrick
even, to produce; but De Foe, Addison, Steele, Thomson, and Pope, if
they do not lift us to the highest creative plane, give us glimpses and
traits of what is found there. For the rest, however full of power,
there hangs a tone of "town," of a vicious and sordid era, about
them, of an artificial and by no means refined life, a flavour of the
grovelling of the politics which distinguished the period, and of the
low views and feelings which occupied and surrounded the throne during
the greater portion of this term.

Some of the writers of the last period were still existing in this.
Dryden was living, and wrote some of his most perfect works, as his
"Fables," and his "Alexander's Feast," as well as translated Virgil
after the Revolution. He was still hampered by his miserable but far
more successful dramatic rivals, Shadwell and Elkanah Settle. Nathaniel
Lee produced in William's time his tragedies, "The Princess of Cleves,"
and his "Massacre of Paris." Etherege was yet alive; Wycherley still
poured out his licentious poems; and Southern wrote the greater part
of his plays. His "Oronooko" and his "Fatal Marriage" were produced
now, and he received such prices as astonished Dryden. Whilst "Glorious
John" never obtained more than a hundred pounds for a play, Southern
obtained his six or seven hundred.

[Illustration: From the Picture in the National Gallery of British Art.

DOCTOR JOHNSON IN THE ANTE-ROOM OF LORD CHESTERFIELD, WAITING FOR AN
AUDIENCE, 1748.

BY E. M. WARD, R.A.]

[Illustration: INTERIOR OF THE JERUSALEM CHAMBER, WESTMINSTER ABBEY.]

We may satisfy ourselves as to William's appreciation of poetry by
the fact that Shadwell was his first poet-laureate and Nahum Tate the
next. Dr. Nicholas Brady and Nahum Tate made the version of the Psalms
which long disgraced the Church Service. Sir William Temple, Baxter,
Sir George Mackenzie, Stillingfleet, and Evelyn, as well as some others
flourishing at the end of the last period, still remained.

Amongst the earliest of the prose writers may be mentioned the
theological authors. Cumberland was the author of a Latin treatise,
"De Legibus Naturæ," in which he successfully combated the infidelity
of Hobbes. Bull, who, as well as Cumberland, became a bishop,
distinguished himself before the Revolution by his "Harmonia
Apostolica," an anti-Calvinistic work, and by his "Defensio Fidei
Nicenæ." In 1694 he published his "Judicium Ecclesiæ Catholicæ." John
Norris, of the school of Cudworth and Henry More, and nearly the last
of that school called the English Platonists, published, besides many
other works, his "Essay on the Ideal World" in 1701 and 1702. He also
wrote some religious poetry of no particular mark.

Tillotson and South were the great authors of sermons of this period.
Tillotson was one of the most popular preachers of the time, but may
be said to have done more good by his liberal and amiable influence
at the head of the Church than by his preaching. There is a solid and
genuinely pious character about the sermons of Tillotson which suited
the better-trained class of mind of his age, but which would now be
deemed rather heavy. South has more life and a more popular style;
he was therefore more attractive to the courtiers of his day than to
the sober citizens, and he has larded his text with what were then
deemed sprightly sallies and dashing phrases, but which are now felt as
vulgarisms. Both divines, however, furnished succeeding preachers with
much gleaning.

Dr. Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury (_b._ 1643) who figures so
prominently in the reign of William and Mary, and who rendered such
essential service to the establishment of religious liberty, is the
great historian of his time. Without his narratives of his own period,
we should have a very imperfect idea of it. With all his activity
at Court and in Parliament, he was a most voluminous writer. His
publications amount to no less than a hundred and forty-five, though
many of these are mere tracts, and some of them even only single
sermons. His earliest productions date from 1669, and they continued,
with little intermission, to the time of his death in 1715--a space of
forty-six years. His great works are "The Reformation of the Church,"
in three volumes, folio, 1679, 1681, and 1715; and his "History of
His Own Times," in two volumes, published after his death in 1724.
Burnet lays no claim to eloquence or to much genius, and he has
been accused of a fondness for gossip, and for his self-importance;
but the qualities which sink all these things into mere secondary
considerations are his honesty and heartiness in the support of sound
and liberal principles far beyond the majority of his fellow prelates
and churchmen. Whilst many of these were spending their energies in
opposing reform and toleration, Burnet was incessantly, by word and
pen, engaged in assisting to build up and establish those broad and
Christian principles under which we now live. Besides the great works
named, he wrote also "Memoirs of James and William, Dukes of Hamilton;"
"Passages in the Life and Death of Wilmot, Earl of Rochester;" a "Life
of Bishop Bedell;" "Travels on the Continent;" "An Exposition of the
Thirty-nine Articles," etc. etc.

Dr. Thomas Burnet is known for his eloquent and able History of
the Earth, "Telluris Sacra Theoria," first published in Latin, and
afterwards in English. This work, on which his fame rests, was greatly
read and admired at the time, but the discoveries of modern science
have reduced it to mere ingenious but unfounded theory. He was also
author of "Archæologica Philosophica," and some lesser treatises.

The great philosopher of this period was John Locke (_b._ 1632;
_d._ 1704). Locke had much to do with the governments of his time,
and especially with that extraordinary agitator and speculator,
Ashley, Lord Shaftesbury, whom he attended in his banishment, and
did not return till the Revolution. Yet, though so much connected
with government, office, and the political schemers, Locke remained
wonderfully unworldly in his nature. His philosophical bias, no doubt,
preserved him from the corrupt influences around him. He was a staunch
advocate of toleration, and wrote three letters on Toleration, and left
another unfinished at his death. In these he defended both religious
and civil liberty against Jonas Proast and Sir Robert Filmer, advocates
of the divine right of kings. His "Thoughts on Education" and his
"Treatises on Government" served as the foundations of Rousseau's
"Emile" and his "Contrat Social." Besides these he wrote numerous works
of a theological kind, as "The Vindication of the Reasonableness of
Christianity;" and in his last years, "A Discourse upon Miracles,"
"Paraphrases of St. Paul," and "An Essay for the Understanding of
St. Paul's Epistles;" a work "On the Conduct of the Understanding,"
and "An Examination of Father Malebranche's Opinion of Seeing all
Things in God." But his great work is his "Essay concerning the Human
Understanding." This may be considered the first pure and systematic
treatise on metaphysics in the English language; and though the pursuit
of the science since his time has led to the rejection of many of his
opinions, the work will always remain as an able and clearly-reasoned
attempt to follow the method of Bacon in tracing the nature and
operations of the understanding.

In the department of philosophy flourished also Bishop Berkeley (_b._
1684; _d._ 1753), author of "The Principles of Human Knowledge,"
whostartled the world with the theory that matter has no existence in
the universe, but is merely a fixed idea of the mind; Dr. Mandeville,
a Dutchman by birth, who settled in London, and published various
medical and metaphysical works of a freethinking character; Hutchinson,
an opponent of Dr. Woodward in natural history, and Newton in natural
philosophy; and David Hartley, author of "Observations on Man." Bishop
Butler, Warburton, Hoadley, Middleton, author of "A Free Inquiry
into the Miraculous Powers of the Church," and Secker, Archbishop of
Canterbury, were the leading theologians in the Church; but Dissent
could also boast of its men of light and leading in Dr. Isaac Watts,
author of a system of Logic and of the popular Hymns; Calamy, the
opponent of Hoadley; Doddridge, and others.

In the department of novel writing, no age had yet produced such a
constellation as Fielding, Richardson, Sterne, and Smollett. Their
works are still read with admiration by all who have a relish
for vivid and masterly delineations of life; their only drawback
being, that they are all more or less stained with the grossness and
licentiousness of the age. From these faults Samuel Richardson (_b._
1689; _d._ 1761) is most free, and in his "Sir Charles Grandison"
he hasshown himself ahead of his age in the wisdom and liberality
of his ideas. He discountenanced duelling, and taught the soundest
principles of honour and morality. The photographic minuteness of his
style prevents the general reading of his works in the present day
of abundant new literature. The principal novels of Henry Fielding
(_b._ 1707; _d._ 1754), "Joseph Andrews," "Tom Jones," and "Amelia,"
abound in wit, vigour, and knowledge of human nature. He wrote also
some plays, and edited several periodicals. His sister, Sarah, also
wrote "David Simple," a novel, and translated Xenophon's "Memoirs
of Socrates." Tobias Smollett (_b._ 1721; _d._ 1771) paints life in
strong, bold, but somewhat coarse lines, full of vigour, but with
even more grossness than Fielding uses. "Peregrine Pickle," "Count
Fathom," "Roderick Random," "Humphrey Clinker," and "Sir Launcelot
Greaves," if not now generally read, have been carefully studied and
made use of by some of our modern novelists. Smollett, besides, wrote
plays, satires, poems, and edited "The Briton," a weekly newspaper.
Laurence Sterne (_b._ 1713; _d._ 1768) struck out a style of writing
peculiar to himself, and which still defies all successful imitation.
Notwithstanding attempts to represent his pathos as grimace, and his
humour as tinsel, the felicity of touch in "Tristram Shandy," and the
flashes of wit and feeling in his "Sentimental Journey," will, in spite
of detractors, and of the occasional indecency of the author, always
send readers to Sterne.

One of the pioneers of the science of political economy at this time
was Dr. Davenant, the son of Sir William Davenant, the poet. He had
no genius for drawing principles and theories from accumulated facts,
but he was a diligent collector of them, and his porings amongst State
documents and accounts have served essentially the historians and
political economists of our day.

During this period Richard Bentley, Master of Trinity College,
Cambridge, and archdeacon of Ely, figures prominently as one of the
most profound classical scholars that Great Britain has produced,
and, at the same time, as one of the most quarrelsome, arrogant, and
grasping of men. The circumstance which made the most noise in his
career was his controversy with the Hon. Charles Boyle regarding the
authenticity of the Epistles of Phalaris and the Fables of Æsop. In
this dispute he had to contend with Drs. Atterbury, French, King,
and Smallridge, who made the reply to him in their "Examination of
Bentley's Dissertation on the Epistles," in the name of Boyle. Swift
also attacked him in "The Battle of the Books." The controversy made an
immense noise at the time, and Bentley completely proved his assertion,
that both the Epistles of Phalaris and the Fables of Æsop, in their
present form, are spurious. The services of Bentley in publishing
corrected editions of various classical works are of no ordinary kind.
Amongst the authors who have received the benefit of his critical
touches are Aristophanes, Cicero, Menander, Philemon, Horace, Nicander,
Phædrus, and Homer. In his editions of Horace and Homer, however,
he laid himself open to severe criticism by his rash and arbitrary
emendations of the text, and still more so by his edition of Milton's
"Paradise Lost," from the same cause. In this case he showed that he
was as deficient in the Italian and romantic learning, which Milton had
made himself master of, as he was great in his own classical field.
Bentley displayed himself as a theologian of great distinction by his
refutation of Collins's "Discourse of Freethinking," and his lectures
at Oxford in defence of the Christian religion.

With "The Battle of the Books" appeared "The Tale of a Tub;" and though
these were anonymous, it was soon well known that they were from the
hand of Jonathan Swift, a friend of Harley and Bolingbroke, who now
assumed a position in the public eye destined to be rendered yet more
remarkable. Swift was of English parentage, but born in Dublin in
1667. He was educated at Kilkenny and the University of Dublin. In
early life he became private secretary to Sir William Temple, and at
this time he wrote his "Tale of a Tub," which cut off all his hopes
of a bishopric. He edited a selection from the papers of Temple, and
then accompanied Lord Berkeley to Ireland as chaplain. Disappointed of
the preferment which he had hoped for, he went over from the Whigs to
the Tories in 1710, and thenceforward was an unscrupulous adherent of
Harley and Bolingbroke, defending all their measures in the "Examiner,"
and pouring out his vengeance on all opponents with unflinching
truculence. In his political character Swift has been styled the great
blackguard of the age, and certainly with too much truth. In spite of
rare intellectual power, wit, and sarcasm, no principle or tenderness
of feeling restrained him in his attacks on his enemies. If Harley and
Bolingbroke are guilty of inflicting the disgraceful peace of Utrecht
on the nation, simply to avenge themselves on the Whigs, no man so
thoroughly abetted them in that business as Swift. His "Conduct of the
Allies," his "Public Spirit of the Whigs," and other political tracts
and articles, bear testimony to his unscrupulous political rancour.
His "Drapier's Letters," and his treatment of Wood in the affair of
the Irish halfpence, show that no means, however base and false, came
amiss to him in serving the objects of his ambition. The great work of
Swift is his "Gulliver's Travels," a work characterised by a massive
intellect and a fertile invention, but defiled by the grossness that
was inseparable from his mind, and that equally pollutes his poems,
in which there is much wit and humour, but not a trace of pathos
or tenderness. There is none of that divine glow of love and human
sympathy, mingled with the worship of beauty and truth, which courts
our affections in the works of the greatest masters. When we are told
that Swift's grossness is merely the grossness of the time, we point
to "Robinson Crusoe," to "The Seasons" and "Castle of Indolence" of
Thomson, and to the works of Addison, for the most admirable contrast.
Swift--who died in the famous year of the '45--was one of the most
vigorous writers of the age, but he was one of the most unamiable. He
was the Mephistopheles of the eighteenth century.

What a contrast immediately presents itself in the generous nature
of Steele, in the genial and pure writings of Addison! Both Addison
and Steele were poets, Steele principally a dramatic poet, of
considerable success; Addison was the author of "Cato," a tragedy,
and the "Campaign," celebrating the victory of Blenheim, with other
poems. But the reputation of both Steele and Addison rests on their
prose. They were the introducers of essay and periodical writings,
and carried these to a perfection which has never been surpassed.
Richard Steele (_b._ 1671; _d._ 1729) has the honour of originating
this new department of literature--a departmentwhich has grown into
such importance, that the present age would scarcely know how to exist
without it. He started the "Tatler" in 1709, issuing it three times a
week, and was joined by Addison in about six weeks. The interest with
which this new literary paper was expected at the breakfast tables of
that day, can only be likened to that which the morning papers now
excite. In 1711, the "Tatler" having come to an end, the "Spectator"
was started on the same plan, jointly by Steele and Addison, and, this
ceasing in 1712, in the following year the "Guardian" took its place.
Steele was the largest contributor to the "Tatler" and "Guardian,"
Addison to the "Spectator." Various of their contemporaries furnished
papers, Swift amongst the rest, but there are none which can compare
with the vigorous, manly writing of Steele, and the elegant, and often
noble, compositions of Addison. The mixture of grave and gay was
admirable. In these papers we find abundant revelations of the spirit
and manners of the times. The characters of Sir Roger de Coverley,
Will Wimble, etc., have an imperishable English interest. The poetic
and generous nature of Joseph Addison (_b._ 1672) was demonstrated
by his zealous criticisms on Milton's "Paradise Lost," which mainly
contributed to rescue it from the neglect which it had experienced.
Addison, after Sir Philip Sidney, was the first to call attention to
our old popular ballads, "Chevy Chase" and "The Babes in the Wood," the
eulogies on which probably led Bishop Percy to the collection of the
precious "Reliques" of the ballad lore of former ages. The "Spectator"
and "Guardian" were published daily. Steele afterwards published the
"Englishman," with which Addison had no concern, and it only reached
to fifty-seven numbers. These two fellow-labourers, both in literature
and Parliament, after nearly fifty years' friendship, were sundered
by a mere political difference--the question of limiting the royal
prerogative of creating peers, in 1719, the last year of Addison's life.

Bolingbroke (_b._ 1678; _d._ 1751) must be named with the prose writers
of the age. Amongst his writings there is little that will now interest
the reader. He wrote in a brilliant and pretentious style, as he acted;
and his writings, like his policy, are more showy than sound. As a cold
sceptic in religion, and a Jacobite in politics, proud and essentially
selfish in his nature, we are not likely to find anything from his
pen which can strongly attract us, or is calculated to benefit us. In
the Tory party, to which he belonged, he was one of those brilliant
and self-complacent apparitions, which have all the qualities of
the meteor--dazzling, but speedily sinking into darkness, though his
"Patriot King" had some temporary influence, and even furnishes the
keynote to some of the earlier writings of Lord Beaconsfield.

[Illustration: HENRY FIELDING. (_The Portrait by Hogarth; the Border by
James Basire._)]

A very different man was patriotic Daniel Defoe (_b._ 1663; _d._ 1731).
Defoe, who was engaged in trade, and was the introducer of pantiles,
was a thorough Whig, or, as we should now call him, a Radical in
politics. He was one of those rare men who look only at the question
before them, and who are, therefore, found almost as often calling
to account the party to which they nominally belong, as rebuking the
faction to which they are opposed. His principle was essentially
"measures, not men," and thus he was one of the zealous supporters of
Godolphin and his ministry in accomplishing the union with Scotland;
and equally so of Harley and Bolingbroke, for establishing a commercial
treaty with France. He was much more useful to reform than liked by
so-called reformers, and was continually getting into trouble for his
honest speaking. From the age of twenty-three to that of fifty-eight,
his pen had scarcely a moment's rest from advocating important
political and social subjects, and there was a force of reason, a
feeling of reality, a keenness of wit and satire, in his compositions
that gave them interest and extensive attention.

But whilst his political efforts did their work in his lifetime, his
literary labours are the basis of his present fame. These were almost
all produced after his sixtieth year; "Robinson Crusoe," by far the
most popular of all his writings and one of the most popular in all
the world's literature, "The Dumb Philosopher," "Captain Singleton,"
"Duncan Campbell," "Moll Flanders," "Colonel Jacque," "The Journal of
the Plague," "The Memoirs of a Cavalier," "The Fortunate Mistress; or,
Roxana," "The New Voyage round the World," and "Captain Carleton." The
life and fidelity to human nature with which these are written have
continually led readers to believe them altogether real narratives.
The "Journal of the Plague" was quoted as a relation of facts by Dr.
Mead; Chatham used to recommend "The Memoirs of a Cavalier" as the
best account of the Civil War; Dr. Johnson read the life of "Captain
Carleton" as genuine, and we continually see the story of "Mrs. Veal's
Ghost," written by Defoe to puff Drelincourt's heavy "Essay on Death,"
included in collections as a matter-of-fact account of an apparition.
This quality of verisimilitude is one of the greatest charms of his
inimitable "Crusoe," which is the delight of the young from age to age.

Amongst the prose writers of this period a lady stands prominent,
Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (_b._ 1690; _d._ 1762), the daughter of the
Duke of Kingston, and mother of Lady Bute, the wife of the Earl of
Bute, the celebrated Minister of George III. Lady Mary derives her
chief fame from her Letters, which were not published till after her
death. They are as remarkable for their wit, brilliancy, and clear,
thorough sense, as any of the writings of the age. In these we have a
most graphic picture of life in the East, as she had lived some years
at Constantinople with her husband. She thence conferred one of the
greatest boons on her country, by the introduction of inoculation for
the smallpox. Lady Mary translated the "Enchiridion of Epictetus," and
wrote many verses, including satirical ones, called "Town Eclogues;"
but her fame must always rest upon her clear and sparkling letters. She
was celebrated for her wit and beauty, and was a leading figure in the
fashionable as well as the literary world. Pope and she were long great
friends, but quarrelled irreconcilably.

At the head of the poets of this period stands Alexander Pope, who
became the founder of a school which has had followers down to our
own time. Pope was the poet of society, of art, and polish. His life
was spent in London and in the country, chiefly between Binfield, in
Windsor Forest, and Twickenham; and his poetry partakes very much of
the qualities of that scenery--rich, cultivated, and beautiful, but
having no claims to the wild or the sublime. He is opposed to poets
like Milton and Shakespeare as pastures and town gardens are opposed to
seas, forests, and mountains. In style he is polished to the highest
degree, piquant, and musical; but, instead of being profound and
creative, he is sensible, satiric, and didactic. He failed in "the
vision and the faculty divine," but he possessed fancy, a moderate
amount of passion, and a clear and penetrating intellect. He loved
nature, but it was such only as he knew--the home-scenes of Berkshire
and the southern counties, the trained and polished beauties in his
gardens, the winding walks and grottoes at Twickenham. Mountains he had
never seen, and there are none in his poetry. He was born in the year
of the Revolution, and died in 1744, aged fifty-six; and, considering
that he suffered from a feeble constitution and defective health, he
was a remarkably industrious man. His pastorals appeared in Tonson's
"Miscellany" when he was only twenty-one years old. Before this he
had translated the first book of the "Thebais," and Ovid's "Epistle
from Sappho to Phaon;" paraphrased Chaucer's "January and May," and
the prologue to "The Wife of Bath's Tale." In two years after his
"Pastorals" appeared his "Essay on Criticism" (1711). "The Messiah" and
"The Rape of the Lock" were published in 1712--the year in which the
"Spectator" died. "The Rape of the Lock" celebrated the mighty event
of the clipping of a lock of hair from the head of Miss Belle Fermor
by Lord Petre. This act, adorned with a great machinery of sylphs
and gnomes, a specimen of elegant trifling, enchanted the age, which
would have less appreciated grander things, and placed Pope on the
pinnacle of fame. In 1713 he published "Windsor Forest," a subject for
a pleasant but not a great poem, yet characteristic of Pope's genius,
which delighted in the level and ornate rather than the splendid and
the wild. In 1715 appeared the first four books of his translation
of Homer's "Iliad," which was not completed till 1720. This still
continues the most popular translation of the great heroic poet of
Greece; for although it is rather a paraphrase of this colossal yet
simple poem, and therefore not estimated highly by Greek scholars who
can go to the original, it has that beauty and harmony of style which
render it to the English reader an ever-fascinating work. In 1717
appeared his "Epistle from Eloisa to Abelard," a poem displaying more
passion than any other of Pope's writings, but too sensuous, and the
subject itself far from well chosen. Next succeeded his "Odyssey" of
Homer, in conjunction with Fenton and Broome, and in 1728 the first
three books of "The Dunciad," in which he took a sweeping vengeance on
the critics and poetasters of the time, who had assailed him fiercely
on all sides, with John Dennis at their head. The vigour with which
Pope wielded the satiric lash excited the wonder of the public, which
had seen no such trenchant production hitherto in the language, and
filled the whole host of flayed and scalded dunces with howls of wrath
and agony. Pope was not sparing of foul language in his branding of
others, and they were still more obscene and scurrilous in their
retorts. It is questionable whether they or Pope felt the most torture;
for, so far from silencing them, they continued to kick, sting, and
pelt him with dirt so long as he lived. So late as 1742 he published
a fourth book of the satire, to give yet one more murderous blow to
the blackguard crew. Besides this satire, he modernised an edition
of Donne's Satires, and produced his "Essay on Man," his "Epistle
on Taste," his "Moral Essays," and other poems, down to 1740. His
"Essay on Man," "Moral Essays," etc., display shrewd sense, and a keen
perception of the characteristics of human nature and of the world; yet
they do not let us into any before unknown depths of life or morals,
but, on the contrary, are, in many particulars, unsound. In fact, these
productions belong by no means to poetry, of which they exhibit no
quality, and might just as well have been given in prose. On the whole,
Pope is a poet whose character is that of cleverness, strong intellect,
carefully-elaborative art, much malice, and little warmth or breadth
of genuine imagination. He reflects the times in which he lived, which
were corrupt, critical, but not original, and he had no conception of
the heavens of poetry and soul into which Milton and Shakespeare soared
before him, and Keats, Shelley, Coleridge, Wordsworth and Tennyson in
our time have wandered at large.

The strong sense, lively fancy, and smart style of his satires,
distinguished also Pope's prose, as in his "Treatise of the Bathos; or,
the Art of Sinking in Poetry;" his "Memoirs of P. P., Clerk of this
Parish"--in ridicule of Burnet's "Own Times"--his Letters, etc. In some
of the last he describes the country and country seats, and the life
there of his friends; which shows that, in an age more percipient of
the charm of such things, he would have probably approached nearer to
the heart of Nature, and given us something more genial and delightful
than anything that he has left us.

Dr. Arbuthnot, a great friend of Pope and Swift, was also one of the
ablest prose writers, "The Memoirs of Martinus Scriblerus," published
in Pope's and Swift's works, and the political satire of "John Bull," a
masterly performance, being attributed to him.

John Gay, a contemporary of Pope, Swift, and Arbuthnot, is now best
known by his "Fables" and his "Beggar's Opera." His "Fables" have been
extremely popular, and still make him a general name; but, in his own
time, his "Beggar's Opera" was his great success. Its wit, its charming
music, its popular characters, gave it a universal favour; and it is
the only English opera that even to this time has become permanent.
Gay's "Trivia; or, the Art of Walking the Streets of London," is still
amusing, and some of his ballads have a lightness and buoyancy about
them which justify the esteem in which he was held.

Matthew Prior had a high reputation in his day as a poet, but his
poetry has little to recommend it now. He was the more popular as a
poet, no doubt, because he was much employed as a diplomatist in Queen
Anne's reign by the Tory party. His "City and Country Mouse," written
in conjunction with Lord Halifax, in ridicule of Dryden's "Hind and
Panther," may be considered as one of his happiest efforts.

Sir Samuel Garth, author of "The Dispensary," a mock-heroic poem in six
cantos, and Sir Richard Blackmore, another physician, and author of
a whole heap of epics in ten or twelve books each--as "King Arthur,"
"King Alfred," "Eliza," "The Redeemer," etc.--may still be found in
our collections of verse, but are rarely read. Dr. Young's "Night
Thoughts" yet maintain their place, and are greatly admired by many,
notwithstanding his stilted style and violent antithesis, for amid
these there are many fine and striking ideas.

Still more have "The Seasons" and "The Castle of Indolence" of James
Thomson retained, and are likely to retain, the public favour. "The
Seasons" is a treasury of the life and imagery of the country, animated
by a true love of Nature and of God, and abounding in passages of
fire, healthy feeling, and strong sense, often of sublime conceptions,
in a somewhat stiff and vicious style. "The Castle of Indolence" is
a model of metrical harmony and luxurious fancy, in the Spenserian
stanza. Another poet of the same time and country--Scotland--is Allan
Ramsay, who, in his native dialect, has painted the manners and sung
the rural loves of Scotland in his "Gentle Shepherd" and his rustic
lyrics. Till Burns, no Scottish poet so completely embodied the
spirit, feelings, and popular life of his country. Amongst a host of
verse-makers, then deemed poets, but who were merely imitators of
imitators, we must except Gray, with his nervous lyrics, and, above
all, his ever-popular "Elegy in a Country Churchyard." Gray also has a
genuine vein of wit and merriment in his verse. Collins was a poet who
under happier conditions might have done the greatest things. Parnell's
"Hermit," Blair's "Grave," Shenstone's "School Mistress," Akenside's
"Imagination," can yet charm some readers, and there are others in
great numbers whose works yet figure in collections of the poets, or
whose individual poems are selected in anthologies, as Smith, King,
Sprat Bishop of Rochester, Duke, Montague Earl of Halifax, Nicholas
Rowe, Dyer--author of the "Fleece," "Grongar Hill," and "Ruins of
Rome,"--Sheffield, Duke of Buckinghamshire, Fenton, Somerville--author
of "The Chase," "Field Sports," etc.,--Hammond--author of "Love
Elegies,"--Lord Lyttelton, Mallet, Mickle--author of the ballads of
"Cumnor Hall," "There's Nae Luck about the House," and translator
of the "Lusiad" of Camoens,--Shaw, Harte, West, Cawthorne, Lloyd,
Gilbert Cooper, Grainger--author of "The Sugar Cane," and the once
popular ballad of "Bryan and Pereene,"--Dodsley, poet and bookseller,
Boyse--author of "The Deity," a poem, etc.,--Smollett--more remarkable
as a novelist and historian,--Michael Bruce, Walsh, Falconer--author
of "The Shipwreck,"--Yalden, Pattison, Aaron Hill, Broome, Pitt--the
translator of Virgil,--John Philips--author of "Cider," a poem, "The
Splendid Shilling," etc.,--West, and others. In fact, this age produced
poets enough to have constituted the rhythmical literature of a nation,
had they had as much genius as they had learning.

Besides the miscellaneous poets, the dramatic ones numbered
Congreve, Vanbrugh, Farquhar, Colley Cibber, Nicholas Rowe--already
mentioned--Savage, Lansdowne, Ambrose Philips, and others. In many of
the plays of these authors there is great talent, wit, and humour,
but mingled with equal grossness. Congreve's dramas are principally
"The Old Bachelor," "The Incognita," "The Double Dealer," "The Way of
the World," comedies, and "The Mourning Bride," a tragedy. Vanbrugh,
the celebrated architect, produced "The Relapse," "The Provoked
Wife," "The Confederacy," "The Journey to London," and several other
comedies. Farquhar's principal plays are "The Beaux's Stratagem,"
"Love and a Bottle," and "The Constant Couple." Savage was the author
of the tragedy of "Sir Thomas Overbury;" Nicholas Rowe, of five or
six tragedies and one comedy, the most popular of which are "The Fair
Penitent" and "Jane Shore." Rowe also translated Lucan's "Pharsalia."
As for Colley Cibber, he was a mere playwright, and turned out above
two dozen comedies, tragedies, and other dramatic pieces. Lord
Lansdowne was the author of "The She-gallants," a comedy, and "Heroic
Love," a tragedy of some merit; and John Hughes wrote "The Siege of
Damascus," a tragedy, which long remained on the stage.

James Bradley (_b._ 1692), who succeeded Halley as the third Astronomer
Royal, held that post till 1762, when he died. He had in 1728
distinguished himself by his discovery of an unanswerable proof of the
motion of the earth by his observations on the apparent alteration
in the place of a fixed star. His second great discovery was that
of the mutation of the earth's axis, showing that the pole of the
equator moves round the pole of the elliptic, not in a straight but
in a waving line. Bradley gave important assistance to the Ministry
in their alteration of the calendar in 1751, and the vast mass of
his observations was published after his death, by the University of
Oxford, in two volumes, in 1798.

[Illustration: COSTUMES OF THE PERIOD OF GEORGE II.]

Halley's quadrant was constructed and made known by him to the
Philosophical Society, in 1731, though Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, of
Philadelphia, is said to have made a similar instrument a year before.
As early, however, as 1727 Newton had described such an instrument to
Halley, that is, a very little time before his death. This invaluable
instrument has since been improved, first into a sextant, and
ultimately into a complete circle. In 1758 appeared John Dollond's
corrections of Newton's views of the dispersion of refracted light, and
in the following year his achromatic telescope, based on his accurate
discoveries.

In 1720 Colin Maclaurin, the successor of James Gregory in the
mathematical chair at Edinburgh, published his "Geometrical Organica,"
a treatise on curves; in 1742 his admirable treatise on Fluxions;
and in 1748 his treatise on Algebra. Dr. Robert Simson, professor
of mathematics at Glasgow, published a restoration of the "Loci" of
Apollonius, and an English translation of Euclid, which continued
down to a late period in use, both in Scotland and England. In 1717
James Stirling published a Latin treatise on lines of the third order,
and another on Fluxions, called "Methodus Differentialis," in 1730.
William Emerson, a mathematician and mechanist, wrote on fluxions,
trigonometry, mechanics, navigation, algebra, optics, astronomy,
geography, dialling, etc., but a considerable portion was only in part
published during this period. Thomas Simpson, a weaver, of Market
Bosworth, at the age of seven-and-twenty suddenly discovered himself as
an extraordinary mathematician, and went on till his death, in 1761,
publishing works on fluxions, the nature and laws of chance, on mixed
mathematics, on the doctrine of annuities and reversions, on algebra,
elementary geometry, trigonometry, etc. James Ferguson, also, the son
of a day-labourer, in Banffshire, studied mathematics whilst tending
sheep, and published a number of works on the phenomena of the harvest
moon, astronomy, mechanics, hydrostatics, pneumatics, and optics.
Ferguson had a remarkably lucid and demonstrative style, both in
writing and lecturing, and his example excited a keen spirit of inquiry
amongst the working classes, so that he is said to have diffused the
knowledge of physical science amongst the class from which he sprang
more than any other man.

In electricity great strides were made. Between the years 1705 and 1711
Francis Hawksbee published in the Transactions of the Royal Society
several experiments, in which he had, for the first time, discovered
the production of the electric spark by friction, and electrical
attraction and repulsion. In 1720 Stephen Gray, a pensioner of the
Charterhouse, published the result of his experiments on this subject,
with a list of the substances which showed electricity under friction;
and in 1732 he discovered the conducting property of non-electrical
bodies. Before 1739, Dufray, keeper of the King's Garden at Paris,
discovered the repellent power of two similarly-electrified bodies,
and the attraction of these positively and negatively electrified--or,
as he termed it, possessing the vitreous and the resinous electricity.
Cuneus and Lallemand discovered the mode of accumulating the electric
fluid in what was called the Leyden jar in 1745. This discovery gave a
new impetus to inquiry, and Nollet, in France, and Watson, in England,
conceived the hypothesis of the jar being overcharged on one side and
undercharged on the other. This growing perception of the positive
and negative conditions of the electric fluid received confirmation
from the experiments of Benjamin Franklin, in America. Franklin soon
improved the Leyden jar into an electrical battery; and, in 1752,
he proved the identity of electricity and lightning by his grand
experiment of the kite. On this he recommended lightning conductors,
which, however, were not used in England till ten years afterwards.

On the laws of heat and cold, and atmospheric changes under their
influence, many interesting facts were ascertained by the aid of the
thermometers of Fahrenheit and Réaumur. Dr. Martin, of St. Andrews,
distinguished himself in these inquiries, and published his discoveries
and deductions in 1739 and 1740. In 1750 Dr. Cullen drew attention
to some curious facts connected with the production of cold by
evaporation. Dr. Joseph Black discovered what he called latent heat,
and continued his researches on this subject beyond the present period.

Chemistry also received valuable extensions of its field. Dr. John
Mayow published new facts respecting nitre, and on the phenomena of
respiration and combustion, as revealed by experiments on this and
other substances. At the commencement of the eighteenth century Stahl,
a German chemist, propounded his theory of phlogiston as the principle
of combustion, which was only exploded by the further discoveries
of Dr. Black, Cavendish, and Priestley. Soon after, Dr. Hales threw
new light on aëriform bodies, or, as they are now termed, gases; and
finally, Dr. Black demonstrated the presence of a gas in magnesia,
lime, and the alkalies, which had long before been noticed by Van
Helmont, but had been forgotten. This was then termed fixed air, but
has now acquired the name of carbonic acid gas, or carbon dioxide.
At the end of this period chemistry was extensively studied, and was
rapidly revealing its secrets.

The kindred science of medicine was also in marked advance. Dr. Thomas
Sydenham, who died in 1689, at the very commencement of this period,
had prepared the way for a more profound knowledge of the science by
his careful and persevering observation of facts and symptoms; and
the improvements he introduced guided medical men in the treatment of
disease till the end of this period. Anatomical science was greatly
advanced at this era by Malpighi, Steno, Ruysch, Duverney, Morgagni,
Albinus, Haller, and other Continental physicians. In England Humphrey
Ridley published a work on the brain in 1695, and William Cowper,
in 1698, his anatomical tables, said to be borrowed from the Dutch
anatomist, Bidloo. In 1726 Alexander Munro published his "Osteology;"
he was also founder of the Medical School of Edinburgh. In 1733
William Cheselden, the most expert operator of his day, published his
"Osteography." In 1727 Stephen Hales published his "Vegetable Statics,"
and in 1733 his "Hæmastatics," which carried both vegetable and animal
physiology beyond all preceding knowledge either here or abroad.
Zoology and comparative anatomy also received some progress from the
labours of Nehemiah Grew, Tyson, Collins, and other members of the
Royal Society.

Music advanced at an equal rate with its sister arts, and during this
period added to its conquests the compositions of Purcell and Handel.
William was too much engaged in war to become a patron of music, or
of any of the fine arts, and his queen, Mary, does not appear to have
possessed much taste for it. She is related by Sir John Hawkins to
have sent for Purcell and Mrs. Arabella Hunt, a famous singer, to
entertain her. Mrs. Hunt sang some of Purcell's splendid compositions,
and Purcell accompanied them on the harpsichord; but Mary soon grew
weary of these, and called on Mrs. Hunt to sing the Scottish ballad,
"Cold and Raw!"

Henry Purcell (_b._ 1658; _d._ 1695) produced the bulk of his works in
William's reign. He composed the music to "The Tempest," "Dioclesian,"
"King Arthur," "Don Quixote," "Bonduca," and "Orpheus Britannicus."
Many parts of these, and his sonatas, anthems, catches, rounds,
glees, etc., are as much enjoyed now as in his own day. The music to
Davenant's "Circe," by Banister, of Shadwell's "Psyche," by Lock,
and of Dryden's "Albion and Albanius," by Grabut, had increased in
England the liking for the lyrical drama; but Purcell's compositions
wonderfully strengthened it, and from "King Arthur" may properly be
dated the introduction of the English opera. Gay's "Beggar's Opera,"
six-and-thirty years after, however, was the first complete and avowed
opera, and this did not establish that kind of entertainment in
England. The wonderful success of this production, which was performed
for sixty-two nights (not consecutive), was chiefly derived from the
wit and satire of the composition itself, the abundance of popular airs
introduced, and the party feeling which it gratified. The airs were
selected and adapted by Dr. Pepusch, a German, who settled in London,
and became celebrated there. He also furnished the overture, and wrote
accompaniments to the airs. Eleven years after, Milton's "Comus" was
adapted to the stage by the Rev. Dr. Dalton, with music by Dr. Arne,
who afterwards composed the music for "Artaxerxes," and thence derived
a high reputation.

The taste for Italian music was now every day increasing; singers of
that nation appeared with great applause at most concerts. In 1703
Italian music was introduced into the theatres as _intermezzi_, or
interludes, consisting of singing and dancing; then whole operas
appeared, the music Italian, the words English; and, in 1707, Urbani, a
male soprano, and two Italian women, sang their parts all in Italian,
the other performers using English. Finally, in 1710, a complete
Italian opera was performed at the Queen's Theatre, Haymarket, and
from that time the Italian opera was regularly established in London.
This led to the arrival of the greatest composer whom the world had
yet seen. George Frederick Handel was born at Halle, in Germany, in
1685. He had displayed wonderful genius for music as a mere child,
and having, at the age of seven years, astonished the Duke of Saxe
Weissenfels--at whose court his brother-in-law was a valet--who
found him playing the organ in the chapel, he was, by the Duke's
recommendation, regularly educated for the profession of music. At
the age of ten, Handel composed the church service for voices and
instruments; and after acquiring a great reputation in Hamburg--where,
in 1705, he brought out his "Almira"--he proceeded to Florence, where
he produced the opera of "Rodrigo," and thence to Venice, Rome, and
Naples. After remaining in Italy four years, he was induced to come
to England in 1710, at the pressing entreaties of many of the English
nobility, to superintend the opera. But, though he was enthusiastically
received, the party spirit which raged at that period soon made it
impossible to conduct the opera with any degree of self-respect and
independence. He therefore abandoned the attempt, having sunk nearly
all his fortune in it, and commenced the composition of his noble
oratorios. Racine's "Esther," abridged and altered by Humphreys, was
set by him, in 1720, for the chapel of the Duke of Chandos at Cannons.
It was, however, only by slow degrees that the wonderful genius of
Handel was appreciated, yet it won its way against all prejudices
and difficulties. In 1731 his "Esther" was performed by the children
of the chapel-royal at the house of Bernard Gates, their master,
and the following year, at the king's command, at the royal theatre
in the Haymarket. It was fortunate for Handel that the monarch was
German too, or he might have quitted the country in disgust before
his fame had triumphed over faction and ignorance. So far did these
operate, that in 1742, when he produced his glorious "Messiah," it
was so coldly received that it was treated as a failure. Handel, in
deep discouragement, however, gave it another trial in Dublin, where
the warm imaginations of the Irish caught all its sublimity, and gave
it an enthusiastic reception. On its next presentation in London his
audience reversed the former judgment, and the delighted composer
then presented the manuscript to the Foundling Hospital, where it was
performed annually for the benefit of that excellent institution, and
added to its funds ten thousand three hundred pounds. It became the
custom, from 1737, to perform oratorios on the Wednesdays and Fridays
in Lent. Handel, whose genius has never been surpassed for vigour,
spirit, invention, and sublimity, became blind in his latter years. He
continued to perform in public, and to compose, till within a week of
his death, which took place on April 13, 1759.

[Illustration: MRS. ARABELLA HUNT SINGING TO QUEEN MARY. (_See p._
155.)]

Whilst this progress in operatic and sacred music was being made, the
Church Service had received some admirable additions. Jeremiah Clarke,
the Rev. Henry Aldrich, D.D., dean of Christ Church, John Weldon,
organist to Queen Anne, and Georges I. and II., and the Rev. Dr. Robert
Creighton, canon of Salisbury, composed many admirable pieces. William
Croft, Mus. Doc., is the author of thirty-one splendid anthems, and
Maurice Greene, Mus. Doc., of forty, which are still heard with solemn
delight in old choirs. William Boyce, Mus. Doc., organist to Georges
II. and III., added to these numerous anthems and services the oratorio
of "Solomon," and many other compositions of a superb character--one
of them the grand anthem performed annually at the Feast of the Sons
of the Clergy. Boyce also composed a variety of secular pieces of rare
merit.

In 1710 was established the Academy of Ancient Music, the object of
which was to promote the study of vocal and instrumental harmony.
Drs. Pepusch, Greene, and other celebrated musicians were amongst its
founders. They collected a very valuable musical library, and gave
annual concerts till 1793, when more fashionable ones attracted the
public, and the society was dissolved. In 1741 was established the
Madrigal Society, the founder of which was John Immyns, an attorney.
It embraced men of the working classes, and held meetings on Wednesday
evenings for the singing of madrigals, glees, catches, etc. Immyns
sometimes read them a lecture on a musical subject, and the society
gradually grew rich. The composers of such pieces at this period were
such men as Purcell, Eccles, Playford, Leveridge, Carey, Haydn, Arne,
etc. Public gardens became very much the fashion, and in these, at
first, oratorios, choruses, and grand musical pieces were performed,
but, by degrees, gave way to songs and catches. Vauxhall, originally
called Spring Garden, established before the Revolution, became all
through this period the fashionable resort of the aristocracy, and to
this was added Ranelagh, near Chelsea College, a vast rotunda, to which
crowds used to flock from the upper classes on Monday, Wednesday, and
Friday evenings, to hear the music and singing. These performances
spread greatly the taste for music, and probably excited the alarm of
the puritanically religious, for there arose a loud outcry against
using music in churches, as something vain and unhallowed. Amongst
the best publications on the science of music during this period
were Dr. Holder's "Treatise on the Natural Grounds and Principles of
Harmony," 1694; Malcolm's "Treatise on Music, Speculative, Practical,
and Historical," 1721; Dr. Pepusch's "Treatise on Harmony," 1731; Dr.
Smith's "Harmonics; or, the Philosophy of Musical Sounds;" Avison's
"Essay on Musical Expression," 1752. Avison also published twenty-six
concertos for a band, which were much admired.

[Illustration: HANDEL.]

At this period, both the grand old styles of architecture, the Gothic
for ecclesiastical buildings, and the Tudor and Elizabethan for
palaces and mansions, had, for a time, run their course. A classical
or Italian fashion had come in, and the picturesque churches and halls
of our ancestors were deemed barbarous. Inigo Jones had introduced
the semi-classical style, and now Sir Christopher Wren and Vanbrugh
arose to render it predominant. Wren had the most extraordinary
opportunity for distinguishing himself. The fire of London had swept
away a capital, and to him was assigned the task of restoring it.
Wren (_b._ 1632; _d._ 1723) was descended from a clerical family. In
1651 he was appointed to the chair of astronomy at Gresham College;
three years afterwards to that of the Savilian professor at Oxford.
In 1661 he was appointed by Charles II. to assist Sir John Denham,
the surveyor-general, and in 1663 he was commissioned to examine the
old cathedral of St. Paul, with a view to its restoration in keeping
with the Corinthian colonnade which Inigo Jones had, with a strange
blindness to unity, tagged on to a Gothic church. The old church was
found to be so thoroughly dilapidated, that Wren recommended its entire
removal and the erection of another. This created a terrible outcry
amongst the clergy and citizens, who regarded the old fabric as a model
of beauty.

Whilst these contentions were going on, Wren had entered fairly on
his profession of architect. He built the Sheldonian Theatre at
Oxford, begun in 1663, and completed in 1669; and the fine library
of Trinity College, Cambridge, and the beautiful square, Neville's
Court, to the same college. He also built the chapels of Pembroke and
Emmanuel Colleges, in the same university. In the erection of these,
he suffered, from the conceit and conflicting opinions of parties
concerned, a foretaste of the squabbles and contradictions which
rendered the whole period of the building of St. Paul's miserable. In
1665 he found leisure to visit Paris, and study the magnificent palaces
and churches with which Louis XIV. was embellishing his capital.
There he got a glimpse of the design for the Louvre, which Bernini,
the architect, showed him, but only for a moment; and he was in
communication with Mansard, Le Vau, and Le Pautre.

On his return, the contentions regarding pulling down old St. Paul's
were rife as ever; but the following year the fire occurred, and
Wren was commissioned to make a plan for the rebuilding of the City.
He proposed to restore it on a regular plan, with wide streets and
piazzas, and for the banks of the river to be kept open on both sides
with spacious quays. But these designs were defeated by the ignorance
and selfishness of the inhabitants and traders, and the banks of the
Thames became once more blocked up with wharves and warehouses, narrow
and winding lanes; and Wren could only devote his architectural talent
to the churches, the Royal Exchange, and Custom House. These latter
buildings were completed in the three following years; they have since
both been burnt down and rebuilt. Temple Bar, a hideous erection, was
finished in the fourth year, 1670. All this time the commencement of
the new St. Paul's was impeded by the attempts of the commissioners
to restore the old tumbling fabric, and it was only by successive
fallings-in of the ruins that they were compelled to allow Wren to
remove the whole decayed mass, and clear the ground for the foundations
of his cathedral. These were laid in 1675, nine years after the fire,
and the building was only terminated in thirty-five years, the stone on
the summit of the lantern being laid by Wren's son, Christopher, 1710.
The choir, however, had been opened for divine service in 1697, in the
twenty-second year of the erection.

During this long period Sir Christopher had been busily employed in
raising many other buildings; amongst these, the Royal Observatory,
Greenwich; St. Bride's; St. Swithin's; the Gateway Tower, Christ
Church, Oxford; St. Antholin's, Watling Street; the palace at
Winchester, never completed; Ashmolean Museum, and Queen's College
Chapel, Oxford; St. James's, Westminster; St. Clement's, Eastcheap; St.
Martin's, Ludgate Hill; St. Andrew's, Holborn; Christ Church, Newgate
Street; Hampton Court Palace, an addition; Morden College, Blackheath;
Greenwich Hospital; St. Dunstan's-in-the-East, tower and spire;
Buckingham House, since pulled down; and Marlborough House.

His plan for his _chef-d'œuvre_, St. Paul's, like his grand plan for
the City, with its principal streets ninety feet wide, its second-rate
streets sixty, and its third-rate thirty, was rejected. This cathedral
was a composition compact and simple, consisting of a single general
octagonal mass, surmounted by a dome, and extended on its west side
by a portico, and a short nave or vestibule within. The great idea of
Wren was to adapt it to Protestant worship, and therefore he produced
a design for the interior, the parts of which were beautifully grouped
together so as to produce at once regularity and intricacy, yet
without those long side aisles and recesses, which the processions and
confessionals of Roman Catholic worship require. The whole long period
of Wren's erection of this noble pile was one continued battle with
the conceit, ignorance, and dogmatism of the commissioners, who made
his life a bitter martyrdom; and when we read the admired inscription
in St. Paul's, "_Si monumentum requiris, circumspice_," we behold, on
obeying its injunction, only what Wren did, not what he suffered in
doing it.

The style of St. Paul's, and, indeed, of all Wren's churches, is
neither Grecian nor Gothic, but Italian, influenced by the fashion
which Bernini, the Italian architect of Louis XIV., had introduced
into France. It is a class of architecture of which the Grecian is the
basis, but which is so freely innovated upon as to leave little general
resemblance. In its different parts we have columns and pilasters
of every Grecian and, indeed, Roman order, pediments, peristyles,
architraves, and friezes, mingled up with windows of all sorts, and all
kinds of recesses and projections, the façades and intercolumniations
ornamented with festoons, and wreaths, and human masks, and the whole
surmounted by a great Eastern dome, and by campaniles partaking of all
the compilations of the main buildings. St. Paul's itself is a noble
building, notwithstanding the manifest gleanings from the antique and
the mediæval, and their combination into a whole which has nothing
original but their combination into one superb design. Besides St.
Paul's, the rest of Wren's churches are disappointing, and we cannot
avoid lamenting that he had lost the sense of the beauty of Gothic
architecture, especially when we call to mind the exquisite churches
of that style which adorn so many of the Continental cities. Whilst
the exteriors of Wren's churches show heavily in their huddled-up
situations in London streets, their interiors, in which much more of
the Grecian and Roman styles is introduced, are equally heavy, and
wanting in that pliant grace which distinguishes the interiors of
Gothic cathedrals. Perhaps the noblest work of Wren next to St. Paul's
is Greenwich Hospital, which is more purely Grecian, and therefore
displays a more graceful and majestic aspect. The Palace of Hampton
Court, attached to the fine old Tudor pile of Cardinal Wolsey, is a
great square mass, in which the Dutch taste of William is said to have
set aside Wren's original design. But surely William did not compel him
to erect that (in such circumstances) ponderous barbarism of a Grecian
colonnade in the second quadrangle of Hampton Court, attaching it to a
Gothic building. In fact, neither Wren nor Inigo Jones appears to have
had the slightest sense of the incongruity of such conjunctions. Jones
actually erected a Grecian screen to the beautiful Gothic choir of
Winchester Cathedral, and placed a Grecian bishop's throne in it, amid
the glorious canopy-work of that choir. The return to a better taste
swept these monstrosities away.

The fame of Wren must rest on St. Paul's, for in palaces he was less
happy than in churches. His additions to Windsor Castle and St.
James's Palace, and his erection of Marlborough House are by no means
calculated to do him high honour, whilst all lovers of architecture
must deplore the removal of a great part of Wolsey's palace at Hampton
Court to make way for Wren's structure. A glorious view, if old
drawings are to be believed, must all that vast and picturesque variety
of towers, battlements, tall mullioned windows, cupolas, and pinnacles,
have made, as they stood under the clear heaven glittering in the sun.
The writers who saw it in its glory describe it in its entireness
as the most splendid palace in Europe. Of the campaniles of Wren,
that of St. Bride's, Fleet Street; of Bow Church, Cheapside; of St.
Dunstan's-in-the-East; and the tower of St. Michael's, Cornhill, are
the finest. The last is almost his only Gothic one, and would have been
a fine tower had the ornament been equally diffused over it, and not
all been crowded too near the top. Wren was thwarted in his design for
the London Monument. He drew a plan for one with gilt flames issuing
from the loop-holes, and surmounted by a phœnix, but as no such design
could be found in the five Orders, it was rejected, and the existing
commonplace affair erected. One of his last undertakings was the repair
of Westminster Abbey, to which he added the towers at the west end,
and proposed to erect a spire in the centre. Sir Christopher left a
large quantity of drawings, which are preserved in All Souls' College
library, Oxford.

The next great architect of this period is Sir John Vanbrugh, who,
when in the zenith of his fame as a dramatic writer, suddenly started
forth as an architect, and had the honour of erecting Castle Howard,
the seat of the Earl of Carlisle; Blenheim House, built for the Duke
of Marlborough, in reward of his victories; Duncomb Hall, Yorkshire;
King's Weston, in Gloucestershire; Oulton Hall, Cheshire; Grimsthorpe,
in Lincolnshire; Eastbury, in Dorsetshire, now destroyed; and Seaton
Delaval, in Northumberland, since partly destroyed by fire. Besides
these, he built the opera house, also destroyed by fire. In all these
there is a strong similarity, and as a general effect, a certain
magnificence; but, when examined in detail, they too frequently resolve
themselves into a row of individual designs merely arranged side by
side. This is very much the case with the long façade of Blenheim.
There is a barbaric splendour, but it has no pervading unity, and only
differs from the Italian manner of Wren by a much bolder and profuser
use of the Grecian columns and pilasters. In fact, the architecture of
the whole of this period is of a hybrid character, the classical more
or less modified and innovated to adapt it to modern purposes and the
austerity of a northern climate.

Amongst the most distinguished of this series of architects is James
Gibbs, who, after studying in Italy, returned to England in time
to secure the erection of some of the fifty churches ordered to be
built in the metropolis and its vicinity in the tenth year of Queen
Anne. The first which he built is his finest--St. Martin's, at the
north-east corner of Trafalgar Square. Besides St. Martin's, Gibbs was
the architect of St. Mary's, in the Strand; of Marylebone Chapel; of
the body of All Saints', Derby--an incongruous addition to a fine old
Gothic tower; of the Radcliffe Library, at Oxford; of the west side of
the quadrangle of King's College, and of the Senate House, Cambridge,
left incomplete. In these latter works Sir James Burrows, the designer
of the beautiful chapel of Clare Hall, in the same university, was also
concerned. Gibbs was, moreover, the architect of St. Bartholomew's
Hospital.

Nicholas Hawksmoor, a pupil of Wren's, and an assistant of Vanbrugh's
in building Castle Howard and Blenheim House, was the architect of St.
George's-in-the-East, Ratcliff Highway, begun in 1715; of St. Mary
Woolnoth, Lombard Street; of St. George's, Bloomsbury; St. Anne's,
Limehouse; of Easton Norton House, in Northamptonshire; and of some
other works, including a mausoleum at Castle Howard, and repairs of the
west front of Westminster Abbey. St. George's, Bloomsbury, is perhaps
his finest structure. It has a Corinthian portico, like St. Martin's,
and the steeple is surmounted by a statue of George II.

During this period, St. John the Evangelist, Westminster, was built
by Thomas Archer. The churches of Greenwich, of St. George's, Hanover
Square, and St. Luke's, Middlesex, were designed by John James. To this
time likewise belong St. Giles's-in-the-Fields; St. Olave's, Southwark,
and Woburn Abbey, by Flitcroft; Chatsworth House and Thoresby, by
Salmon; Montagu House, by the French architect, Pouget; All Saints'
Church, and the Peckwater Quadrangle of Christ Church, Oxford, by Dean
Aldrich; and the library of Christ Church, designed by Dr. George
Clarke, M.P. for Oxford, in the reign of Anne. After these the Earl of
Burlington, a worshipper of Palladio and Inigo Jones, became a very
fashionable architect, and built the dormitory at Westminster School;
Petersham House, and other noblemen's mansions. The fine colonnade in
the courtyard of Burlington House is also his work. Burlington was
essentially a copyist, as was his protégé Kent, who built Holkham,
in Norfolk, and the Horse Guards, but acquired as much reputation
by his landscape gardening as he gained little by his architecture.
Towards the end of this period several foreign artists were employed in
England. We have already named Pouget; Giacomo Leoni was much employed;
and Labelye, a Swiss, built Westminster Bridge, which was completed in
1747. Thomas Ripley, originally a carpenter, built the Admiralty.

Painting, like architecture, was at a very low ebb during this period,
with one or two brilliant exceptions. Foreign artists were in demand,
and there was no native talent, except that of Thornhill and Hogarth,
which could claim to be unjustly overlooked in that preference.
Sir Peter Lely was still living, but Sir Godfrey Kneller, another
foreigner, was already taking his place. Kneller was a German, born
at Lübeck, and educated under the best Flemish masters of the day. As
he had chosen portrait-painting as his department, he hastened over
to England after a visit to Rome and Venice, as the most profitable
field for his practice, and being introduced to Charles II. by the
Duke of Monmouth, he became at once the fashion. Kneller had talents
of the highest order, and, had not his passion for money-making been
still greater, he would have taken rank with the great masters; but,
having painted a few truly fine pictures, he relied on them to secure
his fame, and commenced an actual manufacture of portraits for the
accumulation of money. Like Rubens, he sketched out the main figure,
and painted the head and face, leaving his pupils to fill in all the
rest. He worked with wonderful rapidity, and had figures often prepared
beforehand, on which he fitted heads as they were commissioned. Sir
John Medina, a Fleming, was the chief manufacturer of ready-made
figures and postures for him, the rest filled in the draperies and
backgrounds. Kneller had a bold, free, and vigorous hand, painting with
wonderful rapidity, and much of the grace of Vandyck, but only a few
of his works show what he was capable of. The beauties of the Court
of William and Mary, which may be seen side by side with those of the
Court of Charles II. by Lely at Hampton Court, are far inferior to
Lely's.

During this time foreign painters of various degrees of merit
flourished in England. Amongst these were John Baptist Vanloo, brother
of the celebrated Carl Vanloo, a careful artist; Joseph Vanaken, a
native of Antwerp, who did for Hudson what his countrymen did for
Kneller--furnished draperies and attitudes. He worked for many others,
so that Hogarth painted his funeral as followed by all the painters
of the day in despair. The celebrated battle-painter, Peter Vander
Meulen, Hemskerk, Godfrey Schalcken, famous for his candle-light
effects, John Van Wyck, a famous painter of horses, James Bogdani, a
Hungarian flower, bird, and fruit painter, Balthazar Denner, famous for
his wonderfully finished heads, especially of old people, and Theodore
Netscher, the son of Gaspar Netscher, all painted in England in the
earlier part of the eighteenth century. Boit--a painter of French
parentage--Liotard, and Zincke, were noted enamel painters. Peter
Tillemans, who painted English landscapes, seats, busts, roses, etc.,
died in 1734; and the celebrated Canaletti came to England in 1746,
and stayed about two years, but was not very successful, the English
style of architecture, and, still more, the want of the transparent
atmosphere of Italy, being unfavourable to his peculiar talent.

[Illustration: ST. PAUL'S CATHEDRAL, LONDON, AND LUDGATE HILL, AS IT
WAS.]

There was also a vast deal of decorations of ceilings and staircases
still going on, and foreign artists flocked over to execute it.
Laguerre, a Frenchman, succeeded Verrio in this department, and his
works yet remain at Hampton Court, Burleigh, Blenheim, and other
places. Laguerre was appointed to paint the cupola of St. Paul's,
designs having been offered also by Antonio Pellegrini, who had thus
embellished Castle Howard; but their claims were overruled in favour
of Sir James Thornhill. Besides these, there were Lafosse, who had
decorated Montagu House, Amiconi, a Venetian, and others, who executed
many hundred square yards of such work in England. Such was the fashion
for these foreign decorators, that when a native artist appeared equal
to any one of them in skill and talent, and superior to most, he found
himself paid at a very inferior and invidious rate.

This was the case with Sir James Thornhill, of Thornhill, near
Weymouth. His father, however, had spent his fortune and sold the
estate, and Sir James, being fond of art, determined to make it his
profession to regain his property. His uncle, the celebrated Dr.
Sydenham, assisted him in the scheme. He studied in London, and then
travelled through Flanders, Holland, and France. On his return he was
appointed by Queen Anne to paint the history of St. Paul in the dome of
the new cathedral of St. Paul, in eight pictures in chiaroscuro, with
the lights hatched in gold. So much was the work approved, that he was
made historical painter to the queen. The chief works of the kind by
Sir James were the Princess's apartment at Hampton Court, the gallery
and several ceilings in Kensington Palace, a hall at Blenheim, a chapel
at Lord Oxford's, at Wimpole, a saloon of Mr. Styles's, at Moorpark,
and the ceilings of the great hall at Greenwich Hospital. On the
ceiling of the lower hall appear, amid much allegorical scenery, the
portraits of William and Mary, of Tycho Brahe, Copernicus, Newton, and
others; on that of the upper hall appear the portraits of Queen Anne
and her husband, the Prince of Denmark; and paintings of the landing of
William at Torbay, and the arrival of George I. There are, in addition,
portraits of George I., and two generations of his family. Sir James
also painted the altar-piece of All Souls', Oxford, and one presented
to his native town, Weymouth.

Other English artists of this period were John Riley, an excellent
and original painter, who died in 1691; Murray, a Scotsman; Charles
Jervas, the friend of Pope, a man much overrated by his acquaintance;
and Jonathan Richardson, a much superior artist to Jervas, and author
of the valuable "Essay on the Art of Criticism, as it relates to
Painting." Thomas Hudson, a pupil of Richardson, and his son-in-law,
was an admirable painter of heads, and had the honour of being the
instructor of Sir Joshua Reynolds. Henry Cook, like Thornhill, was a
decorator, and painted the choir of New College Chapel, at Oxford, and
the ceiling of a large room at the New River head. Among other artists
of repute there may be named Luke Cradock, a flower and fruit painter;
John Wootton, an animal painter; Francis Hayman, an historical painter
and designer for book-plates--those for "Don Quixote" being his best;
and George Lambert, one of the first English landscape painters of any
mark.

Far above all other English artists of this period, however, stood
William Hogarth (_b._ 1697). There is no artist of that or any former
age who is so thoroughly English. He is a John Bull from head to
foot--sturdy, somewhat headstrong, opinionated, and satirical. He is,
indeed, the great satirist of the brush; but his satire, keen as it
is, is employed as the instrument of the moralist; the things which he
denounces and derides are crimes, follies, and perverted tastes. In
his own conduct, as on his canvas, he displayed the same spirit, often
knocking down his own interests rather than not express his indignant
feeling of what was spurious in art, or unjust towards himself. Hogarth
was the first English painter who attracted much notice amongst
foreigners, and he still remains one of the most original in genius
of the British school. His subjects are not chosen from the loftier
regions of life and imagination, but from the very lowest or the most
corrupted ones of the life of his country and time. "The Harlot's
Progress," "The Rake's Progress," "Marriage _à la Mode_," "The March
to Finchley," "Gín Lane," "Beer Lane," etc., present a series of
subjects from which the delicate and sensitive will always revolt, and
which have necessarily an air of vulgarity about them, but the purpose
consecrates them; for they are not selected to pander to vice and
folly, but to expose, to brand, to extirpate them.

He first published an engraving of "The Small Masquerade Ticket, or
Burlington Gate," in ridicule of Lord Burlington's architecture, and
of Pope's eulogiums on Burlington and satire of the Duke of Chandos.
He illustrated "Hudibras," and produced a satirical plate, "The
Taste of the Times," in 1724; and, some years after, "The Midnight
Conversation" and "Southwark Fair." Not content with the fame which
this vein, so peculiarly his own, was bringing him, he had the ambition
to attempt the historical style, but this was a decided failure. In
1734, however, he came out in his full and peculiar strength in "The
Harlot's Progress." The melancholy truth of this startling drama,
mingled with touches of genuine humour, seized at once on the minds
of all classes. It became at once immensely popular; it was put
on the stage, and twelve hundred subscriptions for the engravings
produced a rich harvest of profit. In the following year he produced
"The Rake's Progress," which, though equally clever, had not the same
recommendation of novelty. In 1744 he offered for sale the original
paintings of these subjects, as well as "The Four Times of the Day,"
and "The Strolling Actresses Dressing in a Barn;" but here he felt the
effects of the sturdy English expression of his sentiments on art, and
his distributing of an engraving of "The Battle of the Pictures," as a
ticket of admission, gave great offence to painters and their patrons.
The whole sum received was only four hundred and twenty-seven pounds.
Undaunted by his self-injuring avowal of his opinions, he offered in
1750 the pictures of "Marriage _à la Mode_" for sale, but put forth
an advertisement in such caustic terms, as he reflected on the result
of his former auction, that he effectually kept away purchasers, and
obtained only a hundred and twenty pounds for what Mr. Angerstein
afterwards gave a thousand pounds for. His "March to Finchley" being
sent for the royal inspection, so impressed George II. with the idea
that it was a caricature of his Guards, that, though the engraving of
it was dedicated to him, he ordered the picture out of his sight, with
expressions of great indignation. Hogarth quietly substituted the name
of the King of Prussia in the dedication, as "an encourager of the
arts."

Soon after appeared his twelve plates of "Industry and Idleness," and
in 1753 he published a work called "The Analysis of Beauty," in which
he attempted to prove that the foundation of beauty and grace consists
in a flowing serpentine line. He gave numerous examples of it, and
supported his theory with much ingenious argument. The book brought
down upon him a perfect tempest of critical abuse from his envious and
enraged contemporaries. In 1757 he visited France, and being engaged in
sketching in Calais, he was seized and underwent very rough treatment
from "the politest nation in the world," under an impression that
he was employed by the English government to make drawings of the
fortifications. This adventure he has commemorated in his picture of
"Calais Gate." In the following year he painted his "Sigismunda."

Besides those enumerated, "The Four Election Scenes," "The Enraged
Musician," "The Distressed Poet," and "England and France"--all made
familiar to the public by engravings--are amongst his best works. In
1760 occurred the first exhibition of pictures by British artists, the
works of Hogarth being an actuating cause. He had presented to the
Foundling Hospital, besides his "March to Finchley," his "Marriage _à
la Mode_," and his "Moses brought before Pharaoh's Daughter," his most
successful picture of that kind; and Hayman and other artists having
followed his example, a company of artists conceived the idea that an
exhibition of the works of living artists might be made profitable.
Hogarth fell readily into the plan, till it was proposed to add to this
a royal academy of arts, which he opposed with all his might. He died
in 1764, and was buried in the churchyard at Chiswick, where also lies
by his side his wife, who survived him twenty-five years.

In sculpture at this period we stood much lower than in painting. Here
we had no Hogarth, nor even a Thornhill. All that was of any value in
this art proceeded from the chisels of foreigners, and even in that
what an immense distance from the grand simplicity of the ancients! The
sculpture of Italy and France was in the ascendant, but Bernini and
Roubiliac had little in common with Phidias and Praxiteles, and our
own sculptors presented a melancholy contrast to the work of artists
of the worst age of Greece or Rome; there is scarcely a name that is
worth mentioning. The best of the native sculptors was John Bushnell,
who was employed by Wren to execute the statues of the kings at Temple
Bar; and Francis Bird, who was also employed later by Wren to execute
"The Conversion of St. Paul," in the pediment of the new cathedral, the
bas-reliefs under the portico, and the group in front, all of a very
ordinary character. His best work is the monument of Dr. Busby in the
transept of Westminster Abbey. Besides this he executed the monument of
Sir Cloudesley Shovel, also at Westminster, and the bronze statue of
Henry VI., in the quadrangle of Eton College, both very indifferent.
Gibbs and Bird executed the ponderous and tasteless monument of
Holles, Duke of Newcastle, at Westminster, and the fine old minster is
disgraced by a crowd of still more contemptible productions of this
period. These can only be equalled in wretchedness by the works of a
trading school, who supplied copies in lead of ancient gods, goddesses,
shepherds, shepherdesses, etc., for the gardens of the nobility, which
soon swarmed in legions in all the gardens and areas in and around the
metropolis. Amongst the chief dealers in this traffic were Cheere and
Charpentier, who employed foreign artists, even, for such images, and
it was the fortune of Roubiliac to commence his English career with the
former of these traders. The three chief foreigners of this period were
Rysbraeck, Scheemakers, and Roubiliac, who were copyists of the French
sculptors Coysevox, Bouchardon, and Le Moyne, as these had been of
Bernini.

Notwithstanding the constant wars of this time, British shipping,
commerce, colonies, and manufactures made considerable progress. At
the commencement of this period the amount of shipping employed in
our commerce was altogether 244,788 tons, being 144,264 tons English,
and 100,524 foreign; in 1701 the amount of shipping employed was
337,328 tons, of which alone 293,703 were English. In 1702, the end of
William's reign, the number of English mercantile vessels was about
3,281, employing 27,196 seamen. The royal navy, at the end of William's
reign, amounted to about 159,000 tons, employing some 50,000 sailors,
so that the seamen of England must have amounted at that period to
nearly 80,000.

At the end of the reign of Anne the shipping employed in commerce
amounted to 448,000 tons, of which only 26,573 tons were foreign; so
that the English mercantile shipping had increased, in little more than
twelve years, 127,800 tons. At the end of the reign of George I. our
mercantile shipping was only 456,000 tons, the foreign being 23,651
tons; so that the increase for the time was but slight. The royal
navy had greatly decreased under George I. At the end of the reign of
George II., the total amount of our commercial shipping was 573,978
tons, including 112,737 foreign. Thus, whilst the total shipping at the
commencement of this period (in 1688) was only 244,788 tons, at the
end of it (in 1760) the total was 573,978 tons, or a nett increase,
in seventy-two years, of 329,190 tons: the increase being much larger
than the total amount of tonnage possessed at the commencement of
the period, the amount of foreign shipping remaining very nearly the
same--in fact, only 12,000 tons more. The royal navy, which, at the
commencement of the period, was reckoned at 101,892 tons, at the end
of it was 321,104 tons, showing an increase of 219,212 tons; and, at
the rate of men employed at the commencement, the number now employed
in both our commercial and our national navy could not be fewer than
160,000 men.

The growth of our commerce during these seventy-two years is shown
by the amount of our exports. In 1697--that is, nine years after the
Revolution--the amount of exports was only £3,525,907; but in the
three next years of peace they rose to £6,709,881. War reduced these
again to little more than £5,000,000, and at the end of the reign
of Anne, during peace, they rose to £8,000,000. At the end of the
reign of George I. the war had so much checked our commerce, that
the exports scarcely amounted to that sum, the average of the three
years--1726, 1727, and 1728--being only £7,891,739. By the end of the
reign of George II., however (1760), they had risen to £14,693,270.
Having by this period driven the fleets of France and Spain from the
ocean, we rather extended our commerce than injured it. Thus, during
these seventy-two years, our exports had increased from about three
millions and a half annually to more than fourteen millions and a half
annually, or a yearly difference of upwards of eleven millions--a most
substantial growth.

One great cause of this progress was the growth of our colonies. They
began now to demand a considerable quantity of our manufactures and
other articles of domestic comfort and convenience, and to supply us
with a number of items of raw material. Towards the end of the reign of
George I. our American colonies, besides the number of convicts that
we sent thither, especially to Virginia and Maryland, attracted a
considerable emigration of free persons, particularly to Pennsylvania,
in consequence of the freedom of its constitution as founded by Penn,
and the freedom for the exercise of religion.

[Illustration: WILLIAM HOGARTH. (_After the Portrait begun by Weltdon
and finished by himself._)]

New York, Jersey, and the New England States traded in the same
commodities: they also built a considerable number of ships, and
manufactured, especially in Massachusetts, coarse linens and woollens,
iron, hats, rum, besides drying great quantities of fish for Spain,
Portugal, and the Mediterranean markets. Massachusetts already employed
40,000 tons of shipping. New England furnished the finest masts in the
world for the navy; Virginia and Maryland furnished 50,000 hogsheads
of tobacco, annually valued at £370,000; employing 24,000 tons of
shipping. From these colonies we received also large quantities of
skins, wool, furs, flax, etc. Carolina had become a great rice-growing
country. By the year 1733 it had nearly superseded the supply of that
article from Italy in Spain and Portugal; in 1740 it exported nearly
100,000 barrels of rice; and seven years afterwards, besides its rice,
it sent to England 200,000 pounds of indigo, rendering us independent
of France for that article; and at the end of the present period its
export of indigo had doubled that quantity, besides a very considerable
exportation of pitch, sassafras, Brazil wood, skins, Indian corn, and
other articles.

In 1732 the new colony of Georgia was founded by General Oglethorpe,
and became a silk-growing country, exporting, by the end of this
period, 10,000 pounds of raw silk annually.

The rapid growth of the commerce of the American colonies excited an
intense jealousy in our West Indian Islands, which claimed a monopoly
of supply of sugar, rum, molasses, and other articles to all the
British possessions. The Americans trading with the French, Dutch,
Spaniards, etc., took these articles in return; but the West Indian
proprietors prevailed upon the British Government, in 1733, to impose
a duty on the import of any produce of foreign plantations into the
American colonies, besides granting a drawback on the re-exportation
of West Indian sugar from Great Britain. This was one of the first
pieces of legislation of which the American colonies had a just right
to complain. At this period our West Indies produced about 85,000
hogsheads of sugar, or 1,200,000 cwts. About three hundred sail were
employed in the trade with these islands, and some 4,500 sailors; the
value of British manufactures exported thither being nearly £240,000
annually, but our imports from Jamaica alone averaged at that time
£539,492. Besides rum, sugar, and molasses, we received from the West
Indies cotton, indigo, ginger, pimento, cocoa, coffee, etc.

During this period a vast empire was beginning to unfold itself in the
East Indies, destined to produce a vast trade, and pour a perfect mine
of wealth into Great Britain. The victories of Clive, Eyre Coote, and
others, were telling on our commerce. During the early part of this
period this effect was slow, and our exports to India and China up to
1741 did not average more than £148,000 per annum in value. Bullion,
however, was exported to pay expenses and to purchase tea to an annual
amount of upwards of half a million. Towards the end of this period,
however, our exports to India and China amounted annually to more than
half a million; and the necessity for the export of bullion had sunk
to an annual demand for less than £100,000. The amount of tea imported
from China during this period rose from about 140,000 pounds annually
to nearly 3,000,000 pounds annually--an enormous increase.

The progress of our manufactures was equally satisfactory. At the
commencement of this period that great innovator and benefactor,
the steam-engine, was produced. The idea thrown out by the Marquis
of Worcester, in his "Century of Inventions," in 1663, had been
neglected as mere wild theory till Savery, in 1698, constructed a
steam-engine for draining mines. This received successive improvements
from Newcomen and Crawley, and further ones from Brindley in 1756,
and Watt extended these at the end of this period, though this
mighty agent has received many improvements since. Navigable canals,
also, date their introduction by the Duke of Bridgewater, under the
management of Brindley, from the latter end of this period, 1758.
Other great men, Arkwright, Compton, Hargreaves, etc., were now busily
at work in developing machinery, and applying steam to it, which has
revolutionised the system of manufacture throughout the world. In 1754
the Society of Arts and Manufactures was established.

One great article of manufacture and export, however, down to this
period, continued to be that of our woollens. To guard this manufacture
many Acts had been passed at different times, prohibiting the
exportation of the raw material. Immediately after the Revolution a
fresh Act of this kind was passed, and such was the jealousy even of
the Irish and of our American colonies weaving woollen cloths, that,
in 1689, an Act was passed prohibiting the exportation of wool or
woollen goods from Ireland or our plantations to any country except
England. Having taken measures thus to confine as much as possible the
profit of the woollen manufacture to England, the next year, which saw
all protecting duties taken off corn, saw also leave given for the
exportation of woollen cloths duty-free from England to any part of the
world. Sir William Davenant estimates the value of the yearly growth
of wool in England at this time at about £2,000,000, and the value of
its woollen manufactures at £8,000,000. He calculates that one-fourth
of this amount was exported. In 1738 Mr. John Kay invented the mode of
casting the shuttle by what is called a "picking-peg," by which means
the weaver was enabled to weave cloths of any width, and throw off
twice the quantity in the same time. In 1758 the Leeds Cloth Hall was
erected, and, about twenty years afterwards, a hall for white cloths.

The silk trade received a great impulse by the erection of a silk-mill
at Derby, in 1719, by John Lombe and his brothers. Lombe had smuggled
himself into a silk-mill in Italy, as a destitute workman, and had
then copied all the machinery. To prevent the operation of this new
silk factory in England--which was worked by a water-wheel on the
river Derwent, had 97,746 wheels, movements, and individual parts,
and employed three hundred persons--the King of Sardinia prohibited
the exportation of the raw material, and thus, for a time, checked
the progress of the manufacture. Parliament voted Sir Thomas Lombe
£14,000 as a compensation for loss of profits thus occasioned, on
condition that the patent, which he had obtained for fourteen years,
should expire, and the right to use the machinery should be thrown
open to the public. By the middle of this period our silk manufactures
were declared superior to those of Italy, and the tradesmen of
Naples recommended their silk stockings as English ones. In 1755
great improvements were introduced by Mr. Jedediah Strutt in the
stocking-loom of Lee.

As the woollen manufactures of Ireland had received a check from the
selfishness of the English manufacturers, it was sought to compensate
the Protestants of Ulster by encouraging the linen manufacture there,
which the English did not value so much as their woollen. A Board was
established in Dublin in 1711, and one also in Scotland in 1727, for
the purpose of superintending the trade, and bounties and premiums on
exportation were offered. In these favourable circumstances the trade
rapidly grew, both in Ireland and Scotland. In 1750 seven and a half
million yards of linen were annually woven in Scotland alone.

The lace manufacture was still prosecuted merely by hand, and chiefly
in Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, and in the West of England. No lace
was produced from machinery before 1768.

In the manufacture of iron a most material discovery of smelting the
ore by the use of pit-coal was made. The forests of England were so
much reduced by the consumption of wood in the iron furnaces, that it
was contemplated removing the business to our American colonies. This
necessity was obviated by the discovery by Dud Dudley of a mode of
manufacturing bar-iron with coal instead of wood. This discovery had
been patented in 1619, yet, singularly, had been neglected; but in 1740
the principle was applied at Coalbrookdale, and iron thus made tough
or brittle, as was wished. Iron works, now not confined to one spot
by the necessity of wood, sprang up at various places in England and
Wales, and the great works at Rotherham were established in 1750, and
the famous Carron works in Scotland in 1760. The quantity of pig-iron
made in 1740 was calculated at 17,000 tons, and the number of people
employed in the iron trade at the end of this period is supposed to be
little short of 300,000.

The production of copper during this period was so plentiful, that,
though the great mines in Anglesea were not yet discovered, full
liberty was given to export it, except to France. From 1736 to 1745
the mines of Cornwall alone produced about 700 tons annually, and the
yearly amount was constantly increasing. A manufactory of brass--the
secret of which mixture was introduced from Germany, in 1649--was
established in Birmingham, in 1748; and, at the end of this period,
the number of persons employed in making articles of copper and
brass was, probably, not less than 50,000. The manufacture of tinned
iron commenced in Wales about 1730, and in 1740 further improvements
were made in this process. Similar improvements were making in the
refinement of metals, and in the manufacture of silver plate, called
Sheffield plate. English watches acquired great reputation, but
afterwards fell into considerable disrepute from the employment of
inferior foreign works. Printing types, which we had before imported
from Holland, were first made in England in the reign of Queen Anne,
by Caslon, an engraver of gun-locks and barrels. In 1725 William Ged,
a Scotsman, discovered the art of stereotyping, but did not introduce
it without strong opposition from the working printers. Great strides
were made in the paper manufacture. In 1690 we first made white paper,
and in 1713 it is calculated that 300,000 reams of all kinds of paper
were made in England. An excise duty was first laid on paper in 1711.
Our best china and earthenware were still imported, and, both in style
and quality, our own pottery was very inferior, for Wedgwood had not
yet introduced his wonderful improvements. Defoe introduced pantiles
at his manufactory at Tilbury, before which time we imported them from
Holland. The war with France compelled us to encourage the manufacture
of glass; in 1697 the excise duty, imposed three years before, was
repealed, but in 1746 duties were imposed on the articles used in its
manufacture, and additional duties on its exportation. The manufacture
of crown glass was not introduced till after this period.

The effects of the growth in our commerce and manufactures, and the
consequent increase of the national wealth, were seen in the extension
of London and other of our large towns. Eight new parishes were added
to the metropolis during this period; the Chelsea Waterworks were
established in 1721; and Westminster Bridge was completed in 1750.
Bristol, Hull, Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Sheffield, Leeds,
Edinburgh, Glasgow, Frome, Dublin, and several other towns, grew
amazingly.



CHAPTER VII.

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

    Accession of George III.--His Conduct--Ascendency of Bute--Meeting
    of Parliament--Enthusiastic Reception of the King's Speech--Bute's
    Cabals--Hostility to Pitt--Ministerial Changes--Marriage of the
    King--Queen Charlotte--Misfortunes of Frederick--Ferdinand of
    Brunswick's Campaign--Defeat of the French in the East and West
    Indies--Negotiations for Peace--Pitt's large Demands--Obstinacy of
    Choiseul--The Family Compact suspected--Resignation of Pitt--Bute's
    Ministry--War with Spain--Abandonment of Frederick--Policy of
    the new Czar--Resignation of Newcastle--Bute at the head of the
    Treasury--Successes in the West Indies--Capture of Manila--Bute's
    Eagerness for Peace--The Terms--Bute's Unpopularity--Close of
    the Seven Years' War--Successes of Clive--Defeat of the Dutch in
    India--Final Overthrow of the French in India--Fate of the Count
    de Lally--Bute and the Princess of Wales--The Cider Tax--Bute's
    Vengeance--His Resignation--George Grenville in Office--No. 45
    of the North Briton--Arrest of Wilkes--His Acquittal--Vengeance
    against him--The King negotiates with Pitt--Wilkes's Affairs in
    Parliament--The Wilkes Riots--The Question of Privilege--The
    Illegality of General Warrants declared--Wilkes expelled the
    House--Debates on General Warrants--Rejoicing in the City of London.


George III., at the time of the sudden death of his grandfather, was
in his twenty-second year. The day of the late king's death and the
following night were spent in secret arrangements, and the next morning
George presented himself before his mother, the Princess-dowager,
at Carlton House, where he met his council, and was then formally
proclaimed. This was on the 26th of October, 1760.

The conduct of the young king, considering his shyness and the defects
of his education, was, during the first days of his sudden elevation,
calm, courteous, affable, and unembarrassed. "He behaved throughout,"
says Horace Walpole, "with the greatest propriety, dignity, and
decency." He dismissed his Guards to attend on the body of his
grandfather. But it was soon seen that there would be great changes in
his Government. Pitt waited on him with the sketch of an address to his
Council; but the king informed him that this had been thought of, and
an address already prepared. This was sufficient for Pitt; he had long
been satisfied that the favourite of mother and son, the Groom of the
Stole, and the inseparable companion, Bute, would, on the accession of
George, mount into the premiership.

On the morning of Monday, the 28th, the king's brother, Edward, Duke
of York, and Lord Bute were sworn members of the Privy Council. It
was obvious that Bute was to be quite in the ascendant, and the
observant courtiers paid instant homage to the man through whom all
good things were to flow. The king declared himself, however, highly
satisfied with his present Cabinet, and announced that he wished no
changes. A handbill soon appeared on the walls of the Royal Exchange
expressing the public apprehension: "No petticoat government--no Scotch
favourite--no Lord George Sackville!" Bute had always championed Lord
George, who was so bold in society and so backward in the field; and
the public now imagined that they would have a governing clique of the
king's mother, her favourite, Bute, and his favourite, Lord George.

Parliament, which had been prorogued for a few days on account of
the demise of the king, assembled on the 18th of November. The king
delivered a speech, composed by Lord Hardwicke, and revised by
Pitt, and containing a passage, said to be inserted by himself, as
follows:--"Born and educated in this country, I glory in the name of
Briton!" In the addresses these words produced the most enthusiastic
responses. "What a lustre," exclaimed the Lords, "doth it cast upon the
name of Briton, when you, sir, are pleased to esteem it amongst your
glories!" For the rest, the speech expressed the royal determination
to prosecute the war with all vigour; praised the magnanimity and
perseverance of his good brother, the King of Prussia; and recommended
unanimity of action and opinion in Parliament. Nothing could appear
more unanimous or more liberal than Parliament.

But the smoothness was only on the surface--beneath were working the
strongest political animosities and the most selfish desires. The
little knot of aristocratic families which had so long monopolised all
the sweets of office, now saw with indignation tribes of aspirants
crowding in for a share of the good things. The aspirants filled the
ante-chamber of Bute, the angry and disappointed resorted to Newcastle,
who was in a continual state of agitation by seeing appointments given
to new men without his knowledge; members rushing in to offer their
support to Government at the next election, who had hitherto stood
aloof, and were now received and encouraged.

[Illustration: GREAT SEAL OF GEORGE III.]

Meanwhile, Bute was sedulously at work to clear the way for his own
assumption, not merely of office, but of the whole power of the
Government. He acted as already the only medium of communication with
the king, and the depositary of his secrets. He opened his views
cautiously to Bubb Dodington, who was a confidant of the Lichfield
House party, and still hungering after a title. Dodington advised him
to induce Lord Holderness to resign and take his place, which, at
first, Bute affected to disapprove of, but eventually acted upon. The
first object was to get rid of Pitt, who, by his talents and haughty
independence of manner, was not more acceptable to the king and his
counsellor, Bute, than by his policy, which they desired to abandon.
Pamphlets were therefore assiduously circulated, endeavouring to
represent Pitt as insatiable for war, and war as having been already
too burdensome for the nation.

On the 21st of March Parliament was dissolved by proclamation, and the
same day the _Gazette_ announced several of the changes determined on
in the Ministry. The Duke of Bedford retired from the Lord-Lieutenancy
of Ireland, and his place was taken by the Earl of Halifax. Legge, who
was considered too much in the interest of Pitt, was dismissed, and
Lord Barrington now took his place of Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Charles Townshend took Barrington's former office, and Sir Francis
Dashwood became Treasurer of the Chambers in room of Townshend. Both
Townshend and Dashwood had gone over to the party of Bute. Lord
Holderness was now made to do what Dodington had before suggested; he
resigned his office of Secretary of State, and in due course Bute was
gazetted as appointed to that post. No notice of this change had been
communicated to Pitt, the other and Chief Secretary, till it took place.

On the 8th of July an extraordinary Privy Council was summoned. All
the members, of whatever party, were desired to attend, and many were
the speculations as to the object of their meeting. The general notion
was that it involved the continuing or the ending of the war. It
turned out to be for the announcement of the king's intended marriage.
The lady selected was Charlotte, the second sister of the Duke of
Mecklenburg-Strelitz. Apart from the narrowness of her education, the
young princess had a considerable amount of amiability, good sense, and
domestic taste. These she shared with her intended husband, and whilst
they made the royal couple always retiring, at the same time they
caused them to give, during their lives, a moral air to their court.
On the 8th of September Charlotte arrived at St. James's, and that
afternoon the marriage took place, the ceremony being performed by the
Archbishop of Canterbury. On the 22nd the coronation took place with
the greatest splendour.

We must now step back a little to observe the war on the Continent from
the opening of the present campaign. Frederick of Prussia lay encamped
during the winter in Silesia, surrounded by difficulties and enemies.
His resources both in money and men appeared well nigh exhausted.
The end of autumn, 1760, brought him the news of the death of George
II., and, from what he could learn of the disposition of his successor
and his chief advisers, it was certain that peace would be attempted
by England. This depressing intelligence was confirmed in December
by the British Parliament indeed voting again his usual subsidy, but
reluctantly, and he found it paid with still more reluctance and delay.
Whilst thus menaced with the total loss of the funds by which he
carried on the war, he saw, as the spring approached, the Russians and
Austrians advancing against him with more than double his own forces.
Disasters soon overtook him. The capture of Schweidnitz enabled the
Austrians to winter in Silesia, which they had never yet done during
the war; and the Russians also found, to their great satisfaction, on
arriving in Pomerania, that they could winter in Colberg. The Russian
division under Romanzow had besieged Colberg both by land and sea, and,
despite the attempts of the Prussians sent by Frederick to relieve it,
it had been compelled to surrender. In these discouraging circumstances
Frederick took up his winter quarters at Breslau. His affairs never
wore a darker aspect. He was out-generaled and more discomfited this
campaign than by a great battle. His enemies lay near in augmented
strength of position, and his resources had ominously decreased.

The campaign against the French was opened in February by Prince
Ferdinand of Brunswick attacking the Duke de Broglie, and driving him
out of Cassel. Prince Ferdinand followed up this advantage by attacking
them in Marburg and Göttingen, and applied himself particularly to the
siege of Cassel. But Broglie, now recovered from his surprise, first
defeated the hereditary Prince of Brunswick, Ferdinand's nephew, at
Stangerode, and then repulsed Ferdinand himself from Cassel.

The destruction of the French magazines delayed their operations till
midsummer, when Broglie advanced from Cassel, and the Prince Soubise
from the Rhine, to give Ferdinand battle. On the march they fell
in with Sporken, and this time defeated one of his posts, and took
nineteen pieces of cannon and eight hundred prisoners. The Allies
awaited them in front of the river Lippe, and between that river and
the Aest, near the village of Kirch-Denkern. The French were routed at
all points, having lost, according to the Allies, five thousand men,
whilst they themselves had only lost one thousand five hundred. The
effect of the victory, however, was small.

If the French had been by no means successful in Germany, they had been
much less so in other quarters of the globe. In the East Indies we had
taken Pondicherry, their chief settlement, from them, and thus remained
masters of the whole coast of Coromandel, and of the entire trade with
India. In the West Indies, the French had been fortifying Dominica,
contrary to treaty, and Lord Rollo and Sir James Douglas were sent
thither, and speedily reduced it. France, indeed, was now fast sinking
in exhaustion. Louis XV. was a man of no mark or ability, inclined to
peace, and leaving all affairs to his Ministers, and still more to his
mistress, Madame de Pompadour. Choiseul was a man of talent, but of
immense vanity, and little persistent firmness. He was now anxious for
peace, but, too proud to make the proposal directly, he induced the
Courts of Russia and Austria to do it. It was suggested that a congress
should be held at Augsburg for settling the peace of Europe. England
and Prussia readily consented. But the Duke of Choiseul, anxious to
have a clear understanding of the terms on which England and France
were likely to treat, proposed a previous exchange of views, and
dispatched M. Bussy to London, whilst Mr. Pitt sent to Paris Mr. Hans
Stanley.

Choiseul made, undoubtedly, a large offer for peace. It was that each
power should retain all such of its conquests as should be in its
hands, subject to exchanges and equivalents, in Europe, on the 1st of
May next; in America, the West Indies, and Africa, on the 1st of July;
and in the East Indies on the 1st of September. But Pitt had declared
that he would never make another peace of Utrecht. He considered that
we had France down, and he determined to retain everything of value.
He therefore replied that the proper period for the principle of the
treaty to take place was that on which the treaty was really signed,
that it might so happen that it would not be signed at the dates named,
and he did this in order to complete a scheme, which he had already
nearly accomplished, that of seizing on Belleisle, an island on the
coast of France. It surrendered in July, and the news of this loss was
speedily followed in Paris by that of the loss of Dominica in the West,
and of Pondicherry in the East Indies.

These reverses were calculated to make France more compliant; yet
Pitt was astonished to find, instead of compliance, a great spirit
of resistance. Choiseul would by no means admit that Belleisle was
an equivalent for Minorca. He demanded Guadeloupe and Belleisle too,
simply in lieu of the French conquests in Germany. He now demurred
to the surrender of Cape Breton, or in any case to forego the right
of fishing along its coasts. He was not content with Amaboo or
Acra; he demanded Senegal or Goree. He declined also to destroy the
fortifications of Dunkirk, raised in contempt of the treaty of Utrecht.
All captures made at sea previous to the declaration of war must be
restored; and in Germany, though he was willing to withdraw the French
troops, it was only on condition that the troops commanded by Prince
Ferdinand should not reinforce the Prussian army.

The secret of this wonderfully augmented boldness of tone on the part
of France soon transpired. Choiseul had been endeavouring to secure the
alliance of Spain, and saw himself about to succeed. Spain was smarting
under many losses and humiliations from the English during the late
war. Whilst General Wall, the Spanish minister at Madrid, urged these
complaints on the Earl of Bristol, our ambassador there, Choiseul was
dexterously inflaming the minds of the Spanish Court against Britain
on these grounds. He represented it as the universal tyrant of the
seas, and the sworn enemy of every other maritime state. He offered to
assist in the recovery of Gibraltar, and to make over Minorca to Spain.
By these means he induced Spain to go into what became the celebrated
Family Compact--that is, a compact by which France and Spain bound
themselves to mutually succour and support each other; and to admit the
King of Naples, the son of the Spanish king, to this compact, but no
prince or potentate whatever, except he were of the House of Bourbon.

Besides the general compact, there was a particular one, which
engaged that, should England and France remain at war on the 1st of
May, 1762, Spain should on that day declare war against England, and
should at the same time receive possession of Minorca. The existence
of these compacts was kept with all possible secrecy; but Mr. Stanley
penetrated to a knowledge of them in Paris, and his information was
fully confirmed from other sources. If these, however, had left any
doubt, it would have been expelled by the receipt of a French memorial
through M. Bussy, to which a second memorial on Spanish affairs was
appended. Pitt received the proposition with a tone of indignation
that made it manifest that he would suffer no such interference
of a third party--would not yield a step to any such alliance. He
declared, in broad and plain terms, that his majesty would not permit
the affairs of Spain to be introduced by France; that he would never
suffer France to presume to meddle in any affairs between himself and
Spain, and that he should consider any further mention of such matters
as a direct affront. A similar message was dispatched to the Earl of
Bristol in Spain, declaring that England was open to any proposals of
negotiation from Spain, but not through the medium of France. This was,
in fact, tantamount to a defiance to both France and Spain, and would
undoubtedly have put an end to all further negotiation had there not
been a purpose to serve. The Spanish treasure ships were yet out at sea
on their way home. Any symptoms of hostility would insure their capture
by the British, and cut off the very means of maintaining a war.
General Wall, therefore, concealed all appearance of chagrin; admitted
that the memorial had been presented by France with the full consent
of his Catholic majesty, but professed the most sincere desire for the
continuance of peaceful relations.

Pitt was not for a moment deceived, and in August the Family Compact
was signed. He broke off the negotiation, recalled Stanley from Paris,
dismissed Bussy from London, and advised an immediate declaration of
war against Spain, whilst it was yet in our power to seize the treasure
ships. But there was but one Pitt--one great mind capable of grasping
the affairs of a nation, and of seizing on the deciding circumstances
with the promptness essential to effect. The usually timid Newcastle
became suddenly courageous with alarm. Bute pronounced Pitt's proposal
as "rash and unadvisable;" the king, obstinate as was his tendency,
declared that, if his Ministers had yielded to such a policy, he would
not; and Pitt, having laboured in vain to move this stolid mass of
ministerial imbecility through three Cabinet Councils, at last, in the
beginning of October, declared that, as he was called to the Ministry
by the people, and held himself responsible to them, he would no longer
occupy a position the duties of which he was not able to discharge. On
the 5th he resigned, and his great Ministry came to an end.

The Bute Ministry was now in power, and determined on reversing
the policy of Pitt--policy which had added so magnificently to the
territory and glory of the country. Bute had now to seek powerful
connections to enable him to carry on. The commonplace man seeks to
make up for his feebleness by associating with him, not men of merit,
but men of aristocratic connection. For this reason he conferred the
Privy Seal on the Duke of Bedford, and the Seal of Secretary on the
Earl of Egremont. To break the force of popular indignation for the
loss of Pitt from the helm--for the people knew who was the great
man and successful minister well enough--the king was advised to
confer some distinguished mark of favour on Pitt. He was offered the
government of Canada as a sinecure, with five thousand pounds a year.
Pitt was not the man to undertake a highly responsible office without
discharging the duties, and he was next offered the Chancellorship of
the Duchy of Lancaster; but he preferred a simple pension of three
thousand pounds a-year, and that a title should be conferred on his
wife. By this arrangement he was left in the House of Commons, and
in a position to continue his exertions for the country. Both these
suggestions were complied with.

Ministers were soon compelled to pursue the policy which Pitt had so
successfully inaugurated. With all the determination of Lord Bute and
his colleagues to make a speedy peace, they found it impossible. The
Family Compact between France and Spain was already signed; and in
various quarters of the world Pitt's plans were so far in progress
that they must go on. In East and West, his plans for the conquest
of Havana, of the Philippine Isles, and for other objects, were not
to be abruptly abandoned; and Ministers were compelled to carry out
his objects, in many particulars, in spite of themselves. And now
the unpleasant truth was forced on the attention of Ministers, that
the war which Pitt declared to be inevitable was so, and that he had
recommended the only wise measure. The country was now destined to pay
the penalty of their folly and stupidity in rejecting Pitt's proposal
to declare war against Spain at once, and strip her of the means of
offence, her treasure ships. Lord Bristol, our ambassador at Madrid,
announced to Lord Bute, in a despatch of the 2nd of November, that
these ships had arrived, and that all the wealth which Spain expected
from her American colonies for the next year was safe at home. And
he had to add that with this, Wall, the Minister, had thrown off the
mask, and had assumed the most haughty and insolent language towards
Great Britain. This was a confession on the part of Lord Bristol
that he had suffered Wall to throw dust in his eyes till his object
was accomplished, and it made patent the fact that Pitt had been too
sagacious to be deceived; but that the new Ministers, whilst insulting
Pitt and forcing him to resign, had been themselves completely duped.
Spain now, in the most peremptory terms, demanded redress for all her
grievances; and, before the year had closed, the Bute Cabinet was
compelled to recall Lord Bristol from Madrid, and to order Fuentes,
the Spanish ambassador in London, to quit the kingdom. On the 4th of
January, 1762, declaration of war was issued against Spain. Neither
king nor Ministers, seeing the wisdom of Pitt's policy and the folly
of their own, were prevented from committing another such absurdity.
They abandoned Frederick of Prussia at his greatest need. They refused
to vote his usual subsidy. By this execrable proceeding--for we not
only abandoned Frederick, but made overtures to Austria, with which he
was engaged in a mortal struggle--we thus threw him into the arms and
close alliance of Russia, and were, by this, the indirect means of that
guilty confederation by which Poland was afterwards rent in pieces by
these powers. On the 5th of January, 1762, died the Czarina Elizabeth.
She was succeeded by her nephew, the Duke of Holstein, under the title
of Peter III. Peter was an enthusiastic admirer of the Prussian king;
he was extravagant and incessant in his praises of him. He accepted the
commission of a colonel in the Prussian service, wore its uniform, and
was bent on clothing his own troops in it. It was clear that he was
not quite sane, for he immediately recalled the Russian army which was
acting against Frederick, hastened to make peace with him, and offered
to restore all that had been won from him in the war, even to Prussia
proper, which the Russians had possession of. His example was eagerly
seized upon by Sweden, which was tired of the war. Both Russia and
Sweden signed treaties of peace with Frederick in May, and Peter went
farther: he dispatched an army into Silesia, where it had so lately
been fighting against him, to fight against Austria. Elated by this
extraordinary turn of affairs, the Prussian ambassador renewed his
applications for money, urging that, now Russia had joined Frederick,
it would be easy to subdue Austria and terminate the war. This was an
opportunity for Bute to retrace with credit his steps; but he argued,
on the contrary, that, having the aid of Russia, Frederick did not want
that of England; and he is even accused of endeavouring to persuade
Russia to continue its hostilities against Prussia; and thus he totally
alienated a power which might have hereafter rendered us essential
service, without gaining a single point. The Duke of Newcastle, man of
mediocre merit as he was, saw farther than Bute into the disgraceful
nature of thus abandoning a powerful ally at an extremity, as well as
the impolicy of converting such a man into a mortal enemy; and, finding
all remonstrances vain, resigned. Bute was glad to be rid of him; and
Newcastle, finding both his remonstrance and resignation taken very
coolly, had the meanness to seek to regain a situation in the Cabinet,
but without effect, and threw himself into the Opposition.

[Illustration: GEORGE III.]

On Newcastle's resignation Bute placed himself at the head of the
Treasury, and named Grenville Secretary of State--a fatal nomination,
for Grenville lost America. Lord Barrington, though an adherent of
Newcastle, became Treasurer of the Navy, and Sir Francis Dashwood
Chancellor of the Exchequer. Bute, who, like all weak favourites, had
not the sense to perceive that it was necessary to be moderate to
acquire permanent power, immediately obtained a vacant Garter, and thus
parading the royal favours, augmented the rapidly growing unpopularity
which his want of sagacity and honourable principle was fast creating.
He was beset by legions of libels, which fully exposed his incapacity,
and as freely dealt with the connection between himself and the mother
of the king.

But in spite of Bute's incapacity the expeditions planned by Pitt
were uniformly successful. The British fleets were everywhere busy
attacking the Spanish colonies, and cutting off the Spanish ships
at sea. A fleet had been dispatched, under Admiral Rodney, at the
latter end of the last year, against Martinique, carrying nearly
twelve thousand men, commanded by General Monckton. They landed on the
7th of January at Cas de Navires, besieged and took Port Royal, the
capital, St. Pierre, and, finally, the whole island. This was followed
by the surrender of St. Vincent, Grenada, and St. Lucia, so that the
English were now masters of the whole of the Caribbees. A portion of
this squadron, under Sir James Douglas, then proceeded to join an
expedition, which sailed from Portsmouth on the 5th of March; the fleet
commanded by Admiral Sir George Pococke, and the army by the Earl of
Albemarle. The squadron arrived before Havana on the 4th of June--King
George's birthday--and effected a landing without much difficulty.

It was not, however, till the 12th of August that they were ready
with their batteries. The effect of the bombardment was almost
instantaneous. Within six hours nearly all the enemy's guns were
silenced, and the next day the Spaniards capitulated, agreeing to yield
not only the place, and the vessels in the harbour, but the country for
a hundred and eighty miles to the westward; in fact, all the best part
of Cuba. The booty taken was valued at nearly three million pounds.

In the East Indies, immediately afterwards, another severe blow was
inflicted on Spain. An expedition sailed from Madras, and Admiral
Cornish conveyed in a small fleet a body of men amounting to two
thousand three hundred, and consisting of one regiment of the line, in
addition to marines and sepoys. Colonel William Draper, afterwards so
well known for his spirited contest with the still undiscovered author
of "Junius's Letters," was the commander. They landed near Manila,
the capital of the Philippine Islands, on the 24th of September,
the Spanish garrison there being taken completely by surprise. The
whole of the Philippines submitted without further resistance; and
Draper, besides being made a knight of the Bath, was, with the naval
commanders, thanked by Parliament, as well they might be.

The brilliant successes of this campaign had clearly been the result
of Pitt's plans before quitting office. Bute and his colleagues had
no capacity for such masterly policy, and as little perception of the
immense advantages which these conquests gave them in making peace.
Peace they were impatient for--less on the great grounds that peace
was the noblest of national blessings, than because the people grumbled
at the amount of taxation--and because, by peace, they diminished, or
hoped to diminish, the _prestige_ of the great Minister, who had won
such vast accessions to the national territory. Bute was eager to come
to terms with France and Spain, regardless of the advantages he gave
to prostrate enemies by showing that impatience. Had he made a peace
as honourable as the war had been, he would have deserved well of the
country; but to accomplish such a peace required another stamp of mind.

Bute made overtures to France through the neutral Court of Sardinia.
Louis XV. and his Ministers caught at the very first whisper of such
a thing with the eagerness of drowning men; a sufficient intimation
to an able and cautious minister, that he might safely name his own
terms. The ambassadors, however, soon found that the real business of
the treaty was transacted between Bute, on the part of Britain, and the
Duke de Choiseul, on that of France; and that not through ambassadors,
but through Sardinian envoys.

The conditions first agreed upon were, that both England and France
were to withdraw their support, either by men or money, to the war in
Germany. France was to evacuate the few towns that she held there, as
well as Cleve and Guelders. Minorca was to be restored in exchange for
Belleisle, which thus fully justified Pitt's capture of that little
and otherwise useless island. The fortifications of Dunkirk were to be
reduced to the state required by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle.

France ceded Canada, Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton, stipulating for the
free exercise of their religion by the inhabitants of Canada, and for
their leaving the country if they preferred it, carrying away their
effects, if done within eighteen months. Nova Scotia and Cape Breton
were given up unconditionally. The boundaries of Louisiana were more
clearly defined. The French retained the right to fish on part of the
coast of Newfoundland and in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and to retain the
two little islets of St. Pierre and Miquelon, as places of shelter for
their fishermen, on condition that no batteries should be raised on
them, nor more than fifty soldiers keep guard there. Their fishermen
were not to approach within fifteen miles of Cape Breton.

In the West Indies it was decided that Great Britain should, of the
French islands that she had taken, retain Tobago, Dominica, St.
Vincent, and Grenada, but restore to France Guadeloupe, Martinique,
and St. Lucia.

In the East Indies France agreed to keep no troops, and raise no
fortifications in Bengal, and on these conditions their settlements
were restored, but merely as places of trade. Goree, on the coast of
Africa, was restored, but Senegal was surrendered.

As for Spain, she abandoned all designs on Portugal, and restored the
colony of Sacramento; and she surrendered every point on which her
declaration of war against England was based--namely, the right to fish
on the coast of Newfoundland; the refusal to allow us to cut logwood in
Honduras; and to admit the settlement of questions of capture by our
courts of law.

These certainly were large concessions, but it was to be remembered
that we had not received them for nothing; they had cost vast sums, and
the national debt had been doubled by this war, and now amounted to
one hundred and twenty-two million six hundred thousand pounds. These
territories had, in fact, cost us upwards of sixty million pounds; and
it is certain that Pitt would have exacted a more complete renunciation
from France of the conquered countries. There was a clause inserted
which Pitt would never have permitted--namely, that any conquests that
should be made after the signing of these articles, should be restored
by all parties. Now, Bute and the Ministry knew that we had expeditions
out against Cuba and the Philippines, and that the only conquests
likely to be made were in those quarters. To throw away without
equivalent the blood and money expended in these important enterprises
was a most unpatriotic act. Still, there was opportunity for more
rational terms, for Grimaldi, the Spanish ambassador at Paris, held
back from signing, in hope that we should be defeated at Havana, and
that then he could raise his terms. When the news of the loss of both
Havana and Manila arrived, Grimaldi was in great haste to sign, and
Mr. Grenville and Lord Egremont very properly insisted that we should
demand an equivalent for the conquest in Cuba. Pitt would have stood
firm for the retention of that conquest as by far the most important,
and as justly secured to us by the refusal of the Spanish ambassador
to sign at the proper time. But Bute would have signed without any
equivalent at all. Fortunately, there was too strong an opposition to
this in the Cabinet, and the Duke of Bedford was instructed to demand
Florida or Porto Rico in lieu of Havana. Florida was yielded--a fatal,
though at the moment it appeared a valuable concession, for it only
added to the compactness of the American colonies, hastening the day of
independence, whilst Cuba would have remained under the protection of
the fleet, one of the most valuable possessions of the British empire.

This point settled, the preliminaries of peace were signed at
Fontainebleau on the 3rd of November. To console Spain for her losses
by her unlucky alliance with France, Louis XV. ceded Louisiana to that
country by a private convention.

The violent discontent with the conduct of Bute and his Ministry
gave considerable strength to the Opposition, at the head of which
now stood Pitt, supported by Lord Temple and the Duke of Newcastle.
George Grenville, not satisfied with the terms of the peace, resigned
the post of Secretary to Halifax, and took his new one at the head
of the Admiralty; and Henry Fox, Paymaster of the Forces, became the
leader of the Commons. The Duke of Devonshire and the Marquis of
Rockingham also resigned their places in the royal household; and the
king, in his vexation, striking Devonshire's name out of the list of
Privy Councillors, the Duke's kinsmen, Lords George Cavendish and
Bessborough, also resigned.

Such was the formidable opposition with which Parliament came to the
consideration of this peace. It met on the 25th of November, and the
tone of the public out of doors was then seen. The king, as he went
to the House of Lords, was very coolly received by the crowds in the
streets, and Bute was saluted with hisses, groans, and the flinging
of mud and stones. On the 19th of December he moved in the Lords an
address in approbation of the terms of the peace. Lord Hardwicke
opposed the motion with great warmth and ability, but there was no
division. Very different was the reception of a similar address in
the Commons the same day, moved by Fox. There Pitt, who was suffering
with the gout, denounced the whole treaty, as shamefully sacrificing
the honour and interests of the country. When he rose he was obliged
to be supported by two of his friends, and was at length compelled to
beg to be allowed to address the House sitting. He yet made a vehement
speech of three hours and a half against the conditions accepted. The
Ministry, however, had a large majority, three hundred and nineteen
voting for them against sixty-five. With this brief triumph of Bute's
unpopular party closed the year 1762.

The year 1763 opened with the signing of the definitive treaty
at Paris on the 19th of February, whence it was called the Peace
of Paris. Five days later, a peace was signed between Prussia and
Austria at Hubertsberg, in Saxony, to which Saxony, as the ally of
Austria, was a party. Indeed, when England and France, Russia and
Sweden, had withdrawn from the contest, there was little prospect of
the continuance of the war. Both parties were exhausted, and yet,
of the two, Frederick, in his dogged firmness, and in the almost
unparalleled endurance of his people, was more than a match for
Austria. If Maria Theresa could not cope with him when she had France,
Russia, Saxony, and Poland, all united with her to put him down, the
case was now hopeless. The English had stipulated that France should
evacuate all the places in Germany and Flanders that belonged to those
countries, and Frederick had easily induced the German states, in these
circumstances, to a maintenance of neutrality. Austria, therefore,
consented to this peace. She stood out the longest for the retention of
Glatz, the only place won from Frederick still in her hands, but she
was compelled to yield that, too. Both parties returned to the same
situations as before the commencement of this fatal Seven Years' War.

[Illustration: TEMPLE BAR IN 1800.]

Whilst this war was raging in Europe, and carrying its ramifications
to the most distant regions of the world, Clive and Eyre Coote were
extending the British Empire in India, and, in the case of Clive,
with as much ability as Frederick of Prussia showed in enlarging his
kingdom in Europe. Clive, in 1757, put down Surajah Dowlah, the Nabob
of Bengal, and in June of that year defeated him at Plassey with a mere
handful of men against his enormous host. He set up Surajah Dowlah's
General-in-chief, Meer Jaffier, and hailed him Nabob of Bengal, Orissa,
and Bahar. We claimed from Meer Jaffier two million seven hundred and
fifty thousand pounds as the share of the Company, the fleet, and
the army. Clive's own share was two hundred and fifty-four thousand
pounds, and the shares of the members of the committee ran from twenty
thousand to one hundred thousand pounds each. Besides this, it was
stipulated that the French factories and effects should be given up
to the English, and the French never again allowed to enter Bengal.
The territory surrounding Calcutta, within a given distance of the
town, was to be granted them on zemindary tenure, the company paying
the rent, like the other zemindars or landholders. Thus the British,
who were before merely the tenants of a factory, became in reality the
rulers of Bengal.

[Illustration: LORD BUTE AND THE LONDONERS. (_See p._ 175.)]

At this moment Meer Jaffier found it impossible to retain his seat
without the support of the English. Shah Allum, the eldest son of
the Great Mogul, was coming against him with a large army. Clive met
and defeated him, and for this service he received from his puppet a
jaghire, or domain worth twenty-seven thousand pounds a year.

Scarcely had Colonel Forde returned from this expedition, towards the
end of the year 1759, when the Dutch, envious of the English success,
sent an armament of seven men-of-war and one thousand four hundred
soldiers from Java. They landed on the Hooghly, and began committing
ravages; but Forde surprised and defeated them, taking every one of
their ships. They were glad to apologise, and pay the expenses of the
war. In February, 1760, a few weeks after these events, Clive, whose
health was failing, set sail for England, where he was received with
the highest éclat, and made an Irish peer, as Lord Clive, Baron of
Plassey. He soon after entered Parliament.

Our next great move was against the French in the Carnatic. After
various actions between the French and English in India during
the Seven Years' War, General Count de Lally, an officer of Irish
extraction, arrived at Pondicherry in April, 1758, with a force of
one thousand two hundred men. Lally attacked and took Fort St. David,
considered the strongest fort belonging to the East India Company, and
then, mustering all his forces, made his appearance, in December of
that year, before Madras. He had with him two thousand seven hundred
French and four thousand natives, whilst the English had in the town
four thousand troops only, of which more than half were sepoys. But
Captain Caillaud had marched with a small force from Trichinopoly,
which harassed the rear of the French. After making himself master of
the Black Town, and threatening to burn it down, he found it impossible
to compel Fort St. George to surrender, and, after a severe siege of
two months, on the appearance of Admiral Pococke's squadron, which had
sailed to Bombay for more troops, he decamped in the night of the 16th
of February, 1759, for Arcot, leaving behind him all his ammunition and
artillery, fifty-two pieces. Fresh combats took place between Pococke
and D'Aché at sea, and the forces on land. Colonel Brereton attempted
to take Wandewash, but failed; and it remained for Colonel Eyre Coote
to defeat Lally. Coote arrived at Madras on the 27th of October, and,
under his direction, Brereton succeeded in taking Wandewash on the
last of November. To recover this place, Lally marched with all his
force, supported by Bussy, but sustained a signal defeat on the 22nd
of January, 1760. Arcot, Trincomalee, and other places fell rapidly
into the hands of Colonel Coote. The French called in to their aid the
Nabob of Mysore, Hyder Ali, but to little purpose. Pondicherry was
invested on the 8th of December, and, on the 16th of January, 1761, it
surrendered, Lally and his troops, amounting to two thousand, remaining
prisoners. This was the termination of the real power of France in
India; for though Pondicherry was restored by the treaty of 1763, the
French never again recovered their ground there, and their East India
Company soon after was broken up. The unfortunate Lally on his return
to France was thrown into the Bastille, condemned for high treason, and
beheaded in the Place de Grève on the 9th of May, 1766.

The Earl of Bute became more and more unpopular. The conditions of the
peace were greatly disapproved, and the assurance that not only Bute,
but the king's mother and the Duke of Bedford, had received French
money for carrying the peace, was generally believed. The conduct of
Bute in surrounding the king with his creatures, in which he was joined
by the Princess of Wales, added much to the public odium. George was
always of a domestic and retiring character, and he was now rarely
seen, except when he went once or twice a-year to Parliament, or at
levees, which were cold, formal, and unfrequent. Though, probably,
the main cause of this was the natural disposition of himself and
queen, yet Bute and the princess got the credit of it. Then the manner
in which Bute paid his visits to the princess tended to confirm the
rumours of their guilty intimacy. He used always to go in an evening
in a sedan chair belonging to one of the ladies of the princess's
household, with the curtains drawn, and taking every other precaution
of not being seen. There were numbers of lampoons launched at the
favourite and the princess. They were compared to Queen Isabella and
Mortimer, and Wilkes actually wrote an ironical dedication of Ben
Jonson's play of "The Fall of Mortimer," to Bute.

All these causes of unpopularity were rendered more effective by the
powerful political party which now assailed him. Pitt led the way,
and the Dukes of Devonshire, Bolton, and Portland, the Marquis of
Rockingham, the Earls of Temple, Cornwallis, Albemarle, Ashburton,
Hardwicke, and Bessborough, Lords Spencer, Sondes, Grantham, and
Villiers, James Grenville, Sir George Savile, and other Whigs,
presented a formidable phalanx of opponents in both Houses. The
measures, too, which he was obliged to bring forward, were certain
to augment his discredit. The funded debt had grown to upwards of a
hundred millions, and there were three millions and a half besides
unfunded. It was necessary to raise a new loan, and, moreover, to
raise a new tax, for the income was unequal to the expenditure, even
in time of peace. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Dashwood, was not
a man likely to make these new burdens go down easily. He issued the
new loan to the public with so little advertisement, that the friends
of the Ministers secured the greater part of the shares, and they soon
rose to eleven per cent. premium, by which they were enabled, at the
public cost, to make heavy sums. The tax which Sir Francis proposed was
one on cider and perry, besides some additional duties on wines. There
was at once an outcry in the City against this tax, led on by the Lord
Mayor, Alderman Beckford, a great friend of Pitt. The cry was only too
sure to find a loud echo from the cider-growing districts. Bute and
his Chancellor were quickly compelled to reduce the proposed impost
from ten shillings a hogshead, to be paid by the buyer, that is, by the
merchant, to four shillings, to be paid by the grower. The tax thus cut
down was calculated to produce only seventy-five thousand pounds--a sum
for which it was scarcely worth while to incur so much odium.

The cider tax passed, opposed by thirty-nine Peers and a hundred and
twenty Commoners; but it left a very sore feeling in the western
counties, that cider, worth only five shillings a hogshead, the poor
man's meagre beverage, should have a tax levied on it nearly doubling
the price; whilst that at fifty shillings a hogshead, the rich man's
luxury, only paid the same. The growers even threatened to let the
apples fall and rot under the trees, rather than make them into
cider, subject to so partial a tax. No imposition had excited so
much indignation since Sir Robert Walpole's Excise Bill, in 1733. In
the cider counties bonfires were made in many places, and Bute was
burnt emblematically as a jack-boot--Jack Bute--and his supposed royal
mistress under that of a petticoat, which two articles, after being
carried about on poles, were hurled into the flames.

Instead of taking means to conciliate the public, Bute, stung by
these testimonies of dislike, and by the pamphlets and lampoons which
issued like swarms of wasps, revenged himself by others, which only
intensified the hatred against him. Still worse for him, he had caused
the Dukes of Newcastle and Grafton, and the Marquis of Rockingham, to
be dismissed from the Lord-Lieutenancies of their respective counties,
because they voted against the peace on Bute's terms. With a still more
petty rancour he had visited the sins of these noblemen on the persons
in small clerkships and other posts who had been recommended by them,
turning them all out. Sir Henry Fox joined him relentlessly in these
pitiful revenges, and would have carried them farther had he not been
checked by others.

For a time, Bute and his colleagues appeared to brave the load of
hatred and ignominy which was now piled everywhere upon them, but it
was telling; and suddenly, on the 7th of April, it was announced that
the obnoxious Minister had resigned. Many were the speculations on this
abrupt act, some attributing it to the influence of Wilkes, and his
remorseless attacks in the _North Briton_; others to the king and queen
having at length become sensitive on the assumed relations of Bute and
the king's mother; but Bute himself clearly stated the real and obvious
cause--want of support, either in or out of Parliament. "The ground,"
he wrote to a friend, "on which I tread is so hollow, that I am afraid
not only of falling myself, but of involving my royal master in my
ruin. It is time for me to retire."

George Grenville succeeded to both Bute and Dashwood, becoming first
Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the king
announced that he had intrusted the direction of affairs to him, and
the Lords Egremont and Halifax, the Secretaries of State, whence they
soon acquired the name of "The Triumvirate." The Duke of Bedford
quitted his post as ambassador at Paris, and was succeeded by the Earl
of Hertford. The Earl of Sandwich became head of the Admiralty, and
the Earl of Shelburne head of the Board of Trade. Old Marshal Ligonier
was removed from the post of Master of the Ordnance to make way for
the Marquis of Granby, but received a peerage. These changes being
completed, the king closed the Session of Parliament on the 19th of
April, with a speech, in which he declared the peace honourable to his
Crown, and beneficial to his people.

This avowal in the royal speech called forth John Wilkes in No. 45
of the _North Briton_, destined to become a famous number indeed.
Wilkes had ceased in the _North Briton_ to employ mere initials when
commenting on leading men in Parliament or Government; and he now
boldly declared that the speech put into the king's mouth by the
Ministers was false in its assertion, that the peace was neither
honourable to the Crown nor beneficial to the country. This was
regarded as a gross insult to his Majesty, though it was avowedly
declared to attack only the Ministry; and on the 30th of April Wilkes
was arrested upon a general warrant, that is, a warrant not mentioning
him or any one by name, but applying to the authors, printers, and
publishers of the paper in question. George Grenville, the new
Minister, had, of course, the credit of this proceeding; though it was
thought that Bute still secretly directed the movements of Government,
and that he or the king might be the real author of the order.

Wilkes entered the Tower in all the elation of spirits which the
occasion of acting the political hero inspired. He was soon visited by
the Dukes of Bolton and Grafton, and Lord Temple, who, as well as his
own friends, his solicitor, and counsel, were refused admittance. His
house was entered, and his papers were seized and examined by Wood,
the Under-Secretary of State, and Carteret Webb, the Solicitor to the
Treasury. On the 3rd of May Wilkes was conveyed to the Court of Common
Pleas, before Sir Charles Pratt, where his case was stated by Mr.
Serjeant Glynn, and then Wilkes himself made a speech of an hour long.
On the 6th of May he was brought up to hear the joint opinion of the
judges, which was that, though general warrants might not be strictly
illegal, the arrest of Wilkes could not be maintained, on account of
his privilege as a member of Parliament; that nothing short of treason
felony, and an actual breach of the peace, could interfere with that
privilege, and that a libel could not be termed a breach of the peace.
The judgment of the Bench, therefore, was that Mr. Wilkes be discharged
from his imprisonment.

The release of Wilkes by the Court of Common Pleas was a triumph over
Ministers, which, had they been wise, would have induced them to take
no further notice of him. They had only made a popular demigod of him.
The people, not only in London, but all over the country, celebrated
his exit from the Tower with the liveliest demonstrations, especially
in the cider districts, still smarting under the new tax, and where
they accordingly once more paraded the jack-boot and petticoat, adding
two effigies--one of Bute, dressed in a Scottish plaid and with a blue
ribbon, the other no less a person than the king, led by the nose by
Bute.

The English Government, instead of treating Wilkes with a dignified
indifference, was weak enough to show how deeply it was touched by him,
dismissed him from his commission of Colonel of the Buckinghamshire
Militia, and treated Lord Temple as an abettor of his, by depriving him
of the Lord-Lieutenancy of the same county, and striking his name from
the list of Privy Councillors, giving the Lord-Lieutenancy to Dashwood,
now Lord Le Despencer.

Meanwhile by the advice of Bute the king sent for Pitt. On the 27th
of August he had an audience of the king at Buckingham House. Pitt,
however, insisted on having in with him all, or nearly all, his old
colleagues, and this was too much for the king; whilst not to have
had them would have been too little for Pitt, who was too wise to
take office without efficient and congenial colleagues. The king,
nevertheless, did not openly object, but allowed Pitt to go away
with the impression that he would assent to his demands. This was
Saturday, and Pitt announced this belief to the Dukes of Devonshire
and Newcastle, and the Marquis of Rockingham. But on Sunday Grenville
had had an interview with the king, and finding that he considered
Pitt's terms too hard, had laboured successfully to confirm him in that
opinion. Accordingly, on Monday, at a second meeting, the king named
the Earl of Northumberland, Lord Halifax, and George Grenville, for
leading posts in the Cabinet, saying, "Poor George Grenville, he is
your near relation, and you once loved him." Pitt said that it would
not do, bowed and retired; the king saying, "My honour is concerned,
and I must support it."

Grenville, chagrined as he was, still clung to the Government, and
called in the Duke of Bedford as President of the Council, Lord
Sandwich as Secretary of State. Lord Hillsborough succeeded Lord
Shelburne at the Board of Trade. Such was the Government which was to
supersede the necessity of Pitt; Lord Chesterfield declaring that
they could not meet the Parliament, for that they had not a man in the
Commons who had either abilities or words enough to call a coach.

Parliament met on the 15th of November, and the very first object which
engaged the attention of both Houses was Wilkes. In such fiery haste
were Ministers, that Lord Sandwich, in the Peers, started up, before
the king's speech could be considered, and declared that he held in his
hand a most filthy and atrocious libel, written by Wilkes, called "An
Essay on Woman." Wilkes never had published the filth. He had written,
as it appeared, by the assistance of a profligate and now deceased son
of Archbishop Potter, this "Essay on Woman;" but he had never published
it. It had lain in his desk, and had only been read to two persons--one
of whom was Sandwich himself. When Wilkes, however, was driven to set
up a printing press in his own house, he had printed a dozen copies
of the "Essay on Woman," to give to his dissolute friends, whom he
used to meet at the Dilettanti Club, in Palace Yard. Sandwich, aware
of the existence of the essay, had bribed one of Wilkes's printers,
named Curry, to lend him a copy of it, and had paid him five guineas
as a guarantee for its safe return. The whole thing was a stupid
parody of Pope's "Essay on Man;" in which, instead of the inscription
to Bolingbroke, commencing "Awake, my St. John!" there appeared an
invocation beginning, "Awake, my Sandwich!" and there were also
ridiculous notes attributed to Warburton.

In the Commons, on the same day, Grenville delivered a message from the
Crown, announcing to the House the imprisonment of one of their members
during the recess. Wilkes immediately rose in his place, and complained
of the breach of that House's privilege in his person; of the entry
of his house, the breaking open of his desk, and the imprisonment of
his person--imprisonment pronounced by the highest legal authority to
be illegal, and therefore tyrannical. He moved that the House should
take the question of privilege into immediate consideration. On the
other hand, Lord North, who was a member of the Treasury board, and
Sir Fletcher Norton, Attorney-General, put in the depositions of the
printer and publisher, proving the authorship of No. 45 of the _North
Briton_ on Wilkes, and pressing for rigorous measures against him. A
warm debate ensued, in which Pitt opposed the proceedings to a certain
extent, declaring that he could never understand exactly what a libel
was. Notwithstanding, the Commons voted, by a large majority, that
No. 45 of the _North Briton_ was "a false, scandalous, and malicious
libel," tending to traitorous insurrection, and that it should be burnt
by the common hangman.

[Illustration: JOHN WILKES.]

The consequences were an intense excitement in favour of Wilkes, and
execration against the Commons. Wilkes was reported to be delirious,
and crowds collected in the streets before his house, calling for
vengeance on his murderers. Sandwich was especially denounced; in
return for his dragging forth the obscenity of Wilkes, his own
private life was ransacked for scandalous anecdotes, and they were
only too plentiful. Horace Walpole says that Sandwich's conduct to
Wilkes had brought forth such a catalogue of his own impurities
as was incredible. The "Beggar's Opera" being just then acted at
Covent Garden, when Macheath uttered the words, "That Jemmy Twitcher
should peach, I own surprises me!" the whole audience burst into most
tumultuous applause at the obvious application; and thenceforth Jemmy
Twitcher was the name by which Sandwich was more commonly known.

Still the affairs of Wilkes continued to occupy almost the sole thought
and interest of the Session. On the 23rd of November the question of
privilege came up; and though he was absent, having been wounded in a
duel, it was actively pushed by the Ministers. Mr. Wilbraham protested
against the discussion without the presence of Wilkes, and his being
heard at the bar in his defence. Pitt attended, though suffering
awfully from the gout, propped on crutches, and his very hands wrapped
in flannel. He maintained the question of privilege, but took care to
separate himself from Wilkes in it. The rest of the debate was violent
and personal, and ended in voting, by two hundred and fifty-eight
against one hundred and thirty-three, that the privilege of Parliament
did not extend to the publication of seditious libels; the resolution
ordering the _North Briton_ to be burnt by the hangman was confirmed.
These votes being sent up to the Lords, on the 25th they also debated
the question, and the Duke of Cumberland, Lord Shelburne, and the
Duke of Newcastle, defended the privilege of Parliament as violated
in the person of Wilkes. In the end, however, the Ministers obtained
a majority of a hundred and fourteen against thirty-eight. Seventeen
peers entered a strong protest against the decision. On the 1st of
December there was a conference of the two Houses, when they agreed to
a loyal address to the king, expressing their detestation of the libels
against him.

Simultaneously with these proceedings, the actions commenced by Wilkes,
and the printer, publishers, and others arrested under the general
warrant, were being tried in the Common Pleas. All the parties obtained
verdicts for damages, and that of Wilkes was for a thousand pounds.
Chief-Justice Pratt, strengthened by the verdicts, made a most decided
declaration of the illegality and unconstitutional nature of general
warrants.

As this excitement closed the old year, so it opened the new one. No
sooner did Parliament meet, after the Christmas recess, than, on the
17th of January, 1764, the order for Wilkes's attendance at the bar was
read. It was then found that he had thought it best to retire into
France. Still he did not hesitate to send over a medical certificate,
signed by one of the king's physicians and an army surgeon, affirming
that his wound was in such a condition that it was not safe for him to
leave Paris. The House of Commons paid no attention to the certificate,
but proceeded to examine evidence, and the famous No. 45 of the _North
Briton_; and after a violent debate, continuing till three o'clock in
the morning, passed a resolution that the paper in question contained
the grossest insults to his Majesty, to both Houses of Parliament, and
tended to traitorous insurrection against the Government. Accordingly,
the next day, he was formally expelled the House, and a new writ was
issued for Aylesbury.

On the 13th of February the Opposition in the Commons brought on the
question of the validity of general warrants. The debate continued
all that day and the next night till seven o'clock in the morning.
The motion was thrown out; but Sir William Meredith immediately made
another, that a general warrant for apprehending the authors, printers,
and publishers of a seditious libel is not warranted by law. The
combat was renewed, and Pitt made a tremendous speech, declaring that
if the House resisted Sir William Meredith's motion, they would be
the disgrace of the present age, and the reproach of posterity. He
upbraided Ministers with taking mean and petty vengeance on those who
did not agree with them, by dismissing them from office. This charge
Grenville had the effrontery to deny, though it was a notorious fact.
As the debate approached its close, the Ministers called in every
possible vote; "the sick, the lame were hurried into the House, so
that," says Horace Walpole, "you would have thought they had sent a
search warrant into every hospital for Members of Parliament." When
the division came, which was only for the adjournment of Meredith's
motion for a month, they only carried it by fourteen votes. In the City
there was a confident anticipation of the defeat of Ministers, and
materials had been got together for bonfires all over London, and for
illuminating the Monument. Temple was said to have faggots ready for
bonfires of his own.

Government, not content with expelling Wilkes from the House of
Commons, had commenced an action against him in the Court of King's
Bench, where they succeeded in obtaining a verdict against him for a
libel in the _North Briton_. Temple paid the costs, and the City of
London turned this defeat into a triumph, by presenting its freedom to
the Lord Chief Justice Pratt, for his bold and independent conduct in
declaring against the general warrants. They ordered his portrait to be
placed in Guildhall; and the example of London was followed by Dublin
and many other towns, who presented their freedom and gold snuff-boxes
to Pratt. The City of London also gave its thanks to its members for
their patriotic conduct.



CHAPTER VIII.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    The American Colonies and their Trade--Growing Irritation in
    America--The Stamp Act--The American Protest--The Stamp Act
    passed--Its Reception in America--The King's Illness--The
    Regency Bill--The Princess Dowager omitted--Her Name inserted
    in the Commons--Negotiations for a Change of Ministry--The
    old Ministry returns--Fresh Negotiations with Pitt--The first
    Rockingham Ministry--Riots in America--The Stamped Paper
    destroyed--Pitt's Speech--The Stamp Act repealed--Weakness
    of the Government--Pitt and Temple disagree--Pitt forms
    a Ministry--And becomes Lord Chatham--His Comprehensive
    Policy--The Embargo on Wheat--Illness of Chatham--Townshend's
    Financial Schemes--Corruption of Parliament--Wilkes elected for
    Middlesex--Arrest of Wilkes--Dangerous Riots--Dissolution of
    the Boston Assembly--Seizure of the _Liberty_ Sloop--Debates in
    Parliament--Continued Persecution of Wilkes--His Letter to Lord
    Weymouth--Again expelled the House--His Re-election--The Letters
    of Junius--Luttrell declared elected for Middlesex--Incapacity of
    the Ministry--Partial Concessions to the Americans--Bernard leaves
    Boston--He is made a Baronet--"The Horned Cattle Session"--Lord
    Chatham attacks the Ministry--Resignations of Granby and
    Camden--Yorke's Suicide--Dissolution of the Ministry.


If Grenville and his Cabinet, in their ignorance of human nature, had
made a gross mistake in their conduct towards Wilkes, they now made
a more fatal one in regard to our American colonies. These colonies
had now assumed an air of great importance, and were rapidly rising
in population and wealth. The expulsion of the French from Canada,
Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton, the settlement of Georgia by General
Oglethorpe, the acquisition of Florida from Spain, had given a
compactness and strength to these vast colonies, which promised a still
more accelerated and prosperous growth. At this period the inhabitants
are calculated to have amounted to two millions of Europeans, and
half a million of coloured people, Indians and negroes. The trade was
becoming more extensive and valuable to the mother country. The imports
from England, chiefly of her manufactures, amounted to three million
pounds annually in value. They carried on a large trade with our West
Indian islands and the Spanish American colonies, and French and Dutch
West Indies. They also built ships for the French and Spaniards, in
the West Indies. They had extensive iron and copper mines and works
in different states. They manufactured great quantities of hats in
New England. The fisheries of Massachusetts produced two hundred and
thirty thousand quintals of dried fish, which they exported to Spain
and Portugal, and other Catholic countries of Europe. Carolina exported
its rice to these countries as well as to England; and they exported
vast quantities of cured provisions, dye-woods, apples, wax, leather,
tobacco from Virginia and Maryland (fifty thousand hogsheads annually
to England alone) valued at three hundred and seventy-five thousand
pounds. The masts from New England, sent over for the British navy,
were the largest in the world.

Such was the busy scene which these colonies were now presenting.
Dutch, German, and Swedish emigrants were carrying their industry and
handicrafts thither. But, instead of our merchants seeing what a mighty
market was growing up for them there, their commercial jealousy was
aroused at the sight of the illicit trade which the colonists carried
on with the Spanish, French, and other colonies, and even with Europe.
The planters of the British West Indies complained of the American
colonists taking their rum, sugar, coffee, etc., from the Dutch,
French, and Spanish islands, in return for their raw produce, asserting
that they had a monopoly for all their productions throughout the whole
of the British dominions. Loud clamours were raised by these planters
in the British Parliament, demanding the prohibition of this trade;
and, after repeated endeavours in 1733 an Act was passed to crush it,
by granting a drawback on the re-exportation of West Indian sugar from
England, and imposing duties on the importation of the West Indian
produce of our European rivals direct into the American colonies.

These were measures which must have greatly irritated the American
colonists. They exhibited a disposition to curb and repress their
growing energies between the interests of British merchants and British
West Indian planters. The prospect was far from encouraging; whilst,
at the same time, the English Ministers, crushing these energies with
one hand, were contemplating drawing a revenue by taxation from them
on the other. Britain argued that she sacrificed large amounts in
building up colonies, and therefore had a right to expect a return
for this expenditure. Such a return, had they had the sagacity to
let them alone, was inevitable from the trade of the colonies in an
ever-increasing ratio.

Grenville, being on the look-out for new taxes, had paid particular
attention to the rapid growth of the American colonies, and was
inspired with the design of drawing a revenue from them. The scheme
had been suggested to Sir Robert Walpole, when his Excise Bill failed,
by Sir William Keith, who had been governor of Pennsylvania; but Sir
Robert had a far deeper insight into human nature than the shallow
and obstinate Grenville. He replied, "I have already Old England set
against me, and do you think I will have New England set against me
too?"

During the Session of 1764 Grenville imposed several duties on American
articles of export, if imported direct from the French, Dutch, and
Spanish West Indies. The Americans did not dispute the right of the
mother country to impose such duties on the trade of the empire in any
quarter; but these imposts, seeing the object of them, were not the
less galling. But Grenville did not stop there; he stated, at the time
of passing these duties, that it was probable that Government would
charge certain stamp duties in America. This was creating a sore place
and immediately striking it. The infatuated Minister was contemplating
an act of the nature of which neither he nor his colleagues had any
conception.

The news of these imposts, and of this intended stamp duty, flew across
the Atlantic, and produced the most bitter excitement. Never could
this unwelcome news have reached the colonies at a more unpropitious
moment. To restrictions on their legitimate trade, the British had been
adding others on their illegitimate trade. Nearly all the American
colonies lay on the seaboard, and were, therefore, naturally addicted
to a free sort of trade, which these new duties made contraband. The
British Government had sent out a number of revenue ships and officers
to cut off this trade, and capture and confiscate all vessels found
practising it. The colonists met in various places, and passed very
strong resolutions against these regulations. The people of New England
spread their views and resolves all over the colonies by means of
the press. They refused to listen to any overtures of the British
Government on the subject. They claimed the right to grant, of their
own free will, such contributions to the revenue of the empire as their
own assemblies should deem just, and to submit to no compulsion where
they had no voice. They called on all the colonists to refrain as much
as possible from purchasing any of the manufactures of England so
long as she showed a disposition to oppress them, and to obtain their
materials for clothing from other countries, or to begin to manufacture
them themselves; and to cease also to use all luxuries on which the
duties were laid. To make their case known in England, Pennsylvania,
Massachusetts, Maryland, and Georgia appointed the celebrated Benjamin
Franklin their agent in London.

Parliament met on the 10th of January, 1765. The resentment of the
Americans had reached the ears of the Ministry and the king, yet both
continued determined to proceed. In the interviews which Franklin and
the other agents had with the Ministers, Grenville begged them to point
to any other tax that would be more agreeable to the colonists than
the stamp-duty; but they without any real legal grounds drew the line
between levying custom and imposing an inland tax. Grenville paid no
attention to these representations. Fifty-five resolutions, prepared
by a committee of ways and means, were laid by him on the table of the
House of Commons at an early day of the Session, imposing on America
nearly the same stamp-duties as were already in practical operation
in England. These resolutions being adopted, were embodied in a bill;
and when it was introduced to the House, it was received with an
apathy which betrayed on all hands the profoundest ignorance of its
importance. Burke, who was a spectator of the debates in both Houses,
in a speech some years afterwards, stated that he never heard a more
languid debate than that in the Commons. Only two or three persons
spoke against the measure and that with great composure. There was
but one division in the whole progress of the Bill, and the minority
did not reach to more than thirty-nine or forty. In the Lords, he
said, there was, to the best of his recollection, neither division nor
debate!

[Illustration:

    AMERICAN PROVINCES
    in 1763
    AFTER THE CONTEMPORARY MAP
    by Peter Bell.
]

But a very different spirit displayed itself in America on the arrival
of the news of the passing of the Act. Franklin's friend, Thompson,
replied to him, that, instead of lighting candles, there would be
works of darkness. The rage of the American public burst forth in
unequivocal vigour. At New York, the odious Stamp Act was represented
surmounted with a death's head instead of the royal arms, and was
hawked through the streets with the title of "the folly of England
and the ruin of America." At Boston the colours of the shipping were
lowered half-mast high, and the bells of the city were muffled and
tolled funeral knells. Everywhere there was a frenzied excitement,
and the provincial Assemblies resounded with the clamour of indignant
patriotism. It was the fortune of that of Virginia to give the leading
idea of union and co-operative resistance, which led to the grand
conflict, and to eventual victory over the infatuated mother country.
There Patrick Henry, a very different man to Franklin, started up, and
kindled by his fiery breath the torch of confederate resistance. But
it was at once seen that, to acquire their full weight, the colonies
must unite. Speeches, pamphlets, articles in newspapers, all called
for co-operation. A print was published exhibiting a snake cut into a
number of pieces, each piece inscribed with the name of a colony, and
with the motto, "_Join or die_." In consequence, several of the states
sent representatives to a general congress, to be held at New York in
the month of October, to take measures for a general resistance to the
Stamp Act.

[Illustration: REVENUE CUTTERS CAPTURING AN AMERICAN SMUGGLING VESSEL.
(_See p._ 184.)]

Whilst the American colonies were thus stimulated, by unwise taxation,
into a temper which never again could be entirely allayed, the king
was suddenly attacked with an illness, that startled himself and the
kingdom from that security which his apparently robust constitution
had inspired. He was said to labour under cough and fever; but it
became pretty well understood, after a time, that it was something
more alarming--that it was, in fact, an attack of that insanity which
recurred again and again, and held him for years, during the latter
part of his reign, in its fearful power. This time it was of short
occurrence; and the moment it was past, George held a levee at St.
James's, and appeared at it with a cheerful air, as if to dissipate
all alarm. But the king himself immediately proposed a measure, which
showed that it had excited grave thoughts in him. He submitted to
Ministers the propriety of a provision for a regency, in case of any
recurring malady which should incapacitate him for business. The matter
was discussed in the Cabinet, and it was agreed that such a bill should
be prepared, empowering the king to name, if deemed necessary, "either
the queen, or any other person of the royal family usually residing in
Great Britain."

On the 24th of April, accordingly, the king proposed, in a speech from
the throne, the measure to the Houses in these words. Both Houses sent
addresses of affection, and the bill was introduced into the House of
Lords; and it was there contended that it was too vague, no person
being directly named, except the queen. To remedy this the king sent
a new message, naming the five princes of the royal house, with the
power of nominating others in the case of the deaths of any of them.
Still, on the second reading, Lord Lyttelton declared that this left it
perfectly uncertain who would become regent; and he moved an address to
the king to name which one of the persons specified he would nominate
as regent. But here the Duke of Richmond asked, whether the queen were
naturalised; and if not, whether she were capable of acting as regent.
He asked, also, who were, strictly speaking, the royal family? The Earl
of Denbigh replied, "All who were prayed for;" but the Duke of Bedford
contended that those only in the order of succession constituted the
royal family. This went at once to exclude the Princess Dowager of
Wales, the king's mother; and Halifax, Bedford's colleague, agreed with
him. Amidst all this confusion, Lord Halifax hastened away to the king,
and advised him to have the name of his mother omitted, lest the Lords
should strike it out, and thus make it appear a public insult. The poor
bewildered king, taken by surprise, said, "I will consent, if it will
satisfy my people."

Halifax, possessed of this authority, returned to the House of
Lords, and announced that, by the king's permission, he proposed the
re-commitment of the bill, with the names only of the queen and the
sons of the late king now living. Thus, the Princess Dowager was
publicly stigmatised, on the authority of her own son, as incapable
of reigning. The amendment, as the royal pleasure, was agreed to.
The country was struck with astonishment. The Duke of Bedford is
represented by Horace Walpole as almost dancing about for joy; the
consternation of Bute and his party was indescribable. To cover the
disgrace, they represented it as the wish of the Princess Dowager
herself. But when the king was left to his own reflections, it began
to dawn upon him that he had, by his weak compliance, openly insulted
his own parent in the grossest manner. He bitterly upbraided Halifax
with having thus stolen his consent by a surprise. But Grenville,
with his usual obstinacy, declined to replace the princess's name
unless it were strongly pressed upon him in the House. He trusted,
however, that the Opposition, who hated the princess, would relieve
him of this necessity by voting against the reinsertion of the name.
But he was mistaken. Mr Morton, the chief justice of Chester, one of
the Bute party, moved for the insertion of the princess's name in the
bill, and the Opposition made no objection; they only too much enjoyed
Grenville's embarrassment. He was therefore compelled to insert the
name, which--thus falsifying Halifax's assertion to the king, that,
if left in, it would be struck out by Parliament--was carried by an
overwhelming majority.

The circumstance sank deeply into the mind of the king, and, resenting
especially the conduct of Grenville--who had acted as though he held
a monopoly of office,--he determined to be rid of him. He therefore
consulted with his uncle, the Duke of Cumberland. That prince, to
whom age and infirmities seemed to have given a degree of wisdom,
declared the offer of the Ministry to Pitt to be the necessary step,
and willingly undertook to make it. But knowing that Pitt would not
even listen to the proposal without Temple, he dispatched a summons to
Stowe for that nobleman, and himself, infirm as he was, went to Hayes,
to learn the will of the great commoner personally. Pitt showed himself
disposed to accept the office, on condition that general warrants
should be declared illegal; that the officers dismissed on account of
their votes be restored; and that an alliance with Protestant powers,
and especially with Prussia, should be formed, to counterbalance the
compact between France and Spain. This was asking a great deal; but
Pitt demanded more in the particulars of appointments, namely, that
Pratt, who had opposed the Court so decidedly as regarded Wilkes and
general warrants, should be Lord Chancellor, and he opposed the Court
desire that the Duke of Northumberland should be at the head of the
Treasury. Pitt, moreover, designed the Treasury for Temple. But, when
Temple arrived, he refused to take office at all. The fact was that
just now he was making a reconciliation with his brother, Grenville,
and was averse from throwing him overboard. So far from joining Pitt,
he was on the verge of another breach with him. Pitt, disconcerted by
this repulse, with a weakness to be deplored in so great a man, refused
to accept the offer to form a ministry at all.

The unfortunate king was obliged to submit, and retain his present
incompetent Ministers. These incompetent Ministers, on their part,
now believing themselves indispensable, became at once proportionably
assuming, and even insolent, in their demands. Grenville and Bedford
put several direct demands to the king as the conditions even of their
condescending to serve him: that he would promise to have no further
communications with Lord Bute, nor to allow him the slightest share
in his councils; that he would dismiss Bute's brother, Mr. Mackenzie,
from the office of Privy Seal of Scotland, and from the management
of Scottish affairs; that he would dismiss Lord Holland from being
Paymaster of the Forces, and appoint Lord Granby Commander-in-Chief.
The king, after some demur, submitted to all these conditions, except
the appointment of Lord Granby, and escaped that only by Granby himself
declining the post. George submitted, because he could not help it,
to these imperious conditions; but he inly resented them, and did not
avoid showing it by his coldness towards both Bedford and Grenville. At
this, the haughty Bedford took fire, and read the king a severe lecture
before leaving town for Woburn. He complained of the king showing
kindness to the enemies of the administration; and demanded whether the
king had kept his promise not to consult Lord Bute.

George had much difficulty in restraining his indignation, but he
kept it down, and only bowed the duke silently out of his presence.
No sooner had he departed than he flew to Cumberland, and declared he
would bear this no longer. Again overtures were made to Pitt, again
Pitt expressed himself willing to take office, but again declined,
because Temple still refused. Foiled in these attempts to engage Pitt,
and equally foiled in an endeavour to engage some of the heads of the
leading Whig houses, who would enter no administration without Pitt, a
heterogeneous cabinet was at length cobbled up, through the management
of the old Duke of Newcastle, who was hankering after office. The
Marquis of Rockingham was put forward as First Lord of the Treasury
and Premier. Grafton and Conway were to be Secretaries of State; and
the latter, lately dismissed with ignominy from the army, was to lead
the Commons. The Earl of Northington was made Chancellor, the old
Duke of Newcastle Privy Seal; another old and almost superannuated
nobleman, Lord Winchelsea, President of the Council. Charles Townshend
retained his post of Paymaster of the Forces. Such materials, it was
clear, could never long hold together. "It is a mere lute-string
administration," said Townshend himself; "it is pretty summer wear, but
it will never stand the winter!"

Whilst these changes had been passing at home, the effervescence in
America had grown most riotous and alarming. Boston took the lead
in tumultuous fury. In August, the house of Mr. Oliver, the newly
appointed stamp-distributor, was attacked and ransacked; his effigy was
hanged on a tree, thenceforward honoured by the name of the Liberty
Tree. It was then taken down, paraded about the streets, and committed
to the flames. The colonel of the militia was applied to, but sent
an evasive answer, showing that there were others above the mob who
enjoyed what the mob were doing. With this encouragement they broke
out afresh, crying, "Liberty and Property!" which, said a colonial
authority, "was their cry when they meant to plunder and pull down a
house." This time they gutted and partly demolished the houses of the
registrar-deputy of the Admiralty, the comptroller of the customs,
and the lieutenant-governor, destroying a great quantity of important
papers. In New York, delegates assembled from nine different colonial
Assemblies. The governor forbade them to gather, declaring their
meetings unprecedented and unlawful, but he took no active measures to
prevent their deliberations. The Congress met in October, and sat for
three weeks. They appointed Mr. Timothy Ruggles, from Massachusetts,
their chairman, and passed fourteen resolutions denying the right of
the mother country to tax them without their own consent; and they drew
up petitions to the king and Parliament. Everywhere associations were
established to resist the importation of British manufactures after
the 1st of January next, and it was agreed that they should dissolve
themselves as soon as the stamp tax was abolished. But it is well
known, from letters addressed to Franklin, that the Republican element
was already widely spread through the colonies, and this very first
opportunity was seized on by its advocates to encourage the idea of
throwing off the allegiance to England without further delay.

As the 1st of November approached, the day on which the Stamp Act was
to take effect, the excitement became intense. Furious crowds assembled
in the ports to prevent the landing of the stamped paper from the
ships which brought it. The appointed distributors were compelled to
resign their posts. At New York the stamped paper was landed, but such
was the commotion that it had to be put into the custody of the city
magistrates, and be kept under guard in the city hall. It was utterly
impossible to put the paper into use, and, after some interruption,
business and the courts of law were allowed to proceed without it, on
the plea that the stamps could not be obtained.

On the 14th of January, 1766, the king opened Parliament with a
speech, rendered necessary by the change of Ministry and the affairs
of America. A great debate followed, in which Burke made his maiden
speech, and was followed by Pitt, who said in his loftiest tone of
eloquence: "This kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies.
On this point I could not be silent, nor repress the ardour of my
soul, smote as it is with indignation at the very thought of taxing
America internally without a requisite voice of consent. Taxation is
no part of the governing or legislative power. Taxes are the voluntary
gift and grant of the Commons alone. At the same time, on every real
point of legislation, I believe the authority to be fixed as the
pole-star--fixed for the reciprocal benefit of the mother country and
her infant colonies. They are the subjects of this kingdom, equally
entitled with yourselves to all the rights of mankind and the peculiar
privileges of Englishmen, and equally bound by its laws. The Americans
are the sons, not the bastards of England. The distinction between
legislation and taxation is essential to liberty. The Crown, the Peers,
are equally legislative powers with the Commons. If taxation be a part
of simple legislation, the Crown, the Peers, have rights in taxation as
well as yourselves--rights which they will claim whenever the principle
can be supported by might."

Grenville rose and defended the Stamp Act. He denied that the right
of taxation depended on representation. He complained justly, that
when he proposed to tax America, there was little opposition in that
House. He contended that protection and obedience were reciprocal, and
he exposed the fallacy of Pitt's distinction between taxes and duties.
There was much justice in these remarks. The words of Grenville, so
pointedly directed against him, immediately called up Pitt again. He
had spoken; it was contrary to all rule, but the lion of Parliament
broke recklessly through the meshes of its regulations, and when he
was called to order the members supported him by cries of "Go on! go
on!" He went on, severely castigating Grenville for complaining of the
liberty of speech in that House; and dropping in his indignation the
terms of courtesy towards the late Minister of "honourable" or "right
honourable," said simply--"Sir, the gentleman tells us that America is
obstinate--America is almost in open rebellion. Sir, I rejoice that
America has resisted. Three millions of people so dead to all the
feelings of liberty as voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would have
been fit instruments to make slaves of all the rest." He then exposed
the cases quoted by Grenville to show that taxation in this country
had been imposed without representation, showing that these very
instances led to immediate representation. "I would have cited them,"
he continued, "to show that even under arbitrary reigns Parliaments
were ashamed of taxing a people without their consent. The gentleman
asks when the Americans were emancipated? But I desire to know when
they were made slaves?" He then touched on the true sources of benefit
from our colonies, the profits of their trade. He estimated the profits
derived from the American commerce at two millions sterling, adding
triumphantly, "This is the fund that carried us victoriously through
the late war. This is the price America pays us for protection." He
then alluded to the comparative strength of the two countries. "I
know the valour," he said, "of your troops. I know the skill of your
officers. In a good cause, on a sound bottom, the force of this country
can crush America to atoms. But in such a cause as this your success
would be hazardous. America, if she fell, would fall like the strong
man. She would embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down the
constitution along with her."

The advice of Pitt prevailed. Ministers determined to bring in two Acts
in accordance with his counsels: an Act declaratory of the supreme
power of Parliament over the colonies, and another repealing the Stamp
Act, on the plea which he had suggested. The Declaratory Act passed
readily enough, for all parties agreed in it; but the repeal of the
Stamp Act met with stout opposition. Grenville, with the pertinacity of
a man who glories in his disgrace, resisted it at every stage. When he
was hissed by the people, he declared that "he rejoiced in the hiss. If
it were to do again, he would do it!" In the Lords there was a strong
resistance to the repeal. Lord Temple, who had now deserted Pitt,
supported his brother Grenville with all his might. Lords Mansfield,
Lyttelton, and Halifax, the whole Bedford faction, and the whole Bute
faction, opposed it. The king declared himself for repeal rather than
bloodshed.

[Illustration: TROOPS ESCORTING THE STAMPED PAPER TO THE CITY HALL, NEW
YORK. (_See p._ 188.)]

To acquire popularity, the Rockingham administration made a further
restriction on the import of foreign silks; they made a modification
of the Cider Bill, but this only extended to taking the duty off
cider belonging to private persons, and was regarded as a bribe to
the country gentlemen. They induced the House of Commons to pass a
resolution on the 25th of April, declaring general warrants illegal,
and, if for seizing any member of the House, a breach of privilege.
But when they passed this in the form of a bill, the Lords threw it
out; and a second bill for the same purpose failed in the Commons.
Still, these conciliatory measures did not procure them confidence.
Colonel Barré refused them his support; General Conway was sick of
his post, and longed to be out of it; and Henley, Lord Northington,
as Chancellor, was found actually intriguing against his colleagues.
With the Court they grew into no favour, because the king thought
them backward in procuring from Parliament suitable provision for his
younger brother. It was clear that this could not last. To cap the
climax of weakness, the Rockingham Cabinet came to open issue amongst
themselves on the plan of government for Canada. Northington informed
the king that they could not go on; and the king, on the 7th of July,
gave the Chancellor a letter to Pitt, inviting him to form a new
Ministry. The same day his Majesty also informed the existing Cabinet
of the change which he contemplated. Conway said frankly, it was the
best thing the king could do; but Lord Rockingham and the Duke of
Newcastle were deeply offended.

Pitt hastened up to town, and was graciously received by the king, who
told him that he left the choice of his colleagues entirely to himself.
Pitt, as twice before, immediately proposed that his brother-in-law,
Lord Temple, should be placed at the head of the Treasury. Temple was
summoned from Stowe, but was as haughty and unmanageable as ever. He
demanded that all the old Ministers should be dismissed, that Lord
Lyttelton should have the Privy Seal, Lord Gower be Secretary of
State, etc. Pitt could not accede to these terms. This time he did
not throw up the offer of the Premiership to oblige his wrong-headed
brother-in-law, who had the overweening idea that he was as great a man
as Pitt himself. He stood firm, and, after a long interview at North
End, Hampstead, where Pitt had taken a house for the time, Temple set
off to Stowe again in high dudgeon, declaring that Pitt had thrown
off the mask, and never meant to accept his co-operation at all. Lord
Camden advised Pitt to stand fast, throw off the Grenvilles, and save
the nation without them. He acted on the advice.

He found the Bedford clan ready, as usual, for office, but wanting to
come in a whole legion; the poor weak Duke of Newcastle was equally
prepared, shedding tears in his facile way, hugging and kissing
people in his trouble, and wondering why his "dear old friend" had
thus abandoned him. Pitt passed on, and chose Lord Camden as Lord
Chancellor; Northington as President of the Council; Lord Granby as
Commander-in-Chief; Shelburne and Conway as Secretaries of State;
the Duke of Grafton as First Lord of the Treasury; Charles Townshend
as Chancellor of the Exchequer; with Lord North, James Grenville,
brother of Temple, Colonel Barré, and others, in secondary posts.
Mr. Stewart Mackenzie, Bute's brother, was restored to his former
office, but without any control over Scottish affairs. It was clear
that Pitt had selected his colleagues without regard to party, but
with an eye to the ability of the respective persons. It was a mode of
acting particularly after the fancy of the king, who had always been,
according to his own words to Pitt on the occasion, "zealously ready to
give his aid towards destroying all party distinctions, and restoring
that subordination to government, which can alone preserve that
inestimable blessing, liberty, from degenerating into licentiousness."
"I venture," said Burke, "to say, it did so happen that persons had a
single office divided between them, who had never spoken to each other
in their lives, until they found themselves, they knew not how, pigging
together, heads and points, in the same truckle bed."

But where, all this time, was the Great Commoner? The whole world
was astonished when the fact came out that Pitt would accept no post
in his own Ministry but that of Privy Seal, which necessitated his
removal to the House of Peers. The king himself offered no opposition.
Pitt's colleagues were not only astonished, but confounded; for they
calculated on having his abilities and influence in the House of
Commons. "It is a _fall up stairs_," said the witty Chesterfield,
"which will do Pitt so much hurt that he will never be able to stand
upon his legs again." No doubt it was a great mistake, but the
infirmity of Pitt's health is an abundant excuse. This matter settled,
Chatham condescended to coax the haughty Duke of Bedford, whom he met
at Bath, to join him. He explained that the measures he meant to pursue
were such as he knew the Duke approved. Having heard him, Bedford
replied, proudly, "They are _my measures_, and I will support them, in
or out of office." It was understood that he would receive overtures
from Chatham, and, in these circumstances, Parliament met on the 11th
of November.

Previous to this, however, Chatham had thought over several decisive
measures, and sketched out a scheme of foreign and domestic policy,
which marked how far above the intellectual grasp of most of his
contemporaries was that of his mind. He determined, if possible, to
form an alliance of European states against the Family Compact of the
Bourbons in France and Spain; to reform the Government of Ireland,
which greatly needed it, and that of India.

His first measure was to establish the Great Northern Alliance. He had
obtained information of designs on the part of France and Spain to make
a descent on our southern coast, and burn the dockyards of Portsmouth
and Plymouth. Before quitting office, in 1761, he had planned this
alliance, and he now made endeavours, but in vain, to induce Frederick
of Prussia to come into such an alliance. Frederick was too sore at his
treatment by the Cabinet of Lord Bute to listen to any proposals from
England. Still, this would not have prevented Chatham from prosecuting
the object of the alliance with Sweden, Denmark, Russia, Germany, and
Holland, had he remained long enough in office. His name carried the
utmost weight all over the Continent. His indomitable vigour, and his
victorious arms, had been witnessed with wonder. In Paris, Horace
Walpole found the news of his return to office produced a panic not to
be described. The very mention of his name struck a silence into the
most boastful or insolent company.

His enemies of his own house were not so easily intimidated. The summer
had been an unprecedentedly rainy one. The crops had failed, and, in
consequence of the scarcity and dearness of corn, there had been riots,
especially in the western counties. The enraged people had burned down
the ricks and barns of the farmers who were hoarding their corn for
higher prices. Chatham instantly, that is, on the 10th of September,
issued a proclamation against "forestallers and regraters." As the
riots still increased, on the 24th he caused an Order in Council to
be issued, laying an embargo on corn, and prohibiting the sailing of
vessels already laden with wheat for foreign markets, the failure
of crops being as great on the Continent as in England. He had been
advised not to venture on so bold a measure without calling together
Parliament; but he would not hear of it, lest it should look like
timidity of counsel. It was a daring stretch of prerogative, and did
not pass without severe censure. Chatham defended the measure: he
quoted Locke in justification of such measures for the prevention of
internal calamity and tumult; and he defended it further by the fact,
that to have called together Parliament would have brought noblemen
and gentlemen from their own neighbourhood, just when they were most
needful there to maintain order. Lord Camden, the present Chancellor,
and Lord Northington, the late one, stoutly supported him, Camden
saying that it was a measure so moderate and beneficial, that a Junius
Brutus might have trusted it to a Nero. Unfortunately, he added that,
at worst, it was only "a forty days' tyranny"--a phrase which excited
the utmost clamour, and was long remembered against him.

In the Christmas recess Chatham hastened to Bath, to improve his health
for the campaign of the ensuing Session; but when Parliament met again,
in the middle of January, 1767, Ministers were in consternation at his
not reappearing. The Duke of Grafton and Beckford, who were his most
devoted adherents, were thunderstruck. They found it impossible to keep
in order the heterogeneous elements of the Cabinet. All the hostile
qualities, which would have lain still under the hand of the great
magician, bristled up, and came boldly out. The spirit of Bedford,
of Newcastle, and of Rockingham, was active in their partisans, and
gathered courage to do mischief. Lord Shelburne and the Duke of Grafton
became estranged; Charles Townshend, who had as much ambition and
eccentricity as talent, began to show airs, and aim at supremacy.
Grafton implored Chatham to come to town if possible, and when that was
declared impracticable, to allow him to go down, and consult with him
in his sick chamber. But he was informed that the Minister was equally
unable to move or to consult.

In these unfortunate circumstances, Charles Townshend, as Chancellor
of the Exchequer, proposed the annual rate for the land-tax. He called
for the amount of four shillings in the pound, the rate at which it had
stood during the war; but he promised next year to reduce it to three.
The country gentlemen grumbled, representing that in years of peace
it was commonly reduced to three and sometimes to two. Grenville saw
his advantage--his great opponent away and the landholders ready to
rebel--and he moved that, instead of next year, the reduction should
take place immediately. Dowdeswell supported him, and the amendment
was carried by two hundred and six votes against a hundred and
eighty-eight. The Opposition was astonished at its own success, and yet
it need not have been; they who had to vote were chiefly land-owners,
and men who did not like taxing themselves. As Lord Chesterfield
observed, "All the landed gentlemen had bribed themselves with this
shilling in the pound."

The Opposition was in ecstasies: it was the first defeat of Ministers
on a financial question since the days of Walpole, and in our time the
Chancellor would have resigned. The blow seemed to rouse Chatham. Three
days after this event, on the 2nd of March, he arrived in town, though
swathed in flannel, and scarcely able to move hand or foot. He declared
that the Chancellor of the Exchequer and himself could not hold office
together. A few days, and Townshend would have been dismissed from
office, and the country might have escaped one of its greatest shocks;
but, unfortunately, the malady of Chatham returned with redoubled
violence, and in a new and more terrible form. He was obliged to refuse
seeing any one on State affairs.

Such a calamity could not but be attended with the most mischievous
consequences. Chatham was obliged to leave town, and seek retirement
and a purer air at North End, near Hampstead. Townshend, who in a
few days would have ceased to be Chancellor of the Exchequer, still
retained office, and now showed more freely the wild and erratic
character of his genius. He had lost half a million from the revenue by
the reduction of the land-tax, and he pledged himself to the House to
recover it from the Americans. He declared that he fully agreed with
George Grenville, even in the principle of the Stamp Act, and ridiculed
the distinction set up by Chatham, and admitted by Franklin, of the
difference between internal and external taxation. This was language
calculated to fire the already heated minds of the colonists, who,
the more they reflected on Chatham's lofty language on the supreme
authority of the mother country in the declaratory Act, the more firmly
they repudiated it.

On the 11th of March, 1768, the Parliament, having nearly lived
its term of seven years, was dissolved, and the most unprecedented
corruption, bribery, and buying and selling of the people's right to
their own House, came into play. The system originated by Walpole was
now grown gigantic, and the sale and purchase of rotten boroughs was
carried on in the most unblushing manner by candidates for Parliament,
particularly aristocrats, who had managed to secure the old boroughs
as their property, or to control them by their property. The Mayor and
Aldermen of Oxford wrote to their members, long before the dissolution,
to offer them the renewal of their seats for the sum of seven thousand
five hundred pounds, which they meant to apply to the discharge of the
debts of the corporation. The House arrested the Mayor and Aldermen,
and clapped them in Newgate for five days; but on their humbly begging
pardon at the bar of the House, they released them again to continue
their base contract. Nay, whilst in prison, these corporation officials
had sold their borough to the Duke of Marlborough and the Earl of
Abingdon. Well might Chatham say this rotten part of the constitution
wanted amputating. Where the people of corporations had votes, they
were corrupted beyond all hope of resistance by the lavish bribes of
the wealthy. The Earl Spencer spent seventy thousand pounds to secure
the borough of Northampton for his nominee. There were attorneys acting
then as now for such boroughs and such corrupt constituents, and
they went about offering them to the highest bidders. One Hickey was
notorious amongst this tribe; and above all, the borough of Shoreham
distinguished itself by its venality, which assumed an aspect almost
of blasphemy. The burgesses united in a club to share the proceeds
of bribery equally amongst themselves, and styled themselves "the
Christian Club," in imitation of the first Christians, who had all
things in common! In the train of all this unprincipled corruption
followed riots and tumults amongst the people, who were at once
starving from the scarcity and dearness of bread, and infuriated with
the drink with which they had been plied to serve the views of these
base candidates. From the centre of this unholy chaos again rose the
figure of John Wilkes, as the reputed champion of liberty.

He was advised to try Westminster, where Mr. John Churchill, the
brother of his coadjutor, the satirist, and others, were in his
interest, but he boldly struck for the City of London. There were seven
candidates at the poll. Wilkes received one thousand two hundred and
forty-seven votes, but he was still lowest on the poll. His friends,
the mob, had no franchise.

Undaunted by his defeat, he immediately offered himself for Middlesex,
and there, though the mob could not vote, they could act for him.
They assembled in vast numbers, shouting, "Wilkes and Liberty!" They
accompanied him to the poll; they stopped all the roads that led to
the hustings at Brentford, suffering no one to pass who was not for
Wilkes and liberty. His zealous supporters wore blue cockades or paper
in their hats, inscribed "Wilkes and Liberty," or "No. 45." At night
they assembled in the streets, insisting on people illuminating their
houses in honour of Wilkes; abused all Scotsmen they met; scribbled
"No. 45" on the panels of carriages as they passed; made the parties in
them shout their favourite cry; broke the windows of Lord Bute at the
West End, and of Harley, the Lord Mayor, at the Mansion House--the same
Harley, a younger brother of the Earl of Oxford, who, as sheriff, had
had to burn No. 45 of the _North Briton_ in Cornhill. By such means the
mob managed to return Wilkes at the very head of the poll.

This was wormwood to the Government; and Wilkes did not leave them many
days in quiet. He had declared that, on returning to England, he would
surrender himself under his outlawry on the first day of the next term.
Accordingly, on the 20th of April, he presented himself to the Court of
King's Bench, attended by his counsel, Mr. Glynn, and avowed himself
ready to surrender to the laws. Lord Mansfield declared that he was not
there by any legal process, and that the court could not take notice
of him; but in a few days he was taken on another writ, and on the
8th of June he was again brought before Lord Mansfield, who declared
the outlawry void through a flaw in the indictment; but the original
verdict against him was confirmed, and he was sentenced to imprisonment
for twenty-two calender months, and two fines of five hundred pounds
each--one for the _North Briton_, and the other for the "Essay on
Woman."

[Illustration: "THE POLLING."

ONE OF THE SERIES OF FOUR PAINTINGS ENTITLED "THE ELECTION," BY W.
HOGARTH.]

[Illustration: THE MOB RELEASING MR. WILKES ON HIS WAY TO PRISON. (_See
p._ 193.)]

But these proceedings had not been effected without continual tumults.
On the day that Wilkes was arrested by order of the King's Bench
(the 27th of April), and, being refused bail, was sent to the King's
Bench prison, the mob stopped the hackney coach as it proceeded over
Westminster Bridge, took out the horses, and, with shouts of "Wilkes
and Liberty!" drew him, not to the prison, but into the City, and took
him into a tavern in Cornhill, where they kept him till midnight,
declaring that he should enjoy his freedom in spite of the law. But
Wilkes knew his position better than his champions, and, stealing away,
he went voluntarily to the King's Bench, and surrendered himself. The
next morning, when the mob knew that he was in prison, they assembled
in furious throngs, and demanded, under the most terrible menaces, his
liberation. They were at length dispersed by a detachment of Horse
Guards, but not until the mob had abused and pelted the soldiers. These
riots were kept up in different places from day to day; and on the
10th of May, twenty people were killed or wounded. When the soldiers
who had fired on the rioters were brought to trial, they were not
only acquitted, but the new Parliament voted loyal addresses on the
occasion; and the Government, through Lord Barrington, the Secretary
at War, and in the king's name, thanked publicly the officers and men
for their signal service in protecting the public peace. This only
added fresh fuel to the popular flame. To protect the public peace by
shooting the people, and to assure the perpetrators of this outrage,
as Lord Barrington did, that they should have every assistance from
Government in defending them from all legal consequences, was rightly
deemed most un-English conduct. The riots spread on all sides.

In October of this year Chatham at length resigned, and Parliament
assembled on the 8th of November. The two great objects which engrossed
the attention of Government in these days were North America and John
Wilkes. The news of the Act imposing import duties had reawakened all
the indignation of the people of Massachusetts. The Bostonians took
immediate steps to realise their doctrines. In October, 1767, the chief
men there met, and entered into a bond to purchase or wear no English
manufacture, but to encourage domestic manufacture till these obnoxious
import duties were withdrawn. The Massachusetts Assembly passed strong
resolutions to the same effect, and Mr. James Otis, who had been most
active in contending for them, exerted himself, through the press,
to circulate them all over America. Causes were not long wanting for
testing the resolution of the people of Massachusetts. The governor
of that colony, Francis Bernard, was precisely the man to bring the
matter to a crisis. He was able, determined, and of a hot temper. The
people hated him, because they knew that he was writing home despatches
full of the most unfavourable representations of their proceedings
and designs. He refused to confirm the nomination of such members of
the council as he knew were opposed to the new regulation; and Lord
Shelburne supported him in his act. In consequence, the Assembly
addressed a circular letter to all the other colonies, calling on them
to unite in defeating the new duties. Bernard in vain opposed the
resolution authorising this circular letter; and, on his report, Lord
Hillsborough instructed him to demand from the Assembly the rescinding
of the resolution. The Assembly refused, declaring that if a British
Minister could control the votes of provincial Assemblies, liberty was
but a mere show. Lord Hillsborough had instructed Bernard to dissolve
the Assembly in case it refused to rescind the resolution. In the
meantime, events took place which might have caused a more judicious
man to pause ere he fulfilled these instructions.

On the 10th of June, 1768, a sloop called the _Liberty_, the property
of Mr. John Hancock, of Boston, arrived in the harbour of that city
laden with a cargo of Madeira wine. Resistance having been offered to
the collection of the duties, the comptroller signalled the _Romney_
man-of-war, lying at anchor off Boston, to take the sloop in tow and
carry her under her guns. Crowds, meanwhile, had gathered on the quay,
and commenced measures for resistance. The captain of the _Romney_
sent out his boat's crew to haul in the sloop, and the mob attacked
them with stones. The man-of-war's men, notwithstanding, executed their
task, and carried the _Liberty_ under the guns of the _Romney_.

But the success of the capture only intensified the commotion on shore.
The tumult continued the next day; the mob broke the windows of the
houses of the commissioners and the custom-house officers; they dragged
the collector's boat on shore, and made a bonfire of it. These officers
fled for their lives--first on board the _Romney_, and then to Castle
William, a fortress at the mouth of the harbour. The third day was
Sunday, and the Bostonians kept the day with the decorum customary with
New Englanders; but on the Monday the riot was resumed with unabated
vigour. Placards were carried round the town, calling on the Sons of
Liberty to meet on Tuesday at ten o'clock. The Sons of Liberty were
members of the non-importation associations, which had been established
there, and in many parts of America. They had adopted that designation
from a phrase in a speech of Colonel Barré, delivered in Parliament
as early as 1765. Daughters of Liberty existed as well as Sons of
Liberty, who mutually bound themselves to drink no tea, as well as to
wear nothing imported after the passing of these duties. The Government
retaliated by pouring troops into the town and summoning ships of war
into the harbour.

Such, then, was the state of affairs at the meeting of Parliament in
November, 1768. These events in America claimed immediate attention.
The petition of the Convention of Massachusetts, on its arrival, was
rejected indignantly. The Opposition called for the production of the
correspondence with the civil and military authorities there on the
subject, but this demand was negatived. In January, 1769, the House
of Lords took up the subject in a lofty tone. They complained of the
seditious and treasonable proceedings of the people of Boston and of
Massachusetts generally; and the Duke of Bedford, affirming that it
was clear that no such acts could be punished by the magistrates or
tribunals of the colony, moved an address to the king recommending that
the criminals guilty of the late outrages should be brought to England
and tried there, according to an Act of the 35th of Henry VIII. On the
26th of January it was introduced to the Commons. There it excited a
very spirited opposition. Pownall, who had himself been governor of
Massachusetts, and knew the Americans well, accused the Lords of gross
ignorance of the charters, usages, and character of the Americans;
and Governor Johnstone as strongly condemned the motion, which was
carried by one hundred and fifty-five to eighty-nine. On the 14th of
March a petition from New York, denying their right to tax America in
any way, was rejected, on the motion of Lord North; and, still later
in the session, Governor Pownall moved that the revenue acts affecting
America should be repealed forthwith. By this time everybody seemed to
have become convinced of the folly of the attempt; but Ministers had
not the magnanimity to act at once on the certainty that stared them in
the face. Parliament was prorogued on the 9th of May, and did not meet
again till the following January, as if there were nothing of moment
demanding its attention.

With the same want of sagacity which was driving Ministers and
Parliament to the loss of America, they were still persecuting Wilkes
into popularity. On the 14th of November, 1768, Sir Joseph Mawby,
member for Southwark, presented a petition from Wilkes, reciting all
the proceedings of Government against him, and praying for his being
heard at the bar of the House. Wilkes appeared before the House on the
31st of January, where he took exception to the word "blasphemous" as
applied to the "Essay on Woman." Thurlow, afterwards Lord Chancellor,
a most swearing, blaspheming man, protested that if the House did not
declare it blasphemous, it would be a disgrace to it. However, the
words "impious" and "obscene" were substituted. On the 1st of February
the House determined that his petition was frivolous. The next day
the House went into another charge against Wilkes. In the preceding
April Lord Weymouth, previous to the riots in St. George's Fields, had
issued a letter, as Secretary of State, to the magistrates of Lambeth,
warning them of the danger of riots taking place in the endeavour to
free Wilkes from prison, and offering them the aid of the military.
Wilkes, while in the King's Bench, had obtained a copy of this letter,
and sent it to the _St. James's Chronicle_ with his own comments,
styling it a "hellish project," and as the direct cause of that "horrid
massacre." Weymouth complained to the House of Lords that this was a
breach of privilege. A conference was had with the Commons; Wilkes was
brought to the Bar, where Baldwin, the printer, had acknowledged the
letter to be his, and then, so far from denying it, claimed the thanks
of the country for having exposed that "bloody scroll." The Commons
decided that he was guilty of an insolent and seditious libel, and on
the following day, February 3rd, on the motion of Lord Barrington, he
was expelled the House, by a majority of two hundred and nineteen to
one hundred and thirty-seven. The king had directly asked for such a
verdict by a letter to Lord North, declaring that Wilkes's expulsion
was "highly expedient and must be effected."

The direct consequence was that he was immediately nominated again by
the freeholders of Middlesex. Mr. Dingley, a mercantile speculator of
London, offered himself as the Government candidate, but withdrew in
a fright, and Wilkes was returned, without opposition, on the 16th of
February, only thirteen days after his expulsion. The next day Lord
Strange moved in the Commons, that John Wilkes, after having been
expelled, was incapable of serving again in the present Parliament, and
the case of Sir Robert Walpole was quoted in justification. Wilkes was
a second time declared incapable of sitting, the election was declared
void, and the public indignation rose higher than ever. The freeholders
of Middlesex instantly met at the "London" Tavern, and subscribed
on the spot two thousand pounds towards defraying the expenses of
Wilkes's election. They then formed themselves into a "Society for
Supporting the Bill of Rights," and a third time proposed Wilkes as
their candidate. He was immediately returned for Middlesex, Dingley not
finding any one who dared to nominate him. The next day, the 17th of
March, the Commons again voted the election void.

With the beginning of this year, 1769, there commenced, under the
signature of "Junius," the most remarkable series of political letters
which ever appeared in our political literature. Time has not yet
disclosed who this public censor was, though the most weighty reasons
attach the belief to its having been Sir Philip Francis. Whoever
he was, his terrible dissections of the conduct and characters of
public men--the Duke of Grafton, the Duke of Bedford, Lord Mansfield,
and others, not excepting the king himself--caused the most awful
consternation amongst the ranks of the Ministry, and raised the highest
enthusiasm in the public by the keen and caustic edge of his satire and
his censure, by the clear tone of his reasonings, his obvious knowledge
of secret Government movements, and the brilliant lustre of his style.

At the same unfortunate juncture, the king insisted on Lord North
demanding from Parliament half a million for the liquidation of his
debts, though he possessed a civil list of eight hundred thousand
a-year. Simple as were the habits of George and his queen, the most
reckless disregard of economy was practised in his household. No means
were taken to check the rapacity of his tradesmen, and it was shown
that even for the one item of the royal coach, in 1762, there had been
charged seven thousand five hundred and sixty-two pounds! The Commons
voted the half million, the public grumbled, and the popularity of
Wilkes, the great champion of reform, rose higher than ever. A fourth
time the freeholders of Middlesex nominated him as their candidate; and
on this occasion a fresh Government nominee presented himself. This
was Colonel Henry Lawes Luttrell. Two other candidates, encouraged by
Luttrell's appearance, came forward; and on the 13th of April the list
of the poll, which had gone off quietly, showed Wilkes one thousand
one hundred and forty-three; Luttrell, two hundred and ninety-six;
Whitaker, five; and Roach, none.

On the 15th of April, notwithstanding Luttrell's signal defeat, the
House of Commons, on the motion of Onslow, son of the late Speaker,
voted, after a violent debate, by a majority of fifty-four, that "Henry
Lawes Luttrell, Esq., ought to have been returned for Middlesex."
The debate was very obstinate. The whole of the Grenville interest,
including Lord Temple, was employed against Government, and the
decision was not made till three o'clock on Sunday morning.

To such a pitch of folly and despotism had the Grafton Ministry
been driven by the events of the Session of 1769, by their conduct
towards the Americans and Wilkes. The Rockinghams and Grenvilles were
combined against the Grafton Cabinet, and thus acquiring popularity at
its expense. Lord Camden, though still retaining his place, utterly
disapproved of their proceedings. The people everywhere held meetings
to express their total loss of confidence in both the Ministers and
Parliament, and to pray the king to dissolve the latter. In the autumn,
the action of Wilkes against Lord Halifax, for the seizure of his
papers, was tried, and the jury gave him four thousand pounds damages.

But, gloomy as was the aspect of affairs at home, they were far more
so in America. There, the insane conduct of the Government had gone on
exasperating and alienating the colonists. True, the Cabinet, on the
close of Parliament, held a meeting to consider what should be done
regarding America. Grafton proposed to repeal the obnoxious duties
at the commencement of the next session, but he was overruled on the
motion of Lord North, and it was agreed to repeal all but the tea
duties. Within a few days after the close of the session, therefore,
Lord Hillsborough wrote this news in a circular to the governors of
the American colonies. As was certain, the partial concession produced
no effect, the principle being still retained in the continued tea
duty. Moreover, Hillsborough's circular was composed in such harsh
and uncourteous terms, that it rather augmented than assuaged the
excitement.

In Massachusetts the colonists were more exasperated against Governor
Bernard, on account of his letters reflecting on the Bostonians in
the matter of the late riots, these letters having been laid before
Parliament, and copies of them by some means procured and sent on
by their agents. They declared that it was beneath their dignity to
deliberate in the midst of an armed force, and requested Bernard to
withdraw the troops, but he refused; and they, on their part, declined
to vote supplies, on which he adjourned them to Cambridge. There,
however, as Cambridge was only separated from Boston by an arm of the
sea, they continued to protest against an armed force, as an invasion
of the national rights of the colonists, and highly dangerous. Bernard
soon announced to them his intention to sail for England, to lay the
state of the colony before the king, and the house immediately voted
a petition to his Majesty, praying him to keep him from coming back
again. Bernard then called upon them to refund the money expended
for the quartering of the troops; but that they pronounced quite as
unreasonable as the Stamp Act, and finding them utterly intractable,
Bernard prorogued the Assembly, and quitted the colony, leaving the
administration in the hands of Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson.

Yet, in that blind and defiant spirit, which he continued to show till
he had lost the colonies, George created Bernard a baronet on his
reaching home, for having, in effect, brought Massachusetts to the
verge of rebellion; and, to show his emphatic sense of these services,
he himself paid all the expenses of the patent.

Parliament assembled on the 9th of January, 1770. People had been
surprised at the unusual delay in summoning it, considering the
critical state of America, but they were much more surprised when the
subject put foremost in the king's speech was a lamentation over the
murrain which had appeared amongst horned cattle during the recess,
and which Ministers had taken some measures to stop without calling
together Parliament. It was true that he afterwards alluded to the
state of affairs in America, and trusted some means would be devised by
Parliament to appease the irritation. But whilst war itself appeared
imminent there, whilst the whole country at home was in a state of high
discontent, and the Spitalfields weavers were at this moment in a state
of open riot, the idea of giving the chief place in the royal speech to
horned cattle caused a burst of universal ridicule. It was thenceforth
called the "Horned Cattle Session." Junius launched one of his fierce
missives at the Duke of Grafton, observing, "Whilst the whole kingdom
was agitated with anxious expectation on one great point, you meanly
evaded the question, and, instead of the explicit firmness and decision
of a king, gave us nothing but the misery of a ruined grazier."

[Illustration: WILLIAM PITT, EARL OF CHATHAM.]

Chatham had begun to ponder the proceedings of Ministers towards
America and towards Wilkes, or rather his constituents, as soon as
the returning activity of his mind permitted him. The conduct of the
Duke of Grafton, who had taken the lead during his retirement, did
not escape his censure. He had too easily fallen into the demand
of the Cabinet for severe measures in both those cases. No sooner,
therefore, did Chatham appear than he launched the whole thunder of
his indignation, and such was still his power that he shattered the
Cabinet to atoms. No sooner was the Address to the king moved and
seconded, than he rose and passed, with some expressions of contempt,
from the mention of the horned cattle to the more important topics. He
drew a dismal picture both of the domestic condition and the foreign
relations of the country. He glanced at the manner in which the Treaty
of Paris had been made, the abandonment of the King of Prussia, and the
consequent isolated condition of the kingdom, without a friend or an
ally. But bad as the external affairs of the nation were, he described
the internal as far worse. There everything was at discount. The people
were partly starving and wholly murmuring; the constituencies were
alarmed at the invasion of their rights in the case of John Wilkes; and
the colonies were on the very edge of rebellion. Such was the condition
to which the Government in a short time had reduced the commonweal.
More than all did he condemn the policy pursued towards America. He
protested against the term "unwarrantable," as applied to the conduct
of the colonists; proposed to substitute the word "dangerous." He owned
that he was partial towards the Americans, and strongly advocated a
system of mildness and indulgence in their case.

As for Wilkes, he counselled them earnestly to introduce a paragraph
into their Address to the king, stating their conviction that the chief
discontents of the nation arose from the violation of the rights of
representation in his expulsion from the Commons. "I am," said the
eloquent earl, "neither moved by his private vices nor by his public
merits. In his person, though he were the worst of men, I contend for
the safety and security of the best; and God forbid that there should
be a power in this country of measuring the civil rights of the subject
by his moral character, or by any other rule than the fixed laws of the
land."

This was going to the very heart of the question with that clear,
searching sense for which Chatham was so distinguished. Lord Chancellor
Camden, who had himself a strong and honest intellect, but not
the moral courage of Chatham, had retained the Great Seal, though
disapproving of the measures of his colleagues. Emboldened by the words
of his friend, he now rose and expressed his regret for having so long
suppressed his feelings. But, he added, "I will do so no longer; I will
openly and boldly speak my sentiments. I now proclaim to the world
that I entirely coincide in the opinions expressed by my noble friend,
whose presence again reanimates us, touching this unconstitutional and
illegal vote of the House of Commons.... By this violent and tyrannical
conduct Ministers have alienated the minds of the people from his
Majesty's Government--I had almost said from his Majesty's person!"
After these words Camden could no longer remain Lord Chancellor.

The Marquis of Granby resigned his posts as Paymaster-General of the
Ordnance and Commander-in-Chief of the Army, much to the annoyance and
against the entreaties of the king and the Duke of Grafton. Camden
would have done the same, but as the Ministers were anxious to be rid
of him, Chatham and his friends counselled him to remain, and put the
Ministry to the odium of dismissing him. This was done, and thus two of
the men most popular with the public--Granby and Camden--were lost to
the Administration. The Seals, as Lord Shelburne had predicted, went
a-begging. Charles Yorke, second son of the former Lord Chancellor,
Hardwicke, had all his life been hankering after this prize, but
as he was closely pledged to the party of Lord Rockingham, he most
reluctantly declined it. Three days subsequently, however, the king,
after the levee, suddenly called him into his closet, and so pressingly
entreated him to accept the Seals and rescue his sovereign from an
embarrassment, that he gave way. This was on the 18th of January. He
was to be raised to the peerage by the title of Lord Morden, but, on
encountering the keen reproaches of his party at Lord Rockingham's,
he went home and committed suicide. The Seals were then successively
offered to Mr. de Grey, the Attorney-General, to Sir Eardley Wilmot,
and Lord Mansfield, who refused them, and they were obliged to be put
in commission, Lord Mansfield consenting to occupy the woolsack, as
Speaker to the House of Lords, till that was done. After some time,
Sir Sidney Stafford Smythe, one of the barons of the Exchequer, the
Honourable Henry Bathurst, one of the justices of the Common Pleas, and
Sir Richard Aston, one of the justices of the King's Bench, were named
the commissioners.

In the House of Commons, too, the Speaker, Sir John Cust, was removed
by death at the same moment, and Sir Fletcher Norton was elected in his
place. On the 22nd of January, the same day that Sir Fletcher Norton
was made Speaker of the House of Commons, the Marquis of Rockingham
moved in the Lords for an inquiry into the state of the nation. The
crumbling down of the Cabinet continued. James Grenville resigned;
Dunning, the Solicitor-General, and General Conway, followed; and on
the very day of Lord Rockingham's motion, the Duke of Grafton himself
laid down the Seals. The whole of his administration had thus vanished,
like a mere fog ministry, at the first reappearance of the luminary,
Chatham.



CHAPTER IX.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Lord North--He forms a Ministry--Chatham declaims against
    Secret Influence--Grenville's Election Committee--Lord North's
    Conciliatory Measures--Determination of the Bostonians--The
    Boston Massacre--Trial of the Soldiers--Apparent Success of
    North's Measures--Affair of the Falkland Islands--Promptitude
    of the Ministry--The Quarrel composed--Trials of Woodfall and
    Almon--The Right of Parliamentary Reporting--Strengthening of the
    Ministry--Quarrels in the City--The Royal Marriage Act--Fate of
    the Queen of Denmark--Anarchical Condition of Poland--Interference
    of Russia--Deposition of Poniatowski--Frederick's Scheme of
    Partition--It is ratified--Inquiry into Indian Affairs--Lord
    North's Tea Bill--Lord Dartmouth and Hutchinson--The Hutchinson
    Letters--Dishonourable Conduct of Franklin--Establishment of
    Corresponding Committees--Burning of the _Gaspee_--Destruction
    of the Tea--Franklin avows the Publication of the
    Letters--Wedderburn's Speech--The Boston Port Bill--The
    Massachusetts Government Bill--The Coils of Coercion--Virginia
    joins Massachusetts--Gage Dissolves the Boston Assembly--He
    fortifies Boston Neck--The General Congress--A Declaration of
    Rights--The Assembly at Concord--They enrol Militia--Seizure of
    Ammunition and Arms--Meeting of Parliament--Chatham's conciliatory
    Speech--His Bill for the Pacification of the Colonies--Its
    Fate--Lord North's Proposal--Burke's Resolutions--Prorogation of
    Parliament--Beginning of the War.


In this utter desertion, the king prevailed on Lord North, who was
already Chancellor of the Exchequer, to accept Grafton's post of First
Lord of the Treasury, with the Premiership. Lord North, eldest son of
the Earl of Guildford, was a man of a remarkably mild and pleasant
temper, of sound sense, and highly honourable character. He was
ungainly in his person and plain of countenance, but he was well versed
in the business of Parliament, and particularly dexterous in tagging to
motions of the Opposition some paragraph or other which neutralised the
whole, or turned it even against them. He was exceedingly near-sighted,
so much so, that he once carried off the wig of the old Secretary of
the Navy, who sat near him in the House. For the rest, he was of so
somnolent a nature that he was frequently seen nodding in the House
when Opposition members were pouring out all the vials of their wrath
on his head. He thought himself a Whig, but if we are to class him by
his principles and his acts of administration, we must pronounce him a
Tory.

The Ministry, as reconstructed, consisted of Lord North, First Lord of
the Treasury; the Great Seal was in commission; Granby's places, the
Ordnance and Commander of the Forces, were still unsupplied; so was
the Duke of Manchester's old post of Lord of the Bed-Chamber. The Earl
of Halifax became Lord Privy Seal; the Earl of Pembroke became a Lord
of the Bed-Chamber; the Earl of Waldegrave, Master of the Horse to the
queen; Sir Gilbert Elliot, Treasurer of the Navy; Charles James Fox
became a junior Lord of the Admiralty; Admiral Holborne another; Mr.
Welbore Ellis became one of the Vice-Treasurers of Ireland; and Thurlow
was appointed Solicitor-General, in place of Dunning.

Lord North soon found himself briskly assailed in both Lords and
Commons. In the former, Chatham was not so happy in amalgamating the
parties of Rockingham and Grenville as he hoped; but he had staunch
friends and oppositionists in Lords Camden, Shelburne, and Stanhope,
and in the Commons he was as warmly supported by Barré, Beckford,
Calcraft, and Dunning. On the 2nd of March a motion was also made
in the Lords for an Address to the king, praying him to increase
the number of seamen in the navy; and it was made to introduce
strong censures on the dismissal of able officers for their votes in
Parliament. On this occasion Chatham loudly reiterated the old charge
of the royal councils being influenced by favourites. "A long train of
these practices," he said, "has convinced me that there is something
behind the throne greater than the throne itself." He referred to
Mazarin, of France; and as Bute was just at this period gone to Turin,
he added, "Mazarin abroad is Mazarin still!" It is not to be supposed
that Bute had any secret influence whatever at this period; but the
people still believed that he had, and that two men especially were his
agents with the king--Bradshaw, commonly called "the cream-coloured
parasite," and Dyson, both placemen and members of the Commons.
Probably, Chatham had a secondary object--to punish these men, who with
Rigby, the parasite of the Duke of Bedford, were continually running
about endeavouring to depreciate the efforts of the more competent,
to whom they were pigmies, saying, "Only another mad motion by the
mad Earl of Chatham." Grafton, though now out of office, repelled
the insinuation of secret influence with indignation. This charge
of Chatham's was followed up, four days after, by a most outspoken
remonstrance from the Corporation of London. It was carried up to St.
James's on the 14th of March by Beckford, the Lord Mayor, and two
hundred and twenty Common Councilmen and other officers. Beckford read
the Address, which charged secret counsellors, and a corrupt majority
of the House of Commons, with depriving the people of their rights. It
declared that the House of Commons did not represent the people, and
called upon the king to dissolve it. His Majesty received the Address
with manifest signs of displeasure, and the courtiers, who stood round,
with actual murmurs and gesticulations of anger.

At this crisis George Grenville brought in and carried through a
measure, which showed how useful he might have been, had he never
been raised out of his proper element to rule and alienate colonies.
He was now fast sinking into the grave, though but fifty-eight years
of age. This measure was a bill to transfer the trial of controverted
elections from the whole House of Commons to a Select Committee of it.
Ever since the famous Aylesbury case, the whole House had taken the
charge of examining all petitions against the return of candidates and
deciding them. This was a great obstruction of business; and Grenville
now proposed to leave the inquiry and decision to the Select Committee,
which was to be composed of fifteen members of the House, thirteen of
whom were to be chosen by the contesting claimants for the seat, out
of a list of forty-five, elected by ballot from the whole House. The
other two were to be named, one each, by the contesting candidates. The
Committee was empowered to examine papers, call and swear witnesses,
and, in fact, to exercise all the authority previously wielded by the
whole House. It was opposed by Welbore Ellis, Rigby, Dyson, and Charles
James Fox, not yet broken from his office shell into a full-fledged
patriot. It was, however, carried, and being supported in the Lords by
Lord Mansfield, who on this occasion manifested an unusual disregard of
his party principles, it was passed there too.

Whilst Chatham was heading the Opposition in a determined onslaught
on the Government, the latter were also compelled to face the awkward
American question. Great hopes had been entertained that the people of
Boston would be much calmer after the departure of Governor Bernard.
Hutchinson, the Deputy-Governor, was not only an American, but a
man of a mild temper. But the temper of the Bostonians was now so
much excited, that the leaders of the non-importation Act were more
vehement than ever. The English merchants presented a petition to
Parliament showing that, in consequence of the import duties and the
combinations of the colonists to resist them, the exports from England
to these colonies had fallen off in 1769 by the amount of seven hundred
and forty thousand pounds; that the revenue received from duties paid
in America had fallen off from one hundred and ten thousand pounds per
annum to thirty thousand pounds.

It was in these grave circumstances that Lord North, on the 5th of
March, 1770, brought forward his bill, based on the terms of Lord
Hillsborough's letter to the American governors, to repeal all the
import duties except that on tea. This was one of those half-and-half
measures which never succeed; it abandoned the bulk of the duties,
but retained the really obnoxious thing--the principle. Grenville
very truly told them that they should retain the whole, or repeal the
whole. Lord Barrington and Welbore Ellis, in their dogged Toryism,
protested against repealing a single item of them; and the Opposition,
Barré, Conway, Meredith, Pownall, etc., as earnestly entreated them to
remove the duties altogether, and with them all cause of irritation.
The motion for leave to bring in the bill was carried by two hundred
and four votes to one hundred and forty-two. During the debates it was
shown that, during the financial year, the American tea duties had
produced--not the calculated ten or twelve thousand, but less than
three hundred pounds! For such a sum did our legislators risk a civil
war. As a last effort on this question at this time, the Opposition, on
the 1st of May, called for the correspondence with America; and, on the
9th, Burke moved nine resolutions on the general topic. They were not
only negatived, but a similar motion, introduced into the Peers by the
Duke of Richmond, met the same fate.

At the very time that these measures were occupying the British
Parliament, the Bostonians were driving affairs to a crisis. In nearly
all the seaports committees were in active operation for examining
all cargoes of ships, and reporting the result. These committees
also kept a keen observation on each other, and visited publicly
any that appeared lukewarm. Boston, as usual, distinguished itself
most prominently in this business. Regular meetings were held in
Faneuil Hall, and votes passed denouncing all who dared to import
the prohibited goods. Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson exerted himself
to form an association amongst the traders in opposition to these
anti-importers, but he tried in vain. They insisted that the merchants
who had imported goods in their shops and warehouses should be
compelled to ship them back to those who had sent them. One merchant,
more stubborn than the rest, was immediately waited on by a deputation,
headed by an axeman and a carpenter, as if prepared to behead and bury
him; and he was told that a thousand men awaited his decision, and they
could not be answerable for his safety if he refused to comply.

[Illustration: AFFRAY AT BOSTON BETWEEN THE SOLDIERS AND ROPE-MAKERS.
(_See p._ 201.)]

The animosity against the soldiers at Boston was actively kept up. The
sentinel could not stand at his post without insult. Every day menaced
a conflict. A fictitious account of an affray between the soldiers and
the people of New York was circulated at Boston, in which the soldiers
were represented as beaten. This gave impetus to the aggressive temper
of the Bostonians. On the 2nd of March, a soldier, insulted by the men
at Gray's rope-walk, resented it; they came to blows, and the soldier
was overpowered. He fetched up some of his comrades, who, in their
turn, beat and chased the rope-makers through the town. The passions of
the mob were inflamed, and they began to arm themselves for an attack
on the soldiery. In a few days the crowd assembled and assaulted a
party of them in Dock Square. The officer prudently withdrew them to
the barracks. As the evening advanced, the mob increased. They cried,
"Turn out, and do for the soldiers!" They attacked and insulted a
sentinel at the Custom House. A party of soldiers was sent by Captain
Preston to the officers on duty to protect the man. The mob pelted
them with pieces of wood, lumps of ice, etc., and denounced them as
"cowards," "red-lobster rascals," and the like. The soldiers stood to
defend the Custom House till they were fiercely attacked, and at length
they fired in self-defence, killed three persons, and wounded several
others--one mortally.

To prevent further carnage, a committee of the townsmen waited on the
governor and council, and prevailed on them to remove the soldiers from
the town to Castle William. The successful rioters carried the bodies
of the killed in procession, denounced the soldiers as murderers,
and spread the most exaggerated accounts of the affray through the
newspapers, under the name of "the massacre." Captain Preston and his
men were arrested and put upon their trials before a jury of the irate
townsmen. Nobody, for a time, would act as counsel for the defence; but
at length John Adams, a young lawyer, undertook the office, and made
the case so plain, that not only Captain Preston, but all the soldiers
were acquitted, except two, who had fired without orders, and these
were convicted only of manslaughter.

The arrival of the news of Lord North's repeal of all the duties,
except tea, produced little effect on the minds of the people of
Boston. They declared that the unconstitutional principle was the
real offence, and that it was still retained. The people of New York,
however, had long inclined to gentler measures. They agreed to import
all other articles except tea. Pennsylvania and other colonies followed
their example; and they declared that they who wanted tea must smuggle
it. The more fiery patriots declared against this lukewarmness; but
the desire for the English goods was so great that, during the years
1770 and 1771, the importations were larger than they had ever been.
Nevertheless, though the colonies appeared returning to order and
obedience, the efforts of the Republican party never relaxed, and,
especially in Massachusetts, there was a tone of sullen discontent.
"Liberty poles" were still erected; exciting harangues were delivered
on the anniversary of "the massacre," and the Assembly continued to
manifest a stubborn resistance to the will of the Lieutenant-Governor.

During the recess of Parliament, a dispute occurred with Spain
regarding the Falkland Islands, which led to the very verge of war.
In 1764 the French, under Bougainville, made a settlement on Falkland
Sound; but Spain putting in a claim that these isles were part of her
South American territory, Choiseul, the French Minister, abandoned the
settlement, and the Spaniards changed its name from Port Louis to Port
Soledad. The very next year, 1765, Commodore Byron was sent to form
a settlement on another of the islands, which he named Port Egmont,
in honour of Lord Egmont, First Lord of the Admiralty. Such were the
distant islets to which, in 1769, Spain began to assert her claim.
The Governor of Port Soledad sent repeated messages to Captain Hunt,
of the _Tamar_, stationed at Port Egmont, requiring the abandonment
of the place. When the notices were succeeded by threats, Captain
Hunt sailed home to lay the matter before his Government. He landed
at Portsmouth in June, 1770, and made known the Spanish interference
to the Cabinet. Meanwhile, the Spaniards, taking advantage of Hunt's
absence, had, about the time that he arrived in England, dispatched
to the Falklands Buccarelli, the Governor of Buenos Ayres, with five
frigates and one thousand six hundred men. Having entered the port on
pretence of wanting water, and finding the _Tamar_ absent, and only two
armed sloops there, and a mere handful of soldiers, Buccarelli landed
his force, and, after the firing of a few shots for form's sake, the
English surrendered, and were permitted to depart with all the honours
of war.

The excitement, both at Court and in the country, was far beyond the
then apparent value of the islands; but there had been an insult to the
British flag, and both Government and Opposition demanded expiation.
Lord North displayed a bold and determined tone on the occasion.
Orders were sent over to the British ambassador, at Madrid, to demand
an immediate disavowal of Buccarelli's act, and instant measures
were taken for war, in case of refusal. Ships were refitted, their
commanders named, stores were put on board, and orders for pressing
men, according to the custom of the time, were issued. But in London
these preparations met with resistance from the opposition spirit of
the Corporation. Things, however, seemed tending strongly towards
war. Our _Chargé d'affaires_ at Madrid, in absence of the ambassador,
was Mr. Harris, the son of the author of "Hermes." He was but a youth
of four-and-twenty, but already displayed much of the talent which
raised him to the title of Malmesbury. He wrote home that the King of
Spain and some of his Ministers were averse from the idea of war, and
unprepared for it; but that others were influenced by Choiseul, the
French Premier, and demanded a vigorous attack on England.

But the King of France did not share in the feeling of Choiseul. He
wrote to the King of Spain about this time, "My Minister wishes for
war, but I do not!" In fact, changes had taken place in the Court of
France which were about to precipitate Choiseul from his long-enjoyed
favour. Madame de Pompadour was dead, and the king had become deeply
enamoured of Madame du Barry. Choiseul was impolitic enough to despise
her influence, and treated her with undisguised _hauteur_. He soon
felt the consequence in an order from the king to resign his office
and retire to his estate at Chanteloupe, in Touraine. The shock to
the insolent Minister, who had so long ruled absolutely in the French
Court, was the more unlooked for, because he thought himself now all
the more safe from having secured the marriage of the king's heir,
his eldest grandson, with the Austrian archduchess, Marie Antoinette.
Choiseul was succeeded by the triumvirate d'Aiguillon, as Foreign
Minister; Terray, as Minister of Finance; and Maupeou, as Minister of
Jurisprudence; but all subject to the supreme influence of Madame du
Barry. Louis XV. thenceforth became a cipher.

The spirit of Choiseul having departed from the French administration,
and the king having so unequivocally expressed his intention not to
go to war, the Spanish Court hastened to lower its tone and offer
conciliatory terms. In December they had proposed, through Prince de
Masserano, to disavow the expedition of Buccarelli, if the English
Court would disown the menaces of Captain Hunt. This was promptly
refused, and orders were sent to Mr. Harris to quit the capital of
Spain. He set out in January, 1771, but was speedily recalled; the
expedition of Buccarelli was disavowed; the settlement of Port Egmont
was conceded, whilst the main question as to the right of either party
to the Falklands at large was left to future discussion. So little
value, however, did Britain attach to the Falkland Isles, that it
abandoned them voluntarily two years afterwards. For many years they
were forsaken by both nations; but in 1826 the Republic of Buenos Ayres
adopted them as a penal colony, and in 1833 the British finally took
possession of them.

Whilst these events had been progressing, the Ministry had entered into
a combat with the great unknown political essayist, Junius. Junius
had advanced from Sir William Draper to the Duke of Grafton, and from
the Duke of Grafton to the king in his sweeping philippics. For these
daring censures, Woodfall, the printer of the _Public Advertiser_,
was tried, and also Almon, the publisher of the _London Museum_, a
monthly periodical, for reprinting the libel there. Almon was convicted
of publishing, and sentenced to pay a fine of ten marks, and give
security for his good behaviour for two years, himself in four hundred
pounds, and two sureties in two hundred pounds each. He moved in vain
for a new trial. Woodfall was convicted of "printing and publishing
only;" but he obtained an order for a new trial, on the ground of the
phrase "only" being ambiguous. But the circumstance which excited the
attention and turned the resentment of both Liberal statesmen and
the people was, that Lord Mansfield on these trials had instructed
the juries to confine themselves to the facts alone, and to leave
the question of legality to the judges. This was properly declared a
dangerous infringement of the rights of juries, and calculated to make
their verdicts merely the servile echoes of the dicta of the judges.
Lord Chatham, on the 28th of November, denounced in the Peers this
dictation of the judge to the juries. Serjeant Glynn, at the same time,
moved in the Commons for an inquiry into the administration of justice
in Westminster Hall, where such unconstitutional instructions could
be given. This occasioned a warm debate, in which Burke, Dunning, and
others, ably defended the public rights. The motion was negatived.

The year 1771 opened in circumstances which greatly diminished the
interest in Parliamentary proceedings. As all reporting was excluded
from the House of Lords, the chief speakers there felt that they were
no longer addressing the nation, but merely a little knot of persons
in a corner, and consequently the stimulus of both fame and real
usefulness was at an end. In the Commons, the desire of the Ministry
to reduce that popular arena to the same condition of insignificance
produced a contest with the City as foolish and mischievous in its
degree as the contests then going on with Wilkes and America. George
Onslow, nephew of the late Speaker, and member for Guildford, moved
that several printers, who had dared to report the debates of the House
of Commons, should be summoned to the bar to answer for their conduct.
Accordingly, these mediums of communication between the people and
their representatives were summoned and reprimanded on their knees.
One of their number, named Miller, however, declared that he was a
liveryman of London, and that any attempt to arrest him would be a
breach of the privileges of the City. The Serjeant-at-Arms dispatched
a messenger to apprehend this sturdy citizen, and bring him before the
House; but, instead of succeeding, the Parliamentary messenger was
taken by a City constable, and carried before Brass Crosby, the Lord
Mayor. With the Lord Mayor sat Alderman Wilkes and Alderman Oliver.
It was delightful work to Wilkes thus to set at defiance the House
of Commons, which had made such fierce war on him. The Lord Mayor,
accordingly, was fully confirmed in his view that the messenger of
the Commons had committed a flagrant violation of the City charter,
in endeavouring to lay hands on one of its liverymen within its own
precincts, and they held the messenger accordingly to bail. The House
of Commons was fired with indignation at this contemptuous disregard
of their dignity. They passed a resolution, by a large majority,
ordering the Lord Mayor and the two aldermen to appear at their bar.
Wilkes bluntly refused to attend the House in any shape but as a
recognised member of it. Crosby pleaded a severe fit of the gout; and
Oliver, though he appeared in his place, refused to make any submission
whatever, but told them he defied them. The House, in its blind anger,
resolved that Oliver should be committed to the Tower, and Crosby to
the custody of the Serjeant-at-Arms. But Crosby declared that he would
not accept this indulgence at the hands of the House, but would share
the incarceration of his honourable friend; and he was accordingly sent
also to the Tower. The people out of doors were in the highest state
of fury. They greeted the City members on their way to and from the
House, but they hooted and pelted the Ministerial supporters. Charles
James Fox, still a Government man, as all his family had been, was
very roughly handled; Lord North's carriage was dashed in, and himself
wounded; and had he not been rescued by a popular member, Sir William
Meredith, he would probably have lost his life. The Commons had engaged
in a strife with the City, in which they were signally beaten, and no
further notice being taken of the printers, from this time forward the
practice of reporting the debates of Parliament became recognised as
an established privilege of the people, though formally at the option
of the House; and so far now from members or Ministers fearing any
evil from it, the most conservative of them would be deeply mortified
by the omission of their speeches in the reports. The termination of
the Session also opened the doors of the Tower, and liberated the
Lord Mayor and Alderman Oliver. They were attended from the Tower to
the Mansion House by the Corporation in their robes, where a banquet
celebrated their restoration to freedom, and the populace displayed
their sympathy by bonfires and illuminations.

[Illustration: SPADE GUINEA OF GEORGE III.]

[Illustration: FIVE-SHILLING PIECE OF GEORGE III.]

[Illustration: TWOPENNY PIECE OF GEORGE III.]

During the recess considerable changes took place in the Cabinet. Lord
Halifax died on the 8th of June; the Earl of Suffolk succeeded him as
Secretary of State, and the remainder of the Grenville party thereupon
supported the Ministry. Suffolk introduced his friend, Lord Hyde,
afterwards Earl of Clarendon, to the post of Chancellor of the Duchy
of Lancaster, with an augmented salary. The administration of Lord
North was considerably strengthened, too, by the abilities of Thurlow,
as Attorney-General, and of Wedderburn, as Solicitor-General. But the
addition to the Cabinet of Lord North which occasioned the greatest
surprise, was that of the Duke of Grafton. He received the Privy Seal.

During the recess a violent quarrel had been going on in the City,
which showed the disorganisation of the Opposition. Wilkes had offered
himself as sheriff; but Alderman Oliver, who had lately been in prison
for his bold conduct in the affair of Miller, the printer, had refused
to support the claim of Wilkes. In fact, not only he, but the Lord
Mayor, Alderman Townshend, and Sawbridge, were beginning to see through
Wilkes. Oliver went further--he refused to serve as the other sheriff
with Wilkes. Government availed itself of these divisions to defeat
the election of Wilkes. Alderman Bull became the second candidate with
Wilkes, and Government induced their party in the City to nominate
Aldermen Plumbe and Kirkman in opposition to them. Wilkes would
probably have been defeated, especially as Oliver finally came forward,
supported by all the eloquence and exertions of John Horne. But,
fortunately for Wilkes and his fellow-candidate, Bull, a letter sent
by the Government agent to a Mr. Smith in the City was misdelivered
to another Mr. Smith, a supporter of Wilkes and Bull, announcing the
exertions that Government would make in support of their men, Plumbe
and Kirkman. This letter was immediately published, and, alarming all
the enemies of Government, made them rally round Wilkes and Bull, who
were accordingly elected.

[Illustration: PRESS-GANG AT WORK.]

On the 21st of January, 1772, the king opened Parliament, and the two
divisions of the Opposition under the leadership of Rockingham and
Chatham were found to be divided and dispirited. The chief proceeding
of this session was one of a very remarkable character. The boasted
morals of George III. and of his queen had not defended his family
from gross crimes and corruptions. Very notorious was the life of his
brother, the Duke of Cumberland. Amongst his licentious intrigues
was one with Henrietta Vernon, Lady Grosvenor, a young and beautiful
woman, whom he seduced, following her into Cheshire, when her husband
took her from town, and meeting her in various disguises. In 1770 Lord
Grosvenor brought an action against him and obtained a verdict of ten
thousand pounds. With a rapidity of fickleness almost unexampled, he
was immediately afterwards paying suit to Mrs. Horton. Cumberland
went over to Calais with Mrs. Horton, and there married her according
to the rites of the Church of England (October 2, 1771). The Duke
of Gloucester also now confessed to a secret marriage (September 6,
1766) with the Countess Dowager Waldegrave. A Bill was brought into
Parliament in 1772, since well known as the Royal Marriage Act, by
which every prince or princess, descendant of George II., except only
the issue of princes married abroad, was prohibited from marrying
until the age of twenty-five without the king's consent. After that
age they might apply to the Privy Council, and if within a year
of such announcement both Houses of Parliament should not express
disapprobation of the intended marriage, it might then be lawfully
solemnised. The Bill did not pass without violent opposition.

But these were by no means the total of the royal troubles at this
period. The youngest and most beloved of George III.'s sisters,
Caroline Matilda, had been married to Christian VII. of Denmark. This
young man was little better than an idiot, and the poor princess was
married to him at the age of sixteen. The marriage of this young
couple, and their ascent to the throne, were nearly simultaneous; and,
contrary to the usual custom of a monarch, it was deemed advisable that
he should travel. In his tour he fell in with the celebrated Struensee,
a young physician of Altona. Christian VII., like all weak monarchs,
must have favourites. Struensee speedily became the perfect master of
Christian's mind and actions, and on their return to Copenhagen he was
raised to the rank of count, and soon after was made Prime Minister.
His enemies were of course numerous, and scandal soon connected his
name with that of the queen. All this especially favoured the plans
of the base queen dowager, who, in league with the hostile nobles,
feigned a plot against the king; obtained from him, in his bed at
midnight, an order for the arrest of the queen, Struensee, and others.
The queen was seized half dressed. Struensee was executed with especial
barbarities; but the King of England interfered to save his sister, and
to procure the succession to her son. The unhappy young queen, however,
was separated for ever from her two children, and conveyed to Zell, in
Hanover--the same castle or prison where the unhappy wife of George I.
had pined away her life. There she died after a few years, protesting
her innocence, though Struensee had confessed his guilt.

From the affairs of the royal family, we turn to a more important
subject, the partition of Poland. Poland, lying contiguous to Russia,
had for ages been in a condition calculated to attract the cupidity of
ambitious neighbours. Its nobles usurped all authority. They kept the
whole mass of the people in hopeless serfdom; they usurped the whole
of the land; they elected their own king, and were too fond of power
themselves to leave him more than a puppet in their hands. To make the
condition of the country worse, it was violently divided on the subject
of religion. One part of the nobles consisted of Roman Catholics,
another of what were called Dissidents, made up of members of the Greek
Church, and Protestants, Lutherans, Calvinists, and Arians. Although by
what was called the Pacta Conventa the Dissidents had been admitted to
an equality of rights, this was totally disregarded by the overbearing
Roman Catholics; and in 1736 the Pacta Conventa was formally abolished.
Every Dissident was, by this measure, for ever excluded from
government, and from all interest in it.

Thus the whole country was torn by religious animosity; the nobles
were insolent to the Crown, and the people were nothing. Such was
the divided condition of Poland which led to its dismemberment.
All nobility of mind was destroyed; pride and oppression were the
inseparable consequences of such a system. There was no middle class,
no popular class; it was a country of lords and slaves--of one class
domineering over the other. The Greek Catholics were the Dissidents,
and the Dissidents sought aid from Russia--which was also Greek in
religion--and, to insure this aid, condescended to the lowest arts of
solicitation, to the practice of fawning, stooping, and cringing to
the great barbarous power of Russia on one side, and to the equally
barbarous power of Turkey on the other. The nobles could bring large
bodies of cavalry into the field, as many, at times, as a hundred
thousand; but as they had no free people, and dreaded to arm their
slaves, they had little or no infantry, except such as they hired, and
even this was in no condition to withstand the heavy masses of Russian
infantry, much less such armies as Prussia or Austria might be tempted
to bring against them.

From the moment that Russia was called in, under the pretext of
maintaining order, she became, or aimed to become, the dominant power
there. She pressed on the whole line of the Polish frontier with her
armies, inundated the kingdom with her troops, and levied contributions
for their support as if she had been in a conquered country. From that
hour, too, the kings were elected rather by foreign armies than by the
Poles themselves. Stanislaus Poniatowski, the present king, was the
nominee of Catherine of Russia, whose lover he had been till superseded
by Orloff. She had placed him on the throne by force of arms, and he
was incapable of doing anything except through her power.

Some faint endeavours were made to shake off the yoke. Encouraged by
France, they summoned the Turks to their aid and cut to pieces several
detachments of the Russians. They proclaimed Poniatowski deposed,
and called on the people to aid them to drive out the invaders. But
the people, long used to oppression from their own lords, did not
answer to the call. In France, Choiseul had been hurled from power,
and France left the Poles to their fate. It was now that Frederick
of Prussia proposed to Austria to combine with Russia and share
Poland between them. At this robber proposition, so in character with
Frederick, who had all his life been creating a kingdom by plundering
his neighbours, Maria Theresa at first exclaimed in horror. But she
was now old and failing, and she gave way, declaring that, long after
she was dead and gone, people would see what would happen from their
having broken through everything which had, till then, been deemed
just and holy. Frederick of Prussia took the surest way to compel the
Austrians to come in for a share of the spoils of Poland. He marched a
body of soldiers out of Silesia--the territory which he had rent from
Austria--into Posen, and Austria, not to be behind, had marched another
army into the Carpathian Mountains.

In vain did Poniatowski remonstrate; he had no means of resistance.
The Turks could no longer defend themselves from Russian invasion,
much less assist Poland. They applied to Frederick to intercede
with Catherine for peace for them. Nothing could so entirely suit
Frederick's plans. He sent Prince Henry of Prussia to negotiate with
Catherine, who took the opportunity to represent to her the advantages
to the three great powers, Russia, Prussia, and Austria, strengthening
themselves by appropriating portions of Poland. The Russians, relieved
from contention with the Poles, now pushed on their victories against
the Turks; drove them over the Danube, and seized some of their most
fertile provinces. To complete their ruin, they, aided by England,
attacked and destroyed their fleet in the Mediterranean.

The treaty between Russia, Prussia, and Austria for the first division
of Poland was signed at St. Petersburg on the 5th of August, 1772. The
three robber powers now promised to rest satisfied with their booty;
to respect the rights and remaining territories of Poland--words hollow
and worthless as they who used them. The invaders divided at this time
about one-third of Poland between them. Prussia appropriated the whole
of Pomerania, part of Great Poland, the bishopric of Warmia, and the
palatinates of Marienburg and Culm; with complete command of the lower
part of the Vistula. The whole of this territory did not exceed eight
hundred square miles, but it was a territory of vast importance to
Prussia, as it united Pomerania with the rest of that kingdom. Russia
and Austria acquired immensely more in extent. Russia took nearly the
whole of Lithuania, with the vast country between the rivers Dwina
and Dniester. Austria secured the country along the left bank of the
Vistula from Wieliczka to the confluence of the Vistula and the Viroz.
But Russia had Galicia, the palatinate of Belz, and a part of Volhynia.
Unsupported by France, England had no course but to acquiesce in the
arrangement.

The year 1773 opened with an inquiry in Parliament into the abuses of
the administration of affairs in India. There were great complaints
of the wholesale rapacity and oppression perpetrated on the natives
by the Company's servants. Before the close of the preceding year, a
secret committee had been appointed to inquire into these abuses, and
to take the matter out of the hands of Government, the Company proposed
to appoint a number of supervisors to go out to India and settle the
causes of complaint. The secret committee proposed a Bill to prevent
this, as a scheme for merely evading a thorough inquiry and continuing
the atrocities. Burke, who was a holder of India stock, defended the
Company, and declared that such a Bill would annihilate the Company,
and make the House of Commons the Company itself and the Speaker its
chairman. He reminded them that the Company paid to Government four
hundred thousand pounds a year, and that Government had connived at the
maladministration which had been carried on. This certainly was, so far
from a reason against the Bill, a reason why they should connive no
longer; and the Bill was carried by a large majority.

The Company was then compelled to reduce its dividends to six per cent.
and apply to Parliament for a loan of a million and a half to meet its
pecuniary difficulties. This, Ministers and Parliament complied with,
and proceeding to relieve the Company of its embarrassments, Lord
North proposed and carried a measure, by which the Company, which
had no less than seventeen million pounds of tea in its warehouses,
should, without limit of time, be authorised to export its teas to
the British colonies of America duty free. This was thought a great
and conciliatory boon to the Americans, but it proved otherwise. The
import duty of threepence in the pound was still stubbornly retained,
and the Americans, looking at the principle of taxation, and not at
a mere temptation of a cheapened article, saw through the snare, and
indignantly rejected it. The principal tea merchants declared that this
would be the case, and that the whole Government scheme was wild and
visionary.

Though there had appeared a lull in American affairs for some time,
any one who was observant might have seen that all the old enmities
were still working in the colonial mind, and that it would require
little irritation to call them forth in even an aggravated form. Lord
Hillsborough was no longer Governor, but William Legge, Lord Dartmouth.
He was a man of high reputation for uprightness and candour; Richardson
said that he would be the perfect ideal of his Sir Charles Grandison,
if he were not a Methodist; and the poet Cowper, not objecting to his
Methodism, described him as "one who wears a coronet and prays." But
Lord Dartmouth, with all his superiority of temper and his piety, could
not prevent the then stone-blind Cabinet and infatuated king from
accomplishing the independence of America.

Another favourable circumstance would have been found in the fact
that in Hutchinson, Massachusetts had a native Governor, a man of
courteous manners and moderate counsels. But even out of Hutchinson's
position arose offence. His brothers-in-law, Andrew and Peter Oliver,
were appointed Lieutenant-Governor and Chief Justice of the province.
Lord North thought that the payment of these officers should be in
the hands of Government, to render them independent of the colonists;
but this the colonists resented as an attempt to destroy the Charter
and establish arbitrary power. The Massachusetts House of Assembly
declared on this occasion, in their address to the Crown:--"We know of
no commissioners of his Majesty's Customs, nor of any revenue that his
Majesty has a right to establish in North America." They denounced the
Declaratory Act passed at the suggestion of Chatham, and the attempt
to make the governors and judges independent of the people, and the
arbitrary instruments of the Crown. In Virginia the same spirit was
conspicuous.

During the years 1767, 1768, and 1769, Mr. Thomas Whately--at one time
private secretary to Grenville, and several years Under-Secretary
of State to Lord Suffolk, but during these years out of office, and
simply member of Parliament--had maintained a private correspondence
with Governor Hutchinson and his brother-in-law, Andrew Oliver, the
Lieutenant-Governor. In these letters Hutchinson and Oliver had freely
expressed to their old friend their views of the state of affairs in
the colony; and, of course, said many things never intended to come
to the public eye, or to operate officially. On the death of Whately,
in 1772, some villain purloined these letters and conveyed them to
Franklin, who was acting as agent for Massachusetts. Who this dishonest
firebrand was, was never discovered. Franklin pledged himself to
secrecy, both as to the letters and as to the name of the person who
so basely obtained them. The name of this person he faithfully kept;
but the contents of the letters were too well calculated to create
irreconcilable rancour in the minds of the Americans, for him to resist
the pleasure of communicating them to the Massachusetts Assembly. He
accordingly forwarded them to Mr. Curling, the Speaker of the Assembly.

The whole mode of coming into possession of these papers has something
in it revolting to all honourable minds. Franklin, aware of this,
insisted that they should not be printed nor made public, but only
circulated amongst a select few. But the same motives which had induced
Franklin to break his pledged secrecy, operated on the Assembly. They
determined to make them public, and therefore pretended that other
copies of them had reached them from England, and that they were thus
absolved from all conditions of secrecy. This was totally false. The
story was invented for the occasion, and the letters, without the name
of Whately, to whom they had been addressed, were published by the
Assembly. It was left to be inferred by the public, that they had been
sent officially to England by the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor, and
the Assembly voted the writing of them ample evidence of a fixed design
on the part of the British Government to destroy the Constitution and
establish arbitrary power. A petition was dispatched to be presented
by Franklin to the king, calling for the removal of Hutchinson and
Oliver from their posts. When these letters were read under these false
impressions, sentiments were found in them which assumed a wholly
exaggerated character, and the flame produced was, as Franklin and the
Assembly intended, of the most furious kind.

[Illustration: BOSTON "BOYS" DISGUISED AS INDIANS THROWING THE TEA
CHESTS INTO THE HARBOUR. (_See p._ 210.)]

When these letters were published in America, their real character
was concealed, and every means taken to represent them as official
despatches to the officers of Government in England. The public
rage was uncontrollable. A committee was formed to wait on Governor
Hutchinson, and demand whether he owned the handwriting. Hutchinson
freely owned to that, but contended very justly that the letters
were of a thoroughly private character, and to an unofficial person.
Notwithstanding, the House of Assembly drew up a strong remonstrance to
the British Government, charging the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor
with giving false and malicious information respecting the colony, and
demanding their dismissal. This remonstrance, accompanied by copies of
the letters themselves, was immediately dispatched over the colonies,
and everywhere produced, as was intended, the most violent inflammation
of the public mind against us. The Bostonians had for some time
established what was called a Corresponding Committee, whose business
it was to prepare and circulate through the whole of the colonies
papers calculated to keep alive the indignation against the British
Government. This Committee quickly was responded to by other committees
in different places, and soon this plan became an organisation
extending to every part of the colonies, even the most remote, by which
intelligence and arguments were circulated through all America with
wonderful celerity.

That the spirit of the Bostonians had ripened into actual rebellion
was unequivocally shown in the course of the year 1773. The _Gaspee_
Government schooner, commanded by Lieutenant Dudingston, had been
singularly active in putting down smuggling about Rhode Island. The
Rhode Island packet coming in one evening from Newport to Providence,
instigated by the general anger against the _Gaspee_--for the Rhode
Islanders were great smugglers--refused to pay the usual compliment of
lowering the flag to the schooner. Dudingston fired a shot across her
bows, and, on her paying no regard to that, gave chase. The packet,
however, ran close in shore, and the _Gaspee_ following too eagerly,
ran aground. It was on a sandy bottom, and the return of the tide
would have lifted her off undamaged; but the smuggling population of
Providence put off to her in the night, whilst she lay in a position so
as to be incapable of using her guns, surprised, boarded, and set fire
to her, carrying the lieutenant and the crew triumphantly on shore.
Government offered a reward of five hundred pounds for the discovery of
the perpetrators of this daring outrage; but though it was well known
who the perpetrators were, no one would give any information. On the
contrary, the most violent threats were uttered against any one who
should do so.

When such acts as the burning of the _Gaspee_ had been done with
impunity, and whilst the American mind was rankling with the Franklin
poison of the purloined letters, three vessels arrived at Boston, laden
with tea, under the conditions of Lord North's Bill. On the arrival
of the ships the commotion was intense. The captains themselves would
gladly have sailed away with their obnoxious cargoes in safety, but the
governor very foolishly gave orders that they should not pass the ports
without a permit from himself, and he sent Admiral Montague to guard
the passages out of the harbour with two ships of war. As the evening
grew dark, those who had quitted the meeting held on the 16th of
December to demand that the ships should be sent home again, were met
by mobs of men arrayed as wild Indians, who hurried down to Griffin's
Wharf, where the tea ships lay. Rushing tumultuously on board, and
hoisting out the tea chests, they emptied them into the sea amid
much cheering and noise. Having thus destroyed teas to the amount of
eighteen thousand pounds, the triumphant mob retreated to their houses.

The news from Boston could not have arrived at a moment when the
public mind was more ill-disposed towards the Americans. The affair
of the abstraction of Mr. Whately's private letters from his house
or office, and their publication, contrary to custom and to its
own engagement, by the Massachusetts Assembly, had produced a deep
conviction in all classes in England of the utter disregard of honour
both in the American colonists and their agent, Franklin. This
disgraceful violation of the sacred security of private papers roused
the indignation of Mr. William Whately, banker, in Lombard Street, and
brother to the late Mr. Thomas Whately. He conceived strong suspicions
of John Temple, afterwards Sir John Temple, Lieutenant-Governor of New
Hampshire, and, though one of the Commissioners of Customs at Boston,
really hostile to the Commission, and a strong partisan of Franklin.
Whately challenged Temple, and was severely wounded in the rencontre.
At this, Franklin came forward with an avowal that neither the late Mr.
Whately nor Mr. Temple had anything to do with the carrying off of the
letters; that he alone was responsible for this act.

Owing to these circumstances, occasion was taken, on the presentation
to the Privy Council of the petition of the people of Boston for the
removal of the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts,
to animadvert on Franklin's conduct. This took place on the 29th of
January, 1774, when Dunning and Lee were retained on the part of
the petition, and Wedderburn, the Solicitor-General, appeared for
the Crown. There were no less than thirty-five Privy Councillors
present, amongst them Lord North, and Lord Gower at their head, as
Lord President. Neither Dunning nor Lee spoke effectively, but as if
they by no means relished the cause in which they were engaged; while
Wedderburn seemed animated by extraordinary life and bitterness. He
was the friend of Whately, who was now lying in a dangerous state from
his wound. After speaking of the Charter and the insubordinate temper
of the people of Massachusetts, he fell with withering sarcasm on
Franklin, who was present. Hitherto, he said, private correspondence
had been held sacred, even in times of the most rancorous party fury.
But here was a gentleman who had a high rank amongst philosophers, and
should be the last to sanction such infamous breaches of honour, openly
avowing his concern in them. He asked where, henceforth, Dr. Franklin
could show his face; and said that henceforth he must deem it a libel
to be termed "a man of letters," he was "a man of three letters, _f
u r_, a thief." Wedderburn could compare him only to Zanga, in Dr.
Young's "Revenge:"--

                        "Know, then, 'twas I;
    I forged the letter--I disposed the picture--
    I hated--I despised--and I destroy!"

Priestley, in a letter, describes the effect of Wedderburn's address
as received with what must seem mad merriment by the Council. "Mr.
Wedderburn had a complete triumph. At the sallies of his sarcastic wit,
all the members of the Council, the President himself, Lord Gower, not
excepted, frequently laughed outright; and no person belonging to the
Council behaved himself with decent gravity, except Lord North, who
came in late."

The Privy Council decided that the petition from Massachusetts was
framed on false and exaggerated allegations, and was groundless,
vexatious, and scandalous. Two days afterwards, the king dismissed
Franklin from the office, which he had till now held, of
Deputy-Postmaster of America.

On the 14th of March Lord North moved to bring in a Bill to take away
from Boston the customs, the courts of justice, and government offices,
and give them to Salem. This Bill was carried through both Houses with
little opposition. Bollan, the agent of the Council of Massachusetts,
desired to be heard against the Bill, but was refused. It received the
royal assent on the 31st of March, and the trade of Boston was supposed
to be annihilated.

Whilst this Bill was passing the Lords, on the 28th of March Lord Gower
brought a fresh one into the Commons, which had no less object than
the repeal of the Charter of Massachusetts. It was entitled, "A Bill
for the Better Regulating Government in the Province of Massachusetts
Bay." It went to remove the nomination of the members of the Council,
of the judges and magistrates, etc., from the popular constituencies
to the Crown. Lord North observed that the Charter of William III.
had conferred these privileges on Massachusetts as exceptional to all
other colonies, and that the consequence was that the Governor had no
power whatever. Strong opposition was made to this proposed Bill by
Dowdeswell, Sir George Savile, Burke, Barré, Governor Pownall, General
Conway, and Charles Fox, who was now in opposition. The Bill passed
the Commons by a majority of two hundred and thirty-nine against
sixty-four; and it passed the Lords by a majority of ninety-two against
twenty. But even now another Bill passed the House of Commons--a
Bill for removing to another colony for trial any inhabitant of
Massachusetts Bay, who was indicted for any murder or other capital
offence which the Governor might deem to be perpetrated in the attempt
to put down tumults and riots. This measure was still more vehemently
opposed than the rest.

To commence a course of more rigour in Massachusetts, Governor
Hutchinson was recalled, and General Gage, a man who had seen service,
and had the reputation of firmness and promptitude, was appointed in
his stead. But the mischief of the new Acts became rapidly apparent.
Had the Boston Port Bill alone been passed, perhaps not much harm might
have been done. There were numbers of people throughout America who
were of opinion that Boston had gone too far in destroying the tea,
and might have remained passive if the Bostonians had been compelled
to make compensation. But the fatal Act was that which abolished
the Massachusetts Charter. That made the cause common; that excited
one universal alarm. If the British Government were thus permitted
to strike out the colonial Charters at pleasure, all security had
perished. All the colonies determined to support their own cause in
supporting that of Massachusetts.

The Virginians were the first to move to lead the agitation. Patrick
Henry and Thomas Jefferson took the initiative in a measure which would
have better suited the character of the religious New Englanders. A
fast was ordered on account of the Boston Port Act. The next day,
however, being the 25th of May, Lord Dunmore, the governor of the
province, dissolved the Assembly. The members, nothing daunted, retired
to the "Raleigh" Tavern, and passed a series of resolutions. The chief
of these were to purchase nothing of the East India Company, except
saltpetre and spices, until their injuries were redressed; to request
the members of all Corresponding Committees to take measures for the
appointment of members to a General Congress; to summon the new members
of the Assembly (the writs for which were already in course of issue)
to meet at Williamsburg to elect delegates from that colony to the
Congress.

In the meantime, General Gage landed at Boston on the 13th of May.
The Port Bill had preceded him a few days, and the tone of the other
colonies rendered the Bostonians firmer in their temper than ever. On
the 25th of May General Gage announced to the Assembly at Boston the
unpleasant fact, that he was bound to remove, on the 1st of June, the
Assembly, the courts of justice, and all the public offices, to Salem,
in conformity with the late Act. As they petitioned him to set apart
a day for fasting, he declined that, and, to prevent further trouble,
adjourned them to the 7th of June, to meet at Salem.

On the 1st of June according to the arrangements of General Gage,
as the clock struck twelve, all the public offices were closed, and
the whole official business was transferred to Salem. But the wide
discontent of the people met him there as much as at Boston. When the
Assembly met, which was in the following week, such was its spirit
that General Gage felt that he must dissolve it. General Gage, seeing
the lowering aspect of affairs, took the precaution to throw more
troops into the neighbourhood, so that he had some six regiments, with
a train of artillery, when he encamped on the common near Boston.
Active emissaries were immediately sent amongst these troops, who, by
presents of ardent spirits and fine promises, seduced a considerable
number from their duty. To prevent this, he stationed a strong guard
at Boston Neck, a narrow isthmus connecting the town with the common
and open country. On this a vehement cry was raised, that he was going
to cut off all communication with the country, blockade the town, and
reduce it to submission by famine. The inhabitants of the county of
Worcester sent a deputation to inquire Gage's intentions, and they did
not omit to hint that, if necessary, they would drive in the guard with
arms; for, in fact, besides the arms which most Americans then had,
others had been supplied to such as were too poor to purchase them.
Gordon, their historian, tells us that the people were preparing to
defend their rights by the sword; that they were supplying themselves
from Boston with guns, knapsacks, etc. According to the Militia
Law, most men were well furnished with muskets and powder, and were
now busily employed in exercising themselves; thus all was bustle,
casting of balls, and making ready for a struggle. Gage, seeing all
this, removed the gunpowder and the military stores from Charlestown,
Cambridge, and other localities, to his own quarters. This, again,
excited a deep rage in the people, who threatened to attack his troops.
To prevent this, he went on briskly with his defences on the Neck;
but what he did by day the mob endeavoured to undo by night. They set
fire to his supplies of straw; they sank the boats that were bringing
bricks, and overturned his waggons conveying timber. Nothing but the
greatest patience and forbearance prevented an instant collision.

The General Congress met at Philadelphia on the 4th of September, when
all the delegates, except those of North Carolina, who did not arrive
till the 14th, were found to represent twelve States, namely, the
four New England States, Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland, New York,
New Jersey, Delaware, and the two Carolinas. It was settled, however,
that, whatever the number of delegates, each colony should have one
vote. The next day they assembled in Carpenters' Hall for business,
and elected Peyton Randolph, late Speaker of the Virginian House of
Burgesses, president. It was soon found that so much diversity of
opinion prevailed, it was deemed prudent, in order to preserve the
air of unanimity, to deliberate with closed doors. It was clear that
Massachusetts and Virginia were ready for war; but it became equally
clear that other States yet clung with all the attachment of blood
and old connection to the fatherland. Strong and long-continued,
according to Mr. Joseph Galloway, one of their own members, were the
debates; and though they finally, and, from their system of secrecy,
with an air of unanimity, drew up strong resolutions, they were more
moderately expressed than the instructions of many of the delegates.
They agreed to a Declaration of Rights, in which they asserted that
they had neither lost the rights of nature, nor the privileges of
Englishmen, by emigration; consequently, that the late Acts of
Parliament had been gross violations of those rights, especially as
affecting Massachusetts. They therefore passed resolutions to suspend
all imports, or use of imported goods, until harmony was restored
between Great Britain and her colonies. An association was formed to
carry these resolutions out, to which every member subscribed. Having
adjourned till the 10th of May of the next year, the Congress dissolved
itself on the 26th of October, and the delegates then hastened home
to keep alive the flame of their revived zeal in every quarter of the
continent.

[Illustration: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.]

But, whilst Congress was sitting, the spirit of revolution was every
day growing more rife in Massachusetts. Governor Gage had issued writs
for a new Assembly, which was to meet at Salem on the 5th of October;
but so many of the newly appointed members refused to act, that he
issued a proclamation to countermand the writs. The patriots, however,
set the proclamation at defiance; and confident, from the resignation
of the timid loyalists, that they were in a majority, met at Salem,
and formed themselves into a provincial congress, to be joined by such
other persons as should be chosen for the consideration of public
affairs. They then adjourned to Concord, a town about twenty miles from
Boston, and elected John Hancock, the owner of the _Liberty_ sloop, as
president. They then adjourned to Cambridge, and constituted Concord
the depôt of arms and ammunition for twelve thousand militia. They
enrolled the militia under the name of "Minute Men," or men who were to
turn out, at a minute's notice, with musket or rifle. They appointed
committees and sub-committees for different purposes, and, in fact, put
the province into a perfect attitude of war.

News arrived that the king, by proclamation, had prohibited the
export of arms and military stores to America. This news was received
with a burst of rage. The people of Rhode Island, who had burnt the
king's schooner, _The Gaspee_, seized forty pieces of cannon on the
batteries defending the harbour, and carried them into the country.
The people of New Hampshire surprised a small fort called William and
Mary, garrisoned only by one officer and five men, and carried off
the ordnance, arms, ammunition and military stores. Everywhere orders
were issued for the purchase of arms and ammunition; for training the
militia; for erecting powder mills, and manufactories of arms and
shot, as well as for making saltpetre. So far as it depended on the
people of Massachusetts, it was already rebellion. Still, however,
the other colonies, except, perhaps, Virginia, were far from this
bellicose temper. The colonies, in general, thought the measures of
the late Congress too strong; and the State of New York, in spite
of the impetuosity of such men as Jay, carried a vote rejecting the
resolutions of the Congress.

The Parliament of England had now nearly run its septennial course,
and was accordingly dissolved on the 30th of September. Such was the
feeling of resentment in Great Britain against the proceedings of the
Americans, that the Parliament that was now elected gave the Ministers
an increased majority.

It met on the 29th of November. The king, in his speech, alluded to
the determined resistance to the imperial authority of the American
colonists, and pre-eminently of those of Massachusetts Bay. He called
upon Parliament to support him in his endeavours to restore order.
There was strong opposition to the addresses in both Houses, demands
being made for a full production of all papers and correspondence on
this great subject, but the battle did not begin until January, 1775,
when Chatham moved the repeal of the legislation of the previous year,
and the withdrawal of the troops from Boston.

Chatham, on rising, severely blamed Ministers for the course which
they had pursued, and which had driven the colonies to the verge of
rebellion. "Resistance to your Acts," he said, "was necessary as it was
just; and your vain declarations of the omnipotence of Parliament, and
your imperious doctrines of the necessity of submission, will be found
equally incompetent to convince or to enslave your fellow-subjects in
America, who feel that tyranny, whether attempted by an individual
part of the Legislature, or the bodies who compose it, is equally
intolerable to British subjects." He eulogised the conduct of the
Congress, and remarked that it was obvious that all attempts to impose
servitude on such men, to establish despotism over such a mighty
continental nation, must be vain, must be fatal. "We shall be forced,"
he said, "ultimately, to retract; let us retract while we can--not when
we must. I say we must necessarily undo these violently oppressive
Acts; they must be repealed. You will repeal them; I pledge myself for
it that you will, in the end, repeal them. I stake my reputation on
it. I will consent to be taken for an idiot if they are not finally
repealed. Avoid, then, this humiliating, this disgraceful necessity."
He declared that the cause of America and England was one; that it
was the glorious spirit of Whiggism which animated the colonists. "It
is liberty to liberty engaged. In this great cause they are immovably
allied; it is the alliance of God and nature--immutable, eternal--fixed
as the firmament of heaven. You cannot force them, united as they
are, to your unworthy terms of submission. It is impossible." Lords
Shelburne, Camden, and Rockingham, and the Duke of Richmond, zealously
supported the views of Chatham, but the Ministerial party opposed the
motion as obstinately as ever; and it was rejected by sixty-eight votes
against eighteen.

Chatham, undeterred by the fate of his motion, determined to make one
more effort, and bring in a Bill for the pacification of the colonies,
and he called upon Franklin to assist in framing it. On the following
Tuesday, Franklin hurried down to Hayes with the draft of the Bill left
with him, and with his full approbation of it, having, he says, only
added one word, that of "constitutions" after "charters." The next
day (Wednesday), the 1st of February, Chatham appeared in the House
of Lords with his Bill. He declared that it was a Bill not merely of
concession, but of assertion, and he called on the Lords to entertain
it cordially, to correct its crudenesses, and pass it for the peace
of the whole empire. The Bill first explicitly asserted our supreme
power over the colonies; it declared that all that related to the
disposing of the army belonged to the prerogative of the Crown, but
that no armed force could be lawfully employed against the rights and
liberties of the inhabitants; that no tax, or tollage, or other charge
for the revenue, should be levied without the consent of the provincial
Assemblies. The Acts of Parliament relating to America passed since
1764 were wholly repealed; the judges were made permanent during their
good behaviour, and the Charters and constitutions of the several
provinces were not to be infringed or set aside, unless upon some valid
ground of forfeiture. All these concessions were, of course, made
conditional on the recognition by the colonies of the supreme authority
of Parliament.

Had this Bill been frankly accepted by Ministers, it would have gone
far to heal the rupture between the mother country and her colonies.
The Earl of Dartmouth, the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
proposed that the Bill should lie on the table for deliberation. The
Duke of Grafton complained of the manner in which the Bill had been
hurried into the House, and, as Chatham in his reply observed, showed
every disposition to hurry it as quickly out again. The friends of
the Duke of Bedford, who had joined the administration, exhibited the
most rancorous disposition towards America. The chief of these, Lord
Sandwich, declared that he never could believe this Bill was the work
of any British peer, but rather of an American, and he looked full at
Dr. Franklin, who was leaning on the bar. He declared the Americans
to be in actual rebellion; that they were not troubling themselves
about mere words and nice distinctions; that they were aiming at
independence, and nothing else. The Bedford party carried the day, and
the Bill was rejected by sixty-one votes against thirty-two.

Lord North, however, was still sufficiently impressed by the solemn
warnings of Chatham and others to attempt a conciliatory measure of his
own. Accordingly, on the 20th of February, only ten days after his Bill
restrictive of the American trade, and whilst it was progressing, he
moved in a committee of the whole House, "That if the Legislature of
any of the American provinces should propose to make some provision for
the common defence, and also for the civil government of that province,
and if such proposal shall be approved of by the king and Parliament,
it would be proper to forbear, whilst such provision lasted, from
levying or proposing any tax, duty, or assessment within the said
province."

This proposal, which, at an earlier stage of the dispute, might have
been listened to, was one at this stage which was sure to be rejected,
and was only one of those miserable half measures which commonplace
minds so frequently put forth only to demonstrate their inability to
grasp the amplitude of the occasion. It was supposed that the measure
had been intended to be larger, but that the Bedford party had fallen
on it in Council, and reduced it to these pitiable dimensions. Yet when
it was introduced into the Commons by Lord North, the Bedford party
looked at each other in consternation, and soon the tempest broke loose
on the Treasury benches.

The storm was appeased only by Lord North's condescending to explain
his measure in such a manner as deprived it of every particle of
generous feeling, and reduced it to the lowest Machiavellian level. He
said the real object of the resolution was to divide the Americans, to
satisfy the moderate part of them, and oppose them to the immoderate,
to separate the wheat from the chaff; that he never expected his
proposal to be generally acceptable. On this, Colonel Barré and Burke
assaulted him fiercely. Barré branded the whole scheme as founded on
that low, shameful, abominable maxim, "_Divide et impera_." Burke
declared that the proposition was at variance with every former
principle of Parliament, directly so with the restrictive measures
now in progress; that it was mean without being conciliatory. But
the resolution passed by two hundred and seventy-four votes against
eighteen.

Again, on the 22nd of March, Burke made another earnest effort to
induce the infatuated Ministers and their adherents in Parliament to
listen to reason. In one of the finest speeches that he ever made, he
introduced a series of thirteen resolutions, which went to abolish
the obnoxious Acts of Parliament, and admit the principle of the
colonial Assemblies exercising the power of taxation. In the course
of his speech he drew a striking picture of the rapid growth and the
inevitable future importance of these colonies. He reminded the House
that the people of New England and other colonies had quitted Great
Britain because they would not submit to arbitrary measures; that in
America they had cultivated this extreme independence of character,
both in their religion and their daily life; that almost every man
there studied law, and that nearly as many copies of Blackstone's
"Commentaries" had been sold there as in England; that they were the
Protestants of Protestants, the Dissenters of Dissenters; that the
Church of England there was a mere sect; that the foreigners who
had settled there, disgusted with tyranny at home, had adopted the
extremest principles of liberty flourishing there; that all men there
were accustomed to discuss the principles of law and government, and
that almost every man sent to the Congress was a lawyer; that the very
existence of slavery in the southern States made white inhabitants hate
slavery the more in their own persons. "You cannot," he said, "content
such men at such a distance--Nature fights against you. Who are you
that you should fret, rage, and bite the chains of Nature? Nothing
worse happens to you than does to all nations who have extensive
empires. In all such extended empires authority grows feeble at the
extremities. The Turk and the Spaniard find it so, and are compelled to
comply with this condition of Nature, and derive vigour in the centre
from the relaxation of authority on the borders." His resolutions were
negatived by large majorities.

In the meantime, petitions, memorials, and remonstrances were presented
from New York and other places, and from the British inhabitants of
Canada, but all were rejected. On the 26th of May George III. prorogued
Parliament, and expressed his perfect satisfaction in its proceedings;
so utterly unconscious was this king that he was alienating a great
empire, and which, indeed, was already virtually gone from him; for
during the very time that Parliament had been protesting against even
the contemptible crumbs of concession offered by Ministers, war had
broken out, blood had flowed, and the Americans had triumphed!

[Illustration: AMERICAN TWENTY DOLLARS BILL (1775)]



CHAPTER X.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. (_continued_).

    Gage attempts to seize American Arms--Skirmish at
    Lexington--Blockade of Boston--The Second Congress at
    Philadelphia--Washington chosen Commander-in-Chief--Fall of
    Ticonderoga and Crown Point--Washington at Boston--Battle
    of Bunker's Hill--The Olive Branch Petition--Condition
    of the American Army--Expedition against Canada--Capture
    of Montreal--Arnold's Expedition--His Junction with
    Montgomery--Failure of the Attack on Quebec--The Employment
    of German Mercenaries--Washington seizes Dorchester
    Heights--Evacuation of Boston--Howe retires to Halifax--The War
    in Canada--Thomas's Retreat--Sullivan evacuates Canada--The War
    in the South--Attack on Charleston--Paine's Pamphlet, "Common
    Sense"--New York and Virginia decide for Independence--Debate in
    Congress--Report of the Committee--Arbitrary Proceedings--The
    Declaration--Overtures to France--Arrival of Lord Howe--Position
    of Washington--Howe's Overtures--Battle of Brooklyn--Washington's
    Retreat--His Desperate Position--Howe receives a Deputation
    from Congress--Washington retires Step by Step--Cornwallis's
    Pursuit--Close of the Campaign--The Articles of Confederation
    published by Congress--Fresh Overtures to France--Parliament
    votes large Sums of Money--John the Painter--Chatham
    demands a Cessation of Hostilities--Washington's Change
    of Tactics--Surprise of Trenton--Washington outmanœuvres
    Cornwallis--He recovers New Jersey--Difficulties of Congress--Howe
    advances against Washington--Alteration of Howe's Plans--Battle
    of the Brandywine--Howe crosses the Schuylkill--Cornwallis
    enters Philadelphia--Battle of Germantown--Washington at
    Valley Forge--Burgoyne's Plan of Campaign--His Advance--St.
    Clair's Defeat--Burgoyne on the Hudson--The Beginning of his
    Misfortunes--Battle of Bemus's Heights--Burgoyne's Message to
    Clinton--He is Surrounded--He attempts to cut his Way through--The
    Surrender of Saratoga--Clinton's Failure to relieve Burgoyne--Close
    of the Campaign.


During the winter the Americans had been preparing for war, fabricating
and repairing arms, drilling militia, and calling on one another, by
proclamations, to be ready. On the 26th of February, 1775, Gage sent
a detachment to take possession of some brass cannon and field-pieces
collected at Salem. A hundred and fifty regulars landed at Salem for
this purpose, but, finding no cannon there, they proceeded to the
adjoining town of Danvers. They were stopped at a bridge by a party of
militia, under Colonel Pickering, who claimed the bridge as private
property, and refused a passage. There was likely to be bloodshed on
the bridge, but it was Sunday, and some ministers of Salem pleaded the
sacredness of the day, and prevailed on Colonel Pickering to let the
soldiers pass. They found nothing, and soon returned.

Again, on the night between the 18th and 19th of April, General Gage
sent a detachment of about eight hundred grenadiers and light infantry
to destroy a depôt of stores and arms at Concord. They were commanded
by Lieutenant-Colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn, of the Marines. The
alarm was given, fires were kindled, bells rung, guns discharged,
and the country was up. The British troops reached Lexington at five
o'clock in the morning, and pushed on their light infantry to secure
the bridges. They encountered a body of militia under cover of a gun
near the road, whom they ordered to retire, and they withdrew in haste.

Here the Americans assert that when the minute-men did not retire
on the first order, the English fired on them and killed eight of
them. The English, on the other hand, declare that the Americans, in
retiring, no sooner reached the shelter of a wall than they fired on
the British; that the firing came also from some adjoining houses,
and shot one man, and wounded Major Pitcairn's horse in two places;
that then the English were ordered to fire, that they killed several,
wounded others, and put the body, about a hundred in number, to flight.
By this time the alarm had spread, the minute-men came running from all
places, and as the English, having executed their commission, began to
retire, the Americans shouted, "The lobsters run!" The minute-men now
rushed over the bridge after them, and firing from behind trees and
walls, killed a considerable number of them. The Americans--excellent
shots with their rifles--could only be seen by the smoke of these
rifles, and the English, tired with their long night march, instead
of halting to hunt them out, kept on their way towards Lexington.
The whole march was of this description: the English, unable to get
a good shot at their enemies, the minute-men pressing on their rear,
still sheltered by trees and walls. The result would have been more
disastrous had not General Gage sent on to Lexington another detachment
of foot and marines, consisting of about sixteen companies, under
command of Lord Percy. In this first bloodshed between the colonists
and the mother country, the British found they had lost sixty killed,
forty-nine missing, and one hundred and thirty-six wounded. The
Americans admitted that they had a loss of sixty, of whom two-thirds
were killed.

The news spread on every side; the retreat of the English from Concord,
which always was intended, as soon as the object was accomplished, was
represented as an ignominious flight before the conquering Americans,
and the effect was marvellous. Men flocked from all quarters. There
were some twenty thousand men assembled round Boston, forming a
line nearly twenty miles in extent, with their left leaning on the
river Mystic, and their right on the town of Boston. Putnam and Ward
became the souls of the American army. Gage, who was awaiting fresh
reinforcements, lay quiet, contented to hold his post, when he might,
according to military authorities, have attacked the American lines,
at first loose, and without any proper order and consistency, with
great advantage. The inhabitants of Boston, not relishing the idea
of a blockade, applied to Gage for permission to retire. He replied
that they were at liberty to do so with their families and effects,
on surrendering their arms. The Bostonians at once interpreted this
to mean the whole of their merchandise, and Gage, in consequence,
countermanded his permission.

On the 10th of May the second Congress met at Philadelphia. The
delegates had everywhere been easily elected, and Franklin, having
arrived on the 5th of May in Philadelphia, was in time to be added to
the number already chosen there. The battle of Lexington had heated the
blood of the delegates, and they assembled in no very pacific mood.
They assumed the name of the Congress of the United Colonies, and
rejected with contempt the poor conciliatory Bill of Lord North, as it
had already been deservedly treated by the provincial Assemblies. They
immediately issued a proclamation prohibiting the export of provisions
to any British colony or fishery still continuing in obedience to
Great Britain; or any supply to the British army in Massachusetts
Bay, or the negotiation of any bill drawn by a British officer.
Congress ordered the military force of the colonies to be placed on an
efficient footing. They called into existence a body of men, besides
the provincial militia, to be maintained by the United Colonies, and
to be called continental troops, which distinction must be kept in
mind during the whole war. They then made a most admirable choice of a
commander-in-chief in the person of Colonel George Washington.

The spirits of the Americans had been raised by the success of attempts
against the forts of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, on Lake Champlain.
Early in the spring, some of the leading men of Connecticut, and chief
amongst them Wooster and Silas Deane, projected this expedition,
as securing the passes into Canada. The volunteers who offered for
this enterprise were to march across the frontiers of New York, and
come suddenly on these forts. The wretched condition of carelessness
existing in these important outposts, notwithstanding the alarming
state of the colonies, may be known by the result. Phelps, disguised as
a countryman, entered the fort on pretence of seeking a barber; and,
whilst roaming about in feigned search of him, noted well the ruinous
condition of the fort, and the utter negligence of the guard. The next
day, Ethan Allen went alone to the fortress, ostensibly on a visit to
his friend the commander, leaving his troops concealed in the wood.
He represented that he wanted to conduct some goods across the lake,
and borrowed twenty of his soldiers to help him. These men he made
dead-drunk; and then, rushing suddenly to the fort, where there were
only twenty-two soldiers more, he compelled them in their surprise to
lay down their arms, set a guard over them, and entered his friend's
bed-room and pronounced him a prisoner. He then advanced against the
fort of Crown Point, where he found only a garrison of twelve men, and
immediately afterwards secured Skenesborough, the fortified house of
Major Skene, and took his son and his negroes.

When Washington arrived at Boston, on the 15th of June, he found
the English army augmented to ten thousand by fresh forces, under
Generals Burgoyne, William Howe, the brother of Lord Howe, and Henry
Clinton. The American troops consisted of twenty thousand militia and
volunteers, still in a most confused condition, extended over a line of
twenty miles in length, that only required an attack of five thousand
men, led by a general of courage and ability, to be thoroughly beaten.
They were, moreover, greatly deficient in powder and other necessaries.
But the English generals lay as if there were no urgent need of action.
Had a sudden movement on the Neck been made from Boston, five hundred
men could have broken and dispersed the Americans nearest to that
position before the other ill-trained troops, some of them at great
distances, could have come up; and they might have been easily defeated
in detail by the simultaneous efforts of four spirited generals and
ten thousand efficient soldiers. But lethargy seemed to have seized on
Gage, and to have also infected his coadjutors.

To the north of Boston peninsula, separated from it only by an arm
of the sea, called the Charles River, about as broad as the Thames
at London Bridge, stands Charlestown, built also on a peninsula,
surrounded everywhere by navigable water, except a neck somewhat wider
than Boston Neck. On the peninsula of Charlestown were two eminences:
the lower one, nearest to Boston, being called Breed's Hill, the higher
and more remote, Bunker's Hill. These hills, which commanded Boston,
would have immediately attracted the eye of any general of the least
talent. But Gage had utterly neglected this most vital point; and, on
awaking on the morning of the 17th of June, he suddenly saw the height
of Breed's Hill covered with soldiers and military works, as by magic,
and the Americans shouting and beginning to fire upon the town and
shipping in the harbour.

The Americans had marched on the evening of the 16th with orders to
make themselves masters of Bunker's Hill. By some mistake, they had
planted themselves on Breed's Hill, and instantly began to throw up
a formidable redoubt and entrenchments, and to place their guns in
battery. Gage then ordered a detachment of troops, under the command
of General Howe and Brigadier Pigott, to drive the Americans, at all
costs, from that position. It was noon before Howe crossed the river
and landed on the Charlestown peninsula; but then Howe perceived the
strength of the Americans to be greater than had been supposed, and,
halting, he sent for reinforcements. They advanced up the hill, formed
in two lines, the right headed by General Howe, the left by Brigadier
Pigott. The left was immediately severely galled by the riflemen posted
in the houses and on the roofs of Charlestown, and Howe instantly
halted and ordered the left wing to advance and set fire to the town.
This was soon executed, and the wooden buildings of Charlestown were
speedily in a blaze, and the whole place burnt to the ground. The
Americans reserved their fire till the English were nearly at the
entrenchments, when they opened with such a deadly discharge of cannon
and musketry as astonished and perplexed the British. Most of the men
and the staff standing around General Howe were killed, and he stood
for a moment almost alone. Some of the newer troops never stopped till
they reached the bottom of the hill. The officers, however, speedily
rallied the broken lines, and led them a second time against the
murderous batteries. A second time they gave way. But General Clinton,
seeing the unequal strife, without waiting for orders, and attended
by a number of resolute officers, hastened across the water in boats,
and, rallying the fugitives, led them a third time up the hill. By this
time the fire of the Americans began to slacken, for their powder was
failing, and the English, wearied as they were, rushed up the hill, and
carried the entrenchments at the point of the bayonet. Had Gage had a
proper reserve ready to rush upon the flying rout on the Neck, few of
them would have remained to join their fellows. The battle was called
the Battle of Bunker's Hill, though really fought on the lower, or
Breed's Hill.

Notwithstanding the real outbreak of the war, Congress yet professed
to entertain hopes of ultimate reconciliation. When the reinforcements
had arrived from England, and it was supposed that part of them were
destined for New York, it issued orders that, so long as the forces
remained quiet in their barracks, they should not be molested; but if
they attempted to raise fortifications, or to cut off the town from the
country, they should be stoutly opposed. When the news of the surprise
of the forts on the Lake Champlain arrived, Congress endeavoured to
excuse so direct a breach of the peace by feigning a belief in a
design of an invasion of the colonies from Canada, of which there was
notoriously no intention, and they gave orders that an exact inventory
of the cannon and military stores there captured should be made, in
order to their restoration, "when the former harmony between Great
Britain and her colonies, so ardently wished for by the latter, should
render it consistent with the overruling law of self-preservation."
After the battle of Bunker's Hill, Congress still maintained this tone.
On the 8th of July they signed a petition to the king, drawn up by John
Dickinson, in the mildest terms, who, when to his own surprise the
petition was adopted by the Congress, rose, and said that there was
not a word in the whole petition that he did not approve of, except
the word "Congress." This, however, was far from the feeling of many
members; and Benjamin Harrison immediately rose and declared that there
was but one word in the whole petition that he did approve of, and that
was the word "Congress." The petition to the king expressed an earnest
desire for a speedy and permanent reconciliation, declaring that,
notwithstanding their sufferings, they retained in their hearts "too
tender a regard for the kingdom from which they derived their origin to
request such a reconciliation as might be inconsistent with her dignity
or welfare." At the same time, they resolved that this appeal, which
they called "The Olive Branch," should, if unsuccessful, be their last.
They could hardly have expected it to be successful.

When Washington arrived at the camp at Cambridge, instead of twenty
thousand men, which he expected on his side, he found only sixteen
thousand, and of these only fourteen thousand fit for duty. He
describes them as "a mixed multitude of people under very little order
or government." They had no uniforms; and Washington recommended
Congress to send them out ten thousand hunting-shirts, as giving them
something of a uniform appearance. There was not a single dollar in the
military chest; the supply of provisions was extremely deficient and
uncertain. There was a great want of engineering tools; and he soon
discovered that the battle of Bunker's Hill, which, at a distance, was
boasted of as a victory, had been a decided defeat. He immediately
set about to reduce this discouraging chaos into new order. Assisted
by General Lee, he commenced by having prayers read at the head of
the respective regiments every morning. He broke up the freedom which
confounded officers and men; he compelled subordination by the free
use of the lash, where commands would not serve. He kept them daily
at active drill. He laboured incessantly to complete the lines, so
that very soon it would be impossible for the enemy to get between
the ranks. But the great and--if the English generals had been only
properly awake--the fatal want was that of powder. Washington found
that they had but nine rounds of powder to a musket, and next to none
for the artillery. "The world," said Franklin, "wondered that we so
seldom fired a cannon; why, we could not afford it!" And all this was
disclosed to General Gage by a deserter, and he still lay in a profound
slumber! The Ministry at home, scarcely more awake to the real danger,
were yet astonished at his lethargy; and they recalled him under the
plea of consulting him on the affairs of the colony. He sailed from
Boston in October, leaving the chief command to General Howe.

Meanwhile an expedition against Canada had been projected by Colonel
Arnold and Ethan Allen at the taking of the forts of Ticonderoga and
Crown Point. The recommendations of Allen were taken up, and on the
27th of June, although they had on the first of that month declared
their determination not to invade or molest Canada, the Congress
passed other resolutions, instructing Philip Schuyler, one of their
newly-made generals, to proceed to Ticonderoga, and thence, if he
saw it practicable, to go on and secure St. John's and Montreal, and
adopt any other measures against Canada which might have a tendency to
promote the security of the colonies. It was autumn, however, before
the American force destined for this expedition, amounting to two
thousand men, assembled on Lake Champlain; and Schuyler being taken
ill, the command then devolved on General Montgomery. General Carleton,
the Governor of Canada, to whom the Americans, when it suited their
purpose, were always attributing designs of invasion of the colonies,
had not, in fact, forces sufficient to defend himself properly.

General Montgomery reached the St. Lawrence, and detached six hundred
men to invest Fort Chambly, situated on the river Sorel, about five
miles above Fort St. John. The menaced condition of Quebec compelled
General Carleton to abandon Montreal to its fate, and to hasten to the
capital, and Montgomery immediately took possession of it. So far all
succeeded with the American expedition. Carleton, to reach Quebec,
had to pass through the American forces on the St. Lawrence. He went
in disguise, and dropped down the river by night, with muffled oars,
threading the American craft on the river, and so reached Quebec alone,
but in safety. Montgomery was determined to fall down the St. Lawrence
too, to support Arnold; but his position was anything but enviable.
He had been obliged to garrison Forts Chambly and St. John's, and he
was now compelled to leave another garrison at Montreal. This done, he
had only four hundred and fifty men left, and they were in the most
discontented and insubordinate condition. As he proceeded, therefore,
he found them fast melting away by desertion; and, had he not soon
fallen in with Arnold and his band at Point aux Trembles, he would have
found himself alone.

Arnold had meanwhile arranged everything with Washington, at Cambridge,
for his expedition. He marched away from Cambridge with twelve hundred
men, and on reaching the Kennebec River, one hundred and thirty miles
north of Boston, embarked upon it, carrying with him one thousand
pounds in money, and a whole cargo of manifestoes for distribution
among the Canadians. Thence he had to traverse a terrible wilderness
of woods, swamps, streams, and rugged heights, where the men had to
carry their boats and provisions on their shoulders, and where, for
two-and-thirty days, they saw no house, wigwam, or sign of human life.
So extreme were their distresses, that for the last several days they
had to live on their own dogs. It was the 3rd of November before they
reached the first Canadian settlement on the river Chaudière, which
flows into the St. Lawrence opposite to Quebec. They emerged on the
river St. Lawrence, at Point Levi, immediately over against Quebec.
Could Arnold have crossed immediately, such was the suddenness of the
surprise, he probably would have taken the city. But a rough gale was
blowing at the time, and for five days he was detained on the right
bank of the river by that circumstance and the want of boats. Arnold,
nevertheless, managed to cross the river in the night, about a mile
and a half above the place where Wolfe had crossed. Finding the cliffs
there too high to scale, he followed the shore down to Wolfe's Cove,
and ascended the heights just where Wolfe had done so. Like Wolfe,
Arnold formed his band on the Heights of Abraham, and, trusting to the
belief that the Canadians were in favour of the Americans, proposed
to make a dash up to the gates of the city before day broke; but his
followers protested against this design. When day dawned, Arnold saw
so many men on the walls and batteries that he knew the assault was
hopeless, and retired to Point aux Trembles, where he was joined by
Montgomery, who took the chief command.

[Illustration: MONTGOMERY'S ASSAULT ON THE LOWER TOWN, QUEBEC. (_See
p._ 222.)]

Arnold had not been able to bring any artillery with him; Montgomery
had a little. They had about twelve hundred men altogether; and with
this force they now marched upon Quebec. On the 20th of December they
commenced firing on the town from a six-gun battery; but their cannon
were too light to make much impression--they had no guns heavier than
twelve-pounders, and these were soon dismounted by Colonel Maclean and
his sailors. The Americans withdrew their guns to a safer distance; and
their troops were desirous to abandon the enterprise as impracticable,
but the commanders engaged them to continue by holding out a prospect
of their plundering the lower town, where all the wealth lay. On the
last day of the year, soon after four in the morning, the attack was
commenced. Two divisions, under Majors Livingstone and Brown, were left
to make feigned attacks on the upper town, whilst the rest, in two
lines, under Montgomery and Arnold, set out amid a blinding snow-storm
to make two real attacks on the lower town. Montgomery, descending to
the bed of the St. Lawrence, wound along the beach to Cape Diamond,
where he was stopped by a blockhouse and picket. Haying passed these,
he again, at a place called Pot Ash, encountered a battery, which was
soon abandoned. Montgomery then led his troops across huge piles of
ice driven on shore; and no sooner had they surmounted these than they
were received by a severe fire from a battery manned by sailors and
Highlanders. Montgomery fell dead along with several other officers
and many men; and the rest, seeing the fate of their commander, turned
and fled back up the cliffs. Arnold, at the same time, was pushing his
way through the suburbs of the lower town, followed by Captain Lamb
with his artillerymen, and one field piece mounted on a sledge. After
these went Morgan with his riflemen; and as they advanced in the dark,
and muffled in the falling snow, they came upon a two-gun battery. As
Arnold was cheering on his men to attack this outpost, the bone of his
leg was shattered by a musket-ball. He was carried from the field; but
Morgan rushed on and made himself master of the battery and the guard.
Just as day dawned, he found himself in front of a second battery,
and, whilst attacking that, was assailed in the rear and compelled to
surrender, with a loss of four hundred men, three hundred of whom were
taken prisoners. Arnold retreated to a distance of three or four miles
from Quebec, and covered his camp behind the Heights of Abraham with
ramparts of frozen snow, and remained there for the winter, cutting
off the supplies of the garrison, and doing his best to alienate the
Canadians from the English.

The English Opposition now began to comment with great vigour on
the conduct of affairs. The spirit of that body rose higher, as the
imminence of war became greater. Charles James Fox made a motion for
a committee to inquire into the causes of the inefficiency of his
Majesty's arms in North America, and of the defection of the people
in the province of Quebec. He took a searching review of the whole
proceedings since 1774, and contended that there was a great lack
of ability and management somewhere, either in the Government which
planned, or the generals who had to execute the Ministerial orders. His
motion, however, was useless, for it was rejected by two hundred and
forty to one hundred and four votes.

But on the 29th of February, 1776, the treaties lately entered into
by the British Government with a number of German princes to furnish
troops to fight in America, were laid on the table of the Commons;
and intense indignation was raised against this most odious and
impolitic measure. There had been negotiations with Russia for the
purpose of procuring her savages to put down our kinsmen in America;
but this barbarous attempt had failed. It was more successful with
the petty princes of Germany. The Duke of Brunswick, the Landgrave of
Hesse-Cassel, and other little despots, now greedily seized on the
necessity of England, to drive the most extravagant terms with her.
Under the name of levy-money, they were to receive seven pounds ten
shillings for every man; and besides maintaining them, we were to pay
to the Duke of Brunswick, who supplied four thousand and eighty-four
men, a subsidy of fifteen thousand five hundred and nineteen pounds;
the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, who furnished twelve thousand men, did
not get such good terms as Brunswick--he had ten thousand pounds; the
hereditary Prince of Hesse received six thousand pounds a-year, for
only six hundred and eighty-eight men. Besides this, the men were to
begin to receive pay before they began to march. Brunswick was also
to get double his sum, or thirty-one thousand and thirty-eight pounds
a-year, for two years after they had ceased to serve; and the Landgrave
of Hesse was to receive twelve months' notice of the discontinuance of
the payment after his troops had returned to his dominions. The payment
for 1776 was to be four hundred and fifty thousand crowns, or nearly
one hundred thousand pounds. The Prince of Waldeck soon after engaged
to furnish six hundred and seventy men on equally good terms. Beyond
all these conditions, England was bound to defend the dominions of
those princes in the absence of their troops. The independent members
of both Houses nobly discharged their duty in condemnation of this
engagement of German mercenaries, but without effect, and the king
prorogued Parliament, under the pleasing delusion that his foreign
troops would soon bring his rebellious subjects to reason; and the
Ministers apparently as firmly shared in this fallacious idea.

In America, during this time, various encounters had taken place
between the English and American forces. Washington, in spite of the
severity of the winter weather, was pressing the blockade of Boston.
But the difficulties with which he had to contend were so enormous,
that, had General Howe had any real notion of them, as he ought to
have had, he might have beaten off the American troops over and over
again. His troops, it is true, only amounted to about seven thousand,
and Washington's to about fifteen thousand; but besides the deficiency
of powder in Washington's camp, the terms on which his troops served
were such as kept him in constant uncertainty. This was the condition
of things when, early in March, Washington commenced acting on the
offensive. He threw up entrenchments on Dorchester Heights, overlooking
and commanding both Boston town and harbour. Taking advantage of a dark
night, on the 4th of March he sent a strong detachment to the Heights,
who, before mining, threw up a redoubt, which made it necessary for
General Howe to dislodge them, or evacuate the place. It seems amazing,
after the affair of Bunker's Hill, that Howe had not seen the necessity
of occupying the post himself. He now, however, prepared to attack the
redoubt, and the soldiers were eager for the enterprise. The vanguard
fell down to Castle William, at which place the ascent was to be made;
and on the morrow, the 5th of March, the anniversary of what was termed
the Massacre of Boston, the fight was to take place. A violent storm,
however, arose, rendering the crossing of the water impracticable.
By the time that it ceased, the Americans had so strengthened their
works, that it was deemed a useless waste of life to attempt to carry
them. The only alternative was the evacuation of Boston. Howe had
long been persuaded that it would be much better to make the British
headquarters at New York, where there were few American troops, and
where the king's friends were numerous; and this certainly was true,
unless he had mustered resolution and sought to disperse his enemies
when they were in a state of disorder and deficiency of ammunition that
insured his certain success. As it was, he was now most ignominiously
cooped up, and in hourly jeopardy of being shelled out of the place.
He had obtained the permission of his Government for this movement,
and he now set about it in earnest. When, however, he came to embark,
another example was given of that shameful neglect which pervaded the
whole of the British civil department of the military service. When
the transports were examined, they were found totally destitute of
provisions and forage. No direct compact was made between Howe and
Washington regarding the evacuation; but an indirect communication
and understanding on the subject was entered into--through the "Select
Men" of Boston--that no injury should be done to the town during it,
provided the troops were unmolested in embarking. Before departing,
however, the English totally dismantled and partly demolished Castle
William. On the 17th, the last of the British troops were on board; and
that afternoon Boston was entered in triumph by General Putnam, at the
head of the vanguard.

Howe, who, with seven thousand soldiers and more than one thousand
sailors, did not feel himself safe at New York till the new
reinforcements should arrive, sailed away to Halifax--a circumstance
which gave the appearance of a retreat to his change of locality,
and had thus a bad effect in more ways than one. Washington, who was
informed of his final destination, immediately marched with the greater
part of his army to New York, and thence went himself to Philadelphia
to concert future measures with the Congress. This body, in
commemoration of the surrender of Boston, ordered a medal to be struck
in honour of it, and that it should bear the effigy of Washington, with
the title of the Asserter of the Liberties of his Country. The medal
was cast in France.

In Canada the management of the war was more successful. To maintain
the war in that quarter, Congress had ordered nine regiments to be
raised. One of these was to be raised in Canada itself, and for this
purpose a commission was given to Moses Hazen, who had formerly been a
captain of rangers, under Wolfe. He was not, however, very successful.
The Canadians were not to any extent disaffected to the British
Government, and by no means well affected to the New Englanders, who
were bitterly bigoted against Catholics, which the Canadians chiefly
were. When Hazen and Arnold saw that the Canadians would neither
enlist nor bring provisions to their camps, without cash payment, they
commenced plundering for all that they wanted, and thus confirmed that
people in their hatred of the Americans. They, moreover, insulted the
Canadians by ridiculing their rites of worship.

Miserably as Arnold had passed the winter in his camp, as spring
approached he again planted his batteries above Quebec, but produced
so little effect that Carleton lay still in expectation of his
reinforcements on the breaking up of the river. On the 1st of April
General Wooster arrived, and took the command, much to the disgust of
Arnold, who was sent to command a detachment at Montreal. On the 1st
of May, General Thomas, who was to be supreme in command, arrived, and
found the forces amounting to about two thousand men. The river was now
opening; and on the 6th of May three English ships had made their way
up to Quebec, full of troops. Two companies of the 29th Regiment and
one hundred marines were immediately landed amid the rejoicings of the
inhabitants; and General Carleton gave instant orders to issue forth
and attack the American lines. But General Thomas, conscious that, so
far from being able to take Quebec, he should be himself taken, unless
he decamped with all haste, was already on the move. General Carleton
pursued him vigorously, and the retreat of the Americans became a
regular rout. They threw themselves into boats at the Three Rivers,
leaving behind them all their artillery and stores, as well as the
sick, who were numerous, the smallpox having broken out amongst them.
Thomas managed to reach Fort Chambly and St. John's on the Sorel; but
there he died, having taken the smallpox.

Carleton being, by the beginning of June, reinforced by still more
troops from England, determined to follow the Americans. They had
reached the Three Rivers, about midway between Quebec and Montreal,
and about thirty miles from the American headquarters on the Sorel,
when General Sullivan, who had succeeded Thomas, sent two thousand
men under General Thompson. They got across the river and hoped to
surprise the English; but it was daylight before they drew near the
Three Rivers. Landing with confusion, they sought a place where they
could form and defend themselves; but they found themselves entangled
in a labyrinth of streams and morasses. Then they were attacked,
front and rear, by Generals Fraser and Nesbit. In the suddenness of
the surprise, no precaution had been taken to secure or destroy their
boats; the remainder of the Americans, therefore, getting into them,
pulled away and crossed. Sullivan, who had hastened to support them,
now, accompanied by St. Clair, made the best of his way back to Fort
Chambly. Carleton pursued, but coming to the Sorel, instead of sailing
up it, by which he might have reached Chambly nearly a day earlier
than Sullivan, with a strange neglect he continued lying at the mouth
of the river for a couple of days. Had he not done this, Arnold would
have been intercepted at Montreal, and Ticonderoga, now defenceless,
would have fallen into his hands. By this false step much damage to
the king's cause ensued. Carleton, however, determined to seek out
Arnold himself, and sent on General Burgoyne in pursuit of Sullivan.
Burgoyne made quick pursuit; but the Americans were too nimble for both
himself and Carleton. Arnold hastily evacuated Montreal, and, crossing
the river, joined Sullivan at St. John's, on the Sorel. There Sullivan
proposed to make a stand, but his troops would not support him, for the
whole army was in a state of insubordination. Burgoyne marched rapidly
after them; but, on reaching the head of the Sorel, he found they had
escaped him by embarking on the lake. Sullivan and Arnold had encamped
on the Isle aux Noix, a swampy place, where their men perished, many of
them, of fever, and Burgoyne was obliged to satisfy himself with the
thought that they were driven out of Canada.

In the south, affairs had been as ill conducted by the English
commanders as in the north they had been carried on well. Governor
Martin had made an effort to recover North Carolina. He had collected
a number of Highlanders, recently emigrated to America, and a number
of back-woodsmen, called Regulators, and sent them, under the
command of Colonels Macdonald and Macleod, to compel the inhabitants
to submission. They were to be supported by regular troops to be
landed at Wilmington, and General Clinton was daily expected with
the reinforcements from England. But Clinton did not appear, and the
impatient Highlanders and Regulators, in marching from Cross Creek to
Wilmington, were decoyed into a swamp, and there attacked and beaten.
Macleod and most of the Highlanders were taken prisoners, and the
Regulators, such as escaped, made again for the woods.

On the 3rd of May Lord Cornwallis arrived on the coast with a squadron
of transports, convoyed by Sir Peter Parker, with several ships of war.
General Clinton arrived soon after, and took the command of the troops;
and, in concert with Parker, he determined to attack Charleston,
the capital of South Carolina. On the 4th of June they appeared off
Charleston, and landed on Long Island. They found the mouth of the
harbour strongly defended by fortifications on Sullivan's Island, and
by others on Hadrell's Point on its north. On the point lay encamped
the American General Lee. Clinton threw up two batteries on Long Island
to command those on Sullivan island, whilst Parker, from the ships,
was to assist in covering the landing of the troops on that Island.
Clinton was informed that he could easily cross from one island to
the other by a ford; and consequently, on the morning of the 28th of
June, Sir Peter Parker drew up his men-of-war--three vessels of fifty
guns each, and six frigates of twenty-eight guns each, besides another
of twenty-four guns and the _Thunder_ bomb. But he had been deceived;
what was called a ford, he found impassable. He was compelled to
reimbark his troops, and meanwhile Parker's vessels, also unacquainted
with their ground, ran upon a shoal, where one of them struck. In
these unfortunate circumstances, the Americans, from the island and
from Hadrell's Point, poured a tremendous fire into the ships, doing
dreadful execution. Clinton sailed away, after this ignominious attempt
to join General Howe, but some of the vessels were compelled to remain
some time at Long Island to refit.

[Illustration: SIGNATURES TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.]

But whilst these conflicts were taking place, the Revolution was
marching on at full speed, and had reached its height--the Declaration
of Independence. The Continental Congress, on the 15th of May, passed
a resolution that it was necessary for such of the States as had not
framed for themselves such constitutions as were required by the
altered circumstances of the country, to forthwith frame such as should
be conducive to their safety and welfare. This was published in all the
newspapers, accompanied by a statement that, as the King of England,
in concurrence with his Parliament, had excluded the people of those
colonies from his protection, it became indispensable to abolish the
constitution established by that power, and frame one for themselves.
Here was a plain declaration; there was no longer any mistake.

There was no man in the colonies, nevertheless, who contributed so
much to bring the open Declaration of Independence to a crisis as
Thomas Paine, the celebrated author of "The Rights of Man" and of
"The Age of Reason." Paine was originally a Quaker and staymaker at
Thetford, in Norfolk. He renounced his Quakerism and his staymaking,
became an exciseman, and then an usher in a school, reverting again
to the gauging of ale firkins. In 1772 he wrote a pamphlet on the
mischiefs arising from the inadequate payment of the excise officers,
laying them open to bribes, etc. This pamphlet having been sent to
Franklin, induced him to recommend the poor author to emigrate to
America. Paine adopted the advice, and settled at Philadelphia in
1774. He there devoted himself to political literature, wrote for the
papers and journals, finally edited the _Philadelphia Magazine_, and,
imbibing all the ardour of revolution, wrote, in January of the year
1776, a pamphlet called "Common Sense." This pamphlet was the spark
that was needed to fire the train of independence. It at once seized
on the imagination of the public, cast other writers into the shade,
and flew, in thousands and tens of thousands of copies, throughout the
colonies. It ridiculed the idea of a small island, three thousand miles
off, ruling that immense continent, and threatening, by its insolent
assumption, the expanding energies of three millions of men, more
vigorous, virtuous, and free, than those who sought to enslave them.

Amongst the provinces employing themselves to carry out the
recommendation of the Congress, by framing new constitutions, that of
New York was emboldened by the presence of Washington and his army to
disregard the Royalists, and to frame a perfectly independent system.
Gouverneur Morris took the lead in the ultra party, and declared that
the time was now come for asserting entire independence. On the 27th
of May a resolution to that effect was passed. The delegates of the
Assembly were instructed to support these principles in Congress.

The Assembly of Virginia, meeting in convention at Williamsburg on
the 6th of May, drew up a Declaration of Rights, a document which
afterwards became the model for the celebrated "Rights of Man" with
the French Revolutionists. In this Declaration it was asserted that
the rights of the people cannot exist with hereditary monarchy; and
in the fourth article it was affirmed, that the idea of "a man being
born a magistrate, a legislator, or a judge, is unnatural and absurd."
Accordingly, Richard Henry Lee, as one of their delegates, on the
7th of June, moved in General Congress, that "these United Colonies
are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; that they
are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all
political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is,
and ought to be, totally dissolved; that measures should immediately
be taken for procuring the assistance of foreign Powers, and a
confederation be formed to bind the colonies more closely together."

This all-important question was adjourned to the next day, the 8th of
June, when it was debated in a committee of the whole House. As the
discussion, however, took place with closed doors, as all great debates
of Congress did, to hide the real state of opinion, and to give to the
ultimate decision an air of unanimity, the reports of it are meagre and
unsatisfactory. We know, however, that Lee, the original mover, was
supported by his colleague Wythe, and most energetically by John Adams;
that it was as vigorously opposed by John Dickinson and his colleagues,
Wilson, of Pennsylvania, Robert Livingstone, of New York, and John
Rutledge, of South Carolina. Moreover, a considerable number of members
from different States opposed the motion, on the ground, not of its
being improper in itself, but, as yet, premature. Six colonies declared
for it, including Virginia. Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Maryland
were at present against it. New York, Delaware, and South Carolina,
were not decided to move yet; and it was proposed to give them time to
make up their minds. Dr. Zubly, of Georgia, protested against it, and
quitted the Congress. To give time for greater unanimity, the subject
was postponed till the 1st of July; but, meanwhile, a committee was
appointed to draw up a Declaration of Independence. The members of this
committee were only five, namely, Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia; John
Adams, of Massachusetts; Roger Sherman, of Connecticut; Richard R.
Livingstone, of New York; and Benjamin Franklin, of Pennsylvania.

[Illustration: THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA, JULY 4th, 1776.

FROM THE PAINTING BY J. TRUMBULL.]

On the 1st of July the report of the committee was read, together
with the form of declaration as drawn up by Jefferson, but afterwards
remodelled by Franklin and the committee. Nine states now voted for
independence. Pennsylvania and South Carolina voted against it.
Delaware and South Carolina requested an adjournment to the next day,
in order to make up their minds, when they voted for it, a new delegate
having arrived from Delaware with firmer instructions. New York held
out against independence, General Howe having now arrived at Sandy
Hook, and the Provincial Congress having retired from New York to White
Plains. Jay and Gouverneur Morris, from that State, were, however,
vehement for independence, asserting that the Congress of New York
ought to be dissolved, and delegates sent up to a new and more popular
Congress.

The revolutionary party in New York determined to carry them, and
the revolutionary party in Pennsylvania the same, right or wrong.
In Pennsylvania delegates insisted that those of their colleagues
who were averse from the Declaration should absent themselves, and
those favourable to it should attend and vote. From Delaware, one
single delegate, Cæsar Rodney, voted and decided the question in that
province. The New York Assembly only nominally reconstructed its
Provincial Congress. Instead of calling the electors together, as
recommended by the report of the 28th of May, some of the freeholders
and voters declared such of the old members as were willing to vote
for the Declaration re-elected; and this irregular and clearly
unconstitutional body attended and voted for the Declaration. Finally
the moderate party, headed by John Dickinson, withdrew, and the
Declaration was carried by one vote.

By these violent and arbitrary means was passed on the 4th July,
1776, the famous Declaration of Independence. The original motion for
such a Declaration, on the 8th of June, had been supported by a bare
majority of seven States to six; and now the whole thirteen States
were said to have assented, though it is perfectly well known that
several signatures were not supplied till months afterwards by newly
chosen delegates. The Declaration contained the following assertions
of freedom:--1. That all men are born equally free, possessing certain
natural rights, of which they cannot, by any compact, deprive their
posterity; 2. That all power is vested in the people, from whom it is
derived [but it was voted in Congress that the blacks made no part of
the people]; 3. That they have an inalienable, indefeasible right to
reform, alter, or abolish their form of government at pleasure; 4. That
the idea of an hereditary first magistrate is unnatural and absurd.

The Americans did not make their Declaration of Independence till they
had communicated with France. The British Government, as Lord North
publicly declared in Parliament, had long heard of American emissaries
at Paris seeking aid there. A secret committee, which had Thomas
Paine for its secretary, was appointed to correspond with the friends
of America in Great Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world.
Encouraged by the assurances of France, the secret committee was soon
converted into a public one, and agents were sent off to almost every
court of Europe to invite aid of one kind or another against the mother
country, not omitting even Spain, Naples, Holland and Russia. Silas
Deane was dispatched to Paris in March of this year, to announce the
growing certainty of a total separation of the colonies from Great
Britain, and to solicit the promised co-operation.

Lord Howe arrived from England, and cast anchor off Sandy Hook, a few
hours after the Declaration of Independence had been read to the army
by Washington. He had been expected by his brother, General Howe, who
had arrived at the same point on the 29th of June, supposing he should
find the admiral there. General Howe found Washington already in New
York, and actively engaged in throwing up entrenchments, both there
and on Long Island, to close the Hudson against the British fleet.
Washington's headquarters were at New York; those of General Sullivan,
at the western extremity of Long Island, opposite to New York; and
Governor's Island, Paulus Hook, New Rochelle, and other points, were
strongly defended to protect the rear of the city. At the time of
Admiral Howe's arrival, the army of Washington did not amount to more
than seventeen thousand men, of whom three thousand were sick, and but
about ten thousand men fit for duty. From his letters to Congress, it
is clear that he entertained very little hope of maintaining his ground
in case of attack, for the fresh forces brought by Howe from England,
being joined by the shattered remains of Sir Peter Parker's squadron,
amounted to twenty thousand men. A few days afterwards, however, he was
joined by two regiments from Philadelphia, and by large bodies of New
York and New England Militia, raising his army to twenty-seven thousand
men, but of these a large number were sick. He now posted strong
reinforcements in Brooklyn. On this General Howe quitted Sandy Hook,
and advanced to Staten Island, where he could watch the operations of
the enemy. The Americans abandoned Staten Island, on his approach,
without firing a gun.

Things being in this position on the arrival of Admiral Lord Howe, he
determined still, notwithstanding the Proclamation of Independence,
to make every effort to procure a last chance of peace. He deeply
regretted the delays which had attended his fleet, and lost no time
in sending on shore an intimation that he brought conciliatory
overtures. His first act was to dispatch a letter to Franklin, who, in
England, had expressed so earnest a desire for accommodation of all
differences, informing him of his commission to seek reconciliation,
and of his powers for the purpose. But the Declaration being now made,
Franklin had no longer a motive to conceal his real sentiments, and he
replied in terms which greatly astonished Howe, filling his letters
only with complaints of "atrocious injuries," and of what America had
endured from "your proud and uninformed nation." Howe next turned to
Washington, to whom he dispatched a flag of truce, bearing a letter to
the Commander-in-Chief. But as Washington could only be regarded as an
insurgent leader, Lord Howe thought he could not officially recognise
a title conferred only by the American Congress, and therefore did
not address him as "General," but simply as "George Washington,
Esquire." Washington refused to treat in any other character than that
of Commander-in-Chief of the American forces. He instantly returned
Howe's letter, and forwarded the other papers to Congress. One of these
was a circular declaration to the late royal Governors, enclosing
a copy of Lord Howe's commission, and stating that all who should
submit would be pardoned; that any town or province which declared its
adhesion to the Crown should at once be exempt from the provisions of
all the late Acts of Parliament, especially as regarded their trade;
and that, moreover, all such persons as were active in promoting the
settlement of their districts should be duly rewarded. The moment
Congress received this document they ordered it to be published in
the newspapers, that "the people might see how the insidious Court of
Great Britain had endeavoured to disarm and amuse them," and that "the
few whom hopes of moderation and justice on the part of the British
Government had still kept in suspense, might now at length be convinced
that the valour alone of their country is to save its liberties." Lord
Howe, undeterred by this spirited proceeding of Congress, on the 20th
of July sent the Adjutant-General once more to Washington, with another
letter, still addressed to "George Washington, Esquire," but adding a
number of etceteras. Washington was not to be caught by so shallow an
artifice. The proposed interview, like the last, therefore, came to
nothing, except that Congress took advantage of these repeated efforts
to insinuate that the British were afraid of fighting.

Lord Howe now prepared to attack New York, where Washington had about
thirty thousand men. But the latter's troops were ill-equipped, and
deficient in discipline. Washington expected that Howe would attack
New York by the way of Long Island, and so he had posted nine thousand
men at Brooklyn, nearly opposite to it, behind entrenchments thrown
up by General Greene. Greene had been attacked by fever; and General
Putnam, who had taken his post, was but indifferently acquainted with
the position of the forces and the nature of the ground they would
have to defend with a rabble of most insubordinate troops. In these
circumstances General Howe, on the morning of the 22nd of August, threw
over from Staten Island into Long Island four thousand men, under the
command of General Clinton. They landed in Gravesend Bay, under cover
of the artillery of three frigates and two bombs. The rest of the army
followed with the artillery. Washington hastened over from New York
to strengthen General Sullivan, who was in command on the island. He
posted no less than fifteen thousand men along a peninsula at that end
of the island facing New York.

[Illustration: WASHINGTON CROSSING THE DELAWARE. (_See p._ 235.)]

Two British columns advancing by night--one by the shore road and the
other over the hills--managed to capture the patrols and approach the
outposts of the Americans. Washington having been all day engaged in
strengthening his lines, had returned to New York. Putnam was posted
on the left; and General Stirling was posted on the right on the
seashore, near the part called the Narrows. On the hills Sullivan
occupied one of the passes towards the left. The column on the British
right, consisting of Hessians, under General Von Heister, seized
on the village of Flat Bush, nearly opposite to Sullivan. At the
same time, Sir Henry Clinton and Sir William Erskine reconnoitred
Sullivan's position and the rest of the line of hills, and sent word
to General Howe that it would not be difficult to turn Sullivan's
position where the hills were low, near the village of Bedford. Howe
immediately ordered Lord Percy to support Clinton with his brigades,
in the direction of Bedford, and General Grant to endeavour to turn
the position of General Stirling, whilst the Hessians were ready to
attack Sullivan in front. At a signal, Howe himself marched along
with one of the divisions. In order to draw the enemy's attention
from the movements of General Clinton, Grant made a direct attack
upon Stirling's position, which brought to his aid a great part of
Sullivan's forces, thus deserting their own ground. Grant maintained
his attack till daylight, by which time Clinton had, by a slight
skirmish, crossed the line on his side. The attention from his march
was diverted by Von Heister attacking Putnam's position on the direct
way to Brooklyn, and Lord Howe, from his ships, opening a cannonade on
Governor's Island and Red Hook, in the rear of that town. About eight
o'clock came a fire from Clinton's column, which had now forced its way
into the rear of Putnam and between the Americans and Brooklyn. On this
discovery they endeavoured to make a way to their lines before that
town, but were driven back by Clinton only to find themselves assailed
in the rear by Von Heister. Thus hemmed in, they fled in confusion.
This action in their rear alarmed both Sullivan and Stirling, yet they
maintained their ground against Grant till they learned the total rout
of their comrades opposed to Clinton and Heister, when they laid down
their arms and ran for it. Knowing the ground better than the British,
many of them managed to escape to Brooklyn; but one thousand and
ninety-seven prisoners were taken, and from one thousand two hundred to
one thousand five hundred Americans were killed or wounded. The English
lost only about four hundred killed and wounded.

Washington, who had witnessed the battle, saw, to his infinite
mortification, the British pursuing his flying troops almost up to
their entrenchments. The ardour of the English soldiers was such that
they would speedily have stormed and carried the lines, and not a man
of the American army on Long Island would have escaped being taken
or killed. But General Howe, with that marvellous stupidity which
marked all our generals in this war, ordered them back, saying that
the lines could be taken with less loss of life by regular approach.
The next morning they began throwing up trenches near one of the
American redoubts, from which to cannonade it; but Washington was much
more aware of the untenable nature of his position than Howe, and,
under favour of darkness, and of a thick fog in the morning, he had
been for hours busily transporting his forces over the East River to
New York. All that day, and in the night of the 29th, he continued,
with all possible silence, conveying over his troops, artillery, and
stores, expecting every moment that General Howe would burst through
his lines at Brooklyn, and attack him in the rear, whilst Lord Howe,
with his ships, would advance, and blow all his fragile transports into
the water. Soon, however, Washington saw there was no maintaining his
position there. He found the British fast enclosing him on all sides,
too; and on the 12th of September he began to evacuate the place in
such haste as to leave behind him a great quantity of his artillery and
stores. The English landed on York Island without the loss of a man.
Three thousand men had placed themselves ready to attack the British as
they landed, and before they could form; but the sight of two companies
of grenadiers, already in position, had such an effect on them, that
they fled, leaving their blankets and jackets, which they had thrown
off in certainty of beating the English.

Washington saw almost with despair the condition of the American army;
any other man would have despaired of it altogether. He wrote to
Congress that nothing could make soldiers trustworthy but longer terms
of service; that, in fact, they ought to be engaged for the whole war,
and subjected to a rigid and constant discipline. He complained that
the soldiers were much bolder in plundering than fighting; and one of
his officers observed that the Pennsylvanian and New England troops
would as soon fight each other as the enemy. His Adjutant-General,
Reed, declared that discipline was almost impossible amid such a
levelling spirit as prevailed. These startling facts made Congress
begin in earnest to look out for foreign aid. In the meantime, it voted
that the army should be reorganised with eighty-eight battalions, to
be enlisted as soon as possible, and to serve during the war; each
State to furnish its respective quota, and to name the officers as high
as colonels. But Washington had soon to complain that they only voted,
and did not carry the plan strenuously into action; that there was a
mighty difference between voting battalions and raising men.

The condition of Washington was inconceivably depressing. The time
for the serving of the greater part of the troops was fast expiring;
and numbers of them, despite the circumstances of the country, went
off. Whilst Washington was, therefore, exerting himself to prevail
on them to continue, he was compelled to weaken his persuasions by
enforcing the strictest restraint on both soldiers and officers, who
would plunder the inhabitants around them on the plea that they were
Tories. Sickness was in his camp; and his suffering men, for want of
hospitals, were obliged to lie about in barns, stables, sheds, and even
under the fences and bushes. He wrote again to Congress in a condition
of despair. He called on them to place their army on a permanent
footing; to give the officers such pay as should enable them to live
as gentlemen, and not as mean plunderers. He recommended that not only
a good bounty should be given to every non-commissioned officer and
soldier, but also the reward of a hundred or a hundred and fifty acres
of land, a suit of clothes, and a blanket. Though Congress was loth to
comply with these terms, it soon found that it must do so, or soldiers
would go over to the royal army.

Before Lord Howe advanced farther, he received a deputation from
Congress. He had sent the captured American General, Sullivan, on his
parole to Philadelphia to endeavour to induce Congress to come to
terms, and save the further effusion of blood. He assured them that
he was not at liberty to treat with them as a Congress, but he would
willingly meet some of them as private gentlemen, having full powers,
with his brother, General Howe, to settle the dispute between them and
Great Britain, on advantageous terms; that, on finding them disposed to
agree to honourable conditions, he would seek for the acknowledgment
of their authority to treat with him, so as to make the compact valid.
The delegates appointed were sufficiently indicative of the little good
that was to be hoped from the interview. They were Dr. Franklin, John
Adams, and Edward Rutledge. Franklin had returned a most insulting
answer to a private letter sent to him by Lord Howe. It was in vain
that Lord Howe assured the deputies that England was disposed to
forget all, to pardon all, and to repeal all the obnoxious taxes, and
that inexpressible calamities would be avoided by the Colonies simply
returning to their allegiance. The deputies replied, that the only
terms on which America could make peace was as independent states. This
put the matter beyond accommodation.

On the 12th of October General Howe, who would have been better
employed in driving the enemy before him than in waiting for his
brother's useless negotiations, sent a considerable part of his forces,
with flat-bottomed boats, through Hell Gate into the Sound, and landed
them at Frog's Neck, about nine miles in the rear of Washington's
position, thus cutting off all his supplies from the country. The
ships ascended higher up the North River, cutting off the retreat into
the Jerseys. Had Howe, instead of landing at Frog's Neck, done so
at Pell's Point, he would have rendered Washington's retreat nearly
impossible. But this was neglected till the 18th of October, by which
time Washington, finding that he was getting gradually hemmed in, and
Lee, who had now joined him from Sullivan's Island and the Carolinas,
insisting that nothing but instant retreat could save them, they
therefore made a rapid retreat into the open country called the White
Plains. They had much difficulty in carrying away their artillery;
and the whole of it must have been taken, had Howe shown any ordinary
activity. Between this date and the 21st there was considerable
skirmishing, which compelled Washington to retire farther into the
White Plains, and from thence towards the Delaware.

On the 18th of November Lord Cornwallis crossed the North River with
six thousand men, and, landing on the Jersey side, began to attack
Fort Lee, standing nearly opposite Fort Washington. The garrison
fled, leaving behind all its tents standing, all its provisions and
artillery. Washington was compelled by this to fall back from his
position on the Croton, thence to Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, and
finally to the Pennsylvanian side of the Delaware. Lord Cornwallis
followed at his heels. Cornwallis penetrated to the remotest parts
of east and west Jersey, and everywhere the inhabitants received him
as a friend and deliverer. On the 24th of November Lord Cornwallis
was approaching Brunswick, when he received orders to halt. By this
means, Washington was allowed to escape across the Delaware. It was
not till the evening of the 16th of December that Cornwallis received
orders to proceed, and, though he made all haste, he was too late. The
rear of the American army quitted Princeton as the van of the English
army entered it. Washington, in headlong haste, fled to Trenton, and
began ferrying his troops over the Delaware. When Cornwallis reached
Trenton, at nine o'clock the next morning, he beheld the last boats
of Washington crossing the river. Once over the water, the remains of
the American troops lost all appearance of an army. They were a mere
dirty, worn-out, ragged, and dispirited mob. Washington had taken the
advantage of the halt of Cornwallis to collect all the boats from
Delaware for the distance of seventy miles, so that the English could
not cross after them. Cornwallis, being thus brought to a stand, put
his army into winter quarters between the Delaware and the Hackensack.

Whilst Cornwallis was pursuing Washington through the Jerseys, Clinton
swept Rhode Island of the American troops, and drove Commodore Hopkins
with some ships up Providence River, where he remained. Rhode Island,
however, required a strong body of English soldiers constantly to
defend it. Meanwhile Sir Guy Carleton, having destroyed the American
flotilla on Lake Champlain, was daily expected to march from Crown
Point and invest Ticonderoga, which was only fifteen miles distant,
and where Schuyler lay prepared to abandon it on the approach of the
English. But Carleton, who had displayed so much activity and energy,
now, like the rest of our generals, seemed at once to abandon them at
the decisive point. He descended the Champlain to Isle-aux-Noix, put
his forces into winter quarters there, and proceeded himself to Quebec,
to prepare for the next campaign. Thus ended the campaign of 1776.

At the very time that Washington was flying before the British army,
Congress, putting a firm face on the matter, went on legislating as
boldly as ever. It established Articles of Confederation and perpetual
union between the several States. These Articles were a supplement to
and extension of the Declaration of Independence, and were sixteen in
number:--1st. That the thirteen States thus confederating should take
the title of the United States. 2nd. That each and all were engaged
in a reciprocal treaty of alliance and friendship for their common
defence, and for their general advantage; obliging themselves to assist
each other against all violence that might threaten all or any of them
on account of religion, sovereignty, commerce, or under any other
pretext whatever. 3rd. That each State reserved to itself alone the
exclusive right of regulating its internal government. 4th. That no
State in particular should either send or receive embassies, begin any
negotiations, contract any engagements, form any alliances, or conclude
any treaties with any king, prince, or power whatsoever, without the
consent of the United States assembled in Congress; that no person
invested with any post in the United States should be allowed to accept
any presents, emoluments, office, or title, from any king, prince, or
foreign Power; and that neither the General Congress, nor any State in
particular, should ever confer any title of nobility. 5th. That none of
the said States should have power to form alliances, or confederations,
even amongst themselves, without the consent of the General Congress.
6th. That no State should lay on any imposts, or establish any duties,
which might affect treaties to be hereafter concluded by Congress with
foreign Powers. 7th. That no State in particular should keep up ships
of war, or land troops beyond the amount regulated by Congress. 8th.
That when any of the States raised troops for the common defence, the
officers of the rank of colonel and under should be appointed by the
legislature of the State, and the superior officers by Congress. 9th.
That all the expenses of the war, etc., should be paid out of a common
treasury. Other clauses defined the functions and powers of Congress,
and the 14th offered to Canada admission to all the privileges of the
other States, should she desire it; but no other colony was to be
admitted without the formal consent of nine of the States composing the
Union.

After thus settling the form and powers of the constitution, Congress
voted eight million dollars to be raised as a loan, and ordered a fresh
issue of paper money. But, above all, it laboured to acquire aid from
abroad, without which it was clear they must yield to the superior
military force of the mother country, and return to their obedience on
humiliating terms. For this purpose, in addition to Silas Deane, who
was already in Paris, Franklin and Arthur Lee were dispatched to that
capital to obtain aid with all possible speed. These gentlemen set sail
in the beginning of November, though in much apprehension of being
intercepted by the British cruisers; but managed to reach Quibéron
Bay in safety, and Paris before the end of the year. So successful
was Franklin in Paris, that he obtained a gift of two millions of
livres from the French king in aid of America, and the assurance that
this should be annually augmented, as her finances allowed. The only
stipulation for the present was profound secrecy. Franklin had also
found the cause of America so popular, that many officers were anxious
to engage in her service; and the enthusiastic young Marquis Lafayette,
notwithstanding the ill news from the United States, engaged to embark
his life and fortune with Washington and his compatriots.

[Illustration: AMERICAN BILL OF CREDIT (1775).]

In England Parliament met on the 31st of October, and Lord North now
moved, in a Committee of Supply, for forty-five thousand seamen for
the service of the following year; and in a warm debate, in which Mr.
Luttrell made a severe charge of maladministration at the Admiralty,
and of the most shameful corruptions and peculations in that department
and in the Commissariat, he called for the production of the necessary
papers to enable him to substantiate these charges.

Yet the whole demand for sailors was carried, and the demand of inquiry
as absolutely rejected. Parliament went on and voted three million two
hundred and five thousand five hundred and five pounds for the expenses
of the navy; four thousand pounds for Greenwich Hospital; five hundred
thousand pounds for the discharge of the debts of the navy. For the
army, including some new contracts with the German princes for men to
serve in America, three million pounds. What was still more disgraceful
was that, amid all these charges on the public purse, the king came
again with a fresh demand for six hundred thousand pounds for debts on
the Civil List. It was pretended that extraordinary calls had been made
on the royal purse by the suffering Royalists in America; but it was
notorious that the Royal household continued in the same condition of
reckless waste and extravagance as it was when the former half million
was voted for the same purpose. Yet the Commons granted this sum; and,
by way of preventing the king from falling into fresh difficulties,
added one hundred thousand pounds a year to the Civil List. The matter,
however, did not pass without a plain reminder to his Majesty. The
rough-spoken Sir Fletcher Norton, the Speaker of the Commons, when
presenting this Bill for the increase of the Civil List to the king,
said:--"Sir,--In a time of public distress, full of difficulty and
danger, under burdens almost too heavy to be borne, your faithful
Commons postponed all other business, and granted your Majesty not only
a large present supply, but a very great additional revenue--great
beyond example--great beyond your Majesty's highest wants!" Having
passed these votes, Parliament was prorogued on the 13th of December
till the 21st of the following January.

But whilst England had been thus preparing for the augmentation of the
navy, America had been aiming a blow at the efficiency of that navy,
which must for years, if successful, have prostrated our whole maritime
forces, and exposed our shores to the easiest invasion. This intended
blow was nothing less than the destruction of our great naval dockyards
and arsenals, and military storehouses, at Portsmouth and Plymouth. The
chief agent in this infamous design, if the evidence of a miscreant can
be believed, was Silas Deane. On the 7th of December the rope-house of
the Royal Dockyard at Portsmouth was found to be on fire. By active
exertions it was got under, after it had destroyed that building, and
was imagined to be an accident. But on the 15th of January, 1777,
one of the officers of the dockyard found a machine and combustibles
concealed in the hemp in the hemp-house of the same dockyard. Suspicion
now fell on a moody, silent artisan, who, on the day of the fire, had
been looking about the dockyard, and who, by some chance, had got
locked up in the rope-house the night before. His name was not known,
but the fact only that he was a painter, and had been called John
the Painter. Government immediately offered a reward of fifty pounds
for his apprehension; the same sum, with a strange simplicity, being
offered to him if he would surrender himself for examination. Nothing,
however, could be learned of him in Portsmouth or the country round;
but fresh fires were now breaking out at Plymouth Dockyard and on the
quays of Bristol. At Plymouth the fire was instantly checked, and the
perpetrator was nearly seized. At Bristol the fire was laid near a
narrow, deep creek, crowded with shipping, which was nearly dry at
low water, so that it was impossible to get the shipping out. Six or
seven warehouses were destroyed, but the shipping escaped. In another
house at Bristol combustibles were discovered, and the alarm became
general that the American incendiaries, having failed to burn New
York, were come to England to burn our dockyards and maritime houses.
Fortunately, in the beginning of February, a man was apprehended for
the perpetration of a burglary at Odiham, in Hampshire; and, by the
activity of Sir John Fielding, the London magistrate, he was identified
as John the Painter. When brought before Sir John and other magistrates
in town, the man conducted himself with tact and address. Though
closely examined and cross-questioned by some of the members of the
Privy Council, by Lords of the Admiralty, and other officers of the
board, he maintained the scrutiny without betraying any embarrassment,
or letting anything escape him that could in any degree incriminate
him. A confession was, however, wormed out of him by another painter,
named Baldwin. Silas Deane, John the Painter declared, according to
Baldwin's evidence, had encouraged him to set fire to the dockyards of
Plymouth and Portsmouth, Woolwich and Chatham, as the most effectual
means of disabling Great Britain; that he gave him bills to the amount
of three hundred pounds on a merchant in London, and promised to reward
him according to the amount of service he should do to the American
cause. Before his execution he freely admitted the truth of the charges
against him. He confessed to having twice attempted to fire the
dockyard at Plymouth, and to burning the warehouses at Bristol, having
in vain endeavoured to deposit his combustibles on board the ships.
He, moreover, stated that he had a recommendation from Silas Deane to
Dr. Bancroft, in London, to whom he had declared that he would do all
the harm he could to England; that the doctor did not approve of his
conduct, but had, at his request, promised not to betray him.

On the 8th of May, 1777, Ministers moved for more money for the
insatiable Landgrave of Hesse, whose troops were at this very time
exhibiting the most scandalous state of defiance of discipline, of
consequent inefficiency, and of plunder of the inhabitants of America.
This grant, though violently opposed, was carried, but only by a
majority of eight. All parties now began to denounce the shameless
rapacity of these German princes. Nor did Chatham, ill as he was,
allow the Session to pass without making one more energetic protest
against the continuance of the war with America. On the 30th of May
he moved an address to his Majesty for the immediate cessation of
hostilities. Notwithstanding all that had been said on our successes
over the Americans, Chatham contended as positively as ever that we
could never conquer them. "You have," he said, "ransacked every corner
of Lower Saxony, but forty thousand German boors never can conquer
ten times the number of British freemen. You may ravage, you cannot
conquer--it is impossible--you cannot conquer America. You talk of your
numerous funds to annihilate the Congress, and your powerful forces
to disperse their army; I might as well talk of driving them before
me with my crutch! But what would you conquer? The map of America? I
am ready to meet any general officer on the subject" (looking at Lord
Amherst)--"What will you do out of the protection of your fleet? In the
winter, if together, they are starved; and if dispersed, they are taken
off in detail. I am experienced in spring hopes and vernal promises. I
know what Ministers throw out; but at last will come your equinoctial
disappointment. You have got nothing in America but stations. You have
been three years teaching them the art of war. They are apt scholars;
and I will venture to tell your lordships that the American gentry will
make officers enough fit to command the troops of all the European
Powers." Chatham's motion was rejected by ninety-nine votes against
twenty-eight. Parliament was prorogued by the king on the 6th of June,
in a speech in which he indulged the fallacious hope that the American
insurrection would be terminated in the present campaign. But Chatham's
prophecies were at the very time realising themselves. Had the Howes
had the necessary qualities of commanders in such an important
cause--had they pursued and dispersed the American army, as they ought
to have done on defeating it, and as they might readily have done;
and had the British Government instantly, whilst in this favourable
position, repealed all the obnoxious statutes, they would have thrown
Congress and Washington so completely into the wrong, that it would
have been impossible for them to have made head again. But neither
the Generals nor the Government of that day had the capacity for such
strategic and statesmanlike policy. The Generals went comfortably into
winter quarters, leaving the embers of war to rekindle and spread; and
Government, deaf to the warnings of Chatham, still stolidly refused
justice whilst rigorously enforcing their injustice. And, indeed, when
Chatham gave his last Cassandra-like remonstrance, it was already too
late. We had indeed taught the Americans the art of war. Washington
was no longer contented to stand on the defensive, happy if he could
preserve his soldiers from running off without fighting at all. His
circumstances were desperate, and the energy which springs from despair
now urged him to measures of daring and wakefulness just as the English
Generals, like northern bears, were entering on their winter's sleep.
Benedict Arnold had paid him a visit in his wretched camp beyond the
Delaware, and probably from their united counsels sprang a new style of
movement, which confounded his unsuspecting enemies.

The army of Lord Cornwallis, which had so triumphantly pursued
Washington through the Jerseys, supposing the Americans now put beyond
all possibility of action, if not wholly dispersed, lay carelessly
in their cantonments on the left bank of the Delaware. The two main
outposts, Trenton and Bordentown, were entrusted to bodies of Hessians.
At Trenton lay Colonel Rahl, and at Bordentown Count Donop. As the
Christmas of 1776 was approaching, they had abandoned all discipline.
The British officers, too, had mostly quitted their regiments, and
had gone to enjoy the Christmas at New York, where General Howe was
keeping up great hospitality, imagining the war to be fast drawing to
a close. But if the English paid no attention to Washington, he was
paying every attention to them. His plans arranged, he set out on the
evening of Christmas day, 1776, and crossed the river at Mackonkey's
Ferry, nine miles above Trenton, to attack that fort. The river was so
encumbered with ice that he found it a most arduous undertaking, but he
accomplished it with the division immediately under his command--two
thousand four hundred in number. He continued his march through the
night on Trenton, and reached it at about eight o'clock in the morning.
A trusted spy had informed him over night, that he had seen the
soldiers, both British and Hessians, asleep, steeped in drink. When he
arrived, the soldiers still lay sunk in their Christmas debauch; and it
was only by the first crash of the cannon that they were roused. When
they ran to arms Washington had already invested the town. The brave
Colonel Rahl, in his endeavour to form his drunken troops, and lead
them on, was mortally wounded by an American rifle, almost at the first
discharge. The light horse and a portion of the infantry, who fled on
the first alarm, escaped to Bordentown. The main body attempted to
retreat by the Princeton Road, but found it already occupied by Colonel
Ha