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Title: The Viking Age. Volume 1 (of 2) - The early history, manners, and customs of the ancestors - of the English-speaking nations
Author: Du Chaillu, Paul B. (Paul Belloni)
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.
*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Viking Age. Volume 1 (of 2) - The early history, manners, and customs of the ancestors - of the English-speaking nations" ***
[Illustration:
VIKING SHIP, USED FOR BURIAL (GOKSTAD, NORWAY).
(Length of keel, 60 feet; total length, 75 feet; broadest part, 15½
feet; depth from the upper part of bulwark to bottom of keel, 3½
feet.)
Judging from the number of holes seen, which were about 18 inches
below the gunwale, it carried sixteen oars, and was consequently a
sixteen-seater. Its preservation is due to the blue clay in which it
was partly embedded, the upper part being eaten away owing to the
clay being mixed with sand, thus allowing the rain and air to
penetrate. It is entirely of oak, clinker built, calked with cows’
hair spun in a sort of cord.
]
THE VIKING AGE
THE EARLY HISTORY MANNERS, AND CUSTOMS OF THE ANCESTORS OF THE
ENGLISH-SPEAKING NATIONS
ILLUSTRATED FROM
_THE ANTIQUITIES DISCOVERED IN MOUNDS, CAIRNS, AND BOGS AS WELL AS FROM
THE ANCIENT SAGAS AND EDDAS_
BY
PAUL B. DU CHAILLU
AUTHOR OF “EXPLORATIONS IN EQUATORIAL AFRICA,” “LAND OF THE MIDNIGHT
SUN,” ETC.
WITH 1366 ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAP
IN TWO VOLUMES.—VOL. I
NEW YORK:
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS.
1889.
COPYRIGHT, 1889, BY
PAUL B. DU CHAILLU.
Press of J. J. Little & Co.,
Astor Place, New York.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TO
GEORGE C. TAYLOR, Esq.,
OF NEW YORK.
_To you, my dear Taylor, who, like myself, have travelled over many
lands, and led the same adventurous life in days gone by, I dedicate
“The Viking Age,” in remembrance of years of friendship, of the many
pleasant days we have spent together, and especially of our wanderings
in the Land of the Midnight Sun, in the home of the old Vikings, while I
was engaged on the present work._
_P. B. DU CHAILLU._
_NEW YORK, September, 1889_.
PREFACE.
While studying the progress made in the colonisation of different parts
of the world by European nations, I have often asked myself the
following questions:—
How is it that over every region of the globe the spread of the
English-speaking people and of their language far exceeds that of all
the other European nations combined?
Why is it that, wherever the English-speaking people have settled, or
are at this day found, even in small numbers, they are far more
energetic, daring, adventurous, and prosperous, and understand the art
of self-government and of ruling alien peoples far better than other
colonising nations?
Whence do the English-speaking communities derive the remarkable energy
they possess; for the people of Britain when invaded by the Romans did
not show any such quality?
What are the causes which have made the English such a pre-eminently
seafaring people? for without such a characteristic they could not have
been the founders of so many states and colonies speaking the English
tongue!
In studying the history of the world we find that all the nations which
have risen to high power and widespread dominion have been founded by
men endowed with great, I may say terrible, energy; extreme bravery and
the love of conquest being the most prominent traits of their character.
The mighty sword with all its evils has thus far always proved a great
engine of civilisation.
To get a satisfactory answer to the above questions we must go far back,
and study the history of the race who settled in Britain during and
after the Roman occupation. We shall thus find why their descendants are
to-day so brave, successful, energetic and prosperous in the lands which
they have colonised; and why they are so pre-eminently skilled in the
art of self-government.
We find that a long stretch of coast is not sufficient, though
necessary, to make the population of a country a seafaring nation. When
the Romans invaded Britain, the Brits had no fleet to oppose them. We do
not until a later period meet with that love of the sea which is so
characteristically English:—not before the gradual absorption of the
earlier inhabitants by a blue-eyed and yellow-haired seafaring people
who succeeded in planting themselves and their language in the country.
To the numerous warlike and ocean-loving tribes of the North, the
ancestors of the English-speaking people, we must look for the
transformation that took place in Britain. In their descendants we
recognise to this day many of the very same traits of character which
these old Northmen possessed, as will be seen on the perusal of this
work.
Britain, after a continuous immigration which lasted several hundred
years, became the most powerful colony of the Northern tribes, several
of the chiefs of the latter claiming to own a great part of England in
the seventh and eighth centuries. At last the time came when the land of
the emigrants waxed more powerful, more populous than the
mother-country, and asserted her independence; and to-day the people of
England, as they look over the broad Atlantic, may discern a similar
process which is taking place in the New World.
The impartial mind which rises above the prejudice of nationality must
acknowledge that no country will leave a more glorious impress upon the
history of the world than England. Her work cannot be undone; should she
to-day sink beneath the seas which bathe her shores, her record will for
ever stand brilliantly illuminated on the page of history. The great
states which she has founded, which have inherited her tongue, and which
are destined to play a most important part in the future of
civilisation, will be witnesses of the mighty work she has accomplished.
They will look back with pride to the progenitors of their race who
lived in the glorious and never-to-be-forgotten countries of the North,
the birthplace of a new epoch in the history of mankind.
As ages roll on, England, the mother of nations, cannot escape the fate
that awaits all; for on the scroll of time this everlasting truth is
written—birth, growth, maturity, decay;—and how difficult for us to
realise the fact when in the fulness of power, strength, and pride!
Where is or where has been the nation that can or could exclaim, “This
saying does not apply to me; I was born great from the beginning; I am
so now, and will continue to be powerful to the end of time.” The ruined
and deserted cities; the scanty records of history, which tell us of
dead civilisations, the fragmentary traditions of religious beliefs, the
wrecks of empires, and the forgotten graves, are the pathetic and silent
witnesses of the great past, and a sad suggestion of the inevitable fate
in store for all.
The materials used in these volumes, in describing the cosmogony and
mythology, the life, religion, laws and customs of the ancestors of the
English-speaking nations of to-day, are mainly derived from records
found in Iceland. These parchments, upon which the history of the North
is written, and which are begrimed by the smoke of the Icelandic cabin,
and worn by the centuries which have passed over them, recount to us the
history and the glorious deeds of the race.
No land has bequeathed to us a literature, giving so minute and
comprehensive an account of the life of a people. These _Sagas_ (or
“say”) record the leading events of a man’s life, or family history, and
date from a period even anterior to the first settlement of Iceland
(about 870 A.D.).
Some Sagas bear evident traces of having been derived, or even copied,
from earlier documents now lost: in some cases definite quotations are
given; others are evidently of a fabulous character, and have to be
treated with great caution; but even these may be used as illustrating
the customs of the times at which they were written. Occasionally great
confusion is caused by the blending of the similar names of persons
living at different periods.
My method of putting together the series of descriptions which will be
found in the ‘Viking Age’ has been as follows:—
By reading carefully every Saga—and there are hundreds of them—dealing
with the events of a man’s life from his birth to his death, I was able
to select the passages bearing on the various customs. When in one Saga
the bare fact of a birth, or a marriage, or a burial, or a feast, etc.,
etc., was mentioned, in others full details of the ceremonies connected
with them were found. After thus collecting my material, which was of
the most superabundant character, I went over it and selected what
seemed to me to be the best accounts of the various customs with which I
deal in these volumes. I have not been content with the translations of
other persons, but have in every case gone to the original documents and
adopted my own rendering of them.
Some extracts from the Frankish Chronicles are given in the Appendix, as
showing the power of the Northmen, and bearing strong testimony to the
truthfulness of the Sagas. If I had not been afraid of being tedious, I
could also have given extracts from Arabic, Russian, and other annals to
the same effect.
The testimony of archæology as corroborating the Sagas forms one of the
most important links in the chain of my argument; parchments and written
records form but a portion of the material from which I have derived my
account of the ‘Viking Age.’ During the last fifty years the History of
the Northmen has been unearthed as it were—like that of the Egyptians,
Assyrians, and Romans—by the discovery of almost every kind of
implement, weapon, and ornament produced by that accomplished race.
The Museums of Denmark, Sweden, Norway, England, France, Germany,
Russia, are as richly stored with such objects as are the British
Museum, the Louvre, the Museums of Naples and Boulak with the treasures
of Egypt and Pompeii.
I have myself seen nearly all the objects or graves illustrated in this
book, with the exception of a few Runic stones which have now
disappeared, but are given in an old work of Jorgensen.
As my materials expanded themselves before me I felt like one of those
mariners of old on a voyage of discovery. To them new lands were
continuously coming into view; to me new materials, new fields of
literary and archæological wealth unfolded themselves incessantly. Thus
carried away by enthusiasm and the love of the task I had undertaken, I
have been able to labour for eight years and a half on the present work,
with some interruptions from exhaustion and impaired health. May I,
then, ask the indulgence of a public, which has always been kind to me,
for all the shortcomings of my work?
I have received valuable assistance from many friends, but I desire
especially to express my thanks to Mr. Bruun, the Chief Librarian of the
Royal Library of Denmark, for his great kindness in allowing me so many
privileges during the years I have worked in Copenhagen; to Mr. Birket
Smith, of the University Library of Copenhagen; and Mr. Kaalund, Keeper
of the Arna Magnæan Collection of Manuscripts, for the uniform courtesy
they have shown me; among antiquarians, to my friend Professor George
Stephens, author of the magnificent work, ‘Northern Runic Monuments,’
for his readiness in giving me all the information and help I needed,
which sometimes occupied much of his valuable time (several
illustrations of the runic stones, etc., in these volumes are taken from
his work); to Mr. Vedel, Vice-President of the Royal Society of
Antiquarians; to Messrs. Herbst, Sophus Müller, and Petersen, of the
Royal Museum of Northern Antiquities, for their great courtesy; I am
also indebted to the works of the following distinguished antiquarians
which have been invaluable to me in my researches and which have
furnished me with many of the illustrations for my book: Ole Rygh,
Bugge, Engelhart, Nicolaysen, Sehested, Steenstrup, Madsen, Säve,
Montelius, Holmberg, Jorgensen, Baltzer, and Lorange; also to the works
of the historians, Keyser, Geijer, Munch, Rafn, Vigfusson. My sincere
thanks are also due to my young friend Jon Stefánsson, an Icelandic
student, for his constant help in rendering the translations of the
Sagas as accurate and literal as possible; and to my old friend Mr.
Rasmus B. Anderson, late American Minister to Denmark, and translator of
the ‘Later Edda,’ etc.; in England, to Messrs. A. S. Murray, Franks, and
Read, of the British Museum; to Dr. Warre, the head master of Eton, and
to General Pitt Rivers, author of a valuable work on the excavations in
Cranborne Chase, which contains objects strikingly similar to those of
Scandinavia; also to my friends Mr. J. S. Keltie and Mr. Arthur L.
Roberts; to my old friends Messrs. Clowes, who have taken great pains in
carrying out what has proved to be a very difficult task for the
printer, and who have had the work over two-and-a-half years in type.
I must thank, above all, my esteemed and venerable publisher, John
Murray, for the great interest he has taken in the present work, which
has tried his patience and liberality many a time, and also for the many
years of uninterrupted friendship and the pleasant business relations
(unhampered by any written agreement whatever), which have existed
between us from the time when I came to him almost a lad, and he first
undertook the publication of ‘Explorations in Equatorial Africa,’ in
1861, not forgetting my dear friends, his sons, John and Hallam, the
former of whom has assisted me materially in seeing the work through the
press, and my old companion Robert Cooke.
I cannot close this preface without thanking my old and ever true friend
Robert Winthrop, of New York, descendant of the celebrated Colonial
Governor of Massachusetts, to whom I dedicated “The Land of the Midnight
Sun,” for his unfailing kindness and sympathy during the years I have
been engaged in the present work.
PAUL B. DU CHAILLU.
_NEW YORK, September, 1889._
CONTENTS OF VOL. I
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
CIVILISATION AND ANTIQUITIES OF THE NORTH 1
CHAPTER II.
ROMAN AND GREEK ACCOUNTS OF THE NORTHMEN 7
CHAPTER III.
THE SETTLEMENT OF BRITAIN BY NORTHMEN 17
CHAPTER IV.
THE MYTHOLOGY AND COSMOGONY OF THE NORSEMEN 27
CHAPTER V.
MYTHOLOGY AND COSMOGONY (_continued_) 44
CHAPTER VI.
ODIN OF THE NORTH 51
CHAPTER VII.
THE SUCCESSORS OF ODIN OF THE NORTH 62
CHAPTER VIII.
THE STONE AGE 69
CHAPTER IX.
THE BRONZE AGE 84
CHAPTER X.
THE IRON AGE 125
CHAPTER XI.
RUNES 154
CHAPTER XII.
NORTHERN RELICS—BOG FINDS 193
CHAPTER XIII.
NORTHERN RELICS—GROUND FINDS 235
CHAPTER XIV.
DESCRIPTION OF SOME REMARKABLE GRAVES AND THEIR CONTENTS 247
CHAPTER XV.
GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES IN THE NORTH 259
CHAPTER XVI.
GLASS 276
CHAPTER XVII.
HORSES—WAGGONS 285
CHAPTER XVIII.
VARIOUS FORMS OF GRAVES 299
CHAPTER XIX.
BURIALS 320
CHAPTER XX.
RELIGION.—WORSHIP, SACRIFICES, ETC. 343
CHAPTER XXI.
RELIGION.—ALTARS, TEMPLES, HIGH-SEAT PILLARS, ETC. 356
CHAPTER XXII.
RELIGION.—HUMAN SACRIFICES 364
CHAPTER XXIII.
RELIGION.—IDOLS AND WORSHIP OF MEN AND ANIMALS, ETC. 375
CHAPTER XXIV.
RELIGION.—THE NORNIR AND VALKYRIAS 385
CHAPTER XXV.
RELIGION.—THE VOLVAS 394
CHAPTER XXVI.
RELIGION.—ÆGIR AND RAN 403
CHAPTER XXVII.
RELIGION.—SACRIFICES TO THE ALFAR, DISIR, FYLGJA, HAMINGJA, AND
LANDVŒTTIR 409
CHAPTER XXVIII.
VALHÖLL-VALHALLA 420
CHAPTER XXIX.
SUPERSTITIONS.—SHAPE-CHANGING 430
CHAPTER XXX.
SUPERSTITIONS.—WITCHCRAFT 439
CHAPTER XXXI.
SUPERSTITIONS.—OMENS 450
CHAPTER XXXII.
SUPERSTITIONS.—DREAMS 456
CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY 464
CHAPTER XXXIV.
THE LAND 478
CHAPTER XXXV.
DIVISIONS OF PEOPLE INTO CLASSES 486
CHAPTER XXXVI.
SLAVERY—THRALDOM 502
CHAPTER XXXVII.
THE THING 515
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
THE GODI AND THE GODISHIP 525
CHAPTER XXXIX.
THE LAWS OF THE EARLIER ENGLISH TRIBES 532
CHAPTER XL.
INDEMNITY, WEREGILD 544
CHAPTER XLI.
THE OATH AND ORDEAL 553
CHAPTER XLII.
DUELLING 563
CHAPTER XLIII.
OUTLAWRY 578
CHAPTER XLIV.
REVENGE 584
A LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL SAGAS
QUOTED IN
THE VIKING AGE,
INCLUDING THE PERIODS WITH WHICH THEY DEAL.
─────────────────────────────────────────────────┬─────────────────────
Name of Saga. │ Century with which
│ they deal.
─────────────────────────────────────────────────┼─────────────────────
│These are Mythical,
The Earlier Edda │ and no accurate
│ date can be affixed
│ to them.
│ ”
The Later Edda │ ”
│
Fórnaldarsögur contains:— │
Völsunga │Partly Mythical.
Hervara │ ”
Thorstein Vikingsson’s (father of Fridthjof)│ ”
Ketil Hæng’s sons │ ”
Grim Lodinkinnis’ │ ”
Fridthjof’s │ ”
│
Hrolf Kraki’s │VI.(?)
Half’s │VI.(?)
Sögubrot │VI.-VII.(?)
Ragnar Lodbrok’s │VIII.(?)
Ragnar Lodbrok’s Sons’ │VIII.(?)
│
Norna Gest’s │No date can be
Gautrek’s │ assigned to these.
Orvar Odd’s │ ”
Herraud and Bosi’s │ ”
Egil and Asmund’s │ ”
Hjalmter and Ölver’s │ ”
Göngu Hrelf’s │ ”
An Bosveigi’s │ ”
⁂ The above dates are all more or less conjectural, and the Sagas are
chiefly valuable as illustrating manners and customs.
Egil’s │Middle of IX. to end
│ of X.
Njala’s │End of X. to
│ beginning of XI.
Laxdæla │IX.-XI. (886–1030).
Eyrbyggja │IX.-XI. (890–1031).
│
Islandinga Sögur contains:— │
I. Hord’s Saga │X. (950–990).
II. Hœnsa Thoris’ Saga │X.-XI.(990–1010).
III. Gunnlaug Ormstunga’s Saga │X.-XI.
IV. Viga Styr’s Saga │X.-XI.
V. Kjalnesinga Saga │IX.-XI.
VI. Gisli Súrsson │X.
│
Droplaugarsona Saga │X.
│
Hrafnkel Freysgodi │X.
│
Bjorn Hitdæla Kappi │First half of XI.
│
Kormak’s │X.
│
Fornsögur contains:— │
I. Vatnsdæla Saga │IX.-XI. (c.
│ 870–1000).
II. Floamanna Saga │X. (c. 985–990).
III. Hallfred’s Saga │End of X.
│
Gretti’s Saga │X.-XI. (Grettir died
│ 1031).
│
Viga Glum │X.
│
Vallaljots │Beginning of XI.
│
Vapnfirdinga │IX.-X.
│
Thorskfirdinga, or Gullthóri’s │X. (c. 900–930).
│
Heidar Viga (continuation of Viga Styr’s) │First half of XI.
│
Fœreyinga │X.-XI. (c. 960–1040).
│
Finnbogi Rami’s │X.
│
Eirek the Red │
│
Thátt of Styrbjörn (nephew of Eirek the │
Victorious, who fell at the battle of │X.
Fyrisvellir, 983) │
│
│IX.-X. (the
Landnama │ colonisation of
│ Iceland).
│
Islendinga bok │IX.-XI. (c.
│ 874–1118).
Ljosvetninga │990–1050.
Vemund’s Saga │End of X. century.
Svarfdœla │First half of X.
│ century.
│
Biskupa Sögur contains:— │
Kristni Saga │X.-XII. (c.
│ 980–1120).
Sturlunga │XII.-XIII. (c.
│ 1120–1284).
│
Fornmanna Sögur contains:— │
I. Sagas of Kings of Norway │
II. Jomsvikinga Saga │X.
III. Knytlinga Saga │XI.-XII.
IV. Fagrskinna (short history of Kings of Norway│IX.-XII.
from Halfdan the Black to Sverrir) │
│
│Written in first half
│ of XIII. cent.,
Heimskringla Saga contains the Ynglinga Saga, the│ giving history of
great work of Snorri Sturluson │ the Kings of Norway
│ and Sweden from
│ Odin down to 1177.
│
Flateyjarbok contains lives of Kings of Norway, │
etc. │
│
Fostbrædra Saga │XI. (c. 1015–30).
│
Konung’s Skuggsja │XIII.
│
Rimbegla │XIV.
│
Orkneyinga │IX.-XIII. (c.
│ 870–1206).
─────────────────────────────────────────────────┴─────────────────────
A LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL KINGS OF DENMARK, NORWAY, AND SWEDEN,
SOME OF WHOM HAVE SAGAS OF THEIR OWN.
KINGS OF DENMARK.
│ A.D.
Gorm │ 900–940
Harald Bluetooth │ 945–985
Svein Tjuguskegg │ 985–1014
Harald │ 1014–1018
Knut the Great │ 1018–1035
Hörda Knut │ 1035–1042
Magnus the Good, ruled over Denmark and Norway │ 1042–1047
Svein Ulfsson │ 1047–1075
KINGS OF NORWAY.
(Mostly petty Kings.)
│ A.D.
Halfdan the Black, died │ 860
Harald Fairhair, reigned│ 860–930
Eirik Bloodaxe ” │ 930–934
Hakon the Good ” │ 934–960
Harald Grafeld (greyskin) ” │ 960–965
Hakon Jarl the Great, the hero of the battle of ” │
Gomsviking, │ 965–995
Olaf Tryggvason ” │ 995–1000
Eirik Jarl ” │ 1000–1015
St Olaf ” │ 1015–1028
Knut the Great ” │ 1028–1035
Magnus the Good ” │ 1035–1047
Harald Hardradi ” │ 1047–1066
Olaf the Quiet ” │ 1066–1093
Magnus Barefoot ” │ 1093–1103
Three sons:—Eystein, Olaf, Sigurd Jórsalafari │ 1103–1130
Civil war—Harald Gilli, Magnus the Blind, and others │ 1130–1162
Magnus Erlingsson │ 1162–1184
Sverrir (Sigurdson) │ 1184–1202
KINGS OF SWEDEN.
(Not mentioned in the Odinic Genealogies, vol. i. p. 67.)
│ A.D.
Ivar Vidfadmi │ Kings of
Harald Hilditönn │ Sweden and
Sigurd Hring │ Denmark.
Ragnar Lodbrók │ ”
│
Björn Ironside │
Eirik and Refil │
Eymund and Björn │ 800–830
Olaf and Eymund │ c. 850
Eyrik Eymundsson died │ c. 882
Björn Eiriksson and Hring │ 900–950
Eirik the Victorious │ c. 950–994
Olaf Skaut-konung │ c. 994–1022
Önund Jakob │ c. 1022–1050
Eymund the Old │ c. 1050–1060
Steinkel Rögnvaldson │ c. 1060–1066
[Illustration:
GEOGRAPHY AND NOMENCLATURE OF THE VIKING AGE
]
THE VIKING AGE.
CHAPTER I.
CIVILISATION AND ANTIQUITIES OF THE NORTH.
Early antiquities of the North—Literature: English and Frankish
chronicles—Early civilisation—Beauty of ornaments, weapons, &c.
A study of the ancient literature and abundant archæology of the North
gives us a true picture of the character and life of the Norse ancestors
of the English-speaking peoples.
We can form a satisfactory idea of their religious, social, political,
and warlike life. We can follow them from their birth to their grave. We
see the infant exposed to die, or _water sprinkled_,[1] and a name
bestowed upon it; follow the child in his education, in his sports; the
young man in his practice of arms; the maiden in her domestic duties and
embroidery; the adult in his warlike expeditions; hear the clash of
swords and the songs of the _Scald_, looking on and inciting the
warriors to greater deeds of daring, or it may be recounting afterwards
the glorious death of the hero. We listen to the old man giving his
advice at the _Thing_.[2] We learn about their dress, ornaments,
implements, weapons; their expressive names and complicated
relationships; their dwellings and convivial halls, with their primitive
or magnificent furniture; their temples, sacrifices, gods, and sacred
ceremonies; their personal appearance, even to the hair, eyes, face and
limbs. Their festivals, betrothal and marriage feasts are open to us. We
are present at their athletic games preparatory to the stern realities
of the life of that period, where honour and renown were won on the
battle-field; at the revel and drunken bout; behold the dead warrior on
his burning ship or on the pyre, and surrounded by his weapons, horses,
slaves, or fallen companions who are to enter with him into
_Valhalla_;[3] look into the death chamber, see the mounding and the
_Arvel_, or inheritance feast.
These Norsemen had carriages or chariots, as well as horses, and the
numerous skeletons of this animal in graves or bogs prove it to have
been in common use at a very early period. Their dress, and the
splendour of their riding equipment for war, the richness of the
ornamentation of their weapons of offence and defence are often
carefully described. Everywhere we see that gold was in the greatest
abundance. The descriptions of such wealth might seem to be very much
exaggerated; but, as will be seen in the course of this work, the
antiquities treasured in the museums of the North bear witness to the
truthfulness of the records. The spade has developed the history of
Scandinavia, as it has done that of Assyria and Etruria, but in addition
the Northmen had the Saga and Edda literature to perpetuate their deeds.
We are the more astonished as we peruse the Eddas and Sagas giving the
history of the North, and examine the antiquities found in the country,
for we hear hardly anything about the customs of the people from the
Roman writers, and our ideas regarding them have been thoroughly
vitiated by the earlier Frankish and English chronicles and other
monkish writings, or by the historians who have taken these records as a
trustworthy authority.
Some writers, in order to give more weight to these chronicles, and to
show the great difference that existed between the invaders and invaded,
and how superior the latter were to the former, paint in a graphic
manner, without a shadow of authority, the contrast between the two
peoples. England is described as being at that time a most beautiful
country, a panegyric which does not apply to fifteen or twenty centuries
ago; while the country of the aggressor is depicted as one of swamp and
forest inhabited by wild and savage men. It is forgotten that after a
while the people of the country attacked were the same people as those
of the North or their descendants, who in intelligence, civilisation,
and manly virtues were far superior to the original and effete
inhabitants of the shores they invaded.
The men of the North who settled and conquered part of Gaul and Britain,
whose might the power of Rome could not destroy, and whose depredations
it could not prevent, were not savages; the Romans did not dare attack
these men at home with their fleet or with their armies. Nay, they even
had allowed these Northmen to settle peacefully in their provinces of
Gaul and Britain.
No, the people who were then spread over a great part of the present
Russia, who overran Germania, who knew the art of writing, who led their
conquering hosts to Spain, into the Mediterranean, to Italy, Sicily,
Greece, the Black Sea, Palestine, Africa, and even crossed the broad
Atlantic to America, who were undisputed masters of the sea for more
than twelve centuries, were not barbarians. Let those who uphold the
contrary view produce evidence from archæology of an indigenous British
or Gallic civilisation which surpasses that of the North.
The antiquities of the North even without its literature would throw an
indirect but valuable light on the history of the earlier Norse tribes,
the so-called barbarians, fiends, devils, sons of Pluto, &c., of the
Frankish and English chronicles. To the latter we can refer for stories
of terrible acts of cruelty committed by the countrymen of the writers
who recount them with complacency; maiming prisoners or antagonists and
sending multitudes into slavery far away from their homes. But the
greatest of all outrages in the eyes of these monkish scribes was that
the Northmen burned a church or used it for sheltering their men or
stabling their horses.
The writers of the English and Frankish chronicles were the worst
enemies of the Northmen, ignorant and bigoted men when judged by the
standard of our time; through their writings we hardly know anything of
the customs of their own people. They could see nothing good in a man
who had not a religion identical with their own.
Still allowance must be made for the chroniclers; they wrote the history
of their own period with the bigotry, passions, and hatreds, of their
times.
The striking fact brought vividly before our mind is that the people of
the North, even before the time when they carried their warfare into
Gaul and Britain, possessed a degree of civilisation which would be
difficult for us to realise were it not that the antiquities help us in
a most remarkable manner, and in many essential points, to corroborate
the truthfulness of the Eddas and Sagas.
The indisputable fact remains that both the Gauls and the Britons were
conquered by the Romans and afterwards by the Northern tribes.
This Northern civilisation was peculiar to itself, having nothing in
common with the Roman world. Rome knew nothing of these people till they
began to frequent the coasts of her North Sea provinces, in the days of
Tacitus, and after his time the Mediterranean. The North was separated
from Rome by the swamps and forests of Germania—a vague term given to a
country north and north-east of Italy, a land without boundaries, and
inhabited by a great number of warlike, wild, uncivilised tribes.
According to the accounts of Roman writers, these people were very
unlike those of the North, and we must take the description given of
them to be correct, as there is no archæological discovery to prove the
contrary. They were distinct; one was comparatively civilised, the other
was not.
The manly civilisation the Northmen possessed was their own; from their
records, corroborated by finds in Southern Russia, it seems to have
advanced north from about the shores of the Black Sea, and we shall be
able to see in the perusal of these pages how many Northern customs were
like those of the ancient Greeks.
A view of the past history of the world will show us that the growth of
nations which have become powerful has been remarkably steady, and has
depended upon the superior intelligence of the conquering people over
their neighbours; just as to-day the nations who have taken possession
of far-off lands and extended their domain, are superior to the
conquered.
The museums of Copenhagen, Stockholm, Christiania, Bergen, Lünd,
Göteborg, and many smaller ones in the provincial towns of the three
Scandinavian kingdoms, show a most wonderful collection of antiquities
which stand unrivalled in Central and Northern Europe for their wealth
of weapons and costly objects of gold and silver, belonging to the
bronze and iron age, and every year additions are made.
The weapons found with their peculiar northern ornamentation, and the
superb ring coats-of-mail, show the skill of the people in working iron.
A great number of their early swords and other weapons are damascened
even so far back as the beginning of the Christian era, and show either
that this art was practised in the North long before its introduction
into the rest of Europe from Damascus by the Crusaders, or that the
Norsemen were so far advanced as to be able to appreciate the artistic
manufactures of Southern nations.
The remnants of articles of clothing with graceful patterns, interwoven
with threads of gold and silver, which have fortunately escaped entire
destruction, show the existence of great skill in weaving. Entire suits
of wearing apparel remain to tell us how some of the people dressed in
the beginning of our era.
Beautiful vessels of silver and gold also testify to the taste and
luxury of those early times. The knowledge of the art of writing and of
gilding is clearly demonstrated. In some cases, nearly twenty centuries
have not been able to tarnish or obliterate the splendour of the gilt
jewels of the Northmen. We find among their remains—either of their own
manufacture or imported, perhaps as spoils of war—_repoussé_ work of
gold or silver, bronze, silver, and wood work covered with the thinnest
sheets of gold; the filigree work displays great skill, and some of it
could not be surpassed now. Many objects are ornamented with _niello_,
and of so thorough a northern pattern, that they are incontestably of
home manufacture. The art of enamelling seems also to have been known to
the artificers of the period.
Objects, many of which show much refined taste, such as superb specimens
of glass vessels with exquisite painted subjects—unrivalled for their
beauty of pattern, even in the museums of Italy and Russia—objects of
bronze, &c., make us pause with astonishment, and musingly ask ourselves
from what country these came. The names of Etruria, of ancient Greece,
and of Rome, naturally occur to our minds.
Other objects of unquestionable Roman and Greek manufacture, and
hundreds and thousands of coins, of the first, second, third and fourth
centuries of the Christian era, show the early intercourse the people of
the North had with the western and eastern Roman empire, and with
Frisia, Gaul, and Britain.
A careful perusal of the Eddas and Sagas will enable us, with the help
of the ancient Greek and Latin writers, and without any serious break in
the chain of events, to make out a fairly continuous history which
throws considerable light on the progenitors of the English-speaking
people, their migrations northward from their old home on the shores of
the Black Sea, their religion, and the settlement of Scandinavia, of
England, and other countries.
CHAPTER II.
ROMAN AND GREEK ACCOUNTS OF THE NORTHMEN.
The three maritime tribes of the North—The fleets of the
Sueones—Expeditions of Saxons and Franks—Home of these tribes—The
tribes of Germania not seafaring—Probable origin of the names
Saxons and Franks.
Roman writers give us the names of three maritime tribes of the North,
which were called by them _Sueones_, _Saxones_, and _Franci_. The first
of these, which is the earliest mentioned, is thus described by Tacitus
(circ. 57–117 A.D.):—
“Hence the States of the Sueones, situated in the ocean itself, are not
only powerful on land, but also have mighty fleets. The shape of their
ships is different, in that, having a prow at each end, they are always
ready for running on to the beach. They are not worked by sails, nor are
the oars fastened to the sides in regular order, but left loose as in
some rivers, so that they can be shifted here or there as circumstances
may require.”[4]
The word _Sviar_, which is constantly met with in the Sagas to denote
the inhabitants of Svithjod (Sweden), or the country of which Upsala was
the capital, corresponds somewhat to the name Sueones, and it is highly
probable that in _Sueones_ we have the root of _Sviar_ and of
_Svithjod_. The ships described by Tacitus are exactly like those which
are described in this work as having been found in the North.
It stands to reason that the maritime power of the Sueones must have
been the growth of centuries before the time of Tacitus, and from
analogy of historical records we know that the fleets of powerful
nations do not remain idle. Hence we must come to the conclusion that
the Sueones navigated the sea long before the time of Tacitus, an
hypothesis which is implied by the Eddas and Sagas as well as by the
antiquities discovered.
That the Sueones, with such fleets, did not navigate westward further
than Frisia is not credible, the more so that it was only necessary for
them to follow the coast in order to come to the shores of Gaul, from
which they could see Britain, and such maritime people must have had
intercourse with the inhabitants of that island at that period; indeed,
the objects of the earlier iron age discovered in Britain, which were
until lately classed as Anglo-Roman, are identical with those of the
country from which these people came, i.e., Scandinavia.
The Veneti, a tribe who inhabited Brittany, and whose power on the sea
is described by Cæsar, were in all probability the advance-guard of the
tribes of the North; their ships were built of oak, with iron nails,
just as those of the Northmen; and the people of the country in which
they settled were not seafaring.[5] Moreover, the similarity of the name
to that of the Venedi, who are conjecturally placed by Tacitus on the
shores of the Baltic, and to the Vends, so frequently mentioned in the
Sagas, can scarcely be regarded as a mere accident.
“The Veneti have a very great number of ships, with which they have been
accustomed to sail to Britain, and excel the rest of the people in their
knowledge and experience of nautical affairs; and as only a few ports
lie scattered along that stormy and open sea, of which they are in
possession, they hold as tributaries almost all those who have been
accustomed to traffic in that sea....”
“For their own ships were built and equipped in the following manner:
Their ships were more flat-bottomed than our vessels, in order that they
might be able more easily to guard against shallows and the ebbing of
the tide; the prows were very much elevated, as also the sterns, so as
to encounter heavy waves and storms. The vessels were built wholly of
oak, so as to bear any violence or shock; the cross-benches, a foot in
breadth, were fastened by iron spikes of the thickness of the thumb; the
anchors were secured to iron chains, instead of to ropes; raw hides and
thinly-dressed skins were used for sails, either on account of their
want of canvas and ignorance of its use, or for this reason, which is
the more likely, that they considered that such violent ocean storms and
such strong winds could not be resisted, and such heavy vessels could
not be conveniently managed by sails. The attack of our fleet on these
vessels was of such a nature that the only advantage was in its
swiftness and the power of its oars; in everything else, considering the
situation and the fury of the storm, they had the advantage. For neither
could our ships damage them by ramming (so strongly were they built),
nor was a weapon easily made to reach them, owing to their height, and
for the same reason they were not so easily held by grappling-irons. To
this was added, that when the wind had begun to get strong, and they had
driven before the gale, they could better weather the storm, and also
more safely anchor among shallows, and, when left by the tide, need in
no respect fear rocks and reefs, the dangers from all which things were
greatly to be dreaded by our vessels.”
Roman writers after the time of Tacitus mention warlike and maritime
expeditions by the Saxons and Franks. Their names do not occur in
Tacitus, but it is not altogether improbable that these people, whom
later writers mention as ravaging every country which they could enter
by sea or land, are the people whom Tacitus knew as the Sueones.
The maritime power of the Sueones could not have totally disappeared in
a century, a hypothesis which is borne out by the fact that after a
lapse of seven centuries they are again mentioned in the time of
Charlemagne; nor could the supremacy of the so-called Saxons and Franks
on the sea have arisen in a day; it must have been the growth of even
generations before the time of Tacitus.
Ptolemy (circ. A.D. 140) is the first writer who mentions the Saxons as
inhabiting a territory north of the Elbe, on the neck of the Cimbric
Chersonesus.[6] They occupied but a small space, for between them and
the Cimbri, at the northern extremity of the peninsula, he places ten
other tribes, among them the Angli.
About a century after the time of Ptolemy, Franks and Saxons had already
widely extended their expeditions at sea. Some of the former made an
expedition from the Euxine, through the Mediterranean, plundered
Syracuse, and returned without mishap across the great sea (A.D. circ.
280).[7]
“He (Probus) permitted the Bastarnæ, a Scythian race, who had submitted
themselves to him, to settle in certain districts of Thrace which he
allotted to them, and from thenceforth these people always lived under
the laws and institutions of Rome. And there were certain Franks who had
come to the Emperor, and had asked for land on which to settle. A part
of them, however, revolted, and having obtained a large number of ships,
caused disturbances throughout the whole of Greece, and having landed in
Sicily and made an assault on Syracuse, they caused much slaughter
there. They also landed in Libya, but were repulsed at the approach of
the Carthaginian forces. Nevertheless, they managed to get back to their
home unscathed.”
“Why should I tell again of the most remote nations of the Franks (of
Francia), which were carried away not from those regions which the
Romans had on a former occasion invaded, but from their own native
territory, and the farthest shores of the land of the barbarians, and
transported to the deserted parts of Gaul that they might promote the
peace of the Roman Empire by their cultivation and its armies by their
recruits?”[8]
“There came to mind the incredible daring and undeserved success of a
handful of the captive Franks under the Emperor Probus. For they, having
seized some ships, so far away as Pontus, having laid waste Greece and
Asia, having landed and done some damage on several parts of the coast
of Africa, actually took Syracuse, which was at one time so renowned for
her naval ascendancy. Thereupon they accomplished a very long voyage and
entered the Ocean at the point where it breaks through the land (the
Straits of Gibraltar), and so by the result of their daring exploit
showed that wherever ships can sail, nothing is closed to pirates in
desperation.”[9]
In the time of Diocletian and Maximian these maritime tribes so harassed
the coasts of Gaul and Britain that Maximian, in 286, was obliged to
make Gesoriacum or Bononia (the present Boulogne) into a port for the
Roman fleet, in order as far as possible to prevent their incursions.
“About this time (A.D. 287) Carausius, who, though of very humble
origin, had, in the exercise of vigorous warfare, obtained a
distinguished reputation, was appointed at Bononia to reduce to quiet
the coast regions of Belgica and Armorica, which were overrun by the
Franks and Saxons. But though many of the barbarians were captured, the
whole of the booty was not handed over to the inhabitants of the
province, nor sent to the commander-in-chief, and the barbarians were,
moreover, deliberately allowed by him to come in, that he might capture
them with their spoils as they passed through, and by this means enrich
himself. On being condemned to death by Maximian, he seized on the
sovereign command, and took possession of Britain.”[10]
Eutropius also records that the Saxons and others dwelt on the coasts of
and among the marshes of the great sea, which no one could traverse, but
the Emperor Valentinian (320–375) nevertheless conquered them.
The Emperor Julian calls the
“Franks and Saxons the most warlike of the tribes above the Rhine and
the Western Sea.”[11]
Ammianus Marcellinus (d. circ. 400 A.D.) writes:—
“At this time (middle of the 4th century), just as though the trumpets
were sounding a challenge throughout all the Roman world, fierce nations
were stirred up and began to burst forth from their territories. The
Alamanni began to devastate Gallia and Rhætia; the Sarmatæ and Quadi
Pannonia, the Picts and Saxons, Scots, and Attacotti constantly harassed
the Britons.”[12]
“The Franks and the Saxons, who are coterminous with them, were ravaging
the districts of Gallia wherever they could effect an entrance by sea or
land, plundering and burning, and murdering all the prisoners they could
take.”[13]
Claudianus asserts that the Saxons appeared even in the Orkneys:—
“The Orcades were moist from the slain Saxon.”[14]
These are but a few of many allusions to the same effect which might be
quoted.
That the swarms of Sueones and so-called Saxons and Franks, seen on
every sea of Europe, could have poured forth from a small country is not
possible. Such fleets as they possessed could only have come from a
country densely covered with oak forests. We must come to the conclusion
that Sueones, Franks, and Saxons were seafaring tribes belonging to one
people. The Roman writers did not seem to know the precise locality
inhabited by these people.
It would appear that these tribes must have come from a country further
eastward than the Roman provinces, and that as they came with ships,
their home must have been on the shores of the Baltic, the Cattegat, and
Norway; in fact, precisely the country which the numerous antiquities
point to as inhabited by an extremely warlike and maritime race, which
had great intercourse with the Greek and Roman world.
The dates given by the Greek and Roman writers of the maritime
expeditions, invasions, and settlements of the so-called Saxons and
Franks agree perfectly with the date of the objects found in the North,
among which are numerous Roman coins, and remarkable objects of Roman
and Greek art, which must have been procured either by the peaceful
intercourse of trade or by war. To this very day thousands upon
thousands of graves have been preserved in the North, belonging to the
time of the invasions of these Northmen, and to an earlier period. From
them no other inference can be drawn than that the country and islands
of the Baltic were far more densely populated than any part of central
and western Europe and Great Britain, since the number of these earlier
graves in those countries is much smaller.
Every tumulus described by antiquaries as a Saxon or Frankish grave is
the counterpart of a Northern grave, thus showing conclusively the
common origin of the people.
Wherever graves of the same type are found in other countries we have
the invariable testimony, either of the Roman or Greek writers of the
Frankish and English Chronicles or of the Sagas, to show that the people
of the North had been in the country at one time or another.
The conclusion is forced upon us that in time the North became
over-populated, and an outlet was necessary for the spread of its
people.
The story of the North is that of all countries whose inhabitants have
spread and conquered, in order to find new fields for their energy and
over-population; in fact, the very course the progenitors of the
English-speaking peoples adopted in those days is precisely the one
which has been followed by their descendants in England and other
countries for the last three hundred years.
It is certain that the Franks could not have lived on the coast of
Frisia, as they did later on, for we know that the country of the Rhine
was held by the Romans, and, besides, as we have already seen, Julian
refers to the Franks and Saxons as dwelling above the Rhine. Moreover,
till they had to give up their conquests, no mention is made by the
Romans of native seafaring tribes inhabiting the shores of their
northern province, except the Veneti, and they would have certainly
tried to subjugate the roving seamen that caused them so much trouble in
their newly-acquired provinces if they had been within their reach.
From the Roman writers, who have been partially confirmed by archæology,
we know that the tribes which inhabited the country to which they give
the vague name of Germania were not seafaring people nor possessed of
any civilisation. The invaders of Britain, of the Gallic and of the
Mediterranean coasts could therefore not have been the German tribes
referred to by the Roman writers, who, as we see from Julius Cæsar and
other Roman historians, were very far from possessing the civilisation
which we know, from the antiquities, to have existed in the North.
“Their whole life is devoted to hunting and warlike pursuits. From
childhood they pay great attention to toil and hardiness; they bathe all
together in the rivers, and wear skins or small reindeer garments,
leaving the greater part of their bodies naked.”[15]
Tacitus, in recording the speech of Germanicus to his troops before the
battle at Idistavisus, bears witness to the uncivilised character of the
inhabitants of the country.
“The huge targets, the enormous spears of the barbarians could never be
wielded against trunks of trees and thickets of underwood shooting up
from the ground, like Roman swords and javelins, and armour fitting the
body ... the Germans had neither helmet nor coat of mail; their bucklers
were not even strengthened with leather, but mere contextures of twigs
and boards of no substance daubed over with paint. Their first rank was
to a certain extent armed with pikes, the rest had only stakes burnt at
the ends or short darts.”[16]
Now compare these descriptions with the magnificent archæology of the
North of that period—as seen in these volumes—from which we learn that
the tribes who inhabited the shores of the Baltic and the present
Scandinavia had at the time the above was written reached a high degree
of civilisation. We find in their graves and hoards, coins of the early
Roman Empire not in isolated instances, but constantly and in large
numbers, and deposited side by side with such objects as coats of mail,
damascened swords and other examples of articles of highly artistic
workmanship.
Three kinds of swords are often mentioned by the Northmen—the _mœkir_,
the _sverd_, and the _sax_, while among the spears there is one called
_frakki_, or _frakka_.
The double-edged sword was the one that was in use among the Romans, and
they, seeing bodies of men carrying a weapon unlike theirs—single-edged,
and called Sax—may have named them after it, and the Franks, in like
manner, may have been called after their favourite weapon, the Frakki;
but we see that neither the _sax_ nor the _frakki_ was confined to one
tribe in the North. There is a Saxland in the Sagas—a small country
situated east of the peninsula of Jutland, about the present Holstein—a
land tributary to the Danish or Swedish Kings from the earliest times,
but far from possessing the warlike archæology of the North, it appears
to have held an insignificant place among the neighbouring tribes.
In the Bayeux tapestry the followers of William the Conqueror were
called Franci, and they always have been recognised as coming from the
North.
The very early finds prove that the Sax was not rare, for it occurs in
different parts of the North and islands of the Baltic. The different
swords and spears used were so common and so well known to everybody,
that we have no special description of them in the Sagas, except of
their ornamentation; but in the Saga of Grettir there is a passage which
shows that the Sax was single-edged.
Gretti went to a farm in Iceland to slay the Bondi Thorbjorn and his son
Arnor. We read—
“When Gretti saw that the young man was within reach he lifted his _sax_
high into the air, and struck Arnor’s head with _its back_, so that his
head was broken and he died. Thereupon he killed the father with his
_sax_.”
Whatever may be the origin of local names employed by the Roman writers
we must look to the North for the maritime tribes described by them;
there we shall find the home of the earlier English people, to whose
numerous warlike and ocean-loving instincts we owe the transformation
which took place in Britain, and the glorious inheritance which they
have left to their descendants, scattered over many parts of the world,
in whom we recognise to this day many of the very same traits of
character which their ancestors possessed.
CHAPTER III.
THE SETTLEMENT OF BRITAIN BY NORTHMEN.
The Notitia—Probable origin of the name England—Jutland—The language
of the North and of England—Early Northern kings in England—Danes
and Sueones—Mythical accounts of the settlements of England.
Britain being an island could only be settled or conquered by seafaring
tribes, just in the same way as to-day distant lands can only be
conquered by nations possessing ships. From the Roman writers we have
the only knowledge we possess in regard to the tribes inhabiting the
country to which they gave the vague name of Germania. From the Roman
records we find that these tribes were not civilised and that they were
not a seafaring people.
Unfortunately the Roman accounts we have of their conquest and
occupation of Britain, of its population and inhabitants, are very
meagre and unsatisfactory, and do not help us much to ascertain how the
settlement in Britain by the people of the North began. Our lack of
information is most probably due to the simple reason that the
settlement, like all settlements of a new country, was a very gradual
one, a few men coming over in the first instance for the purpose of
trade either with Britons or Romans, or coming from the over-populated
North to settle in a country which the paucity of archæological remains
shows to have been thinly occupied. The Romans made no objection to
these new settlers, who did not prove dangerous to their power on the
island, but brought them commodities, such as furs, &c., from the North.
We find from the Roman records that the so-called Saxons had founded
colonies or had settlements in Belgium and Gaul.
Another important fact we know from the records relating to Britain is
that during the Roman occupation of the island the Saxons had
settlements in the country; but how they came hither we are not told.
In the _Notitia Dignitatum utriusque imperii_, a sort of catalogue or
“Army List,” compiled towards the latter end of the fourth century,
occurs the expression, “Comes litoris Saxonici per Britannias”—Count of
the Saxon Shore in Britain. Within this litus Saxonicum the following
places are mentioned:—Othona, said to be “close by Hastings”; Dubris,
said to be Dover; Rutupiæ, Richborough; Branodunum, Brancaster;
Regulbium, Reculvers; Lemannis, West Hythe; Garianno, Yarmouth;
Anderida, Pevensey; Portus Adurni, Shoreham or Brighton.
This shows that the so-called Saxons were settled in Britain before the
Notitia was drawn up, and at a date very much earlier than has been
assigned by some modern historians.
The hypothesis that the expression “litus Saxonicum” is derived from the
enemy to whose ravages it was exposed seems improbable. Is it not much
more probable that the “litus Saxonicum per Britannias” must mean the
shore of the country settled, not attacked, by Saxons? The mere fact of
their attacking the shore would not have given rise to the name applied
to it had they not settled there, for I maintain that there is no
instance in the whole of Roman literature of a country being named after
the people who attacked it. If, on the other hand, the Saxons had landed
and formed settlements on the British coasts, the origin of the name
“Litus Saxonicum” is easily understood.
Some time after the Romans relinquished Britain we find that part of the
island becomes known as England; and, to make the subject still more
confusing, the people composing its chief population are called Saxons
by the chroniclers and later historians, the name given to them by the
Romans.
That the history of the people called Saxons was by no means certain is
seen in the fact that Witikind, a monk of the tenth century, gives the
following account of what was then considered to be their origin[17]:—
“On this there are various opinions, some thinking that the Saxons had
their origin from the Danes and Northmen; others, as I heard some one
maintain when a young man, that they are derived from the Greeks,
because they themselves used to say the Saxons were the remnant of the
Macedonian army, which, having followed Alexander the Great, were by his
premature death dispersed all over the world.”
As to how Britain came to be called England the different legends given
by the monkish writers are contradictory.
The _Skjöldunga Saga_, which is often mentioned in other Sagas, and
which contains a record down to the early kings of Denmark, is
unfortunately lost: it would, no doubt, have thrown great light on the
lives of early chiefs who settled in Britain; but from some fragments
which are given in this work, and which are supposed to belong to it, we
see that several Danish and Swedish kings claimed to have possessions in
England long before the supposed coming of the Danes.
Some writers assert that the new settlers gave to their new home in
Britain the name of the country which they had left, called _Angeln_,
and which they claim to be situated in the southern part of Jutland; but
besides the Angeln in Jutland there is in the Cattegat an Engelholm,
which is geographically far more important, situated in the land known
as the Vikin of the Sagas, a great Viking and warlike land, from which
the name Viking may have been derived, filled with graves and
antiquities of the iron age. There are also other Engeln in the present
Sweden.
In the whole literature of the North such a name as Engeln is unknown;
it may have been, perhaps, a local name.
In the Sagas the term _England_ was applied to a portion only of
Britain, the inhabitants of which were called _Englar_, _Enskirmenn_.
Britain itself is called _Bretland_, and the people _Bretar_.
“Öngulsey (Angelsey) is one third of Bretland (Wales)” (Magnus
Barefoot’s Saga, c. 11).
Another part of the country was called _Nordimbraland_.
It is an important fact that throughout the Saga literature describing
the expeditions of the Northmen to England not a single instance is
mentioned of their coming in contact with a people called _Saxons_,
which shows that such a name in Britain was unknown to the people of the
North. Nor is any part of England called Saxland.
To make the confusion greater than it is, some modern historians make
the so-called Saxons, who were supposed to have come over with the
mythical Hengist and others, a distinct race from the Northmen, who
afterwards continued to land in the country.
In the Sagas we constantly find that the people of England are not only
included among the Northern lands, but that the warriors of one country
are helping the other. In several places we find, and from others we
infer, that the language in both countries was very similar.
“All sayings in the Northern (norræn) tongue in which there is truth
begin when the Tyrkir and the Asia-men settled in the North. For it is
truly told that the tongue which we call Norræn came with them to the
North, and it went through Saxland, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and part of
England” (Rimbegla, iii. c. i.).
“We are of one tongue, though one of the two, or in some respects both,
are now much changed” (Prose Edda, ii.)
“Then ruled over England King Ethelred, son of Edgar (979). He was a
good chief; he sat this winter in London. The tongue in England, as well
as in Norway and Denmark, was then one, but it changed in England when
William the Bastard won England. Thenceforth the tongue of Valland
(France) was used in England, for he (William) was born there” (Gunnlaug
Ormstunga’s Saga, c. 7).
That the language of the North should have taken a footing in a great
part of England is due, no doubt, to the continuous flow of immigration,
from the northern mother country, which entirely swamped the former
native or British element.
The story given in the English or Irish chronicles of the appearance of
the Danes, in A.D. 785, when their name is first mentioned, is as little
trustworthy as that of the settlement of England, and bears the
appearance of contradiction and confusion in regard to names of people
and facts.
We must remember that the Sueones are not mentioned from the time of
Tacitus to that of Charlemagne (772–814), and certainly they had not
disappeared in the meantime.
What were the Danes doing with their mighty fleets before this? Had
their ships been lying in port for centuries? Had they been built for
simple recreation and the pleasure of looking at them, or did their
maritime power arise at once as if by magic? Such an hypothesis cannot
stand the test of reasoning. The turning of a population into a
seafaring nation is the work of time. Where in the history of the world
can we find a parallel to this story of a people _suddenly_ appearing
with immense navies? Let us compare by analogy the statement of the
chronicles with what might happen to the history of England in the
course of time.
Suppose that for some reason the previous history of England were lost,
with the exception of a fragment which spoke of her enormous fleet of
to-day. Could it be reasonably supposed that this great maritime power
was the creation of a few years?
A few years after the time fixed as that of their first supposed
appearance we find these very Danes swarming everywhere with their
fleets and warriors, not only in England, but in Gaul, in Brittany, up
the Seine, the Garonne, the Rhine, the Elbe, on the coasts of Spain, and
further eastward in the Mediterranean.
The Sueones, or Swedes, reappear at the close of the eighth and
commencement of the ninth centuries by the side of the Danes, and both
called themselves Northmen. Surely the maritime power of the Sueones,
described by Tacitus, could not have been destroyed immediately after
his death, only to reappear in the time of Charlemagne, when it again
becomes prominent in the Frankish annals.
A remarkable fact not to be overlooked is that, in the time of
Charlemagne, the Franks and Saxons were not a seafaring people, though
their countries had an extensive coast with deep rivers. The Frankish
annals never mention a Frank or Saxon fleet attacking the fleets of the
Northmen, or preventing them from ascending their streams, though
Charlemagne ordered ships to be built in order to resist their
incursions.
While the country of the Saxons was being conquered by this Emperor, we
find that the Saxons themselves had no vessels on the Elbe or Weser in
which, if defeated, they could retire in safety, or by help of which
they could prevent the army of their enemies from crossing their
streams. Such tactics were constantly used by the Northmen in their
invasions of ancient Gaul, Britain, Germania, Spain, &c.
Thus we see that, though hardly more than three hundred years had
elapsed since the time when, according to the Roman writers, the fleets
of the Franks and Saxons swarmed over every sea of Europe, not a vestige
of their former maritime power remained in the time of Charlemagne, and
the Saxons were still occupying the same country as in the days of
Ptolemy.
Pondering over the above important facts, the question arises: Were not
the Romans mistaken in giving the names of Saxons and Franks to the
maritime tribes of whose origin, country, and homes they knew nothing,
but who came to attack their shores? Were not these so-called Saxons and
Franks in reality tribes of Sueones, Swedes, Danes, Norwegians? The
Romans knew none of the countries of these people. It seems strange, if
not incredible, to find two peoples, whose country had a vast sea-coast
and deep rivers, totally abandoning the seafaring habits possessed by
their forefathers.
It cannot be doubted that Ivar Vidfadmi, after him Harald Hilditönn,
then Sigurd Hring and Ragnar Lodbrok and his sons, and probably some of
the Danish and Swedish kings before them, made expeditions to England,
and gained and held possessions there. Several distinct records, having
no connection with each other, being parts of different Sagas and
histories, with the archæology, form the evidence.
“Ivar Vidfadmi (wide-fathomer) subdued the whole of Sviaveldi (the
Swedish realm); he also got Danaveldi (Danish realm) and a large part of
Saxland, and the whole of Austrriki (Eastern realm, including Russia,
&c.) and the fifth part of England. From his kin have come the kings of
Denmark and the kings of Sweden who have had sole power in these lands”
(Ynglinga Saga, c. 45).
The above is corroborated by another quite independent source.
“Ivar Vidfadmi ruled England till his death-day. As he lay on his
death-bed he said he wanted to be carried to where the land was exposed
to attacks, and that he hoped those who landed there would not be
victorious. When he died it happened as he said, and he was
_mound-laid_. It is said by many men that when King Harald Sigurdsson
came to England he landed where Ivar’s mound was, and he was slain
there. When Vilhjálm Bastard came to the land he broke open the mound of
Ivar and saw that the corpse was not rotten; he made a large pyre, and
had Ivar burned on it; then he went up on land and got the victory”
(Ragnar Lodbrók’s Saga, c. 19).
We find that not only did the Norwegians call themselves Northmen, but
that both Danes and Sueones were called Northmen in the Frankish
Chronicles.[18]
“The Danes and Sueones, whom we call Northmen, occupy both the northern
shore and all its islands.”
So also Nigellus (in the reign of Louis Le Debonnaire).[19]
“The Danes also after the manner of the Franks are called by the name of
Manni.”
The time came when the people of the North, continuing their expeditions
to Britain, attacked their own kinsmen. After the departure of the
Romans the power of the new comers increased, and as they became more
numerous, they became more and more domineering: the subsequent
struggles were between a sturdy race that had settled in the country and
people of their own kin, and not with Britons, who had been so easily
conquered by the Romans, had appealed to them afterwards for protection,
and had for a long period been a subject race. It is not easy to believe
that the inhabitants of a servile Roman province could suddenly become
stubborn and fierce warriors, nor are there any antiquities belonging to
the Britain of yore which bear witness to a fierce and warlike character
displayed by the aboriginal inhabitants.
From the preceding pages we see that Franks and Saxons are continually
mentioned together, and it is only in the North we can find antiquities
of a most warlike and seafaring people, who must have formed the great
and preponderating bulk of the invading host who conquered Britain.
Britain after a continuous immigration from the North, which lasted
several hundred years, became the most powerful colony of the Northern
tribes, several of whose chiefs claimed a great part of England even in
the seventh century. Afterwards she asserted her independence, though
she did not get it until after a long and tedious struggle with the
North, the inhabitants and kings of which continued to try to assert the
ancient rights their forefathers once possessed. Then the time came when
the land upon which the people of these numerous tribes had settled
became more powerful and more populous than the mother country; a case
which has found several parallels in the history of the world. To-day
the people of England as they look over the broad Atlantic may perhaps
discern the same process gradually taking place. In the people of the
United States of North America, the grandest and most colossal state
founded by England or any other country of which we have any historical
record, we may recognise the indomitable courage, the energy and spirit
which was one of the characteristics of the Northern race to whom a
great part of the people belong. The first settlement of the country,
territory by territory, State by State—the frontier life with its bold
adventures, innumerable dangers, fights, struggles, privations and
heroism—is the grandest drama that has ever been enacted in the history
of the world. The time is not far distant, if the population of the
United States and Canada increases in the same ratio as it has done for
more than a hundred years, when over three or four hundred millions of
its people will speak the English tongue; and I think it is no
exaggeration to say that in the course of time one hundred millions more
will be added, from Australia, New Zealand and other colonies which
to-day form part of the British Empire, but which are destined to become
independent nations. In fact we hesitate to look still further into the
future of the English race, for fear of being accused of exaggeration.
There is a mythical version of the settlement of Britain contradictory
of the Roman records. This version is that of Gildas whose ‘De Excidio
Britanniæ’ is supposed to have been composed in the sixth century (560
A.D.), and whose statements have unfortunately been taken by one
historian after the other as a true history of Britain. His narrative,
which gives an account of the first arrival of the Saxons in Britain and
the numerous wars which followed their invasion, has been more or less
copied by Nennius, Bede and subsequent chroniclers, whose writings are a
mass of glaring contradictions, diffuse and intricate, for they contain
names which appear to have been invented by the writers and which cannot
be traced in the language of those times, while the dates assigned for
the landing of the so-called Saxons do not agree with one another.
The historians who use Gildas as an authority and try to believe his
account of the settlement of Britain by Hengist and Horsa (the stallion
and the mare) are obliged, in order to explain away the Roman records,
to give a most extraordinary interpretation to the Notitia.
We are all aware that the people of every country like to trace their
origin or history as far back as possible, and that legends often form
part of the fabric of those histories. The early chroniclers, who were
credulous and profoundly ignorant of the world, took these fables for
facts, or they may have possibly been incorporated in the text of their
supposed works after their time. The description of the settlement of a
country must be founded on facts which can bear the test of searching
criticism if they are to be believed and adopted; Gildas and his
copyists cannot stand that test, and the Roman records, as corroborated
by the archæology and literature of the North and the archæology of
England, must be taken as the correct ones.
The mythological literature of the North bears evidence of a belief
prevalent among the people, that their ancestors migrated at a remote
period from the shores of the Black Sea, through south-western Russia,
to the shores of the Baltic. This belief seems to be supported by a
variety of evidence. Herodotus describes a people on the Tanais, the
Budini, as being blue-eyed and yellow-haired, with houses built of wood,
his description of the walls reminding one of the characteristics of the
Danavirki (Herodotus, IV. 21, 108, 109). One of his tribes, the
_Thysagetæ_, may possibly be indicated in the _Thursar_ of the Voluspa,
&c.
When we appeal to Archæology, we find in the neighbourhood of the Black
Sea, near to the old Greek settlement, graves similar to those of the
North, containing ornaments and other relics also remarkably like those
found in the ancient graves of Scandinavia. The Runes of the North
remind us strikingly of the characters of Archaic Greek. If we follow
the river Dnieper upwards from its mouth in the Black Sea, we see in the
museums of Kief and Smolensk many objects of types exactly similar to
those found in the graves of the North. When we reach the Baltic we find
on its eastern shores the Gardariki of the Sagas, where, we are told,
the Odin of the North placed one of his sons, and on the southern shores
many specimens have been discovered similar to those obtained in
Scandinavia.
In the following chapters the reader will be struck by the similarity of
the customs of the Norsemen with those of the ancient Greeks as recorded
by Homer and Herodotus; for example, the horse was very much sacrificed
in the North, and Herodotus, describing the Massagetæ, says:
“They (the Massagetæ) worship the sun only of all the gods, and
sacrifice horses to him” (I. 216).
In regard to the Jutes, Jutland = Jöts, Jötnar; Jötland, Jötunheim, we
find them from the Sagas to be a very ancient land and people, and meet
several countries bearing kindred names—even to this day we have
Göteborg, in which the _G_ is pronounced as English _Y_.
From the Roman, Greek, Frankish, Russian, English, and Arabic records,
we must come to the conclusion that the “Viking Age” lasted from about
the second century of our era to about the middle of the twelfth without
interruption, hence the title given to the work which deals with the
history and customs of our English forefathers during that period.
CHAPTER IV.
THE MYTHOLOGY AND COSMOGONY OF THE NORSEMEN.
The three poems giving the mythology and cosmogony of the North—The
Völuspa, Vafthrudnismal, Grimnismal, the Asar, Jötnar, and
Thursar—Odin and Vafthrudnir—The nine worlds—Before the
creation—The origin of the Hrim Thursar—Birth of Ymir—Birth of
Odin—Vili and Ve—The ash Yggdrasil—The well of wisdom—Hel, one of
the nine worlds—The bridge Bifröst—Heimdall—Bergelmir born before
the creation—The Jötun—Ymir slain by Odin—The deluge of
blood—Creation of the world—Divisions of time—End of the world—A
new world.
In the three poems called _Völuspa_, _Vafthrudnismal_, and _Grimnismal_,
we have the earliest accounts of the cosmogony and of the mythology of
the people of the North. The grand central figure in the mythology is
Odin. He and his kin formed the people known as Asar in the lore and
literature of the North, and were treated as gods. These poems are too
long to be given here in full, but in the following pages we have
endeavoured, by means of extracts, to give a more or less consecutive
account of the subjects with which they deal.
The Völuspa was an inspired poem of a Völva or Sibyl,[20] and embodies
the records of the creation of the present world, and of the time prior
to it; of the various races, their origin and history, and of the chaos
and destruction which finally will overtake mankind.
It is in some places so obscure, that if it had not been partly
explained by the later Edda, and had light thrown upon it by the sagas
and ancient laws, it would be impossible to understand its meaning; and
even now it is most difficult, and in some places impossible to fully
comprehend several of its mythical parts, some of which will always
remain enigmatical.
Vafthrudnismal is especially interesting as compared with the Völuspa,
with much of which it corresponds, and some part of which it amplifies.
The mythical and the real are so intermingled that it is often
impossible to distinguish the one from the other.
In the beginning we are confronted by a chief named Odin, the son of
Bör, who lived near the Tanais (the river Don) not far from the Palus
Mæotis (the Sea of Azof), and there we find one Asgard, which in all
probability had its original in some real locality.
Besides Asar and Jötnar, many other tribes are mentioned which can
hardly be regarded as altogether mythical, some of which may have
inhabited the far north of the ancient Sweden, or part of the present
Russia and Scandinavia; the Thursar, who were also called Hrimthursar
(hoar frost), and the Risar, also Bergrisar (mountain Risar), appear
from these names to have lived in a cold mountainous country, possibly
the region of the Ural Mountains.
Jötunheim, the chief burgh of which was _Utgard_, would appear to be a
general, vague name given to a very wide extent of country not embraced
in Asaheim (the home of the Asar). Jötunheim, as the name indicates, was
the home or country of the Jötnar and Thursar, between whom and the Asar
there was fierce enmity.
Some of the Jötnar were considered very wise, and Odin, as the chief of
the Asar, determined to go in disguise to Jötunheim, the home of the
Jötnar, in order to seek out the Jötun Vafthrudnir[21] (the mighty or
wise in riddles), who was renowned for his knowledge. The song begins by
representing Odin as consulting his wife, Frigg, as to the advisability
of undertaking the journey. The stanzas which follow represent Odin
questioning Vafthrudnir in his search for knowledge:—
Then went Odin
To try word-wisdom
Of the all-wise Jötun.
To a hall he came,
Owned by Ymir’s father;
In went Ygg at once.[22]
(_As Odin enters he sings_—)
Hail, Vafthrudnir,
I have come into thy hall
To look at thyself;
First I want to know,
If thou art a wise
Or an all-wise Jötun.
_Vafthrudnir._
Who is the man
That in my hall
Speaks to me?
Thou shalt not
Get out of it
Unless thou art the wiser.
_Odin._
I am called _Gagnrad_,[23]
I have now come from my walking
Thirsty to thy hall;
Needing thy bidding
And thy welcome, Jötun;
Long time have I travelled.
_Vafthrudnir._
Why standing on the floor
Dost thou speak to me?
Take a seat in the hall.
Then we shall try
Who knows more,
The guest or the old wise one.
_Odin._
When a poor man
Comes to a rich one
Let him speak useful things or be silent;
Great babbling
I think turns to ill
For one who meets a cold-ribbed[24] man.
We are told in the Völuspa that Odin, in the quest of information, went
to visit the Völva, or Sybil, Heid, who was possessed of supernatural
powers of knowledge and foresight. She asks for a hearing from the sons
of Heimdal, or mankind, and then proceeds to tell what she recollects:—
I remember Jötnar
Early born,
Who of yore
Raised me;[25]
I remember nine worlds,
Nine ividi[26]
The famous world-tree (Yggdrasil)
Beneath the earth.
The nine worlds were—1, Muspel; 2, Asgard; 3, Vanaheim (home of the
Vanir); 4, Midgard; 5, Alfheim (world of the Alfar); 6, Mannheim (home
of men); 7, Jötunheim (the home of the Jötnar); 8, Hel; 9, Niflheim.
The first beginnings of all things were apparently as obscure to the
Völva as to others; nothing existed before the Creation. The world was
then a gaping void (Ginnungagap), and there the Jötun Ymir, or the Hrim
Thursar, lived. On each side of Ginnungagap there were two worlds,
Niflheim, the world of cold, and Muspelheim, the world of heat.
When Ymir lived
In early ages
Was neither sand nor sea,
Nor cool waves,
No earth was there
Nor heaven above,
There was gaping void
And grass nowhere.
“First there was a home (a world) in the southern half of the world
called Muspel; it is hot and bright, so that it is burning and in
flames; it is also inaccessible for those who have no _odals_ (or family
estates); there the one that sits at the land’s end to defend it is
called a Surt. He has a flaming sword, and at the end of the world he
will go and make warfare and get victory over all the gods, and burn the
whole world with fire” (Later Edda, c. 4).[27]
The origin of the Hrim Thursar and the Birth of Ymir, who lived in
Ginnungagap, and of Odin, Vili, and Ve, is as follows:
“Gangleri asked, ‘How was it before the kindreds existed and mankind
increased?’ Hár answered, ‘When the rivers called Elivagar had run so
far from their sources that the quick venom which flowed into them, like
the dross which runs out of the fire, got hard, and changed into ice;
when this ice stood still and flowed no longer, the exhalation of the
poison came over it and froze into rime; the rime rose up all the way
into the Ginnungagap.’ Jafnhár said, ‘The part of Ginnungagap turning to
the north was filled with the heaviness and weight of ice and rime, and
the opposite side with drizzle and gusts of wind; but the southern part
of Ginnungagap became less heavy, from the sparks and glowing substances
which came flying from Muspelheim.’ Thridi said, ‘Just as the cold and
all things come from Niflheim, the things near Muspel were hot and
shining; Ginnungagap was as warm as windless air. When the rime and the
breath of the heat met so that the rime melted into drops, a human form
came from these flowing drops with the power of the one who had sent the
heat; he was called Ymir, but the Hrimthursar call him Örgelmir, and the
kin of the Hrimthursar have sprung from him.’ Gangleri asked, ‘How did
the kin grow from this, or how came it that there were more men; or dost
thou believe in the god of whom thou didst tell now?’ Hár answered, ‘By
no means do we think him a god; he was bad, and all his kinsmen; we call
them Hrimthursar. It is told that when asleep he sweated, and then there
grew a man and a woman from under his left arm, and one of his feet
begot a son with the other; thence have sprung the kin of Hrimthursar.
We call Ymir the Old Hrimthurs.’
“Gangleri asked, ‘Where did Ymir live, or by what?’ ‘It happened next
when the hoar-frost fell in drops that the cow Audhumla grew out of it;
four rivers of milk ran from her teats, and she fed Ymir.’
“Gangleri asked, ‘On what did the cow feed?’ Hár answered, ‘She licked
the rime-stones covered with salt and rime, and the first day when she
licked them a man’s hair came out of them in the evening; the second day
a man’s head; the third day a whole man was there; he is called Buri; he
was handsome in looks, large, and mighty; he had Bör for son, who got
Besla, daughter of Bölthorn jötun, for wife, and she had three sons,
Odin, Vili,[28] Ve; and it is my belief that this Odin and his brothers
are the rulers of heaven and earth. We think he is called so. Thus the
man whom we know to be the greatest and most famous is called, and they
may well give him this name’” (‘Gylfaginning,’ c. 5).
The ash tree Yggdrasil is one of the strangest conceptions found in any
mythology.
An ash I know standing
Called _Yggdrasil_,
A high tree besprinkled
With white loam;
Thence come the dews
That drop in the dales;
It stands evergreen
Spreading over the well of Urd.
Three roots stand
In three directions
Under the ash Yggdrasil;
Hel dwels under one,
The Hrim-thursar under the second,
Under the third “mortal” men.
(Grimnismal).
Under it stands the well of wisdom for a drink from which Odin pledges
his one eye.
“Gangleri said: ‘Where is the head-place or holy place of the Asar?’ Hár
answered: ‘At the ash of Yggdrasil, where the gods give their judgments
every day.’ Gangleri asked: ‘What can be told of that place?’ Jafnhár
said: ‘The ash is the largest and best of trees; its branches spread all
over the world and reach up over the heaven; three roots of the tree
hold it up and spread very widely. One (of the roots) is with the Asar,
another with the Hrimthursar where of yore Ginnungagap was; the third is
over Niflheim, and beneath it is Hvergelmin, but Nidhög gnaws its lower
part. Under the root turning towards the Hrimthursar is Mimir’s well, in
which wisdom and intellect are hidden. Its owner is called Mimir; he is
full of wisdom, for he drinks from the well of the horn Gjallar-horn.
Odin came and asked for a drink of the well, and did not get it till he
pawned his eye.”
“What more wonders,” asked Gangleri, “may be told of the ash?” Hár
answered, “Many wonders. An eagle sits in the limbs of the ash and knows
many things; between its eyes sits the hawk Vedrfölnir. The squirrel
Ratatösk runs up and down the ash and carries words of envy between the
eagle and Nidhög. Four harts run on the limbs of the ash and eat the
buds; they are called Dain, Dvalin, Duneyr, and Durathror. So many
serpents are in Hvergelmir with Nidhög that no tongue can number them”
(Gylfaginning, c. 16).
Heid in the Voluspa tells about the holy tree, and that the horn of
Heimdall is hidden under it till the last fight of the gods. Yggdrasil
is watered from the water of the well.
She knows that the blast
Of Heimdal is hidden
Under the bright
Holy tree;
She sees it poured over
By a muddy stream
From the pledge of Valfödr;
Know ye all up to this and onward?
Under the tree lived the three Nornir (Genii), who shape the destinies
of men.
Thence come three maidens,
Knowing many things,
Out of the hall
Which stands under the tree;
One was called Urd,
Another Verdandi,
The third Skuld;
They carved on wood tablets,
They chose lives,
They laid down laws
For the children of men,
They chose the fates of men.
Hel was one of the nine worlds, and stood under the ash Yggdrasil, where
the dead, who did not die on the battle-field, went. Hence, when a man
had died, Hel-shoes were put on his feet for the journey.
Odin goes to the world of Hel, in which was the Gnipa cave, in order to
inquire about the fate of his son Baldr who had died.
“Odin threw Hel (daughter of Loki) down into Niflheim, and gave her
power over nine worlds; she was to lodge all those who were sent to her,
namely, those who died of sickness and old age. She has a large
homestead there, and her house-walls are wonderfully high, and her doors
are large. Her hall is called Eljúdnir, her plate famine, her knife
hunger; ganglati (lazy-goer, idler) her thrall; ganglöt (idler) her
bondswoman; her threshhold is called stumbling-block; her bed the couch
of one who is bed-ridden; her bed-hangings (ársal) the glittering evil.
One half of her body is livid, and the other half skin-colour; therefore
she is easily known, and her look is frowning and fierce” (Later Edda,
c. 34, Gylfaginning).
“It is the beginning of this Saga that Baldr the Good dreamt great and
dangerous dreams about his life. When he told them to the Asar they
consulted and resolved to ask for safety for Baldr from every kind of
danger; Frigg (Odin’s wife) took oaths from fire, water, iron, and every
kind of metal, stones, earth, trees, sicknesses, beasts, birds, poison,
serpents, that they would spare Baldr’s life. When this was done and
known, Baldr and the Asar entertained themselves thus: he stood up at
the Things and some gods shot at him, or others struck at him or threw
stones at him. Whatever they did he was not hurt, and all thought this a
great wonder. When Loki Laufey(jarson) saw this he was angry that Baldr
was not hurt. He changed himself into a woman’s shape and went to Frigg
in Fensalir. Frigg asked this woman if she knew what the Asar were doing
at the Thing. She said that they all shot at Baldr, and that he was not
hurt. Frigg said, ‘Weapons or trees will not hurt Baldr; I have taken
oaths from them all.’ The woman asked, ‘Have all things taken oaths to
spare Baldr’s life?’ Frigg answered, ‘A bush grows east of Valhöll
called Mistiltein (mistletoe); I thought it was too young to take an
oath.’ The woman went away; but Loki took the mistletoe and tore it up
and went to the Thing. Höd (Baldr’s brother) stood in the outmost part
of the ring of people. Loki said to him, ‘Why doest thou not shoot at
Baldr?’ He answered, ‘Because I do not see where he is, and also I am
weaponless.’ Loki said, ‘Do like other men and show honour to Baldr; I
will show thee where he stands; shoot this stick at him.’ Höd took the
mistletoe and shot at Baldr as Loki showed him; it pierced Baldr, who
fell dead to the ground. This was the most unfortunate deed that has
been done among the gods and men. When Baldr was fallen none of the Asar
could say a word or touch him with their hands, and they looked at each
other with the same mind towards the one who had done this deed, but no
one could take revenge; it was such a place of peace. When they tried to
speak the tears came first, so that no one could tell to the other his
sorrow in words. Odin suffered most from this loss, because he knew best
what a loss and damage to the Asar the death of Baldr was....”
(Gylfaginning, c. 49).
“It is to be told of Hermód that he rode nine nights through dark and
deep valleys and saw nothing before he came to the river Gjöll[29] and
rode on the Gjallar bridge,[30] which is covered with shining gold.[31]
Modgud is the name of the maiden who guards the bridge; she asked him
his name and kin, and said that the day before five arrays of dead men
rode over the bridge, ‘but the bridge sounds not less under thee alone,
and thou hast not the colour of dead men; why ridest thou here on the
way of Hel?’ He answered, ‘I am riding to Hel to seek Baldr, or hast
thou seen Baldr on the way of Hel?’ She answered that Baldr had ridden
over the Gjallar bridge, ‘but the way of Hel lies downward and
northward.’ Hermód rode till he came to the gates of Hel; then he
alighted and girthed his horse strongly, mounted and pricked it with the
spurs; the horse leaped so high over the gate that it touched nowhere.
Then Hermód rode home to the hall, alighted, went in and saw his brother
Baldr sitting in a high-seat; he stayed there the night. In the morning
Hermód asked Hel to allow Baldr to ride home with him, and told how
great weeping there was among the Asar. Hel said she would see if Baldr
was as beloved as was told; if all things, living and dead, in the world
weep over him, he shall go back to the Asar, but remain with Hel (me) if
any refuse or will not weep. Then Hermód rose, and Baldr let him out of
the hall and took the ring Draupnir and sent it to Odin as a
remembrance, and Nanna[32] sent to Frigg a linen veil and more gifts,
and to Fulla a gold ring. Then Hermód rode back to Asgard and told all
the tidings he had seen or heard. Thereupon the Asar sent messengers all
over the world to ask that Baldr might be wept out of Hel, and all did
it, men and beasts, earth and stones, trees, and all metals, as thou
must have seen that these things weep when they come from frost into
heat. When the messengers went home and had performed their errands
well, they found a jötun woman sitting in a cave, called Thökk; they
asked her to weep Baldr (out of) Hel; she answered—
Thökk will weep
With dry tears
The burning voyage of Baldr;
I never enjoyed
A living or a dead man’s son;
May Hel keep what she has.
It is guessed that this was Loki Laufeyjarson, who had caused most evils
among the Asar.”
“Then also the dog Garm, which is tied in front of Gnipa cave, got
loose; he is the greatest terror, he fights Tyr and they kill each
other” (Gylfaginning, c. 5).
The wicked seem to have died twice: first they die and get into Hel,
then they die again and get into _Niflhel_ = _Foggy Hel_. The following
is one of the answers of Vafthrudnir to Odin:—
Of the runes[33] of Jötnar
And those of all the gods
I can tell thee true,
For I have been
In every world;
I have gone to nine
Worlds beneath _Nifl-hel_;
There die the men from _Hel_.
The sides of the rim of heaven communicate with each other by a bridge
called Bifröst, or the bridge of the Asar, on which Heimdall, the
watchman of the gods, stood.
“Heimdall is the watchman of the gods standing on Bifröst Bridge (the
rainbow)” (Later Edda, 27).
“Heimdall is named the White As: he is great and holy; nine maidens bore
him as son, and they were all sisters. He is also called Hallinskidi and
Gullintanni (gold tooth). His teeth were of gold, his horse is called
gold maned. He lived at a place called Himinbjörg (heaven mountains) by
Bifröst. He is the warden of the gods, and sits there at the end of
heaven to guard the bridge against the Berg Risar (mountain Jötnar); he
needs less sleep than a bird, he can see equally by night and by day a
hundred leagues away, and he hears when the grass grows, or the wool on
the sheep, and all that is louder than these. He has the horn called
Gjallarhorn, and his blowing is heard through all worlds. The sword of
Heimdall is called Höfud” (Gylfaginning, 27).
We find that the Jötnar and Asar were separated from each other by a
large river whose waters never freeze.
_Vafthrudnir._
Tell me, Gagnrad, &c.,
How the river is called
Which divides the land
Between the sons of Jötnar and the gods.
_Odin._
_Ifing_ is the river called
That parts the land
Between the sons of Jötnar and the gods;
Open shall it flow
All the days of the world;
No ice will come on it.
From Vafthrudnismal we learn of the origin of Bergelmir who was born
before the Creation.
It is an important question which are the most ancient people—the Asar,
or the ancient kinsmen of Ymir?
_Odin._
Tell me ...
Who of the Asar,
Or of the sons of Ymir,
Was the oldest in early days?
_Vafthrudnir._
Numberless winters
Before the earth was shaped
Was Bergelmir born.
Thrudgelmir
Was his father
And Orgelmir his grandfather.
_Odin._
Tell me ...
Whence first Orgelmir came
Among the sons of Jötnar,
Thou wise Jötun.
_Vafthrudnir._
From _Elivagar_[34]
Spurted drops of poison
Which grew into a Jötun;
Thence are our kin
All sprung;
Hence they are always too hideous.
_Odin._
Tell me ...
How that strong Jötun
Begat children
As he had not beheld a _gyg_?[35]
_Vafthrudnir._
In the armpit
Of the Hrim-thursar, it is said,
Grew a maiden and a son;
Foot begat with foot
Of that wise Jötun
A six-headed son.
_Odin._
Tell me ...
What thou earliest rememberest,
Or knowest farthest back;
Thou art an all-wise Jötun.
_Vafthrudnir._
Numberless winters
Ere the earth was shaped
Was Bergelmir born;
The first I remember
Is when that wise Jötun
Was laid in the flour-bin.[36]
In due course Ymir was slain by Odin, Vili, and Ve, the three sons of
Bör, who was himself a Jötun, and therefore of the same kin as Ymir.
Having slain Ymir, the sons of Bör proceeded to make the earth out of
his body, and to give the sun, moon, and stars their places in heaven.
The flow of his blood was so great as to cause a deluge. Bergelmir was
the only one of the Hrim-Thursar who escaped in a boat with his wife,
and from him came a new race of Hrim-Thursar.
“The sons of Bör slew the Jötun Ymir, but when he fell there flowed so
much blood from his wounds that it drowned the whole race of the
Hrim-Thursar, except one who escaped with his household. Him the Jötnar
called Bergelmir; he and his wife went on board his ark, and thus saved
themselves; from them are descended a new race of Hrim-Thursar” (Later
Edda).
After the destruction of the earlier Hrim-Thursar we hear how the sons
of Bör created the world, and we are told how the earth and the heavens
were made from Ymir.
From Ymir’s flesh
The earth was shaped,
And from his blood the sea;
The mountains from his bones;
From his hair the trees,
And the heaven from his skull.
But from his brows
The mild gods made
Midgard for the sons of men;
And from his brain
Were all the gloomy
Clouds created.
(Grimnismal.)
We are also told of the creation of the planets and stars, of our world,
of the sea, of the moon, and of day and night. The year was reckoned by
winters (vetr), and the days by nights (nott).
The year was divided into months (mánud or mánad).
“_Haustmánud_ (harvest-month) is the last before winter; _Gormánud_
(gore-month, called thus from the slaughter of cattle then taking place)
the first month of winter; _Frermánud_ (frost-month); _Hrútmánud_ (the
ram’s month); _Thorri_ (the month of waning or declining winter); _Gói_,
_Einmánud_ ... then _Gaukmánud_ or _Sádtid_ (cuckoo-month or
sowing-tide); _Eggtíd_ or _Stekktíd_ (egg-tide or weaning-tide);
_Sólmánud_ or _Selmánud_ (sun-month or sæter-month in which the cattle
are removed to the sel or sæter); _Heyjannir_ (haymaking-month);
_Kornskurdarmánud_ (grain-reaping month)” (Skaldskaparmal, c. 63).
The month was subdivided into six weeks; each week contained five days.
The days were called—Týsdag = Tuesday; Ódinsdag = Wednesday; Thórsdag =
Thursday; Frjádag = Friday; Laugardag (bath-day) or Thváttdag
(washing-day) = Saturday.
_Odin._
Tell me ...
Whence the moon came
That walks above men,
And the sun also?
_Vafthrudnir._
_Mundilfori_[37] is called
The father of the moon,
And of the sun also;
Wheel round the heaven
They shall every day,
And tell men of the years.
_Odin._
Tell me ...
Whence the day came
That passes over mankind,
Or the night with her new moon?
_Vafthrudnir._
_Delling_ (the bright) is called
The father of _Dag_ (the day)
But _Nott_ (night) was Norvi’s[38] daughter;
The full moons and the new ones
The good gods made
To tell men the years.
(Vafthrudnismal.)
The following is the origin of Midgard:—
Ere the sons of Bör
Raised the lands,
They who shaped
The famous _Midgard_;
The sun shone from the south
On the stones of the hall;
Then the ground grew
With green grass.
The sun from the south,[39]
The companion of the moon,
With her right hand took hold
Of the rim of heaven;[40]
The sun knew not
Where she[41] owned halls,
The moon knew not
What power he[42] had;
The stars knew not
Where they owned places.
Then all the powers went
To their judgment seats,[43]
The most holy gods
Counselled about this;
To night and the quarters of the moon
Gave they names;
They gave names to
Morning and midday,
To afternoon and eve,
That the years might be reckoned.
(Völuspa.)
Then we have the origin of the wind and of winter. Hræsvelg means the
swallower of corpses.
_Odin._
Tell me ...
Whence the wind comes
Who goes over the waves;
Men do not see him.
_Vafthrudnir._
_Hræsvelg_ is called
He who sits at heaven’s end,
A Jötun in an eagle’s shape;
From his wings
It is said the wind comes
Over all mankind.
_Odin._
Tell me ...
Whence the winter came,
Or the warm summer,
First with the wise gods.
_Vafthrudnir._
_Vindsval_[44] is called
The father of winter,
And _Svasud_[45] the father of summer.
Another amplification of the Creation is given in Gylfaginning.
Thridi said:
“They took Ymir’s skull, and made thereof the sky, and raised it over
the earth with four sides. Under each corner they set four Dvergar,
which were called Austri, East; Vestri, West; Nordri, North; Sudri,
South. Then they took glowing sparks that were loose and had been cast
out from Muspelheim, and placed them in the midst of the boundless
heaven, both above and below, to light up heaven and earth; they gave
resting-places to all fires, and set some in heaven; some were made free
to go under heaven, but they gave them a place and shaped their course.
In old songs it is said that from that time days and years were
reckoned.”
The creation of the world, and of the heavens and planets, is followed
by that of the Dvergar and of man and woman, who were helpless and
fateless (their destinies not having been spun by the Nornir); from
these two mankind are descended.
Then all the gods went
To their judgment-seats,
The most holy gods,
And counselled about
Who should create
The host of Dvergar
From the bloody surf[46]
And from the bones of Blain.
There did Modsognir[47]
The mightiest become
Of all Dvergar,
And Durin next to him;
They two shaped
Many _man-likenesses_
In the ground,
As Durin has told.[48]
* * * * *
It is time to reckon
Down to Lofar,
For mankind (Gónar),
The Dvergar in Dvalin’s host,[49]
Those who went
From the stone-halls,
The host of Aurvangar,
To Jöruvellir (battle-plains).
* * * * *
Until out of that host[50]
To the house[51]
Came three Asar
Mighty and mild;
They found on the ground
Ask and Embla,
Helpless and fateless
They had no breath,
They had no mind,
Neither blood nor motion
Nor proper complexion.
Odin gave the breath,[52]
Hœnir gave the mind,
Lodur gave the blood
And befitting hues.
(Völuspa.)
Finally the Völva describes the end of the world.
Eastward sat the old one
In Jarnvid,[53]
And there bred
The brood of Fenrir;
Of them all
One becomes
The destroyer of the sun
In the shape of a Troll.
He[54] is fed with the lives
Of death-fated men;
He reddens the seat of the gods
With red blood;
The sunshine becomes black
After the summers,
And all weather woe-begone.
Know ye all up to this and onward?
The herdsman of the Jötun woman,
The glad Egdir,
Sat there on a mound
And struck a harp,
A bright-red cock,
Called Fjalar,
Crowed near him
In the bird-wood.
Crowed for the Asar
Gullinkambi (golden-comb),
He rouses the warriors
At Herjafödr’s (host-father);
But another crows
Under the ground,
A dark red cock,[55]
In the halls of Hel.
Garm barks violently
Before the Gnipa cave;
The fetters will break
And the wolf will run;
She (the Völva) knows many tales.
I see further forward
To the doom of the powers
The dark doom of the gods.
Brothers will fight
And become each other’s slayers;
The sons of sisters will
Break blood ties.
It goes hard in the world,
There is much whoredom,
An age of axes, an age of swords;
Shields are cleft;
An age of winds, an age of wolves,
Ere the world sinks;
No man will spare
Another man.
The sons of Mimir are moving
But the end draws near,
By the sound of the ancient
Gjallarhorn.
Heimdall blows loud,
The horn is aloft;
Odin talks with
The head of Mimir.
Shakes the standing
Ash Yggdrasil;
The old tree groans,
And the Jötun (Loki) breaks loose;
All are terrified[56]
In the roads of Hel
Before the kinsman of Surt
Swallows it.
How is it with the Asar?
How is it with the Alfar?
All Jötunheim rumbles,
The Asar are at the Thing;
The Dvergar moan
Before the stone doors,
The wise ones of the rock wall[57]
Know ye all up to this and onward?
Now Garm barks loud
Before Gnipa cave;
The fetters will break,
And the wolf will run.
Hrym[58] drives from the east,
Holds his shield before him.
The Jörmungand[59] writhes
In Jötun wrath;
The serpent lashes the waves,
And the eagle screams;
The pale beak tears the corpses;
Naglfar[60] is loosened.
A keel (a ship) comes from the east,
The men of Muspell
Will come across the sea,
But Loki is the steerer;[61]
All the monsters
Go with the wolf,
The brother of Býleist (Loki)
Is in the train.
Surt comes from the south
With the _switch-harm_ (fire);
The sun of the gods
Flashes from his sword;
Rocks clash,
The Jötun women stagger;
Men walk the road of Hel;
Heaven is rent asunder.
Then comes the second[62]
Sorrow of Hlin,
When Odin goes
To fight the wolf;
And the bright slayer
Of Beli[63] against Surt;
There will fall
The love of Frigg (Odin).
Now Garm barks loud
Before Gnipa-cave;
The fetters will break,
And the wolf will run.
Then comes the great
Son of Sigfödr (father of victory)
Vidar to slay,
The beast of carrion.[64]
With his hand he lets
His sword pierce
The heart of the Jötun’s son,[65]
Then his father (Odin) is avenged.[66]
Then comes the famous
Son of Hlodyn (Thor);
Odin’s son
Goes to fight the serpent;
Midgard’s defender (Thor)
Slays him in wrath;
All men will
Leave their homesteads;
The son of Fjörgyn (Thor),
Walks nine paces
Reeling from the serpent
That shuns not heinous deeds.
The sun blackens,[67]
The earth sinks into the sea;
The bright stars
Vanish from heaven;
The life-feeder (fire)
And the vapour rage;
The high heat rises
Towards heaven itself.
Now Garm barks loud[68]
Before Gnipa-cave;
The fetters will break,
And the wolf will run.
(Völuspa.)
After the destruction of the world, a new one will arise.
She[69] beholds rising up
Another time
An earth out of the sea,
An evergreen one.
The waterfalls rush;
Above an eagle flies
Which on the mountains
Catches fish.
The Asar meet
On the Idavöll (plain)
And talk about
The mighty earth-serpent
And there speak of
The great events
And of the old runes
Of Fimbultyr.
CHAPTER V.
MYTHOLOGY AND COSMOGONY—_continued_.
Norse Cosmogony—Midgard, Asgard, and Mannheim—The Asar and
Vanir—Thor and Tyr—The Goddesses—The Apples of Youth.
Where the mythical Odin ends in the Völuspa, if there is any ending to
him, is impossible to tell; it appears that he came and built an earthly
_Midgard_,[70] according to the writer of the Later Edda who gives the
tradition and belief of the people in his day.
Odin himself was originally a Jötun, and it would appear from the
mythological literature of the North that, for some reason, he wished to
found a new religion, and desired to proclaim himself chief and
spiritual ruler over several, if not all the tribes before mentioned;
this claim, from the account of the fights which took place, must have
been hotly contested. In the history of the birth of every nation,
something similar has taken place, and these struggles are always
described with wonderful and often supernatural accompaniments. We are
led to believe that a devoted band of followers attached themselves to
Odin’s cause, and gradually others joined him; thus forming a community
over which he was the leader. To protect themselves from their enemies,
among whom, according to the Eddas, were included Jötnar and Thursar,
&c., the Asar erected a wall round their country, and called the whole
enclosed land Midgard.
In the centre of Midgard, Odin built for himself, his family, chiefs,
and councillors, _Asgard_,[71] called also Asaheim (home of the Asar),
and Godheim (home of the gods). _As_, in the Northern language,
afterwards denoted one of the gods, who in course of time were also
deified, and to whom, as well as to Odin, sacrifices were offered.
Within the walls of Midgard, which encircled Asgard, was _Mannheim_,[72]
where Odin’s adherents dwelt, and hence the name of their country.
“They gave them clothes and names; the men they called Ash, and the
women Embla. From them all mankind is descended, and a dwelling-place
was given them under Midgard. In the next place the sons of Bör made for
themselves, in the middle of the world, a burgh which is called Asgard,
and which we call Troja (there dwelt the gods of their race), and thence
resulted many tidings and adventures, both on earth and in the sky. In
Asgard is a place called Hlidskjalf, and when Odin seats himself there
in the high seat he sees all over the whole world, and what every man is
doing, and he knew all things that he saw. His wife was Frigg, and she
was the daughter of Fjorgvin, and from their offspring are descended the
race which we call _Asar_, who inhabited Asgard the ancient, the realm
that surrounds it, and all that race are known to be gods, and for that
reason Odin is called Allfather” (Later Edda).
After Midgard had been built for the sons of men, there is a golden age
on the _Ida-völl_ (plain of movement). Altars and hearths were raised by
the Asar, showing that work is conducive to happiness.
The Asar met,
Who raised on the Idavoll
Altars and high temples;
They laid hearths,
They wrought wealth,
They shaped tongs,
And made tools.
They played chess on the grass-plot;
They were cheerful;
They did not lack
Anything of gold
Until three
Very mighty
Thurs maidens came (Nornir)
From Jotunheim.
Then followed a great battle between the Asar and their neighbours, the
Vanir. The Asar seem to have been at first defeated, but afterwards made
peace. This fight is the most obscure part of the whole of Völuspa.
That fight remembers she
First in the world,
When they pierced
Gullveig[73] with spears,
And burnt her
In the hall of Hár;[74]
Thrice they burnt
The thrice-born one,
Yet still she lives.
Then all the gods went
To their judgment seats,
The most holy gods,
And counselled about
Whether the Asar should
Tribute pay,[75]
Or if all the gods
Should have a feast.
Odin had hurled the spear
And shot at the host;
That was moreover the first
Fight in the world.
Broken was the timber wall[76]
Of the Asa-burgh;
The war-exposed plains
The Vanir trampled on.
A fight is also mentioned in the Ynglinga Saga which seems to be the
same as the one referred to in Völuspa.
“Odin went with a host against the Vanir, but they withstood him well
and defended their land. Asar and Vanir got the victory by turns; each
waged war in the other’s land and plundered. When they became tired of
this they appointed a meeting for agreement between themselves, and made
peace and gave each other hostages. The Vanir gave their foremost men,
Njörd the wealthy and his son Frey, and the Asar gave a man called
Hœnir, and said he was well fitted to be a chief. He was a tall and very
handsome man. The Asar sent with him a man called Mimir, who was very
wise; in exchange for him the Vanir gave one, who was the wisest among
them, called Kvasir. When Hœnir came to Vanaheim he was at once made
chief; Mimir taught him everything. And when Hœnir was at the Things or
meetings, and Mimir was not near, and some difficult cases were taken to
him, he always gave the same answer, ‘Let others say what is to be
done.’ Then the Vanir suspected that the Asar had deceived them in the
exchange of men. They took Mimir and beheaded him, and sent his head to
the Asar. Odin took the head and besmeared it with the juice of plants,
so that it could not rot. He sang charms over it, and by spells made it
so powerful that it spoke with him, and told him many unknown things”
(Ynglinga, c. 4).
Thór was one of the greatest of the Norse gods after Odin; indeed, these
with Frey formed a sort of triad.
“Thór is the foremost of them (the gods); he is called Asa-Thór or
Öku-Thór. He is the strongest of all gods and men. His realm is
Thrúdvángar (= plains of strength), and his hall is called Bilskirnir;
in it there are 540 rooms. It is the largest house built by men. (See
Grimnismal.) Thór owns two he-goats, which are called Tanngnjóst
(tooth-gnasher) and Tanngrísnir (tooth-gnasher), and a chariot (reid),
on which he drives and the he-goats draw it. Therefore he is called
Oku-Thór (= the driving Thór). He also owns three costly things. One of
them is the hammer Mjolnir which the Hrim Thursar and Berg Risar know
when it is aloft, and that is not strange, for he has broken many a head
of their fathers or kinsmen. The next best of his costly things is the
belt of strength. When he girds himself with it his Asa-strength
doubles. He owns a third thing, which is worth much, iron-gloves,
without which he cannot hold the handle of the hammer. No man is so wise
that he may reckon up all his great feats, but I can tell thee so many
tales of him that the hours will be whiled away before I have told all
that I know.”
“Hár said: ‘Furthermore there is an As called Týr. He is the boldest and
most daring and has much power over victory in battles. It is useful for
valiant men to make vows to him. It is a saying that the one surpassing
others in valour and fearing nothing is Tý-brave. He is so wise that the
wisest man is called Tý-wise. One of the proofs of his daring is this.
When the Asar persuaded the Fenriswolf to allow them to tie it with the
chain Gleipnir, it did not believe that they would untie it till they
laid Týr’s hand into its mouth as a pledge. When they would not untie it
then it bit off his hand at the place now called Wolf-joint (wrist). He
is therefore onehanded and said not to be the reconciler of men.’”
(Later Edda, Gylfaginning, 21).
The Later Edda differs from the Grimnismal in giving the number of gods
or Asar which it mentions. When Gylfi asks how many Asar there are he is
told twelve, and the names of Odin, Höd, and Baldr are omitted from the
list. Only a few of these gods seem to have been of sufficient
prominence to have had sacrifices offered to them, as is seen in the
chapter on Religion, and we cannot depend on the Later Edda for reliable
information concerning them.
“The Asar went to their feast, and the twelve Asar who were to be judges
sat down in the high-seats: their names were—Thór, Njörd, Frey, Týr,
Heimdall, Bragi, Vidar, Vali, Ull, Hœnir, Forseti, Loki” (Later Edda).
The following extract from the Later Edda gives us the names of the
principal goddesses, with their leading characteristics.
“Gangleri said: ‘Who are the Asynjar?’ Har answered: ‘Frigg is the
highest; she has a very splendid house called _Fensalir_. The second is
Sága, who lives at Sökkvabekk, a large place. The third is Eir; she is
the most skilled healer (= physician). The fourth is Gefjon, who is a
maiden, and those who die as maidens wait upon her. The fifth is Fulla;
she is also a maiden with loose hair, and wears a golden band round her
head; she carries the ashen box of Frigg and takes care of her
shoe-clothes (= shoes and stockings), and partakes in her secret
counsels. Freyja is next in rank to Frigg; she is married to a man
called Ód, their daughter is Hnoss; she is so beautiful that fine and
costly things are called after her—hnoss. Ód went far off and left
Freyja weeping, and her tears are red gold. She has many names; that is
because she called herself by different names when she went among
foreign nations in search of Ód; she is called Mardöll, Hörn, Gefn, and
Sýr. She owns the _Brisinga_ necklace. She is called _Vanadis_ (dis
(goddess) of the Vanir). The seventh is Sjöfn; she applies herself much
to turning the minds of men to love, both males and females; from her
name a loving mind is called _sjafni_. Lofn is so mild and good to
invoke that she gets Allfödr (Odin) or Frigg to allow the marriages of
men, male and female, though they have been forbidden or flatly refused;
from her name is lof (leave), and that which is lofat (= praised) by
men. Vár listens to the oaths of men and the private agreements which
men and women make between themselves; these are called _várar_, and she
punishes those who break them. Vör is wise and asks many questions, so
that nothing can be hidden from her; when a woman knows a thing she is
_vör_ (= aware) of it. Syn guards the door of the hall (Valhalla) and
shuts it to those who are not to enter; therefore when some one denies a
thing he is said to put down _syn_ (= negation, refuse). Hlin has to
guard the men whom Frigg wishes to save from danger. Snotra is wise and
of good manners; a wise man or woman is called _snotr_ from her name.
Gna, Frigg sends into various worlds on her errands; she has a horse
which runs on air and water, called _Hófhvarfnir_ (= hoof-turner)”
(‘Later Edda,’ Gylfaginning, 35).
The gods, it would seem, had it in their power, if not to secure
everlasting life, at least to retain perpetual youth, unlike poor
Tithonus of the well-known Greek myth. It may not be inappropriate to
continue here the legend relating to this. Idun, the wife of Bragi, who
was celebrated for his wisdom and eloquence, kept in a box the apples
which when the gods felt old age approaching they ate in order that they
might keep their youth till Ragnarök.
“Odin, Loki and Hœnir went from home over mountains and uninhabited
land, and it was not easy for them to get food. When they came down into
a valley they saw a herd of oxen, took one of them and prepared it for
the fire. When they thought it was cooked they took it off, but it was
not cooked. A second time, after waiting a little, they took it off, and
it was not cooked. They considered what might be the cause of this. Then
they heard a voice in the tree above them which said that he who sat
there caused this. They looked up, and a large eagle sat there. The
eagle said: ‘If you will give me my fill of the ox, it shall be cooked.’
They assented, and the bird came slowly down from the tree, sat down on
the hearth, and at once gobbled up the four shoulder-pieces of the ox.
Loki got angry, took a large pole, raised it, and with all his strength
struck the eagle. At the blow the eagle flew into the air. The pole
adhered to its body, and the hands of Loki to one end of it. The eagle
flew so that Loki’s feet touched the rocks, the stone-heaps and the
trees. He thought his hands would be torn from his shoulders. He
shouted, eagerly asking the eagle to spare him, but it answered that
Loki would never get loose unless he swore to make Idun leave Asgard
with her apples. Loki promised this, got loose and went to his
companions, and no more tidings are told about their journey till they
reached home. At the appointed time Loki enticed Idun to go to a wood
out of Asgard by saying he had found apples which she would prefer to
her own, and asked her to take her own apples with her to compare them.
Thjassi Jötun then came in an eagle’s shape and took Idun and flew away
to his abode in Thrymheim. The Asar were much grieved at the
disappearance of Idun, and soon became grey-haired and old. They held a
_Thing_ and asked each other for news of Idun. The last seen of her was
when she walked out of Asgard with Loki. He was brought to the _Thing_
and threatened with death or torture. He got afraid and said he would
fetch Idun from Jötunheim, if Freyja would lend him the hawk-skin which
she owned. When he got it he flew north to Jötunheim, and one day came
to Thjassi Jötun, who was sea-fishing. Idun was alone at home. Loki
changed her into a nut, held her in his claws and flew as fast as he
could. When the Asar saw the hawk flying with the nut and the eagle
pursuing they went to the Asgard-wall and carried thither bundles of
plane-shavings. When the hawk flew into the burgh it came down at the
wall. The Asar set fire to the plane-shavings, but the eagle could not
stop when it lost the hawk, and the fire caught its feathers and stopped
it. The Asar were near, and slew Thjassi inside the Asgard-wall, which
is a very famous deed. Skadi, his daughter, took helmet and brynja and a
complete war-dress, and went to Asgard to avenge her father. The Asar
offered her reconciliation and _wergild_,[77] and first that she might
choose a husband from among them, not seeing more than their feet. She
saw a pair of very beautiful feet, and said: ‘This one I choose; few
things can be ugly in Baldr.’ But it was Njörd of Nóatún.” (Later Edda,
Bragarœdur, c. 56.)
CHAPTER VI.
ODIN OF THE NORTH.
The Odin of the North—The forefathers of the English—Their migration
from the shores of the Black sea—The geographical knowledge of the
Norsemen—Tyrkland the home of Odin—Sigrlami, one of the sons of
Odin—Odin establishes his family in the North—Death of Odin in the
North—Attributes of Odin—Poetical names of Odin—Sleipnir, the
horse of Odin—Odin as a one-eyed man.
In the Norse literature we find Odin referred to not only as a god, but
as a hero and leader of men. It is not necessary to believe that any
real person of the name of Odin ever existed, but from the frequency
with which a migration northwards is mentioned, and from the details
with which it is described, it is legitimate to infer that the
predecessor of the Norsemen came from the south or south-east of
Europe—probably, to judge from literature and archæology combined, from
the shores of the Black Sea.
At the time of Odin’s arrival in the North we find not only a country
called Gardariki, which is often mentioned in the Sagas, and seems to
have adjoined the south-eastern shores of the Baltic, but also the large
Scandinavian peninsula and that of Jutland, and the islands and shores
of the Baltic, populated by a seafaring people whose tribes had constant
intercourse with each other, and, to judge by the finds, seem to have
had an identical religion. These people intermarried with the Asar who
came north with Odin, and hence arose tribes called half-Risar and
half-Troll.
“It is written in old books that Alfheimar[78] were north in Gandvik and
Ymisland, between it and Hálogaland. And before the Tyrkjar and Asia-men
came to the Northern lands, Risar and half-Risar lived there; then the
nations (peoples) were much mixed together; the Risar got wives from
Mannheimar, and some of them married their daughters there” (Hervarar
Saga, ch. i.).
The account given in the Hervarar Saga agrees with that in the Ynglinga
Saga, which is important not only as giving an idea of the conception
the people of the North had of our world, but as describing the names of
the lands and countries mentioned in the earlier Eddas and Sagas.
“The round of the world on which men dwell is much cut by the sea; large
seas stretch from the outer sea round the earth into the land. It is
known that a sea runs from Njörvasund (Straits of Gibraltar) all the way
up to Jorsalaland (the land of Jerusalem). From it a long bay runs
north-east, called the Black Sea, which separates the three parts of the
world; the part east of it is called Asia, but the one west of it is
called Europa by some, and Enea by others. North of the Black Sea is the
great or the cold Sweden; some say that Sweden is no smaller than
Serkland (the land of Saracens) the great; some say she is as large as
Blaland (the land of the blue (black) men) the great. The northern part
of Sweden is uninhabited, on account of frost and cold, as the southern
part of Blaland is on account of the sun’s burning heat. In Sweden there
are many large herads (districts).
There are also many kinds of people and many tongues: there are Asar,
Dvergar, and Blamenn (blue (black) men), and many kinds of strange
people; there are beasts and dragons wonderfully large. From the north,
in mountains which are beyond all settlements, a river springs that
flows through Sweden; its right name is Tanais; it was in old times
called Tanakvísl,[79] or Vana-kvísl; it flows into the Black Sea. The
land round Vanakvísl was then called Vanaland or Vanaheim (home or world
of the Vanir). This river[80] separates the two-thirds of the world;
east of it is Asia, and West of it is Europa” (Ynglinga Saga, 1).
“A large mountain ridge runs from north-east to south-west; it separates
Sweden the Great[81] from other lands. South of the mountain, not far
off, is Tyrkland; there Odin owned a great deal of land. At that time
the chiefs of the Rómverjar (Romans) went widely about the world and
underlaid (conquered) all nations; and many chiefs on that account left
their lands. As Odin was foreknowing and skilled in witchcraft he knew
that his descendants would live in the northern part of the world. Then
he set his brothers Vili and Vé to rule Asgard; he left, and all the
Díar with him, and many folk. First he went westwards to Gardaríki, then
southwards to Saxland. He had many sons; he became owner of land at many
places in Saxland, and left his sons to defend Saxland. Then he went
northwards to the sea and settled on an island; that place is now called
Odinsey (Odin’s island) in Fjón (Fýen). Then he sent Gefjon[82]
northwards across the Sound to discover lands; she came to Gylfi, and he
gave her one plough-land. Then she went to Jötunheim and there got four
sons by a Jötun; she changed them into oxen, and harnessed them to the
plough, and drew the land out to sea, and westwards, opposite to
Odinsey, and the land is called Selund (Zealand); she afterwards lived
there. Skjöld, a son of Odin, married her; they lived at Hleidra
(Leire). There is a lake or sea called Lög (Mälaren). The fjords in the
Lög lie as the nesses in Selund. When Odin heard that Gylfi’s land was
good he went there, and he and Gylfi made an agreement, for Gylfi
thought he had not strength enough to withstand the Asar. Many devices
and spells did Odin and Gylfi use against each other, and the Asar
always got the better of them. Odin took up his abode at the Lög
(Mälaren), which is now called the old Sigtúnir; there he made a great
temple and sacrificed according to the custom of the Asar. He gave
abodes to the temple-priests; Njörd lived at Nóatún, Frey at Uppsalir,
Heimdall at Himinbjörg, Thor at Thrúdvang, Baldr at Breidablik; he gave
good abodes to them all” (Ynglinga, c. 5).
While Odin, according to the sages, was in Sweden[83] his son Sigrlami
ruled over Gardaríki; during the life of his father or after his death
he had to fight against the Jötnar, and, like Skjöld his brother, he
married a daughter of King Gylfi, who ruled over the present Sweden,
whose authority is made to extend to the principal islands which form
part of the present Denmark.
“At this time the Asia-men and Tyrkjar came from the east and settled in
the northern lands; their leader was called Odin; he had many sons, and
they all became great and strong men. One of his sons was called
Sigrlami; to him Odin gave the realm now called Gardaríki; he became a
great chief over that land; he was handsomer than any man. He was
married to Heid, the daughter of King Gylfi; they had a son called
Svafrlami.” (Hervarar, c. 2).
Sigrlami fell in a fight against Thjassi the Jötun. When Svafrlami heard
of his father’s death he took for himself all his realm, and became a
powerful man. It is said that on one occasion when riding in a forest he
chased a stag for a long time, and did not kill it until sunset, when he
had ridden so far into the forest that he lost his way. He saw a large
stone and two Dvergar beside it, whom he was going to sacrifice to the
gods, but on their begging to be allowed to give a ransom for their
lives Svafrlami asked their names. One was called Dyrin, the other
Dvalin. Svafrlami at once recognised them to be the most skilful of
Dvergar, and insisted upon their making a sword for him, the hilt to be
of gold, and the scabbard to be ornamented and inlaid with gold. The
sword was never to fail, and never to rust; to cut iron and stone as
well as cloth; and it was to bring victory in all battles and duels
(einvigi) to every one who carried it.
On the appointed day Svafrlami came to the rock; the Dvergar gave him
the sword; but Dvalin, standing in the door of the stone, said: “Thy
sword, Svafrlami, shall be a man’s bane (death) every time it is drawn;
and with it shall be performed the greatest nithing’s deed; it also will
be thy death.” Svafrlami then struck at the Dvergar so that both edges
of the sword entered into the rock, but the Dvergar ran into the rock.
Svafrlami, we are told, called the sword Tyrfing, and carried it in
battles and single fights; with it he killed in a duel Thjassi the
Jötun, his father’s slayer, whose daughter Frid he married” (Hervarar
Saga, c. 3).
We not only have accounts of how this Odin established his family in the
North, but also how he died there. Feeling that his days were coming to
an end, he prepared to die on a pyre, as was the custom of those times;
and we find the belief existed that after his death he returned to the
old Asgard.
“Odin fell sick and died in Sweden. When he was at death’s door he let
himself be marked (wounded) with a spear-point, and said he was the
owner of all the men slain by weapons, and would go into Godheim (the
world of the gods), and there welcome his friends. Now the Swedes
thought he had gone to the old Asgard, and would live there for ever.
Then there again arose worship of Odin, and vows were made to him. The
Swedes often thought he appeared to them in dreams on the eve of great
battles; to some he gave victory, others he invited home; either of
these alternatives was considered good. After death he was burnt with
great splendour.[84] It was their belief that the higher the smoke rose
in the air the more glorious would the burnt man be in heaven,[85] and
the more property that was burnt with him the wealthier would he be”
(Ynglinga Saga, c. 10).
Whether a hero and leader of the name of Odin ever lived or not we
cannot tell, but that we know from the records the people believed that
he and the Asar had existed, and the creed they had established was
their religion; and this belief lasted with many to the end of the pagan
era, which did not entirely disappear till the twelfth century. Odin and
some of the Asar were deified and worshipped in all the countries of the
North, and with the lapse of time their fame increased.
“Odin was a mighty warrior and travelled far and wide, and became owner
of many realms (countries). He was so successful that in every battle he
gained the victory, and at last his men believed that in every battle
victory was in his power. It was his custom, when he sent his men into
fight or on other errands, first to lay his hands on their heads and
give them bjanak;[86] they believed that luck would then be with them.
Also it happened that whenever his men were in need on land or at sea
they called on his name, and always felt relieved by it; for every kind
of help they looked to him. He often went so far away that he was on a
journey many seasons” (Ynglinga, c. 2).
“It is said with truth that when Asa-Odin, and with him the Díar,[87]
came into the northern lands, they began and taught those ídróttir[88]
which men afterwards long practised. Odin was the foremost of them all,
and from him they learned the _ídróttir_, for he first knew them all,
and more than any other. He was highly honoured on account of the
following things. He looked so fair and noble when he sat with his
friends that every mind was delighted; but when he was in a host, then
he looked fierce to his foes. This was because he knew the ídróttir of
changing looks and shapes in any way he liked. Another of his ídróttir
was that he spoke with such skill and so glibly that all who listened
thought it the only truth; he always spoke in poetry (hendingar) like
that which now is called skáldskap (skaldship, poetry). He and his
temple-priests are called Ljódasmidir (lay-smiths, song-smiths), for
that ídrótt came from them into the northern lands. Odin had power to
cause his foes to grow blind or deaf or full of fear, and to make their
weapons bite no more than wands (sticks of wood). His own men fought
without armour madly, like dogs or wolves, bit their shields, and had
the strength of a bear or bull; they cut down the foe, and neither fire
nor iron hurt them. That is called berserksgang (rage or fury of
Berserks)” (Ynglinga, c. 6–7).
In the poetical language of the Sagas and Eddas a very great number of
figurative names are given to Odin, which show how numerous his
attributes were believed to be, and many of which recall the language of
Homer; among them we may mention:—
The thunderer.[89]
Father of ages.
The wise walker.
The lord.
The helmet bearer.
The cheerful.
The loving one.
The high one.
The fickle.
The true-guessing one.
The evil-eyed.
The manifold.
The wise in beguiling.
The much knowing.
The father of victory.
The father of the slain.
The conqueror in fights.
The entangler.
The feared one.
The rover.
The serpent (from his being able to assume its shape).
The soother.
God of the hanged.[90]
God of the ravens.
God of victory.
God of the Gautar.
The shouting god.
The one-eyed one.
The fierce one.
God of the earth.
Friend of Mimir.
The foe of the Fenrir-wolf.
The lord of the spears.
The god of hosts.
The father of all.
The wish-god.
The wind-whispering.
The burner.
The wide-ruling.
The work-skilled.
The swift-riding.
The god of battle.
The almighty god.
The host blinder.
The true one.
The long-bearded.
The god of cargoes.
The father of hosts.
The useful adviser.
The shaper of battle.
The swift rider.
“Then Thridi said: Odin is the highest and oldest of the Asar; he rules
over everything, and, however mighty the other gods are, they all serve
him as children a father. Frigg, his wife, knows the fates of men though
she cannot prophesy. Odin is called Allfödr, because he is the father of
all the gods; he is also called Valfödr, because all those who fall in
battle (valr = the slain) are his chosen sons. These he places in
Valhöll and Vingólf (a hall owned by the goddesses), and then they are
called Einherjar. He is also called Hanga-gud (god of the hanged),
Hapta-gud (god of the chained), and Farma-gud (god of cargoes), and he
gave himself still more names when he was at King Geirröd’s. Gangleri
said: ‘Wonderfully many names have you given to him, and surely it needs
great wisdom to know the events which are the reasons of every one of
these names.’ Hár answered: ‘Great wits are needed to explain this
carefully, but, to tell it shortly, most of the names have been given
because, as there are many different tongues in the world, every nation
thinks it necessary to change his name according to their language, that
they may invoke and pray to him for themselves. His journeys have given
rise to some of these names, and they are told among people’” (Later
Edda, c. 20).
“Two ravens[91] sit on his shoulders and tell into his ears all the
tidings, which they see or hear; these are Hugin and Munin. At the dawn
of day he sends them out to fly all over the world, and they come back
at day-meal time (the biggest meal of the day); hence he knows many
tidings; therefore he is called Hrafnagud (Raven-god)” (Gylfaginning, c.
38).
Among the earlier myths connected with Odin may be mentioned the
following account of the origin of his horse Sleipnir.
[Illustration:
Fig. 1.—Earlier runic stone at Tjängvide, Götland, with the
eight-footed horse of Odin.—Height about 5 feet; width, 4 feet 4
inches; thickness, 1 foot. Another similar stone with representation
(in relief) of an eight-footed horse has been found also in Laivide
in Götland.
]
“Gangleri asked: ‘Who owns Sleipnir the horse, or what hast thou to tell
of him?’ Hár answered: ‘Thou knowest nothing about Sleipnir nor whence
he sprang, but it will seem to thee worth a hearing. In early times when
the gods had built up Midgard and made Valhalla there came a smith who
offered to make a burgh for them in three seasons (half-years) so good
that it would be strong and safe against Bergrisar (mountain-jötnar) and
Hrimthursar, though they entered Midgard. In the place of wages he
wanted to marry Freyja and get the sun and moon. The Asar came together
to counsel among themselves, and it was agreed with the smith that he
should get what he wanted if he could make the burgh in one winter, but
if any part of it was unfinished on the first day of summer he was to
lose his pay; he would not be allowed to use the help of any man in the
work. When they told him these conditions he asked leave to make use of
his horse Svadilföri; on the advice of Loki this was conceded to him.
The first day of winter he began to build the burgh, and during night he
carried stones on his horse to it; the Asar wondered much how the horse
could drag such large rocks, and it did much more work than the smith.
Strong witnesses were brought and many oaths were taken at their
agreement, because the jötun thought it unsafe to stay with the Asar if
Thor, who had gone to Austrveg (eastern countries) to kill Jötnar,
should come home. As the winter passed the building of the burgh
proceeded, and it was so high and strong that it could not be taken.
When three days of the winter were left it was almost all finished
except the gate. Then the gods sat down on their judgment-seats and
tried to find an expedient; one asked the other on whose advice Freyja
was to be married in Jötunheimar and air and heaven defiled by taking
sun and moon away and giving them to the Jötnar; they all agreed that
the causer of most evils, Loki Laufeyjarson, had caused this, and that
he deserved an evil death if he did not find a way to cause the smith to
lose his pay. They rushed at Loki, who got afraid, and took oaths that
he would manage, whatever it might cost him, that the smith should lose
his pay. The same evening when the smith drove out with his horse
Svadilföri, to fetch stones, a mare ran out of the wood towards it and
neighed to it. When the stallion saw what kind of horse this was he got
wild, tore his ropes and ran towards it; the mare ran into the wood, and
the smith followed and wanted to get hold of it, but the horses
continued running all night, and no work was done that night; next day,
as before, the work did not proceed. When the smith saw that the work
could not be finished he got into Jötun-fury. When the Asar knew for
certain that he was a Bergrisar (mountain jötun), they could not keep
their oaths and called Thor; he came at once, and then the hammer
Mjollnir went aloft; he paid him for the work, not by giving him the sun
and moon, but by preventing him from living in Jötunheimar; at his first
blow the jötun’s skull was broken into small bits, and he was sent down
to Nifl-hel. But Loki had had such dealings with Svadilföri that he gave
birth to a foal; it was grey, and with eight feet, and it is the best
horse among gods and men” (Gylfaginning, 41–42).
Odin was believed not only to give victory to his favourites, but other
gifts, and is represented as coming to the aid of his followers, in the
guise of an one-eyed old man—
Ride shall we
To Valhalla,
To the holy place.
Let us ask the father of hosts
To be kind (to us);
He pays and gives
Gold to his host;
He gave to Hermód
A helmet and brynja,
And to Sigmund
He gave a sword.
He gives victory to his sons,
And wealth to some;
Eloquence to many,
And wisdom to men;
Fair winds to warriors,
And song to poets,
And luck in love
To many a man.
She (Freyja) will worship Thór,
And ask him
That he always
Be at peace with thee;
Though he is no friend
To the jötun-brides.[92]
[Hyndluljód.]
“King Siggeir ruled Gautland; he was powerful and had many men; he went
to King Völsung and asked him to give Signy to him in marriage. The king
and his sons received this offer well; she herself was willing, but
asked her father to have his way in this as in other things referring to
herself. Her father made up his mind that she should be married, and she
was betrothed to Siggeir. The wedding-feast was to be at King Völsung’s,
and Siggeir was to come to him. The king prepared as good a feast as he
could. When it was ready the guests and Siggeir’s men came on the
appointed day; Siggeir had many men of rank with him. It is said that
great fires were made along the hall,[93] and the large tree before
mentioned stood in the middle of the hall, and that when men were
sitting before the fires in the evening a man walked into the hall whom
they did not know. He wore a spotted hekla (frock); he was barefooted,
and had linen breeches fastened to his legs; he had a sword in his hand,
and wore a hood low down over his face; he was very grey-haired, and
looked old, and was one-eyed.[94] He went to the tree, and drew the
sword, and stuck it into the trunk so that it sank up to the hilt. No
man dared to speak to him. He said: ‘He who pulls this sword out of the
trunk shall get it as a gift from me, and will find that he never had a
better sword in his hand than this one.’ The old man then went out, and
no one knew who he was, or where he went. Then all the foremost men
tried to pull out the sword, and could not. Sigmund, the son of King
Völsung, pulled it out as easily as if it had been quite loose. No man
had seen so good a sword, and Siggeir offered three times its weight in
gold for it. Sigmund answered that he should have pulled it out; now he
should never get it, though he offered all the gold he owned” (Volsunga,
c. 3).[95]
Of Odin it is said:
“Odin changed shapes; then his body lay as if sleeping or dead, and he
was in the shape of a bird or a beast, a fish or a serpent, and in the
twinkling of an eye went into far-off lands on his own errands or on
those of other men. Besides, he could, with words only, extinguish fire,
calm the sea, and turn the winds into whatever direction he wished. He
had a ship called Skídbladnir, on which he crossed large seas; it could
be folded together like cloth.[96] He had with him Mimir’s head, which
told him many tidings (news) from other worlds. Sometimes he raised
(awaked) dead men out of the earth (ground), or sat down beneath hanged
men (hanging in gallows);[97] therefore he was called the lord (dróttin)
of the ghosts or of the hanged.[97] He had two ravens, which he taught
to speak, and they flew far and wide over lands (countries) and told him
many tidings. Therefore he became very wise. So much lewdness followed
this witchcraft when it was practised that it was thought a disgrace for
men to practise it; and the priestesses (gydjur) were taught the idrótt.
Odin knew where property was hidden in the ground, and he knew songs by
which he unlocked (opened) the earth, the rocks, and the stones, and the
mounds, and bound (held fast) with mere words those who dwelt in them,
and went in and took what he wished. On account of these powers he
became very famous; his foes feared him, but his friends trusted in him
and believed in him and his power. He taught most of his idróttir to the
sacrificing-priests; they were next to him in all wisdom and witchcraft.
Many others, however, learned a great deal of them, and from them
witchcraft has spread widely and been kept up long. But men worshipped
Odin and the twelve chiefs (höfdingi) and called them their gods, and
believed in them long afterwards” (Ynglinga Saga, ch. 7.)
CHAPTER VII.
THE SUCCESSORS OF ODIN OF THE NORTH.
Njörd the successor of Odin—Frey succeeds Njörd—A great temple built
at Uppsalir by Frey—The ship of Frey—Death of Frey—Frey’s death
kept secret from the people—Freyja, the priestess—Fjölnir, the son
of Yngvi Frey—Svegdir—Genealogies of the Norse chiefs from Odin
Skjöld, the founder of the Danish branch of chiefs.
According to the sagas, after the death of Odin, Njörd of Nóatún became
the ruler of the Swedes.
“Thereupon Njörd of Nóatún became ruler over the Swedes, and continued
the sacrifices; the Swedes called him their dróttin (lord); he gathered
taxes from them. In his days there was very good peace, and seasons were
so good in every respect that the Swedes believed that Njörd ruled over
good seasons and the wealth and welfare of men. In his days most of the
Díar died, and all of them were afterwards burnt and sacrificed to.
Njörd fell sick and died; he also let himself be marked (with a spear)
before he died, as a token that he belonged to Odin. The Swedes burnt
him, and wept very much over his mound” (Ynglinga, c. 11).
“Njörd of Nóatún then begat two children. His son was Frey and his
daughter Freyja. They were beautiful in looks and mighty. Frey is best
of the Asar. He rules the rain and the sunshine, and also has power over
the growth of the ground. It is good to make vows to him for good
seasons and peace. He also rules over men’s fortune in property.”
(Gylfaginning, c. 24.)
In Vafthrudnismal Odin asks Vafthrudnir the origin of Njörd.
_Odin._
Tell me ...
Whence Njörd came
Among the sons of Asar;
He rules hundred-fold
Temples and altars
And he was not born among Asar.
_Vafthrudnir._
In Vanaheim
The wise powers shaped him,
And gave him to the gods as a hostage;
At the doom of the world
He will come back again,
Home to the wise Vanir.
The Njörd who is related to have been punished by uncontrollable sadness
for falling in love with Gerd and sitting on Odin’s high-seat is a
mythical Njörd.
“A man was called Gýmir whose wife Orboda was of Berg (mountain) Risar
kin. Their daughter Gerd was the most beautiful of all women. One day
Frey had gone to _Hlidskjalf_[98] and could see over all worlds. When he
looked to the North he saw on a farm a large and fine house towards
which a woman was walking. When she lifted her arms, opening the door, a
light shone from them on the sea, and the air and all worlds were
brightened from her. His great boldness in sitting down in the holy seat
thus was revenged upon him, for he went away, full of sorrow. When he
came home he did not speak or sleep or drink and no one dared question
him. Then Njörd called to him Skirnir, the shoe-boy of Frey, and told
him to go to Frey, address him and ask with whom he was so angry that he
would not speak to men. Skirnir said he would go, though not willingly,
as unfavourable answers might be expected from him. When he came to Frey
he asked why he was so sad and did not speak to men. Frey answered that
he had seen a beautiful woman and for her sake he was so full of grief
that he would not live long if he should not get her. ‘Now thou shalt go
and ask her in marriage for me and take her home hither whether her
father is willing or not; I will reward it well.’ Skirnir answered that
he would undertake this message if Frey gave him his sword. This sword
was so good that it fought of itself. Frey did not fail to do this and
gave it to him. Skirnir then went and asked the woman in marriage for
him and got her promise that she would come after nine nights and keep
her wedding with Frey. When Skirnir had told Frey of his journey Frey
sang:
“Long is one night,
Long is another,
How can I endure three?
Often a month to me
Shorter seemed
Than one half of this wedding-night.”
(Later Edda, Gylfaginning, 37.)
After the death of Njörd, Frey, one of his sons, succeeded him as high
priest of the sacrifices, and, according to tradition, built the great
temple at Upsala, which became of great repute as a most holy place
among the people of the North, who came from all parts of the country to
assist at the sacrifices. The Sagas say that great Things were held
there, all important quarrels settled, friendship sealed, and peace
concluded between chieftains and countries.
“Frey took the realm after Njörd; he was called the dróttin of the
Swedes, and took taxes of them. He was as well liked as his father, and
in his days also were good seasons. Frey raised a large temple at
Uppsalir, and had his head burgh (höfud stad) there; all his taxes,
lands, and loose property he gave thereto. That was the beginning of the
Uppsalir wealth, which has been kept up ever since.
“In his days the peace of Fródi[99] (King in Denmark) began; then there
were good seasons in every land. The Swedes attributed that to Frey. He
was worshipped more than other gods, because in his days the people of
the land became wealthier than before, on account of the peace and the
good seasons. His wife was called Gerd, daughter of Gýmir;[100] their
son was Fjölnir. Another name of Frey was Yngvi; this name was long
afterwards used among his kin as a name of honour, and his kinsmen were
afterwards called Ynglingar. Frey fell sick; when he was near death they
took counsel and allowed few men to see him; they made a large mound
ready for him with a door and three holes. When Frey was dead they
carried him secretly into the mound and told the Swedes that he was
alive, and kept him there for three winters. They poured all the taxes
into the mound, the gold through one hole, the silver through another,
and the brass pennings through the third. Then peace and good seasons
continued” (Ynglinga, c. 12).
“When all the Svíar knew that Frey was dead, and peace and good seasons
continued, they believed it would last while Frey was in Svithjód, and
would not burn him, and called him the god of the world (veraldar god),
and sacrificed ever since chiefly to him for good seasons and peace”
(Ynglinga, c. 13).
After the death of Frey, Freyja, the daughter of Njörd, became the
priestess, and offered the sacrifices.
“Freyja upheld the sacrifices, for she alone of the godar was then
living, and she became so renowned that all high-born women are called
_fruvor_.[101] Thus every woman is the freyja of her property, and she
who has a household is hús-freyja[102] (housewife). Freyja was rather
many-minded (fickle); her husband was Ód; her daughters were Hnoss
(costly thing) and Gersemi (precious thing); they were very beautiful,
and the costliest things are called by their names” (Ynglinga, c. 13).
According to the Ynglinga, Yngvi Frey was the son of Njörd, and Fjölnir
the son of Yngvi Frey. Fjölnir ruled over the Swedish and Upsala domain,
and died in Zeeland. A strong friendship existed between him and Fródi
the grandson of Skjöld, the son of Odin, and it was the custom of these
two chiefs to visit each other.
“Fjölnir the son of Yngvi Frey then ruled over the Swedes and the
Upsala-wealth; he was a powerful king, and peace-happy and season-happy.
At that time Peace-Fródi was at Hleidra (Leire); they were friends and
invited each other. When Fjölnir came to Fródi in Zeeland there was a
great feast prepared for him, and people were invited to it from far and
wide. Fródi had a large house; in it there had been a large vat, many
feet high, held together by large timbers; it stood in the lower story,
and there was a loft above in which there was an opening through which
the drink could be poured in; the vat was full of mixed mead,[103] a
very strong drink. In the evening Fjölnir and his men were shown to
their room on the next loft. In the night he went out on the svalir (a
kind of balcony) to look for something; he was overcome with sleep and
dead-drunk. When he returned to his room he walked along the balcony to
the door leading into the next room, and there he missed his footing and
fell into the mead-vat and perished” (Ynglinga, c. 14).
Svegdir succeeded his father, Fjölnir, and though several generations
had passed away since the death of the last Odin, the veneration towards
Asgard, the old home of the earlier Odin, was strong in the heart of the
people.
“This Sweden they called Mannheimar (the world of men), but the large
Sweden they called Godheimar (the world of gods); from Godheimar many
tidings and wonders were told” (Ynglinga, c. 10).
“Svegdir took the realm after his father; he made a vow to search for
Godheim and Odin the old. He went with twelve men far and wide about the
world; he came to Tyrkland and to Sweden the great, and met there many
of his friends and kinsmen, and was five winters on that journey.[104]
Then he came back to Sweden, and stayed at home for some time. He had
married a woman called Vana in Vanaheim; their son was Vanlandi. Svegdir
went again in search of Godheim. In the eastern part of Sweden there is
a large bœr called Stein (stone); there stands a rock as large as a big
house. One evening after sunset, when Svegdir ceased drinking and went
to his sleeping-house, he saw a Dverg sitting outside the rock. Svegdir
and his men were very drunk, and ran to the rock. The Dverg stood in the
door and shouted to Svegdir to come in if he wanted to meet Odin.
Svegdir rushed into the rock, which at once closed upon him, and he came
not back” (Ynglinga, c. 15).
A description of the leading events in the life of each of the remaining
mythical or semi-mythical rulers named in the genealogies is given in
the Ynglinga, but we have only thought it necessary to place before the
reader these few typical examples, as the scope of the work will not
admit of a fuller treatment of the subject; though some extracts have
been incorporated in the Chapter on Customs, &c.
The Northern chiefs traced their ancestry from this Odin of the North,
whose influence had become so great with King Gylfi that two of his
sons, as we have seen, married the latter’s daughters.
When reading the Saga literature we are particularly struck by the
frequent references made to pedigrees in which the people of the North
took great pride. There are three great genealogical branches through
which the Northern chiefs traced their descent from Odin.
“All who are truly wise in events know that the Tyrkjar and Asia-men
settled in the northern lands. Then began the tongue which has since
spread over all lands. The leader of these people was called Odin, and
to him men trace their families”[105] (Sturlaug’s Saga (Fornaldarsögur,
111), c. 1).
These genealogical branches are:—1. The _Ynglinga_; or that of Hálfdán
the black, the nephew of Rögnvald Jarl. 2. The _Háleygja_; or that of
Hakon Jarl the great. 3. The _Skjöldunga_; or that of Harald Hilditönn
or the Danish branch.
If we could admit that these genealogies are more or less correct, and
if we struck an average by generations (of thirty years) the result
would make Odin live about the beginning of the Christian era; if a
longer average of life is allotted, he would have lived some centuries
before that date. But of course the genealogies must be treated as in
the main mythical.
The _Ynglingatal_,[106] a genealogical poem,[107] composed for Rögnvald
Heidumhœri (the uncle of Harald Fairhair), traces the family of Rögnvald
through thirty generations up to Odin, and being probably composed a
little after 900, it would make Odin live _about 100 before Christ_.
Ari in ch. 12 of Islendingabók traces his family through thirty-seven
degrees up to Yngvi Tyrkja King.
These are the names of the forefathers of the Ynglingar and
Breidfirdingar (Men of Breidifjord):—
1. Yngvi Tyrkjaking.
2. Njörd Sviaking.
3. Frey.
4. Fjölnir, who died at Frid-Fródi’s.
5. Svegdir.
6. Vanlandi.
7. Vísbur.
8. Dómaldi.
9. Dómar.
10. Dyggvi.
11. Dag.
12. Alrek.
13. Agni.
14. Yngvi.
15. Jörund.
16. Aun the old.
17. Egil Vendikráka.
18. Ottar.
19. Adils at Uppsalir.
20. Eystein.
21. Yngvar.
22. Braut-önund.
23. Ingjald the evil.
24. Ólaf, wood-chopper (tretelgja).
25. Hálfdán Whiteleg Upplendingaking.
26. Godrod.
27. Ólaf.
28. Helgi.
29. Ingjald, the son of the daughter of Sigurd, son of Ragnar Lodbrok.
30. Oleif the white (king in Dublin).
31. Thorstein the red.
32. Glei Feilan, the first of them who settled in Iceland.
33. Thórd gellir.
34. Eyjólf, who was baptized in his old age when Christianity came to
Iceland.
35. Thorkel.
36. Gellir, the father of Thorkel and Brand and Thorgils, Ari’s father.
As another example of these genealogies we give that of
THE SKJOLDUNGA BRANCH.
Odin Asa-king. Fródi. Fridleif.
Skjöld. Vermund the Wise. Fródi the Valiant.[108]
Fridleif. Ólaf the Humble. |
Fridfródi. Dan the Proud. |
Fridleif. Fródi the Peaceful. |
Hávar the Hand- |
strong. |
+-----------------------+---------------------+
| |
Ingjald. Hálfdán.
Hrœrek Ringniggard. Helgi.
Fródi. Hrolf Kraki.
Hálfdán. Hróar.
Hrœrek Ring-thrower. Valdar the mild.
Harald Hilditönn. Harald the old.
Hálfdán the Valiant.
Ivar Vidfadmi.
Aud the Deep-minded = married, 1. Hrœrek
Ring-thrower.
| 2. Randbard.
| |
+-------------------------+---------+------------------+
| |
Randver. Aslaug.
Sigurd Hring. Sigurd Hart.
Ragnar Lodbrok. Ragnhild.
Sigurd Snake-eye. Harald Fairhair (A.D. 872–933).
The following passage from the ‘Later Edda,’ which refers to this
branch, may help the curious to fix the dates of these chiefs. According
to it Odin the hero lived some years before the beginning of the
Christian era.
“Skjöld (Shield) was the son of Odin, from whom the Skjöldungar are
descended. He dwelt in and ruled over the lands now called Danmörk,
which were then called Gotland. Skjöld had a son, Fridleif, who ruled
the lands after him.
Fridleif’s son Fródi got the kingship after his father, about the time
when the Emperor Augustus made peace all over the world; then Christ was
born. As Fródi was the most powerful of all kings in the Northern lands,
all who spoke the Danish (Dansk) tongue[109] attributed the peace to
him, and the Northmen called it the Peace of Fródi. No man did harm to
another, even if he met the slayer of his father or his brother bound or
loose; no thieves or robbers were then found, so that a gold ring lay
for a long time in Jalangr-heath (_i.e._, was not taken by any one)”
(‘Later Edda.’ Skáldskaparmal, c. 43).
CHAPTER VIII.
THE STONE AGE.
Prehistoric ages of man—Use of metal unknown—First traces of
man—Weapons of flint, bone, &c.—Graves of the Stone
Age—Introduction of domestic animals—The cromlech or dolmen always
near the sea—Gallery or passage graves—The passage grave of
Karleby—Stone coffin graves—Sepulchral chambers—Objects of the
Stone Age.
We have now given accounts of the literature which contains the earliest
records of the people of the North. Let us pause and study for a while
its archæology, which will throw considerable light also on its
inhabitants and their customs.
It is now generally recognised by archæologists that all people who have
advanced to a certain degree of civilisation have passed through three
periods of development, which according to the material of which their
implements, weapons, and utensils were made, have been named the
_stone_, the _bronze_, and the _iron_ age. We have very abundant
evidence that the people of the North passed through these three stages,
and indeed had reached the iron age before they came within the ken of
history. Beginning with the stone age, let us see what we can learn of
the civilisation of the North from the various articles which were in
use during the three stages.
The finds in the North have been classified under the name “_grave_,”
“_bog_,” and “_earth_” _finds_; that is, objects found in graves, bogs,
or in the ground. In the latter case they are often hidden under stones,
in obedience to the injunctions of Odin. Those of the iron age are found
as far as 69° North latitude.
The custom of burying different objects with the dead, and also that of
throwing objects and weapons into springs or bogs, or of hiding them in
the ground, has helped in a most remarkable manner to give us an idea of
the industries and daily life of the people there at a remote period.
In the earliest age the use of metal was unknown, the weapons were made
of stone, horn, and bone,[110] and towards the close of this age pottery
was made.
The first traces of man in some parts of the present Scandinavia are the
_kjökkenmöddinger_ (kitchen refuse heaps), consisting of oyster and
mussel shells, bones of fish, birds, and mammals, such as the deer,
bear, boar, beaver, seal, ure-ox, wolf, fox, &c., &c., with remains of
clay vessels. Among and near these heaps of refuse are found a great
number of rude implements and weapons made of flint, bone, horn, and
broken flint chips, also fireplaces made of a few stones roughly put
together, thus showing that the inhabitants lived in a very primitive
state.
No graves of the earliest period of the stone age have thus far been
found in the North. Towards the latter part of this age we see a great
improvement in the making of weapons and tools; the latter were
beautifully polished, and graceful in form. Domestic animals had also
been introduced, as shown by the bones of cattle, horses, sheep, pigs,
and dogs, that have been found in the graves. Beads of amber and bone
were worn as ornaments. The graves of the stone age discovered in the
present Scandinavia and on the islands and shores of the Baltic may be
classified in four groups: the _cromlech_ or _dolmen_; the _passage_ or
_gallery graves_; the _free-standing stone coffins_; and the _stone
coffins covered by a mound_.[111]
The cromlechs consist of from three to five large stones standing
upright, and so placed as to form a ring, with a large block or boulder
on the top. These were intended for a single body, buried in a sitting
position, with flint implements and weapons. The walls of the chamber
were made by large stones, smooth inside, and the floor consisted of
sand or gravel. Certain marks on the tops of stones seem to indicate
that sacrifices to the dead were prevalent; holes about 2 inches in
width are found on the roofs of some cromlechs and passage graves. These
cromlechs always occur near the sea, seldom more than seven miles from
the coast. The other graves of the stone age are often found far inland,
but they are almost always near a lake or river having connection with
the sea.
[Illustration:
Fig. 2.—Cromlech near Haga, Bohuslän.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 3.—Cromlech (stendös) with concave recesses on the roof-stone,
near Fasmorup, in Skåne.
]
The cromlechs which appear to be the latest graves of this age have a
much wider distribution than the other forms; they are found in nearly
all the provinces where the older forms of graves occur. Most of them
were in or on the top of a mound, which almost always had the roof, and
in most cases part of the wall, uncovered. The mound, which is generally
round, sometimes oblong, is surrounded at its base by stones often very
large; when this was oblong, the grave was nearer the one end than the
other.
[Illustration:
Fig. 4.—One of three oblong cromlechs, distance between each about 120
feet, length 52 feet, and width 20 feet, position north and south,
Lille Rorbœk, Zeeland. The central one had two stone-built chambers,
both with the entrance from the east. The southern burial chamber is
now destroyed, while the northern is completely preserved. It is 5½
feet long, and 3 feet wide, and has four walls of stone, three of
which support a stone roof.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 5.—Sepulchral chamber covered with a mound, Kallundborg, Zeeland;
height about 16 feet. In levelling the mound the earth was found to
contain articles which tend to show the existence of a
“kjókkenmödding.”
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 6.—Passage grave on Axvalla heath, near Lake Venern,
Vestergötland, Sweden, situated on a hill overlooking a flat
country. Numerous graves belonging to that period are found in the
neighbourhood.
The walls are made by large slabs, those in the passage being lower
than the slabs of the quadrangle. The roof is of flat slabs of
granite, 5 to 6 feet above the floor, a similar one serving as a
door, closing the outer end of the passage, which is 20 feet long,
and 2½ to 3 feet broad, and 3 feet high. The mortuary itself (the
quadrangle) is 32 feet long by 9 feet broad.
_The dead sit along the walls_, young and old, men and women, the chin
resting in both hands, with their legs drawn up. Thin slabs form the
cells round each skeleton, and are about 3 feet high, consequently
do not reach the roof. Arrow points, knives, etc., of flintstone,
are found with the men, pieces of amber with the women.
Numbers of similar graves are found in Sweden and Denmark, a single
grave sometimes containing nearly one hundred bodies.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 7.—Plan of above grave.
]
Gallery or passage graves consisted of a chamber and a narrow gallery
leading into it, the whole being covered by a mound, the base of which
was generally surrounded by a circle of larger or smaller stones.
[Illustration:
Fig. 8.—Passage grave near Karleby—front view; length of the main
gallery, covered by nine large stones, 52 feet; width, 7 feet;
length of passage, 40 feet; height, 6 feet.
]
The chamber in a passage grave is either oblong, square, oval, or nearly
round; the walls are formed by large upright blocks, not quite smooth,
though even on the inside; the interstices are generally carefully
filled up with gravel or fragments of stone, and birch bark is sometimes
found between the blocks. The roof was formed by immense flat slabs or
blocks, smooth on the under side, but rough on the top, the interstices
being closed in the same manner as those in the walls. The floor is
sometimes covered with small flat stones, but usually with earth. On the
long side of the chamber there is an opening, from which a passage was
built in the same manner as the chamber, only longer and narrower. This
passage, or more precisely its inner part, was covered with blocks
resembling the roof blocks of the chamber, but smaller; near the inner
opening of the passage, and the outer end of its covered part a kind of
door setting has been often found, consisting of a stone threshold and
two narrow doorposts.
[Illustration:
Fig. 9.—Side view of passage grave near Karleby.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 10.—Ground-plan of passage grave near Karleby.
The irregular lines show the position of the slabs covering the grave.
]
The passage graves vary much in size. The length of the chamber is
generally from 11½ to 23 feet, its width from 5 to 10 feet; height from
3½ to 4½ feet. The passage is often as long as the chamber, or even
longer, and its width is from 2 to 4 feet, and height from 3 to 5 feet.
But some are much larger, and are called giants’ graves. One of the
largest of these graves is that of Karleby, near Falköping,
Vestergötland, in Sweden, where a great number of the graves of the
stone age have been found.
[Illustration:
Fig. 11.—Stone coffin (hällkista) near Skattened, in Södra Ryrs
parish, Vestergötland, 21¼ feet in length. Graves of this type are
very numerous in Bohuslan also, and in Dal and south-western
Vermland.
]
This grave[112] was found under a large but not very deep mound, and is
divided into a large chamber and two smaller ones, separated by stone
slabs.
In it were remains of sixty skeletons, and by their side a large number
of poniards, spear-points, arrow-heads, and other objects of flint and
stone, showing that the grave belonged to the period when stone
implements were still in use; but among the skeletons in the lower part
of the grave a couple of bronze beads and a bronze spear-point were
found.
[Illustration:
Fig. 12.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 13.—Plan of above Mound.
Mound, Broholm. Sepulchral chamber made of boulders, with short
passage leading to it. Stones from 4 feet 15 inches to 4 feet high,
and 2½ to 4 feet wide; inside of the chamber 9 feet wide. Only four
stones remain of the passage leading to the chamber, which is about
2 feet wide, and turns south-west. The space between the boulders is
filled with small stones. In the chamber were charcoal and different
things. To the left of the entrance lay remains of two skulls close
to each other; and spread in every direction were daggers, blades,
and points of spears, points of arrows, numerous amber beads, a
necklace of amber, four clay vessels, and fragments of others, &c.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 14.—Entrance to passage grave at Uby, Holbæk amt, Denmark.
Diameter 100 feet, height 14 feet. The length of the chamber is 13½
feet, width 7½ feet, height 7½ feet. Entrance towards the south
passage is 18 feet long, 2½ feet wide, and 5½ feet high. There were
found in the passage many human bones and several flint implements
and three small clay urns.
]
The isolated stone coffins were formed of flat upright stones, and were
four-sided, though the two longer sides were not parallel, thus making
the coffin narrower at one end than at the other. Most of them were
probably covered with one or more stones; and although these have in
many places long ago been destroyed or removed, they are sometimes still
found in their place. The direction of these coffins is almost always
from north to south, and they are generally surrounded by a mound of
stones of more or less stone-mixed earth. This form of grave was
probably the outcome of the omission of the passage. Several
intermediate forms have been found, showing how the passage was
gradually lessened until it can only be traced in the opening which
narrows at the south end of the coffin.
[Illustration:
Fig. 15.—Interior of the passage grave at Uby. The spaces between the
large stones filled with pebbles. The roof is formed by two large
stones which have been cut from a large block.
]
The length of the stone coffin was generally from 8 to 13½ feet, width
from 3 to 5 feet, height from 2½ to 5 feet. A few, especially in
Vestergötland, are from 19½ to 31 feet in length, one of the longest
graves of this kind in Sweden being one on Stora Lundskulla, in
Vestergötland, with a length of 34 feet, and width of 8 feet. Nearly all
other stone coffins found are, like the gallery graves, without a stone
at the southern end. This cannot be accidental.
Besides the stone coffin above described, several have been found
covered with a mound. The chambers are generally formed of upright flat
stones, and roofed also with stones. They are generally smaller than the
stone coffins, being from 6 to 10 feet long, and closed on all four
sides; sometimes, however, there is found in the southern end an opening
as previously mentioned.
POTTERY.
[Illustration:
Fig. 16.—Clay urn—Stone age—⅓ real size. In passage grave, Stege,
island of Möen, Baltic, found with remains of some skeletons. Two
stone axes, a flint saw, 2 arrow-points, 3 spear-heads, fragments of
clay vessels with covers, pieces of a wooden tub, 2 awls of bone, a
chisel of bone, 3 flint wedges, 2 flat scrapers of flint, and 17
amber beads for necklace were also found in the grave. The same
mound was afterwards used for burials belonging to the bronze age,
with cinerary urns with burned bones, on the top of which was a
double-edged bronze knife, &c.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 17.—Amber-beads forming a necklace found in the grave with the
clay urn.
The same mound was afterwards used for burial belonging to the bronze
age; near the top, and entirely separate from the burial-chambers,
there was discovered a very small stone coffin containing an urn
with burnt bones, and on these lay a fine double-edged knife, a
knife, and a pair of pincers, all of bronze.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 18.—Clay vessel found near Fredericia, Jutland. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 19.—Clay urn. Stone age grave, with flint weapons and
amber-beads. ⅓ real size. Island of Möen.
]
POTTERY OF THE STONE AGE.
[Illustration:
Fig. 20.—Necklace of amber beads found with other amber beads and
ornaments, altogether about 2,500, in a bog at the hamlet of Lœsten,
Viborg amt, Jutland. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 21.—Clay vessel which had a top, Stone age. ⅓ real size.—Möen.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 22.—Stone axes, of the form of some bronze axes. Several
specimens in the Copenhagen Museum. ⅓ real size.—Fyen.
The two axes in this page are given on account of their peculiar form,
similar
to that of the bronze age. Many other forms of weapons will be found
illustrated in ‘The Land of the Midnight Sun.’
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 23.—Clay vessel found in a burial chamber with flint implements
and other objects near Aalborg, Denmark. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 24.—Clay vessel found in a large passage grave, with flint, and
other implements, near Haderslev, Slesvig. ⅓ real size.
]
CHAPTER IX.
THE BRONZE AGE.
Abundance of gold—Stone occasionally used for
arrow-heads—Pottery—Graves—Commencement of cremation—Objects of
this period—Proficiency in the art of casting—Weapons—Ornaments
more varied than in the stone age—The Kivik grave—Oak
coffins—Clothing of the bronze age—Sewing implements—Burnt and
unburnt bodies sometimes found in the same grave—Gold vessels and
ornaments—Bronze vessels—Battle-horns—Bronze knives.
While the three ages to some extent overlap, while we find stone
articles running into the bronze age, and bronze and even stone into the
iron age, still the distinction between the three periods is too clearly
marked to be overlooked. Thus in the bronze age, characterised by the
use of that metal and of gold, the weapons were almost entirely of
bronze; amber still continued to be used for ornaments, and towards the
close of this epoch glass, in the shape of beads, and iron appeared, but
silver seems to have been unknown. Sometimes stone continued to be used
for arrow-heads and spear-points.
The pottery shows a distinct improvement on that of the stone age.
The graves of the bronze age, as in the preceding stone age, are covered
by a mound of earth, or a cairn, and contain several burial places.
During the latter part of the bronze age the custom of burning the dead
was introduced, but in the earlier part the bodies were unburnt. When
the custom of cremation commenced and how long it lasted it is utterly
impossible to tell, but from the numerous finds it is evident that it
must have been in use long before iron became known. The graves of this
period also generally lie on the top of some high hill, or the cairns
are placed on the summit of some promontory having an unobstructed view
of the sea or some large sheet of water. These graves prove that the
shores of the Baltic and of the Cattegat were once thickly inhabited by
a people having the same customs and religion; and from the situations
of the graves, as well as from the objects, etc., in them, we learn that
they were a seafaring people. North of the great lakes on the large
Scandinavian peninsula these antiquities become more rare, thus showing
that country not to have been so thickly settled.
[Illustration:
Fig. 25.—Cake of a rosin-like substance made of a paste of birch bark,
and containing fragments of amber, used as a kind of putty to fill
up the hollows of objects of bronze, &c., found in bogs and urns
belonging to the bronze age.
]
From the finds of beautiful and often costly antiquities belonging to
the bronze age,[113] and from their great numbers, the fact is brought
vividly to our mind, that even before iron was discovered there existed
in those regions a remarkable culture.
The people had attained very great proficiency in the art of casting,
most of the objects are cast, and some of the weapons have still the
mark of the clay upon them; the model was sometimes made of wax and clay
put round it, the bronze was cast into the mould thus made, and the wax
melted into the mould which afterwards was broken in order to take out
the sword or object manufactured. Some of the small daggers especially
are marvels of casting, which could not be surpassed to-day. The largest
swords are cast in one piece. In the collection at Copenhagen nine of
these are perfect, the size of the longest being from 35 to 38 inches.
The swords, daggers, poniards often have their hilts ornamented or
twisted with threads of gold.
The weapons of the bronze epoch are the same as those of the stone age;
poniards, axes, spears, bows and arrows. The sword and the shield seem
to have been in common use; one of these now in Copenhagen was found
covered with thin gold.
The simple ornaments of the stone age are replaced by more varied and
beautiful ones. Gold jewels and vases become common and testify to the
wealth of the people. In this age as in the preceding age of stone, the
people of the North attained a greater degree of proficiency, and seem
to have possessed a higher degree of civilisation than the people of
Central and Northern Europe belonging to the same period.
The graves containing unburnt bones which belong to the early period of
the bronze age are very similar to those of the preceding period of the
stone age, they contain several skeletons then finally decrease in size
until they become about 7 feet long, or just large enough to contain one
body.
The bodies were often not buried in stone chambers but in coffins made
of the trunks of oak trees. It may be that at a later period the customs
of burning bodies and burying bodies unburnt co-existed, as will be seen
in the account of the iron age. The warrior was buried with his weapons
just as in the stone age.
One of the most interesting graves which I have seen, belonging,
probably, to the bronze age, is the Kivik cairn (see p. 88), near the
sea on a beautiful bay near the town of Cimbrisham. This monument is the
only one of its kind known in the North. It shows perfect resemblance to
others of the bronze age, and differs only from the cairns found on the
hilltops of Bohuslän in its larger size. We have looked with great care
at the tracings, which are not so deep as those of the rock-tracings
situated in the neighbourhood. The signs carved on the stones are
evidently symbolical, and were so made as to look upon the great chief
that had been buried there.
[Illustration:
Fig. 26.—Skeleton in a grave, about 8 feet 5 inches long, lying
south-west and north-east. The mound, which was about 4 feet high,
with a diameter of 50 feet, contained in the centre another grave.
Hesselagergaard, Broholm, Fyen. The original position of the head of
the warrior was 19 inches from the line of stones. The warrior was
buried with his weapons just as in the stone age. The following were
some of the objects found in the grave: Fragments of a bronze
fibula, a little above the head to the right. Two bronze rings, on
each side of the head, 6 inches from it. A bronze necklet; 13 inches
below the lower edge of the necklet was a large, flat, bronze
titulus (sort of shield boss) ornamented with three rows of spirals.
Above the edge of the large titulus was a bronze dagger, in a
scabbard, 8½ inches long.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 27.—Man buried with ornaments. Grave, 9 feet 6 inches long, 2
feet 3 inches wide, in a mound, Hesselagergaard. Among the ornaments
were some spiral bracelets and finger rings, amber beads and one
light blue glass bead.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 28.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 29.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 30.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 31.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 32.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 33.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 34.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 35.
Slab, from the Kivik grave.[114]
]
The Kivik grave, like many others belonging to the bronze age situated
by the sea, is about 700 feet in circumference. The coffin, of flat
upright slabs, was discovered in 1750; its length is fourteen feet;
width, three feet. It is formed by four slabs on each side, and one at
the north end. These were nearly four feet high, three feet wide, and
eight to nine inches thick, and placed side by side. The inner surfaces
were more or less smooth, though neither cut nor polished, and on these
were the tracings. Two of these stones were lost about seventy years
ago. The grave was covered with three slabs, and pointed north and
south.
[Illustration:
Fig. 36.—Oak coffin. Kongshöi find (Jutland).
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 37.—Oak coffin, with skeleton body covered with a woollen cloak,
Treenhöi, Jutland; one half serving as bed.
]
In a mound at Havdrup in Ribe amt, Jutland, there were found in 1861
three well-preserved oak coffins. The contents of two had been taken out
before the discovery was notified to the authorities, but the third was
found in the state shown in the illustration. Near this mound was that
of Kongshöi, containing four well-preserved oaken coffins. The contents
of these were however not as well preserved as those in the coffins of
Treenhöi. At the top of this mound there were discovered clay urns with
burnt bones.
In some of these oaken coffins are found wooden bowls with handles, and
ornamented with inserted pins of tin.
The articles of dress, found in a most extraordinary state of
preservation in the oak coffin, kept from decay no doubt by the tannin
in the oak, show how the people of the North dressed well before iron
had come into use among them. These are the earliest perfect garments
known, and even the latest period to which they belong cannot be far
from three thousand years ago, and they may be of a much earlier date.
[Illustration:
Fig. 38.—Oak coffin, Treenhöi, Jutland; one half serving as bed.
]
Among the most interesting graves which have given remarkable results in
regard to dress are the mounds of Treenhöi by Vandrup, near Kolding, in
Jutland.
In a man’s grave was a small cap covering the head of the body, which
was wrapped in a deer-skin, composed of several sewn pieces of woven
material, and ornamented outside with woollen threads, which had been
inserted, and terminating with knots.
[Illustration:
Fig. 39.—Cap.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 40.—Woollen shawl.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 41.—Cap.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 42.—Coarse woollen cloak.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 43.—Woollen skirt held by a striped band.
Articles of clothing, Treenhöi, Jutland.
]
On the left side under the cloak lay a bronze sword in a wooden sheath,
of lath lined with deer-skin, the hair being inside. The hilt was
ornamented by an oval bronze button at its top. There were no traces of
leggings or other protection for the legs, but the feet seem to have
been protected by strips of wool, and to have had leather shoes or
sandals on.
[Illustration:
Fig. 44.—Woman’s skirt and bodice of wool, found with bronze
ornaments, and a bronze poniard with horn handle by the side of the
body which had been wrapped in a deer-skin.—Aarhus, North Jutland.
]
The graves of women contain daggers, which may possibly imply that the
women had been warriors; also large spiral rings, various ornaments,
finger-rings, bracelets, glass beads, &c.
Women’s dress of the bronze age seems to have consisted of the skirt and
bodice as at the present time, but the men’s clothes were quite
different from those of the iron age; in the earlier time trousers were
not worn, while we see them in use in the latter.
Many sewing implements of bronze have been found in the graves, the
needles like those of the stone age are sometimes made of bone, but many
are of bronze; awls were used to pierce the holes in garments that were
made of skins, and some peculiar shaped knives have been found which
were probably used in the making of skin clothing, or in cutting
leather.
In a grave-mound near Aarhus, in North Jutland, a coffin made of two oak
logs was found. The bottom of the coffin was covered with an untanned ox
or deer-hide. On this lay a large cloak, made of coarse wool and
cattle-hair. In the cloak, which was partly destroyed, was wrapped the
skeleton of a woman dressed. The hair was long and dark, and a net
covered the head, tied under the chin.
[Illustration:
Fig. 45.—Profile of mound of the bronze age, with large coffin and
unburnt body, and stone cist with cinerary urn containing burnt
bones, also three smaller stone cists filled with burnt bones.
Dömmerstorf, S. Halland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 46.—Mound and sepulchral cist. The stones in this grave were of
size of the fist, and formed a pavement of a diameter of about a
yard. The urn contained burnt bones, among which were found a bronze
awl, and fragments of a bronze saw.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 47.—Mound at Elsehoved, Fyen. At the bottom, in the centre of the
mound, was found an irregular grave filled with earth, of about 4
feet 9 inches in length, 1 foot 9 inches in width, 1 foot 10 inches
in depth (measured inside). Outside, on the natural soil, was spread
a bed of earth, rich in charcoal, which contained remains of burnt
bones and pieces of a clay urn, &c.
]
Burnt and unburnt bodies are sometimes found in the same mound; the
latter generally at the bottom of the graves, the former at the top,
this shows that the graves with unburnt bodies are considerably the
older of the two. A mound with several graves may possibly have been the
burial place of one family. The graves of the later bronze age are more
numerous on the shores of the Baltic than in other parts of Europe.
Sometimes the burnt remains have been found wrapped in clothing, and
placed in an ordinary sized coffin, but more generally these burnt bones
are preserved in urns of clay enclosed in a small stone cist.
[Illustration:
Fig. 48.—Cairn covered with earth, bronze age, Kongstrup, Zealand.
Diameter nearly 40 feet; height, 10 feet; covered with about 3 feet
of clay, containing over thirty urns, one of which was fastened with
a resin-like substance; with burnt bones and cinders, protected by
little sepulchral cists made of slabs.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 49.—Mound of the bronze age, covering a double ring of stones;
diameter of outside ring 86 feet; containing several burial-places,
with urns and burnt bones.—Near Kallundborg, Zealand.
]
These stone cists of about the length of an average man are interesting
as indicating the transition to the small ones containing burnt bones;
some of these of a size large enough for an unburnt body have contained
only a small heap of burnt bones, and evidently belonged to the period
when the cremation of the dead began to prevail. Many of these little
cists are only large enough to enclose a clay pot, in which the bones
were collected; sometimes no coffins were found, but only clay pots
containing ashes, a small bronze knife, a bit of bronze saw, or
something of that kind. In some cases the bones were put simply into a
hole in the mound and the whole covered with a stone slab.
[Illustration:
Fig. 50.—Clay vase; ⅙ real size. Found in stone cist in the mound with
an urn containing burnt bones, among which lay two bronze
knives.—Mound at Gjöttrup, near Lögstör, Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 51.—Pot of burned clay; ¼ real size. Found in a mound with urns
and bronze objects.—Vidstrup, Hjörring amt, Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 52.—Cinerary urn, ⅙ real size. Burnt bones.—Holstein.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 53.—Cinerary urn, ⅙ real size. With burnt bones.—Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 54.—Fragment of woollen cloth. Real size. Found at the bottom of
a mound at Dömmestorp, in Halland; in a fold of it lay a
well-preserved bronze poniard with its leather scabbard. The shawl
was 5 feet long and 20 inches wide.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 55.—Maglehöj mound; height about 14 feet, diameter 40 to 50 feet;
with sepulchral chamber, height, 5 feet; width, 5½ feet; length, 7
feet. Inside the chamber the ground was laid with cobble-stones; on
top of these flint-stones, 2 to 3 inches in thickness; and then
again a layer of cobble-stones, and among these were found: a diadem
of bronze, two pieces of shields or breast-armour, the blade of a
dagger, &c., &c.—Zeeland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 56.—Floor of chamber.—Maglehöj.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 57.—Interior of chamber with cinerary urn.—Maglehöj.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 58.—Gold vessel, ½ real size, found with ten other similar ones.
All of 20-carat gold. Placed with the handles downward in the bronze
urn, Fyen (see p. 101).
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 59.—Gold vessel, ⅓ real size, handle surrounded with gold
threads. Found with a gold vessel in a mound, Zeeland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 60.—Bottom of the vase.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 61.—Gold vessel, about ½ real size, found under a slab, Halland.
Weight, 2 oz. 5 dr.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 62.—Design forming the bottom part of the vase. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 63.—Bracelet of solid gold, ¾ real size; weight, 6 oz.—Scania.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 64.—Diadem of gold, ⅔ real size, Balsby, Scania; deposited,
together with four massive bronze axes, upon a slab below the
surface of the ground.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 65.—Hollow bracelet of gold, real size, found with four spiral
gold bracelets near a large stone.—Skärje, Bohuslan.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 66.—Spiral ring of double thread of gold.—Scania.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 67.—Pincers of gold. Real size.—Halland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 68.—Bronze pincers. ¾ real size.—Fyen.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 69.—Bronze pincers. Real size.—Scania.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 70.—Bronze vessel, with representation of sun ship, with prow and
stern alike, as in northern ships. ⅓ real size.—Bog near Aalborg,
Denmark.
]
Vessels of bronze are uncommon in the graves; some by their form seem to
be of Greek origin, while others appear to be of Northern make. Some
beautifully cast, and of peculiar shape, seem to have been made to be
suspended. Some are ornamented with the svastica[115] and other symbolic
signs, and may have been used to carry offerings to the gods.
[Illustration:
Fig. 71.—Bronze vase, in which were found eleven gold vessels with
handles like illustration. Representation of sun ship, ⅓ real
size.—Bog find, Rönninge, Fyen, Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 72.—A vase of bronze found in a grave-cist in a mound, Fyen. The
cist was three feet wide, built of stone slabs, with one on the top.
⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 73.—Bronze vase, with burnt bones, a gold arm-ring, four double
buttons (two of gold and two of bronze), two bronze knives, &c.,
Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 74.—Bronze vase. ½ real size.—Broby, Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 75.—Bronze pail. ¼ real size.—Ögemose, Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 76.—Hanging vase of bronze. ½ real size.—Bog, Senāte,
Vestergötland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 77.—¼ real size. Svastica.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 78.—⅓ real size. Scania.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 79.—¼ real size.
Patterns of the bottom of different vases.
]
The bogs[116] of Denmark contain large horns or trumpets, made entirely
of bronze, with pendant chains (see p. 104). Nothing exactly
corresponding to them has yet been discovered in other countries. They
have been cast in several pieces, and with surprising skill, and are
carefully fastened together by rivets which interlace each other.
Sometimes they have been buried in the bogs in a broken state, but
generally have been so well preserved that they can still be blown. They
produce a dull and not very loud sound. On one occasion they have been
found with a shield of bronze and a few bronze swords, hence their use
in battle may be inferred. But generally several of them are found
together, rarely less than two, and sometimes as many as six on the same
spot.
[Illustration:
Fig. 80.—Battle horn of bronze, ⅛ real size.—Bog, Fredriksborg Amt,
Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 81.—Ornament to battle-horn. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 82.—Horn of bronze, ⅐ real size.—Bog, Scania, at a depth of over
6 feet.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 83.—Battle horn of bronze, with chain ornamented with birds; ⅛
real size, or 30 inches long.—Bog, Ribe Amt, Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 84.—Bronze boats covered with gold.—Nors parish, North Jutland.
]
A perfectly unique find belonging to the bronze age is that discovered
at Nors parish, Northern Jutland, in 1885. In an urn, greatly damaged,
were about 100 small boats of bronze canoe-shaped, about four to five
inches in length, placed one into another, all covered inside and
outside with a thin sheet of gold; some have been found to be ornamented
with concentric rings on the side. What was the meaning of the offering
or find will always remain a mystery.
The curiously-shaped knives, which are found in very great numbers, seem
to be peculiar to the North, and the North of Germany. What they were
used for is hard to tell, possibly as sacrificial knives. It can hardly
be doubted that the signs upon them are symbolical; some may be
representations of the sun-ship, others are somewhat like minute
representations of the rock-tracings, or designs upon Greek coins, while
the heads of horses remind us of the gold vases represented in this
chapter.
[Illustration:
Fig. 85.—Bronze knife, with sun ship and fish. Real size. In a mound
at Skjellerup, near Aarhus, North Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 86.—Bronze knife, without handle, with a serpent. Real size. In a
mound, Jutland, with three stone coffins.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 87.—Bronze knife. Real size. Found in mound in Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 88.—Bronze knife in clay urn, with burnt bones, two other knives,
&c. ⅔ real size.—Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 89.—Bronze knife, with a vessel. ⅔ real size. In a mound.—Fyen.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 90.—Bronze knife.—Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 91.—Bronze knife; ship, with two suns and S. Skanderborg Amt,
Denmark. ⅔ real size.—Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 92.—Bronze knife, with ship, sun, and triskele. ⅔ real size.—In
an urn in Holstein.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 93.—Bronze knife, mound at Dömmestorp, Halland, in a ruined stone
cist. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 94.—Bronze knife, with two ships very like those on
rock-tracings. Real size.—In a mound near Vimose on Fyen.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 95.—Bronze knife, Scania. Real size.—Scania.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 96.—In a mound.—Zeeland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 97.—Found in a field in Fyen, near Svendborg, with two other
swords.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 98.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 99.—Found with bones and charcoal in a mound.—Fyen.
Handles of bronze swords. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 100.—Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 101.—Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 102.—Real size.—Zeeland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 103.—In urn with burnt bones, together with a bronze knife,
tongs, and an arrow-point. Real size.—Möen.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 104.—Real size.—Möen.
Daggers.
Varying in size from 3 inches to 6½ inches.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 105.—½ real size.
In a field in the side of a lake with 163 pieces of bronze.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 106.—½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 107.—¼ real size.
Found with Fig. 105.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 108.—½ real size.
Spear-heads, bronze.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 109.—In a bog, Falster. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 110.—In a bog, Jutland. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 111.—In mound, Jutland. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 112.—Upper part of bronze sword. ½ real size.—Scania.
Swords.—These peculiar bronze swords are found in various towns in
England and Germany.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 113.—Spear-point of bronze. ½ real size. In a heap of coals with
twenty other spear-points.—Nordre Aurdal, Christiania.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 114.—Spear-head of bronze. ⅓ real size.—Fálköping, Vestergötland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 115.—Knife of bronze. ⅙ real size. In stone coffin in a mound,
Island of Möen, in the Baltic, with a sword and a knife.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 116.—Knife of bronze. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 117.—Knife of bronze. ⅓ real size. In mound, Zeeland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 118.—Knife of bronze. ½ real size.—Halland, Sweden.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 119.—½ real size. In urn, Holstein.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 120.—⅓ real size. In urn, Fyen.
Knives of bronze.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 121.—Bronze sword. ⅓ real size.—Vestergotland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 122.—Sword of bronze, ⅕ real size.—Lake Längsjon, Uppland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 123.—Dagger of bronze; full length, 24 inches.—Köngshöi find,
Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 124.—Leather sheath for bronze dagger, handle of horn; in tumulus
at Dömmestorp, Halland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 125.—One-edged bronze sword, found in a bog, Östergötland,
Sweden. Length, about 20 inches. The only one of this type found in
the North. Prof. Stephens in his ‘Runic Monuments’ shows that the
type is Assyrian, and that it has come by the trade routes through
Russia into Sweden from Asia.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 126.—Bronze shield with handle. ⅕ real size.—Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 127.—Thin shield of bronze, ⅛ real size, found in a bog at a
depth of a little more than 3 feet. 66 inches full size diameter;
bird-like figures round centre.—Halland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 128.—One-eighth part of a small bronze shield, measuring only 27
inches in diameter, containing eight triangles; ½ size. In a bog,
Falster.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 129.—⅓ real size.—Flensborg amt. Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 130.—⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 131.—Massive bronze axe, ⅓ real size, ornamented on three
sides.—Veile amt, Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 132.—In Randersfjord, Jutland. ½ real size.
Bronze axes.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 133.—Bronze axe; ½ real size.—Scania.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 134.—Bronze axe; ⅓ real size.—Bohuslän, Sweden.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 135.—⅓ real size. Ploughed up in a field, Zeeland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 136.—Fragment of bronze axe, ⅓ real size, with handle of
oak.—Near Eskilstuna, Södermanland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 137.—Axe of thin layer of bronze, ⅙ real size, cast upon a mould
of clay, ornamented with some round plaques of gold, in the midst of
which are pieces of amber.—Södermanland, Sweden.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 138.—Two forms of stone for casting; one for four saws, the other
for two knives. ⅓ real size.—Scania.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 139.—Necklace of bronze. ⅓ real size.—Bog, V.-Götland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 140.—Saw of bronze. ½ real size.—Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 141.—Bronze ring. Real size.—Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 142.—One of two bronze bracelets round wrist of skeleton in
tumulus, Dömmestorp, Halland. ⅔ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 143.—Bronze ring. Real size.—Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 144.—Bronze bracelet, ½ real size.—Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 145.—Fibula of bronze. ⅔ real size. Found with a bronze ring in
bog, Zeeland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 146.—Head ornament or hair-ring. Little less than ½ size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 147.—Long spiral bracelet, found near a big stone, Scania.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 148.—Tutulus of bronze, with many other objects, in a large mound
at Bosgården, near Lund, Sweden.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 149.—Bracelet. ½ real size.—Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 150.—Bracelet of bronze. ⅔ real size.—Scania.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 151.—Diadem of bronze. ½ real size.—Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 152.—Button of bronze. Real size.—Scania.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 153.—Button found with other objects in a small clay urn, with
burnt bones, surrounded by little slabs; real size.—Dömmestorp,
Halland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 154.—Fibula of bronze. ⅖ real size.—Scania.[117]
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 155.—Bronze pin. ⅓ real size.—Bohuslän.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 156.—In a private collection. ⅔ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 157.—Found in a bog among the contents of a bronze vessel—rings,
pins, knives, etc. ½ real size.—Fyen.
Bronze pins.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 158.—⅔ real size.—Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 159.—In urn with burnt bones. ⅔ real size.—Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 160.—Bracelet of gold. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 161.—Twisted necklace of bronze, ½ real size, found in a bog at a
depth of 1m. 5c. at Langhö, Södermanland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 162.—Ornament of bronze, ⅛ real size, for wooden pail.—Bog of
Balkåkra, near Ystad, Scania.
]
CHAPTER X.
THE IRON AGE.
The three historic ages overlap each other—Division of the iron age
by archæologists—Gradual development in the mode of burial during
the three ages—Appearance of silver, lead, and glass—Greek and
Roman objects—Cinerary deposits—Cremation—The Kannikegaard
cemetery—Primitive kettle-shaped graves—Intentional destruction of
weapons and armour in graves—Cinerary urns—Symbolic
signs—Ornaments of the iron age.
In the iron age, when the knowledge of all the metals was known, and
weapons were made of iron, bones were still sometimes used for
arrow-heads; this age gradually merges into the historic period. It is
impossible to assign definite limits of time to the three prehistoric
ages; they run by degrees into each other; the classification specifies
no division of time, but marks degrees of development in man.
Northern archæologists divide the iron age in the North into the
_earlier_, _middle_, and _later_ iron age, in the same manner as they
have divided the preceding stone and bronze ages; and it may safely be
said that in all these ages the North surpasses other countries in the
beauty and number of its objects. All the antiquities, as well as the
Eddas and Sagas, plainly show that the people who inhabited the eastern
and southern shores of the present Scandinavia[118], the islands of the
Baltic, and the southern shores of that sea, to a certain distance
inland, which now comprise Northern Germany, were of the same origin and
belonged to the same race; and the vast number of weapons of various
kinds testify equally with the records to the warlike character of the
people. The finish of the weapons of the later stone age is something
wonderful, many of them are as polished as glass; the weapons of bronze
are equally remarkable.
In the beginning of the iron age appear the shears, which are very
similar to those now in use. Clothes during this period were generally
kept together by pins and buckles, which have been found in great
numbers; horns were used as drinking cups, and domestic vessels of
glass, bronze, silver, gold, wood, or burnt clay, and objects of Roman
manufacture, dice, checkers or draughtsmen, and chessmen, have also been
unearthed.
At a very early period of this age remains of brynjas, or coats of ring
armour, have been found in graves where burning of the dead has taken
place; this shows that they were known in the North even in the
beginning of the Christian era, if not before; they are also met with in
graves of a later period, and in the bog finds of the third and fourth
century.
Along with iron the people became also acquainted with silver, lead,
glass, &c., and knew the art of soldering and gilding metals. The jewels
and ornaments in their design and workmanship show a considerable
advance in taste.
At what time the use of iron began to be known among the people and when
it superseded bronze is impossible to tell: the change must have taken
place a long time before the ships of the Suiones were described by
Tacitus, a wonderful example of the accuracy of whose description is
found in the Nydam boat of which I will speak hereafter. Iron is very
abundant in Sweden and Norway, and bog iron was no doubt plentiful in
the islands of the Baltic; the use of the latter is proved by masses of
slag, weapons, &c. found in the earliest graves of the iron age. The use
of the bronze of the preceding period continued, and many objects of
bronze are evidently of home manufacture.
[Illustration:
Fig. 163.—Cinerary deposit. Hole, filled with stones, 4½ feet deep, 3
feet in diameter.—Fyen.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 164.—Cinerary deposit. Grave, 5 feet in diameter, 4 feet deep,
lined with cobble stones, burnt bones, and broken fragments of clay
urns.—Fyen.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 165.—Cinerary deposit. Grave, 16 feet long, 6 feet wide, running
from north-west to south-west, with hole 2½ feet deep, containing
burnt bones and fragments of ornamented clay urns, remains of a
large one-edged knife, &c.—Grönneskev field, Fyen.
]
The earliest graves[119] belonging to this iron age in the North are
called by Northern archæologists _depôts cineraires_ (cinerary
deposits). These graves are round bowl-shaped holes, the excavations
being from about two to four feet in diameter, and three to four feet
deep: into these the remains of the funeral pyre, such as burnt bones of
the corpse, ashes, charcoal, fragments of clay, urns, ornaments, jewels,
other objects and weapons are thrown in, without order or method. The
burnt bones and the charcoal are scattered sometimes over a bed covering
a certain space, or sometimes in a heap together.
In other graves the antiquities are found resting on the black mould
itself. What were the causes which led to the temporary disuse of the
mound-burials we cannot tell.
Then came a period when after the burning of the corpse on the pyre the
pieces of the bones were gathered into urns of clay, wooden buckets with
metal mountings, vessels of bronze or glass bowls; these latter being
very rare. These urns, &c., which are frequently found covered, for
protection, by other vessels, were placed in chambers of varying sizes,
those of the earliest graves being made of slabs, and just large enough
to contain the sepulchral urn.
It should be mentioned that the development of the form of these graves
runs in an unbroken chain, beginning with the large grave chamber of the
stone age, and culminating in the insignificant receptacles for
preserving a mere handful of burnt bones.
These graves are found sometimes singly, and at others in many hundreds,
and even thousands, together.
The Kannikegaard cemetery on the island of Bornholm in the Baltic, and
that of Möllegaard by Broholm on the island of Fyen, are perhaps the two
richest antiquarian fields of the earliest iron grave period.
Kannikegaard must have been a very large common graveyard; it is over
1,000 feet long and over 150 feet wide, and formed, no doubt, part of a
more extensive burial ground, as there are other graves some 200 feet
further on. In nearly all the graves scorched stones have been found,
often in such quantities that they nearly fill the grave; a clay urn was
also often found standing at the bottom of the burnt spots or lying on
its side, sometimes with the bottom up or in broken pieces; many graves
contain no antiquities, and hold only burnt bones and charcoal.[120]
In no other part of Europe do we see such a vast number of graves of
this period, showing that the North must then have been inhabited by a
far more dense population than other countries; from the number and
contents of these _depôts cineraires_, we gather that the population
burned its dead in large burial-grounds.
The practice of burning the dead had already become common in the latter
part of the bronze age, and prevailed most extensively, if not entirely,
during the iron period immediately following it.
Connected with the burning of the dead was the intentional damage done
to objects which were exposed to the heat of the funeral pyre. Special
care seems to have been taken to render swords and other weapons
thoroughly useless. Swords are cut on the edges, bent and twisted;
shield bosses are dented or flattened; and jewels and other objects are
entirely ruined, and the illustrations seen in these volumes will show
how thorough the destruction was. Bent swords and shield bosses, &c.,
were sometimes placed over the cinerary urn, at other times they were
put at their side.
We find that the same custom also existed during the cremation period of
the bronze age,[121] many of the swords of that period being broken in
several places.
Among the objects most commonly found are shears, iron knives, silver
and bronze fibulæ, glass beads, melted or whole in many of which the
colours are unaltered, and as fresh as if made to-day; iron and bone
combs, tweezers of iron, amber beads, buckles, dice, draughtsmen,
fragments of trappings for horses and waggons, ornaments of gold and
silver, fragments of cloth, weapons, iron keys, fragments of bronze and
iron vessels, iron clinch nails, spurs of bronze and iron (showing that
horses were used at a very early period in the North), clay urns, &c.,
&c. A remarkable fact is that the earliest swords seem to be chiefly
single-edged, a departure from the shape of the bronze swords: the
fragments of the shields are of wood, with heavy iron bosses and
handles.
[Illustration:
Fig. 166.—Axe, ruined by cuts on its edge.—Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 167.—Shield boss, ruined by cuts, Norway. Found with a
double-edged sword, blade broken in two places, a bit for a horse,
&c. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 168.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 169.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 170.
Half-moon shaped knives, sharp on the outside edge, with one end
ending in a loop or ring, and the handle twisted; found at
Kannikegaard. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 171.—Single-edged sword, from cinerary deposit at Kannikegaard. ⅕
real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 172.—Found in cinerary deposit at Kannikegaard, one of nineteen
nearly perfect swords. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 173.—Double-edged sword, found over a clay urn with burnt bones.
½ real size.—Öland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 174.—Shield boss. ½ real size.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 175.—Sword of iron, found with unburnt bones, fragments of a
knife, and wooden scabbard. Kannikegaard. ⅛ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 176.—Bronze needle. Real size. Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 177.—Two-edged sword, found in cinerary deposit at Kannikegaard.
⅕ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 178.—Iron knife; ⅓ real size. Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 179.—Sword, _Odense Amt Fyen_. ⅛ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 180.—Bent sword. Real size.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 181.—Single-edged sword, found in cinerary deposit Bornholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 182.—Single-edged sword, from cinerary deposit at Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 183.—Sword from the grave-place near Horsens; found with a bronze
kettle, containing burnt bones, a heavy finger-ring of gold, a torn
shield-boss of bronze, a shield handle of iron with nails of bronze,
a spear-head, two iron spurs, one pair of iron shears, two knives,
one iron buckle, bronze mountings for a drinking horn, melted glass,
fragments of a pan and sieve of bronze, different mountings of
silver, numbers of pieces of melted iron and bronze; not far from
the grave were found more than thirty urns containing burnt bones,
and several skeleton graves.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 184.—Neck-ring of silver. ½ real size. Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 185.—Sword. ⅕ real size.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 186.—Spear-point, found near Kannikegaard. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 187.—Bent sword. ⅕ real size.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 188.—Iron comb, real size, found with an urn containing burnt
bones of a child, &c., with other objects.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 189.—Stone cist with three layers of stone on the top, containing
unburnt bones.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 190.—Inside of stone cist. Length, 6½ feet; width, 2 feet 10
inches; height, 22 inches. On left shoulder of skeleton, under the
right shoulder, on the breast and by the head, were silver
fibulæ.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 191.—Stone coffin, 7½ feet long, 20 inches wide, 18 inches high,
showing how the beads were placed.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 192.—Fibula of bronze, plated with silver. ⅔ real size. Found in
a piece of woollen cloth, with numerous beads, &c., in a stone
coffin.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 193.—Bead of gold and silver mixed. Real size.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 194.—Mosaic bead, of red colour. Real size.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 195.—Mosaic bead, real size, found with a silver
ring.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 196.—Glass bead. Real size.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 197.—Fibula of bronze: on its pin was a piece of linen—found with
mosaic beads in a stone coffin. Real size.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 198.—Fibula of silver, with fragments of bone comb, long knife,
with remains of wooden scabbard, &c. Stone coffin 9 feet long. Real
size.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 199.—Bead of gold and silver mixed, made of three pieces soldered
together.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 200.—Axe of iron, found together with human teeth, horn comb, &c.
½ real size.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 201.—Cylinder-shaped receiver of bronze ⅔ real size, with a cover
and pieces of a leather band; in it were 7–8 pointed pieces of wood,
probably toothpicks or pins.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 202.—Iron sword, slightly more than ⅛ real size.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 203.—One-edged sword, from a grave-mound, Norway. 2/9 real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 204.—Double-edged sword, from a grave-mound, Norway, found with
other damaged weapons, &c. 2/9 real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 205.—Iron spear-point, found in clay urn. Skovlyst, Ribe,
Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 206.—Spear-point, from a cairn, Norway; found with two unburnt
bodies, seven bronze buckles, a bronze key, seven beads of glass and
amber, &c. 2/9 real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 207.—Stirrup, from a grave-mound, Norway, found with another
similar stirrup, a double-edged sword, spear-point, axe blade, &c.,
all damaged. 2/9 real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 208.—Cinerary urn and bent sword with iron sheath.—Skovlyst,
Ribe, Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 209.—Black clay urn, with hollow spots, ¼ real size, containing
burnt bones.—Broholm, Fyen.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 210.—Clay urn with svastica, ¼ real size, top of which was closed
by the bottom of another, containing burnt bones, a pointed iron
knife, a needle of bronze, melted lumps of glass from beads of
different colours, &c.—Bornholm.
]
The cinerary urns are of different sizes and shapes, many of which are
not ungraceful: the clay of which they are made is of a black or greyish
colour, coarse and rough, porous, and often very tender; the people even
at a later period never seeming to have been skilled in the potter’s
art. Many of the designs upon them are peculiar, and were, no doubt,
symbolical. Among these are circles with dots, triangles, the svastika
and triad, &c., &c. Glazed pottery was unknown in the North.
[Illustration:
Fig. 211.—Dark brown clay urn, ⅓ real size.—Möllegaard, Broholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 212.—Urn with fine vertical stripes and punctuation, containing
burnt bones, bone comb with bronze rivets, ornamented with
concentric lines along the back. ¼ real size.—Möllegaard, Broholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 213.—Urn of dark grey colour, containing burnt bones,
&c.—Möllegaard, Broholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 214.—Black urn, containing only burnt bones. ¼ real
size.—Möllegaard, Broholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 215.—Urn of reddish clay, ⅓ real size, which had another urn on
the top like a cover.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 216.—Small urn. Real size, containing nothing but
earth.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 217.—Clay urn, ⅛ real size.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 218.—Clay urn.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 219.—Small greyish clay urn found in a burned spot. ⅓ real
size.—Möllegaard, Broholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 220.—Urn, ⅓ real size, and glass mosaic beads, real size; two of
the beads found were blue, with bands of red, yellow, and red; two
more were blue, with a pattern repeated four times, containing
black, yellow, red, and white grounds; one was white, with a
wheel-like pattern, repeated three times, having a red centre and
black spokes—Möllegaard, Broholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 221.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 222.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 223.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 224.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 225.—Clay urn filled with burnt bones, and numerous objects. ¼
real size—Möllegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 226.—Wooden bucket with bronze hoops. ¼ real size. Found in large
mound, with burnt bones, and a piece of gold spiral ring.—Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 227.—Wooden bucket, with bronze fittings, ⅓ real size. Found in a
large round tumulus inside a stone sepulchral chamber, with two
pairs of iron scissors, fragments of two double-edged swords,
fragments of several arrow-heads, two shield bosses, &c.,
&c.—Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 228.—Clay urn, ⅓ real size, found in a tumulus with another clay
urn.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 229.—Clay urn, upside down, to cover a bronze basin, of Roman
manufacture, placed on a slab filled with ashes and burnt bones,
fragments of bronze ornaments and glass vessels which had been
exposed on the pyre; ashes and bones were scattered round, showing
the burning to have taken place on the spot. ⅓ real size.—Harf
Medelpad, Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 230.—Clay urn in a stone cist containing the remains of a
skeleton, &c. ¼ real size.—Sojvide, Gotland.
]
In Gotland, the graves are made of lime slabs. Some of these stone cists
are not deep under the ground, and without apparently any mound.
[Illustration:
Fig. 231.—Clay urn, ⅓ real size, found in a round mound, inside a
sepulchral chamber of the length of 6 feet, width 2 feet, height 1
foot 8 inches.—Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 232.—Clay urn, ½ real size, found in a mound containing a large
stone cist, with fragments of iron objects and another clay
urn.—Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 233.—Clay urn, in a mound. Bohuslan.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 234.—Clay urn in a stone cist.—Gotland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 235.—Clay urn, covering one filled with burnt bones. ¼ real
size.—Nafverstad, Bohuslån.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 236.—Clay urn, with three partitions (on the outside are ten
knobs), found, with fragments of a belt hook, under a stone slab. ⅔
real size.—Himmelshöi, Bornholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 237.—Clay urn, ⅓ real size, found in a round mound, inside a
sepulchral chamber.—Stavanger, Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 238.—Clay urn, ¼ real size, found in a mound.—Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 239.—Clay urn, ¼ real size, containing burnt bones.—Norway.
Earlier iron age.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 240.—Clay urn, ⅓ real size, found in a mound placed over burnt
bones contained in a clay urn.—Norway. Earlier iron age.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 241.—Clay urn.—Norway. ½ real size. Skeleton grave, found with
five other clay urns, a silver fibula, &c.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 242.—Clay urn filled with burnt bones and covered with another
vase. ¼ real size. Found in a large round tumulus—Bohuslån.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 243.—Clay urn, containing burnt bones and fragments of a bone
comb, glass beads, lever balance of spindle, &c., found, covered
with a slab, in an oblong mound. ⅓ real size. Earlier iron age.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 244.—Iron urn or kettle, 10 inches high, 12¾ inches in diameter,
and 6 inches deep.—Norway. Three other kettles of same shape and
workmanship have been found: one in a grave-mound.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 245.—Bronze cinerary urn; ⅕ real size.—Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 246.—Bronze kettle, ⅕ real size.—Norway. Found under a slab in
the border of a round mound. It contained burnt bones, among which
was a gold bracelet, and other objects.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 247.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 248.
Small clay vessels found in an oblong mound at Greby, Bohuslån, found
with a clay urn filled with burnt bones, on which were fragments of
a bone comb, glass beads, &c. ½ real size. Earlier iron age.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 249.—Round clay urn, found in a mound, Greby, Bohuslån,
containing burnt bones and two melted glass beads, &c. ¼ real size.
Earlier iron age.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 250.—Clay urn, ¼ real size, containing burnt bones, found inside
a sepulchral chamber of stone, 6 feet long, nearly 4 feet wide, and
3 feet high, in a round tumulus.—Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 251.—Cinerary vase of clay, ⅕ real size, found surrounded by
burnt bones in a mound at Björkö. Later iron age.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 252.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 253.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 254.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 255.
Four of seven mosaic glass beads, real size.—Broholm grave.
Of variegated colours, yellow, white, black, blue, and red, and of
different designs. Besides those represented were 26 blue glass
beads, one of which had red stripes, one red, another lilac; there
were also eight amber beads, different shapes, and a fibula of
bronze, to which was attached a coarse woven cloth, &c.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 256.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 257.
Iron knives, ½ real size, in an urn on the top of burnt bones without
coal and ashes.—Möllegaard, Broholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 258.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 259.—Porcelain beads, and beads of gold and silver mixed. Real
size.—Bornholm. Earlier iron age.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 260.—Curved iron knife, ½ real size, and with the remains of a
large urn containing burnt bones.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 261.—Iron knife, ⅓ real size; found in a cinerary urn containing
burnt bones, two pairs of shears, a buckle, awl, and ring, all of
iron; a bronze fibula, &c.—Möllegaard, Broholm.
]
The following objects in one grave in Möllegaard will give a thorough
idea of the destruction wrought on the pyre.
[Illustration:
Fig. 262.—Handle of iron for kettle.—Möllegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 263.—Remains of a damaged iron instrument and silver fibula
rusted together. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 264.—Silver fibula and other objects rusted together. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 265.—Iron comb, ½ real size. Möllegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 266.—Blue and light green.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 267.—Dark grey, with white eyes.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 268.—Red, with red, black, and yellow design.
Melted glass mosaic beads, real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 269.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 270.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 271.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 272.
Four of eleven iron ornaments, shaped like buckets. Real
size.—Möllegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 273.—Bronze vessel, 9 inches in diameter, with handle fastened
with rivets. It contained numerous articles taken from the pyre, but
rust had united them all.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 274.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 275.
Two iron spurs in burnt spot.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 276.—Iron buckle, ⅔ real size.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 277.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 278.
Two prismatic dice, real size, damaged by fire, the sides pointing
towards each other always counting seven; found in an urn with burnt
bones, remains of a glass cup, &c., one foot under the
ground.—Kannikegaard.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 279.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 280.
Fragments of bone comb and iron rivet, real size, found in a cinerary
urn.—Broholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 281.—Spiral ring of massive gold, showing the two sides, found
near a large bronze cauldron, and fragments of the mountings of a
carriage, several iron swords, shield bosses, &c. Real
size.—Broholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 282.—Spiral gold ring much alloyed with silver, showing the two
sides. Real size.—Broholm.
]
CHAPTER XI.
RUNES.
Early knowledge of the art of writing—Knowledge of rune writing very
remote—Archaic Greek characters—Jewels with earlier runes—Runes on
memorial stones—Runic alphabets—The origin of runes—Their mystical
meaning—Memorial runic stones—Runic staves—The Runatal—Archaic
inscriptions compared with runes.
As the early form of writing known as runes occurs so frequently in
connection with these Northern relics, it will be well to devote a
chapter to the subject. The written records and finds in the North give
numerous examples showing that at a very early period the tribes of the
North knew the art of writing. The characters used were called “rúnir”
runes.
The knowledge of rune writing was so remote, that it was supposed by the
people to have come with Odin, thus showing its great antiquity and
possibility of the theory that the runes were brought to the North by
the people who had migrated from the south-east, and who may have
obtained their knowledge from the Greek colonies situated on the shores
of the Black Sea or Palus Mæotis. The numerous runic inscriptions,
showing in many cases the archaic form of these characters, bear witness
to the truth of the Northern records, though it cannot be denied that
they often closely resemble the Etruscan letters. To corroborate these
records a considerable number of antiquities, the forms of which are
unknown in Italy and are similar to those of the North, have been found
in Southern Russia, and may be seen in the museums of that country.
At what early date the art of writing runes became known in the North it
is impossible to tell. From the Roman coins found in the Nydam, Vimose,
Thorsberg, &c. finds we know that the people knew the art at the period
to which the coins belong, but this is far from proving to us that they
had just learned the art of writing; people do not learn how to write
first on objects of gold and silver; but, at any rate, we can fix a date
as early as the second or third century of the Christian era. It must be
admitted as surprising, if the Northern peoples were so advanced as to
manufacture the beautiful weapons and artistic articles found in the
graves and elsewhere, they had not also instituted a coinage of their
own.
That the knowledge of runes did not come to the North before that of
working iron is almost certain, as no runes have been found there on the
objects belonging to the bronze age. A fact we must bear in mind is,
that in the earlier graves of the iron age, many of which are of greater
antiquity than the bog finds,[122] the objects were so thoroughly
destroyed on the pyre, that all traces of runic character upon them
would disappear.
[Illustration:
Fig. 283.—Diadem of gold, with earlier runes inside; found in oblong
mound of sandy mould with remains of a stone coffin.—Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 284.—Silver fibula, with earlier runes,[123] richly gilt, the
zigzag and runes filled with blue niello; ⅔ real size; earlier iron
age.—Etelhem, Gotland.
]
Besides the runes found inscribed upon jewels, weapons, coins,[124] &c.,
there are others engraved on rocks and memorial stones, which are of
very great antiquity, some of which seem to be earlier than the runes of
the bog finds.
There are two alphabets; the earlier one numbered twenty-four, the later
sixteen letters.
[Illustration:
Earlier Runes from the Vadstena bracteate.
]
[Illustration:
Later Runes.
]
The Vadstena alphabet is divided into three sections, each containing
eight letters or characters. The earlier runes were written from the
right to the left; the later runic inscriptions are read from the left
to the right. The later runes differ considerably from the earlier ones,
from the gradual changes that took place, some falling out of use, till
only sixteen existed in later times. Their signification also changed.
Were it not for the evidence of the finds having runic inscriptions of
the fuller runic alphabet, it would have seemed more probable that the
less developed one was the earlier; but in the face of the most
indisputable proofs of the antiquity of the fuller alphabet, such
assertions cannot be made. The only conclusion to which this leads us
therefore is, that the runic alphabet must in the course of time have
become simplified. There are runic inscriptions which contain both
earlier and later runes, but the former at last gradually disappeared.
It seems that the custom of having alphabets on objects such as the
Vadstena bracteate existed in Greece and Etruria.[125] The earliest
graves in the Roman colonies in which there is writing are very few;
what writing there is is never in the language of the people, but always
in Latin; and nearly all, if not all such graves, are those of Christian
people.
[Illustration:
Fig. 285.—A fibula of silver, partly gilt, with same runic letters,
with slight variations. Real size.—Charnay, Burgundy, France (of
Norse origin).
]
The art of writing shows the advanced civilisation of the people of the
North compared with that of the other countries mentioned. The language
of Tacitus[126] is plain enough, and any other interpretation is not
correct. The assertion made that the knowledge of writing came to the
North through the present Germany is not borne out by the facts. Runic
monuments do not occur south of the river Eider, either on detached
stones or engraved on rocks. The few jewels found scattered here and
there, either in France or Germany are thoroughly Northern, and show
that in these places the people of the North made warfare, as
corroborated by the testimony of the Eddas and Sagas, as well as of
Frankish and old English and other records.
[Illustration:
Fig. 286.—Neck-ring of gold, with runes; ½ real size; found (1838) in
a round mound.—Wallachia.
]
Great indeed has been, and still is, the harvest of runic monuments or
objects in the North. Every year several new objects with these
characters are discovered in fields, bogs, and graves, or when old walls
or buildings are demolished.
England, being the earliest and most important of the Northern colonies,
possesses many monuments and objects with runes; among them a large
knife, now in the British Museum, found in the bed of the Thames, the
blade of which is ornamented with gold and silver, and an inscription in
runes.[127]
From the sagas we learn that runes were traced on staves, rods, weapons,
the stem and rudder of ships, drinking-horns, fish bones, and upon the
teeth of _Sleipnir_, &c.
In Runatal (Odin’s Rune song), or the last part of Havamal, there is a
most interesting account of the use that could be made of runes. It
shows plainly that in earlier times they were not used by the people in
general for writing; that they were mystic, being employed for
conjurations and the like, and therefore regarded with a certain awe and
superstition; just as to-day writing is looked upon by certain savage
tribes, who cannot be made to understand how speech can be transmitted
and kept on paper for an indefinite period.
In this song, Odin is supposed to be teaching some one, and giving
advice; he reckons up his arts thus:—
I know that I hung
On the windy tree
Nine[128] whole nights,
Wounded with a spear,
Given to Odin,
Myself to myself;
On the tree
Of which no one knows
From what roots it comes.
They gave me no food
Nor a horn (drink);
I peered downward,
I caught the runes,
Learned them weeping;[129]
Thence I fell down.
Nine songs of might
I learnt from the famous
Son of Bölthorn, father of Bestla;[130]
And I got a draught
Of the precious mead,
Taken out of Odrerir.[131]
Then I became fruitful
And wise:
I grew and I throve;
Word followed word
With me;
Act followed act
With me.
Thou wilt find runes
And letters to read,
Very large staves,
Very strong staves,
Which the mighty wise one drew,
And the high powers made,
And the Hropt of the gods (Odin) carved.
Odin (carved runes) among the Asar;[132]
Dain with the Alfar;
Dvalin with the Dvergar;
Alsvid (the All-wise)
With the Jötnar;
Some I carved myself.
Better ’tis not to invoke
Than sacrifice too much;
A gift always looks for reward;
Better not to send
Than offer too much;
Thus Thund[133] carved
Before the origin of men;
He rose there;
There he came back.
I know incantations
Which no king’s wife knows,
And no man’s son.
Help is the first one called,
And it will help thee
Against strife and sorrows,
Against all kinds of grief.
A second I know,
Which the sons of men need,
Who would as leeches live.[134]
The third I know,
If I am in sore need of
Bonds for my foes;
I deaden the edges[135]
Of my foes;
Neither weapons nor wiles hurt for them.
The fourth I know,
If men lay
Bonds on my limbs;
I sing (incantations) so
That I can walk;
The fetter flies off my feet,
And the shackles off my hands.
The fifth I know,
If I see an arrow flying,
Shot to harm in the array;
It flies not so fast
That I cannot stay it
If I get sight of it.
The sixth I know,
If a man wounds me
With the roots of a young tree;[136]
Illness shall eat
The man
That lays spells on me,
Rather than me.
The seventh I know,
If I see a hall burning
Round the sitting men;
It burns not so broadly
That I cannot save them;
Such an incantation can I sing.
The eighth I know,
Which for every one is
Useful to learn;
Where hate arises
Among sons of kings
I can allay it soon.
The ninth I know,
If I am in need
To save my ship afloat,
I hush the wind
On the waves,
And calm all the sea.
The tenth I know,
If I see hedge-riders[137]
Playing in the air,
I cause that
They go astray
Out of their skins,
Out of their minds.
The eleventh I know,
If I shall to battle
Lead my old friends,
I sing under the shields,
And they go with might
Safe to the fray,
Safe out of the fray,
Safe wherever they come from.
The twelfth I know,
If I see on a tree
A halter-corpse[138] swinging;
I carve so
And draw in runes,
That the man shall walk
And talk to me.
The thirteenth I know,
If I do on a young thegn[139]
Water sprinkle;
He will not fall
Though he go into battle;
That man sinks not by swords.
The fourteenth I know,
If I shall reckon up
The gods for the host of men;
Asar and Alfar[140]
I know all well;
Few unwise know so much.
The fifteenth I know,
That which Thjodreyrir[141] sang,
The Dverg, before the door of Delling;[142]
He sang strength to the Asar
And fame to the Alfar,
Wisdom to Hroptayr.[143]
The sixteenth I know,
If of the comely maiden
I want all the heart and the love,
I change the mind
Of the white-armed woman
And turn all her heart.
The seventeenth I know,
That the youthful maiden
Will late forsake me.
These songs
Wilt thou Loddfafnir[144]
Long have lacked,
Though they are good if thou takest them,
Useful if thou learnest them,
Profitable if thou takest them.
I know the eighteenth,
Which I will never tell
To maiden or man’s wife,
Except to her alone
That holds me in her arms,
Or is my sister;
All is better
That one alone only knows.[145]
This is the end of the song.
Now the song of Har is sung,
In the hall of Har;
Very useful to the sons of men,
Useless to the sons of Jötnar.[146]
Hail to him who sang!
Hail to him who knows!
May he who has learned profit by it!
Hail to those who have listened!
“Atli was a great, powerful, and wise king; he had many men with him,
and took counsel with them how he should get the gold; he knew that
Gunnar and Högni were owners of so much property[147] that no man had
the like of it; he sent men to the brothers and invited them to a feast
in order to give them many gifts; Vingi was the leader of the
messengers. The queen knew of their secret talk, and suspected treachery
against her brothers. She cut runes, took a gold ring, and tied on it a
wolf’s hair; she gave this to the king’s messengers. They went as the
king had told them, and before they landed Vingi saw the runes and
changed them so that they meant that Gudrún wished them to come to Atli.
They came to the hall of Gunnar and were well received; large fires were
made before them; there they drank merrily the best drinks. Vingi said:
‘King Atli sent me hither and wanted you to visit him to get honour and
large gifts, helmets and shields, swords and coats-of-mail, gold and
good clothes, warriors and horses and large estates, and he says he
would rather let you than any others have his realm.’ Then Gunnar turned
his head and said to Högni: ‘What shall we accept of this offer? He
offers us a large realm, but I know no kings owning as much gold as we,
for we own all the gold which lay on Gnitaheath, and large skemmas
(rooms) filled with gold and the best cutting weapons and all kinds of
war-clothes; I know my horse to be the best, my sword the keenest, my
gold the most renowned.’ Högni answered: ‘I wonder at his offer, for
this he has seldom done, and it is unadvisable to go to him. I am
surprised that among the costly things which Atli sent to us I saw a
wolf’s hair tied on a gold ring, and it may be that Gudrún thinks he has
a wolf’s mind (mind of a foe) towards us, and that she wants us not to
go.’ Then Vingi showed him the runes which he said Gudrún had sent. The
men now went to sleep, while they continued drinking with some others.
Then Högni’s wife, Kostbera, a most handsome woman, went to them and
looked at the runes. She and Gunnar’s wife, Glaumvör, a very
accomplished woman, brought drink. The kings became very drunk. Vingi
saw this, and said: ‘I will not conceal that King Atli is very heavy in
his movements, and too old to defend his realm, and his sons are young
and good for nothing; he wishes to give you power over the realm while
they are so young, and he prefers you to enjoy it.’ Now Gunnar was very
drunk, and a great realm was offered to him, and he could not resist
fate; he promised to go, and told it to his brother Högni, who answered:
‘Your resolve must be carried out, and I will follow thee, but I am
unwilling to go’” (Volsunga, c. 33).
Runes were occasionally used as charms in cases of illness.
Egil went on a journey to Vermaland to collect the tax from the Jarl
Arnvid, who was suspected of having slain King Hakon the Good’s men when
they went thither for this purpose. On the way he came to the house of a
bondi named Thorfinn.
“As Egil and Thorfinn sat and took their meal, Egil saw that a woman lay
sick on the cross-bench, and asked who she was. Thorfinn answered that
she was his daughter Helga. She had been long ill from a very wasting
sickness; she could not sleep at night, and was like one
_ham-stolen_[148] (crazy). ‘Has anything been tried for her illness?’
said Egil. Thorfinn said: ‘Runes have been traced by the son of a bondi
in the neighbourhood, but she is far more ill since than she was before;
canst thou do anything for such an illness?’ Egil answered: ‘It may be
that it will not be worse though I take charge of it.’ When he had done
eating he went to where she lay and spoke to her. He bad that she be
taken out of bed and clean clothes put under her, which was done. Then
he examined the bed, and there found a piece of whalebone with runes on
it. He read them, cut them off, and scraped the chips into the fire; he
burned the whalebone and had her clothes carried into the open air. Then
Egil sang:—
As man shall not trace runes
Except he can read them well,
It is thus with many a man
That the dark letters bewilder him.
I saw on the cut whalebone
Ten hidden[149] letters carved,
That have caused to the leek-linden (woman)
A very long sorrow.
“Egil traced runes, and placed them under the pillow in the bed where
she rested. It seemed to her as if she awoke from a sleep, and she said
she was then healed, though she had little strength. Her father and
mother were very glad” (Egil’s Saga, c. 75).
When persons were deaf, they communicated with others by means of runes.
“Thorkel told his sister Orny that the steersman had come to his house,
saying: ‘I wish, kinswoman, that thou shouldst serve[150] him during the
winter, for most other men have enough to do.’ Orny carved runes on a
wood-stick, for she could not speak, and Thorkel took it and read. The
wood-stick told this: ‘I do not like to undertake to serve the
steersman, for my mind tells me that, if I do, much evil will come of
it.’ He became angry because his sister declined, so that when she saw
it she consented to serve Ivar, and continued to do so during the
winter” (Thorstein Uxafót, Fornmanna Sögur, 110).
Runes traced on sticks (_kefli_), which were sometimes used, did not
offer proper security against falsification, unless personal runes were
used, which however were known only to a very limited number.
An Icelandic settler named Gris, who had gone on a journey to Norway,
was going back to Iceland from Nidaros (Throndhjem).
“A woman came to him with two children, and asked him to take them with
him. He asked: ‘What have they to do there?’ She said that their uncle
Thorstein Svörf lived in the district where Gris had a bœr, and that her
name was Thorarna. Gris said: ‘I will not do that without some
evidence.’ Then she gave him from under her cloak a stick on which were
many words known to Thorstein. Gris said: ‘Thou wilt think me greedy for
property.’ She asked: ‘Ask as much as thou wilt.’ He answered: ‘Four
hundreds in very good silver, and thou must follow with the children.’
‘It is not possible for me to follow them,’ she said, ‘but I will pay
what thou askest.’ She told him the name of the boy Klaufi, and of the
girl Sigrid. Gris added: ‘How hast thou become so wretched, thou who art
of such good kin?’ She replied: ‘I was taken in war by Snækoll Ljotsson,
who is the father of these children; after which he drove me away
against my will.’
“Gris had a favourable wind after he had taken these children on board,
and sailed to Iceland into the same river-mouth as usual; and as soon as
he had landed he carried away both children, so that no one knew of his
coming. That evening he went to Thorstein at Grund, who received him
very well, mostly because his son Karl had gone abroad at the time that
Gris had been abroad, and Thorstein wanted to ask about his journey.
Gris spoke little. Thorstein inquired if he was ill. Gris answered that
it was rather that he was not well pleased with his doings; ‘for I have
brought hither two children of thy sister.’ ‘How can that be?’ said
Thorstein. ‘And I will not acknowledge their relationship unattested.’
Then Gris showed him the stick, and he recognized his words thereon,
though it was long since he spoke them. He acknowledged the children,
but paid Gris to bring up Klaufi” (Svarfdæla, c. 11).
“Klaufi and Gris sailed from Solskel southward along the Norwegian
coast, until they came to an islet, where lay two ships with no men on
them. They jumped on board one of the ships, and Klaufi said: ‘Tell
thou, Gris, who has steered these ships, for here are runes, which tell
it.’ Gris said he did not know. Klaufi answered: ‘Thou knowest, and must
tell.’ Gris was obliged to do so, against his will, and thus read the
runes: ‘Karl steered the ship when the runes were carved’” (Svarfdæla,
c. 14).
“One summer in the time of King Harald Hardradi it happened, as was
often the case, that an Icelandic ship came to Nidaros (Throndhjem). On
this ship there was a poor man who kept watch during the night. While
all slept he saw two men go secretly up to Gaularas with digging tools
and begin to dig; he saw they searched for property, and when he came on
them unawares he saw that they had dug up a chest filled with property.
He said to the one who seemed to be the leader that he wanted three
marks for keeping quiet, and some more if he should wish it. Thorfinn
assented to this, and weighed out to him three marks; when they opened
the chest a large ring and a thick necklace of gold lay uppermost. The
Icelander saw runes carved on the chest; these said that Hakon Jarl had
been the owner of this property” (Fornmanna Sögur, vi. 271).
One day Thurid, the old foster-mother of Thorbjörn Öngul, an enemy of
Grettir, asked to be taken down to the sea.
“When she came there, she found the stump of a tree with the roots on,
as large as a man could carry. She looked at the stump, and had it
turned round. On one side it looked as if it had been burned and rubbed.
On this side she had a small spot smoothed with a knife. Then she took
her knife and carved runes on it, and reddened it with her blood,
singing words of witchcraft over it. She walked backwards around the
stump, in the opposite direction to the sun’s course, and pronounced
many powerful incantations thereover. Then she had it pushed out into
the sea, and said it should be driven out to Drangey, and cause great
mischief to Grettir. When Grettir was cutting the stump for firewood
with an axe, he wounded himself severely above the knee”[151] (Gretti’s
Saga, c. 81).
[Illustration:
Fig. 287.—Stone axe with earlier runes; ⅔ real size.—Upland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 288.—Earlier runic inscription discovered (1872) on a
perpendicular bluff 20 feet high and about 200 feet from the shore,
at Valsfjord, Fosen, North, Throndhjem. The runes are carved in a
perpendicular line from the bottom up. Hardly anything is left of
the letters. The Runes; 1/15 real size.
]
The deeds of warriors were recorded on runic staves:—
Örvar-Odd, when very old, desired to revisit the scenes of his
childhood, where a Völva had foretold him that his death would be caused
by the head of the horse Faxi, at his birthplace, Hrafnista. When he
arrived there he walked around on the farm, and his foot struck the
skull of a horse, and a viper came out of it and bit him in the leg.
“He suffered so much from this wound that they had to lead him down to
the shore. When he got there he said: ‘Now you must go and hew a stone
coffin for me, while some shall sit at my side and carve that song which
I will compose about my deeds and life.’ Then he began making the
song,[152] and they carved it on a tablet,[153] and the nearer the poem
drew to its end, the more the life of Odd ebbed away” (Orvar Odd’s Saga;
Fornaldar Sögur. p. 558).
[Illustration:
Fig. 289.—Stone, with earlier runes, height over 6 feet.—Krogstad,
Upland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 290.—Earlier runes on granite block. About 10 feet high, 4 feet
11 inches at widest part, and 9 inches thick.—Tanum, Bohuslän,
Sweden.
]
“The two brothers Jokul and Thorstein were to meet Finnbogi for a
Holmganga.[154] As he did not come, they took a post from the latter’s
farm; Jokul carved a man’s head at one end, and traced in runes an
account of what had occurred that day” (Vatnsdæla, 34).
The inscriptions of the earlier runes, the translation of which must be
received with extreme caution, are short, while those of a later period
are much longer.
[Illustration:
Fig. 291.—Runic stone, showing transition between earlier and later
runes, about 4½ feet above ground; breadth, 2 feet 4
inches.—Stentofte, Blekinge, Sweden.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 292.—Part of stone block, with earlier runes.—Torvik, Norway.
Eight feet 10 inches in length by 2 feet 2 inches wide, with a
thickness of from 2⅓ to 3⅛ feet.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 293.—Red quartz stone, with earlier runes and warrior on
horseback. Height, 8 feet 3 inches, but only 6 feet above ground;
greatest breadth, 5 feet.—Hagby, Upland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 294.—Granite slab of a stone coffin in a grave-mound, forming one
of the sides 1/15 real size.—Torvik, Hardanger, Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 295.—Runic stone, earlier runes. Length, 7 feet 2 inches; width,
2 feet 4 inches.—Berga, Södermanland, Sweden.[155]
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 296.—Runic stone, earlier runes. Height, over 13 feet; greatest
width, a little over 3 feet; with letters about 6 inches long; near
a dom ring.—Björktorp, Blekinge, Sweden. See p. 314 for grave.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 297.—Earlier runic stone; about 7 feet 7 inches long, and at its
broadest part 3 feet 6 inches.—Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 298.—Granite block with earlier and later runes (the earlier
runes in the centre). Height, 5 feet 3 inches; greatest breadth, 3
feet; average thickness, 1 foot.—Skå-äng, Södermanland, Sweden.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 299.—Earlier runic stone, Sigdal, Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 300.—Earlier runic stone discovered in 1880, in a ruined
grave-mound which contained a slab stone chest; one of the side
slabs bore runes, and is given here. It has probably stood on
another mound before it was put to this use.—Bergen Museum, Torvik,
Hardanger, Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 301.—Tune stone (with earlier runes) of red granite; found in a
graveyard wall surrounding the church of Tune, near Moss, entrance
of Christiania fjord. Height, 6 feet 7 inches; greatest width, 2
feet 4 inches.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 302.—Earlier runic inscription on a bluff, 11 feet above
high-water mark.—Væblungsnæs, Romsdal, Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 303.—Runic stone, having the longest runic inscription known,
composed of over 760 letters. Height, 12 feet; width, 6 feet.—In the
Churchyard of Rök, Ostergötland, Sweden.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 304.—Marble lion, with later runic inscription. Height, 10 feet.
Now at Venice, whither it was brought from the Piræus in 1687.[156]
]
Not only do the finds prove to us how extensive were the voyages and
journeys of the vikings, but many of the runic stones add their
testimony to these and the sagas, often mentioning journeys in distant
lands both for peaceful and warlike purposes. There are four runic
stones extant on which Knut the Great is mentioned as “Knut who went to
England”; the _Thingamenn_ or _Thingamannalid_ is mentioned on at least
two runic stones.
[Illustration:
Fig. 305.—Later runic stone, with animal and bird.—Upland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 306.—Later runic stone, with animals, possibly a representation
of Fylgja at Svartsjö Castle, Lake Mälaren, Sweden.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 307.—Later runic stone, with birds.—Upland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 308.—Stone with later runes. Height above ground, 10 feet; the
width over 5 feet.—Nysätra parish, Upland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 309.—Later runic stone, Edssocken, Upland. “Runa rista lit
Rahnualtr huar a Kriklanti uas lisforunki.”
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 310.—Later runic stone, 7½ feet above the ground. “Sterkar and
Hiorvardr erected this stone to their father, Geiri, who dwelt west,
in Thikalid (Thingmannalid). God help his soul.”—Kålstad, Upland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 311.—King Gorm’s stone, with later runes.—Jellinge, Jutland.
Front view.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 312.—Back view of King Gorm’s stone.
]
The inscription on the above stone runs thus, the translation being
literal: “_Haraltr kunukr bath kaurua kubl thausi aft kurm (Gorm) fathur
sin auk aft thæurui muthur sina, sa haraltr ias sær uan tanmaurk ala auk
nuruiak auk tana ... t kristnæ_” = Harald king bade make mounds these
after Gorm, father his and after Thyra, mother his, that Harald who
swore, Denmark all and Norway and Dane ... to christianize.
The historical mounds of King Gorm and his queen Thyra are respectively
200 and 230 feet in diameter, and about 40 feet high (see p. 183); the
burial chamber of King Gorm was of wood, 22 feet long, 4½ feet high, 8
feet wide. In the grave were found a small silver cup, a bronze cross
covered with gold, a wooden figure representing a warrior in armour,
several metal mountings, &c.
[Illustration:
Fig. 313.—Wooden shield with later runes.—Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 314.—Runic stone in ship-form grave, Upland. In the grave was
found a helmet, apparently made of iron-plate, with ornaments of
bronze in imitation of eyebrows; also a helmet-crest. On the helmet
were numerous representations of horsemen with spears and carrying
shields on their left arms, in front of the horses a snake, and in
front of and behind each horseman a bird flying.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 315.—Baptismal stone font.—Langhem Church, Sweden.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 316.—Baptismal stone with runes and a representation of Gunnar in
the snake-pit, used as font in a church, Bohuslän. No Christian
symbol is marked upon it.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 317.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 318.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 319.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 320.
Baptismal fonts with runic inscriptions, some apparently heathen.
]
Two rock-tracings found at Ramsund and Gœk, on the southern shores of
Lake Mälar, province of Södermanland, Sweden, show how deeply preserved
in the memory of the people all over the North is the history of the
Volsungar as told in the earlier Edda, and the Saga of that name. To the
late Professor Carl Säve we are indebted for the discovery of these two
mementoes of the past. I here give the representation of the finer of
the two, which is engraved on granite.
[Illustration:
Fig. 321.—Tracing of later runes illustrating the Eddaic songs and
Volsunga saga. Length, 16 feet; width, from 4 to 5 feet.—Ramsund
Rock, Södermanland, Sweden.
]
The scene is surrounded below by sculpture, and covered with runes above
are two serpents twisted together, one without runes. Below the large
snake Sigurd on his knee pierces with his sword the body of the reptile.
In the midst between the snake the horse Grani is standing, made fast to
a tree where two birds are seen. On the left Sigurd, seated, roasts on
the fire, at the end of a stick, the heart of Fafnir. Round the fire are
deposited pincers, an anvil, bellows, and hammer; the head of the smith
(blacksmith) Regin is seen separated from the trunk. Then above is
sculptured an animal, which looks like a fox—no doubt the otter—for the
murder of which was given, as ransom, the rich treasure so fatal to
Fafnir and to all those who possessed it after him. The runic
inscription has not the slightest connection with the scene, not even
with Sigurd Fafnisbani. As Mr. Säve remarks, Sigurd or Holmger, and
perhaps both, believed that they were descended from Sigurd Fafnisbani,
the famous hero of the Volsunga.
The tracing on the stone of Gœk, not far from the city of Strengenæs, is
about half the length of that on the Ramsund stone, but of the same
width, and is not as fine. The subject is treated in a somewhat similar
manner: the hammer is on the ground, while on the Ramsund stone it is in
the man’s hand. Above the horse Grani is a Christian cross.
The runic inscription, here also upon a snake, surrounds the figures,
but has nothing to say about Sigurd Fafnisbani.
[Illustration:
Fig. 322.—Oscan inscription (first three lines) on a bronze tablet in
British Museum.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 323.—Greek inscription on bronze axe from Calabria, in the
British Museum.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 324.—Archaic Greek inscription in the British Museum.
]
From the facsimile illustrations given of Etruscan, Greek and earliest
Roman inscriptions chosen at random from the museums, the reader will be
able to judge for himself, and probably see how much more closely the
earlier runes resemble the Greek archaic and Etruscan inscriptions than
the Latin ones.
[Illustration:
Fig. 325.—Bronze tablet, first three lines. Treaty between the Eleans
and Heræans of Arcadia; copied from “Ancient Greek Inscriptions” in
the British Museum.
]
[Illustration:
(Euphorbos.)
]
[Illustration:
(Menelaos.)
]
[Illustration:
(Hector.)
Fig. 326.—These three archaic inscriptions are found on a vase from
Camirus in Rhodes, now in the British Museum.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 327.—Etruscan inscription on a sepulchral urn in the British
Museum.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 328.—Etruscan inscription on an urn in the British Museum.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 329.—Etruscan inscription on a sarcophagus from Toscanella, in
the British Museum.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 330.—Plaque of terra-cotta, representing Poseidon, painted. Found
near Corinth. Now in the Louvre.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 331.—Latin inscription.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 332.—Early Latin inscription: painted on a vase in British
Museum.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 333.—Etruscan inscription, on a sarcophagus from Toscanella, in
the British Museum.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 334.—On an Etruscan sepulchral monument in terra-cotta, British
Museum.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 335.—Bronze spear-point, with earlier runes, and svastica and
triskele stamped on it. Length 16½ inches.—Venice, island of
Torcello. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 336.—Iron spear-point, with runes and figures inlaid with silver,
discovered in a mound with burnt bones and weapons.—Müncheberg,
Mark-Brandenburg. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 337.—Iron spear-point, with runes and figures inlaid with
silver.—Volhynia, Russia. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 338.—Runic stone found at Collingham, Yorkshire.
]
CHAPTER XII.
NORTHERN RELICS—BOG FINDS.
Numerous Greek and Roman objects—Intentional destruction of
weapons—Thorsberg find—Coats of mail—Garments and harness—Weapons
and ornaments—The Vimose find—The sax—Bronze and iron
spurs—Carpenter’s plane—The Kragehul find—The Nydam find—Discovery
of a large oak boat—Its construction—Various weapons, tools, and
ornaments—Damascened swords.
Before passing on to other parts of our wide subject, let us examine
somewhat more minutely and in detail the various classes of remarkable
objects which have been found in the lands of the old Norsemen,
belonging to the earlier iron age.
[Illustration:
Fig. 339.—Shield boss of bronze with Latin inscription AELAELIANVS. ⅕
real size.—Thorsbjerg find.
]
The bog finds[157] are very important, and throw additional light on the
earlier history of the people. From them we are able to see how people
were dressed, and to learn about their riding equipment, agricultural
implements, cooking utensils, household vessels, waggons, tools, and
offensive and defensive weapons; from one of these also we were first
made acquainted with their sea-vessels. Many of the objects appear to be
of Greek or Roman origin, and Roman coins are found, so that we can
approximate closely the date when the objects were in use, and
consequently the taste and manner of living of the period.
We can dress a warrior from head to foot, and wonder at his costly and
magnificent equipment, and his superb and well-finished weapons, and can
realise how magnificent must have been some of his riding and driving
vehicles.
[Illustration:
Fig. 340.—Bronze breast-plate, covered with gold and
silver.—Thorsbjerg find.
]
All these antiquarian bog-finds are within very easy access of the sea,
varying in depth beneath the surface of the earth—in the Thorsbjerg bog,
10–14 feet; in the Nydam, 5–7 feet; the Vimose, 4–5 feet. Those of
Denmark have proved far richer than those of the present Sweden, Norway,
and the countries situated on the eastern and southern shores of the
Baltic. In numerous instances the objects are unique, and many present a
great similarity to those found in the skeleton graves, such as swords
with Roman characters upon them, fragments of wooden buckets, checkers,
dice, &c.
Here also, as in the graves where the bodies were burnt, we find objects
intentionally damaged. This bending, twisting, and hacking of weapons
seems to have been a religious custom. The spear-handles, scabbards,
bows, arrow-shafts, and shields are often broken into fragments, or
rolled together in inextricable knots. Ringed coats of mail and garments
are torn to pieces, which afterwards were wrapped carefully together;
and the skulls and skeletons of horses are cleft in many places.
[Illustration:
Fig. 341.—Fragments of silver shield boss, with gilt
ornaments.—Thorsbjerg find.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 342.—Silver helmet.—Thorsbjerg find.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 343.—Bronze serpent: probably ornament to helmet.—Thorsbjerg
find.
]
These masses of objects seem to imply that they were either the spoils
and remains of great fights between different chieftains, or offers to
the gods thrown into sacred springs. In this latter case the finds must
be the produce of a long series of years, and have been given to the
gods at different times, the destruction, instead of taking place on the
pyre, having taken place on the water.
This destruction was not apparently peculiar to the inhabitants of the
North, for Cæsar relates of the Gauls, that when they went into battle
they made a vow to consecrate the booty to the god of war. After the
victory the captured animals were sacrificed, and the rest of the booty
was brought together into one spot.
[Illustration:
Fig. 344.—Bronze buckle inlaid with gold and silver, for ring armour;
the back shows how the rings were attached. ⅔ real size.—Thorsbjerg
Bog-find.
]
[Illustration:
Reverse.
]
The narrative of Crosius offers the most striking similarity between
this custom and that of the Cimbrians and Teutons, who, when coming from
the North after their victory over the Romans at Arausia (near the river
Rhone), in the year 105 before Christ, sacrificed the whole of the
booty. He relates:—
“When the enemies had taken possession of two camps and an immense
booty, they destroyed under new and strange imprecations all that had
fallen into their hands. The clothes were torn and thrown away, gold and
silver thrown into the river, the ring armour of the men cut to pieces,
the accoutrements of the horses destroyed, the horses themselves thrown
into the water, and the men with ropes around their necks suspended to
the trees, so that there was no more booty for the victors than there
was mercy for the conquered.”
[Illustration:
Fig. 345.—Bronze plate, covered with gold and silver, belonging to
ring armour.—Thorsbjerg find.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 346.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 347.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 348.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 349.
Figures, made of thin silver plates, belonging to bronze plate.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 350.—Fragment of ring armour. Real size.
]
One might suppose that Orosius has here described the feast of victory
at Nydam or Thorsbjerg.
If any proofs were needed to show that the objects were intentionally
placed in the water, we have them in the fact that several clay vessels
have been sunk by heavy stones being put in them, and that other objects
were fastened to the bottom by means of large wooden hooks. Finally, we
ought to add, the space within which the antiquities were found was in
several places marked off by fence-like wicker hurdles of twigs, or by
poles, spears or swords, stuck into the mud.
_The Thorsbjerg[158] Bog-find._—The researches in this find cover a
period of six years, from 1856 to 1862, and is one of the most
remarkable, for here were brought to light objects unknown in other
similar finds. From the coins[159] enumerated below, we must come to the
conclusion that many of the objects found belong to the second century
of our era. Among the most remarkable antiquities of warfare are the
superb coats of mail found in the North, and the skill displayed in
making war accoutrements at such an early period shows an advanced state
of civilisation. These coats of mail (which are also found in graves)
are a network of rings each of which is run through four others. In
their workmanship they vary:—in some the rings are clinched; in others
only every other ring is riveted, the alternate ones being welded
together, so that each clinched ring grasps four welded ones, and each
welded ring grasps four riveted.
THORSBJERG FIND.
[Illustration:
Fig. 351.—Trousers of woven woollen cloth.[160] Length 45 inches.
Width round waist 38½ inches. On the waistband were several small
loops which probably held the waistbelt. The socks which are sewn to
the trousers are of the same pattern as that of the sleeves of the
shirt, but the squares are smaller. 1/18 real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 352.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 353.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 354.
Fragments of woollen cloak, with border.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 355.—Woollen shirt or blouse 33½ inches long, 20 inches wide,
with wristbands of a stronger cloth and a lighter colour than the
shirt, which is brownish red. Both sleeves are of a stronger cloth
than that of the body of the shirt. 1/20 real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 356.—Woven border at bottom of the shirt.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 357.—Pattern of the body of the shirt.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 358.—Horse head-gear of leather. The heads of the bronze rivets
resembling rosettes are covered with ornamented silver plates: the
bridle and other mountings are of bronze.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 359.—Flat round wooden shield, made of planed boards of different
widths.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 360.—Wooden sword-hilt with bronze nails, the middle surrounded
with braided bronze thread.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 361.—Fibula of bronze with engraved ornament.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 362.—A pendant of gold. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 363.—Amber die, rounded so as not to stand on the number. Real
size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 364.—Remains of leather shoe. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 365.—Rake of wood with teeth, about nine inches long.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 366.—Ornament of bronze for scabbard. Heads of rivets plated with
silver. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 367.—Rein, made of three pieces of leather, with bronze ring.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 368.—Leather sandal in one piece, for left foot. ⅓ real size.
Fastened over the foot with narrow straps and buttons.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 369.—Shoulder clasp of bronze for ring armour, inlaid with gold
and silver.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 370.—Fragment of a sandal with silver-plated rivets. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 371.—Ornament of bronze for wooden scabbard, with inscription in
earlier runes. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 372.—Bronze ornamentation for scabbard, plated with silver and
gold. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 373.—Scabbard of wood, with bronze mounting.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 374.—Embossed mounting of a scabbard strap, silver-plated, the
whole centre inlaid with a thin gold plate.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 375.—A bridle of bronze, the end-piece plated with silver and
gold. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 376.—Silver-plated bronze buckle.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 377.—Bronze mounting on horses’ head-gear, apparently plated.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 378.—Shield boss with silver top.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 379.—Mountings to leather straps with svastica and gilt knobs.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 380.—Bronze and silver-plated mounting for leather used on
horses’ head-gear.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 381.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 382.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 383.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 384.
Iron axe-heads. ⅓ real size.
]
_Vimose Bog Find._—The explorations in the Vimose bog,[161] situated
about five miles from Odense, Fyen, commenced in 1848, and since that
time 3,600 objects have been gathered together, all of which were found
in a space of 9,000 square feet. Sometimes there seemed to be a certain
order in the way in which the articles had been sunk, for all the ring
armour was together, and a number of small articles had been placed
inside a shield-boss, while other articles were surrounded with broad
bands of cloth. Many of the objects here were also badly damaged. Only
one coin has been found, _i.e._ a silver denarius of the time of the
Empress Faustina Junior (d. 175), with “Pudicitia” on its reverse. The
number of single and double-edged swords, many of which are in tolerably
good preservation, is 67. The single-edged swords, between 15¾ and 24
inches long, are simply welded, sometimes having ornaments traced on the
blade, and several of these were still in their wooden scabbards when
found. The double-edged swords vary in size from about 19 or 20 inches,
to 35 or 36 inches. On several are factory stamps—a star-shaped sign on
one side of the blade near the tongue or hilt point, and a ring-shaped
figure on the sides of the hilt points, a mark which looks rather like a
scorpion; in one stamp are Latin letters, which are somewhat difficult
to decipher. Many are welded or forged from two united blades, while
others are made of a single blade and have no factory mark. Fourteen are
damascened in different patterns.
VIMOSE FIND.
[Illustration:
Fig. 385.—One of four bronze buckles, enamelled in red, green, and
blue, the inside borders of black mosaic enamel. ⅔ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 386.—Sax, or single-edged sword. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 387.—Damascened sax. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 388.—Bent sax, or single-edged sword. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 389.—Single-edged sax or iron sword. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 390.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 391.
Sax, or single-edged swords, one in wooden scabbard. ¼ real size.
]
In this remarkable find several enamelled objects have been discovered.
This art appears to have been unknown to the nations of classical
antiquity. There is no word for it in Greek or Latin. Philostratus,[162]
when describing a wild boar hunt, mentions the beauty and fine colour of
the harness of the horses, and, when stating how these colours were
produced, mentions that they were made by the barbarians living on the
shores of the ocean.
[Illustration:
Fig. 392.—Griffon’s head, ornament belonging to helmet of bronze. Real
size.
]
This description may very well refer to the people of the North, the
great splendour of whose riding gear and chariots we see from the finds
and sagas.
[Illustration:
Fig. 393.—Fragments of ring-armour of hammered iron. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 394.—Bronze mounting, plated with gold silver, and belonging to
ring-armour. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 395.—Remains of ring-armour of iron, with traces of gold plating.
½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 396.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 397.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 398.
Spurs, one of bronze, with iron point; the others of iron.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 399.—Wheel. 1/20 real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 400.—Man’s head on a piece of bronze covered with a thin gold
plate. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 401.—Ferrule of silver for hilt plated with gold. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 402.—Parts of a wooden plane. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 403.—Shoulder-strap of leather, with bronze button and design of
dolphin. About ⅐ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 404.—Silver ornament plated with gold. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 405.—Fragment of wooden shield with gilt-headed nails.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 406.—Silver-plated bronze ornament.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 407.—Silver mounting to scabbard. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 408.—Silver mounting for scabbard. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 409.—One of 1,000 spears, inlaid with concentric circles. ⅓ real
size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 410.—One of 1,000 spears. ⅓ real size.
]
Over 1,000 spears were found; the handles of most of them were broken
off, but five have been preserved complete; these are 8 feet 7⅔ inches
long, 9 feet 2 inches long 9 feet long, 11 feet long, and 6½ feet long.
The handles are made of ash, and some spears are ornamented with threads
of gold, silver or bronze inlaid in concentric circles; sometimes
ornaments are traced up the middle of the blade, and originally these
also were filled with some kind of metal.
[Illustration:
Fig. 411.—Crocodile’s head carved in wood. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 412.—Brynja, or coat of mail, 3 feet long.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 413.—Bone comb with _svastica_. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 414.—Fragments of checker-board. ⅙ real size.
VIMOSE FIND.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 415.—Bronze enamelled bowl (1867), 2¾ in. high, 4¾ in. wide, in
bog at Maltbœk, Jutland. The enamel in the serpentine line is red.
]
_Kragehul Find._—In a small bog called Kragehul, situated near the city
of Assens on Fyen, objects have been found which seem to belong to the
4th or 5th century. The first mention of the Kragehul bog is in 1751,
when some articles with rune inscriptions were found, which,
unfortunately, have been lost, but it was not until 1864 that a regular
exploration took place.[163]
KRAGEHUL FIND.
[Illustration:
Fig. 416.—Bundle of bent weapons.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 417.—Bronze vessel destroyed by sword cuts. ⅕ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 418.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 419.
Iron spears with ornaments carved on the wooden handles. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 420.—Spear, ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 421.—Spear, ⅓ real size.
]
The antiquities, none of which are of Roman origin, seem to have been
thrown in without any order, but spears with thin iron points on the end
formed the boundary of the find.
In this as in the other bog finds, weapons are twisted together in
extraordinary knots and many objects destroyed.
_The Nydam Bog Find._—The remarkable bog find at Nydam[164] is extremely
valuable on account of the boat, and the discovery of Roman coins
enables us to approximate the date of the objects,[165] which is
probably about the years 250 and 300 of our era.
The Nydam oak boat was discovered in 1863 near Slesvig, in Southern
Jutland. Its length is about 75 feet; its widest part, about 10½ feet.
It held 14 benches, and was rowed with 28 oars, the average length of
which was 12 feet. By its side was the rudder, about 10 feet long.
The bottom plank, which is not a keel proper, is 45 feet 3 inches long,
and of a single piece. The oar-tholes are fastened to the gunwales with
bast ropes, and, though they have all one general shape, there are no
two alike.
[Illustration:
Fig. 422.
]
The boat is clinch-built; that is, the planks are held together by large
iron bolts with round heads outside, and clinch plates on the inside, at
a distance of 5½ inches from each other. The space between the planks is
filled with woollen stuff and a pitchy sticky mass. The boards are
joined in a very common manner to the frame with bast ropes. In the
frame are holes, which correspond to elevated pieces on the boards which
are also bored through; these pieces had not been nailed to the planks,
but were hewn out of the latter, which thereby had lost more than half
their thickness. Vessels by this peculiar manner of joining frame and
boards acquired great elasticity, which must have been of good service
in the surf and in a heavy sea.
[Illustration:
Fig. 423.—Oar-thole of red pine. ⅒ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 424.—Oar-thole of the Nydam Boat. ⅐ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 425.—Inside view of one of the stems of the Nydam boat.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 426.—Rib of boat, showing seat attached.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 427.—Wooden pegs fastening stem to bottom plank. 1/17 real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 428.—Showing how the boards joined the ribs.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 429.—End face view of oar-thole. ⅒ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 430.—Rudder, 10 feet long, found alongside Nydam boat.
]
The boat was shaped alike both fore and aft, so that it could be rowed
in either direction; and in both stems, which are fastened to the bottom
plank, are two holes through which, judging from the manner in which
they are worn, ropes were probably drawn, by which to drag the boat
ashore at the beginning of winter. In the bottom there is a hole, which
probably after the ship had been drawn up served to give outlet to the
water collected in the boat.
The boat had undoubtedly been intentionally sunk, for in the planks
under the water-line had been cut large holes to let in the water. Rust
had destroyed the ends of the iron bolts which had held the planks
together, and also the ropes with which the boards and the frame had
been held together. The planks fell apart, therefore, and took their
original straight shape; the oar-tholes were loosened from the gunwale;
the frame fell on different sides, and the two high stems fell down. As
the joints loosened, the separate pieces sank to the bottom, and
remained lying at about an equal depth, while the turf grew up above
them and preserved them from destruction. After all the parts of the
boat had been carefully collected and dried, it was possible to restore
it to its original shape.
[Illustration:
Fig. 431.—Wooden scoop for baling water. ⅑ real size.
]
Another boat of red pine wood was discovered alongside it. This one was
laid on the field and covered with bog mould, until the work connected
with the other boat was finished. Unfortunately the war of 1864 put an
end to the examination of the Nydam bog, so that the boat was left lying
on the field, and strangers have carried off many pieces of it. The
bottom plank was about 50 feet long, 13 inches broad, and ends in two
spurs or rams. How high the prows were raised above the plank cannot be
stated. Since this date the diggings have been done by inexperienced
men, and consequently have given but little results. This sacred part of
the land of the Danes had passed into the hands of its German
conquerors, for the _Nornir_[166] are fickle, and what is fated to one
generation to accomplish is often, in the course of time, undone by
another.
NYDAM BOG FIND.
[Illustration:
Fig. 432.—The end of the bottom plank of a vessel of red pine, with a
ram at each end, from Nydam Bog-find. The pointed lines show how the
spurs protruded from the stem.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 433.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 434.
Fragments wooden scabbard with bronze mountings. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 435.—A throwing spear with line attached, length of spear 10
feet. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 436.—Spear-head. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 437.—Leaf-shaped spear-point ornamented with engraved lines. ⅓
real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 438.—Iron axes. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 439.—Iron celt. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 440.—Tweezer and earpick of bronze hanging on a bronze ring. Real
size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 441.—Wooden club. ⅛ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 442.—Black glass bead. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 443.—Light-green glass bead, with yellow points on a dark-red
ground. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 444.—Green glass bead with red stripes. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 445.—½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 446.—½ real size.
Buckles.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 447.—Silver tweezers. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 448.—Silver ear spoon. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 449.—Iron knife with wooden handle. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 450.—Double-barrelled tube of silver found with ear pick. Real
size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 451.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 452.
Wooden bows, with notches at the end for fastening the string. 1/11
real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 453.—Part of a wooden bow. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 454.—Part of arrow-shaft bearing runic stave. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 455.—Arrow-shaft. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 456.—Arrow-shaft with owner’s mark. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 457.—Arrow-point of iron. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 458.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 459.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 460.
Bronze mountings for a quiver. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 461.—¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 462.—½ real size.
Fragments of wooden scabbards with bronze mountings.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 463.—Wooden quiver. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 464.—Bearded spear-head, bent and twisted. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 465.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 466.
Bearded spear-points of iron. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 467.—Iron spear-point, bayonet shaped. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 468.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 469.
Iron spear-points. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 470.—Leaf shaped iron spear-point. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 471.—Iron sword, damascened, bearing Latin inscription. ⅔ real
size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 472.—Iron sword bearing Latin inscription. ⅔ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 473.—Iron sword bearing Latin inscription.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 474.—Part of sword blade with runes inlaid with gold.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 475.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 476.
Damascened blades. ⅔ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 477.—Wooden bowl. ⅙ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 478.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 479.
Iron ferrules to scabbard, inlaid with flat hammered gold wire. ½ real
size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 480.—Wooden trough. ⅙ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 481.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 482.—Ornaments of bronze plated with thin silver and gold. Real
size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 483.—Bit of bronze. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 484.—Bit of iron. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 485.—Double-edged damascened sword with silver handle. ⅕ real
size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 486.—Double-edged damascened sword. ⅕ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 487.—Spiral bracelet of gold with triangular ornaments, ½ real
size, found in a bog near Horsens, Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 488.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 489.
Damascened iron sword, ¼ real size, of the later iron age, with
mounting for scabbard, made of silver, in relief work and gilt.
Found in a bog near Slagelse on Zealand, Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 490.—Iron sword, with bronze handle, ⅙ real size, found in a bog
at Fremlöse, not far from the town of Odense, on Fyen, with
fragments of two other iron swords, &c. Earlier iron age.
]
CHAPTER XIII.
NORTHERN RELICS—GROUND FINDS.
The custom of hiding objects—Discovery of numerous golden objects
near the surface—Necklaces of gold—Golden horns discovered at
Mögletönder—The Bangstrup find.
The objects found in the earth, and classified under the name of _ground
finds_, are often not only very valuable but also very beautiful; in
many instances they are of the same type and period as those of the bogs
and graves. The custom of intentionally hiding objects which existed in
the stone and bronze age lasted until the end of the Viking age, and one
of the finest archæological fields in the whole of Scandinavia is that
of Broholm, situated on the island of Fyen. These finds are divided into
three principal groups, viz.:—Lundeborg, Gudme, and Elsehoved. Almost
all the objects were so near the surface of the soil that they were
discovered either when ploughing, or digging with a spade.
[Illustration:
Fig. 491.—Denarius; Trajan (98–117). Broholm. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 492.—Fibula of bronze. Broholm. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 493.—Solidus: temp. Constantine II. (337–61), found near
Hesselagergaard, Broholm, 1875. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 494.—Largest Neck-ring, Broholm. Heaviest rings, weight 3 lbs., 1
lb. 14½ oz., 1 lb. 2½ oz.; ½ real size. Among other objects
discovered with this neck-ring were three other neck-rings, one
weighing about 2 lbs. 2 ozs., another 1½ lb.; six pieces of massive
gold belonging to neck-rings; six spiral gold rings; a spiral
finger-ring of gold; bent gold bars probably used as money; and
bracteates.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 495.—Roll of flat gold band.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 496.—Gold bead. Real size. Broholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 497.—Gold band.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 498.—Solidus: temp. Constantine II. Broholm. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 499.—Gold Neck-ring, from Hesselagergaard, Broholm. ⅗ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 500.—Fibula of gold. Broholm. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Reverse of Fig. 500.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 501.—Hollow gold object, ornamented with cornelians, found at
Lundeberg, Broholm. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 502.—Gold Mounting for sword scabbard. Real size. Broholm.
]
[Illustration:
Reverse of Fig. 502.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 503.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 504.
Gold bracteates. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 505.—Mosaic bead. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 506.—Gold bracteate, showing fibula on the neck. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 507.—Gold ring used as money. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 508.—Gold spiral ring. Elsehoved, Broholm. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 509.—Fibula of copper covered with gold, and ornamented with
garnets, one of which remains intact; a bird will be seen at the
bottom. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 510.—Roman coins of the 5th century, forming part of a necklace,
with a string of gold beads (Valentinianus, 425–455; Julius
Majorianus, 457–461; two Leo I., 457–474; Zeno, 474–491; two
Anastasius, 491–515).
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 511.—Gold rings used as money. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 512.—Ring of gold. Real size.
]
Among the finest and most valuable objects found in the North were the
two superb golden horns discovered at Mögeltönder on the peninsula of
Jutland, which were once the pride of the great Museum of Northern
Antiquities in Copenhagen.
They were without equals in any part of the world; their exterior was
made of different bands of gold, with figures in repoussé work, fastened
to the harder gold of the body of the horn. Both were stolen from the
old Danish Museum on the 4th of May, 1802, and the ignorant thief melted
them; thus those two superb specimens were for ever lost to science, and
with an unfortunate fatality the cast of each has also been lost; but
luckily the drawings made can be relied on. The thief was captured a
year after, and his punishment was not adequate to the crime he had
committed.
The representations given upon them must have had a meaning; these were
symbolical, and were probably very significant and not used for mere
ornamentation; what the figures and symbolical signs meant is impossible
for us to tell. Among the most remarkable of the former is the
three-headed man, holding in one hand what appears to be an axe, while
with the other he leads some kind of horned animal.
[Illustration:
Fig. 513.—Golden horn discovered at Mögeltönder, 1639, with thirteen
broad rings round it. Length, 2 feet 9 inches; weight over 7 lbs.
⅕ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 514.—Golden horn discovered at Mögeltönder, 1734. The exact
length of this horn, which had round its broadest end an inscription
in earlier runes, has not been stated, but, judging from a
_facsimile_ in silver gilt made by command of Frederick VII. from
the old drawing, and presented by him to the old Northern Museum, it
must have been over 20 inches long. Though the lower part was broken
off and lost, it still weighed more than 8 lbs.
⅕ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 515.—Inscription in earlier runes on horn.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 516.—Facsimile of each ring of the damaged horn (Fig. 514).
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 517.—Facsimile of the rings of the perfect horn (Fig. 513).
]
_Bangstrup Find (Fyen)._—Conspicuous among many remarkable finds is the
Bangstrup find (Fyen, 1865), in which rings of gold used as money,
ornaments of peculiar shape, and 46 gold Roman coins, which were pierced
or had a loop attached to the top, were discovered. The coins, ranging
from the time of Trajanus Decius (249–251) to that of Constantine II.
(337–351), give an approximate idea of the time of the deposit of the
find; for, while most of the earlier coins are well worn, the later ones
are very well preserved and the coinage is very sharp and clear, thus
indicating that they cannot have been long in circulation. As the dates
of these later coins are about 340–350, the find cannot have been buried
much later than that time.
[Illustration:
307–323.
Fig. 518.
IMP. LICINIVS. P. F. AVG.
ORIENS AVGVSTORVM.
]
[Illustration:
306–337.
Fig. 519.
CONSTANTINVS PFAVG.
VICTORIA. CONSTANTINI. AVG.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 520.—Gold coin.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 521.—Crescent-shaped pendant of gold.
]
The crescent-shaped ornaments have, so far as is known, never been found
elsewhere in the North; but in the Ukraine similar ones have been
discovered, and are described in the work “Account of the Mounds, &c.,
of the Government of Kiew,” by Privy Councillor J. Foundoukleï, Kief,
1848.
BANGSTRUP FIND.
[Illustration:
Fig. 522.—Crescent-shaped pendant of gold.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 523.—Crescent of gold pendant-shaped: representing two lions
drinking out of a cup.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 524.—Leaf-shaped pendant of thin sheet gold.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 525.—Leaf-shaped pendant, sheet gold.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 526.—Rectangular pendant of sheet gold, with embossed human
figure.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 527.—Semi-spherical gold ornamentation of unknown use.
]
CHAPTER XIV.
DESCRIPTION OF SOME REMARKABLE GRAVES AND THEIR CONTENTS.
Sepulchral chambers containing skeletons—The objects in these graves
not destroyed—Numerous Roman and Greek objects—The Vallöby
grave—The Bavenhöi grave—The Varpelev graveyard.
[Illustration:
Fig. 528.—Mound, about 13 feet above the ground, showing sepulchral
chamber five feet below the surface. The body had been placed upon
woollen pillows filled with down. Six oak logs supported the side
planks forming the sepulchral chamber, which had an oak floor. The
space between the timbers had been filled with tresses of wool and
other hair of animals. The chamber had been carefully covered with
clay.—Bjerring, near Viborg, Northern Jutland.
]
To return to the subject of graves, we will now speak of the sepulchral
chambers containing skeletons. They generally vary in size, from the
length of a man upwards, being about four feet wide and two or three
feet high. Sometimes the corpse had been laid upon woollen stuff,
cattle-hair, or birch-bark, the head turned southwards, and the feet
towards the north. The inside lining is often of planks, between which
and the outer stone wall bark has been placed, the seams between the
timber being filled with pitch. Above the burial-chamber, which was
sometimes below the level of the ground, a mound or cairn was often
raised.
The objects found in these graves have not been destroyed, and the
weapons, which are few, have not been made useless.
[Illustration:
Fig. 529.—Burial Chamber, Nörrevingstrup, near Hjörring, Jutland.
Inside measurement—height, 4 feet; length, 5½ feet; breadth, 3½
feet.
]
In the graves containing skeletons are found costly silver and glass
cups, pottery, wooden pails with metal mountings, drinking-horns or
their fragments; gold, silver, bronze, or silver-gilt jewelry; great
masses of glass, amber, gold and mosaic beads; metal mirrors (these are
scarce), bone combs, riding and driving harness, &c. The damaged weapons
are often richly ornamented, and of exquisite workmanship.
A remarkable fact is the number of unmistakable Roman and Greek objects,
and sometimes coins, which occur in the finds. In the graves of women
the objects chiefly found are pins, needles, buttons, jewels, ornaments,
combs, knives, &c.
[Illustration:
Fig. 530.—Vallöby Grave; showing the natural eminence, with
arrangement of stones, cist, and mound.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 531.—Horizontal view; showing how the objects were placed. Coffin
proper, 9 feet long, 2 feet deep.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 532.—Bird’s-eye view of grave, seen from above. Length of outer
inclosure between 11 and 12 feet; height about 2 feet; width about
2½ feet.
]
_Vallöby Grave._—The antiquities in this grave plainly show two
civilisations: the Roman or Greek, as represented by the bronze vessels;
and the Northern, by the silver cups and black clay vessels, &c., &c.
The grave was made with especial care, and was sunk about six feet below
the natural surface of the bank; the stone inclosure was built of
rounded stones, of the size of a man’s fist, placed together with great
regularity.[167]
[Illustration:
Fig. 533.—Samian Clay Bowl. Hunting scenes in bas-relief. Inscription
(“Cos. L. Viri—”) partially defaced. ⅖ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 534.—One of two flat bronze bowls. In the earth above were two
small silver knobs, one covering the other, the use of which is
unknown. ⅕ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 535.—Fluted bowl of bronze. ⅕ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 536.—⅕ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 537.—⅖ real size.
Fragments of bronze kettle.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 538.—Kettle handle. ⅕ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 539.—Side view.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 540.—Front view.
Handle of kettle. ⅖ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 541.—Bottom of bronze kettle. ⅕ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 542.—Side view of bottom of kettle. ⅕ real size.
]
_Bavenhöi Grave Find_—At Bavenhöi, in Himlingöi, Zeeland, is a large
bank of gravel, of slight elevation, only about 200 to 230 feet in
length. This had evidently been used as a common cemetery, as the bodies
were found deposited in the earth without a coffin, though partly
surrounded by stone settings. The antiquities found at various times
with the skeletons seem to belong to the latter part, or perhaps the
middle, of the early iron age.
BAVENHÖI GRAVE FIND.
[Illustration:
Fig. 543.—Bronze vase. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 544.—Border of silver goblet; plaqué with gold and ornamented
with figures in relief—viz., a double head with moustaches and
helmets; a helmeted man crouching, with a dagger in his hand; two
quadrupeds with manes; a horned animal; and three birds. Between the
figures are dots, circles, and crosses.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 545.—Silver cup. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 546.—Silver goblet, with repoussé work of silver plated with
gold; similar to the Vallöby one. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 547.—Flat basin or stewpan of bronze, containing two goblets of
silver, &c. ⅙ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 548.—Bronze pail. ⅙ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 549.—Bronze vase, ¼ real size, with border upon which are
engraved hunting scenes, a lion, two horses, a tiger or leopard, and
two bucks, a dog and two deer; these animals are separated by trees
and plants, the leaves of which, to judge from some traces, must
have been silvered over.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 550.—Part of the design round the border of vase, representing
hunting scene. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 551.—Bronze fibula covered with gold, with an inscription
scratched in earlier runes. ⅔ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 552.—Bronze fibula plated with embossed gold ornamented with 3
blue glass knobs and an oval piece of glass of the same colour. ⅔
real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 553.—Fibula from Storeheddinge, Zeeland, showing the part missing
in the one above. ⅔ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 554.—Gold ring of three spirals flattened and ornamented with
heads of animals, found still adhering to the bone of the hand. Real
size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 555.—Ground plan of the Graveyard at Varpelev.
]
At Varpelev, Zeeland, a grave was found covered by several slabs; it is
nearly 4 yards long, 1¾ yard broad, the bottom being about 3 yards under
the surface of the earth. Within lay the skeleton of a full-grown man,
with its head to the S.S.W., and its feet to the N.N.E.; alongside of it
were numerous objects, the most interesting of which are those of
glass.[168]
The graveyard at Varpelev is a low bank 200 feet long, 125 feet wide.
The bodies were laid down, generally, in a bent position in the sand or
gravel, in their clothes or grave-dress, but without a coffin. Old and
young men, women and children lay buried here, and one corpse bears the
mark of a heavy sword-cut. In the centre of this skeleton graveyard
stood a single clay urn, containing burnt bones. At one place there was
a bed made of paved stones burnt and smoked, which had evidently been
used as a pyre.
[Illustration:
Fig. 556.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 557.
Grave at Varpelev.
]
The richest grave was situated under the highest point of the bank, at a
depth of 9 feet under the surface; it was made in the gravel, and was
surrounded by sixteen rough stones of different size and shape. The
majority were 2 feet in diameter; the large stone at the head measured 3
feet in length and width, and was 2 feet thick. The interstices were
filled up with blue clay. A large slab, 2 feet long, 1½ feet broad, and
8 inches thick, was laid on the head, which like the rest of the bones
was much decomposed, and proved to be that of a heavy-built man. The
corpse lay on its back, nearly straight, with its head to the
south-west; it had originally had over it some kind of covering, as
there are remains of clothes or a grave-dress.
VARPELEV GRAVE FIND.
[Illustration:
Fig. 558.—Skull (with sword-cut?). Varpelev Grave. 2/9 real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 559.—Skeleton of man; above the head two large stones. Varpelev.
1877.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 560.—½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 561.—Real size.
Two silver buckles: one found near the middle of the corpse, one near
the head.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 562.—Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 563.—Real size.
Gold rings found on finger bones.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 564. Fig. 565.
Roman Coin of Probus, 276–82; found lying by right ear of corpse. Real
size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 566.—Fragment of thin ornamented silver plating, probably the
mounting of a drinking-horn. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 567.—Fibula of silver, _svastica_ shape, plated with gold, with
amber knob in the centre; beautiful small birds may be noticed on
each arm; found in a woman’s grave. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 568.—Hair-pin of gold, top ornamented with garnet; found in a
woman’s grave. ⅔ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 569.—Skeleton of woman.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 570.—Skeleton lying on its left side, with an iron knife near the
hands.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 571.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 572.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 573.
Skull, seen from three sides.
]
CHAPTER XV.
GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES IN THE NORTH.
Similar antiquities in the North and in Southern Russia—Roman
coins—The trade of Gotland in earlier times—Ornaments and other
objects of bronze.
Among the archæological wealth of the North still belonging to the
earlier, but not earliest, iron age, we find a class of graves and
antiquities which are of special importance, for they help us to fix
very closely a date for the period to which they belong, and for this
light we are indebted to Roman coins and other objects, both Roman and
Greek, which these graves contain.
Many of the finds of this period are most interesting, as showing the
taste of the people in the North, and a wealth and civilisation of which
we were not aware. They are the more valuable because we see from them
the wide extent of the maritime expeditions and overland trading
journeys of the people towards the beginning of the Christian era. They
show, as has already been pointed out, the intercourse which the people
of the North had with those of the Black Sea and the Mediterranean, and
also with the newly-acquired north-western provinces of the Roman empire
(Gaul, Britain, and Frisia). But, what is still more important, they
help to prove the general truthfulness of the earlier Edda and Sagas,
for they show that the Asar, or whoever the emigrants were, who came
north, and who were said to have brought their civilisation with them
and to have given it to the people there, were either related to or on
intimate relations with the people who inhabited the shores of the Black
Sea; for many of the antiquities which were claimed to be of a peculiar
northern origin are identical with those found there; while similar
ornaments of unmistakable Greek origin are found in both regions. To
complete the chain of proof, many of the antiquities, both in the
Museums of Kief and Smolensk, are similar to those of the North.
Many of the forms of the antiquities, such as neck-rings and gold
snake-shaped bracelets, fibulæ, &c., which were thought to belong
exclusively to the North, are found in great number in the graves of
Kertch, in Southern Russia, where they lie almost side by side with the
exquisite Grecian antiquities—the pride of the Hermitage Museum in St.
Petersburg—mementoes of the colonies established by Greece on the shores
of the Black Sea. They show that at that period there were two distinct
civilisations and peoples living near each other—one Greek, the other
native. The natives were probably of the same stock as a great number of
the people of the North.
Western and Eastern, Roman and Byzantine, coins have been found; the
gold solidi were for the most part used by the people in the North as
ornaments, for loops have been attached to or holes made through them.
The two largest discoveries hitherto made of Roman coins are those of
Hagestaborg, in Scania, southern Sweden (550 denarii), found in 1871,
and of Sindarfe (Hemse parish), Gotland, at which latter spot about
1,500 Roman coins were found, in 1870, in a clay urn.[169] Few coins
dating before the Christian era have been found.
The people had to learn that these coins had an intrinsic value, and
that with them they could buy goods. In every country where barter takes
place it has taken a certain, sometimes a great, number of years for the
people to learn this value.[170] The fact that the earlier coins are
rare does not conclusively prove that intercourse between the North and
the Western parts of Europe had not taken place before that time.
Judging from the extensive hoards of coins discovered, it is not
improbable that they were kept for some opportune time when their need
would be required, such as for purchases when travelling back to the
Western or Eastern Roman provinces. That the people were well acquainted
with the value of these coins is beyond dispute, for otherwise they
would not have kept them.
We must remember that human nature is and always has been the same;
there were misers in those early days as there are now. The Sagas give
us some examples of the practice of hoarding, and the probability is
that some of the hoards found may have been collected during the
lifetime of one or more persons. But the numbers found, in hoards or
otherwise, even without those which remain undiscovered, show the
existence of commercial intercourse.
One of the countries of whose earlier history we know nothing, except
that it is mentioned here and there in the Sagas, is the island of
Gotland; but from the finds, which are especially rich in coins, we are
led to the conclusion that it was a great emporium of trade at least
from the beginning of the Christian era to the twelfth century. Roman,
Byzantine, Arabic, and earlier English coins are found in far greater
numbers than in all the Scandinavian lands together. Of the latter,
those of Ethelred are even more numerous than in England itself.
Situated in a sea whose shores at that period seem to have been
inhabited by a dense population, Gotland appears to have occupied the
position of commercial supremacy which England holds in Europe to-day.
We have historical evidence of its being a great emporium of trade as
late as the fourteenth century, until Wisby, its chief town, was
destroyed by the Danes. Its magnificent towers, walls, and ruined
churches still bear witness to its past greatness.[171]
From the time of Alexander Severus (A.D. 235) to Theodosius (A.D. 395),
which comprises a period of 160 years, the coins become very scarce, and
Roman gold coins take the place of silver.[172] From the finds we see
that this period in the North becomes exceedingly rich in gold jewels,
and it seems probable that the people preferred gold coins to those of
silver.
The North is particularly rich in finds of bronze vessels, which appear
to be more specially of Greek, or some perhaps of Roman manufacture; the
scarcity of them in Britain and Gaul would imply that they are chiefly
of Greek origin; they seem to have been highly prized by the people.
[Illustration:
Fig. 574.—Bronze vessel, ⅕ real size, containing burnt bones, ring
armour, coat or mail, dipper of bronze with a sieve belonging to it,
two glass tumblers, &c., under a stone slab buried in the ground.
]
Near the fishing village of Abekås, Southern Scania, in Jutland, a
dipper has been found with the name of the Roman manufacturer on it, and
the words “P. CIPI POLIBI.” Another, with a name on it, was also found
in Helsingland, Sweden.
[Illustration:
Fig. 575.—Piece of the coat of mail. Real size. Oremölla.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 576.—Vessel of glass. ⅓ real size. Oremölla.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 577.—Dipper of bronze, with sieve. ⅓ real size. Oremölla.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 578.—Urn. ⅖ real size. Oremölla.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 579.—Bronze vessel of Roman workmanship, containing burnt bones,
and a few pieces of melted glass. Height, 18 inches. Inscribed on it
are the following words in silver:[173] “Apollini Granno donvm
Ammillivs Constans præfectvs templi ipsivs votvm solvit libentissimo
merito.” Mound, Fycklinge, Vestmanland, Sweden. ⅕ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 580.—Roman bowl of bronze, found, with several antiquities, under
a slab at Sojvide, Gotland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 581.—Ornament of a large bronze vase, with hole for the handle;
found when ploughing. ⅔ real size. Öland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 582.—Handle of a Roman bronze vase. ⅔ real size. Öland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 583.—Bronze vessel, ⅕ real size, with burnt bones, in a tumulus,
with two bronze spurs exactly alike, a bent double-edged sword, a
spear-head damaged purposely, lying over the kettle, another larger
spear-head well preserved, &c. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 584.—Restored bronze vase, containing ashes and bones, length 8½
inches, encircled by glittering stones and inlaid with silver.
Angvaldnœs, Karmoen, Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 585.—Bronze statuette,[174] representing Juno. ⅓ real size. Ösby,
Gräsgard parish, Öland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 586.—Silver vase. 3/7 real size. Byrsted, Aalborg amt, North
Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 587.—Sieve of bronze, ⅓ real size, found with ornaments of bronze
and a drinking horn, a gold charm, two gold rings, and a small gold
button found in a sepulchral chamber of little over 4 yards in
length, and about 2 feet 3 inches wide. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 588.—Handle of the sieve. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 589.—Ornament of a bronze vase, 3/7 real size, found in a
tumulus. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 590.—Ornament of bronze. ½ real size. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 591.—Bronze vessel from Mosbœk bog. Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 592.—Fragments of a bronze chain, probably part of riding gear. ⅓
real size. Bog, Karby on Mors.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 593.—Head at fastening of the handle of the bronze vessel.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 594.—Bronze basin, over a kettle containing burnt bones, ¼ real
size, in round tumulus, inside a little stone cist built of slabs;
with it also were a bronze kettle and a glass cup. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 595.—Bronze vase containing burnt bones, wrapped in a dark green
woollen cloth with greenish and yellow stripes, fastened with a
fibula of silver. In the chamber were a pair of shears and other
objects. Ringkjobing amt, Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 596.—Vase, ¼ real size, found in a round mound, Vang Hdm.,
Norway, with fragments of another bronze vessel of the same size,
but of a somewhat different form. It has on it the inscription
“LIBERTINVS. ET. APRVS. CVRATOR [ES. POS] VERVNT.” Originally it
must have belonged to a Roman temple of one of the northern
provinces of the empire, and was offered to this temple by two of
the administrators (curatores) named above. The shape of the letters
leads to the conclusion that the vase belongs to the first century
of our era.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 597.—Bronze bucket of Roman make, ⅕ real size, found in a
round mound, Norway, together with a spear of iron and other
objects of the same metal, but these were so decayed as to be
undistinguishable.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 598.—Bronze vessel about 10 inches high. Angvaldnœs mound,
Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 599.—Flat finger-ring of silver and alloyed gold, real size,
found together with fragments of Roman or Greek bronze vessels, four
small beads of greenish glass, and two bronze fibulæ, in a mound,
Hjörring, Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 600.—Bronze ring, real size, with Latin inscription, “Divo
Trajano Parth. Avg. Patri.” Holbæk, Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 601.—Part of bent sword, real size, showing inscription in Latin
“RANVICI,” probably a name, and above it a stamp, probably
constituting the trade-mark of its maker.—Similar swords have been
found at other places in the North, in the Nydam and Vimose bogs.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 602.—Bent sword, ¼ real size, found in a mound at Einang,
Kristians Amt, Norway, on a layer of charcoal and burnt bones.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 603.—Bronze vessel, of Roman manufacture, mound 48 to 50 feet
diameter, 6 feet high, found in a mound at Harf, Meldelpad Sweden,
above a slab, filled with burnt bones, an iron spear-point, fibula
of bronze, fragments of clay urns, &c. ¼ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 604.—Bronze kettle, ⅑ real size, Brokær, Ribe, Jutland; found
with fragments of Roman bronze vessels; and of two massive coats of
mail; fragments of artistically woven cloth; double-edged sword with
scabbard; comb, fragments of checkers, oblong dice of bone, and
fragments of a silver drinking-horn, &c.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 605.—Ornaments of silver for drinking-horn, Brokær, Ribe,
Jutland. ½ real size.
]
On the farm of Brottby, Ösby, Upland, a grave-mound of about 150 feet in
circumference and 13 feet in height was found. The mound, the exterior
of which was of earth, covered a cairn, in which was found a stone
burial chamber enclosing a clay urn. The upper part contained bones,
which were entirely unburnt, below which were pieces of the skull, also
unburnt.[175]
[Illustration:
Fig. 606.—Grave-chamber found at Bröttby, Upland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 607.—A buckle of bronze found with an iron needle. Bröttby.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 608.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 609.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 610.
Glass beads, of pale red colour, with white flowers with light and
dark-green leaves; one is fastened to a silver wire. Of the twelve
beads, three are represented here. Bröttby.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 611.
Bronze chain, found in a small elevation ½ foot deep, with a bead
covered with some metal, and a silver wire _like the one in Bröttby
parish_. Upland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 612. Fig. 613.
Denarius of Marcus Aurelius A.D. 162. Bröttby.
]
AARESLEV FIND.
[Illustration:
Fig. 614.—Fibula of gold, ornamented with eight garnets. Aareslev,
Fyen. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 615.—Fibula with hanging ornament of gold, real size,
representing a lion’s head; the filagree work is ornamented with
garnets, found with another large silver fibula, a crystal ball, a
vase of bronze, an imitation of a Roman coin, &c. Aareslev, Fyen.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 616.—The crystal ball with Greek inscription found near a
skeleton with hanging ornaments, &c. Aareslev, Fyen. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 617.—Part of a belt buckle, silver gilt. ⅓ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 618.—Bronze vessel, ⅕ real size, so brittle, that only by
covering it all around with clay could it be moved away. It is made
of two parts joined together in the middle with small flat rivets of
bronze, and contained six quarts of burnt bones, among which were
seventeen human teeth, different articles of iron and bronze, which
had been packed in apparently coarse linen, small fragments of which
only remained; a bronze mounting for a drinking-horn, and different
kinds of iron knives; iron mounting for a knife-handle, remains of
two iron awls, an iron key, two small melted lumps of silver,
remains of about thirty-two bone needles, a glass bead with green
ground and yellow stripes, remains of four earthen vessels, &c.
Möllegaard, Broholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 619.—Bronze ornament, real size, found with kettle. Möllegaard,
Broholm.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 620. Fig. 621.
Byzantine gold coins, fifth century, Libius Severus and Leo, found in
Björnhofda, Öland, with thirty-three other coins of the same
century. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 622. Fig. 623.
Barbaric imitation of Byzantine coin of the fifth century. Real size.
Mallgards, Gotland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 624. Fig. 625.
Antonini Pii.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 626. Fig. 627.
Faustina the younger.
]
CHAPTER XVI.
GLASS.
Vessels with painted figures—Vessels with Greek
letters—Drinking-horns of glass—Cut glass.
Nothing perhaps can give us a better idea of the refined taste of some
of the Northmen than the beautiful glass objects which have been found
in different parts of the country. Many of these are evidently of Greek,
some perhaps of Roman, origin. In the museums of Italy, Greece, or
Russia no such exquisite bowls are found, which after having been
painted they seem to have been baked or subjected to heat in order that
they might retain their colour.
[Illustration:
Fig. 628.—2½ inches high; diameter across top, 3 inches; across
bottom, 1–7/10ths of an inch. A blue panther, with grey or brown
contours and dots, attacks a brown stag; on the other side of which
is a brown lioness. Between the animals are circles of dots, brown
and yellow by turns, with a brown spot in their middle.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 629.—3½ inches high; 3–9/10th inches diameter. A brown bull, with
a blue band with brown dots, attacks a brown bear. To the left a man
in yellow coat and green breeches, holding a whip in one hand, in
the other a blue shield; to the right a stag, being torn by a lion,
both brown.
These two vessels were found in a field, Nordrup, Zeeland, in a grave
3 feet 4 inches under the ground. It contained a skeleton, and,
besides the two vessels, a Roman bronze vessel and bronze sieve, a
gold finger-ring, a silver fibula, forty-one beads of glass and
glass mosaic, a clay vessel, and fragments of two clay vessels.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 630.—4 inches high, 3¾ inches in diameter across top. In a mound,
Viborg amt, Jutland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 631.—Fragment of glass vessel, with gladiator and shield of blue
tint, the gloves and shoulders are brown. Arm and legs of the other
gladiator flesh colour. Thorslunde.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 632.—Fragments of glass bowl found in a grave by Thorslunde,
Fyen. ⅗ real size. The wolf is greyish upon light yellow ground. The
arm and legs are of a brown tint, the dots yellow and brown. These
lay alongside remains of skeletons which seem to have been buried in
sitting posture; some of the designs are raised.
]
Glass, as we have seen, has been found in the later bronze age: the
ancient name for _amber_ in the North was _gler_,[176] which was well
known by the stone age people; but we are aware that glass was unknown
to them.
[Illustration:
Fig. 633.—Fragment of a glass bowl of a green tint, ⅗ real size, found
in a grave mound by Thorslunde.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 634.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 635.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 636.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 637.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 638.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 639.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 640.
Border of the vase.
]
Besides the glass vessels of Roman or Greek workmanship others of
inferior quality, as is the case in every country, have been found; some
of these, which are generally of a bluish green, yellow or white tint,
are cut, some ornamented with thread patterns in relief.
[Illustration:
Fig. 641.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 642.
Fragments of what must have been a magnificent glass vase of a dark
blue colour; the figures in relief are of an opaque white and
represented most probably some mythological subject. Sölberg, Lower
Eker, Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 643.—Glass drinking-horn. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 644.—Thin greenish glass vessel, open at both ends. ¼ real size.
Varpelev.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 645.—Amethyst-coloured glass bowl. ¼ real size. Varpelev.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 646.—Glass drinking-horn, length 8 inches, diameter of mouth 2½
inches; very rare in the North. ¼ real size. Bavenhöi.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 647.—Vessel or goblet of greenish glass, ornamented with fillets.
¼ real size. Bavenhöi.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 648.—Glass vessel. ⅓ real size. With white and blue ornamented
threads, found with beads, and bronze pans and sieves, in a woman’s
skeleton grave. Ringsted, Zeeland.
Glass with thread-like lines have been found in a stone coffin, Roman,
near Dusseldorf.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 649.—Dark blue glass bowl mounted with silver, on which was
inscription in Greek letters, ΕΥΤΥΧΩΣ (with good luck). ½ real size.
Above the head of the skeleton in the grave, but more or less
damaged by the large stone, were at least six glass vessels and
fragments of clay urns. Varpelev.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 650.—Vessel of greenish white glass with representations of
various animals, found broken in many pieces. ⅔ real size. Bavenhöi.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 651.—Animals represented on this glass vessel. Lion, yellow and
brown; bear, dark brown with light yellow outlines; animal with fore
part of body missing, probably an ox. ⅓ real size. Bavenhöi.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 652.—Portion of glass vessel, much damaged. ½ real size. Two
lions, light yellow, blue outlines, a double cross in the middle.
Bavenhöi.[177]
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 653.—Vessel of whitish green glass, ornamented in various colours
which have been burnt on the vessel itself. The colour of the four
letters D.V.B.P. represented on the cup has been destroyed by the
effects of time, as has also that of the beak, wings and legs of the
bird. This, however, perfectly resembles the bird on the opposite
side of the cup, which is better preserved, and on which the wing is
light yellow with dark brownish outlines, the beak and legs red. ⅔
real size. Varpelev.[178]
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 654.—General design of vase. ⅖ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 655.—Glass cup, funnel shape. Bjorko, Södermanland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 656.—Glass cup, ¼ real size, found in a round tumulus, with a
large bronze vase with two arms, the bronze ornamentation of a
wooden bucket, &c., &c. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 657.—Glass vessel. ½ real size. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 658.—Glass vessel. ¼ real size. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 659.—Found deep in a stone circle. The cup or glass covered an
urn of clay with burnt bones and some glass beads, etc. ½ real size.
Upland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 660.—In a stone cist, with a skeleton, some arrow-heads of bone,
and a clay urn, etc., etc. ¼ real size. Oland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 661.—Glass vessel found in a stone cist containing a skeleton,
with a clay vessel, an iron knife, and bronze mounting for two
drinking-horns. ⅓ real size. Gotland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 662.—Tumbler of thick green glass. ½ real size. Varpelev.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 663.—Glass vessel found in a mound with unburnt skeleton. Norway.
]
CHAPTER XVII.
HORSES—WAGGONS.
Favourite colours of horses—Splendour of the harness—Iron and bronze
bits—Spurs—Bridles.
We have ample proof from the Sagas that the people of the North were
great breeders of horses, and took pride in their adornment. We are told
of the favourite colours of horses, and the finds bear witness to the
gorgeousness of their harness and trappings.
“Stein was for a while with King Knút, and was conspicuous for his
weapons and clothes, and was called Stein the Proud. Old and wise men
have told how Stein was so haughty that he had his horse shod with gold,
and the hoof above adorned. King Knut thought Stein vied with him in
magnificence, and therefore Stein left him” (Fms. v. 181).
“King Adils liked good horses very much, he had the best horses at that
time. One of his horses was called _Slöngvir_ (the flinging one), and
another _Hrafn_ (Raven); the latter he took from Ali when he was dead,
and another horse also called _Hrafn_ was bred by him; he sent it to
King Godgest in Hálogaland. Godgest rode on it and could not stop it and
fell down, and was killed”[179] (Ynglinga Saga, ch. 33).
The chief Thorstein Kuggason had to seek shelter during bad weather at
the farm of Björn Hitdælakappi while going to help his foes. When
Thorstein took leave:
“Björn sent for the stud-horses which were near the hay-house, for
fodder was given to them while the bad weather lasted. The stallion was
a son of _Hvíting_ (some famous stallion) and was white, but the mares
were chestnut. Another son of Hvíting, also white, was in Thórarinsdal;
but the mares (with him) were black. Björn had the stud-horses led to
Thorstein, and said he wished to give them to him. Thorstein said he
would not take them; ‘for I am not yet worthy of gifts from thee, and if
I reward thee not for this entertainment which I have now received from
thee then I shall probably not reward thee for further benefits, but, if
I reward the entertainment as well as thou deservest, then I will
receive the horse, and see that thou gettest something in return’”
(Björn Hitdælakappi’s Saga, p. 55).
An Icelander, Odd Úfeigsson, had traded with the Finns, which no man was
allowed to do without the king’s leave. Thorstein, one of Harald
Hardrádi’s hirdmen, saved him from Harald, who wanted to slay him, and
Odd escaped to Iceland. On one occasion, when Hárek, Thorstein’s kinsman
came to Iceland:
“Odd sent with him to Norway a good stud of horses as a gift to
Thorstein, and said, as was true, that Thorstein had saved the lives of
him and his crew. Hárek came to Norway to his kinsman Thorstein, who was
still with the king. He brought him the horses and said they were sent
to him by Odd. Thorstein said: ‘This is very unfortunate for me as but
for this the help that I gave Odd and his men would not have been known;
now I cannot hide it, and it is somewhat difficult to escape.’ Thorstein
showed the horses to the king, and said, ‘they were a gift sent by Odd.’
The king answered: ‘I was not worthy of gifts from Odd; he has sent them
to thee and not to me’”[180] (Fornmanna Sögur, vi. 383–384).
The magnificence with which the harness used by these people was
ornamented is shown by their horse-collars, several of which, made of
wood and richly decorated, are now in the Museum of Northern Antiquities
in Copenhagen. The fact that such collars have always been found in
pairs shows that two horses were generally harnessed to the waggons
used; the pair is always similar, and the ornamentation at the ends,
often of bronze gilt, or silver, or gold, generally consists of animals’
heads such as are so commonly represented on fibulæ. At the top of the
collars is a hole, through which the rein passed, and the wood is
decorated with representations of human heads of metal, the triskele,
and birds, &c., riveted on.
[Illustration:
Fig. 664.—Collar for driving of gilt bronze, grave mound, Jutland. ¼
real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 665.—2/9 real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 666.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 667.
Front view. ⅓ real size.
Horse-collar found in sepulchral chamber at Sollested, Assens, Fýen.
Among other interesting finds in this sepulchral chamber were the
remains of a cinerary urn with burnt bones and fragments of iron;
equipment for two horses, including remains of a magnificent saddle,
horses’ bits ornamented with gold and silver; stirrups inlaid with
silver and gold, &c., &c.
]
A remarkable horse-collar was found at Sollested, Assens, Fýen, in a
sepulchral chamber, 30 feet long, 9 feet broad, with its entrance facing
the north-east; the representations of heads riveted to the collar are
similar to numerous ones found in Southern Russia, of which many
examples are to be seen in the Hermitage, St. Petersburg.
[Illustration:
Fig. 668.—Fragments of harness with nails and other ornaments of iron
covered with silver, sewn on leather. Real size. Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 669.—Iron bits.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 670.—Chains of iron, ¼ real size, with large rings at the end.
Sollested.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 671.—End of waggon-pole. Real size. Sollested.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 672.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 673.
Parts of a bit of bronze gilt, ⅔ real size, found in a round tumulus
explored in 1852, containing the remains of a ship and a waggon,
pieces of a wooden saddle riveted with gilt bronze ornaments,
several stirrups, bones of several animals, &c. Vold Borre, Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 674.—Iron spur found in a tumulus. ⅓ real size. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 675.—Ornament to horse collar of bronze gilt. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 676.—Iron spur, found in a tumulus with a stone vase, a
single-edged sword, an axe, two spear-heads, a shield-boss, a pair
of stirrups, &c. ⅓ real size. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 677.—Part of horse collar of bronze. ½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 678.—Bronze bridle, little less than ⅕ real size, found in a
tumulus. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 679.—Iron bit, 2/9 real size, found in a tumulus with a two-edged
sword, two spear-heads, an axe, three knife-blades, fragments of a
shield-boss, &c., all of iron. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 680.—Iron bit, 2/9 real size, found in a tumulus with a large
axe, a spear-head, thirteen arrow-heads, six shield bosses, two
knife-blades, clinch nails, &c. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 681.—Iron bit found in a tumulus. 2/9 real size. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 682.—Iron bit. 2/9 real size. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 683.—Iron bit, 2/9 real size, found in a tumulus, with burnt
bones. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 684.—Iron bit for horses. ⅓ real size. Ultuna.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 685.—About ¼ real size. Norway. In a mound.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 686.—Stirrup, ⅓ real size, found in a mound upon the island of
Bjorko.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 687.—Stirrup of iron inlaid with silver. ⅓ real size. Viborg,
Jutland. In a grave with other riding gear.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 688.—Iron stirrup. 2/9 real size. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 689.—Iron stirrup, found in the upper part of a large round
mound, with two double-edged swords bent in two, three spear-heads,
five horses’ bits, a pair of shears, pincers, two bronze fibulæ,
horses’ teeth, burnt bones, &c. 2/9 real size. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 690.—Iron stirrup. 2/9 real size. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 691.—Gold spur, ⅔ real size; weight, 9 ozs. Smaalenenes, Norway;
earlier iron age.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 692.
]
[Illustration:
Full view.
Fig. 693.
Ornaments of above spurs, real size; weight, 1⅙ ozs.; the point of
iron missing; traces of the rust still seen. Smaalenenes, Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 694.—Bridle and bit in bronze, Småland. Collection of Count G.
Essen. ⅕ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 695.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 696.—Spur of iron, ⅓ real size. Found in a large heap of stones
of oblong shape, with a spear-head of iron, a double-edged sword,
&c.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 697.—Spur of iron, real size, found in a paved circle, with burnt
bones, two spear-points, &c. Norway.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 698.—Spur of bronze. Öland. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 699.—Spur of bronze, real size, found in mound, with another spur
quite similar, a bronze kettle, a bent double-edged sword, a
spear-head spoiled intentionally, &c. Norway.
]
Waggons are seldom mentioned in the Sagas, and no description of their
appearance is given; but we learn that dead warriors were sometimes put
in them and burned on the pyre, and the correctness of this statement is
proved by the finds in various graves, among others in one at Broholm,
Fyén, where fragments of a waggon have been found together with burnt
bones, a large kettle, several iron swords, shield bosses, gold jewels,
&c., &c. But though remains of waggons have been found, it was not till
the discovery in the bog of Deibjerg, Ringkjöbing in the North of
Jutland, that we obtained a knowledge of their shape and of the
splendour of their ornamentation.
[Illustration:
Fig. 700.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 701.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 702.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 703.
Parts of perch of waggon with symbolic signs, Denmark.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 704.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 705.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 706.
Parts of sides of different waggon; with symbolic signs. Denmark. ¼
real size.
]
In this bog two waggons of a similar pattern, one of which in an almost
complete state of preservation is represented here, were discovered. The
spokes of the wheels had evidently been bent by heat, and the iron tires
round them had apparently been bent by force; the pole, which was also
richly ornamented with bronze, and the bottom and sides were well
preserved, but the waggon of which a representation is given was more
copiously ornamented with mystic signs than its companion. The following
extracts from Sagas refer to the use of these waggons by the people. It
is interesting to note that these waggons are almost identical in shape
with the modern _Kärra_, used in Sweden. (See ‘Land of the Midnight
Sun,’ Vol. i., p. 51).
Gunnar said he was ready
To offer gold,
To redress claims,
And also Högni;
She (Grimhild)[181] asked
Who would go
To saddle the horse,
To horse the waggon,
To ride the steed,
To fly the hawk,
To shoot arrows
Of the yew-bow.[182]
Then on a horse
Was every warrior seen,
And into waggons
Welsh (foreign) wives were lifted.
We rode seven days
Over the cold land,
And other seven
We pressed the waves,
And the third seven
We stepped on dry land.
(Gudrúnar Kvida, ii. 18, 35.)
“King Sigurd of Hringariki had two children, a daughter Ragnhild, and a
son Guthorm. Haki the Berserk slew him and took his son and daughter
home with him. Hálfdán the black sent one hundred men for them, who
fetched them and burned the hall of Haki. They tented a very fine
waggon, and put Ragnhild and Guthorm in it” (Hálfdán the black’s Saga,
ch. 5).
“One summer King Eirek had a feast made at Uppsalir. Then he had two
waggons driven to the place where he sacrificed to the god called Lýtir.
It was customary for the waggon to stand there during the night and for
the god to come in the morning. Now Lýtir did not come as he usually
did, and the king was told that he disliked to do so. The waggon stood
for two nights and he did not come. Then the king began to offer much
greater sacrifices than before, and the third morning they became aware
that Lýtir had come. Then the waggon was so heavy that the horses fell
dead from exhaustion before they could pull it to the hall. The waggon
was then put on the middle of the floor of the hall, and the king walked
to it with a horn, and welcomed Lýtir, and said, he wanted to drink to
him and was very anxious that he should undertake the journey, and that
he would give him large gifts as before” (Flateyjarbók, i. 579–580).
“When he was ready to ride away two white horses with black ears were
led forward, they belonged to Thord Breidavad and had disappeared that
summer at the Thing” (Heidarviga Saga, c. 20).
“The queen ‘Yrsa’ had twelve horses led forward, they were all brown
except one which was white as snow, and on this one Hrolf was to ride.
They were the best horses of King Adils and covered all over with
armour” (Hrolf Kraki Saga, c. 44).
[Illustration:
Fig. 707.—Scene with waggon; bas-relief; length, 5 feet 9 inches;
height, 4 feet 6 inches. This remarkable stone had been a good deal
cut in order to range with other stones forming the flooring of the
church of Alskog, Gotland. It was preserved from entire destruction
by Prof. P. A. Save. Unfortunately, from the softness of the
sandstone and the tramping of feet, it has become very indistinct.
What the scene was intended to represent it is difficult to say.
]
“There were four stud horses of Thorstein’s of red colour. They looked
well but not fully broken. Thorstein offered to give him the horses, but
Gunnlaug said he needed no horses as he was to leave Iceland. Thereupon
they rode towards the stud horses, there was a gray stallion with four
mares. It was the best stallion in Borgarfjord” (Gunnlaug Ormstunga, c.
5).
[Illustration:
Fig. 708.—Runic stone, with waggon and horse.—Near Levede, in
Gotland.[183]
]
We find that the laws contained regulations in regard to the making of
the roads, and the shutting of gates.
“The highroad shall be so broad that a man can sit on a saddled horse
and put his spear-handle on the ground and put his thumb as high up as
he can and the spear shall be one span longer. It shall be laid down
across the road. It shall not be broader” (Gulath).
“If a man walks through the gate of a fence he who opens it shall be
answerable as to shutting it. If cattle or horses go inside and spoil a
field or meadow, then the opener of the gate shall pay back according to
valuation all the damage made” (Gulath).
CHAPTER XVIII.
VARIOUS FORMS OF GRAVES.
Different forms of graves—Picturesque situation—Various shapes of
mounds—Bautastones—The Hjortehammar burial-ground—Stone-set
graves—Ship-form graves—Triangular graves—Anund’s mound.
Mouldering bones and ashes of mighty heroes and noble women now
forgotten under the mounds, or in the graves made hoary by the centuries
that shroud you by their oblivion, I salute you! We also shall be
forgotten.
The thousands of mounds, cairns, _bautasteinar_ (memorial stones) and
graves found to this day all over the North show the high veneration the
earlier English-speaking tribes had for their dead; these mounds or
cairns are always situated on some conspicuous place by the coast, from
which a magnificent view can often be had.
We have already treated of graves at some length with special reference
to the age—stone, bronze, or iron—to which they belonged, and also with
relation to the objects found in them. Before, however, proceeding to
speak of the burial customs of the Norsemen it may be well to give some
further idea of the various classes of graves.
Sweden is particularly rich in these mementoes of the past, in the midst
of which the high roads not unfrequently pass, forming a most impressive
scene. What emotion have I felt when standing upon many of these graves,
deeply impressed by the beauty or loneliness of the site chosen and of
its surroundings; perhaps never more so than on the coast of
Bohuslän—the Viken of yore.[184] There the cairns have been erected on
the summit of the bare solid rocky hills of primary formation, several
hundred feet above the level of the water, and overlooking a panorama of
fjords, sounds, barren islands and desolate coast, with the open seas
beyond, and with the sun sinking below the horizon. The waves strike at
their base, and with the wind sing mournfully a requiem over the
forgotten dead; their work is done, the glorious mission they had to
accomplish in the history of the world is ended, the mighty drama of the
sword is closed.
[Illustration:
Fig. 709.—Cairn, Bohuslän, Sweden.
]
It is towards evening, before the twilight fades gradually into
darkness, that the scene of this weird landscape is most impressive, and
no one can really imagine its effects until he stands upon the spot and
sees the view spread before him.
In some parts of Norway the contrast is often great in the extreme; the
mounds there have huge mountains in the background with their summits
clad in snow, and in the foreground the grand open sea. One of the
bleakest spots in the country, where these have been erected, is on the
flat gravelly coast of Lyster, which lies between the mountain and the
sea;—there, over the last resting-places of those warriors, the wind
blows most fearfully in winter-time, and the sea dashes on the shore in
huge foamy white waves.
In Denmark and parts of Sweden there are places on the elevated points
of the coast full of charms, looking over the Sound, the Cattegat, the
Baltic, or the waters of some of the great lakes. Many of these
resting-places of man are now covered by forests, and upon some of the
mounds huge oaks sprung from the acorn of their sires tell forcibly of
the centuries that have passed over them.
[Illustration:
Fig. 710.—Grave, Einang, Norway; diameter, 50 feet; earlier iron age.
]
We can vividly realise why the people laid their dead to rest by that
sea they loved so much during their lifetime, and upon which they had
sailed so often. The mariner as he passed by could behold the graves of
the dead and victorious champions, whose memory was always kept fresh by
the _scalds_[185] who sang his exploits generation after generation,
thus filling the youth of the country with pride, and making them wish
to emulate the deeds of these men, often their kinsmen of old, who had
gone to Valhalla.
The mounds and cairns are not always round, they are sometimes square,
oblong, rectangular or triangular. The round mounds and cairns exist in
different parts of the world, and in Scandinavia as far back as the
stone and bronze ages; the vast number of bautastones seen all over the
country shows also how well the injunctions of Odin were carried out by
his followers in that respect. Some of these are very imposing, and
their dark forms look weird enough against the landscape or the clear or
gloomy sky. One of the finest stood in Brastod parish, Bohuslän, now
lying prostrate and broken, its height being 26 feet; and its place was
on one corner of a stone set of rectangular graves 40 feet in length and
28 feet in width.
[Illustration:
Fig. 711.—Bautastone (from grave shown on p. 301) with nineteen runes;
1/15 real size; 5 feet 8 inches in height; width, 3 feet 2 inches; 9
inches thick; length of rune, 2 feet 1½ inches.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 712.—Bautastone on a mound 200 feet in circumference and 7 feet
high, Runesten Grimeton (Bohuslän), Halland; 19½ feet high, 4½ feet
wide. Surrounding it are mounds and graves of various shapes.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 713.—Oblong mound, Yttersala, Södermanland; 33 feet in diameter.
In the vicinity are numerous other graves of various shapes.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 714.—Square stone-set grave. Södermanland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 715.—Rectangular stone-set graves with bautastones. Length, 70
feet; width, 24 feet.—Färentuna parish, Upland, Sweden.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 716.—Rows of mounds with bautastones from 4½ to nearly 6 feet
high, Rekarnebygden, Södermanland. Near by are many other mounds and
stone-set graves.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 717.—Square stone-set graves with large boulders at the corners
and centre.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 718.—Triangular grave; sides of triangle about 50 feet; corner
stones about 3 feet high. In the middle of the south-west side are
two stones, 5 feet apart, with a slab between them, one 3 feet, the
other 4 feet high. Thorsbacken, Nerike, Sweden.
]
The most interesting of the graveyards which I have seen is that of
Hjortehammar, situated in the province of Blekinge on a narrow
promontory lost in the maze of islands which dot the coast of Sweden on
this part of the Baltic. It is joined now to an island situated near its
further end by a causeway and a small bridge. This is not only
remarkable from its position and size, but on account of the numerous
forms of graves of various sizes it contains. The length of the cape is
about 1,200 feet, and its greatest breadth about 200 feet. The engraving
gives an idea of the shape and size of the different graves, some of
which are shown in large scale. This cape is but a continuation of a
ridge full of graves; heather and juniper cover many of them; and well
chosen was this secluded and quiet spot for the last resting-place of
their departed kinsmen or friends.[186]
[Illustration:
Fig. 719.—Hjortehammar burial-ground, with various shaped graves.
]
In the _Háleygjatal_, a poem on the genealogy of the famous Hákon jarl,
tracing his pedigree to Odin, there is a passage which recalls the
burial-place Hjortehammar.
Straumeyjar-nes which is
Stone-marked
Round the Fylkir’s[187] body
Is widely known.
[Illustration:
Fig. 720.—Vedby ridge, Blekinge. The large stones are from 4 to 6 feet
high. Length of each side, 40 feet.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 721.—Stone-set grave, Blekinge. Length, 38 feet.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 722.—Triangular grave. Sides 60 to 65 feet long, with a small
elevation in the middle, and a bautastone nearly 5 feet high and 2
feet 6 inches broad. Lyngstad, Södermanland.
]
Among the most remarkable and not uncommon stone-set graves are those of
the so-called “_ship-form_” setting; they belong both to the earlier and
later iron age. This peculiar form of grave is found on the peninsula of
Scandinavia and on the islands of Gotland, Öland, and other islands of
the Baltic, in Courland and Livonia, and was also erected in England and
Scotland by the people of the North.
[Illustration:
Fig. 723.—Blekinge. Diameter, 30 feet.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 724.—Listerby ridge, Blekinge. Diameter, 18 feet.
Stone-set graves.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 725.—Graveyard with mounds and stone-set graves at Åsby,
Södermanland.
]
One of the most interesting is that where the rowers’ seats are marked,
and even a stone placed in the position of the mast.
The longest ship-form grave which I think is known is one near Kåsberga,
a fishing village in the southern part of Sweden, with a length of 212
feet and a width of 60 feet. It is made by thirty-eight stones, the two
forming the prow being 12 and 18 feet in height above the ground—the
latter being the northern one.
[Illustration:
Fig. 726.—Ship-form grave, Karums parish, Öland.
]
But the finest of all, though less in size, is the famous one of
Blomsholm, near Strömstad, the whole neighbourhood of which is
surrounded with mementoes of the past—graves, dom-rings, mounds,
bautastones, and rock-tracings.[188]
[Illustration:
Fig. 727.—Ship-form graves, Blomsholm, Bohuslan, made of forty-nine
upright stones (formerly there were fifty-one). Length, 141 feet;
greatest breadth, 31½ feet; prows north and south, the northern
headstone 11 feet high, the southern 14½, the stones gradually
diminishing in size towards the centre, where the largest is about 3
feet. Built on a small mound or elevation which was higher in former
times.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 728.—Sjusta mound, Skog parish, Upland; 204 feet in
circumference; 28 feet high; with a row of stones at its base. At
the south end is another stone-set mound.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 729.—Type of Mound with bautastone at the top and circle of
stones at the base.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 730.—Mound, 3 feet high, with bautastone, Balunda parish,
Westmanland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 731.—Triangular graves; stone forming the apex, with runes, is
about 25 feet from the two others, which are 14 feet
apart—Björktorp, Blekinge.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 732.—Incomplete mound; 50 feet in circumference; 10 feet high;
largest stone over 6 feet high; in Thortuna parish, Westmanland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 733.—Mounds on Kjula-ridge. Södermanland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 734.—Mound set with boulder-stones, Dalsland; circumference of
boulders, 100 feet; height of mound, 4 feet, on the top of which are
two flat stones standing on edges. Near it is a boulder
stone-setting, probably a dom-ring.
]
Many of the cairns, which are often beautifully arranged, are small,
being 4 or 5 feet in height, or sometimes almost even with the ground,
their diameter varying from 20 to 80 feet. Numbers of them have
stone-settings, sometimes close, sometimes not.
[Illustration:
Fig. 735.—Diameter, 20 feet.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 736.—Diameter, 16 feet.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 737.—Diameter, 16 feet.
Cairns—Blekinge.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 738.—Round cairn at Björkeby, Foresund, Södermanland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 739.—Square cairn, island of Öland.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 740.—Anund’s mound, Vestmanland. Circumference, 652 feet; height
84 feet. A great number of standing or fallen bautastones are found
near the mound.
]
One of the most interesting graves which have been recently opened in
England is one belonging to the manor of Taplow, near Maidenhead, about
fifty miles by river above London. The mound, 240 feet in circumference,
and 15 feet high, overlooks the Thames and the surrounding lands.
[Illustration:
Fig. 741.—Gold fibula ornamented with garnets and red glass. ⅔ real
size. Taplow, England.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 742.—Fibula of bronze, ½ real size, the edge of the triangle and
nail heads of bronze, the middle a thin silver plate. Found in a
mound with 14 urns and burned bones, a spear point of iron, &c.
Zeeland, Denmark.
]
Among the objects were two shield bones, one sword, fragments of others,
fragments of a spear head, one bronze vessel, one wooden bucket so
common in the graves of the North, with bronze hoops, &c., two pairs of
glass vessels (one of which is here represented) similar to one found
with a burial ship in Vold in Norway, forty checkers, two pairs of
ornaments for drinking horns (all of silver gilt), one green glass bead,
&c. &c.; a fibula of the same form as those of the North. But the most
remarkable article was a quantity of gold thread belonging to a garment,
the triangular form of the pattern still remaining.
This grave, like the one of King Gorm of Denmark and several others of
the North, is in the old churchyard where the ancient parish church
stood. On the slope of the mound itself several Christian graves are
seen. The viking, like some of the chiefs of the North, was probably
buried on his estate, on the land that had descended to him through his
ancestors or which possibly he might have conquered from some of his
foes. These antiquities by their form seem to belong to the later iron
age.
[Illustration:
Fig. 743.—Vessel of green glass. ⅔ real size. Taplow, England. 11⅛
inches in height.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 744.—Ornament of silver gilt, showing end of drinking horn. ½
real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 745.—Silver gilt ornamentation for mouth of drinking horn. ½ real
size. The horn itself, found in a mass of small fragments. Taplow,
England.
]
CHAPTER XIX.
BURIALS.
The two modes of burial—Burning of the dead on the pyre—The law of
Odin—Ceremonies after death—Laws and superstitions connected with
the dead—The journey to _Hel_—The burial of Sigurd and
Brynhild—Burial on waggons—Burial of weapons with the dead—Burials
in ships—The Gökstad ship’s sepulchral chamber—The Moklebust
mound.
The Eddas and Sagas abound with descriptions of funeral rites and
burials, the accuracy of which is most fully vindicated by the finds.
Two modes of burial were prevalent among the people, one that of burning
the dead, the other of burying them unburned.[189]
It was the belief of the people that the dead burned on the pyre would
go to Valhalla with all the weapons and wealth burned with them, and
that these would afterwards resume their original shapes. Horses, dogs,
falcons, or other animals which the deceased had liked, were often
added, and sometimes some of his thralls were killed and burned on the
pyre with him.
“Odin enacted the same laws in his land as had formerly prevailed with
the Asar. Thus he ordered that all dead men should be burned, and on
their pyre should be placed their property. He said thus: that with the
same amount of wealth should they come to Valhalla as they had on the
pyre; that they should also enjoy what they had themselves buried in the
ground. But the ashes should be thrown into the sea or buried in the
earth; that over great men mounds should be raised, as memorials; and
over men who had some manfulness _bautasteinar_ should be erected, and
this custom was observed for a long time” (Ynglinga Saga, c. 8).
“It was the custom of powerful men, whether kings or jarls, at that time
to learn warfare and win wealth and fame; that property should not be
counted with the inheritance, nor should sons get it after fathers, but
it should be placed in the mound with themselves” (Vatnsdæla, 21).
“The first age is called the age of burning; then all dead men were
burned and bautastones raised after them. But after Frey had been
mound-laid at Uppsalir many chiefs raised mounds as well as bautastones
to the memory of their kinsmen. Afterwards King Dan the Proud had his
own mound made, and bade that he and also his horse with the saddle on
and much property should be carried to it when dead in king’s state and
in war-dress. Many of his kinsmen did the same afterwards, and the
mound-age began in Denmark. But the burning age lasted a long time after
that with the Northmen and the Swedes” (Prologue of Heimskringla).
“The first age was the one when all dead men were to be burnt. Then the
mound-age began when all powerful men were laid in mounds and all common
people buried in the ground” (St. Olaf’s Saga. Prologue).
[Illustration:
Fig. 746.—Largest pavement of pyre, 33 feet in diameter.—Broholm,
Fyen, Denmark.
]
As we read the Sagas we get a vivid and impressive idea of the grand and
solemn pageant that must have taken place when the body of a great
warrior was put on the funeral pile, and his companions in arms,
relatives or former foes bid him happy speed to Valhalla, as the flames
ascended high up towards the sky, or the ship sailed from the land in a
lurid blaze, while the purifying fire was consuming the corpse. Then
followed the ceremony of carefully gathering the charred bones, which
were sacredly preserved in an urn or valuable vessel.[190]
The first duty to the dead was to close the eyes and mouth and pinch
together the nostrils, which ceremony was called _nabjargir_.
Ninthly I advise thee
To take care of corpses[191]
Wherever on earth thou findest them;
Whether they die from disease,
Or are drowned,
Or killed in battle,
Let a bath be made[192]
For those who are dead;
Wash their hands and head,
Comb and dry them
Ere they are laid in the coffin,
And bid them sleep happily.
(Sigrdrifumál.)
It appears to have been a case of outlawry not to cover a body with
mould, and if a slayer maimed the body of his enemy when dead he was
fined. The body seems to have been left on a cover until they could lay
it in the mound.
“No man shall have a dead man longer than five days in his house except
in a necessity, such as if there is impassable ice or a snowstorm. Then
it shall be taken to an outhouse and covered with timbers or straw, and
removed as soon as the weather is good” (Eidsivathing law II. 41).
If the deceased had during life been a wild and unruly man, fierce in
temper, who it was feared might after death, as a ghost, cause trouble
in the house where he had lived, some very peculiar ceremonies were
observed. The person who was to perform the _nabjargir_ did not approach
the body from the front, but from behind, and closed the eyes, and not
till then did any one else venture to approach to prepare it for
funeral. Such a corpse was not carried out of the house through one of
the usual entrances, but a hole was broken in the wall behind it,
through which it was carried backward.
“Snorri godi (temple priest), the great chief, had received a forest
from Thorólf Bœgifot (lame-foot), who wanted to get it back.
“Thorólf Bœgifot (after visiting his son to get his help in this matter)
came home in the evening, and spoke to no one. He sat down in his
high-seat, but did not eat that evening. He sat there when the people
went to sleep, and in the morning when they rose Thorólf still sat
there, and was dead. The housewife sent a man to his son Arnkel to tell
him the death of Thorólf. Arnkel rode to Hvamm with some of his
servants, and saw that his father sat dead in the high-seat. All the
people were full of fear, for all thought there was something frightful
in his death. Arnkel went into the hall and in along the seats to the
back of Thorólf; he bid every man to beware of walking in front of him
while the _nabjargir_ had not been performed. Arnkel then took hold of
the shoulders of Thorólf, and he had to use his strength ere he could
lay him down. Then he wrapped a cloth around his head, and prepared his
corpse for burial according to custom. Thereupon he had the wall broken
behind him, and got him out there. Then oxen were yoked to a sledge, on
which Thorólf was placed, and driven up to the valley of Thorsa; but he
was not easily brought to the place where he should be. There they
buried him carefully. After the death of Thorólf many thought it bad to
be out of doors after the sun had set; and as the summer was about to
close, they became aware that Thorólf did not rest quiet, for then men
could never be at peace outside after sunset. In the spring, Arnkel took
Thorólf’s body out on a ness, and there buried it anew. He had a fence
made across the cape above the grave, so high that nothing but a flying
bird could get over it. There Thorólf lay as long as Arnkel lived, but
when he afterwards again became troublesome his body was burned, and the
ashes thrown into the sea” (Eyrbyggja, c. 33).[193]
The ceremony was sometimes considered as an incitement for the performer
to avenge the dead.
Höskuld, an illegitimate son of Njal and Hródný, was attacked by six men
on his way home and slain. Hródný’s shepherd found the corpse and told
her. They went during the night to Njal’s farm, Bergthórshvál.
“Then they both walked to the house and knocked at the door. A húskarl
opened the door. She ... went to Njal’s bed. She asked if Njal was
awake. He answered: ‘I have slept till now, but now I am awake, and why
art thou here so early?’ She said: ‘Rise from the bed of my rival and
walk out with me, with her, and with thy sons.’ They rose and went out.
Skarphédin (Njal’s son) said: ‘Let us take our weapons with us.’ Njal
said nothing; they ran in and came out armed with their weapons. Hródný
walked in front till they came to the sheephouse. She went in and told
them to follow her. She took a creeping light (lantern) and said: ‘Here,
Njal, is thy son Höskuld. He has got many wounds and now needs to be
healed.’ Njal said: ‘I see marks of death on him but no marks of life.
Why hast thou not given him nabjargir as his nostrils are open?’ She
answered: ‘I intended that for Skarphédin.’ Skarphédin walked to the
corpse and performed the nabjargir. Then he said to his father: ‘Who,
sayest thou, has slain him?’ Njal answered: ‘Lýting of Sámsstadir with
his brothers has probably slain him.’ Hródný said: ‘I intrust it to thy
hands, Skarphédin, to avenge thy brother. I expect thou wilt do thyself
honour though he is not legitimate, and that thou wilt take the revenge
into thy hands’” (Njala, c. 98).
Before putting a body in the mound _hel_ shoes were put on for the
journey to Hell.
“Thereafter Gisli and all his household made ready for the mounding of
Vestein, his brother-in-law. He intended to mound him in the sand plain
... below Sæból. When they were on their way with the corpse Thorgrím
with many men joined him. When they had made the mound Thorgrím godi
walked to Gisli and said: It is now the custom, brother-in-law, to tie
Hel-shoes on the feet of men before they are mound-laid. For it was said
that they (the shoes) should go to Hel when the man was dead, and
therefore a man who dresses much when he goes out, or is long in
dressing, is said to prepare for Hel. Thorgrím said: I will do this with
Vestein and tie the Hel-shoes on his feet. When he had done it, he said:
I know not how to tie Hel-shoes if these are unfastened” (Gis Súrsson’s
Saga).
In the weird description of the burial of Sigurd and Brynhild[194] we
see that the mound was reddened with blood, and that human beings were
burned with them on the pyre.
I will ask of thee
Only one boon;
It will in the world
My last one be;
Let so wide a burgh
Be raised on the plain
That under us all
It be equally roomy,
Beneath us all who shall die
With Sigurd.
Surround that burgh
With tents and shields,
With welsh linen, finely painted,
And Welsh people (thralls);
Burn the Hunnish one[195]
At my one side.
Burn at the other side
Of the Hunnish one
My servants,
With good necklaces,
Two at his head
And two hawks;
Then all is
Equally shared.
Let there yet lie between us
A ring-wound weapon,[196]
A sharp-edged iron
As it before was laid,
When we both
Stepped into one bed
And were called
Husband and wife.
The shining hall-door,
The ring-ornamented[197]
Will not then
Strike him on the heel[198]
If my retinue
Follows him hence;
Then our journey
Will not be poor.
For there follow him
Five bond-maids,
Eight servants,
Of good kin,
My bond-nurse,
And the inheritance[199]
Which Budli gave
To his child.
Much have I told,
More would I tell,
If fate
Gave more time for speaking;
My voice decreases,
My wounds swell,
I told only truth,[200]
Now I will cease.
(Third Song of Sigurd.)
Another custom no less imposing was to bury the chiefs with their
carriages and horses, so that they might make their entries driving into
Valhalla, or riding on horseback; and it was considered honourable to go
to Odin with many slain.
“The second day after the battle (of Bravoll), in the morning, King
Hring caused a search to be made among the slain for the body of King
Harald, his kinsman, and a great part of the slain host lay on the top
of it. It was mid-day before the search was completed and it was found.
King Hring took the body of his kinsman, and washed the blood from it,
prepared it magnificently, according to old custom, and laid it in the
waggon which King Harald had in the battle. He then raised a large
mound, and caused the body to be carried in the same waggon with the
horse which King Harald had in the battle, and thus he had him driven to
the mound. There the horse was killed. Then King Hring took the saddle
he himself had ridden on and gave it to King Harald his kinsman, and
bade him do as he liked, either ride to Valhalla or drive. He held a
great feast to celebrate the going away of his kinsman. Before the mound
was closed, King Hring bade all his high-born men and champions who were
present to throw into the mound large rings (gold and silver) and good
weapons, to honour King Harald Hilditönn, and the mound was carefully
closed” (Sögubrot of Fornkonungum).[201]
If circumstances allowed, the deceased seems to have been placed on a
bed prepared for the purpose, until the burial could take place.
“Glúm also went home with his men, and had the dead carried into an
outhouse, where Thorvald’s body was prepared more honourably than the
others, for clothes were laid under him, and he was sewed up in a skin”
(Viga Glúm’s Saga, c. 23).
In a large burial chamber at Lower Aure, Norway, were found the remains
of a chair, thus confirming the accounts of the Sagas about men being
placed on their chair in the grave. Some of these chambers were
occasionally built of wood.
“Aran, a foster-brother of Asmund, died suddenly. Asmund had a mound
raised over him, and placed at his side his horse with saddle and
bridle, his standards, and all war-dress, his hawk and dog. Aran sat on
a chair in all his armour. Asmund let his chair be put into the mound
and sat down upon it, and then the mound was closed. The first night
Aran rose from the chair, killed the hawk and the dog, and ate them
both. The second night he rose, killed the horse and cut it to pieces,
tearing it much with his teeth; he ate the horse, the blood streaming
down from his mouth; he invited Asmund to eat with him. The third night
Asmund began to feel sleepy; and suddenly Aran seized his ears and tore
them off. Then Asmund drew his sword, and cut Aran’s head off; and
afterwards burned him to ashes. He thereupon went to the rope and was
drawn up, and the mound was closed; Asmund took with him the property
which had been placed in the mound” (Egil and Asmund’s Saga, c. 7).
“Angantyr had a large mound raised below the Havada-mountains, at the
place where the king had been slain. It was built with timber, and was
very strong” (Hervarar Saga, c. 16).
Sometimes the body of a man was divided into several portions, and each
of these buried in different parts of the country.
“While he (Hálfdán) was king there were very good years. The people made
so much of him that when they heard he was dead, and that his body had
been taken to Hringariki to be buried there, powerful men from
Raumariki, Vestfold and Heidmörk came, and all asked for leave to take
his body and mound it in their _fylki_;[202] they thought that those who
got it were likely to have good seasons. They agreed to divide the body
in four pieces, and the head was mounded at Stein in Hringariki; the
others took their pieces home and mounded them, and they are all of them
called the mounds of Hálfdán (in Snorri’s time)” (Hálfdán the Black’s
Saga, ch. 9) (Heimskringla).
Friends often wished to be buried near each other, for they believed
that their spirits could talk to each other or look over their household
before important events occurred.
“Then Thorstein fell sick. He said to Fridthjof: ‘My son, I beg of thee
that thou wilt yield to the king’s sons with regard to thy temper, for
that befits thee on account of their dignity, and I have good hope of
thee. I want to be laid in a mound opposite to King Beli, on this side
of the fjord, near the sea, for then it will be easy for us to call to
each other before great events.’ The foster-brothers of Fridthjof were
Björn and Asmund; they were tall and strong men. A short time after
Thorstein died; he was mounded as he had prescribed, and Fridthjof got
his land and personal property” (Fridthjof’s Saga, c. 1).
Several persons were often buried in the same mound; and after a battle
many of the slain were buried together.
“After this Hjálmar died. Odd then placed the Berserks in a heap, and
piled upon them boughs. This was near the sea. He put with them their
weapons and clothing, divesting them of nothing. He covered this with
turf and cast sand over it. He then took Hjálmar on his back, carried
him to the sea, and laid him down on the shore. He went out on the
ships, took ashore every one who had fallen, and there threw up another
mound over his men. It is said by those who have gone thither, that to
this day are seen those mounds which Odd there made” (Orvar Odd’s Saga,
c. 14).[203]
“On the following morning Hrolf had the field cleared, and divided the
booty among his men. There were raised three very large mounds. In one
Hrolf placed his father Sturlaug and Krák, Hrafn’s brother and all the
best champions of their host who had fallen. In that mound were put gold
and silver and good weapons, and all was well performed. In the second
was placed King Eirik, Brynjólf and Thórd and their picked men. In the
third was Grim Ægir, near the shore, where it was thought least likely
that ships would approach. The warriors were buried where they had
fallen” (Göngu Hrolf’s Saga, ch. 34).
From many descriptions we see with what awe the ancient Vikings regarded
the mounds under which renowned chiefs were buried. Over the mounds of
great warriors flames were seen at night, and the ghost of the departed
was believed to remain there.
When the burning did not take place, the warrior was buried with his
weapons and entire equipment. Sometimes he slept with his sword under
his head. Angantyr’s shoulders rested upon the famous sword _Tyrfing_,
and Angrim’s sons were buried there in that manner. Many of the weapons
placed with them were very famous and supposed to possess special or
supernatural qualities, and mounds were sometimes broken for the sake of
getting.
“A little after she (the Amazon Hervör) left by herself in a man’s dress
and weapons and went to Vikings, and was with them for awhile, and was
called Hervard. A little after the chief of the Vikings died, and
Hervard got the command of them. Once they came to Sámsey. Hervard went
up on land, and none of his men wanted to follow him, for, they said, it
would not do for any man to stay out there at night. Hervard said that
much property was likely to be in the mounds, and went up on the island
near sunset. They lay in Munarvag. She met a herd-boy there, and asked
him about news. He said, ‘Dost thou not know the island? Come home with
me, for it will not do for any man to stay out here after sunset; I am
going home at once.’ Hervard replied: ‘Tell me; where are the mounds of
Hjörvard?’ The boy said: ‘Thou art unwise, as thou wantest to search for
that at night which few dare search for at mid-day; burning fire plays
on the mounds after sunset.’ Hervard replied he would certainly go to
the mounds. The shepherd said: ‘I see that thou art a bold man, though
thou art unwise. I will give thee my necklace if thou wilt come home
with me.’ Hervard answered: ‘Though thou wouldst give me all thou ownest
thou couldst not hinder me from going.’ When the sun set they heard
hollow noises in the island, and the mound fires appeared. The shepherd
got frightened and took to his feet, and ran into the forest as quickly
as he could, and never looked back.”
As she comes by the mound she sings:—
Awake, Angantyr!
Hervör thee rouses,
The only daughter
Of thee and Svafa;
Yield to me from the mound
The sharp sword
Which the Dvergar
For Svafrlami forged.
Hjörvard! Hervard!
Hrani! Angantyr!
I awaken you all
Beneath the tree-roots,
Who are clad in
Helmet and coat of mail
With shield and sharp sword,
And reddened spear.
Sons of Arngrim!
Much harm doing,
Much have you
The mould increased,
As no one
Of the sons of Eyfura
Will speak to me
At Munarvag.
Hjörvard! Hervard!
Hrani! Angantyr!
So be the mind
Of you all
As if you were rotting
In an ant-hill
Unless ye yield
The sword forged by Dvalin;
It is not fit for ghosts
Costly weapons to hide.
_Angantyr._
Hervör, my daughter!
Why callest thou thus
Full of baneful words;
Thou art going to fare badly;
Mad hast thou become
And out of thy senses,
Mind-bewildered,
As thou awakenest the dead.
Neither father buried me
Nor other kinsmen;
The two who lived
Kept _Tyrfing_;
Although at last
One became its owner.
_Hervör._
Thou dost not tell me truth;
The As shall leave thee
Unharmed in the grave-mound
If thou hast not Tyrfing;
Thou art unwilling
To give the heritage
To thy only child.
Then the mound opened and looked as if it were all on fire and flame.
Angantyr sang:
Ajar is the gate of Hel;
The mounds are opening,
All the island-coast
Looks as if on fire;
Outside all
Is awful to behold;
Hasten thee, maiden, if thou canst,
To thy ships.
_Hervör._
Ye can not light
Such a flame at night
That I would
Fear your fires;
The _mind-town_ of thought[204]
Of the maid does not quail
Though she sees a ghost
Standing in the door.
_Angantyr._
I will tell thee, Hervör,
Listen the while,
Wise daughter,
What will happen;
This _Tyrfing_ will,
If thou canst believe it,
All thy kin,
Maiden, destroy.
Thou shalt beget a son
Who afterwards will
_Tyrfing_ carry
And trust to his own strength;
This one will the people
Heidrek call,
He will be the mightiest born
Under the tent of the sun.
_Hervör._
I thus spellbind
The dead champions
That you shall
All lie
Dead with the ghosts,
Rotting in the mound,
Unless thou yieldest me, Angantyr,
The slayer of Hjalmar,[205]
The one to armours dangerous,
Out of the mound....
_Angantyr._
Young maiden, I say,
Thou art not like man
As thou art strolling about
Among mounds in the night
With inlaid spear
And the Goth’s metal,
With helmet and mail-coat
Before the hall-door.
_Hervör._
I thought hitherto I was
A human being
Ere I called
At your halls;
Hand me from the mound
The hater of mail-coats,[206]
It will not do for thee
To hide the Dvergar’s smithying.
_Angantyr._
The slayer of Hjalmar
Lies under my shoulders;
All around it is
Wrapped in fire;
No maiden I know
Above the mould
That dares this sword
Take in her hand.
_Hervör._
I will hold
And take in my hands
The sharp _mœkir_
If I may have it;
I do not fear
The burning fire;
At once the flame lessens
When I look at it.
_Angantyr._
Foolish art thou, Hervör,
Though courage owning,
As thou with open eyes
Into the fire rushest;
I will rather yield thee
The sword from the mound,
Young maiden!
I cannot refuse it to thee.
Then the sword was flung out into the hands of Hervör.
_Hervör._
Thou didst well,
Kinsman of vikings,
When thou gavest me
The sword from the mound;
I think, king!
I have a better gift
Than if I got
The whole of Norway.
_Angantyr._
Thou knowest not,
Thou art wretched in speech,
Imprudent woman,
At what thou art glad.
This _Tyrfing_ will,
If thou canst believe it,[207]
All thy kin,
Maiden, destroy.
_Hervör._
I will go down
To the steeds of the sea;[208]
Now is the king’s daughter
In a good mind;
I fear little,
Kinsman of chiefs,
How my sons
May hereafter quarrel.
_Angantyr._
Thou shalt own it
And enjoy it long,
But hidden keep
The slayer of Hjalmar;
Touch thou not its edges,
Poison is in both,
This doomer of men
Is worse than disease.
Farewell, daughter,
I would quickly give thee
The vigour of twelve men
If thou would’st believe it;[209]
The strength and endurance,
All the good
That the sons of Arngrim
Left after themselves.
“Then she went down to the sea, and when it dawned she saw that the
ships had left. The vikings had been afraid of the thunderings and the
fires in the island”[210] (Hervarar Saga, c. 10).
_Burial in ships._—The mode of burial in ships would appear to have
belonged exclusively to the North, where it seems to have been in much
favour, and shows in a remarkable manner the seafaring character of the
people.
Until recently few descriptions have been more ridiculed by persons who
did not believe in the Saga literature, than those which gave accounts
of burials of chiefs, warriors, and others in ships. Here again
archæology has come to our aid to prove the truthfulness of the Sagas,
and in such a perfect manner as to settle the question beyond
controversy; for we find ships in which the body of the dead warrior was
not burned, and other ships which have been used as a pyre. The earliest
account of such burial is in Voluspa, amplified in the later Edda, which
gives us a vivid description of the funeral of Baldr, the son of Odin.
“The Asar took the body of Baldr and carried it down to the sea.
Hringhorni was the name of Baldr’s ship; it was larger than any other
ship. The gods wanted to launch it for the _burning-voyage_ of Baldr,
but it did not move. Then the _gyg_ (Jötun-woman)[211] in Jötunheim,
named Hyrrokkin, was sent for. She came riding on a wolf, with snakes
for reins. She leapt from the steed, and Odin called to four Berserks to
take care of it, but they could not hold it except by throwing it down.
She went to the stem of the ship and pushed it forward at the first
attempt, so that fire issued from the rollers and the ground trembled.
Then Thor grew angry, seized his hammer, and would have broken her head
if the gods had not asked him to spare her. The body of Baldr was
carried out on the ship, and his wife Nanna, Nep’s daughter, on seeing
this died from grief. She was laid on the pyre and it was set on fire.
Thor went to it and consecrated it with _Mjölnir_. At his feet there ran
a Dverg named Lit. Thor pushed him with his foot into the fire, and he
was burned. To this burning came many kinds of people. First went Odin
and his ravens and Frigg, as well as the Valkyrias. Frey drove in a
carriage drawn by the boar called _Gullinbursti_ (gold bristle) or
_Slidrugtanni_ (the awful-tusked). Heimdal rode the horse _Gulltopp_
(gold tuft), and Freyja with her cats. There came also many Hrim Thursar
and Bergrisar. Odin laid on the pyre the gold ring _Draupnir_;
afterwards every ninth night there dropped from it eight equally heavy
gold rings. The horse of Baldr was led on the pyre in full harness”
(Gylfaginning, ch. 49).
“They carried him in the snowstorm to Naustanes, where a tent was put
over him at night. In the morning, at high water, Skallagrim was laid in
a ship, and they rowed to Digranes. Egil had a mound made near the end
of the ness (cape), and in this he was laid, with his horse, his
weapons, and smithying tools. It is not mentioned that loose property
was put in the mound with him. Egil took the inheritance, lands, and
loose property; he took care of the farm” (Egil’s Saga, c. 61).
Gudrun after having slain her husband Atli said:
I will buy a ship (knörr),[212]
And a painted coffin,
Wax well the sheets[213]
To wrap thy corpse with;
Think of every need,
As if we were friends.
“Geirmund died at Geirmundsstadir, and was laid in a ship in the woods
near the farm (gard).”
Of this Geirmund much is told of in Sturlunga as a great chief.
“Thórir, An’s brother, fell in a battle against king Lugjaldi of
Naumdœlafylki.
“An had a mound made and put a ship in it and placed Thórir in its
lypting, but the king’s men he placed along both sides of the ship that
it might look as if all served him” (An Bogsveigi’s Saga, ch. 6).
“The brothers Eirik and Jorund became very famous by this deed (slaying
King Gudlaug of Hálogaland), and they thought themselves far greater men
than before. When they heard that King Haki had allowed his champions to
go away, they sailed to Sweden and collected a host, and when it was
known that the two Ynglings had returned the Swedes flocked to them in
great numbers. They sailed up into the Log (Lake Mälar) and went to
Uppsalir against King Haki, who met them on Fyrisvellir. A great battle
ensued; King Haki rushed forward with such valour that he slew all that
were near him, he finally killed Eirik and cut down the standard bearers
of the brothers, whereupon Jorund fled to his ship with his men. Haki
received such severe wounds that he saw his days would not be long. He
then had a _skeid_ which he owned loaded with dead men and weapons, he
had it launched on the sea, and the rudder adjusted and the sea sail
hoisted. He had tarred wood kindled and a pyre made on the ship, the
wind blew towards the sea. Haki was almost dead when he was laid on the
pyre. Then the burning ship sailed out to sea. This was very famous for
a long time after” (Ynglinga Saga, c. 27).
“King Hakon then took the ships belonging to Eirik’s sons, which lay on
the dry beach, and had them dragged ashore. He placed Egil Ullserk,
together with all who had fallen on his side, in a ship, which was
covered with earth and stones. He also had dragged ashore several more
ships, and into these were laid the dead. The mounds are still to be
seen south of Frædarberg. High bautastones stand at the mound of Egil
Ullserk” (Hakon the Good’s Saga, ch. 27).
Women were sometimes buried in ships.
“After this Unn, who was now quite old, as was her custom, went into her
sleeping-house to rest, but bade her guests enjoy themselves, and
ordered that they be entertained as splendidly as possible. When she
retired the feast continued until it was time to go to bed. The next
day, as Unn remained longer than usual in her sleeping-room, Olaf went
in and found her dead. He returned to the guests and announced this to
them, who all said that Unn had well kept up her dignity to the last.
“At the same time Olaf’s wedding and Unn’s _arvel_ were held. On the
last day of the feast her body was carried to the mound which had been
prepared for it. She was placed in a ship therein, and with her a great
deal of property, and then the mound was closed.” Olaf then took
possession of his grandmother’s property, and, after the feast was over,
gave fine presents to the foremost of those present, and all departed
(Laxdæla, ch. 8).[214]
Men were sometimes buried in a ship’s boat.
“Ingimund was laid in the boat of the ship Stigandi, and his body
prepared honourably as was the custom with high-born men. Thorstein said
to his brothers: ‘It seems to me right that we shall not sit in our
father’s seat at home, or at feasts, while his slaying is unavenged.’
This they did, and neither went to games nor other gatherings”
(Vatnsdæla Saga, 22).
One of the most valuable discoveries, showing the burial of a warrior in
a ship without his body being burned, is that of the Gökstad ship.
Very few things in the North have impressed me more than the sight of
this weird[215] mausoleum, the last resting-place of a warrior, and as I
gazed on its dark timber I could almost imagine that I could still see
the gory traces of the struggle and the closing scene of burial when he
was put in the mortuary chamber that had been made for him on board the
craft he commanded.
[Illustration:
Fig. 747.—Sepulchral chamber, Gökstad ship.
The greatest length of the mound was from N.E. to S.W. About 150 feet
in diameter, height above the soil 15 feet; above the sea 18 feet.
The roof of the structure had been broken through by the weight of
the earth of the mound above it. The large cut in the side was
probably made by thieves wishing to get possession of the weapons,
&c.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 748.—Bedstead, upon which the dead warrior had been placed, found
in the sepulchral chamber, Gökstad ship.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 749.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 750.
Axe, ¼ real size, found in mound.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 751.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 752.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 753.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 754.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 755.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 756.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 757.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 758.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 759.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 760.
Some objects of bronze or iron.—Gökstad ship.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 761.—Part of a sledge.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 762.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 763.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 764.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 765.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 766.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 767.
Some objects of bronze or iron. Gökstad ship. See Vol. ii.,
Frontispiece and pages 162 to 168.
]
The warrior had been buried according to his position in life; remains
at least of twelve skeletons of horses were found in different parts of
the mound on each side of the ship; there were also remains of skeletons
of several dogs. The bones and feathers of a peacock were inside the
ship, the prow of which, like that of the Tune boat, looked towards the
sea as if ready for a voyage.
One of the finest discoveries, illustrating the use of a ship as a pyre
for the burial of the dead warrior, was in a mound 12 feet high and 92
feet in diameter, opened in 1874 in Moklebust Eids parish, Bergen Stift,
Norway.
Among the objects were a vast number of rivets or clinch-nails, and a
great number of shield-bosses belonging to shields which adorned the
sides of the ship; perhaps several warriors had been burned together. On
the bottom of the mound, on the level of the ground, was a layer of
charcoal and burned soil intermingled with small pieces of bone, which
extended nearly to the sides, but was heaviest in the middle. Separated
from this by a layer of light shore-sand was another similar layer.
Inside an oval about 28 feet in length and 14 feet in width these two
layers were interspersed with burned bone-splints, clinch-nails, and
spikes.[216] In the eastern half of the charcoal layer were found six
shield-buckles; and in the western half, shield-buckles scattered about
in various ways, sometimes singly, sometimes close to one another. In
nearly every one of them lay a clinch-nail, evidently placed there
intentionally, just as some of the shield-buckles were filled with bone
fragments and charcoal.
A little to the west of the centre of the mound was found a large bundle
of strongly-bound and intentionally bent weapons and other implements.
Right under this bundle was a bridle-bit of iron, and under this, in a
hole dug below the natural level of the ground, a whole collection of
shield-bosses, which all lay with their convex sides downward, and
formed a covering for a large bronze kettle, represented above, without
any other protection but the above-mentioned bosses.
[Illustration:
Fig. 768.—Bronze kettle filled with burnt bones mixed with ashes,
charcoal, &c., and covered with twelve shield-bosses; nearly ⅓ real
size. Moklebust.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 769.—Handle of kettle; real size. Moklebust.
]
In the middle of the bones lay an arrow-point 6 inches long; also six
draughtsmen and three dice of bone. The draughtsmen were ball-shaped; on
one side a small part was cut off, so as to give a flat surface, in the
middle of which there was a small hole (fitting the pegs in the board
itself, as seen from other finds of boards with pegs which were
undoubtedly made thus for use at sea, so as to keep the pieces in
position).
[Illustration:
Fig. 770.—Enamelled bottom of kettle on p. 340 (inside), ⅔ real size;
found in a mound, Moklebust.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 771.—Enamelled bottom (outside), of most brilliant colours, real
size. Moklebust.
]
It seems as if the men of this warrior had dragged his ship ashore,
placed the corpse therein with all his weapons and one or more horses,
and had adorned it and hung their shields on its sides, hoisted the
sails, and then let the flame consume the whole. The bones were then
gathered and placed in the urn, and the twelve shield-bosses placed over
it, provisions placed at its side, and the whole covered with a mound.
But right over the urn the bridle had been placed, so as to be near at
hand; then his weapons and the remains of the ship’s chest, and then the
two layers of other remains from the pyre.
[Illustration:
Fig. 772.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 773.
Bronze figure representing a man; with inscription. Found with a
bronze kettle containing burnt bones, a double-edged sword bent,
several spear-heads, a shield boss, melted pieces of glass, &c.;
earlier iron age. Norway.
]
CHAPTER XX.
RELIGION.—WORSHIP, SACRIFICES, ETC.
Odin’s religion—Sun worship—The Three Annual Sacrifices—The
Atonement Boar and Bragi Toast—The Victory Sacrifice—Temple
Priests—Animals for Sacrifices—Sacrificial
ceremonies—Divination—Chips—Drawing of lots—Consecration of land
and property—Worship of Thor—Sign of the Hammer—The Svastica—Story
of Framar.
The earlier Edda or Sagas which relate to us the traditions about Odin
and the Asar do not give any description of the sacred ceremonies or
rites they performed.
From the Ynglinga Saga we learn that the hero Odin of the North
sacrificed after the manner of the Asar, and that the sacrifices made by
him, Njörd, Frey, and Freyja, were to a power worshipped by them, but we
are not told who the god or power was. It probably was in some instances
the sun, represented perhaps by the eye of the earlier and mythical Odin
of the Völuspa—who, as we have seen, pledged his eye for a drink from
the well of Urd; we know that the worship of the sun was widely spread
at one period in the history of the world.[217] How the change from the
worship of this unknown power to the worship of Odin and the other gods
took place we are not told; but it may, we think, be taken for granted
that many of the ceremonies and beliefs mentioned in the Sagas were of
very ancient origin.
It is only by a study of all the Sagas that we gain a knowledge of the
beliefs, religious ceremonies, mode of worship and superstitions of the
people of the North, which are often minutely described. It is somewhat
difficult for the present generation of English people, living in Great
Britain and other countries, to realise that no more than eight
centuries ago many of their forefathers believed and practised the rites
we are going to describe, and that so slow was the march of
Christianity, that six or seven hundred years ago the provinces of
North-Eastern Prussia, Vindland, Pomerania, &c., whose inhabitants are
among the finest in Europe, were still heathen.
It is certain that Odin and some of the Asars were deified and
worshipped in all the countries of the North, and with the lapse of time
their fame is found to increase. The attributes of Odin were believed to
be many.
There were three principal sacrifices a year, at which the people
assembled in the chief temples:—_Vetrarblót_, _Midsvetrarblót_, and
_Sigrblót_.
“It is their custom to have a sacrifice in the autumn and welcome the
winter, another at mid-winter, the third at the beginning of summer;
then they welcome the summer. The _Eynir_, _Sparbyggjar_, _Verdælir_ and
_Skeynir_ take part in this. There are twelve men[218] who are the
foremost in managing the sacrifice-feasts: this spring Ölvir is to hold
the feast; he is now very busy in Mæri, and all provisions needed for
the feast are brought thither.” (St. Olaf, 115; cf. id. 123).
The first of these, called _Vetrarblót_[219] (Winter sacrifice), which
took place on winter nights[220] in the month of Gói, was a sacrifice
for a good winter. The 14th of October, which was the ancient month of
Gói, is still called winter-night, or the first night of winter.
“That autumn the news was told King Olaf from Thrándheim that the
Thrands had had great feasts during the winter nights: there had been
great drinking. The King was told that all cups were hallowed to the
Asar according to ancient custom. It was also said that cattle and
horses were slaughtered there, the altars reddened with blood, and
sacrifices made for the bettering of the year. Also it was said that
they all thought it evident that the gods were angry because the men of
Hálogaland had become Christians” (St. Olaf, 113. Heimskringla).
The second _Midsvetrarblót_ (Mid-winter sacrifice), also called
_Jólablót_[221] (Yule sacrifice), was held at mid-winter, or in the
beginning of the month of Thór (middle of January), to ensure a good
year and peace, and lasted three days; at this feast it was customary to
make vows to some of the gods, especially Frey, at Yule-eve. It seems to
have been the greatest and most important of all, and many animals were
slaughtered at it.[222] The 12th of January is still called mid-winter
in Norway.[223] This sacrifice plainly shows that the blessings of peace
were appreciated by this warlike race. The Swedes, as we have read, wept
over the death of Njörd, for during his time there were good years and
peace.
“King Fornjót ruled Jötland (Jötunland) which is called Finnland and
Kvenland, that is east of the arm of the sea which goes on the opposite
side of Gandvik and which we call Helsingjabotn (Bothnian Gulf). Fornjót
had three sons: Hler, whom we call Ægir, Logi, and Kári, who was father
of Frosti, the father of Gnár the old; his son was Thorri, who had two
sons, Nor and Gor; his daughter was Gói. Thorri was a great sacrificer;
he had a great sacrifice every year at mid-winter which was called
Thorra blót; from this the month was named (Thorri). One winter Gói
disappeared at the Thorri sacrifice; she was searched for and not found.
When the month had passed Thorri had a sacrifice in order to find out
where Gói was; this they called _Góiblót_, but they learnt nothing about
her” (Fornaldar Sögur ii., p. 17).
On the Yule-eve it was the custom to lead in procession a boar,
consecrated to Frey, called _Sónar golt_ (atonement-boar), and on this
those present placed their hands, made solemn vows, and drank the
_Bragi_ toast.
“King Heidrek had a boar fed; it was as large as the largest bull, but
so fine that it seemed as if every hair on it was of gold. He placed one
hand on its head and one on its bristles, and made a vow that never
should a man transgress so much that he should not have the lawful
judgment of his wise men, and these men should take care of the boar, or
else he should come with riddles which the king could not guess”
(Hervarar Saga, c. 14).
In the evening vows were made, and the atonement-boar (_sónar golt_) was
led forward; the men laid their hands on it, and made vows at the
_Bragi_ toast (Helga Kvida Hjörvardssonar).[224]
“In the winter the foster-brothers (Ingólf and Leif) made a feast for
the sons of the Jarl (Herstein, Hástein and Hólmstein, the sons of
Atli-jarl). At this feast Hólmstein made a vow that he would marry
Helga, the daughter of Örn, or no other woman. Men disliked this vow,
but Leif was seen to become red (in his face), and he and Hólmstein were
no friends when they parted at the feast” (Landnáma i., c. 3.)
“Thórodd was with another man at Thórar’s. There was a great Yule-feast,
the ale being provided by each one himself. There were many besides in
the hamlet, who all drank together during Yule. A short way off there
was another hamlet. There the brother-in-law of Thórar, a powerful and
wealthy man, lived; he had a grown-up son. They were to drink during the
half of the Yule at each other’s farm, and first at Thórar’s” (St. Olaf,
c. 151).
“One winter at Yuletide, when the people were assembled to drink, Finn
said: ‘Vows will be made in many places this evening, where it is not
better to be than here; now I vow that I will serve the king who is the
highest and in all things surpasses others’” (Fornmanna Sögur ii., ch.
201).
The third, called _Sigrblót_ (Victory sacrifice), for luck and victory,
occurred in the beginning of spring, about the middle of April, being
fixed at that time of the year because warfare and most Viking
expeditions took place in the summer. It was in honour of Odin, to whom
alone, as we see from the Sagas, sacrifices were made for victory.[225]
In those warlike days sacrifices relating to war were the most
important, for the life of the nation depended upon victory, and they
were consequently foremost among the people.
“Dag, son of Högni, made a sacrifice to Odin, to avenge his father (who
was slain by Helgi); Odin lent his spear to him. Dag met his
brother-in-law Helgi at the place called Fjoturlund, he pierced him with
the spear, and Helgi fell there” (Helga kvida Hundingsbana II).[226]
“In Sweden it was an old custom, from heathen times, that the chief
sacrifice (höfudblót) should be at Uppsalir in the month of Goi, and
that the sacrifice should be for peace and victory for the King, and men
should come thither from all over the Swedish realm” (St. Olaf, c. 76,
Heimskringla).
When Hakon jarl returned from Denmark, he ravaged both shores.
“When he had sailed eastward as far as the Gauta Skerries (rocky
islets), he went ashore and made a great sacrifice. Two ravens, which
croaked loudly, flew towards him, and the jarl thought that Odin must
have accepted the sacrifice and that he would have a good chance of
victory. He thereupon set fire to his ships and burned them all, and
went into the country with his men with warlike intentions” (Fornmanna
Sögur, vol. i.).
_Sacrifices._—The superintendents of the sacrifices as we have seen were
in the earliest times in the North the _Hofgodi_ (_temple priests_), who
were called Diar and Drotnar, and were held in great esteem and
veneration by the people; but in later times temporal rulers were also
priests, and had charge of the sacrifices.[227]
“All over Sweden men paid taxes to Odin; one penning (piece of money)
for every nose; and he had to defend their land against war; and
sacrifice for a good year” (Ynglinga Saga, c. 8).
The animals for sacrifice, which were generally oxen, horses, sheep,
boars, and falcons, fattened in order to be of large size and fine
appearance, were slaughtered by the temple priest, and in later times,
as a rule, in front of the idols.[228] Sometimes the superintendence of
the sacrificing feast alternated between a certain number of the
foremost bœndr[229] of the fylki.[230]
“It happened in Sweden that the bull which was to be sacrificed was old
and so well fed that it was vicious; when men wanted to capture it it
ran into the woods and became furious” (Ynglinga, ch. 30).
The people believed that good or bad years were often caused by faith,
or want of faith, in the Asa creed; a year was good when their chiefs
sacrificed much, bad when they were not zealous sacrificers.[231]
The ceremony was divided into two parts: first the slaughtering of
animals, and reddening of the temple and altars with blood—probably on
the first night; then the sacrificial feast.
In some places the expenses[232] of these feasts were defrayed by the
godi, who in return had the care of the temple possessions and of the
temple tolls:[233] in the earliest times people had to pay taxes—a
custom said to have been instituted by Odin.
It was the custom to cook the flesh of the slaughtered animals in large
kettles hanging over these fires along the floor of the temple. The
people then assembled to eat it seated along the walls, and the filled
horns were carried between or round the fires, which were probably
regarded as holy, the person having charge of the feast consecrating the
horns and the meat (_i.e._, making the sign of the hammer of Thor over
them). First was drunk the horn of Odin, for victory and power; then
Thor’s horn by those who trusted in their own strength and power;
Njörd’s and Frey’s horn for good years and peace; Bragi’s when solemn
vows were made; and the memorial toast for dead kinsmen which was
proposed by the sacrificing priest.[234]
Of the solemn ceremonies which took place at the slaying of the living
animals we have no description, but the blood from the sacrifices of
either animals or human beings was collected into a bowl
(_Hlaut-bolli_), generally of copper, which had its place in the temple
at the principal altar. The altars and walls of the temple, and the
people and idols, were spattered with blood with a kind of broom called
_Hlaut-tein_ (blood-twigs).
“Sigurd Hlada-jarl was a very great sacrificer, as his father Hakon had
been; he kept up all the sacrificing-feasts in Thrandheim on the king’s
behalf. It was an old custom when a sacrifice was to take place that all
the bœndr should come to the temple, and take with them the provisions
needed while the feast lasted. Every man was to bring ale; there were
also slaughtered all kinds of small cattle, as well as horses. All the
blood which came therefrom was called _hlaut_ (sacrifice blood), the
vessels for holding it _hlaut-bowls_, and the twigs, _hlaut-twigs_. With
them the altars had to be reddened all over, and also the walls of the
temple inside and outside; then the men were to be sprinkled with them,
but the flesh had to be boiled for people to eat.
“Fires were to burn on the middle of the temple floor, and kettles to be
put on them; the drinking-horns had to be carried around the fire. The
chief who made the feast had to consecrate the horns, and all the
sacrifice-food. The horn (toast) of Odin must be drunk first, for the
victory and power of their king; and then the horn of Njörd and Frey,
for a good year and peace. Many used to drink Bragi’s horn next to
these. Men also drank horns for those of their kinsmen who had been
great men; these were called _minni_ (memorial horns). Sigurd jarl was a
most open-handed man; he did a very famous deed, as he held a great
sacrificing feast at Hladir, and himself alone paid all the costs”
(Hakon Adalsteinsfostri (Hkr.), ch. 16).
It was customary to try and find out the decrees of fate or the will of
the gods by a kind of divination or casting of lots with chips dipped in
the blood of sacrifices; the most common way of making inquiry was by
_Blótspán_ (sacrifice chip) and by lots (_hlut_)—both methods of casting
lots, but differently performed—the former of which apparently meant the
throwing these sacred chips of wood.
Mention is made of the use of scales with lots in them, on one side
favourable, on the other side unfavourable; if the favourable one went
higher up than the other, it was a good omen.
Einar, an Icelander, and one of Hakon jarl’s scalds, wanted to leave him
and join Sigvaldi his foe at the battle of the Jomsviking, for he
thought he had not as much honour with the jarl as formerly.
“When Hakon saw that he was going, he shouted for him to come and speak
with him, and so he did; the jarl took two scales of burnished silver,
gilt all over; with them were two weights, one of gold, the other of
silver, on each of which a likeness was made; they were called _lots_
and were of the kind customary with men. Strong qualities were in them,
and the jarl used them for all things of importance to him. He used to
put them on the scales and tell what each of them should signify to him.
When it went well, and the one he wanted came up, the lot in the scale
which signified what he wanted never kept quiet, but moved on the scale
and made a tinkling sound. These costly things he gave to Einar, who
became merry and glad, and desisted from going to Sigvald. From this he
got a name and was afterwards called Skálaglam = ‘scale tinkle’”
(Jomsviking Saga).
“Ingjald gathered men and went against Granmar and his son-in-law,
Hjörvard; he had a far larger host than the two others. The battle was
hard, and after a short time the chiefs of Fjadrundaland,
Vestr-Gautland, Nœriki, and Attundaland (they were with Ingjald), and
all the host from these lands, fled. Ingjald received many wounds, and
with difficulty escaped to his ships; his foster-father Svipdag the
Blind fell there, with both his sons, Gautvid and Hulvid. Ingjald went
back to Uppsalir dissatisfied with the expedition; he saw that the hosts
from the kingdoms he had conquered were unfaithful. After this there was
a great war between the kings; but when it had lasted some time the
friends of both brought about a reconciliation. The kings appointed a
meeting, met, and all three made peace, which was to stand while they
lived; this was bound with oaths and pledges. The next spring Granmar
went to Uppsalir to sacrifice for peace, as was the custom towards
summer. The sacrifice-chip fell so as to show that he would not live
long” (Ynglinga Saga, c. 42).
Marks were cut on pieces of wood or other material, and each person had
his mark. Sometimes the places at feasts were assigned by lot, and lots
were also drawn for human sacrifice. The images of some of the gods were
sometimes marked on the lots.[235]
“At the advice of powerful men it was agreed that the kings should draw
lots as to which of them should hereafter rule, and the _lots were to be
cut_ and put in the folds of a cloak. Then Eystein asked his brother
King Olaf with whom he sided in this matter. He answered: ‘We have long
kept our love for each other and agreed well; thy will in regard to the
rule of the land and the laws, King Eystein, is also mine. Eystein said:
‘I advise thee, King Sigurd, to cut the third lot for the cloak, for
King Olaf, like ourselves, is the son of Magnús.’ Sigurd answered: ‘Men
can see that every expedient has now been tried, for thou wantest to
have two lots where I have one, but I will not deprive King Olaf of any
honour.’ Then the lots were put into the cloak, and the lot of King
Sigurd came up, and he was to rule” (Sigurd Jorsalafari’s Saga, c. 21).
It seems to have been the custom among zealous sacrificers to consecrate
their lands and property to the gods, without however denying themselves
the use and enjoyment thereof. That this was customary all over the
North we may conclude from the mass of names of farms, villages, &c.,
named after the gods Odin, Frey, and Thor.
In their colonies the people followed the same custom of dedicating
their settlements or lands to the gods, and we find ample proof of this
in England, Normandy, Iceland, the Orkneys and Faroe Islands.
Among the gods most worshipped besides Odin were Frey, Thor and Njörd.
We find from the Sagas that Frey was worshipped equally in Norway,
Iceland, and Sweden, and no doubt also in Denmark.
One summer when Hallfred and his followers came from Iceland to Norway,
and asked for tidings, they were told that there had been a change of
chiefs in Norway; that Hakon Jarl was dead, and Olaf Tryggvason had come
instead with a new creed and commandments.
“Then the men on the ship agreed to make a vow; they vowed to give much
property to Frey if they got a fair wind to Sweden, but to Thor or Odin
if they got to Iceland; if they should not get a fair wind to sail, the
King should have his way.” They never got a fair wind, and had to sail
to Thrándheim (Hallfredar Saga, c. 5).
“When Hrafnkel had settled at Adalbol (Iceland) he had a great
sacrifice. He had a large temple made. He loved Frey more than other
gods, and gave him one-half of all his most precious things. He settled
in the whole valley and gave lands to the people, but wanted to rule
them and became _godi_ (= temple-priest and judge) over them. After this
his name was lengthened and he was called Frey’s godi.”
[Illustration:
Fig. 774.—Runic stone, with hammer, at Stenqvista Södermanland,
Sweden. Stones with a similar-shaped hammer have been found in
several places in Denmark and Sweden.
]
“Hrafnkel owned one valuable thing which he loved more than any other.
This was a horse with a dark stripe along its back which he called
Freyfaxi; he devoted to his friend Frey one-half of this horse, and
loved it so much that he made a vow to slay any man who rode it against
his will” (Hrafnkel Freysgodi’s Saga).
Thorkel had been forced to sell his land to Glum. Before he departed
from Thverá he went to the temple of Frey, leading thither an ox, and
said:
“Frey, who long hast been my patron, and hast accepted many gifts from
me and rewarded me well, now I give this ox to thee, so that Glum may
leave Thveráland as much against his will as I do now: let me see some
token whether thou acceptest it from me or not. At this the ox bellowed
loud and fell dead, which Thorkel liked well, and he was less sad
because he thought his prayer was heard”(Vigaglum’s Saga, c. 9).
Thor[236] like Frey was invoked. The poetical and figurative names given
to him are far from being as numerous and beautiful as those given to
Odin. It was customary, at least in the earliest times, to make the sign
of the hammer at burials and marriages.[237] This hammer was called
Mjollnir, and (Lokasenna) when Thor is taunted by Loki, he answers each
time by these lines—
“Be thou silent, coward,
My Thrudhamar (mighty hammer) Mjollnir[238]
Shall take thy talk from thee.”
But that the svastica was emblematic of the sign of Thor, and had been
adopted as such by the people of the North, is only an hypothesis, for
it is also found in Greece and other countries; there is nothing in the
Sagas to prove the assertion.
“Asbjörn Reyrketilsson and his brother Steinfinn took up land above
Krossá, and east of Fljot. Steinfinn lived at Steinfinnstadir, and no
man has descended from him. Asbjörn consecrated his land to Thor, and
called it Thorsmörk” (Landnama v., 2 ch.).
The hammer as an ornament is not uncommon, and may have been used as an
amulet, as is seen on several runic stones (see p. 352).
Even Christians called upon Thor for help in sea voyages and
difficulties.
“Eyvind, from Sweden, went on expeditions westward, and in Ireland
married Raförta, daughter of the Irish king Kjarval. She bore him a son,
Helgi, and they sent him to the Hebrides to be fostered. Two winters
later they came back to the Hebrides, and did not recognise him, as he
had been starved. They therefore called him Helgi the Lean, and took him
away. He was after this fostered in Ireland, and when grown up became a
highly honoured man, and was married to Thórun Hyrna, daughter of Ketil
Flatnose. They had many children; Hrólf and Ingjald were their sons.
Helgi the Lean went to Iceland with his wife and children. He had a very
mixed creed; he believed in Christ, but nevertheless invoked Thor for
help in sea voyages and in difficulties. When he saw Iceland, he
inquired from Thor where he should take up land. The answer told him to
go to the north coast of Iceland” (Landnama iii., 12).[239]
_Worship of Njörd._—Njörd[240] was also worshipped, though we have no
account of sacrifices made to him; but the formulary of the oath, “So
help me Frey, Njörd, and the Almighty As (Odin)!” shows the existence of
his worship. Egil calls upon him and the two other gods to drive Eirik
Blood-axe from the land.[241]
[Illustration:
Fig. 775.—½ real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 776.—Thor’s hammer. In a field. Läby, Uppland. Real size.
]
[Illustration:
Fig. 777.—Thor’s hammer and chain of silver.—Bredsätra, Öland. Real
size.
]
There were men who did not believe in and did not worship Odin, as may
be seen from the following example:—
“Then came to Hrafnista, Framar, a viking king; he was a sacrificer and
iron did not wound him. He demanded in marriage Hrafnhild, the daughter
of Ketil Hæng. Ketil answered that she should choose a husband herself.
She refused Framar. Therefore Framar challenged Ketil to _holmganga_ at
Arhaug, on the first day of Yule, and said he should be every man’s
nithing if he did not come. On Yule-eve he came to Arhaug. Framar and
the men of the land sacrificed for good years.
“Bödmód, the son of Framar, after inviting Ketil to his hall, mentioned
Odin. When he named Odin, Ketil got angry, for he did not believe in
him; and sung a song:—
Odin worship
Did I never,
Though long I have lived;
I know that Framar
Will fall sooner than
This high head.
Twice the sword of Ketil did not bite; the third time it cut Framar from
the shoulder down to the loins. Then Framar sung:—
There is courage in Hæng,
_Dravendil_ is sharp,
It bit the word of Odin
As if it were nothing;
Now the father of Baldr proved false
It is unsafe to trust him;
Enjoy well thy hands,
Here we shall part.
Framar thereupon died, and Ketil went home” (Ketil Hæng’s Saga, c. 5).
CHAPTER XXI.
RELIGION.—ALTARS, TEMPLES, HIGH-SEAT PILLARS, ETC.
The most primitive form of altar—The earliest Asa temple in the
North—The temples in Norway and Denmark—Size and materials of
temples—Their magnificence—Temple priests—Support of
temple—Holiness and sacredness of temples—High-seat pillars—Sacred
pegs.
The _hörg_ was a sacred altar, built of stones, often mentioned in the
Eddas and Sagas, but never described, and was quite distinct from the
_stalli_, or altar. Perhaps it was an enclosed structure, or was built
over a sacrificing mound or upon some elevation. Its primitive form
makes it undoubtedly of far greater antiquity than the temple, though
both were retained as we see in later times by the people in their
worship. It seems to have been especially used for sacrifices to the
Alfar and Asar;[242] and from the words of Freyja to Hyndla, who was her
friend, when speaking of Ottar, we find that a hörg had been raised to
her by the latter, and sacrifices made to her.
He made me a hörg
Reared of stones;
Now have these stones
Become _gler_.[243]
He reddened it in
Fresh ox blood.
Ottar believed
Always in Asynjur.
[Hyndluljód, st. 10.]
The first temple belonging to the Asa creed which Odin is fabled to have
established was at Sigtuna; afterwards the most celebrated of all the
temples in the North was that of Upsala, but unfortunately we have no
description of it in the Sagas; its fame was so great that on special
occasions people from all over the North came to it.
The two principal temples in Norway were in Hladir in Thrandheim, and in
Gudbrandsdal.
“Gudbrand of Dalir was a great friend of Hakon Jarl. They owned a temple
which was the second for size in Norway, the largest being at Hladir (in
Thrandheim). The former was never unlocked except when the Jarl came
thither” (Njala, 87).
The largest one in Denmark was in Hleidra (Zeeland), but unfortunately
in this case also the Sagas give no description. Other temples of less
repute were also built.
The _Hof_ or temple was often of large size, and the Sagas give us
examples of their appearance, some of them being of great splendour;
they were generally if not always rectangular buildings,[244] with a
rounded addition at one end like the apse of a church. Some had two
parts: an inner or more sacred one, where the images of the gods were
placed; and an outer one, where the sacrificial feasts were held. At the
_blotveitsla_ or sacrificial feast the people seem to have remained
standing, high seats existing only for the _blotgodi_ (sacrificing
priest). At the farther end the _God_ (god-idols) stood on their _stall_
(altar).
“Olaf sailed to Hladir, and had the temple broken down, and all the
property and ornaments taken out of it and off the gods. He took a large
gold ring from the temple door, which Hakon Jarl had made, and then had
the temple burnt.
“Olaf sent the large gold ring which he had taken from the temple door
to Queen Sigrid, Storrada (the Proud) in Sweden (he wanted to marry
her). She had it broken, and brass was found inside. She got angry, and
said that Olaf was likely to be false in more things than this” (Olaf
Tryggvason, 65, 66).
Sometimes these buildings were magnificently furnished and adorned with
costly and precious metals; their walls were hung with tapestries, and
otherwise ornamented,[245] and on the door was a golden ring.[246] Many
of them must have been the property of powerful and wealthy bœndr,[247]
as may be inferred from the fact that some chiefs when they left the
country tore them down and took them away, together with the temple
mould on which they stood, which was holy.
“Ketilbjörn, a famous man in Norway, went to Iceland, and dwelt at
Mosfell. He was so rich in personal property that he told his sons to
make a cross-beam of silver in the temple which they were building. As
they would not, he with his thrall Haki and his bondmaid Bót drove the
silver up on the mountain with two oxen; they hid it so that it has
never been found since; then he killed Haki in Hakaskard, and Bót in
Bótarskard” (Landnama v. 12).
“Thorhad the old was temple-priest in Thrandheim, in Mœri. He wished to
go to Iceland, but first took down the temple, and carried with him the
temple mould and the altars. He came into Stödvar-fjord and made the
whole fiord as holy as the temple place in Mœri, and allowed nothing to
be slain there except homestead cattle. He lived there all his life
afterwards; the Stodfirdings are descended from him”[248] (Landnama).
The _hof-godi_ or temple-priest was occasionally a woman.
“Steinvör was a priestess, and took care of the head temple; to this all
bœndr had to pay temple tax. Steinvör went to the chief Broddhelgi, for
she was related to him, and told him her trouble, that Thorleif, the
Christian, did not pay temple tax like other men. Broddhelgi said he
would take up this case for her against Thorleif.”[249]
A tax, as we have seen, was said to have been imposed in Odin’s time for
the support of the temple; in the time of Frey a change took place,
according to the sagas, and certain lands and properties in the several
districts called _Uppsala-Aud_ (Uppsala wealth) were set apart for this
purpose; but in later times again, in Norway at least, and probably in
other parts of the North, the bœndr had to pay taxes for the support of
the temples, some of which seem to have been the private property of the
godi.
The temples were considered so holy that any one damaging them or
entering them armed was declared an outlaw, and no one who had committed
an offence punishable by law was allowed to enter; such person was
called _Varg i Veum_ (wolf in the sanctuary). The grove or fields
surrounding the temples were often regarded as inviolate, so that no act
of violence would be permissible within their precincts. This was
expressed by the ancient name of _Ve_ (sanctuary, sacred place), which
was extended so as to embrace the _Thing_-place, which was also regarded
as sacred, while the _Thing_ was going on.
“Ingimund went into the temple, and before he was aware of it Rafn ran
in with a sword. Ingimund turned towards him and said, ‘It is not the
custom to bring weapons into the temple, and thou wilt turn the wrath of
the gods against thee; such a thing is impossible unless it is atoned
for’” (Vatnsdœla, c. 17).
“Búi went to the temple, and when he arrived there, saw that the
enclosure as well as the temple was unlocked. He entered and perceived
that Thorstein lay on his face in front of Thor. Búi walked silently
until he came to Thorstein, and grasped his knees with one hand and his
shoulders with the other in such a manner that he lifted him and struck
his head so hard against a stone that his brains were scattered over the
floor; he died immediately. Búi carried him out and threw him near the
fence of the enclosure, and entered the temple again. He took the sacred
fire, and, kindling lights, carried them around the temple and set the
hangings on fire. The fire quickly caught one thing after the other, and
in a short time the temple was in flames. He went out and locked both
the temple and the enclosure, and threw the keys into the fire and
departed. Thorgrim Godi awoke in the morning and saw the temple burning;
he called on his people, men and women, to run with water vessels and
save it; he also called upon his son, Thorstein, but he was nowhere to
be found. When they reached the gate of the enclosure it was not easy to
pass, for it was locked, and the keys were nowhere to be found; they
were obliged to break open the door, for the fence was so high that they
could not get over it. Entering the enclosure, they saw Thorstein there
dead; the temple was also locked, and nothing in it could be saved.
Hooks were brought and the temple was pulled down, and thus part of the
temple was saved” (Kjalnesinga Saga, c. 4).
For this Búi was outlawed by Harald Fairhair, but was subsequently
forgiven.
“King Beli ruled over Sygna-fylki (in Norway); he had three children;
Helgi and Hálfdán were his sons, and Ingibjörg his daughter. Ingibjörg
was fair-looking and wise; she was the foremost of the king’s children.
On the shore west of the fjord there was a large bœr,[250] called
Baldr’s hagi (Baldr’s field or enclosure), which was a place of
peace,[251] where a large temple stood, surrounded by a high wooden
fence; there were many gods, though Baldr was most worshipped. The
heathen[252] men were so careful about the temple that neither man nor
beast was to be hurt there; men were not allowed to stay with women
there” (Fridthjóf’s Saga, 1).[253]
“When Fridthjóf had left Norway the kings held a _Thing_, and outlawed
him from all their lands, and took to themselves all his possessions.
King Hálfdán settled at Framnes, and rebuilt the burned part of the
farm; and they repaired the whole of Baldr’s hagi, but it was a long
time before the fire was extinguished. King Helgi disliked most of all
that the gods had been burned. It was very costly to build Baldr’s hagi
again as good as it was. King Helgi then resided at Syrstrond”
(Fridthjóf’s Saga, c. 10).
The fact that some of the old temples were a subject of pilgrimage to
those who had emigrated from the land is further proof of the veneration
paid to them.
“Lopt Ormsson went from Gaulardal in Norway to Iceland when young, and
took up land along the Thjórsá river. Lopt went to Norway every third
summer for himself and for his mother’s brother Flosi, to sacrifice in
the temple which his grandfather Thorbjörn had guarded” (Landnama v.,
ch. 8).
Inside the principal door of the temple stood the high-seat pillars,
which were highly venerated, and in which were placed the so-called
_reginnaglar_ (sacred pegs). It was the custom for families to take
these pillars when they left their old home for Iceland, and when at sea
to throw them overboard, and settle where they came ashore: they, the
timbers of the temple, and the mould under the altars of the gods, were
considered sacred.
“The summer that Ingólf and Hjörleif went to settle in Iceland, Harald
Fairhair had been king in Norway for twelve years. There had passed from
the beginning of this world six thousand and seventy-three winters; but
from the birth of our Lord, eight hundred and seventy-four winters.
“They sailed together till they saw Iceland, and then separated. When
Ingólf saw Iceland, he threw overboard his high-seat pillars for luck,
saying that he would settle where the pillars went ashore.
“Ingólf took up his abode where his high-seat pillars had come to land;
this was at Reykjarvik, and there the high-seat pillars still remain in
a hall”[254] (Landnama).
“Thórólf Mostrarskegg made a great sacrifice, and inquired from his
beloved friend Thor whether he should reconcile himself to the King
(Harald Fairhair), or go away from the country and seek other fate. The
answer pointed out to him Iceland. Thereupon he got a large seagoing
ship, and made it ready for the Iceland journey, and took with him his
household and live stock. Many of his friends went on the journey with
him. He took down the temple and carried with him most of the timbers
which had been in it, and also the earth and mould from under the altar
on which Thor had sat. Thereupon he sailed out to sea with fair winds,
reached the land, and went along the south coast westward past
Reykjanes. Then the fair wind ceased, and they saw that large fjords
went into the land. Thórólf threw overboard his high-seat pillars, which
had been standing in the temple; the image of Thor was carved on one of
them. He declared that he would live in Iceland, at the place where Thor
landed them. As soon as they left the ship they drifted to the western
fjord. Then there came a breeze; they sailed westward past Snjófellsnes
and into the fjord; they saw it was very broad and long, with very high
mountains on both sides. Thórólf named it Breidifjord (broad fjord). He
landed on the southern side, nearly at its middle, and laid the ship in
the bay, which they afterwards called Hofs-vag. They searched the shore,
and found on the point of a ness north of the bay that Thor had there
landed the pillars. The ness was called Thórsness. After this Thórólf
went with fire around the land which he took up from Stafá (river) to
the river which he called Thórsá, and there settled his ship’s crew. He
raised a large house at Hofs-vag which he called Hofstadir. There he had
a large temple built; there was a door on the side wall, near the one
end; inside stood the high-seat pillars, and pegs were in them; they
were called _regin naglar_. Inside this there was a great _peace-place_;
in the innermost part of the temple was a room like the choirs in
churches now, and a platform was raised on the middle of the floor like
an altar, on which there lay a jointless ring weighing two ounces, and
on this all oaths had to be sworn. The temple priest had to wear that
ring on his arm at all meetings” (Eyrbyggja, c. 4).
After Ingimund had departed from Norway for Iceland he landed at
Borgarfjord. He was met by Grim and Hámund, the former of whom invited
him to remain with him, and take whatever he wanted, whether real or
portable property. For the offer Ingimund thanked him, but said he would
only remain over winter, and in the spring would go to look for the
place he intended to settle on. The following summer he wandered about,
and in the autumn took winter quarters in a valley called Vididal, at a
place which was afterwards named Ingimundarhöll.
“When spring came and the snow began to melt on the mountain sides
Ingimund said, ‘I should like some men to go up on a high mountain to
look if there is less snow in other places, for I do not think we will
settle in this valley, for it is not an equal bargain.’ They went up on
a high mountain and saw far away. They returned and told him that the
mountains on the north-west were very snowless, and soon they were all
on their way thither. As they approached the Vatnsdal valley Ingimund
recognised it from the description given by the Fins; and when they came
to the Vatnsdal river Vigdis said ‘I must rest a little while, for I
feel sick.’ She gave birth to a girl who was named Thordis, after
Ingimund’s mother. He then said that the place should be called
Thordisarholt. He chose a site for his residence in a very beautiful
grove, raised a large temple, one hundred feet in length; and when he
was digging holes for his high-seat pillars he found the image of Frey
of silver, as he had been foretold. Then he said, ‘It is indeed true
that you cannot go against fate, but nevertheless I like this. This farm
shall be called Hof (temple)’” (Vatnsdæla, 15).[255]
Lodmund the old, a Norwegian from Voss, went to Iceland:
“He threw his high-seat pillars overboard at sea, and said he would
settle where they were driven ashore. They landed in the eastern fjords,
and he settled in Lodmundarfjord, where he lived that winter. When he
heard that his high-seat pillars were on the south coast he carried on
board the ship all his property, hoisted the sail, laid himself down,
and bade no one be so bold as to utter his name. After he had been lying
down for a short time a loud crash was heard, and it was seen that a
large land-slip had come down upon the farm where Lodmund had dwelt. He
rose and said, ‘It is my imprecation that the ship which hereafter sails
out from here shall never come undamaged back from the sea.’ He took up
land where the high-seat pillars had come ashore” (Landnama iv. 5).[256]
CHAPTER XXII.
RELIGION.—HUMAN SACRIFICES.
Sacrifices to Odin—Human sacrifices resorted to on momentous
occasions—Kings sacrificed—Children sacrificed by their
fathers—Sacrifice to prolong life—Warriors given to Odin after
battle—Sacrificing springs—Sacrifices on Thor’s stone—Sacrificing
place at Blomsholm—Sacrificing mound—The blood-eagle
sacrifice—Giving oneself to Odin on a sick-bed—The earliest
account of human sacrifice in the North—The abandonment of human
sacrifices.
Besides the sacrifices already mentioned others were held when the aid
of the gods was required; the most important of them were human
sacrifices, which were offered in times of great calamity, such as
famine, or in order to avoid some great evils, or to obtain victory, or
for some other weighty reasons.
“At this time occurred a very bad year in Reidgotaland, and it looked as
if the land would become a waste. Lots were then thrown by the wise men,
and they threw the sacrificing-chip; the answer came that there never
would be a good year in Reidgotaland until the highest-born boy in the
land should be sacrificed. A _Thing_ was summoned, and all agreed that
Angantýr, son of Heidrek, was the foremost there, because of his kin,
but nobody dared to mention it. Then they resolved to submit this
question to the decision of King Höfund in Glœsisvöll (Heidrek’s
father); the most high-born were to be chosen for the journey, but
everybody declined. King Harald and many others asked King Heidrek to
assist in deciding this question, and he consented. He at once had a
ship made ready, on which he went with many renowned men, and sailed to
Risaland. When King Höfund heard of his arrival he at once wanted to
have him slain, but Queen Hervör remonstrated, and so managed that they
were quite reconciled. Then Heidrek told his errand and asked for his
decision, and Höfund said that his son was the foremost in the land. At
this King Heidrek changed colour and thought the case became difficult;
he asked his father to give him advice how to save the life of the boy.
Höfund said: ‘When thou goest home to Reidgotaland, thou must summon the
men to a Thing from thy possessions and those of King Harald, and there
pronounce thy decision about thy son. Then thou shalt ask how they will
reward thee if thou allowest him to be sacrificed. Say that thou art a
foreigner, and that thou wilt lose thy land and people if this is to
take place. Then thou shalt make it a condition that one-half of the men
of King Harald present at the Thing shall become thy men or else thou
wilt not give up thy son, and this shall be confirmed by oaths. If thou
dost get this I need not give thee advice as to what thou shalt do
thereafter.’ Heidrek thereupon took leave of his father and mother, and
sailed away from Risaland. When Heidrek returned to Reidgotaland he
summoned a Thing, to which he spoke thus: ‘It is the decision of my
father, King Höfund, that my son is the foremost here in the land, and
is to be chosen for sacrifice; but in return for this, I want to have
power over one-half of those of King Harald’s men who have come to this
Thing, and you must pledge me this.’ That was done, and they came into
his host; then the bœndr asked that he should deliver his son to them,
and thus improve their season. But after the hosts had been divided,
Heidrek asked his men to take oaths of allegiance. This they did, and
swore that they would follow him out of the land and in the land to
wherever he wanted. Then he said: ‘I think that Odin gets the value of a
boy if, instead of him, he gets King Harald and his son and his entire
host.’ He bid them raise his standard to attack King Harald and slay him
and all his men. The war horns were sounded and the attack made. The
battle soon turned against King Harald and his men, for they had far
fewer men and were unprepared. But when they saw there was no escape
they fought with great valour, and cut down the men of King Heidrek so
fiercely that it seemed uncertain which would be defeated. When Heidrek
saw his men fall thus in heaps, he rushed forth with the sword _Tyrfing_
and killed one after the other; at last King Harald and his son and a
great part of their men fell there, and Heidrek became the slayer of his
father and brother-in-law. This was reckoned to be the second
_nithings-deed_ committed with Tyrfing according to the spell of the
Dvergar. King Heidrek reddened the temple-altars with the blood of King
Harald and Halfdan, and gave Odin all the dead men who had fallen there,
in the place of his son Angantýr, in order to improve the season. When
Queen Helga heard of the death of her father she was so affected that
she hanged herself in the _disar-hall_[257] of the temple” (Hervarar
Saga, c. 11 & 12).
Several instances are mentioned in which powerful kings were sacrificed
or offered their children on the altars of the gods.
“There was a great crowd of men who left Sweden because of King Ivar’s
rule. They heard that Olaf Tretelgja[258] had good lands in Vermaland,
and so many went thither that the country could not support them. There
then came a very bad season and a great famine. They attributed this to
their king, as the Swedes are wont to hold him accountable for both good
and bad seasons. King Olaf was not a zealous sacrificer, and this the
Swedes did not like, thinking that therefore arose the bad years. They
then gathered a host, went against the king, surrounded his house, and
burned him, giving him to Odin as a sacrifice for good years. This was
at Vœnir (Venern)” (Ynglinga Saga, c. 47).
The custom of sacrificing a beloved child of a chief was considered, as
it well might be, the highest atonement that could be offered, and is
one of such antiquity that its birth is lost in the dim light of past
ages. We have remarkable instances of this custom mentioned in the
Bible; the story of Abraham and Isaac, and of Jephthah’s vow show the
existence of the practice in very early times. In Lev. xx. 2–4, the
practice is mentioned as taking place among the heathen; and we see
that, as in the North, the father had absolute power over the life of
his child, otherwise he could not sacrifice him.
The most thrilling accounts of sacrifice of children are those of the
sacrifice by Hakon Jarl of his own son, and by King Aun of nine
sons.[259]
In the beginning of the battle of the Jomsvikings against Hakon Jarl and
his sons luck was against him, and the Jarl called his sons ashore,
where he and they met and took counsel.
“Hakon Jarl said: ‘I think I see that the battle begins to turn against
us; and I dislike to fight against these men; for I believe that none
are their equals, and I see that it will fare ill, unless we hit upon
some plan; you must stay here with the host, for it is imprudent for all
the chiefs to leave it, if the Jomsvikings attack, as we may at any
moment expect. I will go ashore with some men and see what can be done.’
The Jarl went ashore north to the island. He entered a glade in the
forest, sank down on both his knees and prayed; he looked northwards and
spoke what he thought was most to the purpose; and in his prayers he
called upon his fully trusted Thorgerd Hórdatróll; but she turned a deaf
ear to his prayer, and he thought that she must have become angry with
him. He offered to sacrifice several things, but she would not accept
them, and it seemed to him the case was hopeless. At last he offered
human sacrifices, but she would not accept them. The Jarl considered his
case most hopeless if he could not please her; he began to increase the
offer, and at last included all his men except himself and his sons
Eirik and Svein. He had a son Erling, who was seven winters old, and a
very promising youth. Thorgerd accepted his offer, and chose Erling, his
son. When the Jarl found that his prayers and vows were heard, he
thought matters were better, and thereupon gave the boy to Skopti Kark,
his thrall, who put him to death in Hakon’s usual way as taught by
him”[260] (Fornmanna Sögur, xi. 134).
Human sacrifices were resorted to by kings in order to lengthen their
own life.
“When King Aun was sixty he made a great sacrifice in order to secure
long life; he sacrificed his son to Odin. King Aun got answer from Odin
that he should live another sixty winters. Thereupon he was king for
twenty-five winters at Uppsalir. Then Áli the Bold, son of King Fridleif
(in Denmark), came with his host to Sweden against King Aun; they
fought, and Áli always gained the victory. King Aun left his realm a
second time and went to the western Gautland. Áli was king at Uppsalir
for twenty-five winters, till Starkad the Old slew him. After his death
Aun came back to Uppsalir and ruled the realm for twenty-five winters.
He again made a great sacrifice for long life and offered up another
son. Odin told him that he should live for ever if he gave him a son
every tenth year, and would call a _herad_[261] (district) in the land
after the number of every son whom he thus sacrificed. During ten
winters after he had sacrificed seven of his sons he was unable to walk,
and was carried on a stool. He sacrificed his eighth son and lived ten
winters more in bed. He sacrificed his ninth son and lived ten winters
more, and drank from a horn like a young child. He had one son left and
wanted to sacrifice him, and thereupon to give Uppsalir with the
_herads_ belonging to it to Odin, and call it Tíundaland.[262] The
Swedes stopped him; then he died and was mound-laid at Uppsalir”
(Ynglinga, c. 29).
Men, particularly the slain after a battle, were sometimes given to Odin
for victory, the largest number ever given being those who fell at the
famous battle of Bravalla. It seems to have been customary to redden the
altars with the blood of the fallen chiefs.[263]
Prisoners of war, no matter what their rank, were called thralls, and
were sacrificed; sometimes they were slaughtered like animals, their
blood put into bowls, and their bodies thrown into bogs or a spring
outside the door of the temple called _blót-kelda_ (sacrificing spring),
or their backs broken on sharp stones; sometimes they were thrown from
high cliffs.[264]
“Thorgrim Godi was a great sacrificer; he had a large temple raised in
his grass-plot,[265] one hundred feet in length and sixty in breadth,
and every man was to pay temple-tax to it. Thor was most worshipped
there; the inmost part of it was made round as if it were a dome; it was
all covered with hangings, and had windows; Thor stood in the middle,
and other gods on both sides. There was an altar in front made with
great skill and covered above with iron; on it there was to be a fire
which should never die out, which they called holy fire. On the altar
was to lie a large ring of silver, which the temple priest was to wear
on his arm at all meetings. Upon it all oaths were to be taken in cases
of circumstantial evidence. On the altar was to stand a large bowl of
copper, in which was to be put the blood which came from the cattle or
men given to Thor; these they called _hlaut_ (sacrifice-blood), and
_hlaut-bolli_ (sacrifice-bowl). The _hlaut_ was to be sprinkled on men
and cattle, and the cattle were to be used for the people (to eat) when
the sacrificing feasts were held. The men whom they sacrificed were to
be thrown down into the spring which was outside near the doors, which
they called _blót-kelda_. The cross-beams which had been in the temple
were in the hall at Hof, when Olaf Jónsson had it built; he had them all
split asunder, and yet they were still very thick” (Kjalnesinga, c. 2).
“On Thorsness, where Thórólf Mostrarskegg landed, there was a very holy
place (helgi-stad); and there still stands Thor’s stone, on which they
broke[266] those men whom they sacrificed, and near by is that
_dom-ring_ where they were sentenced to be sacrificed” (Landnama ii., c.
12).
This passage shows that the dom-ring where men were sacrificed was
different from the dom-ring where the people met to judge; the former
seems to have been always made with stones, while the latter, as we have
seen from Egil’s Saga, were made with hazel poles. It is probable that
many of the _dom-rings_ which are now seen were used as sacrificing
places.
Not far from the large ship-form grave of Blomsholm, in a silent pine
forest, stands a magnificent _Dom-ring_ (see next page 370), a witness
of the great past. What unwritten records are stamped upon its stones!
what unrevealed histories lie for ever buried from our sight! how much
they would tell if they could speak! The ring is about 100 feet in
diameter, and is composed of ten standing stones. Near by is the
eleventh. In the centre is a huge boulder, overlooking the rest; its
uncovered part stands about 5 feet above the ground; it is 9 feet long
by 7 feet wide.
“When Thórd gellir established the fjordungathing (quarter Things) he
let the Thing of the Vestfirdingar be there (on Thorsness); thither men
from all the Vestfjords were to come. There may still be seen the
_dom-ring_ within which men were doomed to be sacrificed. Within the
ring stands Thor’s stone, on which those were broken who were used for
sacrifice, and the blood-stains can still be seen on the stone”
(Eyrbyggja, c. 10).
[Illustration:
Fig. 778.—Dom-ring, or sacrificing ring, Blomsholm, Bohuslän.
]
Many dom-rings[267] are seen in the country without the sacrificing
stone in the centre; these may have been used as enclosures for
duelling, while others similar to the above engraving may have been horg
or sacred altars.
Sacrificing mounds, and apparently mounds in which offerings were
deposited, are mentioned, but unfortunately we have no description of
them.
“King Olaf[268] had there (Karlsá) broken the sacrificial mound of the
heathens; it was so called because usually, when they had great
sacrifices for a good season, or for peace, all were to go to this
mound, and there sacrifice prescribed animals; they carried thither much
property, and put it into the mound before they went away. King Olaf got
very much property there” (Fornmanna Sögur v. 164.)
[Illustration:
Fig. 779.—Probably a sacrificing slab, on a rocky ridge at Viala,
Vingåkers parish, Södermanland, overlooking Lake Kolsnaren; 7 feet
10 inches in length, 5 feet 10 inches in width, and 10 inches thick.
]
“A mound composed of earth and pure pfennings; for thither must be
carried a handful of silver and a handful of mould for every one who
dies, and also for every one who is born. Odd said: ‘Then kinsman
Gudmund you shall go ashore with your men to the mound this night,
according to this man’s direction; and I will take care of the ships
with my men.’ They did this, and went to the mound, where they collected
as much money as they could carry, and with their burden returned to the
ships. Odd was well satisfied with the results, and delivered the man
into their keeping. ‘Keep good watch over him,’ he said, ‘for his eyes
are all the time turned towards the shore, so that he could not have
found it as disagreeable there as he says.’ Odd with his men then went
ashore, and up to the mound. Gudmund and Sigurd, meanwhile watching the
ships, put the man between them, and began to sift away the mould from
the silver; but when they least expected it he jumped up and overboard,
and swam towards the land. Gudmund snatched a harpoon and shot after
him; it pierced the calf of his leg, but he reached the shore and
disappeared in the forest. When Odd with his companions arrived at the
mound, they each decided to take burdens according to their strength,
but on no account heavier than could be easily carried”[269] (Orvar
Odd’s Saga, c. 9 & 10).
Among the human sacrifices were those called _blódörn_ (blood eagle), so
called on account of the skin or flesh being cut down the whole back to
the ribs, from both sides of the spine, in the shape of an eagle, and of
the lungs being drawn through the wound. This special mode of sacrifice
seems to have been practised on the slayer of a man’s father.[270]
“After King Harald Fairhair’s sons had grown up they became very unruly,
and fought within the country. The sons of Snœfrid, Halfdan Háleg (high
leg) and Gudröd Ljómi, slew Rögnvalld Mœra Jarl. This made Harald very
angry, and Halfdan fled westward over the sea, but Gudröd got reconciled
to his father. Halfdan went to the Orkneys, and Einar Jarl fled from the
isles to Scotland, while Halfdan made himself king of the Orkneys. Einar
Jarl returned the same year, and when they met a great battle took
place, in which Einar was victorious, and Halfdan jumped overboard. The
following morning they found Halfdan on Rinar’s hill. The Jarl had a
blood eagle (blodörn) cut on his back with a sword, and gave him to Odin
for victory. After that he had a mound thrown up over Halfdan. When the
news of this reached Norway his brothers were very angry, and threatened
to go to the islands and avenge him; but this Harald prevented. Somewhat
later Harald went westward across the sea to the isles; Einar went away
from the islands, and over to Caithness (Katanes). After this men
intervened and they became reconciled. Harald laid a tribute on the
islands, and ordered them to pay sixty marks of gold. Einar Jarl offered
to pay the tribute, and in return possess all the _odals_ (allodial
rights). This the bœndr agreed to, for the rich thought they would buy
them back, and the poor had not property enough to pay the tribute.
Einar paid it, and for long after the jarls possessed all the odals,
until Sigurd Jarl gave them up to the men of the Orkneys. Einar Jarl
ruled long over the Orkneys, and died on a sick bed” (Flateyjarbók, p.
224, vol. i.).
The custom of a man giving himself to Odin on a sick bed by marking
himself or being marked with the point of a spear, probably arose from
the disgrace which was supposed to attach to a man who died unwounded in
his bed, and not in battle. Odin himself[271] followed this practice,
which enabled a man to come to Valhalla.... When tired of life, or of
old age, men gave themselves to Odin by throwing themselves from the
rocks.
Eirik the victorious, who fought against Styrbjörn, gave himself to Odin
in order to get the victory; and Harald Hilditönn was killed by Odin
himself, because he had become so old.
The earliest account given of a human sacrifice in the North is that of
Domaldi, which, if we may trust the genealogies, took place about the
beginning of the Christian era.
“Domaldi inherited and ruled the land after his father Visbur. In his
days there was in Sweden great hunger and famine; then the Swedes made
large sacrifices at Uppsalir. The first autumn they sacrificed oxen, but
the season did not improve; the second autumn they sacrificed men, but
the season was the same or worse; the third autumn the Swedes came in
crowds to Uppsalir when the sacrifice was to take place. The chiefs held
their consultations, and agreed that the hard years were owing to their
king, and that they must sacrifice him for good years, and should attack
and slay him, and redden the altars with his blood. And thus they did”
(Ynglinga Saga, ch. 18).
“Before the holding of the Althing (in the year 1000) in Iceland the
heathens held a meeting, and resolved to sacrifice two men from every
district of the land (Iceland was divided into four quarters), and to
invoke their gods that they should not let Christianity spread over the
country. Hjalti and Gizur had another meeting with the Christians, and
said they would have human sacrifices as many as the heathens, adding:
‘They sacrifice the worst men and cast them dawn from rocks and cliffs,
but we will choose them for their virtues, and call it a victory-gift to
our Lord Jesus Christ; we shall live the better, and more warily against
sin than before. Gizur and I will give ourselves as a victory-gift on
the behalf of our district’” (Biskupa Sögur i.).
From the following passage it will be seen that when Christianity gained
a footing in Iceland, human sacrifices were abandoned:—
“Thorólf Heljarskegg (Hel-beard) settled in Forsœludal (Iceland); he was
a very overbearing man and unpopular, and caused many a quarrel and
uproar in the district. He made himself a stronghold (virki) south at
Fridmundará, a short way from Vatnsdalsá, in a ravine; a ness was
between the ravine and the river, and a large rock in front of it. He
was suspected of sacrificing men, and there was not one in the whole
valley that was more hated than he” (Vatnsdœla, ch. 16).
Hallstein, an Icelandic chief, son of the Norwegian chief, Thorólf
Mostrarskegg,
“Dwelt at Hallsteinsnes. There Hallstein sacrificed his son, in order
that Thor might send him high-seat-pillars (126 feet); thereafter a tree
came on his land, sixty-three ells in length and two fathoms (6 ells =
12 feet) thick; this was used for his high-seat-pillars, and of it are
made the high-seat-pillars of nearly every farm in the Thverfjords”
(Landnama ii., c. 23).[272]
CHAPTER XXIII.
RELIGION.—IDOLS AND WORSHIP OF MEN AND ANIMALS, ETC.
The introduction of idol worship—The gods magnificently
dressed—Besmearing the gods—Descriptions of the gods in
temples—Amulets representing the gods—Worship of men after
death—Animal worship—Worship of groves and natural objects—Fire
regarded as holy.
It is impossible to tell at what time idols or representations of the
gods came to be introduced; it is however certain from the Sagas, that
they were already very common in the temple before Christian
missionaries came to preach a new religion. At some period, and we know
not how the change took place, we see that likenesses were made to
represent some of the gods, which were often adorned with fine clothes
and ornaments of silver and gold, and as a rule stood on an elevation or
pedestal, which also seems to have served as an altar.[273] Occasionally
they were besmeared with fat, possibly to give them a bright appearance.
There must have been many idols representing different persons who were
worshipped besides the Asar, as we find that Thorgerd Hördabrud was also
represented.
In the great temple in Mœri, in Norway, all the gods were seated on
chairs, and the idol of Thor was magnificently adorned with precious
metal. This god was also in the temple belonging to Hakon and Gudbrand
in Gudbrandsdal.
“Then they (Fridthjof and Björn) heard that Beli’s sons were in Baldr’s
hagi at the _disablót_;[274] they went up there, and asked Hallvard and
Asmund to damage all ships small and large which were near; and so they
did. They went to the door in Baldr’s hagi; Fridthjof wanted to go in;
Björn told him to be wary, but he wanted to go alone. Fridthjof asked
him to stay outside and keep watch. Then Fridthjof went in, and saw that
few people were in the _disar-hall_. The kings were at the _disablót_
and sat drinking; there was fire on the floor, and their wives sat at
the fireside and warmed the gods, and some besmeared them with grease
and wiped them with a cloth” (Fridthjof’s Saga, 9).
When Sigmund was ready to start for an expedition to avenge his father—
“The Jarl (Hakon) went out with him and asked, ‘What belief hast thou?’
Sigmund answered, ‘I believe in my might and strength.’ The Jarl
replied, ‘It must not be so; thou must seek for help where I put all my
trust, which is in Thorgerd Hördabrud. Let us go to her, and try to get
luck for thee from her.’ Sigmund told him to do as he liked; they went
to the woods, and then, by a little by-path, to an open space in the
forest where there was a house with a fence around it; this house was
very fine, and the carvings were ornamented with gold and silver. Hakon
and Sigmund entered with a few men; there were many gods, and so many
glass-windows, that there was no shadow anywhere. A splendidly dressed
woman was in the inner part of the house opposite the entrance. The Jarl
threw himself down, and lay long before her feet; then he rose and told
Sigmund that they must make her some sacrifice, and put silver on the
stool before her. ‘But as a mark that she will accept, I want her to let
loose the ring she wears on her arm; thou, Sigmund, wilt get luck from
that ring.’ The Jarl took hold of the ring, but it seemed to Sigmund
that she clenched her fist and he did not get it. He threw himself down
a second time before her, and Sigmund saw that he wept; he rose, and
took hold of the ring, which then was loose, and gave it to Sigmund, who
promised not to part with the ring” (Færeyinga Saga, ch. 23).
When Hakon Jarl, after having been baptized in Denmark, had again
adopted the practice of the pagan religion,
“He heard of a temple which was the largest in Gautland, while it was
heathen. In that temple were one hundred gods. Hakon took all the
property which was in it. The men who guarded the temple and the
sacrificing-place fled, while some of them were slain; Hakon went back
to his ships with the property and burnt and destroyed all that he met
with on the way, and had very much property when he came down. While he
was making this ravage in Gautland, Ottar Jarl, who ruled over a great
part of Gautland, heard of it; he quickly started and gathered all the
land host against Hakon Jarl, and attacked him. They at once began the
battle; Hakon was overpowered, and at last fled with his men, and went
to Norway. Thereafter Ottar Jarl summoned a _Thing_, and declared at it
that Hakon should be called _varg-i-veum_ (wolf in the holy place),
because, said he, no man had done worse deeds, for he had destroyed the
highest temple in Gautland, and wrought many other evil deeds; that no
one knew any example of such things, and that wherever he went he should
have that name” (Jómsvikinga Saga, ch. 12).
“King Olaf Tryggvason (995–1000) went to Thrandheim to christianize the
bœndr; they agreed that he should go into their temple and observe their
customs. He went into the temple, with a few of his men and some of the
bœndr. They were all unarmed except the king, who had a staff ornamented
with gold in his hand. As they entered there was no lack of carved
idols: Thor sat in the middle, for he was most worshipped; he was large
and ornamented all over with gold and silver; he sat in a splendid
chariot, to which were harnessed two very well-made wooden he-goats.
Both the chariot and the he-goats rested on wheels, and the rope around
their horns was of twisted silver. All was made with wonderful skill”
(Flateyjarbók i., p. 319).
Votive offerings of jewels and other valuable objects have been made in
temples and churches in all lands and ages, and to this day the practice
holds in some Roman and Greek Catholic countries.
The use of small images as amulets by the Northmen is shown by Kálf’s
answer when asked by the King (Olaf Tryggvason) where Halfred was.
“‘He probably still adheres to his custom of sacrificing secretly; he
has the image of Thor made of a tooth in his purse, and too little is
told to thee, lord, about him, and thou canst not see how he really is.’
The King asked them to call Halfred that he might answer for himself.
Halfred came. The King said, ‘Is it true of thee, that thou
sacrificest?’ ‘It is not true, lord,’ answered Halfred; ‘now search my
purse; here no trick is possible, even if I had wanted to use one.’
Nothing of the kind was found with him” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga).
“When King Olaf (Tryggvason) had been a short while in Thrandheim he
heard a rumour that some men in Thrandheim still kept up heathendom, and
that the idol of Frey stood there unbroken, and that those men who were
there sacrificed to the idol. When he heard this he was displeased, and
at the time he got these evil tidings he was at a feast. There were also
some men from Thrandheim with him. He accused them of sacrificing to
Frey as some witnesses had told him, and as they knew that they were not
guiltless they did not deny it boldly, but would not acknowledge it. He
said: ‘It will be seen how much of your words is true, and I will try it
in this way—I command you to break the idol of Frey, to which I am told
you sacrifice, and if you will not do that I believe that the accusation
I bring against you is true.’ They answered: ‘We will not break the idol
of Frey, for we have served him long, and it has helped us well.’ He
said: ‘I and my men will break it though you forbid it.’ They answered:
‘Certainly we will forbid and hinder the destruction of Frey, though we
expect that he will valiantly defend himself and help us if we follow
him boldly, for he has more power than thou thinkest.’ He said: ‘This
shall be tried. You shall defend Frey and I will attack him with God’s
grace and the help of good men. Let him then defend himself if he is
able. To-morrow we shall hold a _Thing_ where I appoint. I will take
Frey there and judge him boldly, and slay him, and do the good for you
which God teaches me, if you will leave your false belief.’ They did not
think this very advisable, but saw it had to be as the king wished. They
went to their ships and rowed in the fjord and strove with both sails
and oars. The luck of the king was stronger than the witchcraft of Frey
and the evil belief of those who followed him, and therefore it happened
as the best one (God) wished, and the king’s ship went much faster and
he got first to the temple. When he came ashore his men saw some stud
horses near the road which they said belonged to Frey. The king mounted
a stallion and let others take the geldings, and they rode to the
temple. He alighted from the stallion, went into the temple, and struck
down the gods from their altars. Then he took Frey under his arm and
carried him out to the horse, and shut up the temple. He rode with Frey
to the meeting and came before those summoned. His land-tent was
pitched, and he waited there. Now the men of Thrandheim came to the
temple and opened it and went in. They saw that Frey had disappeared and
the other gods were maimed, and they knew for certain that the king had
caused this. They went to the meeting. When they had come there the king
spoke mostly of things connected with the rule of the land and the laws.
He then sent men to his tent and bad them carry Frey out, and when he
was brought to the king the king took him and set him up and said: ‘Do
you know this man?’ They answered: ‘We know him.’ ‘Who is he then?’ said
the king. ‘One whom thou dost not know; he is Frey, our god.’ He said:
‘What good can Frey do, that you think it needful or a great necessity
to believe in him?’ They answered: ‘We thought him very powerful until
within a few years.’ ‘Why is he less powerful now?’ said the king. They
answered: ‘Because he is now angry with us, which thou causest, for
since thou didst tell us to believe in another god, and we partly
followed thy persuasions, he thinks we have forsaken him, and therefore
will not take any care of us.’ He then said, as if in mockery or jest:
‘It is unfortunate that Frey is angry with you, but in what way did he
before show the power which you now miss?’ They answered: ‘He often
spoke with us and foretold future things, and gave us good years and
peace.’ He said: ‘I maintain that Frey has not spoken with you, but the
devil himself.’ ... He took a large axe and went to Frey, and said: ‘Now
I will try, Frey, if thou canst talk and answer me.’ Frey was silent.
‘If thou,’ said the king, ‘canst not or wilt not, then may the one who
is in thee, and has long strengthened thee, answer.’ ... Frey was
silent. The king said: ‘Still I speak to thee, Frey; if thou canst give
to men strength or power, then spare it not, and do what thou art able
to do, and if thou sleepest, awake and defend thee, for now I will
attack thee.’ He raised his hand and cut off Frey’s hand, but he did not
move. Then he struck one blow after the other until he had cut asunder
the whole idol....” (Flateyjarbók, I. Olaf Tryggvason).
The gods were not the only beings worshipped, for we have some examples
of men being worshipped after their death.
“Olaf Geirstada-alf had a dream, at which he was much surprised, and
which he would not tell when asked. He then summoned a _Thing_ from all
his realm, which was held at Geirstadir. The king asked the people to
finish their cases, and afterwards he would make known why he had
summoned them, as many might think that there was little reason for it.
‘I will tell my dream here,’ said he. ‘It seemed to me that a large
black and fierce-looking bull entered the land from the east; it went
about the whole realm. It seemed that so many men fell before its
breath, that only half were left. Finally it killed my hird.’ He asked
them to explain it, for he knew it must signify something. They answered
that he himself could guess best what it meant. He added: ‘There have
long been peace and good seasons in this kingdom, but many more people
than it could sustain. The bull of which I dreamt is probably a
foreboding of a sickness which will begin in the eastern part of this
land, and cause many deaths. My hird will be attacked last, and it is
most probable that I shall follow, for I cannot, more than others,
survive my destined death-day. Now this dream is explained, and it will
prove to be true. I advise the multitude here assembled to throw up a
large mound out on the cape, and make a fence across it higher up, so
that no cattle can go thither. Into the mound let every man of
prominence put half a mark of silver to be buried with him. Before the
disease ceases, I shall be placed in the mound. I warn all not to behave
like some who worship by sacrifice, after their death, those in whom
they trusted while alive, for I think dead men can do nothing useful. It
may also happen that those who are worshipped will be suddenly
bewitched. I think the same evil spirits (_vœttir_) sometimes do useful,
sometimes harmful things. I fear much that a famine will come in the
land after I have been _mounded_, and nevertheless we shall be
worshipped and afterwards, bewitched in spite of ourselves.’ It happened
as King Olaf said, and according to his explanation of the dream. The
disease came before it was expected, many died, and all men of any
prominence were laid in the mound; for King Olaf immediately sent men to
make an exceedingly large mound, and the people made the fence according
to his advice. It also happened that the hird died last and was _mound
laid_. At last Olaf died, and was quickly laid among his men with much
property and the mound was closed. Then fewer people died. Bad seasons
and famine followed. It was then resolved to offer sacrifice to King
Olaf for good seasons, and they called him Geirstada-alf” (Flateyjarbók
ii. c. 6).
“There was a king named Godmund in Jötunheim; his farm was called Grund,
and the _herad_ (district) in which it was situated Glæsisvellir. He was
a powerful man and old, as well as all his men, and lived for so many
generations that people believed Odains Akr (the land of the undying) to
be in his realm. The place is so healthy that sickness and old age
vanish from every man who comes there, and nobody can die there. It is
said that after the death of Godmund, men worshipped him and called him
their god. King Godmund had a son, Höfund, a seer and a wise man; he was
made judge over all the adjoining lands; he never gave a wrong judgment;
nobody dared or needed to doubt his judgment” (Hervara Saga, c. 1).
“Thórólf Smjör (butter, because he said Iceland was so fertile that
butter dripped from every blade of grass) was the son of Thorstein
Skrofa, son of Grim, who was worshipped after his death on account of
his popularity and called Kamban” (Landnama i., ch. 14).
_Animal Worship._—The worship of animals and birds seems to have
sometimes taken place.
Once some men went to Eystein and told him that a large host had come
into his realm so hard to deal with that it had devastated all the land,
and left no house standing.
“When Eystein heard these tidings he thought he knew who these vikings
were. He sent an _arrow-message_ all over his realm and summoned all who
were willing to help him and could wield a shield. ‘Let us take with us
the cow Sibilja, our god, and let her run in front, and I believe that,
as before, they will not be able to stand her bellowing. I urge you all
to valiantly drive away this large and evil host.’ This was done, and
Sibilja let loose; Ivar saw her coming, and heard her fierce bellowing;
he bade all the host make a great noise both with weapons and war-cries,
lest they should hear the voice of the evil beast which went against
them. Ivar told his hearers to carry him forward as far as they could,
and when the cow came at them to throw him on her, and then either he or
she should die; and to take a large tree and cut it into the form of a
bow, and also bring him arrows; this strong bow was now brought, and the
large arrows he had ordered, which were not manageable by any other.
Ivar then urged every one to do his best. Their host went onward with
great rushing and tumult, and Ivar was carried in front of their ranks.
The bellowing of Sibilja sounded so loud that they heard it as well as
if they had been silent and stood still; they were so startled that all,
except the brothers, wanted to fight among themselves. When this wonder
was going on, those who carried Ivar saw that he drew his bow as if it
were a weak elm twig, and they thought he was going to draw his arrows
beyond the point.[275] They heard his bowstring sound louder than they
had ever heard before; they saw that his arrows flew as swiftly as if he
had shot with the strongest cross-bow, and so straight that one arrow
went into each eye of Sibilja; and she stumbled and fell down on her
head, and her bellowing was much more than before. When she came at them
he bid them to throw him on her, and he was as light to them as a little
child, for they were not very near to the cow when they threw him; he
came down on the back of Sibilja, and became as heavy as if a rock fell
on her, and every bone in her was broken and she was killed.
“Although the sons of Ragnar were valiant, they could not stand both an
overwhelming force of men and witchcraft; nevertheless they made a stout
resistance, and fought like warriors with great renown. Eirik and Agnar
were in the front that day, and often went through the ranks of King
Eystein, but Agnar fell” (Ragnar Lodbrok’s Saga).
“King Olaf was at a feast in Ögvaldsnes. One evening there came to the
farm an old man, very wise in talk, one-eyed, with a hood low down over
his face; he could tell of every country. He began to talk with the
king, who liked it very much and asked about many things, but he was
able to answer any question, and the king did not go to bed for a long
time that night. Then the king asked if he knew who Ögvald was, after
whom the bœr and the ness (cape) were named. The guest said he had been
a king and a great warrior, and had worshipped a cow more than anything
else, and taken it with him wherever he went, as he thought it wholesome
to drink its milk. Ögvald fought against a king called Varin, and fell
in the battle; he was _mounded_ there a short way from the bœr and the
bautastones raised, which stand there still. In another place near to
this bœr the cow was _mounded_” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, c. 71).
“Floki Vilgerdarson, a great Viking, made himself ready in Rogaland to
search for Snow-land (Iceland). He made a large sacrifice to the three
ravens, which were to show him the way. They sailed to the Faroes, and
then put to sea with the three ravens, to which sacrifice had been made
in Norway; when the first was let loose it flew in the direction of the
stern; the second rose into the air, and came back to the ship; the
third flew in front of the prow in the direction in which they found the
land.
“They landed at the place called Vatnsfjord, in Breidifjord. The fjord
was so full of fish that they neglected to gather hay on account of the
fishing, and during the winter therefore all their cattle died. The
spring was rather cold there, and Floki went up on a mountain on the
north side of the fjord, and on the other side saw a fjord filled with
ice. Therefore they called the land Iceland” (Landnama i., c. 2).
Natural objects, such as groves and the sacrificing stone, were
worshipped, and no one was allowed to look at Helgafell (a holy
mountain) before he had washed himself in the morning, and no cattle
were to be killed there.
“Eyvind, the son of Lodin, settled in the valley of Flatey (his land
extending) as far as Gunnsteinar (Gunn-rocks), which he worshipped.”
“Thorir Snepil took up the whole of Fnjóskadal to Odeila, and dwelt at
Lund (grove); he worshipped the grove” (Landnama iii., ch. 17).
“Hord’s brother-in-law Indridi wished to slay the bondi Thorstein
Gullknapr (gold-button), and waited for him on the way to his
sacrificing house, whither he was wont to go. When Thorstein came, he
entered the sacrificing house and fell on his face before the stone he
worshipped, which stood there, and then he spoke to it. Indridi stood
outside the house; he heard this sung in the stone:—
Thou hast hither
For the last time
With death-fated feet
Trodden the ground;
Before the sun shines,
The hard Indridi
Will justly reward thee
For thy evil doings.
“Thorstein went out and home; Indridi distinctly saw him going, and told
him not to run so fast. He went in front of him, and at once struck him
with the sword of Soti under the chin so that his head flew off” (Hörd’s
Saga, c. 37).
“On the ness stands a mountain, which he (Thórólf Mostrarskegg) held in
such reverence that no one was allowed to look on it unwashed, and
nothing was to be killed on it, neither men nor cattle. He called it
Helgafell (holy mountain), and he believed he would go thither when he
died, as well as all his kinsmen on the ness. On the point at which Thor
had landed he made the place for all judgments, and there established a
_herad-thing_ (a _Thing_ for the district). This place was so holy that
he would not allow the field to be defiled in any manner” (Eyrbyggja, c.
4).
Fire seems to have been looked upon as holy; and it was sometimes the
practice to ride round the land with fire, or to throw a burning arrow,
so as to signify ownership.
“Jörund godi (temple-priest), son of Hrafn Heimski, settled west of
Fljót, where it is now called Svertingsstadir; there he raised a large
temple. A small piece of land lay unsettled east of Fljót, between
Krossá (river) and Jöldustein; Jörund went with fire around this, and
made it the property of the temple” (Landnama v., c. 3).
“Onund the wise took up land in the valley east of Merkigil. When Eirik
(from Goddalir) wanted to settle in the valley west of it, Onund threw
sacrificing-rods to ascertain when Eirik would come and take up the
land. Onund then forestalled him, and shot with a burning arrow across
the river, and thus took possession of the land west of it and dwelt on
it” (Landnama iii., c. 8).
The chief Blundketil was burnt in his house by his foes. When the chief
Tungu-Odd heard of it he rode to the place with the son of the burnt
chief.
“Odd rode to a house which was not quite burnt down. He stretched out
his hand and pulled a rafter of birch-wood out of the house, and then
rode against the sun (from west to east) round the houses with the
burning brand and said: ‘Here I settle on this land, for I do not see
any homestead; may the witnesses present hear it. He then whipped his
horse and rode away” (Hœnsa Thori’s Saga, c. 9).
CHAPTER XXIV.
RELIGION.—THE NORNIR AND VALKYRIAS.
The shaping of man’s future at his birth—The three Nornir—Their
dwelling-place—Their kin—Good and Evil Nornir—They water the ash
Yggdrasil—The maids of Odin—They determine the issue of
battle—Choose the warriors for Valhalla—Figurative names—They ride
through the air—Their appearance—They help warriors in
battle—Their sojourn among men—The first and second songs of
Helgi.
It was believed by the Northmen that the future life of all men was
shaped at their birth by genii called _Nornir_, who preordained the
fates of men and all that happened in the world. The gods themselves
seem to have been under their control.
There were three Nornir, called _Urd_, the past; _Verdandi_, the
present; and _Skuld_, the future, they dwelt by Urd’s well, situated at
the foot of the ash Yggdrasil, whose roots they watered with their
wisdom and the experience of the past:[276] they spun the threads of
fate at the birth of every child, and measured the boundaries of his
doings, and the days of his life.[277]
The names of these three Nornir were to those men of old the embodiment
and philosophy of life. They could not have existed without their
fathers before them, hence Urd was the symbol of the great past.
Verdandi, the present, symbolised the present life itself, consequently
was closely connected with Urd.
Skuld, the future, represented the growth, the shooting forward, and was
an inseparable part of the triad.
“There stands a fine hall under the ash, near the well, and from that
hall come three maidens, who are named Urd, Verdandi, and Skuld. These
forecast the lives of men, and are called Nornir.”
In Vafthrúdnismal, Odin asks Vafthrúdnir—
Much have I travelled,
Much have I tried,
Many powers have I known;
Who are the maidens
That soar over the sea;
The wise-minded ones travel.
In Voluspa, Heid the sybil, in her vision—
Thence come three maidens,[278]
Knowing many things,
Out of the hall
Which stands under the tree;
One was called Urd,
Another Verdandi,
The third Skuld;
They carved on wood tablets,
They chose lives,
They laid down laws
For the children of men,
They chose the fates of men.
They disturbed the peace of the golden age of the gods.
The Asar met,
Who raised on the Idavöll[279]
Altars and high temples;
They laid hearths,
They wrought wealth,
They shaped tongs,
And made tools.
They played chess on the grass-plot;
They were cheerful;
They did not lack
Anything of gold
Until three
Very mighty
Thurs maidens came
From Jötunheim.
“But there are other Nornir who come to every one that is born, to shape
his life. Some are of the kindred of the gods, others of Alfar kin, and
some of Dvergar kin” (Gylfaginning, c. 15).
_Vafthrúdnir._
Three great rivers
Fall over the field
Of the maidens of _Mögthrasir_.
They are the only destinies
That are in the world,
Though they dwell with Jötnar.
In time the number of Nornir seems to have increased.
In Fafnismál, Sigurd asks the following question of Fafnir:—
_Sigurd._
Tell me, Fafnir,
As thou art said to be wise
And know many things well,
Who are the maidens
That are helping in need
And deliver mothers of children?
_Fafnir._
Very different born
I think the Nornir are;
They own not kin together,
Some are Asar-born,
Others are Alfar-born,
Others are daughters of Dvalin.[280]
(Fafnismál.)
Atli says to his wife Gudrún:—
The Nornir have just
Roused me
With forebodings of evil;
I want thee to read them.
Methought that thou,
Gudrún, Gjúki’s daughter,
Didst thrust me through
With a poisoned sword.
_Gudrún._
It forebodes fire
When one dreams of iron;
The anger of woman
Means pride and sorrow;
I shall have to burn thee[281]
Against sickness,
Heal thee and help thee,
Though I hate thee.
(Gudrúnarkvida, 11.)
“Gangleri said: ‘If the Nornir rule the fates of men, they deal them out
very unevenly, for some have a happy and rich life, while others have
little property or praise—some a long life, some a short one.’ Hár
replied: ‘Good Nornir, and of good kindred, forecast a happy life; but
when men have evil fates, the evil Nornir cause it’” (Gylfaginning, c.
15).
The water with which the Nornir watered the ash Yggdrasil was considered
holy.
“Further it is told that the Nornir who live at Urd’s well take water
out of it every day, and also the clay which lies round it, and pour it
over the ash-tree that the branches may not dry up or grow rotten. This
water is so holy that everything which comes into the well grows white
like the film called _skjall_ which lies next to the eggshell. The dew
which falls thence on the earth is called honey-dew, and the bees feed
on it. Two birds live in Urd’s well, called swans, and from them has
sprung the kin of birds with this name” (Gylfaginning, c. 16).
The Valkyrias were the maids of Odin, and were sent by him to determine
the issue of battle, and choose those who were to fall and dwell with
him in Valhalla. The belief in Valkyrias appears to have been of very
great antiquity, and is one of the most striking, poetical, and grand
features of the Asa faith. In no record of the religions that have come
down to us do we find anything that would make us suppose that such
belief ever existed in other parts of the world, and it was well adapted
to the creed of a people among whom war and the conquest of other lands
were leading features.
Heid in Voluspa gives the names of the Valkyrias and in her version we
learn that
She saw Valkyrias
Come from far off,
Ready to ride
To Goth-thjód.[282]
Skuld held a shield,
Skögul was next,
Gunn, Hild, Göndul,
And Geirskögul;
Now are numbered
The maidens of Herjan,[283]
The Valkyrias ready
To ride over the ground.
So we see that originally the number of Valkyrias belonging to Odin was
only six, afterwards their number increased. Sometimes they appear nine
together, at others treble that number.
Others are mentioned in Grimnismal. Odin, speaking to Geirrod, says—
“I want Hrist and Mist
To carry the horn to me;
Skeggjöld and Skögul,
Hild and Thrúd,
Hlökk and Herfjötur,
Göll and Geirahöd,
Randgrid and Rádgrid,
And Reginleif,
They carry ale to the Einherjar.”[284]
“Hjörvard and Sigrlin had a large and handsome son. He was silent, and
no name had been fastened to him.[285] He sat on a mound, and saw nine
Valkyrjas riding, and one of them seemed the foremost—she sang:—
Late wilt thou, Helgi,
Rule over rings[286]
On the Rodulsvellir,[287]
If thou art ever silent.”
“The daughter of King Eylimi was Svava; she was a Valkyrja and rode over
air and sea; she gave this name to Helgi, and often afterwards sheltered
him in battles” (Helga Kvida Hjörvardssonar).
The following among other poetical and figurative names are given to the
Valkyrias:—The maidens of victory, the goddesses of the fight, the
graspers of spears, the witches of the shield, the maidens of the slain,
the exultant ones, the strong one, the entangling one, the silent one,
the storm-raisers. They are mentioned as riding through the air, over
the sea, and amid the lightning, helmet-clad, with bloody brynjas, and
glittering spears; the spear which carried death and victory being the
emblem of Odin. When their horses shake their manes, the froth which
comes from their bitted mouths drops as dew into the valleys, and hail
falls from their nostrils into the woods.
The slain were called _Val_ (chosen), and belonged to Odin. From the
word _Val_ are derived the names of Valkyrias, Valfödr (the father of
the slain), Valhalla (the hall of the slain), Valól (field of battle,
field of the slain), and probably also of those birds of prey which
after the battle visited the field of action.
_Skuld_, the youngest of the three Nornir, who personified the future,
followed the Valkyrias, probably in order to witness the decrees of fate
given to men at their birth.
“There are others that have to serve in Valhöll, carry drink and take
care of the table-dressing and the beer cups. These are called
Valkyrias; Odin sends them to every battle; they choose death for men
and rule victory. Gunn and Róta and the youngest Norn, Skuld, always
ride to choose the slain and rule _man-slayings_” (Gylfaginning, ch.
36).
It was believed that during a battle warriors sometimes saw Valkyrias
coming to their help: how grand and beautiful must have been the vision
created in their mind by their faith in them, as they thought they saw
them riding on their fiery steeds, and sweeping over the battle-field,
by land or by sea. It is hard to realise a grander picture for a warrior
to behold.
Helgi saw:—
Three times nine maidens,
But one rode foremost
A white maiden under helmet;
Their horses trembled,
From their manes fell
Dew into the deep dales,
Hail on the lofty woods;
Thence come good seasons among men,
All that I saw was loathsome to me.
[Helga Kvida Hjörvardssonar.]
Sometimes the Valkyrias came to earth and remained among men.
“Nidud was a king in Sweden. He had two sons and one daughter, whose
name was Bödvild. There were three brothers, sons of the Finna-king, one
Slagfinn, the other Egil, and the third Völund; they ran on snow-shoes,
and hunted wild beasts. They came to the Ulfdal, where there is a lake
called Ulfsjár (Wolf’s lake), and there made themselves a house. Early
one morning they found at the shore of the lake three women who were
spinning flax, near them lay their swan-skins; they were Valkyrias. Two
of them were daughters of King Hlödver (Louis), Hladgunn Svanhvit
(Svan-white), and Hervör Alvitr (All-wise); and the third Ölrún,
daughter of Kjar of Valland. The brothers took them to their house. Egil
got Ölrún; Slagfinn, Svan-white; and Völund, All-wise. There they dwelt
for seven winters; after which the women went to visit battle-fields,
and did not return. Then Egil went on snow-shoes to look for Ölrún, and
Slagfinn for Svan-white, while Völund remained in Ulfdal. He was the
most skilled smith that is spoken of in ancient Sagas. King Nidud had
him captured, as is told in the song” (Völundar Kvida).
Helga Kvida gives an account of how Sigrun, a Valkyria, betrothed
herself to Helgi, and of how she comes with other Valkyrias to protect
him. Their appearance is thus described:—
Then gleams flashed
From Logafjöll,[288]
And from those gleams
Came lightning;
The high ones[289] rode helmet-clad
Down on the Himinvangar;
Their brynjas were
Blood-bespattered,
And from their spears
Sprang rays of light.
Early (in the day) asked
From the wolf-lair
The _dögling_ (the king) about this
The southern disir[290]
If they would home
With hildings[291]
That night go;
There had been clang of bowstrings.
But from the horse
The daughter of Högni (Sigrun)
Hushed the clatter of shields;
She said to the king,
I think we have
Other work to do
Than drink beer
With the ring-breaker. (Helgi)
In the second song of this poem we learn the mode of thought, the
religious ideas and customs of the people of the North, and glean some
new facts; that men and women were sometimes thought to be born again;
that Helgi derived his name from Helgi Hjörvardson, and that he was
brought up by Hagal. His foes, and not the sons of Hunding, search for
him, but he escapes by dressing himself in the garb of a bondwoman. This
episode of his life and the following fights must have taken place after
those of the first song. The connection between the two poems is
somewhat obscure.
“Granmar was a powerful king who lived at Svarinshang; he had many sons,
among them Hödbrod, Gudmund, and Starkad. Hödbrod was at an appointed
meeting[292] of kings; he betrothed himself to Sigrun,[293] daughter of
Högni. When she heard this she rode with Valkyrias over the sea and air
to search for Helgi. He was then at Logafjöll (Fire-mountains), and had
fought against the sons of Hunding; there he slew Alf and Eyjolf,
Hjorvard and Hervard; he was very weary of the fight, and sat down at
Arastein (Eagle’s stone); where Sigrun found him, threw her arms about
his neck and kissed him, and told him of her errand, as is related in
the old Völsunga-kvida:—[294]
Sigrun sought
The glad king,[295]
She took Helgi’s
Hand in hers;
She kissed and greeted
The king under his helmet;
Then did his mind
Turn to the maiden.
She said she loved
With all her mind
The son of Sigmund
Ere she had seen him.
I was to Hödbrod
In the host betrothed,
But another chief
I wanted to have.
Yet I fear, chief,
The anger of my kinsmen;
I have broken
The _mind-marriage_ of my father.[296]
The maiden of Högni
Spoke not against her mind;
She said she would
Have the love of Helgi.
_Helgi._
Do not care for
The wrath of Högni,
Nor for the ill-will
Of thy kin;
Thou wilt, young maiden,
Live with me;
Thou, good maiden, hast kinsmen
Whom I do not fear.
“Helgi then gathered a large fleet, and sailed to Frekastein (Wolf’s
stone). At sea they met with a dangerous tempest, and lightning flashed
down on the ships. They saw nine Valkyrias riding in the air, and
recognised Sigrun; then the storm abated, and they came safely to the
land. The sons of Granmar sat on a rock when the ships sailed towards
the shore.
“Gudmund rode home with news of war; then the sons of Granmar gathered a
host. Many kings came there. There were Högni, the father of Sigrun, and
his sons Bragi and Dag. There was a great battle, and the sons of
Granmar fell, with all their chiefs, except Dag, son of Högni, whose
life was spared, and who promised on oath to follow the Völsungs. Sigrun
went among the slain, and found Hödbrod near death’s door. She sang:—
Sigrun of Sevafjöll[297]
Will not,
King Hödbrod,
Fall into thy arms;
Gone is the life
Of Granmar’s sons;
The grey steeds[298] of jötun-women
Many corpses tear.
She met Helgi, who answered:—
All is not given to thee,
Mighty wight;[299]
For I say the Nornir
Wield some power.
This morning fell
At Frekastein
Bragi and Högni;
I was their slayer.
“Helgi married Sigrun, and they had sons; but Helgi did not live long.
Högni’s son Dag sacrificed to Odin for revenge on his father, and Odin
lent him his spear. Dag met his brother-in-law Helgi at Fjoturlund; he
thrust the spear through him, Helgi fell, and Dag rode to Sevafjoll and
told Sigrun the tidings:—
Loth am I, sister,
To tell thee the sorrow,
For unwilling have I
Made my sister weep;
This morning fell
At Fjoturlund
The Budlung[300] who was
The best in the world,
And stood on
The neck of hildings.[301]
_Sigrun._
Thee shall all
Oaths harm[302]
Which thou to Helgi
Hast sworn
At the bright
Waters of Leiptr[303]
And at the rain-cold
Rock of the sea.
The ship shall not move
Which should carry thee,
Though a fair wind to thy wish
Blows on it.
The horse shall not run
Which is to run with thee,
Though thou hast to
Escape from thy foes.
The sword shall not bite
Which thou drawest,
Except when it sings
About thy own head;
Then were the death
Of Helgi avenged,
If thou wert an outlaw
Out in the forest,
Lacking property
And all enjoyment,
And hadst not food
Unless thou tearest corpses.
_Dag._
Mad art thou, sister,
And out of thy wits
As thou invokest curses
On thy brother;
Odin alone
Causes all the ills,
For between kinsmen
Runes of strife he bore.
Thy brother offers thee
Red rings,[304]
All Vandilsve[305]
And Vigdalir;[306]
Take half of my lands
As indemnity for sorrow,
Thou ring-adorned maiden
And thy sons.
“Sigrun was short-lived from grief and sorrow. It was the belief in
olden times that men were reborn, but now it is called an old woman’s
story. It is said that Helgi and Sigrun were born again; he was then
named Helgi Haddingjaskati, and she Kara,[307] Hálfdán’s daughter, ‘as
is sung in the lay of Kara,[308] and she was a Valkyria.’” [Helgi
Hundingsbani II.]
CHAPTER XXV.
RELIGION.—THE VOLVAS.
Prophetic sibyls—Great reputation of some Volvas—Ceremonies
attendant on their prophecies—Payment to the sibyls—Their
descent—Incantations—Cats favourites of the sibyls.
The utterances of the _Volvas_ or sibyls,[309] who could tell the past
and the future, were given to the people as coming from the gods; and by
special preparations and conjurations they made men believe that they
were placed in such a state that they could see into the decrees of
fate, or, as they themselves expressed it, had been informed of things
which were previously secret.
Some _Volvas_ had a greater reputation than others, and in time of great
calamity people sent for them, in order to know the decrees of impending
fate. When the _Volva_ came a seat of honour was assigned to her, a
separate feast[310] prepared, and among the dishes one made of the
various hearts of animals.
When the principal question was to be answered, special preparations
were required. _Seid_[311] was to be performed. A _Seid-hjall_, or
platform consisting of a flat stone, was laid upon three or four posts,
and women were to be found who knew how to recite or sing the so-called
Vardlokur.[312] When all this was ready, and the _Volva_ on the
platform, the women formed in a circle round it, and the effective song
was chanted while the seeress, with the strangest gesticulations, made
her conjurations and received her revelations.[313]
The two brothers Hálfdán and Fródi were kings (in Denmark). Fródi slew
Hálfdán, but could not find his sons Helgi and Hróar, and therefore
invited Sœvil jarl, who was married to their sister Signý, to a feast,
as Fródi suspected that the boys were staying with him.
“A _Volva_ called Heid was there; Fródi asked her to use her art, and
try what she could tell of the boys. He entertained her splendidly, and
seated her on a high _seid-platform_. The King asked what tidings she
saw, ‘for I know that many things will pass before thy eyes now, and I
see great luck on thee; and answer me as quickly as thou canst,
seid-woman.’ She then threw open her jaws and yawned much, and a song
came out of her mouth:
‘Two are inside,
I trust neither of
The handsome ones
Who sit at the fires.’
“The King asked: ‘Is it the boys, or those who saved them?’ She
answered:
‘It is those who long
Were in Vifilsey
And were called there
With the names of dogs,
Hopp and Hó.’
“At this moment Signý threw a gold ring to her; she became glad at this
gift, and now wished to change what she had told. She said: ‘Why was
this so? All that I told was a lie, and now all my telling is gone
astray.’ The King said: ‘Thou shalt be tortured to tell it.’ ... He
shook the seid-woman hard, and asked her to tell the truth, if she did
not want to be tortured; she yawned much, and the seid-telling was
difficult. She sang:—
‘I see where sit
The sons of Hálfdán,
Hróar and Helgi,
Both unhurt;
They will rob
The life of Fródi
unless they are killed soon, which will not take place;’ thereupon she
leapt down from the seid-platform, and sang:—
‘Keen are the eyes
Of Ham and Hrani;[314]
The high-born are
Wonderfully bold.’
“Thereafter the boys ran out to the wood with great fear; their
foster-father Regin recognized them and was very glad. The _Volva_ had
given them the good advice to run away when she ran out of the hall
herself. The king asked men to rise and search for them. Regin
extinguished all the lights in the hall, and each man held the other
back, for some wished them to escape, and in this way they got into the
wood” (Hrolf Kraki’s Saga, c. 3).
The _Volva_ Gróa used spell-songs in order to get a whetstone out of
Thor’s head.
“The _Volva_ Gróa, wife of Örvandil the skilled, came and sang her
spell-songs over Thor until the whetstone got loose. When Thor felt
this, and had hope of getting rid of the whetstone, he wanted to reward
Gróa for the cure, and make her glad, he told her the tidings that he
had waded southward across Elivagar, and carried Örvandil in a basket on
his back away from Jötunheimar; the proof of this was that one of his
toes had projected out of the basket and frozen so that Thor broke it
off and threw it upon the heaven, and made of it the star called
Örvandil’s toe. Thor said he would soon come home. Gróa became so glad
that she remembered no spell-songs, and the whetstone did not get loose,
and still sticks in the head of Thor” (Skáldskaparmal, c. 17).
The descent of the Volvas is thus described:—
All Volvas come from
Vidólf,
All wizards from
Vilmeid,
All sorcerers
From Svarthöfdi,
All Jötnar
From Ymir.
The Sagas give an interesting insight into the incantations and ceremony
used by the _Volvas_.
“Ingjald dwelt at Hefni, north in Halogaland. He went on warfare in the
summer, remaining quiet during the winter. Friendship existed between
Ingjald and Thorstein Ketilsson, and the former became the fosterer of
Ingimund Thorsteinsson.
“Once at a feast, according to ancient custom, Ingjald prepared
incantation (_seid_), that men might know their fates. There was there a
Finn woman skilled in witchcraft. Ingimund and Grim (son of Ingjald)
came to the feast with a great many men. The Finn woman was placed high,
and splendid preparations made for her; each of the men went from his
seat to inquire of her about their fates. She told every one his fate,
but they did not all like it quite as well. The two foster-brothers sat
in their seats and did not go to inquire; they had no mind for her
prophesying. The _Volva_ said, ‘Why do these young men not ask about
their fates, for they seem to me the most noteworthy of those present?’
Ingimund answered, ‘I do not care to know my fate until it comes, and I
think my life does not depend on thy tongue-roots.’ She replied, ‘I
will, however, tell thee unasked. Thou wilt settle in a land called
Iceland; it is still to a great extent unsettled; there thou wilt become
a man of rank and grow old; many of thy kinsmen will also be famous men
in that land.’ Ingimund said, ‘This is well told, because I have made up
my mind never to go to that place, and I should be a poor trader if I
sell my many good family lands and go into deserts.’ The Finn answered:
‘It will happen as I tell, and it shall be a token that the image has
disappeared from thy purse which King Harald gave thee in Hafrsfjord,
and it now lies on the stone ridge where thou wilt settle; a Frey of
silver is marked on it; when thou buildest thy farm my tale will prove
true.’ Ingimund said: ‘If I should not offend my foster-father by it, I
would reward thee by knocking thee on the head; but because I am not an
overbearing or fretful man, I shall not do it.’ She said he need not be
angry. Ingimund said she had brought bad luck there, and she said that
it would be thus, whether he liked it or not. She added: ‘The fate of
Grim also points thither, as well as that of his brother Hrómund, and
both will be great bœndr.’ Next morning Ingimund searched for the image,
but did not find it; he thought this a bad omen. Ingjald told him to be
merry, and not let this affect him, or hinder his joy, saying that many
famous men now thought it honourable to go to Iceland, and that it was
only for good that he invited the Finn. Ingimund said he could not thank
him for this, but nevertheless their friendship would never cease”
(Vatnsdæla Saga, c. 10).
“At that time there was a very bad season in Greenland; the men who had
gone a-fishing had a small catch, and some had not returned. There was a
woman in that district (Herjolfsnes), Thorbjörg, who was a _spákona_,
and was called ‘the little _Volva_.’ She had had nine sisters, all
_spákonas_, but she alone was then living. It was her custom in the
winter to go to feasts, and those especially who wanted to know about
their fate, or the season, invited her. As Thorkel was the greatest
bondi in Herjolfsnes, it was thought he ought to know when the bad
season would cease. He invited the prophetess, and she was well
received, as war customary with such women. A high seat was prepared for
her, and a cushion of hen’s feathers placed upon it. That evening, when
she came with the man sent for her, she was dressed in a blue cloak with
straps, set with stones down to the skirts; she wore glass beads on her
neck, and a hood of black lambskin lined with white catskin; she had a
knobbed staff in her hand, ornamented with brass and with stones around
the top; at her belt hung a large skin-bag, in which she kept the charms
which she needed for her foretelling. She wore hairy calfskin shoes with
long thongs with large tin buttons on the ends; she had on her hands
white catskin gloves with the fur inside. When she entered every one
thought it his duty to greet her with words of respect; she received
this according to her liking of each of those present. Thorkel took her
hand and led her to the seat prepared for her, and then begged of her to
let her eyes run over the people of the household, and over the herd,
and over the homestead. She spoke a little of everything. The tables
were set in the evening; the food prepared for her was porridge made
with goat’s milk, and the hearts of all kinds of animals which were
there. She had a spoon of brass and a knife of brass with a handle of
walrus-tusk, mounted with two rings; its point was broken off. After the
tables were taken away, Thorkel went to her and asked how she liked the
looks of things there in the homestead and the behaviour of the men, and
how soon she would ascertain what he had asked her, which all were most
anxious to know. She said she could not tell until the next morning,
after she had slept. Towards the end of the following day such
preparations were made for her as she needed for performing the _seid_.
She bade them get women who knew the witchcraft songs which were used
for the _seid_, called _vard-lokkur_ (weird or fate songs); but such
women could not be found; search was made on the farm if any one knew
them. Then Gudrid (the daughter of an Icelander by name Thorbjörn, who
had emigrated to Greenland) said: ‘I am neither skilled in witchcraft
nor a prophetess, but nevertheless Halldis, my foster-mother, taught me
a poem in Iceland, which she called _vard-lokkur_.’[315] ‘Then thou art
wise in good time,’ replied Thorkel. She answered, ‘This is the only
custom at which I will not assist, for I am a Christian woman.’
Thorbjörg added, ‘It may be that thou wilt help people herewith and
wouldst not be a lesser woman than before (and still wouldst not be
lowered by it), and of Thorkel I will ask the things needed.’ Thorkel
pressed Gudrid hard, and she consented. The women placed themselves in a
ring around the _seid-hjall_ on which Thorbjörg sat, and Gudrid sang the
song so well that all present thought they had never heard a finer
voice. The _spákona_ thanked her, and said that many spirits who had
before wanted to depart and give no help had now come, and found
pleasure in listening, as the song was so well sung; ‘and many things
which before were hidden from me and others are now made clear. I can
tell thee, Thorkel, that this bad season will not last longer than this
winter, and that it will improve with the spring; the sickness which has
been here will also be better sooner than you expect. I will at once
reward thee Gudrid for thy help, for thy fate is now very clear to me;
thou wilt be married very honourably here in Greenland, though thou wilt
not enjoy it long, for thy ways lie to Iceland, where a great and good
family will spring from thee, and such bright rays shine over thy
offspring that I have not power to see this clearly; and now farewell,
daughter.’ Then they went to the _spákona_, and every man asked what he
wished most to know. She spoke willingly, and what she did not fail much
to prove true. Then she was called for to another farm, and went there.
Thorbjörn was then sent, for he would not stay at home while such
superstitions were performed. The weather soon improved, as Thorbjörg
had told” (Saga Thorfin’s Karlsefnis, c. 3).[316]
Cats seem to have been special favourites with these sorceresses.
“Thórolf Sleggja became a very unruly man; he was a thief, and in other
respects a very wicked man. People very much disliked his neighbourhood,
and thought they might expect any evil from him. Though he had not many
men with him, he had animals which he trusted, namely, twenty cats; they
were all black, and exceedingly large and strongly bewitched. People
went to Thorstein (a chief) and told him this trouble, as the rule of
the _herad_ belonged to him; they said Thórolf had stolen from many, and
done many other unmanly deeds. Thorstein said this was true, ‘but it is
not very easy to deal with this man of Hel and his cats, and I do not
want to lose any of my men against them.’ They answered he could
scarcely keep his honour if he did nothing. Then Thorstein gathered men,
as he wanted to have many with him. His brothers and his Norwegian guest
were with him. They went to Sleggjustadir. Thórolf did not trouble
himself about this; he could never have good men with him. He went in
when he saw them coming on horseback, and said: ‘Now the guests must be
welcomed, and I intend my cats to do it, and I will place all of them in
the entrance, and it will take them long before they get in if they
defend the door.’ Then he made them very strong with spells, and they
looked very fierce, mewing and rolling their eyes. Jökul (Thorstein’s
brother) said to Thorstein: ‘It was good advice of thine not to let this
human fiend be undisturbed any longer.’ They were eighteen men. Thórolf
said to himself: ‘Now fire shall be made, and I do not care though smoke
follows it, for the coming of the Vatnsdal men is not likely to be
peaceful. He put a kettle over the fire, and laid under it wool and all
kinds of rubbish, and the house became full of smoke. Thorstein came to
the door and said: ‘We ask thee to go out, Thórolf.’ He answered that
their errand could not be peaceful. Then the cats at once began to whine
and act hideously. Thorstein said: ‘This is a wicked company.’ Jökul
answered: ‘Let us go in at them, and not care for these cats.’ Thorstein
said they should not, ‘for it is most likely that our men will be hurt
by all the cats and Thórolf’s weapons, for he is a great champion; I
should prefer that he gave himself up and walked out, for he has so much
smoke from the fuel that he cannot well stay in.’ Thórolf took the
kettle off the fire and threw it on the wool-pile, and so strong a smell
came out that Thorstein and his men could not stand very near the door.
Thorstein said: ‘Beware of the cats that they do not clutch you, and let
us throw the fire into the houses.’ Jökul took a large firebrand and
threw it into the entrance, so that the cats drew back and the door fell
back. The wind blew on the houses and the flames were fanned up.
Thorstein said: ‘Let us stand at the fence where the smoke is thickest
and see what he does, for he has so much fuel that he cannot stay long.’
Thorstein guessed right. Thórolf jumped out with two chests full of
silver, and went with the smoke; when he came out the Norwegian was
there, and said, ‘Here is the fiend running, and he looks wicked now.’
He ran after Thórolf down to Vatnsdal river, until they came to some
deep pits or fens. There Thórolf turned round towards him, took hold of
him, laid him under his arm, and said: ‘Thou triest to run now; let us
then both run.’ He jumped into the bog and they sank, and neither came
up again. Thorstein said: ‘A great mishap was this that my Norwegian
should perish, but it is well that Thórolf’s property will be enough to
pay his wergild.’ And so it was. The abode of Thórolf was after this
called Sleggjustadir, and cats were often seen there, and it was often
thought evil to be there” (Vatnsdæla, c. 28).
Men and women with the power of foreseeing and foretelling were thought
to be born with the same gifts as the _Volva_;[317] by foretelling evil
they had a great hold on the people, and received good rewards for their
knowledge.[318]
“A woman, by name Oddbjörg, went about the _herad_. She was merry, wise
and foreknowing. She made it a great point that the housewives should
receive her well, and she told favourable things according to her
entertainment. She came to Upsalir. Saldis received her well, and asked
her to foretell something good about her boys. She said: ‘These boys
look promising if they have luck, which I do not see.’ Saldis said: ‘I
think thou wilt not find the entertainment very good for this taunt.’
She answered: ‘Thy entertainment will not depend on this, and thou
needest not be so sensitive as to words.’ Saldis said: ‘Little shalt
thou say of it if thy mind does not think it good.’ She answered: ‘I
have not as yet said too much, but I do not think their love to each
other will last long.’ Saldis replied, ‘I thought I deserved other words
for the sake of good entertainment, and thou wilt be driven away if thou
tellest evil foretellings.’ Oddbjörg said: ‘I think I need not spare
thee as thou mayest this without reason; I will not visit thee again,
and thou mayest bear this as well as thou wilt, but I can tell thee that
they will carry spears of death against each other, and one thing after
another, worse and worse, will be caused by this in the _herad_’” (Viga
Glum, c. 12).
“When Hákon, Pal’s son, was in Sweden, he heard of a man who practised
sorcery and foretelling, whether he used for it witchcraft or other
things. He became very curious to see this man, and know what he could
tell about his fate. He went to him, and at last found him in a district
near the sea where he received feasts and foretold seasons and other
things to the bondi. When he met him he asked how he would succeed in
getting the realm or other luck. The wizard asked who he was, and he
told his name and kin, that he was a son of the daughter of Hákon,
Ivar’s son. The wizard said: ‘Why shouldst thou ask witchcraft or
foretelling from me? Thou knowest that thy kinsmen little liked men of
my kind. It may be needful for thee to ask thy kinsman, Olaf the Stout,
in whom thou trustest fully, about thy fate, but I guess that he will
not condescend to tell thee what thou art anxious to know, or is not so
powerful as thou thinkest him.’ Hákon answered: ‘I will not blame him,
for I think it is rather my unworthiness to learn wisdom from him than
his incapability to teach it to me. I have come to thee because I think
that neither of us need envy the other as to virtue or religion.’ The
man answered: ‘I am pleased that thou trustest fully in me, and more
than in the belief of thyself and thy kinsmen. It is strange with those
who have this belief, they fast and have vigils, and think thus to be
able to know the things they desire, and though they do such things they
know less of the things they wish to know the more important they are.
We undergo no afflictions, and yet always know the things our friends
think important. Now it will be so that I will keep thee, because I see
thou thinkest thou canst rather get truth from me than from the
preachers of King Ingi whom he trusts fully. Thou shalt come after three
nights, and then we shall see whether I am able to tell thee any of the
things thou wishest to know.’ They parted, and Hákon passed three nights
in the district, and then went to the wizard. He was alone in a house
and sighed heavily when Hákon entered, stroked his forehead with his
hand, and said it had taken him much trouble to know the things he
wished to hear of; Hákon said he wanted to hear his fate. The wizard
began: ‘If thou wishest to know thy fate it is long to tell, for it is
great, and many great tidings will spring from thy life and doings—I see
in my mind that thou wilt at last become sole chief over the Orkneys,
but it may be thou thinkest the waiting time long. I also think that thy
offspring will rule there, and thy next journey westward to the Orkneys
will lead to great events when that which springs from it appears. Thou
wilt also in thy days commit a crime which thou mayest redress or not to
the god in whom thou believest. Thy steps go further out into the world
than I can trace, though I think thou wilt rest thy bones in its
northern half. Now I have told thee what I can tell thee this time, and
thou mayest be satisfied or not with it.’ Hákon answered: ‘Much tellest
thou if it is true, but I think it will turn out better than thou
sayest, and maybe thou hast not seen the truth.’ The wizard said he
might believe what he liked, but that this would take place”
(Orkneyinga, c. xxvi. p. 100).
The crime was the slaying of St. Magnus; and the steps out in the world,
Rögnvald’s journey to the Holy Land.
CHAPTER XXVI.
RELIGION.—ÆGIR AND RAN.[319]
Ægir the god of the sea—His wife Ran—The origin of wind and
fire—Figurative names of the sea, the wind, ice, rocks, clouds,
hail, and rain—Ran’s net—The nine daughters of Ægir and
Ran—Superstitions connected with Ran.
Ægir seems to have been one of the earlier gods worshipped in the North
as the god of the sea. His worship must have been deeply implanted in
the hearts of the people, and he was worshipped to the end of the pagan
era. He was believed to govern the wind and the sea, and with his wife
Ran to receive all shipwrecked people. He is fabled to have lived in the
island of Læssö, was the son of the Jötun Fornjot, who ruled over
Jötland, and had two brothers, Wind and Fire.
“‘How is the wind called?’ ‘The son of Fornjot, the brother of Ægir and
of the Fire.’ ‘How is the fire called?’ ‘The brother of the wind and of
Ægir’” (Skáldskaparmál, cc. 27, 28).
“Then Gangleri said, ‘Whence comes the wind? He is so strong that he
moves large oceans and stirs up the fire, but however strong he is he
cannot be seen, so he must be strangely shaped.’ Hár answered, ‘I can
tell thee easily. On the northern end of heaven there sits a jötun
called Hrœsvelg in an eagle’s shape; when he flaps his wings the winds
rise from under them’” (Gylfaginning, c. 18).
The Sagas teem with poetical and allegoric expressions about the sea,
the wind, fire, ships, &c., &c. The sea is called—
Ymir’s blood.
Ran’s husband.
The land of Ægir’s daughters.
The land of the ships.
The sea king’s road.
The house of the sands.
The land of the fishing tackle.
The land of the sea birds.
The land of the fishes.
The land of the keel.
The land of the ship’s beaks.
The necklace of the earth.
The belt of the earth.
The father of the billow.
The father of the nine daughters of Ægir.
The glittering home.
The clashing chain of the rock.
The hidden path.
It is also called the land of different sea kings.
In Virgil the sea is called Arva Neptuni, the fields of Neptune. In the
North it is called the land of Ægir, or Ran.
The sky which hangs over land and water was called—
The tub of the wind.
The helmet of the wind.
The wash-basin of the winds.
The highway of the moon.
The tent of the sun.
The hall of the moon.
The hall of the mountains.
The wind weaver.
The dripping hall.
The sea of mist.
The upper world, &c.
The wind and storms are called—
Ægir’s brother.
The brother of fire.
The wolf of the earth.
The wolf of the sail.
The bane of the ships.
The bane of the woods.
The stone-mad = very mad.
The coldly dressed.
The crasher, clasher.
The soother, comforter.
The squall maker.
The whistler, howler.
The breaker of the tree.
The dog of the sail.
The breaker of the rigging.
The shower driver.
The one madly rushing.
The never silent, &c.
The ice against which ships had to contend was called—
The heaven of the deep.
The roof of the salmon hall (the sea).
The elk’s gallows.
The rocks were called—
The bones of the sea.
The bones of the earth.
The anchor was called—
The one with the cold nose.
The clouds are called—
The harbinger of the shower.
The wind floating.
The strength of the storm.
The hiding helmet, &c.
The hail—
The stones of the clouds.
The rain—
The tears of the clouds.
The Asar wanted to get a kettle large enough for them all, and sent Thór
to the jötun Hýmir to get it from him. Thor went, and we have from the
Later Edda the story about his fishing for the serpent with Hýmir. He
came back with the kettle after having slain many Jötnar.
“Ægir, who is also called Gymir, had made ale for the Asar when he had
got the large cauldron which has been told of. To that feast came Odin
and his wife Frigg. Thor did not come, for he was in Austrveg (eastern
lands). Sif, Thór’s wife, Bragi and his wife Idun were there. Týr was
there; he had only one hand. The Fenris-wolf tore off his hand when he
was tied. Njörd and his wife Skadi, Frey and Freyja, Vidar, Odin’s son,
Loki, Beyggvir and Beyla, the servants of Frey, were there. Many Asar
and Alfar were there. Ægir had two servants, Fimafeng and Eldir; shining
gold was used instead of lights there; the ale carried itself; there was
a great peace-place (_grida stad_)” (Lokasenna).
“A man is called Ægir, or Hler; he lived on the island now called Hlésey
(Læssö on the Kattegat); he was very skilled in witchcraft. He went on a
journey to Asgard; when the Asar knew this he was well received, but
with many ocular delusions. In the evening, when they were going to
drink, Odin had swords carried into the hall; they were so bright that
they shone, and no other light was used while they sat drinking. Then
the Asar went to their feast, and the twelve Asar who were to be judges
sat down in high-seats. Their names are: Thór, Njörd, Frey, Týr,
Heimdall, Bragi, Vidar, Vali, Ull, Hœnir, Forseti, Loki. Also the
Asynjur: Frigg, Freyja, Gefjon, Idun, Gerd, Sigun, Fulla, Nanna. Ægir
thought that all looked splendid there. The walls were all covered over
with fine shields, the mead was strong, and much of it was drunk”
(Bragarœdur).
“Why is gold called the fire of Ægir? The following tale is told of it.
Ægir, as has been told, had been invited to a feast in Asgard, and when
he was ready to go home he invited Odin and all the Asar to visit him in
three months. On that journey went Odin, Njörd, Frey, Týr, Bragi, Vidar,
Loki, and the Asynjur Frigg, Freyja, Gefjon, Skadi, Idun, Sif. Thór was
not there; he had gone to the eastern lands to slay Tröll. When the gods
had seated themselves, Ægir had _lýsigull_ (light gold, bright gold)
brought in on the floor of the hall, which lighted up and brightened the
hall like fire, as the swords do in Valhalla. Loki quarrelled with all
the gods and killed Fimafeng, Ægir’s thrall; another of his thralls was
called Eldir.
Early the gods of the slain (the Asar)
Took their food,
And at the feast
Ere they were satisfied
Shook the twigs
And looked on the blood,
They found there was
Enough at Ægir’s.
(Hymis Kvida, 1.)
Ran, who was the wife of Ægir, and like him also worshipped, was
supposed to have a net in which she caught all those who were lost at
sea, and the people seem to have been superstitious as to the manner in
which shipwrecked persons were received by her.
“Ægir’s wife is called Ran, and their nine daughters have been named
before. At that feast everything came by itself, food and drink and all
that was necessary for the feast. The Asar became aware that Ran owned a
net in which she caught all men that came out on the sea. Now this
saying relates why the gold is called the fire,[320] or the light or the
brightness of Ægir, or Ran, or Ægir’s daughters” (Skáldskaparmál, c.
33).
The nine daughters of Ægir and Ran had names emblematic of the sea and
its waves.
In the Later Edda (Skáldskaparmál), c. 25, we read—
“How is the sea to be called? Ymir’s blood, the visitor of the gods, the
husband of Ran, the father of Ægir’s daughters, who have the following
names:—
“_Himinglœfa_—the heaven glittering (implying the glittering of the sun
and moon on the waves).
“_Dùfa_—the dove (symbolising the stillness of a quiet sea, heaving up
and down gently).
“_Blódughadda_—the bloody-haired (so named from the sunset or blood
giving colour to the waves).
“_Hefring_—the hurling, heaving—may mean the overdrifting, moving
heavily along by a gale.
“_Unn_ (_Ud_)—the loving or beloved one.
“_Hrönn_—the towering one.
“_Bylgja_—the billowing, swelling one.
“_Bara_—the one carrying, lashing against the rocks.
“_Kólga._—the cooling one.”
“Thorod had been lost with his men at sea, and the wreck was thrown up
on the shore, but no bodies. His wife and son invited the neighbours to
the _arvel_.[321] The first evening of the _arvel_, when the men had sat
down in their seats, Thorod and his companions walked into the hall, all
wet. They were well received, for this was thought a good omen; men in
those days believed that drowned men had been well received by Ran, if
they visited their own _arvel_, for there still remained some of the old
beliefs, although men had been baptized, and were named Christians”
(Eyrbyggja Saga, c. 54).
In Hervarar Saga, Gest asks King Heidrek, “Who are those widows who,
according to the habits of their fathers, live together, and who seldom
are partial to men, &c.?” The latter replies: “They are Ægir’s daughters
(the waves); they always go three together, and the winds awaken them.”
Egil’s son Bödvar having been drowned, the old father in his grief over
his loss composed a poem about him. Vol. ii., p. 416.
Very roughly has Ran
Handled me,
I am very much bereft
Of beloved friends.
The sea tore asunder
The ties of my kin,
A string twisted[322]
By myself.
Knowest thou that
If I avenged this[323] with the sword
Then the _ale-smith_[324]
Would be luckless.[325]
If I could slay
The brother of the upheaver of waves[326]
I would go and fight
Against the wife of Ægir.
But I did not
Think I had
Strength to fight a battle
Against the _plank-bane_,[327]
For the helplessness
Of an old man
Is before the eyes
Of all people.
Ran has me
Robbed of much;
It is bitter to tell
Of a kinsman’s death
Since my family-shield[328]
Parted from life
To the _joy-ways_.[329]
(Egil’s Saga, c. 81.)
Fridthjof, for having violated the peace of Baldr’s temple, was
condemned by the Kings, Helgi and Hálfdán, to proceed to the Orkneys to
collect the tribute from Angantyr the Jarl.
“Then came a wave dashing so strongly that it carried away the gunwales
and part of the bows, and flung four men overboard, who were all lost.
“‘Now it is likely,’ said Fridthjof, ‘that some of our men will visit
Ran. We will not be thought fit to come there unless we prepare
ourselves well. I think it right that every man should carry some gold
with him.’ He cut asunder the ring of Ingibjörg and divided it among his
men, and sang—
We will cut the red ring
Which the rich father
Of Hálfdán owned.
Before Ægir slays us.
Gold shall be seen on the guests
In the middle of the hall of Ran,
If we need night quarters there,
That befits open-handed warriors.”
(Fridthjof’s Saga, ch. vi.)
CHAPTER XXVII.
RELIGION.—SACRIFICES TO THE ALFAR, DISIR, FYLGJA, HAMINGJA, AND
LANDVŒTTIR.
Sacrifices to the Alfar—Early worship of the Alfar—Spirits of the
Alfar—Sacrifices to the Disir—Ceremonies attending the
sacrifices—The Fylgja and Hamingja or following and family
spirits—They take various shapes—They appear in dreams—Guardian
spirits of the land.
The people made sacrifices to the Alfar (_Alfa-blót_) mentioned in the
earlier Edda, as well as to the Asar and Disir, who we have seen were
closely related to the former.[330] These sacrifices, of which there are
few accounts, and which seem to have been made in houses, are perhaps
traces of a religion previous to that of Odin of the North.
King Olaf Haraldsson sent as messengers to Olaf, King of Sweden, Björn,
his marshal, and the Icelandic scald Sigvat. After leaving Norway they
went across the Eidaforest.
“Then they went through Gautland, and one evening came to a farm called
Hof. The door was shut and they could not enter; the husband and wife
said it was holy there, and they went away. Then they came to another
farm; the housewife stood at the door and asked them not to go in,
saying they were holding _Alfa-blót_. Sigvat sang:—
Do not go farther in,
Wretched man;
I fear the wrath of Odin,
We are heathens.”
(St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 92.)
We have seen that the Alfar, from whom some people claimed their
descent, as others did from the Asar, were of two kinds, and dwelt at
Alfheim, not far from the Urd well by the ash Yggdrasil. They made the
fetter _Gleipnir_, with which the Fenris-wolf was kept tied; also the
ship _Skidbladnir_, Odin’s spear _Gungnir_, and Sif’s golden hair, &c.
“Why is gold called the hair of Sif? ‘Loki, son of Laufey, had, through
cunning, cut off all the hair of Sif (wife of Thor). When Thor knew it
he took Loki and would have crushed every bone in him if he had not
sworn to get the Svartalfar (black Altar) to make hair of gold for Sif
which would grow like other hair. Thereafter Loki went to the Dvergar,
called the sons of Ivaldi,[331] and they made the hair and _Skidbladnir_
and the spear of Odin, _Gungnir_. Then Loki staked his head to the Dverg
Brok that his brother Sindri would not be able to make three things as
good as these. When they came to the smithy, Sindri laid the skin of a
swine on the hearth and asked Brok to blow (the bellows), and not to
stop before he had taken from the hearth what he had put on it. When he
had left the forge and Brok had made the bellows blow, a fly[332] sat
down on his hand and pecked at it; he continued until the smith took
from the hearth a boar with golden bristles. Then Sindri put gold on the
hearth and asked him to blow and not to stop till he came back. He went,
and the fly came and sat down on his neck and pecked twice as hard, but
he blew until the smith took from the hearth a gold ring called
_Draupnir_. Then Sindri laid iron on the hearth and asked him to blow,
as this would be of no use if he stopped it. Then the fly settled down
between his eyes and pecked at his eyelids. When the blood ran down into
his eyes so that he saw nothing he swept away the fly as quickly as he
could, and the bellows fell down; then the smith came and said that now
all that was on the hearth had been made nearly useless. He took a
hammer from it and gave all these (three) things to his brother Brok,
and asked him to take them to Asgard for the wager.... Loki gave to Odin
the spear _Gungnir_, to Thor the hair for Sif, to Frey _Skidbladnir_....
Then Brok gave the ring (_Draupnir_) to Odin, and said that every ninth
night eight rings equally heavy would drop from it; he gave the boar to
Frey, and said it could run over sea and air by night and day faster
than any horse, and that the night or mijrk-heimar (the black world)
would never get so dark but there would be enough light from the shining
of its mane. He gave the hammer to Thor, and said that whatever he met,
however large the object was, he might strike it with the hammer and it
would never fail; if he threw it at anything it would never miss, and
never go so far as not to come back into his hand’” (Skáldskaparmal,
35).
“Ragnar (the son of Sigurd Hring) grew up in his father’s hird; he was
taller and handsomer than any man people had seen, and like his mother
and her kin to look at, for it is known from all old sayings about the
people that are called Alfar that they were much finer than other kinds
of men in the northern lands. The parents of his mother Alfhild and all
her kin sprung from Alf the old” (Sögubrot, c. 10).
“The land which King Alf ruled was called Alfheim, and all the people
that spring from him are of the Alfa-kin; next after the Risar they were
finer than other people. King Alf was married to Bryngerd, daughter of
King Raum, in Raumariki; she was tall but not handsome, for Raum was
ugly;[333] the men who are tall and ugly are called _raumar_”
(Thorstein’s Saga Vikingssonar, c. 1).
The people thought that the spirits of the Alfar sometimes lived not far
from human habitations.
Kormak and Thorvard had fought, and the latter had been wounded; he
recovered slowly, and as soon as he could get on his feet went to find
Thordis (a Volva), and inquired how he could best recover his health. He
replied:—
“A short distance from here there is a hill, in which Alfar live. Thou
must get the bull, which Kormak killed, and with its blood redden the
outside of the hill, and make a feast for the Alfar of the meat, and
thou wilt recover” (Kormak’s Saga, c. 22).
_Disa-blót._—The sacrifices offered to the Disir, or genii who specially
guarded men and families and appeared when important events
happened,[334] seem to have been performed by women only, and to have
been usually made in the autumn or winter nights; sometimes human
sacrifices were made to them.
This worship from its very nature was probably of great antiquity, and
belonged to the religion practised by the Asar.
The earliest account of a _Disa-blót_ is in Hervarar Saga.
“A man named Arngrim was a Risi and mountain dweller, who took Ama Ymi’s
daughter from Ymisland, and married her; their son was Hergrim, called
_half-Tröll_. He was sometimes with the mountain Risar, and sometimes
with men; he had the strength of a Jötun; was much skilled in witchcraft
and a great Berserk;[335] he carried off Ogn Alfasprengi from Jötunheim
and married her; they had a son called Grim. Starkad then lived at
Ölfossar; he was by kin a Thurs, and like them in strength and nature;
his father was Störkvid. Ogn Alfasprengi was betrothed to Starkad, but
Hergrim took her from him while he was travelling north over Elivágar;
when he came back he asked him to give him back his wife, and at the
same time challenged him to ‘holmganga.’[336] They fought at the
uppermost waterfall at Eydi. Starkad had eight hands, and fought with
four swords at once. He won the victory, and Hergrim fell. Ogn was
looking on, and when Hergrim had fallen she stabbed herself and would
not marry Starkad. Starkad took all the property of Hergrim with him,
and also his son Grim, who grew up with him, and was both tall and
strong. King Alf, who ruled in Alfheimar, had a daughter Alfhild. At
that time the land between Gautelf and Raumelf was called Alfheimar. One
autumn there was a great _disablót_ (sacrifice to the Disir)[337] at
King Alf’s, and Alfhild went to it; she was more beautiful than any
other woman, and all the people in Alfheimar were handsomer than other
people at that time; but in the night, as she was reddening the _hörg_
with blood, Starkad Aludreng took her away to his home. Then King Alf
invoked Thor to seek for Alfhild, and Thor killed Starkad, and made
Alfhild go home to her father, and Grim the son of Hergrim with her.
When Grim was twelve winters old he went into warfare and became one of
the greatest warriors; he married Bauggerd, the daughter of Alfhild and
Starkad. He settled on an island in Halogaland called Bólm, and was
therefrom called Eygrim Bólm; their son was Arngrim Berserk, who
afterwards lived in Bólm, and was a most famous warrior” (Hervarar Saga,
c. 1).
“King Eirik Bloodaxe and Gunnhild came the same evening to Atli, where
Bard had prepared a great feast for him, and there was to be a
_disablót_. There was much drinking and feasting in the hall. The king
asked where Bard was, for he saw him nowhere. A man replied: ‘Bard is
outside helping his guests.’ ‘Who are those guests,’ inquired the king,
‘that he thinks it more his duty to be there than inside with us?’ The
man told him they were the huskarlar (servants) of Thorir hersir. The
king added: ‘Go to them as speedily as possible, and call them in here.’
When they came, the king received Ölvir well, and made him sit opposite
him in the high-seat, and his men on both sides of him. Egil was next to
Ölvir; then ale was brought in, and many memorial toasts were drunk, a
horn to be emptied at each. As the evening was drawing to a close many
of Ölvir’s men became drunk; some of them vomited in the hall, but
others went outside” (Egil’s Saga, c. 44).
Even at Upsala sacrifices were offered to the Disir.
“King Adils was at a _disablót_, and rode on a horse round the disarsal
(hall of the Disir); his horse stumbled and fell, and the king was
thrown off, and his head hit a stone so that it broke and his brains lay
on the stone. This caused his death. He died at Uppsalir, and is
mound-laid there; the Swedes called him a powerful king” (Ynglinga Saga,
c. 33).
Among the Disir two women, who are mentioned several times in the Sagas,
seem to have been regarded as special objects of worship. These are the
sisters Thorgerd Hörgabrud, or Hölgabrud, and Yrpa. The name of
Hörgabrud signifies the bride of the altars, and indicates her supposed
holiness; and the second name, Hölgabrud, undoubtedly shows that she has
been especially worshipped in Hálogaland, whence the family of the great
Hakon Jarl hailed; thus Thorgerd and her sister came to be the special
guardians of that family (see Human Sacrifice, page 367).
“A king called Hölgi, after whom Hálogaland is named, is said to have
been the father of Thorgerd Hölgabrud. To both of them sacrifices were
made, and a mound was raised for Hölgi; one layer was of gold and
silver, which were offerings, and another was of earth and stones”
(Later Edda (Skáldskaparmál), c. 45).
The Disir are often spoken of as Fylgja (following spirit), and Hamingja
(good luck or family spirit); but there must have been some distinction
between them and the Disir proper, as no sacrifices were offered to the
Hamingja and Fylgja.[338]
The latter seem to be synonymous, but the former spirit, which at the
hour of death left the dying person and passed to a dear son, was the
more personal, and it was believed that it could be transmitted from one
man to another.
The expressions _kynfylgja_ (kinguardians), _attarfylgja_ (family
guardians), which sometimes occur in the Sagas, seem to indicate a
belief that the eminent qualities of a family were protected by these
spirits.
King Volsung married his daughter Signy to King Siggeir. When Siggeir
departed—
“Signy said to her father: ‘I do not want to go with Siggeir, and my
mind does not feel love towards him, and I know by my foresight, and
from our _kynfylgja_, that this marriage will cause much sorrow to us if
it is not soon broken off” (Volsunga Saga, c. 4).
Sometimes the guardian spirit of one man would follow another. Thorstein
went to find the Dverg Sindri, and gave him good gifts, and they
separated with the greatest friendship. The Dverg said—
“Now must we separate for some time, and fare thee well. I tell thee
that my _Disir_ will constantly follow thee. Thereupon Thorstein went to
his boat and rowed to his men” (Thorstein Vikingsson, ch. xxii.).
“At the time when Olaf came to Gardariki there were many men in Hólmgard
who foretold future things; they all could tell by their wisdom that the
_fylgjas_ of a young foreigner had come into the country, and that these
were so lucky-looking that never had they seen the fylgjas of any man
like them; but they knew not who or whence he was; nevertheless they
showed with many words that the bright light shining over him would
spread all over Gardariki and widely through the eastern half of the
world” (Fornmanna Sögur, I. c. 57).
“Glum dreamed one night that he was standing outside his farm, and
looking over the fjord, and that he saw a woman going up the district
from the sea, and walking towards Thverá (the farm of Glum). She was so
large that her shoulders touched the mountains on both sides of the
valley; he went from the house to meet her, and invited her to him, and
then he awoke. All thought it marvellous, but he said: ‘The dream is
great and remarkable; but thus will I interpret it: that my mother’s
father Vigfus must be dead, and that woman who was taller than the
mountains is probably his hamingja, for he surpassed others in most
things of honour, and his luck will dwell where I am.’ Next summer, when
ships arrived from Norway, the death of Vigfus was heard of” (Viga Glum,
c. 9).
The shapes of the various _Fylgjas_ can best be found from the forms in
which the people thought they perceived them. They were inherited from
one man by his descendants and even relatives, so that some families had
their permanent guardianship; to them accordingly was often ascribed the
success of some individuals.
The shapes most frequently assumed were those of birds and animals, and
in some such shape every man was supposed to have his _fylgja_
indicative of his character; cunning people were said to have foxes for
their _fylgja_; fierce warriors, wolves; great chiefs, eagles, oxen,
bears, and other animals.[339] From numerous Sagas we find that they
frequently assumed the shape of bears, which went in front of the
persons they wanted to guard, and sometimes presented themselves in the
form of the human being whose genii they were, but _never_ in the _shape
of women_[340] like the Disir proper. Those of the deceased were
believed to warn their relatives, kinsmen, and friends, and appeared at
or before important events in the life of the person whom they guarded,
sometimes while he was awake, but as a rule in dreams, and it was
believed that a sudden sleepiness foreboded their coming. Wherever those
under their protection went they accompanied them, preceding them to
such places as they intended to visit.
When Halfred while on a voyage to Iceland fell sick—
“A woman was seen to walk along the ship; she was large and had on a
coat of mail, and walked on the waves as if on land. Halfred looked and
saw that it was his female guardian (fylgja-kona), and said: ‘I declare
myself altogether sundered from thee.’ She asked, ‘Wilt thou, Thorvald,
receive me?’ He replied he would not. Then Halfred the young (a son of
the poet Halfred) said, ‘I will receive thee;’ she then vanished. Then
Halfred said: ‘I will give to thee, my son, the sword of the king, but
the other things shall be laid in my coffin if I die on board the ship.’
He sang (‘God rules; I fear hell; every man must die’). A little after
he died, and was laid in a coffin with his things, a cloak, a helmet,
and a ring, and then thrown overboard” (Halfredar Saga, c. 11).
The chief Hall of Sida had a feast. In the night Thidrandi his son heard
some one knocking repeatedly at the door, and went out with a sword in
his hand.
“He heard the sound of horses’ feet from the north, and saw nine
women[341] riding in black clothes with drawn swords in their hands. He
also heard horse-feet from the south, and saw nine women all in white
clothes on white horses. He wanted to go in and tell this vision to
people, but the black-dressed women were quicker and attacked him, while
he defended himself valiantly.
“A long while after Thórhall (one of the guests) awoke and asked if
Thidrandi was awake, and got no answer. He said it was too late. They
went out. The moon shone and the weather was frosty. They found
Thidrandi lying wounded” (Fornmanna Sögur).
“One summer King Ivar Vidfadmi went with his host west from Sweden to
Reidgotaland, and landed in Selund. He sent word to his son-in-law
Hrœrek to come to him; he told this to Aud his wife, who asked if he
intended to go to meet his kinsman and invite him to a feast on shore.
In the evening, when King Hrœrek retired, Aud had prepared a new bed
with all the clothes in it new, and placed it on the middle of the
floor; she requested him to sleep therein, to remember what he dreamt,
and tell it her in the morning; and she made herself another bed. In the
morning, when asked about his dream, ‘I dreamt,’ he said, ‘that I was
standing near a forest, beside a fine level field, and there saw a stag.
Then a wild beast, with a mane like gold, ran out of the forest; the
stag thrust its horns under the shoulder of the beast, and it fell dead.
Thereupon I saw a large dragon fly to where the stag was, at once seize
it in its claws, and tear it asunder. Then I saw a she-bear with her
cub, which the dragon wanted to take, but the bear defended it; and then
I awoke.’ She answered: ‘This is a remarkable dream; and beware thou of
King Ivar, my father, that he does not deceive thee when thou meetest
him, for thou hast seen kings’ _fylgjas_, and there will be fights with
them, and it will be well if this stag is not thy own _fylgja_, which
seems most likely to me”[342] (Sögubrot, c. 2).
“That morning Thorstein awoke in his room, and said: ‘Art thou awake,
Thórir?’ ‘I am,’ answered Thórir, ‘but have slept till now.’ Thorstein
said: ‘I want to get ready to go away from this room, for I know that
Jökull will come hither to-day with many men.’ ‘I do not think so,’ said
Thórir, ‘and will not go; but how hast thou found it out?’ ‘I dreamt,’
said Thorstein, ‘that thirty wolves ran hither and seven bears, with an
eighth red-cheeked bear, which was large and fierce; with them also were
two she-foxes, which ran ahead of the flock and were rather
fierce-looking; I disliked them most. All the wolves attacked us, and it
seemed to me that at last they tore all my brothers asunder, except thee
alone; but nevertheless thou didst fall. Many thought I was killed by
the bears, but I killed all the wolves and the smaller she-fox; then I
fell. What thinkest thou this dream signifies?’ said Thórir. ‘I think,’
said Thorstein, ‘that the large red-cheeked bear is Jökul’s _fylgja_,
but that the other bears are the _fylgja_ of his brothers, and all the
wolves I have seen are men with them, for they are likely to show the
tempers of wolves to us. With regard to the two she-foxes, I do not know
the men who have those _fylgja_; I think they have lately come to Jökul,
and they must be disliked by most men’” (Thorstein Vikingsson, c. 12).
The child of an Icelandic woman by name of Orny, having been
exposed,[343] was saved by a bondi named Krumm, and by him raised as his
own, and called Thorstein. One day when the boy was seven years of age
Krumm went with him to Krossavik, where the grandfather of the boy,
Geitir, lived. While there he rushed forward on the floor, as is the
habit of children, stumbled and fell. As Geitir laughed, the boy asked
him why he found it so funny. Geitir answered:—
“‘It is true; for I saw that which thou didst not see.’ ‘What was it?’
said Thorstein. ‘I can tell thee. When thou camest into the room a young
white bear followed thee, and ran before thee on the floor; when he saw
me he stopped, but thou didst rush on and stumble over the young bear; I
think thou art not the son of Krumm, but of higher kin’”[344] (Fornmanna
Sögur, iii. p. 113).
“He (Thórhalli) dreamt a dream and went northward to Finni. When he came
to the door he said: ‘I should like thee to explain a dream which I have
dreamt.’ Finni said: ‘Go; I will not hear thy dream,’ and pushed the
door and said: ‘Go away as quick as thou canst, and tell it to Gudmund
of Mödruvellir, or else thou shalt be driven away with weapons at once.’
Then he went away to Mödruvellir. Gudmund had ridden that day out into
the district and was expected home that night. Einar, his brother, lay
down and fell asleep. He dreamt that an ox, very fine-looking, with
large horns, walked up through the district; it walked up to Mödruvellir
and went to every house of the farm, and at last to the high-seat, and
there fell dead. Thereupon Einar said: ‘This forebodes great tidings,
and this is the fylgja of a man.’ Then Gudmund came home, and it was his
custom to go to every house of the farm bœr. When he had come to his
high-seat he leant back and talked with Thórhalli, who told him his
dream. Then he rose in the seat when food was brought. It was hot milk,
warmed with stones. Gudmund said: ‘This is not hot.’ Thorlaug said: ‘Now
I do not know where thy liking for the heat comes from.’ He drank again
and said: ‘This is not hot.’ Then he sank backward and was dead.
Thorlaug said: ‘This is great tidings, which will be heard widely; no
man shall touch him, and often has Einar had forebodings of lesser
tidings.’ Then Einar came and prepared the body and said: ‘Thy dream,
Thórhalli, has no small power,[345] and Finni has seen in thee that the
man to whom thou didst tell the dream would be death-fated, and he liked
Gudmund to become so. Cold must he have been inside, as he did not feel
anything’” (Ljósvetninga, c. 21).
The country as well as the people had its guardian spirits, or
_Landvœttir_, by which it and its inhabitants were protected, and which
were supposed to assume different shapes. What the Disir and Hamingja
were to the family, the Landvœttir were to the whole or a large tract of
the country; and though they were sometimes attached to special men,
whom they followed, they were more closely connected with the land than
with the people, and there was a heathen law in Iceland preventing the
people from disturbing them.
They were subordinate to the guardian gods of each country, and excited
dreams in men, and on behalf of the guardian god watched over those
places at which they dwelt; they especially liked to dwell on mountains,
and sometimes the dead were assigned places with them.[346]
“It was the beginning of the heathen laws that men should not go with a
head-ship (with dragon-heads) out on the main sea, or, if they did, they
should take the heads off before they saw land, and not approach it with
gaping heads and yawning snouts, that the _landvœttir_ might not be
frightened” (Landnama, c. 7)
These landvœttir sometimes loved special men, and followed them.
“Björn (an Icelander) dreamt one night that a rock-dweller came to him
and offered to enter into partnership with him, and he consented.
Thereafter a he-goat came to his goats, and they increased so much that
he soon became very rich. After this he was called He goat Björn.
_Second-sighted_ men saw that all _landvœttir_ followed He-goat Björn to
the _Thing_, and Thorstein and Thórd (his brothers) to hunting and
fishing” (Landnama, iv. c. 12).
Egil, fleeing from the pursuit of King Eirik Bloodaxe and his men, got a
vessel to go to Iceland.
“And when they were ready to sail Egil went upon an island. He took into
his hand a hazel-pole and went on a projecting rock, pointing landwards.
He took a horse’s head and fastened it upon the pole; then he said the
following words: ‘Here I raise a pole as a curse, and I turn this curse
upon King Eirik and Queen Gunnhild.’ He turned the horse’s head so that
it pointed landwards. ‘I turn this curse on the guardian spirits who
dwell in this country, so that they shall all go astray, and no one of
them shall meet or find his home until they have driven King Eirik and
Gunnhild from the land.’ He thrust the pole into a rift in the rock, and
let it stand there; he carved runes on the pole which told all this
imprecation. Thereupon he went on board ship and sailed” (Egil’s Saga,
c. 30).
CHAPTER XXVIII.
VALHÖLL-VALHALLA.
Influence of the belief in “the hall of the slain”—A warrior’s
death a pass to Valhalla—Figurative offer of warriors to
Odin—Self-sacrifice to Odin—Entrance to Valhalla—Food and drink
in Valhalla—Odin’s welcome to warriors.
The belief in a Valhalla (the hall of the slain) by the ancestors of the
English tribes was destined to exert a most potent influence upon the
future history of Europe. It made the people of the North most powerful
and skilled warriors; it infused into their minds an utter disregard of
death, and led them to accomplish great deeds of valour in their own and
distant lands. To fall gloriously on a battle-field was held to assure a
certain entry to Valhalla; it was a sign of the favour of Odin. This
part of the Valhalla faith was so deeply rooted in the minds of the
people that it lasted to the very end of the Pagan era, or about the
12th century.
In Grinismal, which gives a description of the home of some of the gods
and of the goddesses, Freya and Saga, we read:—
_Gladsheim_[347] is the fifth called
Where the gleaming
Valhalla stands;
There Hropt (Odin) chooses
Every day
Weapon-dead men.[348]
That hall is very
Easily known to those
Who come to Odin;
The hall is roofed with shafts;
It is thatched with shields;
The benches are strewn with _brynja_.[349]
That hall is very
Easily known to those
Who come to Odin;
A wolf hangs[350]
West of the door;
An eagle hovers above it.
Five hundred doors
And forty more
I think are in Valhalla;
Eight hundred _Einherjar_[351]
Go through a door at once
When they go to fight the wolf.
To those men of old, death was but one of the phases of their lives; it
had no terrors for them, and they faced it smilingly, bravely, and
contentedly. It was in their eyes preferable to dishonour, or the
humiliation of defeat; vanquisher and vanquished when dying parted
friends, and praised the deeds of each other, one bidding the other
speed to Valhalla as the fire was lighted on the pyre, or as the burning
ship that was to consume the body sailed from the shore. The victor
often mourned that he had not been among the slain and chosen, and
consoled himself by thinking that he must obtain more renown and do
braver deeds before he could aspire to meet Odin. There is something
grand and noble in this despising of life, and in aspiring, during its
continuance, to do great and noble deeds.
Before the fight the combatants told each other that they would go to
Valhalla, and the hosts of the enemy were figuratively given to Odin by
throwing a spear over them;[352] King Vikar, of Hördaland, was thus
given to the god by his mother.[353] Odin himself steered Harald
Hilditönn’s war-waggon in the battle, and killed his favourites with
Harald’s weapons for he was old, and could not bear the brunt of any
more fighting. Eirik the victorious threw over Styrbjörn’s host the
spear which Odin gave him, accompanying the action with the words “Odin
owns you all.”
“King Vikar sailed from Agdir north to Hördaland with many men. He
stayed a long time in some islands and had strong headwinds. They threw
chips (sacrifice-chips) to get fair wind, and it fell thus that Odin was
to receive a man out of the host to be hanged by drawing of lots. The
host was divided for lot-drawing, and the lot of King Vikar was drawn.
At this all grew silent, and it was resolved that the counsellors should
next day have a meeting about the difficulty. About midnight
Hrosshársgrani (Odin) roused his foster-son Starkad, and asked him to go
with him. They took a little boat and rowed to an islet inside the
island. They walked up to a wood, and found a clearing crowded with men.
A _Thing_ was held there, and eleven men sat on chairs, but the twelfth
was not occupied. They went forward to the _Thing_, and Hrosshársgrani
(Odin) sat down on the twelfth chair. They all greeted Odin. He said
that the judges should judge about the fate of Starkad. Thor said:
‘Alfhild, the mother of Starkad’s father, chose a bad Jötun as father
for her son instead of Asathór, and I forecast for Starkad that he shall
neither have a son nor a daughter, and thus end his kin.’ Odin answered:
‘I forecast for him that he shall live as long as the lives of three
men.’ Thor said: ‘He shall do a _nithing’s_ deed in each of the three
lives.’ Odin answered: ‘I forecast for him that he shall have the best
weapons and clothes.’ Thor said: ‘I forecast for him that he shall
neither own land nor sea.’ Odin answered: ‘I give him that he shall have
very much loose property.’ Thor said: ‘I lay on him a spell which shall
make him think he never has enough.’ Odin answered: ‘I give him victory
and skill in every fight.’ Thor said: ‘He shall become maimed in every
fight.’ Odin said: ‘I give him skaldship so that he shall make poetry as
quickly as he talks.’ Thor said: ‘He shall not remember the poetry he
makes.’ Odin said: ‘I forecast for him that he be thought the greatest
by the most high-born and best men.’ Thor said: ‘He shall be disliked by
all people.’ The judges judged all that they had said of Starkad to be
his fate, and then the _Thing_ was dissolved. Hrosshársgrani and Starkad
went to their boat. Hrosshársgrani said to Starkad: ‘Now thou must
reward me well, foster-son, for the help I gave thee.’ Starkad assented.
‘Then,’ said Grani, ‘thou shalt send King Vikar to me, and I will tell
thee how to do it.’ He handed Starkad a spear, and said it would look
like a reed. They came back to the host when it was nearly day. The next
morning the counsellors of the king met to take counsel, and agreed to
make some semblance of sacrifice, and Starkad told their counsel. There
stood a fir-tree near them, and a high stump near it; low on the fir was
a slender shoot which reached up to the limbs. Servants prepared the
food of the men, and a calf was killed and cut up. Starkad had the
entrails taken out, mounted the stump, bent down the slender twig, and
tied the entrails to it. Then he said to the king: ‘Now a gallows is
ready for thee, king, and it will not seem very dangerous for men. Go
hither and I will lay the string round thy neck.’ The king said: ‘If
this contrivance is not more dangerous than it looks to me, then I do
not think it will hurt me; but, if it is otherwise, then fate will rule
it.’ Then he mounted the stump, and Starkad laid the string round his
neck, and stepped down from the stump. Then he struck him with the reed,
and said, ‘Now I give thee to Odin.’ He let go the twig, and the reed
changed into a spear which pierced the king; the stump sank down under
his feet, the calf’s entrails were turned into a strong withy, and the
twig rose and lifted the king up to the limbs, and there he died”
(Gautrek’s Saga, c. 1).
Men occasionally sacrificed themselves by throwing themselves from
cliffs so that they might be acceptable to Odin and go to Valhalla.
“Once King Gauti, of Vestr Gautland, was hunting and lost his way; he
found a small farm where the people were afraid of him. When he went to
bed a girl came to him, and when he asked about her family she answered:
‘My father is called Skafnörtung (pincher), because he is so stingy that
he cannot bear to see food or anything else which is his decrease; my
mother is called Tötra (tattered), because she never wants to wear any
clothes but those which are worn and in tatters; she calls that thrift.’
The king asked: ‘What are the names of thy brothers?’ She answered: ‘One
is called Fjölmódi, the second Imsigul, the third Gilling.’ The king
asked: ‘What art thou and thy sisters called?’ She answered: ‘My name is
Snotra,[354] because I was thought the wisest of us all; my sisters are
called Hjötra and Fjötra. There is a rock close to our farm called
Gillingshamar, and near it a steep rock, which we call Ætternisstapi
(family rock); it is so high and so steep that anything alive falling
down from it is killed. We give it the name Ætternisstapi, because by
its help we reduce our family in number when it seems to us that some
great wonders happen. All our forefathers died there without any
sickness, and then went to Odin; we need not have any burden or
sulkiness from our fathers and mothers, for this place of joy has been
equally easy for all our kinsmen to get to; we need not live with loss
of property, or want of food, or any other wonders or portents that may
happen. Now my father thinks it the greatest wonder, that thou hast come
to our house; it would have been a very uncommon thing even if a man of
low birth had taken food here; but this is most strange that a king,
chilled and without clothes, has come to us, for that has never before
happened. To-morrow my father and mother intend to divide the
inheritance, among us their children; they will then with the thrall go
down the Ætternisstapi, and journey to Valhalla. My father will reward
the thrall for his goodwill, in intending to drive thee from the door,
with nothing less than that he shall enjoy the happiness with him, for
he is sure that Odin will not go to meet the thrall unless he is in his
company.’[355] Then she slept with the king, who when he took leave
asked her to let their child, if a boy, he called Gautrek.
“When Snotra came home, her father said: ‘A great wonder has happened
that this king has come to our farm and eaten up a great deal of our
property which we least of all wanted to lose. I think we cannot
maintain our family on account of poverty, and therefore I have brought
together all my property, and want to divide the inheritance between my
sons. I and my wife and my thrall intend to go to Valhalla. I cannot
reward the thrall better for his faithfulness than by taking him with
me; Gilling together with his sister Snotra shall get my good ox;
Fjölmódi and his sister Hjötra shall have my gold-bars; Imsigul and his
sister Fjötra shall have all the corn and the fields; but I ask you, my
children, not to increase your number so that you cannot preserve my
inheritance.’ When Skafnörtung had said what he liked they all went up
on Gillingsrock, and they led their father and mother down on the
Ætternisstapi, and they went cheerfully and merrily to Odin. Now when
they came home they consulted how to manage; they took wooden pins and
pinned the vadmal (thick woollen cloth) round every one, so that none of
them touched the other naked; they thought this the best way of
preventing their number increasing. Snotra became aware that she was
with child; she moved the wooden pin in the vadmal so that she could be
touched with the hand, and affected sleep. When Gilling woke he touched
her cheek with his hand, and said: ‘This is bad that I have hurt thee;
it seems to me thou art much stouter than before.’ She answered: ‘Hide
this as well as thou canst.’ He said: ‘That shame I will not have, for
this cannot be hidden when our number is increased.’
“Two black snakes crept on the gold-bars of Fjölmódi, who therefore with
his wife threw himself down from the Ætternisstapi. Imsigul saw a bird
take corn from his field; therefore he and his wife went down from
Ætternisstapi. Gilling, the third brother, did the same after Gautrek,
Snotra’s boy, had slain his ox. Snotra being left alone went to King
Gauti” (Gautrek’s Saga, c. 1, 2).
The scald Eyvind composed a poem on King Hakon Adalsteinsfostri after
his death in the battle of Stord against the sons of Eirik Blood-axe,
and in this poem we see how he made his entrance into Valhalla, and how
Odin sent Valkyrias to choose those he loved.
“The body of King Hakon Adalstein’s foster-son, after the battle, was
carried to Sœheim in Lygrisfjord, in North Hördaland, and a mound thrown
up over it. Before he fell eight sons of Harald (fair-hair) had been
slain in light, as Eyvind has told, and he has said that the king went
to Valhalla, for it was the belief of the heathen that all who died of
wounds were taken to Valhalla.”[356]
Göndul and Skögul[357]
Gautatýr[358] sent
To choose among kings
Who of Yngvi’s kin[359]
Should to Odin go
In Valhalla to dwell.
They found the brother of Björn[360]
Putting on his mail-coat,
The well-endowed king
Stood under the war-banner.
The battle-oars drooped,[361]
The spear trembled,
And then the battle began.
He called to the Halogalanders
And the Rogalanders;
The only slayer of jarls[362]
Walked into the fight;
The generous one had
A good host of Northmen;
The frightener of Eydanir
Stood early under a helmet.[363]
The chief of the host
Ere he began the fight
Stripped himself of his war-dress,
Flung his mail-coat on the plain.
He played with the sons of men;[364]
He had to defend his land;
The merry king[365]
Stood under a gold helmet.
Thus did the sword
In the king’s hand
Cut the cloth of Váfad[366]
As if it cut water.
The spears cracked,
The shields were broken.
The clashing swords rattled
Upon the heads of men.
The shields and heads
Of Northmen were trodden
By the hard feet
Of the warriors’ hilts.[367]
There was fray on the island,
And the kings reddened
The shining shield-burgh
With the blood of men.
The wound-fires[368] burned
In bloody wounds.
The halberds sunk
Into men’s bodies;
The wound-drops gushed[369]
On the cape of swords;[370]
The flood of arrows (blood) swelled
On the shore of Stord.
The gales of Skögul (fights)
Were mingled together
Under the reddened sky of shields;
The clouds (arrows) played about the shields.
The sea of sword-points sounded
In the tempest of Odin;[371]
Many men did sink
In the stream of the sword.
Then sat the chiefs
With drawn swords,
With broken shields
And coats-of-mail cut.
The host that had to fight
For Valhalla
Was not in high spirits.
Then Göndul said,
Leaning on her spear-shaft:
“Now the following of the gods increases;
For the powers have
Bidden Hakon home
With a great host.”
The king heard
What the Valkyrjas said.
The high ones on horseback
Bore themselves handsomely
And sat helmeted
With shields in front.
_Hakon._
Why didst thou decide the battle
As thou didst yesterday, Skögul?
We surely deserved
Victory from the gods.
_Skögul._
We have caused
Thee to keep the field
And thy foes to flee.
Now we shall ride,
Said the mighty Skögul,
To the good homes of the gods
To tell Odin
That the All-ruler is coming
To see him.
Hermód and Bragi,
Said Hroptatýr,[372]
Go you to meet the king
As one[373]
Who is thought a champion
Comes this way to the hall.
Thus spoke the king
As he came from the battle
All bespattered with blood:
Odin to us
Sullen seems
If we can read his mind.
(_Bragi._)
Thou shalt have peace
With all _Einherjar_
And get cheer from the Asar;
Fighter of jarls,
Thou hast here within
Eight brothers,[374] said Bragi.
Our war-dress,
Said the good king,
Will we keep ourselves;
Helmet and coat-of-mail
Must be well cared for;
It is good to have them ready.
When it was known
That the king had
Respected well the temples,
All the powers and gods
Did Hakon
Welcome bid.
On a lucky day
Is the king born
Who has a mind like this;
His time
Will always
Be mentioned for good.
The Fenrir-wolf will be
Let loose
Upon the seat of men[375]
Before as good
A king arises
In the empty land.
Cattle die,
Kinsmen die,
Land and ground are laid waste.
Since Hakon went
To the heathen gods
Many men are mournful.
The warriors who went to Valhalla were named _Einherjar_, and their food
and drink are thus described:—
“Then said Gangleri: ‘Thou sayest that all men who have fallen in battle
since the beginning of the world have now come to Odin in Valhalla: what
has he to give them to eat? It seems to me that there must now be a
great multitude.’ Hár replied, ‘Thou sayest true that there are very
great hosts of men there; but there will be many more, nevertheless they
will be thought too few, when the wolf comes; but there are never such
hosts in Valhalla that there is not more than enough of the flesh of the
boar called Sæhrimnir. He is boiled every day, and every night he is
whole again. As to this question which thou now askest, I think few are
wise enough to be able to tell the truth about it’” (Later Edda).
“Then Gangleri said: ‘What have the Einherjar[376] to drink which may
last as long as the food? Is water drunk there?’ Hár answered:
‘Strangely dost thou ask; as if Allfödr (Allfather = Odin) would invite
to him kings or jarls or other powerful men and give them water to
drink; and, by my troth, many of the comers to Valhalla would think the
drink of water dearly bought if no better cheer were to be had there,
and they have before suffered pains and wounds unto death. I can tell
thee another thing. The goat Heidrún stands on the roof of Valhalla, and
bites buds off the branches of a very famous tree, Lerad, and from her
teats flows a mead which fills a large vessel every day; the vessel is
so large that all the Einherjar may get quite drunk out of it.’ Gangleri
said: ‘That is an exceedingly useful goat for them; the tree on which
she feeds must be very good.’ Hár said: ‘Still more remarkable is the
stag Eikthyrnir which stands on Valhalla and feeds on the branches of
this tree. From his horns there falls such a large drop that it comes
down into Hvergelmir, and thence fall the rivers named, Sid, Vid, Sekin,
Ekin, Svöl, Gunnthró, Fjörm, Fimbulthul, Gipul, Göpul, Gömul, Geirvimul,
which run through the Asa-land’” (Later Edda, Gylfaginning, c. 39).
The warriors in Valhalla appear to have divided their time between
drinking and fighting.
_Odin._
Tell me,...
Where men in the grass-plot
Fight every day?
They slay whom they choose
And ride from the fight
And sit together well agreeing.
_Vafthrudnir._
All the _Einherjar_
In the grass-plot of Odin
Fight every day;
They slay whom they choose
And ride from the fight
And sit together well agreeing.
(Vafthrudnismal.)
In Grimnismál we are told that the cook in Valhalla was called
Andhrimnir, and the cauldron Eldhrimnir:—
Andhrimnir does
Cook Sæhrimnir
In Eldhrimnir;
The best of pork,
But few know
By what the Einherjar live.
“Then Gangleri said: ‘A great many men are there in Valhalla; surely
Odin is a very great chief, as he rules over such a host. What is the
entertainment of the Einherjar when they are not drinking?’ Hár
answered: ‘Every day after having dressed they put on their war clothes,
and go out into the enclosure and fight and slay each other. This is
their game; near day-meal[377] they ride home to Valhalla and sit down
to drink[378]’” (Later Edda, c. 40).
Odin did not eat, for wine was to him both food and drink.
“Then said Gangleri: ‘Has Odin the same fare as the Einherjar?’ Hár:
‘The food which stands on his board he gives to his two wolves, Geri and
Freki;[379] he needs no food, for wine is both drink and food to him.
“King Eirek (blood-axe of Northumberland), son of Harald Fairhair, one
summer made warfare west of Scotland, and in Ireland, and in Bretland
(Wales), and did not stop before he came south to England, and ravaged
there as in other places, because King Adalstein (Ethelstan) was then
dead, and his son Jatmund ruled England” (Fagrskinna, c. 27).
“Eirik had a host so large that five kings followed him. As he was a man
of great bravery and a victorious man he trusted so well himself and his
host that he went far inland with warfare. Then King Olaf, King
Jatmund’s tax-king,[380] came against him; they fought, and Eirik was
overpowered by the land-host, and fell there with all his men. Arnkel
and Erlend, the sons of Torfeinar (jarl in the Orkneys), fell there with
him” (Fagrskinna, c. 28).
After the death of Eirik, Gunnhild (his wife) caused a poem to be made
on him, how Odin welcomed him, which gives us an idea of the belief of
people about the Valhalla.
What dreams are those?
Methought a little before day
That I made Valhöll ready
For slain people;
I bid the valkyrjas carry wine,
As a king (visi) was coming;
I expect
From the earth
Some famous warriors;
Therefore is my heart glad.
What is thundering, Bragi,
As if a thousand were moving,
Or a multitude of men?
The wainscot walls do creak (Bragi answers)
As if Baldr were coming
Back to the halls of Odin.
Foolish talk (said Odin)
Sayest thou, wise Bragi,
Though thou well knowest all things
It is thundering for Eirik
Who will come here
The chief into the halls of Odin.
Sigmund and Sinfjotli!
Rise quickly
And go meet the chief;
Bid him come in
If it be Eirik,
For him I now expect.
I awakened the Einherjar;
I bid them rise
To spread the benches with straw,
To wash the beer-vessels,
Why expectest thou Eirik (Sigmund said)
More than other kings? (konung)
In many a land (said Odin)
Has he reddened the sword (mœkir)
And carried the bloody blade.
Why didst thou then deprive him of victory
As thou thoughtest he was brave?
Because it is uncertain
When the grey wolf looks
To the seat of the gods.
Hail now, Eirik (said Sigmund),
Thou shalt be welcome here;
Enter the hall, wise man;
I would ask
Who follows thee
Of kings (jöfr) from the thunder of edges (battle)?
There are five (said Eirik).
I shall tell the names of all.
I am myself the sixth.
CHAPTER XXIX.
SUPERSTITIONS.—SHAPE-CHANGING.
Popular belief in the power of shape-changing—Journeys taken under
assumed shapes—The language of birds—Use of animal food to incite
to bravery—The drink of oblivion.
We have many instances in the Sagas showing that there was a popular
belief in the power of some persons to change their shape[381]
(_hamhleypa_), either by their own will or by the power of witchcraft.
No matter into what animal shape an individual had been changed, no
spell could ever touch the human eye, which remained unchangeable.
Men often undertook journeys under an assumed shape, in which case their
own body was supposed to lie as dead, in a magical sleep; and a spirit
was considered most fit for a journey when it was in animal shape: the
name of the person who was on the journey was never to be mentioned, and
it was considered most important that a sleeper should not be aroused,
for if disturbed the whole enchantment was destroyed.
Women who undertook journeys in such animal shapes were called
_hamhleypa_, or runners under another shape.
“It is said that Ulf, a hersir,[382] every night became so cross that no
one could speak to him, and that in the evening the _sleeping sickness_
came over him, so that he fell asleep. But there were those who said
that he could change his shape and roam about far away as a wild beast,
and that it was only his body which sat sleeping in the house; therefore
his name was lengthened, and he was called _Kveldulf_ (Evening Ulf)”
(Egil’s Saga, ch. 1).
“It is mentioned that once when Signy was sitting in her _skemma_[383]
there came to her a Völva very skilled in witchcraft.
Signy spoke to her: ‘I want to exchange shapes with you.’ She said,
‘Thou shalt have thy will;’ so she caused by her witchcraft that they
exchanged appearance; the sorceress sat down on the bed of Signy, as she
told her, and went to bed with the king in the evening, and he did not
know that Signy was not with him. Of Signy it is said that she went to
the earth-house of her brother Sigmund, and asked him to lodge her
during the night, as she had gone astray in the forest, and did not know
where she was. He said she could stay there, and he would not refuse a
lonely woman lodgings, and thought she would not reward him for the good
entertainment by telling where he was. She went into his room and they
sat down to eat; he often looked at her, and she seemed fair and fine to
him.... Thereupon she went home, met the sorceress, and asked to
exchange shapes again, and thus she did. When time passed on Signy gave
birth to a boy, who was called Sinfjötli. When he grew up he was large
and strong and good-looking, and resembled much the Volsunga family; he
was not quite ten winters old when she sent him to Sigmund in the
underground house. She had tried her other sons before she sent them to
Sigmund by sewing gloves to their hands through flesh and skin. They did
not bear it well, and grumbled at it. She did the same to Sinfjötli, and
he did not wince; she tore the kirtle off him so that his skin followed
the sleeves;[384] she said he must feel pain. He answered, ‘Little will
a Volsung feel this pain.’ Then he came to Sigmund, who asked him to
knead their meal while he fetched firewood. He handed him a bag, and
then went after wood. When he returned, Sinfjötli had baked the bread.
Sigmund asked if he had found anything in the meal. He replied, ‘I fancy
there was something alive in the meal when I began to knead it, but I
have kneaded it also herein.’ Sigmund said, laughing: ‘I guess thou wilt
not eat this bread to-night, for thou hast kneaded in it the most
poisonous worm.’ Sigmund was so strong that he could eat poison without
being hurt; and Sinfjötli could stand poison externally,[385] but was
unable to eat or drink it”[386] (Volsunga Saga, c. 7).
“King Hring, of Uppdalir, in Norway, had a son, Björn (bear), and when
his wife died he married a woman from Finnmörk. She changed her stepson
into a bear in this way. She struck him with a wolfskin glove, and said
that he should become a fierce and cruel lair-bear, ‘and use no other
food than the cattle of thy father; thou shalt kill it for thy food, so
much of it that it will be unexampled, and never shalt thou get out of
this spell, and this revenge shall harm thee.’
“Thereafter Björn disappeared, and no one knew what had become of him.
When he was missed he was searched for, and nowhere found, as was
likely. Then it is told that the king’s cattle were killed in large
numbers, as a big and fierce grey bear began to attack them. One evening
the bondi’s daughter (Björn’s sweetheart) happened to see this fierce
bear, which came to her and fondled her much. She thought she recognized
in this bear the eyes of Björn, Hring’s son, and did not shun him much.
The bear walked away, and she followed until it came to a cave. When she
came there a man greeted Bera,[387] the bondi’s daughter. She recognized
Björn, and they were very glad to see each other. They stayed in the
cave for a while, for she would not part before she need. He said it was
unfit for her to stay there with him, as he was a beast by day and a man
by night. King Hring came home from his warfare, and was told what had
occurred while he was away, that his son Björn had disappeared, and a
large beast had come into the country and attacked his own cattle
mostly. The queen urged much to have the beast slain, but it was delayed
a while; the king disliked this, and thought it strange. One night, when
Bera and Björn were in their bed, Björn said, ‘I expect that to-morrow
is my death-day, and that I shall be hunted up, and I take no pleasure
in life because of the ill fate that lies on me, though I have one
enjoyment, namely, that we are two, which will now be changed. I will
give thee the ring which is under my left arm; to-morrow thou wilt see
men who attack me, and when I am dead go to the king and ask him to give
thee what is under the left shoulder of the bear, which he will grant.
The queen will suspect thee when thou goest away, and give thee the
flesh of the animal to eat, but thou shouldst not eat it, for thou art
pregnant, as thou knowest, and wilt bear three boys, who are ours, and
on them will it be seen if thou eatest of the bear’s flesh, and this
queen is the greatest witch. Then go home to thy father, and there bring
up the boys; one of them will seem the worst to thee, and, if thou art
not able to have them at home for the sake of their overbearing and
unruliness, then take them away with thee to this cave. Thou wilt find
here a chest with three compartments; the runes by its side will tell
what is to belong to each of them; three weapons are in the rock, and
each of them shall have the one intended for him. The first-born of our
sons shall be called Thórir, the second Elgfrodi, the third Bödvar, and
I think it probable that they will not be little men, and their names
will long be remembered.’ He foretold her many things, and then the
bear’s skin fell over him. The bear went out, and she after him, and
looked round. She saw many men coming past the spur of the mountain,
with many large dogs in front. The bear ran out of the cave and along
the mountain; the dogs and the king’s men came against it, and it was
difficult to hunt it; it maimed many men before it was slain, and killed
all the dogs. At last they made a circle round it, and it ran in the
circle, and saw that it could not escape; it turned to the king’s side,
caught the man next to him, and tore him asunder alive; then it was so
exhausted that it threw itself down on the ground; they soon rushed at
it and slew it. The bondi’s daughter saw this, went to the king, and
said: ‘Will you, lord, give me what is under the left shoulder of the
bear?’ The king consented, as it could only be a thing well fit to be
given to her. The king’s men had then flayed off much of the skin of the
bear; she went and took the ring, and kept it, but they saw not what she
took, and did not search; the king asked who she was, as he did not know
her; she gave him a wrong name”[388] (Hrolf Kraki, cc. 25, 26).
Some women could shape themselves into a _Mara_ or _Kveldrida_
(evening-rider, or nightmare), in which shape they could hurt or kill
people in their sleep. In the Eidsifja Kristinrett we find that there
was a punishment for women who had this power.
“Geirrid and Gunnlaug conversed during the greater part of the day, and
late in the evening she said to him: ‘I should like thee not to go home
to-night, for many are the _sea-sliders_ (those who slide over the
sea—witches, spirits, etc.), and there are often witches beneath a fair
skin, and thou dost not look very lucky in my eyes now.’ He answered: ‘I
shall not be hurt, as we are two together.’ She said: ‘Odd will be of no
use to thee, and thy self-will is worse for thyself.’ Then Gunnlaug and
Odd left, and went to Holt. Katla was already in her bed, and asked Odd
to invite Gunnlaug to stay; he said he had done so, but he wanted to go
home. ‘Then let him go, and meet what he deserves,’ she answered.
Gunnlaug did not come home in the evening, and they talked about
searching for him, but did not. In the night, when Thorbjörn looked out,
he found his son Gunnlaug at the door; he was lying there, and was mad.
He was carried in and his clothes pulled off. He was bruised and bloody
all over his shoulders, and his flesh torn off the bones. He lay all the
winter in wounds, and his sickness was much talked of. Odd Kötluson said
that Geirrid had ridden on him, as they had parted abruptly that night;
and most people thought it to be so. The next spring, during the
citation days, Thorbjörn rode to Máfahlid and summoned Geirrid, charging
her with being an _evening-rider_ and causing the sickness of Gunnlaug.
The case came to the Thorsnesthing, and Snorri godi helped his
brother-in-law, Thorbjörn, while Arnkel _godi_ defended the case for his
sister, Geirrid. The verdict of twelve (_tylftarkvid_)[389] had to
decide; but neither Snorri nor Arnkel were allowed to deliver the
verdict, on account of their relation to prosecutor and defendant. Then
Helgi Hofgardagodi, the father of Björn, whose son Gest was the father
of Skald-Ref, was called upon to deliver the verdict of the twelve.
Arnkel _godi_ went to the Court and took an oath at the altar-ring that
Geirrid had not caused the sickness of Gunnlaug. Thórarin (a son of
Geirrid) and ten others took oath with him, and then Helgi gave verdict
for her (Geirrid), and the suit of Snorri and Thorbjörn was made void,
and this brought dishonour on them” (Eyrbyggja, c. 16).
It was believed that some people understood the language of birds.[390]
“Dag, the son of King Dyggvi, took the kingship after him; he was so
wise that he could understand the talk of birds. He had a sparrow which
told him many tidings; it flew into various lands. The sparrow once flew
into Reidgotaland, to a farm called Vörvi; it went on the field of the
owner and took food. The owner came there, took up a stone, and wounded
the sparrow to death. King Dag became sorry when the sparrow did not
return; he then made a sacrifice to inquire, and got the answer that his
sparrow had been killed at Vörvi. Then he levied a great host and went
to Gotland, and made warfare and plundered. One evening when he went
down to his ships with his host a thrall ran out of a forest and threw a
pitchfork at them, which hit the king and killed him. His men went back
to Sweden” (Ynglinga Saga, ch. 21).[391]
“One summer when King Olaf’s men had been gathering land-taxes he asked
where they were best treated. They said by an old bondi who knew many
things before they happened, and who had answered many of their
questions, and they thought he understood the voice of birds.” ... The
king took this bondi on board his ship to show the way along the coast.
“As they were rowing a crow flew over the ship with loud shrieks. The
bondi looked at it. The King said: ‘Does it mean anything to thee?’ ‘It
does, lord,’ answered he. Another crow flew over the ship, shrieking.
The bondi forgot to row, and his oar got loose in his hand. The king
said: ‘Thou art very attentive to the crow, or to what it says, bondi.’
He answered: ‘I have some misgivings, lord.’ A crow passed over the ship
a third time, shrieking louder than the two others, and flying nearer
the ship. The bondi rose and stopped rowing. The king said: ‘This
signifies much to thee, or what does it tell?’ The bondi answered: ‘That
which it is unlikely that I or it knows.’ The king said: ‘Tell me.’ The
bondi sang:—
The one winter old crow tells,
It knows not;
The two winters old one tells,
I believe it not;
But the three winters old one tells,
Which I think not likely,
That I row
On a mare’s head,
And that thou, king,
Art the thief of my property.”
(Olaf the Quiet’s Saga (Heimskr.), c. 10.)
Not only was it believed that the form could be changed, but it was
further believed that by eating some peculiar kind of food the temper of
men could be changed. The meat and blood of strong and fierce beasts,
especially of wolves, were held potent to make men brave and fierce, and
thus partake of the nature of animals.
“Thereafter Regin came to Sigurd, and said: ‘Hail, my lord; a great
victory hast thou won, as thou hast slain Fafnir, and no one was so bold
before as to dare to sit in his way, and this deed of fame will be
remembered while the world stands. Regin stood looking on the ground for
a long while, and then suddenly said, with great anger: Thou hast slain
my brother, and scarcely can I be innocent of this deed.’ Sigurd took
his sword _Gram_ and wiped it on the grass, and said to Regin: ‘Thou
wast far off when I did this deed, and tried this sharp sword with my
hand and my strength. I had to fight the power of the serpent, when thou
didst lay in a heather cluster, and didst not know heaven from earth.’
Regin answered: ‘This serpent might have lain long time in his lair if
thou hadst not used the sword which I made for thee with my hand, and
then thou hadst not done this alone.’ Sigurd said: ‘When men come to
fight, it is better to have a good heart than a sharp sword.’ Then Regin
said to him very sadly: ‘Thou didst slay my brother, and scarcely can I
be innocent of this deed.’
“Then Sigurd cut out the serpent’s heart with a sword called _Ridil_.
Regin drank the blood of Fafnir, and said: ‘Do one thing for me which is
easy to thee; go to a fire with the heart and roast it, and give it me
to eat.’ Sigurd went away and roasted it on a spit, and when the blood
came out of it, he touched it with his finger to see if it were roasted;
he put his finger in his mouth, and when the serpent’s heart-blood
touched his tongue he understood the speech of birds; he heard
nuthatches (_Sitta Europæa_) chirp in the brushwood near him—‘There thou
sittest, Sigurd, roasting the heart of Fafnir; he (Sigurd) should eat it
himself, then he would become wiser than any other man.’ Another said:
‘There lies Regin, wishing to betray the one who trusts him.’ The third
one said: ‘Let him (Sigurd) cut off his head, then he can rule alone
over the great gold.’ The fourth one said: ‘He would be wiser if he
acted according to our advice, and rode to the lair of Fafnir, and took
the great gold which is there, and then rode up to Hindarfjall
(Hind-fell), where Brynhild sleeps, where he will learn great wisdom; he
would be wise if he took your advice, and thought of what he ought to do
(namely, to slay Regin); where I see the ears I expect the wolf.’ The
fifth said: ‘He (Sigurd) is not so wise as I think if he spares him
(Regin), having slain his brother.’ The sixth said: ‘It would be a bold
deed if he slew him, and ruled alone over the gold.’ Then Sigurd said:
‘It is not my fate that Regin is my slayer, but both the brothers ought
rather to go the same way.’ He drew the sword _Gram_ and cut off Regin’s
head. After this he ate part of the serpent’s heart, and kept part of
it. Then he jumped on his horse and rode on Fafnir’s track to his room,
and found it open; all the doors were of iron, and also the
door-fittings, and all the beams, and it was dug into the ground. Sigurd
found there very much gold, and the sword _Hrotti_, and there he took
the helmet of terror, and the golden coat-of-mail, and many costly
things. He found there so much gold that he thought likely that two or
three horses would not carry more. He put it all in two chests, and took
the bridle of the horse Grani, which would not walk, and it was no use
to whip it. He found what the horse wished, jumped on its back and
spurred it, and it ran as if it had no burden on its back” (Volsunga
Saga, c. 19).
“When it drew near to Yule, people became uncheerful, Bödvar asked Hött
why this was. He told him a large and terrible animal had come there for
two winters; it had wings on its back, and always flew: for two autumns
it had come, and done much damage; weapons did not wound it, and the
best champions of the King did not come home. Bödvar said: ‘The hall is
not so well manned[392] as I thought, if one creature is to lay waste
the realm and property of the king.’ Hött replied that it was not an
animal, but the worst fiend. On Yule-eve the King said: ‘I want people
to be quiet and silent this night, and I forbid all my men to endanger
themselves against the animal; with the property let it happen as it
may, but I do not want to lose my men.’ Every man promised to do as he
ordered. Bödvar stole away in the night with Hött, who went unwillingly,
saying that he was taken to death, while Bödvar said it would not be so.
As they left the hall, Bödvar was obliged to carry him, he was so
frightened. When they saw the beast, Hött shouted as loud as he could,
and cried that it was going to swallow him. Bödvar told the animal to be
silent, and flung him down in the moss; there he lay, not without fear,
nor dared he go home. Bödvar now went against the beast; it happened
that his sword was fast in the scabbard; at last he got the scabbard
turned, so that the sword came out; he thrust at once under its shoulder
so strongly that he pierced the heart, and it fell dead. Then he went to
where Hött lay; he took him, and carried him to the place where the
beast lay dead. Hött trembled violently. Bödvar said: ‘Now thou shalt
drink its blood.’ He was long unwilling, but dared not, however,
disobey. Bödvar made him swallow two large mouthfuls, and eat some of
the beast’s heart; then took hold of him, and they wrestled a long
while. Bödvar said: ‘Thou hast become rather strong, and I do not think
thou art now afraid of the hirdmen of King Hrolf.’ Hött replied: ‘I will
not be afraid of them nor of thee hereafter.’ Bödvar answered: ‘That is
good, my companion Hött; let us go and lift up the beast, and arrange it
so that others will think it alive.’ This they did. After this they went
home quietly, and no one knew what they had done” (Hrolf Kraki’s Saga,
c. 35).[393]
There were several different drinks, known under different names,
prepared in a special manner and with incantations, which were supposed
to possess special properties. For these magical drinks, which were
believed to have great power, many things were mixed, and runes were
used, partly as formularies over the drink, or carved on trees or bones
which were thrown into it[394]; in the latter case this was done to
excite love for the one in whose behalf the potion was given. Chief
among these drinks was the drink of oblivion (_Uminnisveig_), a drink
prepared to remove sorrow from the mind.
Gudrun went from Denmark home to her mother Grimhild who gave her the
drink of oblivion.
Grimhild brought to me
A cup to drink,
A cold and bitter one;
I forgot my sorrows;
It was mixed
With the might of the earth,
With ice-cold sea-water,
With sacrificed blood.
In the horn were
All kinds of letters
Carved and painted in red;
I could not read them;
A long ling-fish,
The unreaped corn-ear,
The bowels of beasts.
Many evils
Were mixed in that beer;
The herbs of every forest,
Burnt acorns,
The soot of the hearth,
Sacrificed bowels,
A boiled swine-liver,
For it soothes the sorrows.
(Volsunga, c. 32.)
After taking this drink of oblivion she forgot all her sorrows, and
married King Atli, who afterwards murdered her brother at a feast where
they were invited by him. Gudrun revenged herself by killing the
children she had by Atli, and then had him murdered.
CHAPTER XXX.
SUPERSTITIONS.—WITCHCRAFT.
Two kinds of witchcraft—Use of runes with incantations—Power of
witchcraft—Ceremonies attending it—The Finns great masters in the
art—Magical characters on weapons—Witchcraft—Knowing women—Raising
dead people—Power of the eye to blunt weapons—Charmed swords—The
life-stone—Charmed garments—Ocular delusions—Appearance of ghosts
at feasts considered lucky—Protection against ghosts—Punishment of
witchcraft in later times.
The worshippers of the Asa creed were strong believers in witchcraft; it
is most difficult for us now to comprehend such superstition, but we
need not go back to that remote period to find the same diseased state
of mind in Europe and America.
Two kinds of witchcraft, _Galdr_ and _Seid_, were practised. Galdr,
derived from _gala_, to sing, was a form of sorcery; Odin was called the
father of galdr, and those who practised it were called _galdrasmid_, or
galdr-smiths, and sometimes galdra-men, who, while singing their
formularies, used at times to mark certain mystic runes[395] which were
used with the incantation; and it appears that caution in the use of
these runes was necessary, as their use by an impostor was held to cause
danger.[396] It was supposed that such gald were able to cure wounds and
sickness, allay fire and storm, rouse up the dead in order to consult
them as to the future, and win the love of women.
“He (Odin) taught with runes and with songs called galdrar; therefore
the Asar are called galdra-smiths. Odin knew and himself practised the
greatest of idróttir, which is called seid: by it he could tell the
destiny of men and future things, and cause death or bad luck, or
illness, and take away men’s wit or strength, and give them to others.
He taught most of his idróttir to the sacrificing priests; they were
next to him in all wisdom and witchcraft. Many others, however, learned
a great deal of them, and from them witchcraft has spread widely and
been kept up long” (Ynglinga Saga, c. 7).
The seid, which had been learnt by the Asar from the Vanir, like the
_galdr_, was performed with songs and incantations, and generally at
night. It was used mostly for evil purposes, and its knowledge was not
held as noble as that of galdr. It had been taught by Freyja, and was
chiefly performed by women.
Among the ceremonies attending seid was that of cooking strange dishes,
the objects composing which were kept secret by the seid persons.
“Kotkel had a large seid-platform made; they all went up on it and sung
there their wisdom, namely, galdr” (Laxdæla, c. 35).
“Kotkel and Grima and their sons left their home during the night; they
went to the farm of Hrút and there made a great seid. When the
seid-sounds were heard, those inside could not understand what it was,
but the song was fine to listen to. Hrút alone knew these sounds, and
said that no man must look out that night, and that every one who was
able must be awake, and they would not be harmed if they did this.
Nevertheless all fell asleep. Hrút was awake the longest time, but
nevertheless fell asleep. Kári, his son, was then twelve winters old and
the most promising of his sons, and much loved by him; he could scarcely
get any sleep, for all this was intended against him; he did not get
much rest. He jumped up, looked out, and walked on the seid place, and
fell down dead at once” (Laxdæla, c. 37).
The Finns were looked upon as great masters in witchcraft, and their
advice was in much favour; they were considered especially clever in
going on journeys in another shape.
“Vanlandi, the son of Svegdir, succeeded him and ruled the realm of
Upsala; he was a great warrior, and travelled far and wide. He lived one
winter in Finnland with Snjar the old, and married his daughter Drifa.
In the spring he went away, and Drifa remained; he promised to come back
in three winters, but for ten winters he did not come. Then Drifa sent
for the seid-woman, Huld, and sent Visbur, their son, to Sweden. Drifa
made a bargain with the seid-woman, Huld, that she should get Vanlandi
by seid to Finnland, or slay him. When the seid was performed Vanlandi
was at Uppsalir; thereupon he wished to go to Finnland, but his friends
and advisers prevented him from going, and said that his wish was owing
to the witchcraft of the Finns” (Ynglinga, c. 16).
_Mal_ was a name given to magical characters, runes, &c., which were
inlaid upon weapons, and which were believed to enable their owners to
hold others spell-bound.
“Thorgrim Nef dwelt at Nefstadir, near the Haukadal river. He was versed
in witchcraft and magic, and a very great wizard. Thorgrim and Thorkel
invited Thorgrim Nef to their home, for they had a feast. Thorgrim was
skilled in iron work. The three went together to the smithy, and
thereupon shut the door. The pieces of the sword Grásida (grey-side),
which Thorkel got at the division of property between himself and his
brother, were taken, and from these Thorgrim made a spear, which was
finished at night. Ornaments (mal) were inlaid on it” (Gisli Sursson’s
Saga).
Witchcraft-knowing women were accustomed to rub with their hands the
whole body of the man who was to go to war or fight; by this means they
found the most vulnerable part of the body, for they believed that on
this place they could find a knot which was supposed to be the spot that
was to be wounded, and if they found such a knot they had a special
protection made for it.
“Helga’s foster-mother used to touch men (with her hands) before they
went into a fight; she did this with Ögmund before he left, and said she
did not find a vulnerable spot” (Kormak i.).
“It is told that Hrói gathered men and got 30 before he left; his
foster-mother wanted to touch his body with her hands before he went
from home, and thought she knew then best how he would succeed. She
found a vulnerable point on his foot, but in other places she was
satisfied” (Vemunds Saga, c. 5).
The champion Thormód came very often to talk with the widow’s daughter
against Grima’s will. Then she sent a man, Kolbak, to lie in ambush for
Thormod one evening.
“She (Grima) touched him all over with her hands. Then Kolbak went his
way.... Thormód walked in front of the sheephouse door, and at that
moment a man with a drawn sax ran out of it and struck at Thormód. The
blow hit Thormód’s arm above the elbow and the wound was large. Thormód
threw his shield down and drew his sword with his left hand and struck
at Kolbak with both arms, the one blow after the other. The sword did
not bite, for Kolbak was so strengthened with witchcraft that iron did
not bite him. Kolbak did not strike any more blows at Thormód, but said:
‘Now I can do with thee, Thormód, what I like, but I will not do more.’
Kolbak went home and told Grima the news” (Fóstbrædra Saga, c. 14).
Among the numerous kinds of witchcraft practised was that of a man
sitting out of doors at night in the open air, and, by some magical
action not described, raising troll (wizard or witch) or dead people, in
order to ask them questions as to the future.[397]
Hakon and Ingi were pretenders to the crown of Norway, and were going to
fight a battle.
“It is told that Gunnhild, to whom Simon had been married, and who was
the foster-mother of King Hakon, had out-sitting for the victory of
Hakon. The result was that they should fight against Ingi at night, but
never by day, and then it would go well. The woman who was said to have
sat out is called Thórdis Seggia, but I do not know it for true” (Hakon
Herdibreid’s Saga, c. 16).
Some people were supposed to have power in their eyes, by which they
could blunt swords in the fight.
“Gunnlaug Ormstunga challenged the viking Thórorm to a hólmganga,
because he would not pay back money which he had borrowed from Gunnlaug.
Gunnlaug was then at the hird of King Adalrad in London, who told him
that this man blunted every weapon, and gave him a sword to fight with
and told him to show only his own sword to the viking” (Gunnlaug
Ormstunga’s Saga).
“She (Thordis the witch) blunted Kormak’s sword so that it could not
bite” (Kormak’s Saga, c. 23).
Men who carried charmed weapons were always held to be lucky in fight.
When using such charmed swords, good care had to be taken that the charm
should be effective, or part of the power was lost: for instance, the
famous sword _Sköfnung_—taken from the mound of Hrólf Kraki—was not to
be drawn in the sight of people, nor must the sun shine on the
hilt,[398] and the wounds inflicted by these could not be cured except
by touching them by the so-called _lifstein_ (life-stone) which was
attached to the sword. The wounds of the sword Sköfnung could only be
healed by the stone set in its hilt.
“Bersi had a sharp sword, Hviting, with a lifstein attached to it, which
he had carried in many dangers” (Kormak’s Saga, c. 9.)
Bersi, on account of his many duels, was called Holmganga Bersi.
“Kormak said to him: ‘I challenge thee, Bersi, to holmganga (a duel) at
the end of half a month on Leidholm.’ ...
“Bersi had a sharp sword called Hviting, with a lifstein attached to it,
which he had carried in many dangers.
“Dalla (mother of Kormak) advised him to find Midfjord Skeggi and ask
for Sköfnung (Holf Kraki’s sword). Kormak went to Reykjar (Skeggisbù)
and told him his case. Skeggi answered that he was unwilling to lend him
the sword, for they ‘Sköfnung and Kormak’ were unlike in temper.
‘Sköfnung is slow, but thou art impatient and headstrong.’ Kormak rode
away ill pleased, returned to Mel, and told his mother that Skeggi would
not lend him the sword. Skeggi used to give Dalla advices; and there was
friendship between them. Dalla said: ‘He will lend thee the sword,
though he will not yield readily (at once).’ Kormak did not think it was
fair if he withheld not the sword from her, but did from him.... A few
days later she told Kormak to go to Reykjar, as Skeggi would now lend
him the sword; Kormak found him and asked for Sköfnung. ‘The management
of it may seem difficult to thee,’ said Skeggi; ‘a bag (covering)
follows it (goes with it) and thou shall leave it quiet; the sun must
not shine on the upper guard, nor shall thou draw it except thou
preparest for fight; but, if thou comest to the fighting-place, sit
alone, and there draw it. Hold up the blade and blow on it; then a small
snake will creep from under the guard; incline the blade, and make it
easy for it (the snake) to creep back under the guard.’ Kormak said:
‘Many things do you the wizards use?’ Skeggi replied: ‘This, however,
will help thee fully.’ After this, Kormak rode home and told his mother
what had happened; and said that her will had much power over Skeggi;
showed her the sword, and tried to draw it: but it would not leave the
scabbard. Dolla said: ‘Too self-willed art thou, kinsman.’ Kormak put
his feet on the guard, and tore off the bag; Sköfnung howled at this,
but could not be drawn from the scabbard.
“The time for the holmgang approached, and Kormak left home with fifteen
men. In the same manner Bersi rode to the place with as many men. Kormak
came first, and said to Thorgils that he wanted to sit there alone.
Kormak sat down and unfastened the sword, and did not take care that the
sun did not shine on its guard; he had girt himself with it outside his
clothes, and tried to draw it; but did not get it out until he stepped
on the guard; the small snake came, but it was not handled as he should
have been, and the luck of the sword was changed, and it went howling
out of the scabbard” (Kormak’s Saga, c. 9).
There were also garments which were supposed to be impenetrable.
When about to leave the house of his parents, Hrólf went to his mother
Asa and said:
“I want thee, mother, to show me the cloaks which Vefreyja, thy
foster-mother, made for my father a long time ago.’ She opened a large
chest and answered: ‘Here thou canst see them, and they have decayed but
little as yet.’ Hrólf took them up; they were with sleeves, a hood at
the top, and a covering for the face; they were wide and long; no iron
could cut them, and poison could not damage them. Hrólf took two which
were the largest, and said: ‘I do not carry away too much from the house
of my father, though I take the cloaks’” (Göngu Hrólf’s Saga, c. 4).
Among the kinds of witchcraft mentioned in the sagas is one called
_sjonhverfingar_ (ocular delusion).
“At Froda there was a large hall and a locked bed adjoined it, as then
was customary. On each side of the hall was a small room; one of them
was filled with dried fish and the other with flour. Meal fires were
made every night in the hall as was the custom. People used to sit long
at the fires before they went to their meal. When the gravediggers came
home that night, and men were sitting at the fires at Froda, they saw a
half moon appearing on the wall of the room. All those who were inside
could see it. It moved backwards against the course of the sun through
the room. It did not vanish while they sat at the fire. Thorod asked
Thorir Wood-leg what this foreboded. Thorir answered it was the
Urdarmani (moon of Urd). Deaths of men will follow upon this. This
continued all the week; the urdarmani entered every night” (Eyrbyggja,
c. 52).[399]
“Late in the summer Hörd went to Saurbœr with twenty-three men, for
Thorstein Öxnabrodd (ox-staff) had boasted that his witchcraft-knowing
foster-mother Skroppa could with her sorcery effect that the Hólmverjar
(men of Hólm, the island) were not able to harm him. They came to the
bœr; Skroppa and the daughters of the bondi Helga and Sigrid were at
home, but Thorstein was at his sæter at Kuvallardal, in Svinadal.
Skroppa opened all the rooms; she made sjonhverfingar, so that the three
(women) sitting on the cross-bench seemed to them three boxes standing
there. The men of Hörd talked about wanting to break these boxes. Hörd
forbade that. They then left the farm and turned northward to see if
they could find any cattle. They saw a young sow running with two pigs
in that direction; they got ahead of it. Then it seemed to them that a
large crowd of men was coming against them with spears and fully armed,
and the sow with its pigs shook their ears. Geir (Hörd’s foster-brother)
said: ‘Let us go to our boat; there will be odds against us.’ Hörd said
it was best not to run away so soon without any trial. At the same time
he lifted up a large stone and struck the sow to death. When they came
to it they saw Skroppa lying dead there, while the bondi’s daughters,
whom they had taken for pigs, stood at her side. When she was dead they
at once saw that the crowd which came against them was oxen and not men;
they drove the cattle down to the boat, killed them, and loaded their
boat with the meat. Geir took Sigrid away against her will, and they
went out to the Hólm (Hörd’s Saga, 25).”[400]
When drowned men came to their own _arvel_, or burial feast, as ghosts,
it was looked upon as a good sign for the survivors of the family, for
then the dead men had been well received by Ran.
The people were strong believers in ghosts, and thought that the spirit
of the dead could come into the mound where the body was buried. When
they were seen at night at their mounds they were surrounded by fire,
and it was said that the gate of Hel, where the dead were supposed to
be, was open. These ghosts of the dead were harmless.
The bondmaid of Sigrun, when walking one evening past the mound of
Helgi, saw that he rode to it with many men; she sang:
Is it an illusion
Which I think I see,
Or the doom of the gods?[401]
Dead men ride;
You prick your horses
With spur points,
Or have the Hildings[402]
Got leave to go home?[403]
Helgi sang:
It is not an illusion
Which thou thinkest thou seest,
Nor the doom of the world,
Though thou seest us,
Though we our horses
Prick with spurs,
But the Hildings have got
Leave to go home.
The bondmaid went home and told Sigrun.
Go out, thou Sigrun
From Sefafjöll,
If thou wantest to
Meet with the leader of men.[404]
The mound has opened;
Helgi has come;
The prints of the sword bleed
The Dogling[405] asked thee
That thou the wound-dripping (blood)
Shouldst stop.
Sigrun went into the mound to Helgi, and sang:
Now I am as glad
Of our meeting
As the greedy
Hawks of Odin[406]
When they know of slain men
A warm prey,
Or dew-besprinkled,
See the dawn of day.
I will kiss
The dead king
Ere thou throwest off
The bloody brynja;
Thy hair, Helgi,
Is covered with hoar-frost;
The king is all wet
With the dew of the slain.
The hands of Hogni’s son-in-law
Are cold from wet,
How shall I, king,
Better this for thee?
* * * * *
Helgi and his men rode their way, and the maidens went home to their
house. The next evening Sigrun let a bondmaid keep watch at the mound;
and at sunset, when Sigrun came to the mound, the bondmaid sang:
Now would have come,
If to come he intended,
The son of Sigmund[407]
From Odin’s halls;
I say that the hope
Of the king’s coming lessens,
As on ashtree boughs[408]
Eagles sit,
And all men throng
To the meeting of dreams.[409]
Be not so mad
As to go alone,
Sister[410] of Skjöldungs,
To the houses of the ghosts.
Stronger, maiden, become at night
All dead fiends,[411]
Than in the light of day.
(Helgikvida Hundingsbani, ii.)
There were ghosts who were supposed to kill people; the best means of
protection against them was to burn the body and throw the ashes into
the sea, or to cut off the head and put it at or between the feet, as
the body had then to walk on its own head. Another way of getting rid of
them was to pursue them by law, and sentence them at the door of the
house they haunted.[412]
Án had slain an outlaw, Garan, in a wood.
“Án left him dead; he cut off his head, dragged him out (of his house),
and put his nose between his legs, that he should not appear after his
death” (An’s Bogsveigis Saga, c. 5).
“The overbearing of Klaufi became so great that he maimed both men and
cattle. Karl thought it a great evil that his kinsman should be a ghost.
He went to his mound and had him dug up. He was then still undecayed. He
had a large fire made on the rock above the house of Klaufabrekka, and
burned him to ashes. He had a case of lead made, and put the ashes in
it. Two bars of iron were on it, and he sunk it into the hot spring
south of Klaufabrekka. The stone on which Klaufi was burnt was rent in
two parts, and Klaufi never did harm after this”[413] (Svarfdæla, 30).
“At this time Thórodd Thorbrandsson lived in Alptafjord. He owned both
Úlfarsfell and Örlygsstadir, but then the haunting of Thórólf Bœgifót
became so strong that people could not dwell on these farms. Bólstad was
also empty of people, for Thórolf began to haunt there as soon as Arnkel
(the bondi, Thórolf’s son) was dead, and killed men and cattle. And no
man has dared to settle there since because of this. When this farm was
quite deserted, Bœgifót haunted Úlfarsfell, and caused great trouble
there. All the people were struck with terror when they became aware of
him. The bondi went to Kársstadir and complained of this to Thórod, for
he was his tenant. He said it was the opinion of people that Bœgifót
would not stop before he had devastated the whole fjord of men and
cattle, and if no means were tried against this he would not be able to
keep himself there any longer. When Thórod heard this, he thought it was
not easy to deal with. Next morning he sent for his horse, and told his
huskarls (servants) to go with him, and also had men from the next farms
with him. They went to Bœgifótshöfdi (Cape of Bœgifót) to Thórolf’s
grave. He was then still not decayed, and very _troll-like_ to look at.
He was blue like Hel, and stout like a bull. When going to move him,
they could not lift him at all. Then Thórod had a felled tree pushed
under him, and thus they lifted him out of the grave. Then they rolled
him down on the beach, cut wood, made a large pile, set it on fire,
rolled Thórolf on it, and burned the whole into cold ashes, though it
lasted long before the fire could take in Thórolf’s body. It was blowing
a hard gale, and the ashes were blown far and wide while the burning
lasted, and all the ashes they could they raked out on the sea. When
they had finished this work, they went home and came there about
bedtime” (Eyrbyggja, c. 63).
In later times the seid people were feared and punished, because they
did evil. Harald Fairhair burnt one of his own sons because he had mixed
himself up with this form of witchcraft.[414]
“If a woman is accused of using witchcraft, “galdr,” and sorcery, six
women shall be named on both sides of her who are known to be good
housewives; they shall give evidence that she knows neither galdr nor
sorcery. If they do not, she is an outlaw. The king gets one half of her
property, and the bishop the other” (Gulath 28).
“Rögnvald Réttilbeini owned Hadaland; he learned witchcraft, and became
a seid-man. King Harald disliked seid-men. In Hördaland there was a
seid-man called Vitgeir; Harald sent him word to leave off seid. He
answered and sang:
It does little harm
Though we the children
Of bœndr
Make seid
When Rögnvald
Réttilbeini,
The famous son of Harald,
Makes seid in Hadaland.
When Harald heard this, he sent Eirik (Blood-axe) to Uplönd; he came to
Hadaland and burnt his brother Rögnveld, together with eighty seid-men,
in his house; this deed was much praised” (Harald Fairhair, c. 36).
CHAPTER XXXI.
SUPERSTITIONS.—OMENS.
Belief in omens—The sight of blood on food a foreboding of
violent death—Blood dripping from weapons a sign of fierce
conflict—Peculiar appearances of the moon—Ravens—Howling
wolves—Stumbling when going to fight—The second song of Sigurd
Fafnisbani—Supernatural beings—Visions.
The people were strong believers in omens, to which they paid great
attention, and which were supposed to be seen by persons when awake or
in their dreams. Some omens repeated themselves before recurring events
of the same kind.
If any one imagined that he saw blood on his food, or that his food
disappeared, he expected a speedy and violent death;[415] and it was a
common belief that blood dripping from weapons, or their sounding loud
when used, foreboded a fierce battle or conflict.[416]
“He (Hildiglúm) heard a crash so loud that he thought both earth and
heaven shook from it. Then he looked into the west, and saw a ring with
the colour of flame, and in it a man on a grey horse. He passed quickly;
and had a burning firebrand in his hand. He rode so near him that he
could easily see him. He was black as pitch. He sang this stanza with a
loud voice:—
I ride on a
Rime-frost maned horse,
With dewy wet mane,
Causing evil;
Fire is in the ends of the brand.
Poison in the middle;
Thus is it with Flosi’s plan
As if a stick were thrown,
Thus is it with Flosi’s plan
As when a stick is thrown.
It seemed to him that he flung it eastward to the mountains, and that
such fire rose from it that he did not see the mountains for it. It
seemed to him the man rode eastward to the fire and disappeared there.
Then he went in to his bed, and fell in a long swoon, but woke from it.
He remembered all that had passed before his eyes, and told it to his
father, who asked him to tell it to Hjalti Skeggjason. He went to Hjalti
and told him. ‘Thou hast seen a _gandreid_,’[417] said Hjalti, ‘and it
always forebodes great tidings’” (Njala, c. 125).
Before the burning of Njal the following omen, which proved true,
appeared at his farm Bergthorshval:—
“Bergthóra (his wife) carried food to the table. Njal said: ‘Strange
does this look to me now; I think I look all over the room, and that
both the gable-walls are off, and the table and the food all covered
with blood.’ All except Skarphédin were startled at this. He asked them
not to grieve or look sorrowful so that people would talk of it” (Njala,
c. 127).
“It happened when Gunnar and Kolskegg rode towards Rangá that blood fell
on the halberd of Gunnar. Kolskegg asked why this was so. Gunnar
answered that when this happened in other countries it was called
blood-rain, and Olver bondi in Hising said that this usually foreboded
great tidings” (Njala, c. 72).
Among these omens must be reckoned the so-called _Urdarmáni_ (the moon
of Urd), a peculiar kind of appearance of the moon which foreboded the
death of many people.[418] There were also natural omens, good and bad.
It was considered a good omen if a warrior saw a raven follow him when
going to fight—the interpretation probably being that the raven followed
a victor in order to eat the corpses of the enemy; it was also a good
omen to see or meet two men conversing, or to hear a wolf howl. When a
man who was slain by any kind of weapon fell on his face it was thought
to be an omen that he would be revenged, and the vengeance would come
down upon the man who stood just in front of him when he fell;[419] but
to stumble when going to fight, or to hear the croaking of ravens, was
considered a bad omen.
The second song of Sigurd Fafnisbani relates how Sigurd was going to
make war on the sons of Hunding. As he sailed along the coast a man
stood on a rock and asked him who they were. They answered, and when
they asked who he was he said he was called _Hnikar_ (one of Odin’s
names), but they might call him the man of the rock, _Feng_ or _Fjölnir_
(Odin’s names). He went on board and the storm ceased.
_Sigurd sang_
Tell me, Hnikar,
As thou knowest both
The luck of gods and men,
Which are best
If one should fight
Omens at the swoop of swords.
_Hnikar._
Many warnings are good
If men knew them
At the swoop of swords;
I think the following
Of the black raven
Is good for a _sword-tree_.[420]
A second (warning) is,
If thou hast walked out
And art ready on thy way,
And thou seest
Standing on the path
Two men anxious to praise thee.
A third is that
If thou hearest a wolf
Howl under ash-branches.
Good luck wilt thou get
Against _helmet-staffs_[420]
If thou seest the wolves ahead.
No man should fight
With his face against
The late shining
Sister of the moon;[421]
Those gain victory
Who are able to see
The feats of the sword-play,
Or can array in wedge-shape.[422]
It is a great danger
If thou stumblest
When thou rushest into fight;
Faithless _Disir_
Stand on either side of thee
And long to see thee wounded.
Combed and washed
Should every wise man be,
And well fed in the morning,
For it is uncertain
Where he may be at night;
It is bad to hurry ahead of one’s luck.
“One morning a raven came to the lighthole at Brekka, and croaked
loudly; then Hromund sang—
Outside I hear in the morning twilight
The dark blue swan[423] of the sweat of the wound-thorn[424] croak;
The prey wakes the wary-minded one;[425]
Thus of yore screamed
The hawk of Gunn[426] before
Chiefs were death-fated,
When the birds of Gaut[427] foretold the fray.
_Thorbjorn._
The hail-sprinkled gull[428] of the wave of heaps of slain
Screams when it comes from the sea;
Its mind craves
The prey of the morning;
Thus of yore screamed
The bird of corpses
From the old tree
When the hawks wanted the mead of kings.[429]
_Hromund._
Tree of the shield,[430]
Death was not fated to me
To-day or yesterday;
I[431] make ready for the sound of Ilm.[432]
I care little though plays
The dyed wand of Hedin’s cloth[433]
Against red shields;
To us life was marked before.”
(Landnama, ii. c. 33.)
When there was to be an important event there were always some omens
before it took place, in the shape of visions, or supernatural beings
who sang songs which foretold the event.
It foreboded a violent death if a man saw his _fylgja_ bloody.
“Once Njal and Thórd (his servant) were outside the farm. A he-goat was
in the habit of going about the grass-plot on the farm, and no one was
allowed to drive it away. Thórd said, ‘This is strange.’ Njal asked,
‘What dost thou see which seems strange?’ He answered, ‘It seems to me
that the he-goat lies here in the hollow place, and is bloody all over.’
Njal replied there was no he-goat there, nor anything else. ‘What is it,
then?’ inquired Thórd. ‘Thou must be a death-fated man, and hast seen
thy _Fylgja_,’ said Njal, ‘and guard thyself well.’ ‘That will not
help,’ added Thórd, ‘if death is fated to me’” (Njala, c. 41).
“It is said that King Gorm once invited to a Yule-feast his
father-in-law Harald, who promised to come in the winter, and the
messengers so reported.
“When the time for preparation came the Jarl chose such followers to the
feast as he wanted. Knut went with him, but it is not said how many men
he had. They arrived at the Limafjord, and as they were about to cross
it they saw there an oak which appeared somewhat unusual. There were
growing on it acorns, which were small and quite green, but under it lay
others both ripe and large. At this they wondered much, and the Jarl
thought it very strange that there should be green acorns at that time
of the year, for there lay near the oak those which had grown during the
summer. ‘We will go back,’ said the Jarl, ‘and proceed no farther.’ He
thereupon returned home, where he remained with his hird the next
season. The King deemed it strange that the Jarl did not come, but
thought something important had prevented him. All was quiet during the
summer, and when winter came the King invited the Jarl to the
Yule-feast, as in the previous year. The Jarl promised to go, as before,
and when the time came departed with his followers, and journeyed until
he came to the Limafjord. He had now come on board, and intended to
cross the fjord. It is said that they had with them pregnant bitches.
After they had got on board the Jarl thought he heard the whelps in the
bellies of the bitches barking, while the mothers themselves were
silent. This the Jarl and all regarded as the greatest wonder, and they
therefore turned back, and stayed at home during that Yule. On the third
winter the King again invited the Jarl, who promised to come; and when
the time came he departed, and journeyed until he arrived at the
Limafjord, resolving to remain there overnight. Then a sight presented
itself which was thought very strange. They saw a wave rise within, and
another without, the fjord, and the two advanced to meet each other. The
waves were large and made a great noise when they met and fell together;
then it seemed as if the sea became bloody. Then the Jarl said, ‘This is
a fearful portent, and we must turn back and not accept the invitation.’
This they did, and the Jarl remained at home also that Yule....
“It was resolved that the King should send messengers to the Jarl to
ascertain why he had not come. The Queen advised that they should first
meet and talk to him, and thus see what the reason was. When the
messengers told the Jarl of their errand, he quickly got ready and went
to visit Gorm with a fine retinue. The King received his father-in-law
well, and quickly went to speak with him. The King asked why he had not
once come at his bidding, and thus shown disrespect to the King and his
invitation. The Jarl replied that he had meant no disrespect, but had
not once come to the feast, because other things had prevented him. He
then told the wonders which they had seen, as mentioned before, and
asked if he would like to know what he thought each wonder meant. To
this the King assented. The Jarl then said: ‘I will first take that one
where we saw an oak with small green acorns, with the old and large ones
underneath. That I think must foretell a change of belief which will
come over these lands, which will flourish more, and the fine acorns
foretell that; but the present belief is betokened by the old acorns on
the ground, and they will rot and become mere dust; this belief will
also fall and be destroyed when the new one rises. The second wonder was
when we heard the whelps bark in the bitches. That I think must foretell
that young men will take the words from the mouths of the older, and
become so reckless that they will have no less to say, though the older
are oftener wiser in counsels. And I think that those of whom this will
be true have not yet come into the world, for the whelps which barked
while the mothers were silent were yet unborn.
“‘The third, when we saw the waves, one from the outer part, and the
other from the inner part of the fjord, meet midways and fall each on
the other’s neck, and the water become bloody from the disturbance
therefrom forebodes, I think, that some enmity will arise between great
men within the country, whence will come fights and much disturbance. It
is very likely that some offshoot of this war will take place at the
Limafjord, because it is there we have seen these wonders of which I
have spoken.’
“King Gorm was satisfied with the words of the Jarl, and thought him
wise; he gave him peace, and his anger departed. It is said that before
they went into the speech-room the King had set men to slay the Jarl, if
haughtiness and disrespect were the only reasons for his not coming to
the feast when invited; but the King now thought he had good cause for
not coming. They went away from the speech-room, and the Jarl remained
with him for a while. They then separated in peace, and the Jarl
received good gifts. He left with his followers, and had a good journey
home.
“A short time after Klakkharald gave his foster-son and kinsman Knut all
his realm, and Knut took the rule of Holtsetaland and all the realms of
Harald Jarl.
“The Jarl made ready to leave, and began his journey southward to
Valland. He there embraced Christianity, and never returned to Denmark”
(Flateyjarbók, vol. i.).
CHAPTER XXXII.
SUPERSTITIONS.—DREAMS.
Faith placed in dreams—Revelations of the gods in dreams—Their
interpretation an important gift—Absence of dreams considered a
misfortune—Magical sleep.
The faith of the Northmen in dreams[434] was almost as great as that
which they placed in their gods; like the ancient Egyptians, Greeks,
Jews, and other earlier nations, they believed that by them they were
informed of coming events. Instances frequently occur in the Sagas of
men wishing to dream in order to know the future. Those dreams which
were of greatest importance were believed to be influenced by the
revelations of the gods to the sleeper. Odin in a dream showed King
Eirik the Victorious how it would go in the battle against
Styrbjörn.[435]
The place where any one dreamt was considered important, especially if
the dream was in a new house; the interpretation of dreams consequently
was considered an important gift, and men and women who could explain
them were called _draum-spekingar_ (dream-wise),[436] amongst whom the
Queens Ingigerd and Thyri had great renown.
“Harald was a Jarl who ruled over Holtsetaland (Holstein); he was
nicknamed _Klakkharald_. He was a wise man, and had a daughter Thyri,
who was the wisest of women, and interpreted dreams better than others.
She was also handsome. The Jarl looked to her for the rule of the land,
consulted her in everything, and loved her much. When Gorm had grown up
and had taken the kingship, he left, and intended to ask for the hand of
Harald Jarl’s daughter, or else attack him. When Harald Jarl and his
daughter heard of King Gorm’s journey and of his intentions, they sent
messengers to invite him to a grand feast. This he accepted, and sat
with them at the feast in good friendship and honour. Then he announced
his errand to the Jarl, who said that his daughter should decide for
herself, as she was much wiser than he. His suit was brought before her,
and she said: ‘It shall not be decided forthwith, and thou shalt return
with good and honourable gifts. If thou thinkest much of me, thou shalt,
when thou comest home, quickly cause to be built a house large enough
for sleeping in. It must stand where no house has stood before. Therein
shalt thou sleep the first night of the winter, and three nights
together; and remember if thou dreamest anything. And thou shalt send
men to tell me of thy dreams, if thou hast any, and I will then say
whether I will marry thee or not. But do not send if thou dost not
dream.’ After this talk, King Gorm remained but a short time at the
feast, and made ready to go home, as he was anxious to try her wisdom.
He left with much honour and suitable gifts. When he returned home, he
did in all things as she had told him: had the house built, and went
into it as directed. He left three hundred fully-armed men near the
house, and bade them watch and guard, as he thought there might be some
treachery connected with it. He lay down on the bed which had been made
in the house, and fell asleep and dreamt; and there he slept three
nights, and then sent men and writings to Holtsetaland to the Jarl.
“The messengers arrived and told Harald Jarl and his daughter of King
Gorm’s dreams, and their errand to Thyri. When she had heard the dreams,
she said: ‘You may stay here as long as you like, but you shall tell
your king that I will marry him.’ They returned and told the king, who
was very glad.
“He made his journey to Holtsetaland with many and well-dressed men.
Harald Jarl heard of it, and had a splendid feast and grand
entertainment prepared for him; and now they were married and loved each
other well. At the feast Gorm entertained them by telling his dreams. ‘I
dreamt the first night, and all the three nights which I slept in the
house, that I was outside and overlooked my whole realm. I saw the sea
recede from the land so that all islands, sounds, and fjords were dry.
After that I saw that three oxen went out of the sea upon the land where
I was, and bit off all the grass closely where they walked, and then
went away.
“‘The second dream was very like the first, for it seemed as if three
oxen again came up from the sea; all were red, with large horns; they
bit off the grass as closely as the previous ones, after which they
returned.
“‘In the third dream, which was like the others, I saw three oxen come
up again; they were all black, and much larger horned than the others;
after a while they returned to the water. After that I heard such a
terrible crash that I thought it must be heard all over Denmark, and I
saw that it was caused by the sea returning toward the shore. Now,’ he
said, ‘I want thee, queen, to interpret the dream for the entertainment
of those present, and thus show thy wisdom.’ She consented, and
interpreted the dream as follows: ‘When three white oxen went up out of
the sea on the land, that must mean three severe winters, when so much
snow will fall that the season will be bad. When thou sawest three other
red oxen, that means there will come three snowless winters, but yet not
good ones, for they bite the grass off the ground. The three black oxen
signify that there will come three winters, which will be so bad that
none have ever seen the like, and such a black and bad season and famine
will come over the land that it will be unexampled. That thou sawest
them with large horns means there will be many outcasts who will lose
all their property; that they went again into the sea means that the bad
season will leave the land like they did; and that thou heardest a loud
crash when the sea again came back on the shore means the war of
powerful men, who shall meet here in Denmark, and have fights and great
battles. It seems to me likely that some of the men in some of the wars
will be near kinsmen to thee. If thou hadst first dreamt those things
that were last, then these wars would have taken place in thy time, but
now this will do no harm; and I would then not have gone with thee if
thou hadst dreamt as I have before said. I can hinder all these dreams
about the famine from being fulfilled.’ After this feast King Gorm and
Queen Thyri went home to Denmark, and had many ships loaded with corn
and other food, and transported this to Denmark; the same was kept up
every year until the arrival of those severe years which she had
foretold. When the hard time came they wanted for nothing on account of
their preparations, and there was no want in Denmark, for they
distributed much grain among the people. Thyri was thought to be the
wisest woman that had ever been in Denmark, and was called Thyri
Danmarkarbót (Denmark’s helper, saver)” (Flateyjarbók, vol. i.).
People were often forewarned of death in their dreams:—
“One night when King Ivar slept in the _lypting_[437] (upper deck) on
his dragon-ship, it seemed to him that a great dragon flew out of the
sea. Its colour was golden, and it glowed in the air as if sparks were
flying from the hearth of a forge, and shone over all the lands nearest
it. Behind it flew all the birds that he knew of in the northern lands.
He saw a great cloud rising in the north-east, followed by such a
rain-storm that it seemed to him all the forests and the whole land were
floating in the water which had fallen: this was accompanied by thunder
and lightning. When the large dragon flew towards the land, he met the
rain-storm, and such a darkness arose that he could see neither the
dragon nor the birds, but only heard the loud sound of the thunder and
the tempest. This passed south and west over the land, and all over his
realm. Then it seemed to him all his ships had been changed into whales,
and swam out to sea. At this he awoke and called his foster-father,
Hörd, told him his dream, and asked him to interpret it. Hörd said he
was so old he could not understand dreams. He stood on a rock near to
one end of the gangway, but the king lay in the _lypting_, and was
unfastening the lower border of the tent as they talked. The king was in
a bad humour, and bade Hörd go down on the ship and interpret his dream.
Hörd answered that he would not, and said, ‘I need not interpret thy
dream; thou must know thyself what it means. It is likely it will not be
long before others rule Sweden and Denmark. Now a greediness foreboding
death has come upon thee, as thou wantest to conquer for thyself every
realm, and dost not know that on the contrary thou wilt die and thy foes
take thy realm.’ The king said, ‘Come here and tell thy evil
prophecies.’ Hörd said, ‘I shall stand here and tell them.’ The king
said, ‘To whom of the Asar was Halfdan the Valiant like?’ Hörd answered,
‘He was as Baldr was with the Asar, over whom all the gods wept, and not
like thee.’ The king said, ‘That is good. Come here and tell it.’ Hörd
answered, ‘I will stand here and tell.’ The king replied: ‘To whom of
the Asar was Hrærek like?’ ‘To Hænir, who was the greatest coward of the
Asar, though he was less cowardly than thou art.’ The king asked, ‘To
whom of the Asar was Helgi the Sharp like?’ Hörd replied, ‘He was as
Hermód, who was very bold, and did harm to thee.’ The king said, ‘To
whom of the Asar was Gudröd like?’ Hörd: ‘He was as Heimdal, who was the
most foolish of all the Asar, and nevertheless a lesser fool than thou.’
The king: ‘To whom of the Asar am I like?’ ‘Thou resemblest the worst of
all serpents existing, the Midgardsorm.’ The king answered in great
anger: ‘If thou tellest me I am death-doomed, I can tell thee thou shalt
live no longer, for I know thee, thou great Thurs. Now come nearer, thou
Midgardsorm, and let us try our strength.’ The king rushed from the
_lypting_, and was so angry that he jumped out under the lower edge of
the tent. Hörd plunged into the sea from the rock, and the men on the
watch on board the king’s ship saw neither of them come up on the
surface afterwards” (Sögubrot, c. 3).
“He (Gjúki) had three sons, Gunnar, Högni, and Guttorm. Gudrún, his
daughter, was a most famous maiden.... Gjúki was married to Grímhild,
the witchcraft-knowing. King Budli was more powerful than Gjúki, though
both were powerful. Atli, the brother of Brynhild (Budli’s daughter),
was a cruel, large, swarthy man, but of an imposing look, and the
greatest warrior. Grímhild was a woman of fierce mind. The Gjúkungs
flourished much, mostly because of their children who surpassed most
others. Once Gudrún told her maidens that she could not be merry. A
woman asked her what was the reason. She answered: ‘We did not get good
luck in dreams, and the sadness of my heart thou didst ask about is
caused by a dream.’ The woman said: ‘Tell me, and let it not sadden
thee, for dreams often forbode the weather.’ Gudrún said: ‘This one does
not. I dreamt that I saw a fine hawk on my hand; its feathers had a
golden colour.’ The woman said: ‘Many have heard of your beauty, wisdom,
and courtesy; the son of some king will ask thee in marriage.’ Gudrún
said: ‘Nothing did I think better than the hawk, and I would rather have
lost all my property than lose it.’ The woman said: ‘Thy husband will be
a great man, and thou wilt love him much.’ Gudrún said: ‘It grieves me
that I do not know who he is; let us go to Brynhild, she will know it.’
They made ready with gold and great beauty, and went with their maidens
till they came to Brynhild’s hall, which was adorned with gold, and
stood on a mountain. When they were seen, Brynhild was told that many
women in gilded waggons[438] drove towards the burgh. She replied: ‘That
must be Gudrún, Gjúki’s daughter; I dreamt of her this night; let us go
out and meet her; handsomer women (than she) cannot visit us.’ ...
Gudrún said: ‘I dreamt that many of us walked together from the _skemma_
and saw a large hart which far surpassed other deer; its hair was of
gold. We all wished to catch it, but I alone succeeded, and I loved it
above all other things. Then thou didst shoot it at my knees, which was
such a sorrow to me that I could scarcely bear it. Then thou gavest a
wolf’s cub to me, which besprinkled me with the blood of my brothers.’
Brynhild answered: ‘I will explain what will happen. Sigurd, whom I
chose for my husband, will come to you; Grímhild will give him a mixed
mead which will cause heavy trials for all of us; thou wilt marry him
and quickly lose him; thou wilt marry King Atli; thou wilt lose thy
brothers and slay Atli.’ Gudrún said: ‘A sore sorrow is it to us to know
such things.’ They went away home to King Gjúki” (Volsunga, c. 25).
The following dream foreboded the death of Gisli, who fell after one of
the most memorable defences recorded:—
“Gisli laid himself down and tried to sleep, while they (Aud and Gudrid)
were awake; and a sleep came over him. He dreamt that two birds came to
the house and fought by stealth; they were rather larger than cock
ptarmigans, and screamed rather loudly; they were dyed all over in
blood. He awoke after this. And (his wife) asked if he had dreamt
anything: ‘Thy sleep-journeys are not good now,’ said she. He sang a
song (describing what he had dreamt)” (Gisli Sursson’s Saga, p. 95).
When the brothers Gunnar and Hogni were invited on a visit by King Atli,
by whom they were afterwards slain, their wives dreamt bad dreams.
Kostbera, Hogni’s wife, tells her dream to her husband, and Glaumvör
afterwards to hers, in order to dissuade them from going.
_Kostbera._
It seemed to me thy sheets
Burned in fire,
And that a high flame
Broke through my house.
_Hogni._
Here lie linen clothes,
For which you care little;
They will soon burn
Where thou didst see sheets (burning).
_Kostbera._
I thought a bear had come in here:
He broke the walls;
He shook his paws so that
We were frightened;
He caught many of us in his mouth,
So that we were helpless.
There was no little[439]
Hard pushing.
_Hogni._
It is a storm that will rise,
And soon become violent;
What thou thought’st to be a white bear
Will be a rainstorm from the east.
_Kostbera._
I thought an eagle flew in here
Through the length of the house:
That forebodes to us heavy fight;
It bespattered us all with blood.
Because of its threats, I thought
It was a shape of Atli’s.[440]
_Hogni._
We kill cattle speedily;
Then we see blood.
It often means oxen
When we dream of eagles.
True is the mind of Atli,
Whatever thou mayest dream.
They ceased;
The talk ended.
_Glaumvör._
I fancied a gallows made for thee,
And thou wert going to hang thereon;
I thought that snakes ate thee,
That I buried thee alive;
That the _ragnarok_ came.
Guess what it was.
_Glaumvör._
A bloody sword I saw,
Drawn out of thy shirt.
It is sad to tell of such a
Dream to a near kinsman.[441]
A spear, I thought,
Had pierced thy side;
Wolves howled
At both its ends.
_Gunnar._
It is dogs that run,
Barking very loud;
The yelping of dogs often
Forebodes the flying of spears.
_Glaumvör._
It seemed to me a river ran
Through the length of the house,
Roaring in anger,
Rushing over the benches,
Breaking the feet of your
Two brothers here.
The water spared nothing:
This may forebode something.
_Glaumvör._
It seemed to me that dead women
Came hither this night;
They were well dressed,
Wanted to choose thee;[442]
They bade thee come quickly
To their benches.
I say, the _Disir_[443]
Have abandoned thee.
(Atlamál.)
Never to dream was considered a misfortune.
“It happened that the son of a high-born woman lost his memory, as if he
was insane. His mother came to King Harald, and asked him for good
advice. The king advised her to go and see King Magnus, for he knew
there was none better in the land, and he would give counsel. She went
to King Magnus accordingly, who said, ‘Did you not see King Harald?’ ‘I
did,’ answered she, and told him what he said. King Magnus added,
‘Nobody is wiser than King Harald in this land, and he can give some
advice if he have the will.’ King Harald, on hearing this, said: ‘Then I
shall give some. I think I see what ails thy son: he is
_draumstoli_,[444] for it is not the nature of a man that he dream not.
I advise thee to go to where King Magnus has washed his hands, and let
the boy drink from the water. Then you shall make him sing. Though he is
struck by sleepiness and yawning, you shall not let him sleep, but take
him to where the king has rested himself, and let him fall asleep there,
and then it is most likely that a dream will appear to him.’ She did all
as she had been told, and her son slept there a while; and when he awoke
he smiled and said, ‘I dreamed, mother. It seemed as if the Kings Magnus
and Harald came to me, and each spoke in one of my ears.’ ‘Rememberest
thou, my son,’ asked she, ‘what each one of them said?’ ‘I do,’ he said.
‘King Magnus said, “Be as good as you can.” Not long after, King Harald
said, “Be most quick at learning, and retain in your memory what you
learn as best you can.”’ This boy afterwards became a remarkable man.”
“King Halfdan (the Black) never dreamt. He sought advice from Thorleif
the Wise what to do. The latter told the king what he himself used to do
when he wanted to know something beforehand. He used to lay himself to
sleep in a pigsty, and was then always sure of a dream. The king in
consequence did the same, and also had a dream” (Halfdan the Black, c.
7).
There was supposed to be a kind of magical sleep which came over any one
who was stung by a sleep-thorn (_svefn-thorn_) placed in the ear. This
magical sleep could not be broken until the sleep-thorn fell out of the
ear of the person under the spell.
“The king (Helgi) had drunk so heavily that he at once fell asleep on
the bed, and the queen seized her opportunity and stung him with a
_sleep-thorn_; when all was quiet she rose, shaved off all his hair and
besmeared him with tar, then she took a leather bag and put some cloth
in it in which she wrapped him up, and bade some men take him down to
his ships. She roused his men, saying that their king had gone on board
and wished to sail, as there was a fair wind. They all jumped up as
quickly as they could, but as they were drunk did not know what they
were doing; they went to the ships, and saw no king but a very large
leather bag. They wanted to see what was in it and wait for the king, as
they thought he would come later on. When they untied it they found the
king inside. The sleep-thorn dropped down and he awoke from a bad dream,
and was enraged with the queen” (Hrólf Kraki’s Saga, c. 7).[445]
CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY.
The old Asa belief and Christianity—Clinging to the old faith—King
Hakon the Christian and the heathen bœndr—Mixture of the two
creeds—Hakon attempts to Christianize the people—Their
opposition—Performance of ancient rites in secret after the
introduction of Christianity—Sceptics—Adaptation of Christian
ideas to the old belief—Cruelty of the earlier Christian kings.
In the following accounts we see the struggle between Christianity and
the old Asa belief. Hakon, the foster-son of Athelstan, so named because
he had been fostered by that king in England, came back to Norway a
Christian, but his people clung to the old faith, and to strengthen
himself in the country he at first found it necessary to observe the
tenets of his religion in secret. He ordered the Yule-feast to be
celebrated at Christmas, and persuaded some of his best friends to adopt
Christianity.
“Hakon was a good Christian when he came to Norway; but as all the land
was heathen, and there were much sacrificing and many chiefs, and he
much needed the help and friendship of the people, he decided to conceal
his Christianity, and kept Sundays, and fasting on Fridays, and the
greatest festivals. He made it a law that the Yule should begin at the
same time as that of the Christians, and that every man should have a
certain measure of ale, or pay a fine, and keep the days holy while Yule
lasted. It formerly began on hökunótt (the midwinter-night), and it was
kept for three nights. He wanted to make the people Christians, when he
got established in the land and had fully subjected it to himself. He
sent to England for a bishop and other priests. When they came to
Norway, Hakon made known that he would try to Christianize the land”
(Hakon the Good’s Saga, c. 15; Fornmanna Sögur, 1).
“Wise men say that some of those who settled in Iceland had been
baptized, and that most of those who came from the West (British
Islands) had been baptized. Among them are named Helgi the Lean, Örlyg
the Old, Helgi Bjóla, Jörund the Christian, Aud the Deep-minded, Ketil,
and others who came from the West; and some of them kept Christianity
well till their death-day; but their families seldom preserved it, for
some of their sons raised temples and sacrificed, and all the land was
heathen for nearly one hundred winters” (Landnáma, v., c. 15).
Sigurd Thorisson, when a heathen, was accustomed to keep the three
feasts held during the year; he afterwards adapted them to the new
religion, which was destined finally to oust paganism.
“When he became a Christian he continued his custom with the feasts. He
then had in the autumn a great feast for his friends, and a Yule-feast
in the winter, and still invited many people; the third feast he had at
Easter-time (_Páskar_), and then also invited many. This he continued
while he lived” (St. Olaf’s Saga, 123).
But the struggle continued for some time, for the people were loth to
abandon the ancient faith, and Hakon was obliged, as king, to assist at
the sacrificial feast at the temple at Hladir. Sigurd jarl on one
occasion dedicated the first toast to Odin, and the king drank out of
the horn, first making the sign of the cross over it. One of those
present who watched him saw this, which displeased him very much;
whereupon we see by the answer of Sigurd that he tried to make the
people believe that it was Thor’s sign, from which we must conclude that
the two signs were very much alike.
The following day the bœndr, who wanted the king to observe the tenets
of the ancient belief, wished him to eat horseflesh, then to drink the
gravy, and finally to eat the fat; but as he would do none of these, he
had to “open his mouth over the handle of the kettle.” At the
_Frostathing_, Hakon made a speech, wherein he said he wanted the people
to be Christians and keep Sundays, which the bœndr did not like.
Asbjörn, a powerful bondi, answered thus:—
“‘When thou didst hold a _Thing_ the first time in Thrándheim, and we
had taken thee for king and got our odals, we thought we had grasped
heaven with our hands; now we do not know whether we have become free,
or thou wilt make us thralls again in a curious manner, as thou wantest
us to scorn the belief which our fathers and forefathers had before,
first in the _burning age_ and now in the _mound age_; many of them have
been much more eminent than we, but nevertheless this belief has been
good for us. We have loved thee highly, so that we have given thee with
us the rule of all laws and land-rights. Now it is our will and decision
to have and keep the laws which thou didst establish at the
_Frostathing_, and to which we then consented; we will all follow thee
and hold up thy kingship while any of the bœndr here at this _Thing_ are
alive, if thou, king, wilt show moderation and ask of us only what we
can grant thee, and what is not unfeasible. But if thou wilt go so far
in this matter as to deal with us by force and overbearing, we have all
of us determined to part from thee, and take another chief, that we may
be free to hold the belief we wish to have; now thou shalt make thy
choice, king, before the _Thing_ is closed.’ The bœndr cheered this
speech much, and said they wanted to have it as Asbjörn said; it was a
loud noise. Sigurd jarl said, when he got a hearing: ‘It is the will of
King Hakon to assent to all that the bœndr want, and never to part from
your friendship.’ The bœndr said they wanted the king to sacrifice for
good seasons and peace, as his father did. The grumbling ceased, and
they closed the _Thing_. Thereupon Sigurd spoke to the king, and told
him not to flatly refuse the wish of the bœndr, and that it would not do
to act otherwise, ‘for, as you have heard, it is the strong will of the
chiefs and all the people; but I will find some way out of the
difficulty.’ The king assented to this.
“In the autumn during the winter-nights there was a large
sacrificing-feast at Hladir, and thither came King Hakon. He had been
accustomed when he was present at sacrifices to take his meals in a
small house with few men. The bœndr complained that he did not sit in
his high-seat at such a great feast; the jarl told him to do it, and he
did it. When the first horn was filled, Sigurd jarl spoke and
consecrated it to Odin; he drank from it to the king; the king took it
and made a sign of the cross over it; then a man called Kár of Grýting
said: ‘Why does the king behave thus? Will he no longer worship[446] the
gods?’ Sigurd jarl answered: ‘The king acts like all others who believe
in their own strength and might; he signs his cups to Thor; he made a
hammer-sign over it before he drank it.’[447] That evening all was
quiet. Next day when they sat down at the tables the bœndr crowded
towards the king and asked him to eat flesh (horseflesh, another text);
the king would by no means do it. Then they asked him to drink the
broth, which he would not. Then they asked him to eat the grease [fat of
the soup; another text, the blood], and he would not. Thereupon they
were going to attack him. Sigurd tried to reconcile them, and asked the
bœndr to stop the tumult; he said the king was going to open his mouth
over the handle of the kettle where the steam of the horseflesh-broth
had made it greasy. The king went to it and wrapped a linen cloth round
the handle, and opened his mouth over it. Then he went to his seat, and
none of them, bœndr or king, liked it well” (Fornmanna Sögur, i., c. 22,
23).
“King Olaf went with his men after Yule to Thrándheim. Kjartan, Bolli
and Halfred Ottarsson were with him, and many Icelanders; and he had a
large and fine host. When he came to Mœri those chiefs of the Thrands
who were most opposed to Christianity were there, and with them all the
great bœndr who had before been accustomed to keep up the sacrifices
there; a great crowd was present, and, as had been agreed upon at the
Frostathing, a _Thing_ was summoned, and both parties went fully armed
to it. At first there was noise and tumult; but when it subsided, and a
hearing could be got, King Olaf bade the bœndr be christianized, as he
had done before. Járnskeggi (Iron-beard) answered on behalf of the bœndr
as before, and said: ‘Now, as before, king, we do not want thee to break
our laws; it is our will, king, that thou sacrificest like other kings
have done here in the country before thee and other chiefs of the
Thrands, Sigurd Hlada jarl, and Hakon jarl (the great), who before thee
was chief over the greater part of this country; he was a famous man on
account of his wisdom and bravery, though he had not king’s name; for
long his rule was very well liked, and he did not lose it through
preaching such lawlessness that no one should believe in the god he
liked; nor did his father. Hakon Adalsteinsfostri has been the only one
who brought this forward; the Thrands got bitter and threatened him if
he continued this, and after the persuading of Sigurd jarl and other
friends of his he thought right to give in to the bœndr; the only thing
that will do for thee is to act as we told thee before this winter, for
we have not changed our mind since about the belief.’ The bœndr cheered
loudly the speech of Skeggi, and said they wanted it all to be as he had
said. Then the king said: ‘I will do as we agreed to at the _Thing_ of
Frosta; I will now enter the temple, and see your proceedings and the
preparing of the sacrifice.’ The bœndr were well pleased, and went to
the temple. The king went in with a few of his men and some of the
bœndr. All who went in were unarmed; the king had a gold ornamented
staff in his hand. When they came into the temple there was no lack of
idols. Thor sat in the middle, and was most worshipped; he was tall, and
ornamented all over with gold and silver. The king raised the staff and
struck Thor so that he fell down from the altar and was broken; then the
king’s men who had entered rushed forward and knocked down all the gods
from their altars. While they were in, Járnskeggi was slain outside the
door of the temple by the king’s men” (Fornmanna Sögur, c. 166, 167).
It was so difficult to make any progress in christianizing the people,
that they were for a time allowed to perform their rites secretly. The
bœndr were little satisfied with the religious belief of their king. The
eight chiefs who superintended the sacrifices (probably from the eight
fylkis of the Thrándheim district) united to exterminate the Christian
religion.
“These eight men who ruled over the sacrifice made an agreement that the
four chiefs from outer Trandheim should overthrow Christianity, and the
four from inner Thrandheim should force the king to sacrifice” (Hakon
the Good’s Saga, c. 19).
“Gunnhild’s sons had embraced Christianity in England, but when they
began to rule in Norway they could not make any progress in
christianising the people; but wherever they could they tore down the
temples and spoiled the sacrifices, and thus became very much disliked
by the people. The good years also soon ceased in the land. The kings
were many, and each had his hird around him, and therefore spent much
and were greedy of property; so they did not well observe the laws
established by King Hakon. They were handsome men, large and strong, and
great men of _idróttir_”[448] (Fornmanna Sögur, 1).
“Thorbjörn Ongul (hook) had a foster-mother, Thurid; she was very old,
and people thought her good for little. In heathen times when she was
young, she had been very skilled in witchcraft, but she appeared to have
forgotten all this. Although Christianity prevailed in the land, there
were many traces of heathendom left. It had been the law of the land
that it was not forbidden to sacrifice secretly or perform other old
customs, but if it was discovered it was to be punished by lesser
outlawry” (Gretti’s Saga, c. 80).
The following passage shows how firmly rooted amongst the people was the
belief in the power of Thor, the sight of whose image was alone
sufficient, in their minds, to make the God of the Christians vanish
before it, and how hard was the struggle when they had to give up that
belief.
“Olaf had all the most prominent men there (in Upplönd) taken, both in
Lesjar and in Dofrar, and they were forced to accept Christianity or
suffer death, or, if able, flee away. Those who received Christianity
gave into the hands of the king their sons as hostages and pledges of
their faith. The king stayed overnight at Bœar in Lesjar, and left
priests there. Then he went through Lorodal and came to Stafabrekka. The
river Otta runs through the valley, and the fine district on both sides
is called Lóar. The king could look over the whole length of the
district. ‘It is a pity that we must burn a district so fine,’ said the
king. He came down into the valley with his men, and they stayed
overnight at the farm Nes, and the king chose a loft as his
sleeping-room, which is there still (Snorri’s time) and has not been
changed since. He stayed there five nights, and cut a _Thing-summons_,
summoning men from Vagar, Lóar, and Hedal, and at the same time let them
know that they should either fight battles against him and suffer from
his ravages, or accept Christianity, and bring him their sons as
hostages. Thereafter they came to him and obeyed, but some fled south to
Dalir.
“Dala-Gudbrand was the name of a man who ruled like a king over the
Dalir, and was _Hersir_ by title. Sigvat Scald compared him in regard to
power and large possessions to Erling Skjálgsson. Gudbrand had a son who
is mentioned here. When he heard that King Olaf had come to Lóar and
forced men to accept Christianity he cut a war arrow and summoned all
the men of Dalir to the farm Hundthorp to meet him. They all came, and
it was a multitude of men, because the lake Lög lies near there, and
they could come as well by water as by land. Gudbrand held a _Thing_,
and said: ‘A man, by name Olaf, has come to Lóar, and wants us to take a
new belief and break all our gods asunder, and says he himself has a
much greater and mightier god. It is a wonder that the earth does not
burst asunder under him when he dares speak such things, or that our
gods allow him to live any longer. I expect if we carry Thor out of our
temple at the _bœr_ where he is, and if he looks on Olaf and his men,
Olaf’s god and himself and his men will melt and vanish, for this has
always helped us.’ They all shouted at once that Olaf should never
escape thence if he came to them, and they said he would not dare to
advance farther south in the Dalir. They sent seven hundred men north to
Breida to spy, with the son of Gudbrand, eighteen winters old, as
leader, and many other prominent men. These men came to the farm Hof and
remained there three nights, and many who had fled from Lesjar and Lóar
and Vagar, unwilling to adopt Christianity, joined them there. King Olaf
and Sigurd, the bishop, left teachers in Lóar and Vagar.
“The king went to the bœndr and held the _Thing_ with them. The day was
very wet. When the _Thing_ was opened the king rose and told them that
the men of Lesjar, Lóar and Vagar had accepted Christianity and torn
down their sacrificing-houses, and now believed in the true God, who
shaped heaven and earth and knew all things. The king sat down, and
Gudbrand answered: ‘We do not know about whom thou art talking; dost
thou call him God whom neither thou nor any other can see? We have a god
whom we may see every day, but he is not out to-day because the weather
is wet. He will look terrible and great to you. I expect that fear will
creep into your breasts if he comes to the _Thing_. But as thou sayest
that thy God is so powerful, then let him make the weather to-morrow
cloudy, with no rain, and we will meet here.’ Thereupon the king went
home to his room, and with him Gudbrand’s son as a hostage, while the
king gave them another man in his place. In the evening the king asked
Gudbrand’s son how their god was made. He answered he was made after
Thor (his likeness); had a hammer in his hand; was of a large size, and
hollow inside; that a platform was made under him, on which he stood
when outside the temple; that he did not lack gold and silver on him:
that four loaves of bread were brought to him every day, and as much
meat. Then they went to bed. But the king was awake all that night and
prayed. When it was day he went to mass, then to his meal, and then to
the _Thing_. The weather was as Gudbrand had said. The bishop rose in
his gown with a mitre on his head and a crozier in his hand, and
preached to the bœndr and told them many tokens which God had shown, and
ended his speech well. Thórd Istrumagi (paunch-belly) answered: ‘This
horned man with a staff in his hand with a top like a crooked ram’s horn
talks much. As you, comrades, say that your god works so many tokens,
then ask him to-morrow before sunrise to let the weather be bright and
sunny, then we will meet and do one of two things—agree on this matter,
or fight a battle.’ They parted for a time.
“Kolbein the Strong, who was with King Olaf, had his kinsmen in the
Fjords. He was always so dressed that he was girt with a sword, and had
a large stick in his hand which some call ‘club.’ The king told him that
he should stand next him that morning, and then said to his men: ‘Go
this night to the boats of the bœndr and bore holes in all of them, and
take away their horses from the farms where they are and ride on them.
This was done. The king stayed all night at the farm, and prayed God to
clear this difficulty with His mercy and grace. After the matins, about
daybreak, he went to the _Thing_. When he came some of the bœndr had
arrived. They saw a large crowd of bœndr coming to the _Thing_, carrying
a large image, ornamented all over with gold and silver. When the bœndr
present saw it, they all rushed up and bowed to the monster. Then it was
placed on the middle of the _Thing-plain_. On one side sat the bœndr, on
the other the king and his men. Then Dala-Gudbrand rose and said: ‘Where
is your god now, king; I think he now carries his chin rather low. It
seems to me that your boasting, and that of the horned man whom you call
bishop, sitting at your side, is less than yesterday. It is because our
god, who rules all, has come, and looks on you with keen eyes; and I see
that you are full of terror now, and dare scarcely look up with your
eyes. Now throw off your superstition and believe in our god, who has
you altogether in his power.’ He ended his speech. The king said to
Kolbein the Strong, so that the bœndr did not hear: ‘If during my speech
it happens that they look away from their god, then strike him as hard a
blow as thou art able with the club.’ Then he rose and said: ‘Many
things hast thou (Gudbrand) spoken to us this morning; thou wonderest
that thou art not able to see our God, but we expect He will soon come
to us. Thou dost threaten us with thy god, who is blind and deaf, and
can neither help himself nor others, and can move nowhere from his place
unless he is carried: I expect that in a short time evil will happen to
him. Now look into the east; there comes our God with great light.’ The
sun was rising, and all the bœndr looked towards it. At the same moment
Kolbein struck their god so that he burst all asunder, and mice large as
cats, and vipers and worms, ran out. The bœndr were so frightened that
they fled, some to their ships; but when they launched them they were
filled with water, and they could not get on them. Those who ran to
their horses found them not. The king had them called to him, and said
he wished to speak with them, and they came back to the _Thing_. Then
the king rose and said: ‘I do not know why you make this tumult and
uproar; now you can see what power your god had to whom you brought gold
and silver, food and provisions; you saw what beings had eaten him, mice
and worms, vipers and adders. Those who believe in such things, and will
not leave off their folly, are the worse for it. Take your gold and
costly things scattered on the plain; bring them home to your wives, and
never hereafter ornament tree or stones with them. Now here are two
choices: either you accept Christianity now, or fight a battle against
me to-day, and may those get the victory whom the God in whom we believe
wills.’ Dala-Gudbrand rose and said: ‘A great loss have we suffered in
our god, but as he could not help us we will now believe in the God in
whom thou believest.’ They all accepted Christianity, and the bishop
baptized Gudbrand and his son. King Olaf and Sigurd the bishop left
teachers there; and those who were foes parted as friends, and Gudbrand
had a church made in the Dalir” (St. Olaf, Heimskringla, 117–119).
But even in early times, before Christianity had made any advance among
the Northmen, there were sceptics such as Hrolf Kraki, Orvar Odd, and
others, who had little or no belief. Examples are given in the Sagas of
others in later times, when Christianity had gained a footing in the
country, who also had no belief. When King Olaf Tryggvason asked
Eindridi what was his religious belief, the latter answered:—
“‘I have made up my mind never to believe in logs or stones, though they
be in the shape of fiend or man, whose power I don’t understand; and
though I have been told that they have great power, it seems to me very
unlikely, for I find that those images which are called gods are in
every way uglier and less powerful than myself.’ The king asked: ‘Why
dost thou then not believe in the true God, who is all powerful, and let
thyself be baptized in his name?’ ‘Because,’ Eindridi replied, ‘it has
never before been put before me, and no one on your behalf has told me
about this God, whom you call almighty; but another more important
reason is that, as I would not believe what my father and kinsmen told
me about their gods, I have decided never to hold that belief which is
in every way so unlike theirs, unless I am fully convinced that your God
is as almighty as you call him’” (Fornmanna Sögur).
When Christianity predominated among the people, we find that sacrifices
and worship of heathen gods were forbidden.
“When Harald Gormsson the Dana king had become a Christian, he sent an
order throughout his realm that all the people should get baptized and
be converted to the true faith. He went round himself, and punished and
forced those who were unwilling. He sent two jarls to Norway with many
men to preach Christianity there; their names were Urguthrjót and
Brimisskjar. Many people were baptized in the Vikin which belonged to
King Harald. After Harald’s death his son Svein Tjúguskegg (forked
beard) soon went on an expedition to Saxland and Frisland, and later to
England. The Northmen who had adopted Christianity turned again to their
sacrifices as before, like the people did in the northern part of the
country (Norway). Olaf Tryggvason said he would christianize the whole
of Norway or lose his life. ‘I will make you all great and powerful men,
for I trust you best for the sake of kinship and other relationship.’
They all consented to do whatever he commanded, and follow him in all
that he wished, with all those who would take their advice. Then Olaf
made known to the people that he would preach Christianity to all men in
his realm” (Olaf Tryggvason, Heimskringla, c. 59).
“Blót (worship by sacrifice) is forbidden to us—we shall neither worship
heathen _vœttir_ (guardian spirits), nor gods, nor mounds (_haugar_),
nor altars (_horgs_). If a man is known and convicted of secretly
throwing up a mound, or making a house and calling it hörg, or raising a
pole and calling it _skaldstong_ (_i.e._, imprecation-pole), he shall
thereby forfeit every penny of his property” (King Sverri’s
Kristinrétt).[449]
It is curious to see how Christian ideas were transformed. The poet
Eilif Gudrúnarson says of Christ, that he is “_strong against the
Jötnar_”; he was possibly thinking of Thor. Halfred says the Christian
dogmas are not more poetical than the old belief.
In a fragment of a song on Christ, the poet Eilif Gudrúnarson says that
Christ sits at the well of Urd (Later Edda, Skáldskaparmál, 52)—
“Men say he (Christ) sits on a rock
South at the well of Urd.
Thus the mighty lord of the gods
Has strengthened himself with the lands of Rome.”
It appears that the eating of horseflesh was forbidden by the early
Christians. The Emperor Otto having consulted his chiefs as to what
steps should be taken to provide provisions for the army, when fighting
against the Danes south of Danavirki, was advised by them either to
withdraw from the country, or slay some of the horses for food. To this
the Emperor replied:—
“To this advice there is a great drawback, for it is the greatest
sacrilege for baptized men who can in any other manner prolong their
lives to eat horseflesh” (Olaf Tryggvason, Fornmanna Sögur, c. 1).
The Halfred’s Saga, which relates how Halfred, who had been baptized,
was for some time with the King, Olaf Tryggvason, and asked him to hear
a song, which at first the king declined to hear, as too heathen for
him, shows how hard was the struggle with some men to entirely give up
the old faith.
“Of yore I worshipped well
Him the bold-minded
Lord of Hlidskjalf (Odin);
The luck of men changes.”
The king said: “This is a very bad stanza; thou must improve it.”
“Every kindred has made songs
To win the love of Odin;
I remember the songs
Of the men of our time,
But because I serve Christ
I must hate against my will
The first husband of Frigg (Odin),
For his power I liked well.”
The king replied: “The gods dwell much in thy mind, and I do not like
it.”
“Enricher of men, I forsake
The god-name of the raven-worshipper (Odin)
Who in heathendom performed
A trick praised by the people.”[450]
“This makes it no better; make a stanza to mend this.”
“Frey and Freyja and the strong Thor
Ought to be angry with me;
I forsake the offspring of Njörd.[451]
The angry (gods) may be friends with Grimnir (Odin);
I will call on Christ, for all love
The only Father and God;
The anger of the Son I dislike,
He is the famous ruler of earth.”
“This is a good song, and better than none; sing more.”
“It is the custom with the Sygna king[452]
To forbid sacrifices;
We must shun most of
The time-honoured dooms of the Nornir;
All men throw
The kindred of Odin to the winds;
Now I am forced to pray to Christ
And leave the offspring of Njörd.”
(Halfred’s Saga, c. 6.)
That conversion to Christianity did not always at first have a softening
influence over the character of its converts is to be seen from the
following passages:—
“The great Hákon jarl was a zealous sacrificer. When he came to Vikin he
found that the (Emperor Otto’s) jarls Urguthrjót and Brimisskjar had
broken down the temples and christianized all the people they could.
Hákon had all the broken temples rebuilt, and sent word all over Vikin
that no man should believe in the faith which the jarls had imposed. He
went northward across the land to Thrándheim, and there first remained
quiet. He ruled over the whole of Norway, but never afterwards paid any
taxes to the King of Denmark. Afterwards he was in all things worse and
more heathen than he had been before he was baptized” (Fornmanna Sögur,
vol. i., ch. 73).
“Hákon was open-handed with property toward his men, and for a long time
beloved by the whole people; but he had the greatest misfortune to his
dying day, which was not strange, for he was always guileful, unfaithful
and treacherous, both to friends and foes, and the greatest
_god-nithing_ and sacrificing man: the time had come when Almighty God
had intended that the sacrifices and heathendom, and the evil messenger
of the devil, Hákon jarl, should be condemned, and the holy faith and
true customs take their place. When Hákon was slain, he had been Jarl
thirty-three winters since the fall of his father, Sigurd Jarl; he was
twenty-five when his father fell, and lacked two winters of sixty”
(Fornmanna Sögur, i., c. 104).
“‘Now, Sigurd, thou hast jarlship over this realm, which I call my own,
as well as all other realms, which King Harald Fairhair owned, and each
of his descendants have inherited one after the other. As it has
happened that thou hast come into my power, thou hast two choices: the
first is that thou and all thy dependents shall embrace the true faith
and be baptized, and then thou shalt hold from me the rule thou hast
heretofore, and what is worth more, live with Almighty God eternally in
the kingdom of heaven, if thou observest His commands. The other choice
is very bad, and very unlike the former: that thou shalt die in this
place, and I will go with fire and sword over the islands and lay waste
this whole realm, unless the people will believe in the true God; and,
if thou shalt make this choice, then thou wilt, as all others who
believe in a skurdgod (carved god, idol), after a sudden death, suffer
terribly with the fiend in the flames of hell without end.’ As the Jarl
was then situated, he chose to embrace the true faith.
“The Jarl and all his men were therefore baptized. Thereupon he became
King Olaf’s man, and bound this with oath. Sigurd Jarl then took the
country as fief from the king, and gave him as hostage his son _Hvelp_
(whelp) or _Hundi_ (dog), whom King Olaf had baptized with the name
Hlödver, and taken to Norway. Thereupon King Olaf sailed from the
Orkneys, and left behind learned men to teach the people in the holy
faith. The king and the jarl then separated as friends” (St. Olaf’s
Saga).
The later accounts of the struggle between the two creeds show how many
crimes were committed avowedly in the name of conscience and religion,
but really in that of superstition and ignorance, which brings with it
bigotry, vandalism and murder, the curse of mankind; and we see that the
people had a dislike to the adoption of Christian names.
“He (King Olaf, the Saint) had Hrærek blinded in both eyes and took him
with him; he had the tongue of Gudröd, King of Dalir, cut out; Hring and
two others he forced to give oaths that they would leave Norway and
never come back” (St. Olaf, Heimskringla, c. 74).
“Olaf Tryggvason and Bishop Sigurd both went with many worships to Godey
(god-isle), where Raud the Strong, a man of sacrifices, lived. Olaf
attacked the loft where Raud slept, and broke it and went in. Raud was
taken and tied, and of the men in there some were killed and others
taken. Raud was led before the king, who bade him let himself be
baptized; ‘then,’ said the king, ‘I will not take thy property, but be
thy friend if thou wilt do this.’ Raud cried out against this, and said
he would never believe in Christ, and blasphemed much. The king grew
angry, and said Raud should die the most hideous death. He had him taken
out and lashed to a beam, a stick was placed between his teeth to force
open his mouth, in which a snake was placed; but it would not go in, and
recoiled, because he blew against it. Then the king had a stalk of
angelica put in Raud’s mouth; some say that the king put his war-horn
into his mouth with the snake in it; he had a red-hot iron bar put on
the outside of it. The snake recoiled into the mouth of Raud, and down
his throat, and ate its way out of his side, and Raud died. The king
took thence a large quantity of gold and silver and other loose
property, weapons, and many costly things. He had slain or tortured all
those of Raud’s men who would not be baptized” (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 87).
“Olaf Sviaking had a son by his queen who was born on the day of St.
James’ vigil; when he was baptized the bishop called him Jacob. The
Sviar disliked that name, and said that never had a Sviaking been called
Jacob” (St. Olaf, c. 89).
CHAPTER XXXIV.
THE LAND.
Division of the land—Supposed origin of the division—The odal—How
land could become odal—Redemption of the odal—Laws in regard to
redemption—Purchase of land and closing of the bargain—Existence
of leaseholds—Commons—Rights of common—Laws regulating commons.
In old Sweden and Norway, and no doubt all over the North, the land was
divided into _Herad_ and _Fylki_. In Sweden there were small and large
_Herad_; in Norway there were both _Herad_ and _Fylki_, the latter
probably corresponding to the larger _Herad_ in Sweden.
We are unable to find how and when such division of land began to take
place among the people: that a sudden emigration burst upon the country
we have no proof whatever.
The word _her_ (“host”) implies a certain number of people or families
coming together for mutual protection or otherwise, and the whole was
called host. These either took by force or settled peacefully upon
certain tracts of land, which were then called _Herad_, probably on
account of being the land of the _her_. In the course of time—perhaps
for mutual protection, or for some other reason unknown to us—those
_Herad_ or _Fylki_, though entirely independent of each other in their
internal affairs, were united together, and were called _thjod_, or
_veldi_, which means a nation made up of different _Fylki_ and _Herad_.
So the land of the Swedes was called Svi-thjód, or Svia-veldi: and that
of the Danes and Norwegians, Dana-veldi and Noregs-veldi.
A man who settled upon a Herad without lawful right could be summarily
ousted without resorting to legal remedies.
Thormod and Thorgeir made themselves obnoxious to the people of the
neighbourhood by their wild habits. Those who thought themselves wronged
by them went to Vermund (chief of the Herad), and laid their complaints
before him. Vermund summoned Hávar and Bersi (the fathers of the two
young men) to him, and told them that the people disliked their sons.
“‘Thou, Hávar,’ he said, ‘art a man not belonging to the herad, and hast
settled here without permission. We did not object to thy living here
till thy son Thorgeir caused dissension; we want thee to break up thy
residence and depart from Isafjord; but Bersi and his son we will not
drive away, for they are _heradsmen_’” (Fostbrœdra Saga).
_Odal._—We find a great part of the land divided into _Odal_—i.e., the
title to which was absolute, and not dependent on a superior—but how
this was acquired we do not know. The probability is that in the
beginning of the migration or conquest each head of a family took, or
had allotted to him, a certain amount of land as _odal_—the extent of
land being proportionate to the size of his family or to his rank. Then
the settler became a _buandi_[453] (a dweller), that is, of the Herad of
which he formed an integral part. The word _bondi_ is still applied in
Norway to odal men, who own farms in their own name. To this day there
are _odal_ farms in Sweden and Norway which have remained in the same
family almost from time immemorial; and such were the safeguards in
olden times against alienation of land, that it has been impossible for
those estates to be gradually absorbed into the hands of comparatively
few men, as has been unfortunately done in some other countries; and as
no conquerors have come to dispossess the original owners, and give
large tracts of land to their followers, the land in many parts of
Scandinavia, with the exception of Denmark, has remained much divided to
this day. Besides _odal_ there was _kaup land_, the latter being
freehold land that could be bought, and loose property.
The Gulathing’s Law enumerates seven ways in which landed property could
become _odal_:—
“1. When it had descended through four generations in unbroken
succession. 2. When the land had been given as _weregild_.[454] 3. When
it had been got by so-called _branderfd_.
4. When it was received as _heidlaun_ (fee-reward), i.e., when, in later
times, it was given by a king to his servant for faithful services. 5.
At a later period, when it was given by the king as _drekkulaun_
(drink-reward), either for having been well entertained, or as a reward
for nursing the king. 6. When it was received as reward for fostering a
child (barnfóstrlaun). 7. When it had been acquired in exchange for
another odal” (Gulathing’s Law, 270).
“The inheritance is called _branderfd_ if a man receives another to keep
him in bad and good circumstances, and feeds him till fire and pyre
(until he dies)” (Gulath., 108).
In all the last six modes of acquiring the land, it is of course
understood that the land must have been the _odal_ of the grantor.
The odal could not be alienated from the family, and if sold to any one
outside the family, the latter had the right of redemption, which
consisted in this: that in case the land was sold to a stranger, the
nearest of kin had the right to redeem the odal from the new owner
within a certain time and on certain conditions. These differed in the
different laws. The Gulathing’s Law, which most extensively treats this
subject, sets as a rule for the redemption, that it could be made by the
nearest of kin after lawful notice, on payment of a sum one-fifth less
than that at which the land was appraised by arbitrators. The kinsman,
however, in order to keep this right open, had to publicly announce it
at the Thing under whose jurisdiction the land lay, within _twenty
years_ after the sale, so that twenty years should never be allowed to
pass between two announcements. If this was neglected, the next of kin
had not thereby lost his right of redemption, but he had to pay the full
value of the land.
“If the land lies (is in possession of the buyer) for twenty winters and
no notice is given, full value must be paid for it” (Gulath., 272).
The right of redemption was not forfeited until the land had been in the
family of the new owner for the period of sixty years without any notice
of redemption having been given.
“If the land belongs to the same line of family for sixty years or more,
it becomes the odal of the owner, so that no man can buy it from him”
(N. G. L., ii. 93).
“If there are two brothers, and one of them dies before his father and
leaves a son, then he shall redeem that part of the odal at
four-fifths[455] of the value from his father’s brother. But he cannot
do it before his grandfather is dead” (Gulathing’s Law, 294).
“When the redeemer has claimed the land according to law, he shall carry
the money to the land at the middle of the fast on the morning next
after the washing-day (Saturday), when three weeks of the fast are left.
He shall put it on a stone where field and meadow meet. He shall speak
thus: ‘Be here on the land Thursday in the Easter-week, and take the
value of the land, as much as it is valued in lawful money. I will come
here with honest men, and thou shalt have as many here. They shall value
the land as it is done when men redeem their odals. The half of the
money shall be in gold and silver, and the other half in native bondsmen
not older than forty and not younger than fifteen winters’” (Gulath.,
266).
If the king was _odalsman_ (i.e., next of kin) to land in the possession
of another, then the redemption was to take place within the reigns of
three kings, for otherwise the right of redemption was forfeited.
“If land falls to the king it must be redeemed from his steward who has
the survey in the _Fylki_ in which the land lies. If there is no king’s
steward in the _Fylki_, it must be redeemed from the steward who is next
in rank and before the lives of three kings are gone. If the land is not
redeemed before, it must lie where it is. Though three kings rule the
land the time is reckoned as the life of one king. If the king wants to
redeem land his steward shall redeem it as we do among ourselves. He
must have redeemed it also before the lives of three kings are gone,
else it lies where it is. Land cannot be redeemed while the king is in
the _Fylki_ in which the land lies” (Gulath., 271).
“The land of no man can become odal before three generations have owned
it in unbroken succession and it falls to the fourth (as inheritance)”
(Frostath., xii. 4).
“Land becomes the odal of a church if she has owned it for thirty
winters” (Frostath., xii. 4).
The land was bought in the following manner, and the bargain was closed
by _weapon-taking_ and the shaking of hands.
“If a man buys land in the presence of many men, the thingmen shall
convey the land to him. He shall summon the other man home, and thence
to the Thing, and have witnesses at the Thing that he has lawfully
summoned him. He shall take mould, as is mentioned in the laws, to the
four corners of the hearth, and to the high-seat, and where field and
meadow meet, and where pasture and stone-ridge meet, and have witnesses,
and those who were present at their bargain, at the Thing that he has
taken the mould lawfully. If he has full witnesses, the Thingmen shall
with weapon-taking convey the land to him. Wherever they agree about the
bargain, and the sale and the mould is rightly taken, it, and also the
conveyance, shall be kept at a church and at an ale-house, and at a
manned ship with several rowing-seats, as if it were made at a Thing.
Wherever the king conveys land it shall be kept”[456] (Gulath., 292).
“The silver was then all counted, and every _penning_ paid for the land.
Börk then took the money, and by a _hand-shaking_ transferred the land
to Snorri” (Eyrbyggja Saga, c. 14).
“If a woman is _baugryg_,[457] she can inherit both odal and (loose)
property, and no man can redeem it from her. The women who are
odal-women and whom the odals follow are these. Daughter and sister, and
father’s sister, and brother’s daughter, and son’s daughter. The
daughter and sister are two _baugrygs_. They can pay and receive wergild
like men. They also have, like men, the first right to buy the land”
(Gulath., 275).
Leaseholds also existed in these early days.
“Thrand leased out the lands at Gata to many, and took as high a rent as
possible” (Færeyinga Saga, c. 2).
_Commons._—From time immemorial the large extents of land and sea, which
belonged to no individual, and used by one or more communities as their
common property, were called _almenning_ or commons, and were under the
power of the _herad_. Every one had the right to make use of wood and
water on these commons; to build himself _sæter_,[458] as well as
smithies and hunting-huts; to fish in the waters, hunt and trap animals;
to cut timber and mow grass, observing the previous rights of any
earlier user. The settler ought then to fence around his property within
twelve months. Outside his home field he owned as outgrounds all the
surrounding land as far as he could throw his knife. All fishing-places
at some distance from the coast were commons, but the king had a right
to get a fee or tax from those who fished there, which tax was one of
his sources of revenue.[459]
“Every man is allowed to use water and wood on a common. Every one shall
have his common as he has had it from old time. If a settlement is made
on a common, the king owns it. If there is a field and meadow fenced in,
he owns the land as far from the fence as he can throw his knife. The
remaining is common. All that is thrown up on the coast of a common is
owned by the king. If people sail along the coast or from sea and their
ships founder, whoever owns the land where they are wrecked owns as much
property as he can prove with witnesses. The king owns all other
sea-wrecks” (Gulath., 145).
“This law have the kings given to all the men of Hálogaland; namely, the
kings have given up all _fish-gifts_ (taxes) from all capes and all
fishing-places, except that men shall give to the king five fishes. That
shall every man do who fishes in Vagar (in Hálogaland)”[460] (Frostath.,
xvi. 2).
“The law of seal-catching places is, that within three weeks from St.
John’s Mass, and six weeks from Yule, all such places are holy, and no
man shall go into another’s ground without leave. If a man is found in
another’s fishing-ground during these weeks and catches seals, he is a
thief. Between these times they shall protect their seal-catching places
like their land with a law stick (lag kelfi), and a _ran baug_ (fine);
if the thief goes then, he is fined for trespassing in another man’s
land....” (Frostath., xiv. 11).
“Deer-enclosures every man can make on common land, if he does not spoil
another’s hunting.... A spear-fence shall not stand longer than ten
winters” (Frostath., xiv. 9).
Later, and after the establishment of the kingdom of Harald Fairhair,
the commons as well as the odal became the property of the king; and
William the Conqueror, after the conquest of England, considered himself
to have the same powers as those usurped by Harald Fairhair and other
northern kings.
“King Harald became the owner of all _odals_, and of all the land
cultivated and uncultivated in every _Fylki_, and even of the sea and
the rivers and lakes. All _bœndr_ were to be his tenants, both those who
cultivated the field and the saltmakers; and all fishermen, hunters and
trappers, both on sea and on land, were his men” (Egil’s Saga, c.
4).[461]
If a person had been living on a common during the time of three kings,
none of whom reigned less than ten years, he had thereby acquired full
and legal rights to his land, even though he lacked the formal consent
of the king.
“If a steward or messenger of the king charges a man with dwelling on
land taken from the common without the king’s leave, and the man answers
that the land has been held by him during the lives of three kings, none
of whom ruled less than three winters, then if the steward or king’s
messenger denies this he shall bring forward witnesses” (Frostath., xiv.
7).
When the king gave land to a man, his successor could take it back, so
the gift was only valuable for the lifetime of the king.
The customs which regulated settlements made on the land in Iceland were
probably very ancient, but it is impossible to tell whether they were
handed down from the time of the first settlers in the North.
Asbjörn, son of Heyangrs-Björn, a _hersir_ (chief)[462] in Sogn, died at
sea on his journey to Iceland, but Thorgerd, his wife and their sons
came to Iceland.
“It was the custom that a woman should not take up more land than a
half-grown and well-kept heifer, two winters old, could be led across
during the spring-long day from sunrise to sunset; therefore Thorgerd
led her heifer from Thoptufell, near Kviá, southwards to Kidjaklett at
Jökulsfell” (Landnáma, Pt. iv., c. 10).
“Those who came out later thought the first comers had taken too much
land, and on that account King Harald Fairhair established a law that no
one should take up more land than he could walk over with fire in one
day with his ship-companions. They were to light fires when the sun was
in the east, which were to burn until night; then they were to walk
until the sun was in the west and make other fires; the smoke was to be
seen from the one fire to the other” (Landnáma, v., c. 1).
CHAPTER XXXV.
DIVISIONS OF PEOPLE INTO CLASSES.
Antiquity of class divisions in the North—Influence of education—The
classes into which society was divided—The Jarl the progenitor of
kings—Primogeniture—The thrall—Description of freemen—The freeman
a farmer or bondi—Occupation of Jarl and his wife—High-born
women—Marriage of the high born—Sons of Jarls—Divisions of the
people at the close of the Pagan era—The Hersir or leader of the
host—Customs of ancient chiefs—The Jarl in earlier and later
times—The Lendirmenn the leaders and advisers of the bœndr—The
position and power of the Bondi—The Haulld, a higher grade of
bondi—The king—Grades of kingship—Sea kings—Consent of the Thing
to the election of a king—Manner of selecting a king.
From very early times the people of the North were divided into classes.
Men and women were educated from their childhood to believe in the
superiority or inferiority of their own being, of the position inherited
by them at their birth, and consequently to think themselves superior or
inferior to the other people of the commonwealth. This belief was
intensified by the education they received, their surroundings and their
mode of life, as seen throughout from the day of their birth to the time
when they were buried. The class that governed held that they were born
to rule, and the slave to remain a slave. The lot of each had been
hereditary, fate had so decreed.
This demarcation into classes was acquiesced in by the people of the
land, for it could not have existed a single moment without their will,
and formed an integral part of the social and political fabric
throughout the whole history of the people.
But as will be seen in the perusal of these volumes, no man was allowed
to rule over the people unless he excelled in many things.
The _Rigsmál_ gives in a striking manner the mode of life of early
times, and shows into how many classes society was divided: viz., the
_slave_; the _karl_ or _bondi_; the _jarl_, and the _hersir_.
In the first stanza of the Voluspa we have seen that all men are called
the sons of Heimdall, of which we have an explanation in the Rigsmál.
Heimdall travels about under the name of Rig, from house to house; first
he goes to _Ai_ and _Edda_ (great-grandfather and great-grandmother),
then to _Afi_ and _Amma_ (grandfather and grandmother), and then to
_Fadir_ and _Módir_ (father and mother).
In the poem we see the ancestry of each class under a sort of developing
system—how the jarl and hersir are the progenitors of chiefs and kings;
and we learn of _odal_, or of primogeniture and entail; of the hersir we
learn nothing, except that he existed.
It is told there went
Along the green paths
A mighty and old
And wise As,
The strong and nimble
Rig the wanderer.
He went on thereafter
Along the middle of the path,
And came to a house;
The door was ajar;
He went in;
Fire was on the floor;
Man and wife sat there
Hoary, at the hearth,
Ái and Edda,
With her old-fashioned hood.
Rig gave them
Good advice;
He sat down
In the middle seat,
And on either side
The man and wife of the house.
Then Edda took
A lumpy loaf,
Heavy and thick,
Mixed with bran;
Then she put more
On the middle of the trencher
Broth was in the bowl;
She put it on a table.
There was boiled veal
The best of dainties.
Rig could give them
Good advice;
He rose from there,
Went to sleep,
And lay down
In the middle of the bed,
And on either side
The man and wife of the house.
There he stayed
Three nights altogether;
Then travelled on
Along the middle of the path;
Then passed
Nine months.
Edda gave birth to a child,
They sprinkled it with water.
_Appearance of the Thrall._
They called him Thrall.
He grew
And throve well;
There was on (his) hands
Wrinkled skin;
Crooked knuckles.
* * * * *
Fingers thick,
Face ugly,
Back bent,
Heels long.
Thereafter he began
To try his strength
To bind bast,
To make loads
Thereafter he carried home
Faggots the weary day.
There came to the house
The leg-walking;[463]
Scars were on her soles;
Her arm was sunburnt;
Her nose crooked;
(She) was called Thir.[464]
She sat down
In the middle of the seat;
The son of the house
Sat at her side;
They talked and whispered,
Made a bed
Thrall and Thir
Through the wearisome days.
They had children,
Lived and were happy;
* * * * *
They laid fences,
Enriched the plough-land,
Tended swine,
Herded goats,
Dug peat.
_Description of Freemen._
Then Rig went
Right on his way;
He came to a hall;
The door was on the latch.
He went in;
Fire was on the floor,[465]
Husband and wife sat there,
Busy with their work.
A man cut there
A log into a loom-beam,
(His) beard was trimmed;
Hair lay on (his) forehead,
His shirt was tight;
There was a chest on the floor.
There sat a woman;
She twirled a distaff,
Stretched out her arms,
Made cloth;
There was a sveig[466] on her head,
A smock on her breast,
A kerchief on her neck,
Pin-brooches on her shoulders;
Afi and Amma[467]
Owned the house.
Amma gave birth to a child;
(They) sprinkled it with water,
Called it Karl,
The wife wrapped it in linen;
(It was) red and ruddy,
(Its) eyes rolled.
_The Freeman, a Farmer or Bondi._
He did grow
And thrive well;
He broke oxen,
Made ploughs;
Timbered houses,
Made barns,
Made carts,
And drove the plough.
They (the parents) drove home
The maiden with the hanging keys
And with the goatskin kirtle;
They married her to Karl;
She was called Snör,
She sat down under bridal linen.
(They) lived as man and wife,
Divided rings (wealth),
Spread bedclothes,
And set up a household.
They had children;
They lived together happy.
Then follows a description of the jarl, who possessed all the qualities
given by Odin, from whom many claim descent. From this we learn the
occupation of himself and wife and their manner of living, that he was a
warrior, and had a knowledge of runes.
Rig went thence
Right onwards;
He came to a hall,
The door was to the south,
And it was shut;
A ring[468] was in the door-post.
Then he went in;
The floor was strewn with rushes;
The man and the wife sat,
Looked into (each other’s) eyes;
Fadir and Modir
Played with their fingers.
The husband sat,
And twisted strings,
Bent an elm,
Shafted arrows;
And the housewife
Looked at her arms,
Smoothed the linen,
Folded the sleeves.
She let her fald stand out;[469]
A brooch was on her breast;
She wore long trailings,[470]
A blue-dyed sark;
A brow brighter,
A breast lighter,
A neck whiter,
Than pure snow.
The mother took
A broidered cloth,
A white one of flax,
Covered the table;
Then she took
Thin loaves,
White loaves of wheat,
And laid them on the cloth.
Forth she set
Full trenchers,
Silver covered,
On the table,
Shining pork
And roasted birds;
Wine was in a jug;
The cups (were) mounted;
They drank and talked;
The day was passing away.
Rig could give them
Good advice;
Then he rose,
And made his bed;
He was there
Three nights together:
Then he went on
In the middle of the path;
Then there passed
Nine months.
Modir gave birth to a boy,
Wrapped him in silk
Sprinkled him with water,
Called him jarl.
His hair was fair,
Cheeks bright;
His eyes were keen,
As a young snake’s.[471]
The Jarl grew up
There in the house;
Shook the lind,[472]
Laid the strings,
Bent the elm,
Shafted the arrows,
Threw the javelins,
Shook the spears,
Rode horses,
Set on the hounds,
Brandished the sword,
Practised swimming.
Out of the brushwood
Came Rig walking,
Taught him runes,
Gave him his name,
Said he was his son;
He bade him own
The _Odal_-fields,
The old homestead.
He rode on thence
Through a dark wood,
Over hoar-frosted mountains,
Till he came to a hall;
He brandished the spear,
Shook the linden,
Let the horse gallop,
Drew his sword,
Stirred up war,
Reddened the field,
Felled men for land.
He alone then ruled
Eighteen farms,
Dealt out wealth,
Gave to all
Treasures and costly things,
Bare-ribbed horses;
Scattered rings,[473]
Cut them asunder.
_Appearance of the High-born Women._
The messengers drove
On the wet paths,[474]
And came to the hall
Where Hersir lived;[475]
He had a daughter
Slender-fingered,
White and gentle,
She was called Erna.
_The High-born Marry together._
They asked for her
And drove home,
And married her to Jarl;
She walked under linen;
They lived together
And were happy,
Increased the kin,
Enjoyed life.
Bur was the oldest,
Barn the second,
Jód and Adal,
Arfi, Mög,
Nid and Nidjung,
They played
Son and Svem (swain)
And played chess.
One was called Kund,[476]
Kon was the youngest.
_Sons of Jarls are called Kon._
Up grew
The sons of Jarl,
They brake horses,
Bent shields,
Smoothed shafts,
Shook ash-spears.
But Kon[477] the young
Knew runes,
Everlasting runes,[478]
And life runes;
And further he knew
How to save men’s lives,
To blunt edges,
To calm the sea.[479]
From this we see that the Jarl was supposed to have qualities not
possessed by the lower class, which was kept in awe of him on this
account.
He learnt the chirping of birds,[480]
To quench fires,
To soothe minds,
To allay sorrows;
He had the strength and energy
Of eight men.
He coped in runes
Against Rig jarl;
Used tricks
And outdid him;
Then he got
And then he owned
The name of Rig,
The knowledge of runes.
The young Kon rode
Through copse and forest,
Shot the bolt,
Killed birds.
Then said a crow;
It sat alone on a bough:
“Why wilt thou, young Kon,
Kill birds?
Thou shouldst rather
Horses ride
And fell the host.[481]
Dan and Danp
Own costly halls,
A higher odal
Than you have;
They know well
To ride the keel,
To teach the edges
To cut wounds.”
Towards the end of the Pagan era the grades of the people were Konung,
Jarl, Hersir or Lend mann, Hauld, Bondi, Leysingi, and Thrall.
_The Hersir._—The dignity of Hersir was hereditary and of great
antiquity, but was not as ancient as that of the Drottin or Godi.[482]
The records in regard to his functions are very meagre. He was the
leader of the _her_ (host, or community), their chief in war and in the
administration of justice; high “priest (Godi)” in regard to worship,
and as such took care of the temple, superintended the sacrifices and
other religious ceremonies. As a godi he held the farms and estates
belonging to the temple, and sometimes received a temple-tax from the
bœndr for the maintenance of the temple and sacrifices. In most
instances the temple property from time immemorial belonged to the
Hersir who presided at the Thing. The change of the name of the ruler
from that of Godi to that of Hersir seems to point to the time when the
temporal and spiritual authority were united, but we have no knowledge
how it came to pass—probably it did so very gradually and insidiously.
By Harald Fairhair the independence of the Hersir, consequently of the
Herad, was well-nigh annihilated, and the former never regained his
position. Thus died this ancient and noble dignity, connected with the
very earliest history of the ancestors of the English-speaking people.
It was an office of a patriarchal nature belonging to the social
structure of that period, intimately connected with the Bondi of the
Herad of which the Hersir was the hereditary head; and with the loss of
his independence came that of the freedom of the Herad and of the
people; and never has Norway been herself since that time. But out of
evil came good. These men, who could not bear the yoke of this Royal
despot, in whom there is but little to admire, except his personal
bravery, afterwards migrated into different parts of Europe, as is seen
from several Sagas.
“In the old age of Ketil, Harald Fairhair established his rule over
Norway, so that no Kings of Fylkis or other great men could thrive there
without acknowledging his power.
“When Ketil heard that King Harald intended to make him submit to the
same conditions as other powerful men, to get no wergild for his kinsmen
and become his tenant, he summoned a Thing of his kinsman and said: ‘To
your knowledge must have come our dealings with King Harald, which need
not be told, for it is more necessary to take counsel about the hard
conditions which he wishes to impose on us. I know for certain his
enmity toward us, and that we can hope for nothing from him. It
therefore seems to me that we have the choice of only two things—either
to flee the country, or be slain each at his place; and I prefer to die
like my kinsmen, but I do not wish to lead you into such danger by my
self-will, as I know the temper of my friends and kinsmen: they will not
leave me though it may be some danger to follow me.’
“Björn, Ketil’s son, replied: ‘Quickly will I proclaim my choice, for I
will follow the example of other high-born men, and flee this land,
rather than remain here as the thrall of King Harald.’ All thought this
well and manfully spoken, and it was decided that they should all leave
the country. Björn and Helgi wanted to go to Iceland, as they had heard
that the land was good, with plenty of game and fish. Ketil however said
that he would not go to that wild country in his old age, but westward,
where he knew many places, as he had ravaged widely there” (Laxdœla, 2).
“Úlf Gyldir was a powerful hersir in Thelamörk. He resided at
Fiflavellir, and his son Asgrim dwelt there after him. King Harald
Fairhair sent his kinsman Thórorm from Thruma to get tribute from
Asgrim, but he would not pay any, for he had shortly before sent to the
king a Gautaland horse and much silver, but said that this was a gift,
and no tax, for he had never before paid any. The king returned the
property, and would not accept it” (Landnáma, v., c. 6).
“A man was called Dala-Gudbrand; he had the name of Hersir, but ruled
like a king over the _Dalir_ (district). Sigvat Scald compared him in
power and in vast possessions to Erling Skjálgsson” (St. Olaf,
Heimskringla, c. 118).
“Arnvid the blind replied: ‘Lord (Herra), most unlike are red gold and
clay, but greater is the difference between King and Thrall. You
promised your daughter Ingegerd, who is high born in all pedigrees of
Uppsvia family, which is the highest in the northern lands, for it is
descended from the gods themselves’” (St. Olaf, Hkr., 96).
It was the custom of the Hersir and of chiefs to sit daily or often on
the mound raised over the remains of their ancestors’ kinsmen or wives,
so that they could be seen for a long distance, and that every one might
have access to them. At such times it seems to have been customary for
the chiefs to be alone. They occupied themselves there in playing with
their dogs, hunting with hawks, cutting the manes of their horses, or
looking at games, &c.; or they quietly contemplated the panorama, and
saw before them visions of Odin, of the Valhalla, and of their kinsmen
who had gone there.
This custom of sitting on mounds seems to be of very great antiquity,
and was mentioned in the earlier Edda, and in many places in the Sagas.
“Thrym the Jotun had stolen Thór’s hammer, and Loki, having borrowed the
eagle-shape of Freyja, goes in the dress of Freyja (see Wedding-dress),
as a bride to Jotunheim, and there beholds Thrym.
Thrym sat on a mound,
The Lord of Thursar,
Braiding gold bands
For his grey hounds,[483]
And cutting even the manes
Of his horses.”
(Thrymskvida, 6.)
Thorleif the wise was a chief who would not accept Christianity, and
Ólaf Tryggvason sent the poet Hallfred to him on this account.
“Thorleif was wont, as was often the custom of men in ancient times, to
sit on a mound not far from the bœr, and there he was when Hallfred
came” (Fornmanna Sögur).
“Thorgnýr Jarl had much loved his queen, and her mound was near the
burgh. The jarl sat there often at good meals, or when he held councils,
or had games played before him” (Göngu Hrólf’s Saga, c. 5).
_The Jarl._—The term Jarl, in the Earlier Edda, was not hereditary, but
was a name of distinction given to a high-born chief who possessed
warlike qualities, to the commander of a host, and, at a later time, to
a chief ruling over certain districts.
In the historical period, when _Fylkis_ existed, we have independent
jarls of Hálogaland, whose jarldom was only different in name from that
of king, to whom he was next in dignity. Later the jarldom was an office
given by the king for life. Harald Fairhair named jarls for every Fylki,
to govern on his behalf; but this was never completely carried out, even
in his own time, for his sons became sub-kings. In the course of the
tenth century the jarls, except those of Hálogaland,[484] disappeared in
Norway. In Harald Fairhair’s time the jarldom was inherited in the
Orkneys, and the jarl, who sometimes possessed large tracts of land in
Scotland, had to pay taxes to the Norwegian kings. During Harald
Hardrádi’s rule, in the middle of the eleventh century, there was only
one jarl in Norway as a help to the king (Harald Hardrádi, Hkr., ch.
49). They often traced their title, which was sometimes considered a
family title, through a long descent; and the famous _Háleygja jarls_
(the jarls of Hálogaland) traced their pedigree from Odin.[485]
“Hákon jarl ruled over Norway all along the coast over sixteen Fylkis.
After Harald Fairhair had ordered that a jarl should be in every Fylki
the custom was continued for a long time. Hákon had sixteen jarls under
him” (Olaf Tryggvason, Heimskringla, c. 50).
In the time of Harald Fairhair there seems to have been a certain
ceremony at the making of a jarl.
“In Naumudal two brothers, Herlaug and Hrollaug, were kings. They had
been making a mound for three summers; it was made of stones, and lime
and wood. When the mound was finished the brothers heard that Harald
Fairhair was coming with a host. Then Herlaug had a great deal of food
and drink conveyed to the mound, and went with eleven men into the mound
and had it shut. Hrollaug went to the mound on which the kings used to
sit and had his high-seat prepared for him there and sat down; he had
cushions laid on the footboard where the jarls used to sit; then he
rolled himself down from his high-seat into the jarl’s seat, and gave
himself the name of a jarl. Thereafter he met Harald and gave him his
whole realm, and offered to become his man, and told him what he had
done. Harald took a sword and fastened it to his belt; then he fastened
a shield to his neck and made him his jarl, and led him up to his
high-seat; he gave him Naumudalsfylki and made him jarl over it”
(Heimskringla, p. 53).
“Hálfdán the old had nine sons by Alvig the Wise, daughter of King
Eyvind of Hólmgard. They were called Thengil, Ræsir, Gram, Gylfi,
Hilmir, Jöfur, Tyggi, Skyli or Skuli, Harri or Herra.[486] These nine
brothers became so famous in warfare that in all songs their names are
used as names of rank, like the names of kings or jarls. They had no
children, and fell in battle” (Hálfdán the Old, Later Edda).
_The Lendir menn._—With the disappearance of the Hersir a new class of
men, called _Lendir menn_, arose, who ranked below the Jarl, and whose
office was somewhat similar to that of the Hersir; but they received
their dignity, which was not hereditary, from the king, and it seldom
happened that any one but the son of such a one was raised to the
dignity.
Before a hundred years had passed after Harald Fairhair’s usurpation of
power, the Lendir menn had won such a position in the state that the
rulers of the country always had to seek their help. They were the
leaders and trusty advisers of the Bondi.
“Shortly after Yule, Svein Jarl gathered men all around Thrándheim,
summoned the levy, and prepared his ships. At this time there were in
Norway many lendir menn, several of whom were powerful, and so high-born
that they were near descendants of kings or jarls; they were also very
rich. Kings and jarls ruling the country had great support from the
lendir menn, for in each Fylki it was the lendir menn who ruled over the
mass of the bœndr” (St. Olaf, c. 44).
_The Bondi_ was a name of honour given to him who possessed lands which
he cultivated with men under him consequently the foremost chiefs of the
country were bœndr.
They made and unmade the laws in the Thing, accepted or deposed the men
who were to rule or ruled over them. In them lay the strength and power
of the country; from their earliest youth we find them practising all
kinds of athletic games, fitting themselves to be warriors on land and
sea.
The _Haulld_ seems to have been a higher grade of bondi, on account of
the nature of the odal which he had inherited from his father and
mother, and which his forefathers had owned before them. The haulld and
the bondi were the only classes who could be regarded as hereditary;
they formed an integral part of the herad, and were the representatives
of all that was powerful and influential in the land. Throughout the
whole Northern literature we see their power when assembled in the
Thing.
The desire to show this power caused chiefs and rich bœndr to surround
themselves with a retinue of free and warlike men.
“When Ólaf Tryggvason ruled over Norway, he gave his brother-in-law
Erling one half of the land-rents, and one half of all the revenues
between Lidandisnes (Lindesnœs) and Sogn. Ólaf married his other sister
to Rögnvald Jarl Úlfsson, who ruled long over Western Gautland.
Rögnvald’s father Úlf was the brother of Sigrid the Proud, mother of
Ólaf King of Sweden. Eirik Jarl did not like Erling to have so much
power, and took to himself all the possessions which King Ólaf had
granted to Erling; but Erling continued to take all the land-dues in
Rogaland, and the inhabitants often paid them twice to him. Little did
the Jarl get of the fines, for the _sýslumenn_ (tax-gatherers) could not
remain there. The Jarl never went to _veizlas_ (entertainments, feasts)
there unless he had many men with him.
“Eirik did not dare to fight against Erling, for he had many and mighty
kinsmen, and was powerful and popular. He also constantly had with him
as many men as a king’s bodyguard. Erling was often on warfare during
the summer, and won property, for he kept up in the same manner his
liberality and high living, though he had smaller and less revenues than
in the days of King Ólaf” (St. Ólaf’s Saga, 21).
“Thorstein Thorskabit became a most powerful man; he always had with him
sixty free men” (Eyrbyggja Saga, ii.).
_The King._—_Kon_[487] in the old Northern tongue meant a man of high
birth; in the Rigsmál, the word is konung.
All descendants of Rig[488] retained the name of konung. Dyggvi, who was
the first of the Ynglings, assumed this title, and later arose a class
of chiefs to whom the name of konung was applied.
“His son Dyggvi then ruled the lands and of him is nothing told except
that he died of sickness.... The mother of Dyggvi was Drótt, the
daughter of King Danp, the son of Rig, who was the first that was called
king (konung) in the Danish tongue; his kinsman always afterwards held
the king’s name to be the highest name of honour. Dyggvi was the first
of his family who was called king.
“Before, they (the family) were called dróttnar (lords) and their wives
dróttningar and the hird was called drótt. Each one of them was called
Yngvi all his life and all together they were called Ynglingar. Drótt
the drottning (queen) was the sister of Dan the Proud, after whom
Danmörk (Denmark) is named” (Ynglinga, c. 20).
The process of the transfer of the ruling authority from the hands of
the Hersir to those of the King cannot be clearly shown; it was most
probably gradual and slow, the one being absorbed by the other. The
dignity of Hersir was earlier than that of Konung.
At first the name of king was a dignity which implied power or rule with
it; there were several grades.
The _Fylki_ kings; the _Herad_ kings; the _Skatt_ kings = tax-kings or
sub-kings; the _Sea-kings_, and the _Host-kings_.
The _Herad-kings_, the kings of the whole realm, who ruled over several
Fylkis or Herads, were the most powerful. They were originally spiritual
rulers, and traced their origin to Odin and his sons.
“At that time there were many kings in Upplönd who ruled over Fylkis,
and most of them sprang from Harald Fairhair. Two brothers, Hrœrek and
Hring, ruled Heidmörk, and Gudröd ruled the Gudbrandsdal. There was also
a king in Raumaríki” (St. Ólaf, 34).
“Harald Fairhair reigned over Norway for a long time; but before that
the country was ruled by many kings, some having one _Fylki_ to govern,
and others somewhat more. All these kings Harald deposed.... He placed a
jarl in every Fylki, to rule the land and administer the laws”
(Flateyjarbók).
Many of the bold spirits of the North could ill brook the yoke of the
first king of Norway.
Sölvi, son of King Húnthjóf, escaped from a battle against Harald
Fairhair in which his father fell. He went to King Arnvid of Sunnmœri
and told him to fight against Harald.
“‘Though this trouble has come on our hands, it will not be long before
the same will come on yours, for I guess that Harald will soon come here
when he has subjugated and made thralls of any one he pleases in
Nordmœri and Raumsdal. You will have to do the same as we had to do,
defend your property and your freedom, and gather together all those
from whom you may expect help. I offer my help and that of my warriors
against this overbearing and insolence; else you must do like the men of
Naumudal, go of your free will under his yoke and become his thralls. My
father thought it a victory to die in his kingship with honour, rather
than become the _under-man_[489] of another king in his old age. I
expect thee to think the same, and others who are of some rank and wish
to use their strength’” (Egil’s Saga, c. 3).
“Once King Hrólf invited his brother-in-law Hjörvard to a feast; while
Hjörvard stayed at the feast it happened when the kings were outside
that King Hrólf untied his breeches belt and meanwhile gave his sword to
King Hjörvard; when King Hrólf had again fastened the belt he took back
the sword, and said to King Hjörvard: ‘We both know that it has long
been said, that he who receives the sword of another man while he unties
his breeches belt, shall ever after be his _under-man_; now thou shalt
be my under-king, and bear it as well as others.’ Hjörvard became
exceedingly angry at this, but had to submit. He went home dissatisfied,
nevertheless he paid tax to King Hrólf like others of his under-kings
who had to pay him homage” (Hrólf Kraki’s Saga, c. 23).
But there were men to whom the name of king was given who had neither
land nor power, and finally it came to imply a leader who ruled over
warriors, and who was called host-king, in the same way that the
commander of a ship was called a sea-king. The latter sometimes
possessed no land, and they were only leaders of smaller or larger
parties of Vikings.[490] As soon as a king’s son or some other prominent
man had acquired a number of warships, he was at once called king by his
companions. These men roamed wherever they pleased, plundering every
man’s land; their estate was upon “Rán’s land”—the sea; their ships were
their houses. Their acts of daring must have been numerous indeed, and
the following passage gives a vivid idea of a sea-king:—
“Eystein the son of Adils ruled Svíaveldi after his father; at that time
Hrólf Kraki fell at Hleidra, and kings plundered much in the Swedish
realm, both Danes and Northmen. There were many sea-kings who ruled over
many men, and had no land. He only was thought to fully deserve the name
of sea-king, who never slept under a sooty rafter and never drank at the
hearth-corner (fire-place)” (Ynglinga Saga, c. 34).
“As soon as Olaf got men and ships, his warriors gave him the name of
king, for it was the custom that _host kings_, who went on Viking
expeditions, if they were _king-born_, should be given the name of king,
although they ruled over no lands” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 4).
Many of the valorous deeds of the sea-kings, whose names are only
mentioned, are lost to us, but this confirms how much of the history of
the famous men of the North has been lost.
It was the custom for the head kings to receive taxes from tributary or
tax-kings.
“Now Knút the Powerful had won England by battles and fights, and he met
with much difficulty before the people of the land became obedient to
him. He considered himself as possessing all Norway as an inheritance;
but Hákon, his nephew, thought he owned part of it, and that he had been
forced to leave it in a shameful manner. One reason that Knút and Hákon
had kept quiet over their claim on Norway was, that when first King Olaf
Haraldsson came into the land, the whole people gathered together and
would hear of nothing but that he should be king of the whole country;
but afterwards, when they thought they were oppressed on account of his
overbearing, some left the country. Many eminent men and sons of
powerful bœndr had gone to Knút on various errands; and each one who
came to Knút asked his friendship, and obtained much property. There was
also greater splendour to be seen there than in other places, both on
account of the number of men which were daily there, and of the
furnishing of the rooms which he possessed. Knút the Powerful took taxes
and dues from those countries of the northern lands which were richest,
but as he received more than other kings, he also gave away more. In all
his realm there was such peace that no one dared break it; the
inhabitants themselves had peace and ancient land-rights. From this Knút
won great renown in all lands” (St. Olaf’s Saga, 139).
A king could give to a friend the _title_ of king without the power of
one.
“King Hring said: ‘I would not give her to thee unless it were that I am
sick, and I like thee to have her rather than others, for thou art the
foremost of all men in Norway; I will also give thee the name of king,
for her brothers will not give either her or the honour away to thee
like I do.’ Fridthjóf answered: ‘I thank you much, lord, for your
favour, which is greater than I expected, but I do not want more than a
jarl’s name as a title.’[491] Hring gave Fridthjóf power over the realm
he had ruled with hand-fastening (joining of hands) and jarl’s name. He
was to rule until the sons of Hring were full-grown and could rule the
land” (Fridthjóf’s Saga, c. 14).
“Then Heidrek went about the land, and made it tributary to King Harald
of Reidgotaland as it had formerly been, and then returned to the king.
He had won very large treasures and a great victory. Harald welcomed him
and thanked him with many fine words. A wedding-feast was prepared, and
Heidrek married the daughter of the king, who celebrated it with great
honour; he gave to Heidrek the name of king and half of his kingdom; he
ruled Reidgotaland long after this, and was thought wise and victorious;
he had a son by his wife called Angantýr. King Harald also in his old
age begot a son called Hálfdán; they were both most promising, and were
thought far above other men in Reidgotaland” (Hervarar Saga, c. 10).
No king could rule over the people or the land without the consent of
the _Thing_.[492]
“Some Fylkis-kings summoned a Thing, and Olaf made a speech wherein he
asked the bœndr to take him for king over the country, and promised to
keep to the old laws and defend the land against foreign chiefs and
hosts; he spoke long and well, and was cheered. Then the kings rose one
after the other, and all spoke in favour of this to the people. At last
the name of king over the whole land was given to Olaf according to the
laws of Upplönd”[493] (St. Olaf, Heimskringla, c. 35).
When Olaf had made a long speech to the bœndr—
“The whole crowd of people arose and would hear of nothing but that Olaf
Tryggvason should be king; and so he was chosen king at the
_Allsherjarthing_ (general Thing) over all the country which Harald
Fairhair possessed, and the rule given to him according to ancient laws.
The bœndr promised to give him many men in order to get the realm, and
afterwards to hold it; and he, on the other hand, promised to uphold the
laws and rights of the land” (Fornmanna Sögur, 1).
If a king attacked a man, the people of all the Fylkis might gather
against him and kill him. The _bœndr_, as soon as a king or jarl had
encroached upon the property or violated their domestic peace, were
obliged to cut up _herör_ (host arrow, war arrow)—if it was a king in
every Fylki, if it was a jarl in four, and after such a summons to
gather together, attack, and slay or drive the offender away. This legal
enactment was undoubtedly of very ancient origin.
“No man shall attack another (with armed men), neither the king, nor any
other man. If the king does so, an arrow shall be cut and sent inland
through all the Fylkis, and he shall be attacked and slain if taken. If
he escapes he shall never come back to the country. Whoever will not
attack him, or drops the arrow, shall pay three marks” (Earlier
Frostathing’s Law, iv., 50).
CHAPTER XXXVI.
SLAVERY—THRALDOM.[494]
Slavery among the Asar—Its early existence in the North—Contempt in
which the slave was held—Nationalities of captives in war—Purchase
of slaves—Daughters of foreign kings taken as slaves—Slaves
considered chattels—Slaves could buy their freedom—Ceremonies
attending the attainment of freedom—Relations between the freed
slave and his former master—Freedom obtained through bravery in
war—Masters empowered to kill slaves—Positions of trust given to
slaves—Indemnity payable to masters for injury to slaves—Laws
relating to slaves’ children—Price of slaves—Laws of purchase.
Slavery flourished with the Asar on the shores of the Black Sea, and
their slaves seem to have been of foreign birth, as we see from the
words of Skirnir, when he comes to ask Gerd in marriage for his master
Frey. He thus speaks of himself:—
I am not of Álfar,
Nor of Asa-sons,
Nor of the wise Vanir:
Though alone I came
Through the wavering fire
Your halls to behold.
(Skirnismál, 18.)
Slavery existed in the North from the earliest time, and was probably
introduced by the followers of Odin.
Among thrall men, the _thjon_ and _bryti_ (steward) were the most
prominent, and among the thrall women the _seta_ and _deigja_, the
latter being a kind of housekeeper or forewoman.
“Two are the best bondwomen of a man, seta and deigja, and two thralls,
thjón and bryti” (Earlier Gulathing’s Law, 198).
Though serfdom, a modified form of slavery, existed afterwards in other
parts of Europe, the land of the Swedes, Gautar, and Norwegians was
never degraded by it; but, alas, it took root in Denmark, and showed
there to what a miserable condition a free people can be gradually
brought by not watching over their liberties.
There are in the Sagas numerous examples showing the contempt in which
the thrall was held; his mark was closely cropped hair, and his dress
was of white vadmal, to distinguish him from the free man.
“Thrand said he had two young thralls to sell him. Rafn answered that he
would not buy them before he saw them. Thrand led forward the two boys;
their hair was cropped, and they were in white coats (kulf)”
(Flateyjarbók, i.).
“Almstein thrall had many children. ‘Now I think it is thy kin, Úlf, as
Almstein was thy grandfather, but I am Hálfdán’s grandson; thy family
has got hold of the king’s property, as can be seen, by ale-service and
other outfittings. Now take here the white kirtle which my grandfather
Hálfdán gave thy grandfather Almstein, and therewith take thy family
name, and be a thrall henceforth; for it was decided at the Thing, when
Hálfdán got a king’s name, that thy grandfather should wear the kirtle,
and the mother of his children came to the Thing, and all his children
put on clothes of the same kind, and all their offspring had to do the
same.’ Harald had a white kirtle carried before the eyes of Úlf, and
sang:—
Knowest thou this kirtle?
Thou hast to pay the Skjöldung a cow,
And a full-grown ox
Thou hast to pay the Skjöldung;
A pig and a fattened goose
Thou hast to pay the Skjöldung;
Children and all which thou earnest
Thou hast to pay the Skjöldung.”
(Fornmanna Sögur vi., Harald Hardrádi.)
Captives in war formed the chief supply of slaves, who consequently came
from many different countries whither expeditions were made, as
Hunaland, Friesland, Valland (France), Britain, Ireland, Scotland,
Spain, and other countries on the shores of the Mediterranean.
“When Egil went to Iceland from a journey to England, Norway, and
Vermaland, the district (south-western part of Iceland) was all settled;
the first settlers were dead, but their sons or grandsons dwelt there.
Ketil Gufa had come to Iceland when the land was much settled; he was
the first winter at Gufuskalar in Rosmhvalanes; he had come from Ireland
across the sea, and had many Irish thralls with him” (Egil’s Saga, c.
80).
“Leif (Ingólf’s foster-brother) went on warfare in the west; he made war
in Ireland, and there found a large underground house; he went into it,
and it was dark, until a sword which a man wore made it light. Leif slew
him and took the sword and much property; then he was called Hjörleif
(Sword-Leif). Hjörleif made war widely in Ireland, and got much booty;
he took there ten thralls, Dufthak, Geirröd, Skjaldbjörn, Haldór,
Drafdrit; the others are not named” (Landnáma).
Purchases of slaves took place wherever the people traded.
“Thangbrand (a priest) bought a fair Irish maiden; he went home to
Brimaborg (Bremen) with Bishop Albertus, and took the maiden with him”
(Fornmanna Sögur, i., 81).
“It happened in the beginning of the summer that King Hákon the good
went with a ship-host eastward to Brenneyjar to make peace (renew
treaties) on behalf of his country according to the laws. This meeting
between chiefs (höfdingi)[495] was to take place every third summer, and
matters on which the kings (of Norway, Denmark, and Sweden) had to
decide were settled there. It was thought a pleasant journey to go to
this meeting, for men came there from almost all lands of which we have
tidings. Höskuld (an Icelander) launched his ship; he also wanted to go
there, for he had not seen the king during the winter, and a fair was
held there at the same time. This meeting was very large; there was a
great deal of amusement, drinking, and games, and all kinds of
merriment. Nothing remarkable happened there. Höskuld met with many of
his kinsmen who lived in Denmark. One day when Höskuld walked with some
others to amuse himself he saw a splendid tent far from the other
booths. He walked there and entered the tent, in which sat a man in
clothes of gudvef (a costly stuff), with a Gardariki hat on his head.
Höskuld asked for his name. He called himself Gilli, from Gardariki.
Höskuld said he had often heard his name mentioned, and that he was the
richest of all traders. Höskuld said: ‘Thou art likely to have things to
sell us which we want to buy.’ Gilli asked what they wanted to buy. The
followers of Höskuld said that he wanted to buy a bondmaid, if he had
any to sell. Gilli said: ‘You mean to get me into difficulty, when you
demand for purchase things which you think I have not got; but it is not
sure that I have them not.’ Höskuld saw that there was a curtain hanging
across the booth; this Gilli lifted, and Höskuld saw twelve women
sitting inside. Gilli told Höskuld to go to them and see if he liked to
buy any of these women. Höskuld did so. They sat all together from wall
to wall in the booth. Höskuld looked carefully at them; he saw that one
poorly dressed sat next to the edge of the tent; he thought she was
beautiful of face as far as he could see. He asked: ‘How dear will that
woman be, if I want to buy her?’ Gilli said: ‘Thou must pay for her
three marks of silver.’ Höskuld said: ‘I think thou valuest this
bondmaid rather high, for this is the price of three.’ Gilli said: ‘Thou
art right; I value her higher than the others; choose any of those
eleven, and pay for her a mark of silver, and let this one be my
property.’ Höskuld said: ‘First I will see how much silver there is in
my money-bag (sjód), which I have at my belt.’ He asked Gilli to take
the scales. Then Gilli said: ‘This matter shall be without guile from my
side; the woman had a great defect, and I want thee to know it, Höskuld,
before we make this bargain.’ Höskuld asked what it was. Gilli said:
‘She is dumb; I have tried to get her to talk in many ways, but I have
never got a word from her; it is certainly my belief that this woman
cannot speak.’ Then Höskuld said: ‘Come with the scales and let us see
how much the money-bag which I have here weighs.’ Gilli did so; he
weighed the silver, and it was three marks. Then Höskuld said: ‘Now it
has happened that this will be our bargain; take thou this silver, and I
will take this woman; I think that thou hast shown thyself generous in
this matter, for surely thou didst not want to cheat me.’ Then Höskuld
went home to his booth. Next morning when people dressed Höskuld said:
‘Little liberality is seen on the dress which Gilli the Wealthy has
given to thee; it is also true that it was more difficult for him to
dress twelve than it is to dress one.’ Höskuld then opened a chest and
took up a fine woman’s dress and gave it her; and all people said that
fine clothes suited her. When the chiefs had settled matters according
to law, the feast and the meeting ended. Then Höskuld went to find King
Hákon, and greeted him honourably, as was fit. The King looked at him
and said: ‘We should have accepted thy greeting, Höskuld, even hadst
thou greeted us a little earlier; but still we will do it now.’
“It occurred one morning when Höskuld went out to look over his farm
(bœr), and the weather was fine, and the sun shone and was low above the
horizon, that he heard some talking; he went to where a brook flowed in
front of the slope of the tun (grass-plot). He there saw two people, and
recognised them; it was his son Olaf and his mother (the bondwoman);
then he saw that she was not dumb, for she talked much to the boy. Then
Höskuld went to them and asked for her name, and told her it would not
do to conceal it longer. She said she would not. They sat down on the
slope; then she said: ‘If thou wantest to know my name, it is Melkorka.’
Höskuld asked her to tell more about her kin. She said: ‘My father is
named Myrkjartan; he is king in Ireland, and I was taken captive thence
fifteen winters old.’ Höskuld said she had too long been silent about
such good kin. Then Höskuld went in and told Jorun (his wife) about what
had happened on his walk. Jorun said she knew not whether she told the
truth, and that she did not like uncouth people, and then they left off
speaking; Jorun was not friendlier to her than before, but Höskuld
somewhat more. A little later, when Jorun went to bed, Melkorka pulled
off her shoe-clothes (skóklædi = shoes and stockings) and laid them on
the floor. Jorun took the stockings and struck her head with them.
Melkorka got angry and struck Jorun’s nose with her fist so that blood
spurted out. Höskuld came and parted them. Thereafter Höskuld let
Melkorka go away, and gave her a bœr in Laxárdal; it has since been
called Melkorkustadir, and is now waste; it is south of the Laxá (a
river). Melkorka had a household there, to which Höskuld gave all that
was needed, and Olaf their son went with her; it was soon seen in Olaf,
when he grew up, that he would surpass other men in beauty and good
manners” (Laxdæla, c. 12, 13).
“Astrid, Olaf Tryggvason’s mother, went with her son, who was then three
winters old, on board a trading-ship bound to Gardariki; her brother
Sigurd was with King Valdimar there.
“On their voyage eastward Vikings met them; they were Eistr
(Esthonians); they took the property and the people and killed some of
them, while they divided the others among themselves as slaves. Olaf was
parted from his mother, and Klerkon, an Esthonian, took him and Thórólf
and Thorgils (two of Astrid’s followers). Klerkon thought Thórólf too
old for a thrall and unfit for work, and killed him; but took the boys
with him and sold them to a man called Klerk, and got for them a very
good he-goat. Another man bought Olaf for a good rain-cloak; his name
was Reas, that of his wife Rekon, of his son, Rekoni. Olaf stayed there
long, and was well kept and liked by the bóndi, and remained six winters
in Eistland in this outlawry” (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 5).
Lodin, a Norwegian trader, once was at a market in Eistland.
“There he saw a woman who had been sold as thrall, and when he looked at
her he recognised in her Astrid, Eirik’s daughter, the widow of King
Tryggvi, and then she was unlike what she had been the last time he saw
her. She was pale and lean, and badly dressed. He went to her and asked
how it was with her. She answered: ‘Heavy is it to tell that. I have
been sold into slavery and taken hither for sale.’ Then they knew each
other, and Astrid also him. She asked him to buy her and take her home
to her kinsmen. ‘I will,’ answered he, ‘take thee to Norway if thou wilt
marry me.’ And because she was then hardly situated, and knew that Lodin
was a man of great kin, brave and wealthy, she promised him this to get
away. Then Lodin bought Astrid and took her home to Norway, and married
her there with the consent of her kinsmen” (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga,
Heimskringla, c. 58).
Sigurd, Astrid’s brother, came to Eistland to gather taxes for the King
of Hólmgard.
“He saw on a market-place a very fine boy, who seemed to him a
foreigner, and asked for his name and family. He said he was called
Olaf, and his father Tryggvi Olafsson, and his mother Astrid, daughter
of Eirik Bjódaskalli. Sigurd recognised in him his sister’s son, and
asked why he was here. Olaf told him what had happened. Sigurd took him
to Reas’ bóndi and bought the boys Olaf and Thorgils, and took them to
Hólmgard”[496] (Olaf Tryggvason, c. 6).
“One day Olaf was in the market-place, which was crowded. There he
recognised Klerkon, who had slain his foster-father Thórólf Lúsaskegg;
he had a small axe in his hand, and went up to Klerkon and cut his head
down to the brains. Thereupon he at once ran home and told his kinsman
Sigurd. Sigurd took him to the room of Queen Allogia (Olga, which is a
corruption of the Northern name Helga) with these tidings, and asked her
to help the boy. She looked at him, and said, ‘Such a handsome boy must
not be slain;’ and ordered all her men to come thither fully armed. In
Hólmgard there was such great _fridhelgi_ (peace-holiness), that the law
bade that any one who slew another, not condemned, should himself be
slain. Therefore the people rushed forward according to their custom and
laws to search for Olaf and take his life, as the law bad. It was said
that he was in the queen’s house, and that there was a fully armed host
to defend him. When the king heard this he quickly went thither with his
hird, and as he did not want them to fight, first procured a truce, and
then a settlement. He adjudged a fine for the murder, which was paid by
the queen. It was the law in Gardariki that there should be no king-born
men except with the king’s permission. Therefore Sigurd told the queen
of what family Olaf was, and also why he had come thither, that he could
not remain in his own country on account of the hostility (and
persecution) of his enemies. Sigurd asked her to tell this to the king,
and beg him to help this king’s son, who had been so ill-treated. She
did so, and he assented to her request. He therefore took Olaf under his
protection, and treated him well, as befitted a king’s son. Olaf
remained in Gardariki nine winters (years) with King Valdimar. He was
handsome, larger and stronger than most others, and in _idrottir_
superior to all other Northern men of whom the Sagas tell” (Olaf
Tryggvason, Fornmanna Sögur, i., p. 81).
Daughters of foreign kings and other beautiful women who were often
prisoners of war were generally made concubines, and called kings’
thrall-women, and became bones of contention in the household circle.
“Olaf, King of Sweden, son of Eirik, had a concubine Edla, a daughter of
the Jarl of Vindland, who had been taken in war, and was therefore
called the king’s thrall-woman” (St. Olaf, c. 72).
“Ketil Thrym, a settler (in Iceland), went abroad and was with Vedorm,
the son of Vemund the old. He bought from Vedorm, Arneid, daughter of
Jarl Asbjörn Skerjablesi, whom Hólmfast, son of Vedorm, had captured
when he and Grim, the nephew of Vedorm, killed Asbjörn Jarl in Sudreyjar
(Hebrides). Ketil Thrym bought Arneid two parts dearer than Vedorm
valued her at first; when the bargain was made he married her”
(Landnáma, iv., c. 2).
Thralls, who were considered chattels, and had no personal rett,[497]
being regarded as the exclusive property of the master and classed among
his _kvikfé_ or live goods, could not acquire anything for themselves
unless allowed by their owner; but this permission seems to have often
been granted, as they generally had property, and even seem to have
possessed weapons, of which the master had not the right to arbitrarily
deprive them.[498]
“If cattle damages cattle, horn or hoof or thrall, it shall be paid at
half value” (Bjarkey Law, 140).
Those who belonged to rich masters were allowed to work for themselves,
and thus acquire means to buy their freedom, and it was more usual for a
slave to buy his freedom than to be made free. He either paid the full
sum and became a free man at once, or paid part of the sum down and the
rest by work for his master.
After this he had personal rett, but had to work one year for his
master, without whose consent he could not marry or make bargains; but
when he had paid the sum and wished to become free, he made his
freedom-ale—a feast with a certain measure of ale—to which he had to
invite his master and his wife, and seat them in the high-seat.
On the first evening of the feast he had to pay the price of his
freedom, namely 6 aurar, to the master, which he could give up or not.
Then he became _leysingi_ (freedman) and could marry and make bargains
not exceeding a certain amount.
Even after the freedom-ale there was a special relation between the
freedman and his former master and his descendants, which was called, on
the side of the master, _vörn_ (defence), on that of the freedman
_thyrmsl_ (obligation, dependence); these terms meant that the master
protected the freedman, and that the latter was dependent on the former.
The freedman was not by birth a member of any family that could help
him, so “his former master had to do that duty.”
The master had to take care of his freedman if he became a pauper; if
the latter went against his former master in anything, whether in law or
in enmity, he became his thrall again.
The master and his descendant took the inheritance after their freedman
or his descendant, if he had no free kinsmen within a certain degree.
This custom varied in different parts of the country; according to the
Frostathing’s Law, it was the fourth degree.[499]
“The family of a leysingi is four men in thyrmsl, but the fifth (degree)
is no more in it, though not bought free” (Frostath., ix. 11).
“If a man wishes to buy himself off thyrmsl and dependence, rather than
make his freedom-ale, it shall be so if his master will pledge his faith
in granting it, and then it shall never be broken” (Frostath., ix. 16)
“If a leysingi wishes to have the power of bargains and marriage, he
shall make his freedom-ale, with at least 3 sáld (measures) of ale, and
invite his master to it, with witnesses, and seat him in the _öndvegi_,
and lay 6 aurar in balances the first evening, and offer him the sum of
a leysingi.[500] If he receives it, it is well; if he gives it up, it is
as if it were paid” (Gulathing’s Law, 62).
“If a thrall gets land or lives (for himself), he shall make his
freedom-ale with 9 mœlirs (measures) of ale, and kill a ram, and a
family-born man[501] shall cut off its head, and his master shall take
the neck-band[502] from his neck. If his master allows him to make his
freedom-ale, he shall ask his leave to make it with two witnesses, and
invite him, with four others, to the feast which is his freedom-ale”
(Frostathing’s Law, ix. 12).
Though a slave had been made free, he could not leave the _fylki_
without permission.
“If a freedman leaves the fylki without the permission of his master,
and obtains for himself property, his lord should go after him with
witnesses. If he is willing to return, all is well; if not, his lord may
by the witnesses prove that he is his freedman, and bring him back to
his old place, bound or not, as he chooses, and seat him where he sat
before” (Gulathing’s Law, 67).
“When a thrall or bondmaid pays his sum of redemption they shall be
taken to the church, a book laid on their heads, and freedom given to
them. They shall work a twelvemonth (xii manad) for their master”
(Gulath., 61).
Slaves and freedmen who had made their freedom-ale were limited in their
bargains.
“A pauper must not make or have power over any bargain. Nor must a
thrall, except only about his knife. Also a freedman who has not made
his freedom-ale must not make a bargain higher than an ‘_ortug_’”
(Gulath., 56).
A thrall who proved that he had for twenty years lived and acted as a
free man without any one during that time having made any objection
thereto, was, according to law, a free man, even if no freedom-ale or
formal liberation had taken place.
“If a thrall goes about like a free man for 20 winters or more and no
one hurts him or his bargains or his marriage out of the fylki or in the
fylki, then he is free if he wants to be called free” (Gulath., 61).
In order to replenish the waste of war, we find that thralls were
allowed to follow their masters on expeditions, and that they could win
their liberty by bravery.
“If they meet a host and fight, and a thrall slays a man, then he is
free, though he was a thrall before” (Gulathing’s Law, 312).
“A bondi is not allowed to send his paid servant into a levy instead of
himself, unless the steersman (of the ship) consents to it; for, if a
servant comes from the harbour for the bondi, he shall redeem himself
from flogging. If a thrall comes in a levy instead of his master, the
king may take him if he wants to, or pronounce him free in relation to
every man” (Jutland Law, iii. 2).
Sometimes thralls were rewarded by their masters for meritorious
actions. Vebjörn and his brothers went to Iceland, but in a heavy storm
their ship was wrecked on some rocks, and they got ashore.
“There they were entertained during the winter by Atli, Geirmund
Heljarskinn’s thrall. When his master got the news of this, he asked why
he had taken care of Vebjörn and his companions. The thrall replied: ‘I
wanted to show thus what a great and splendid chief the man was who
owned a thrall that dared to undertake such things.’ Geirmund thanked
him for his deed, and as a reward gave him his liberty, and land to
settle on” (Sturlunga, Part i., ch. 3).
“Every man who is free and able shall own shield, spear, and cutting
weapons. Only in cases of extreme necessity, where a general rising of
the people takes place, the thrall goes out armed like the free men”
(Gulathing’s Law, ch. 312).
Any one who captured a runaway slave and brought him back to his master
could ask a reward according to the distance at which the slave was
found or captured.
“If a man’s thrall runs away and another gets hold of him inside the
fylki and outside the quarter (of the fylki), he shall have one eyrir.
If he capture him outside the fylki but inside our law district, he
shall get two aurar. If he captures him in the country and out of our
law district, he gets half a mark. If he brings him home in chains the
owner has to redeem him, but not otherwise” (Gulath., 68).
Without being held responsible, a master could kill or maim his thrall;
only in the former case he had to publicly announce the slaying on the
day it was done.
“If a man beats his thrall to death, he shall tell it to men the same
day. Then he is not answerable to any one but God. But if he does not
this, he is a murderer”[503] (Earlier Frostathing’s Law, v. 20).
The slaying of another man’s thrall was paid for by an indemnity of
twelve aurar.
“It was the law at that time that if a man slew the thrall of another,
the slayer should carry home indemnity therefor to the owner, before the
third rising of the sun after the deed. This indemnity was twelve aurar
of silver; and if it was paid according to this law, no suit could be
commenced for the slaying of the thrall”[504] (Eyrbyggja Saga, c. 43).
“Steinar summoned Thorstein for thrall-killing, and claimed that the
slaying of each be punishable by _fjorbaugsgard_ (lesser outlawry); this
was the law if a man’s thralls were killed, and the indemnity was not
paid up before the third sunrise after. Two cases of lesser
outlawry[505] were to count the same as one of full outlawry” (Egil’s
Saga, c. 85).
Thralls were given duties and positions of trust. King Ann’s thrall,
Tunni, as we have seen, became the King’s adviser, and became so
powerful that he rebelled against his own master.
“Erling Skjálgsson said to King Olaf: ‘To this I will quickly reply,
that I deny reproaching Aslak or others for being in your service; but I
acknowledge that now, as heretofore, each one of us kinsmen wants to be
above the others. I will also confess that I willingly submit to thee,
King Olaf, but it will be hard for me to bow before Selthorir, who is
thrall-born in all his kindred,[506] though he is now your _árman_
(tax-gatherer)”[507] (St. Olaf’s, c. 122).
The chief Thorolf Skjalg was a great friend of the wife of the bondi
Lodin. Lodin was slain at night, it was not known by whom, and Thorolf
took the widow home.
“He wanted to make the sons of Lodin thralls, and succeeded in making a
thrall of Rögnvald, but not of Ulf, who was sold as a thrall into
far-off countries.... Thorolf had Rögnvald among his thralls, and when
he was grown up he placed him over other thralls to command them and
keep them at work” (Fornmanna Sögur, c. 145).
If any harm was done to thralls, the master took payment in the same
manner as he did for harm done to his cattle, horse, &c. In two cases
only did the thrall himself take payment—when offended by another
thrall, or when at the Thing, church, or feast with his master; in the
first case taking all the payment, in the last one-twelfth.
“A hauld shall get 3 aurar (as rett) on the behalf of his _bryti_ and
_thjon_, and _deigja_ and _seta_; and 2 aurar for all other slaves. A
thrall’s rett shall be two-thirds less than his master’s. If a thrall
beats another thrall this shall be paid, but the master owns it not”
(Frostath., xi. 21).
“If a man’s thrall follows him to church, or to a feast, or to a Thing,
then he is holy where the ships land or stand. If a man beats him in
either place, a fine in silver shall be paid to the king” (Frostath.,
61).
The child of a free woman by a thrall was free, and belonged to the
family of the mother.
The child of a thrall woman by a free man was a slave, and belonged to
the master of the mother, unless the father publicly declared it to be
his own, and it gained liberty before it was three nights old.[508]
The price of thralls varied somewhat, and in Egil’s Saga we have mention
of a thrall for whom three marks in silver were paid, or twice as much
as the average; they were generally sold at two and three marks; a
common thrall woman being usually sold for one mark. The Swedes and
Danes considered three marks as the average value of a thrall.[509]
“Steinar saw a thrall called Thrand, one of the strongest of men.
Steinar wished to purchase him and offered a high price; but his owner
charged three marks of silver for him, and valued him twice as much as a
common thrall. And that was their bargain” (Egil’s Saga, c. 84).
“The wergild of a Gotlandman is three marks of gold if he is slain. The
wergild of every other man is ten marks of silver, except that of a
thrall, which is 4½ marks of penning (money)” (Gotland Law, i. 15).
A thrall could not be sold out of the country unless he was a criminal.
“No man is allowed to sell a thrall or thrall-woman out of the country,
unless he is known to be a criminal; but if he does so, he must pay the
king three marks” (Earlier Frostathing’s Law, 20).
When a slave was sold the seller had to tell the defects, if any, in
regard to his body or health.
“If a man buys a thrall from another, the seller shall be answerable as
to stitches[510] and epilepsy for the nine next years” (Frostath., v.
3).
Thralls were used to do the killing for their masters—in a word, to
commit murder for them—and to expose children.[511]
“Kári in Iceland quarrelled with Karli about an ox. Kári thereupon
persuaded his thrall to slay Karli. The thrall feigned to have gone mad,
and ran south across Hraun. Karli sat on his threshold. The thrall
struck him a death-blow. Kári killed the thrall” (Landnáma, ii.).
Even with thraldom a master had his retinue of fixed male and female
free servants in his household. These were called house-folk. Workmen
and labouring men were also engaged on estates.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
THE THING.
The people in assembly—Different assemblies—The general
assembly—Local assemblies—Analogy of the United States—Retinues of
Thingmen—Attendance at the Thing—The summons—Place of assembly—Its
sanctity—Breach of the peace at a Thing a sacrilege—Laws
regulating judgments of the Thing—Appeals—Common law of the
towns—Confirmation of resolutions passed at the Thing—Amusements
between the sessions—Accommodation of members—Assemblies in
Iceland—Jurymen.
From the most ancient times we find that the people in assembly, called
_Thing_, exercised their judicial and legislative power. There they
deliberated, not only on the questions concerning their small
communities, but also on the internal or external affairs of the whole
country. There were smaller and larger Things, classified under the
different names of _Thing_, _Mót_, and _Hús-thing_, the latter being a
private meeting to which the chief summoned his own men.
In order to preserve freedom of deliberation and the individual liberty
of each person who came, the most stringent laws and regulations were
laid down.
“With laws shall our land be built, and not be laid waste by
lawlessness. But he who will not allow others the laws shall not enjoy
them himself” (Frostath., i. 6).
The _Herad-things_ were apparently held very often, and were only
attended by the people belonging to the Herad; every one who wished a
question to be settled, and required a Thing, had the right to summon
one.[512]
There were general Things, or _Fylkis-things_, in which several herads
were represented, under the leadership of the hersir or king.
Every Herad was independent of the Fylki in its local affairs, and every
Fylki was independent one from the other, each having self-government.
When the affairs of the country required the presence of all the people,
then the bœndr of the Herads and Fylki met together at a general Thing
called _Allsherjar-thing_ (Thing of all the hosts), and all had to abide
by the decision taken. In fact the country was a union of states bound
together for mutual protection; but they felt that a general government
was not able in all things to attend to the affairs of each Herad or
Fylki, and could not know the wants of the people, as the majority of
those who would have had the management of affairs lived far from them,
and many had never seen other Herads or Fylki than their own. The
nearest approach to this ancient form of government is that of the
United States.
When we say that the Thing was the assembly of the people, we must
qualify the expression, for only bœndr (or free men) who owned land had
a voice in the deliberations. The sons and other relations of these
bœndr, or free men, who did not own land had no voice whatever in the
affairs of the country. The Thingmen were followed by a more or less
large retinue, according to their rank or wealth.
All the bœndr of the Herad were bound to appear at the Herads-thing on
pain of fine, unless a bondi had such a small farm as to be _einvirki_
(sole worker). These latter were not obliged to appear at any other
Thing than (1) _Konungs-thing_, i.e. a _Thing_ summoned by the king
himself; (2) _Manndráps-thing_, i.e. a _Thing_ in consequence of a
murder; (3) _Manntals-thing_, i.e. a _Thing_ for the equalization of the
tax; and (4) _Vápna-thing_, i.e. a _Thing_ to examine if every man
possessed the weapons prescribed by law. All members of the Thing
according to law had an equal vote.
The summons was by sending out a _Thingbod_ (Thing-summons), or, in case
of murder, an _ör_ (arrow) throughout the whole Thing-district; the
summons or arrow was sent from farm to farm, and called upon all
Thingmen to meet at the usual Thing-place, generally the fifth day after
the issue of the summons.
“Every man who thinks a Thing necessary may have one. Every man shall
carry the summons and not drop it. It shall go between the winter-houses
and not between the sœters. The Thing-summons shall delay nowhere in
weather fit for travelling except in night-quarters, and not unless
there is necessity. If a man drops the summons he is liable to pay three
_aurar_.... The man who carries a summons shall cut three notches on the
door-post or door ... and put the summons over the lintel. All bœndr
shall go to the Thing when the summons comes to their house except
single-workers. They shall go only to three Things—a Thing for murder, a
Thing for choosing a king, a man-reckoning (census) Thing. During all
other Things they shall sit at home.... A _widow_ and a disabled bondi
shall not go to the Thing against their will. All other bœndr shall go
to the Thing when the summons comes to their house, or pay a Thing-fine”
(Earlier Gulathing’s Law, 131).
The Thing was held in an open place called _Thingvöll_ (_Thing-plain_),
in earlier times near a temple.[513] On the Thingvöll, or near it, there
always seems to have been a _Thing-brekka_, or Thing-hill, from which
all announcements were made.
The Tiling-plain was a sacred place, which must not be sullied by
bloodshed arising from blood-feud (_heiptarblód_) or any other impurity.
The Thing, from the time it was opened until it was dissolved, was
during pagan times under the protection of the gods. It was opened with
certain religious ceremonies, which included a solemn peace declaration
(_grida setning_) over the assembly, which in earlier times was
pronounced by the Hersir near whose temple the Thing took place. Every
breach of the peace at a Thing was a sacrilege which put the guilty one
out of the pale of the law—he was like the violator of the temple
peace—a _varg í veum_ (wolf in the sanctuary), an outlaw in all holy or
inhabited places, and an _útlagi_ (outlaw) for all until he had made
reparation for his crime.
A struggle having arisen between the godi Thorstein and his followers
and some descendants of a chief Kjallak who had announced their
intention not to respect the sanctity of the Thing and proceeded to act
in defiance of the remonstrances of Thorstein, recourse was had to
arbitration, and Thord Gellir was appointed arbitrator.
“No peace was made between them, for neither would have it. The plain on
which they fought was covered with blood, and also the place where the
Thornes-thing stood during the fight....”
“He began the arbitration by saying that both parties should be content
with their lot, that neither slain men nor wounds should be paid for,
and that the plain was spoiled by the blood of hate which had come down
on it and was no longer holier than other ground. Those who attacked
first had caused this which was the only breaking of peace. He said that
no Thing should thereafter be held there”[514] (Eyrbyggja Saga, c. 9,
10).
On the journey to and from the Thing, and during its duration, all the
men were peace-holy.
“All men named for Gulathing journey shall be at peace with each other
until they come back to their homes. If any one breaks the peace and
wounds or maims a man, he has forfeited loose property and peace in the
land, and shall never come to the country” (N. G. L., ii. 16).[515]
The punishment given to those who did not heed the judgment given at a
law-thing, and confirmed by weapon-taking, was a fine.
“If a man breaks the judgment given at a law-thing, and confirmed by
_vápnatak_ inside and outside the law-court, then he is to pay the king
four marks of silver, and one mark to the plaintiff” (N. G. L., ii. 17).
“If a man has been fined for breaking a judgment once, and persists in
disregarding it, then the king’s stewards shall summon him to a Thing
and outlaw him unless he pays what is then due. A man is liable to the
same if he breaks the judgment given at the Frostathing, and confirmed
by _vápnatak_ inside and outside the law-court” (Earlier Frostathing’s
Law, v. 46).
In Iceland Things were held regularly twice a year, namely, before and
after the Althing (Thing for the whole land). The one taking place in
the springtime lasted at least four days, or at most a week.[516] The
other, called _Leid_, at the end of summer, lasted not more than two
days.
“We (the people) shall have _Leid_ (autumn-thing), and those godis who
hold a Thing together shall have _Leid_ together.... The _Leid_ shall
not be held before fourteen nights after the Althing. No _Leid_ shall
last less than one day, or longer than two nights” (Gragas (1852), iii.
§ 61).
The country was divided into four quarters, and each of these into three
Thing-districts, except the northern quarter, which was divided into
four.[517] Every Thing-district was divided into three parts, each of
which was ruled by a godi who was temple-priest. At the Quarter-thing
all the bœndr of the quarter assisted.[518]
The Althing, which was held once a year, took place between the two
other Things. This was natural, as at the Spring-thing they prepared for
the Althing, and at the Thing held at the end of summer it was usual to
make known what had taken place at the Althing.
“The Althing was placed where it is now, according to the advice of
Úlfljót and all the men of the land. Before this the Thing was at
Kjalarnes, established by Thorstein, son of Ingolf, the (first) settler,
and father of Thorkel Máni (moon), lawman, and other chiefs”
(Islendingabók, c. 3).
The appeal of a cause from a lower Thing to the higher one was expressed
in the Gulathing’s Law, which probably had the greatest authority over
the larger part of the country; every dispute had first to be treated at
the smaller Thing of the _Herad_, and only when it could not be
satisfactorily settled there was it to go before the _Fylkisthing_. A
Thing from two Fylki had less power than one of four, and one from four
less than one from eight.
“In every case when all the men of the Fylki agree, no lawful judgment
of theirs in matters about which they have right to judge shall be
broken, though kinsmen on the male or female side or near relatives do
not come. But if one-fourth or more of the right Thingmen do not come, a
new Thing shall be summoned from two Fylkis for the case.... If they do
not agree at the Thing of two Fylkis, it shall be sent to a Thing of
three Fylkis. If they do not agree, a Thing of four Fylkis. If they do
not agree, a Thing of eight Fylkis; that which is agreed upon by all
there and brought into the law-court shall stand” (Frostath., x. 30).
To this Thing as well as to lesser Things, every bondi who was a working
man had to come. In later times, if the king was not present, his
representatives the lendir men were bound to be there. Among these
lesser Things were those which dealt with questions relating to paupers.
“It is customary in Iceland for the bœndr to have a Thing in the autumn
in order to deal with the poor; the one first named among the poor was
Thorljót, the father of Thjódolf” (Flateyjarbók, iii. 421).
In the course of time and towards the latter part of the pagan era there
arose from the Herad towns proper (_kaupstad_ = trading-places), and the
people formed a separate class whose interests were not identical with
those of the bondi, and who required a special government and Thing. The
common law of the towns is known under the name of _Bjarkeyjar-rétt_
(town law). Each town had its _mót_, formed by all householders
(_húsfastir_).
There were also meetings of people of the _Hrepp_, which was a tract of
country consisting of at least 20 bœndr, who were able to give pay to
Thingmen. Their meetings were ordinary or extraordinary. For
extraordinary meetings they had to send the cross (or in early times the
war-arrow) around. At the meeting the affairs of the poor and other
burdens of the community, and the regulations concerning order, were
settled. Five men were chosen, who were the representatives or executive
power of the community. These men had not necessarily to be landowners.
Their duty was to prosecute vagabonds or criminals, and to be present at
oath-taking.
“There shall be lawful Hrepps in this country (Iceland). It is lawful
when 20 bœndr or more are in it. If the lögréttu-men (law-court men)
allow it there may be fewer (bœndr).... Five landowners (bœndr) shall be
chosen in every Hrepp to prosecute all those who do not fulfil their
duties in the Hrepp, and also to divide the tithes and food-gifts (to
the poor), or see to the keeping of oaths taken by men. They need not be
landowners if all the men of the Hrepp agree.... If a pauper is
unlawfully brought into the Hrepp, the man to whom he is sent shall cut
a cross if he thinks he needs a Hrepp-meeting, and carry it to the next
house, and there appoint a Hrepp-meeting within seven nights or more,
and tell the others to carry the cross. Then each of them shall have it
carried as directed by the man who cut it, and it shall be sent in all
directions” (Grágás, p. 171, § 234).
The resolutions taken at the Thing were finally confirmed by the
_vápnatak_ (weapon-taking), for, as we know, the thingmen during the
deliberations put away their weapons, and by again taking them up and
shaking them they declared matters settled and the Thing dissolved.
“King Sverri summoned the people to _Eyrathing_[519] in Thrándheim, and
named twelve men from each Fylki of the eight which are on that side of
Agdanes. When they came, the name of king was given to Sverri at this
Thing of eight Fylkis, and it was done with weapon-taking, and the
people of the land took oaths to him, according to the old laws of the
land” (Fornmanna Sögur, viii. 41).
Sigurd Slembidjakn, who pretended to be the son of Magnus Bare-foot,
murdered Harald Gilli of Norway in his bed at night, and then asked the
people to take him as king.
“Many from the king’s house came down to the piers, and all answered, as
with one mouth, declaring it should never be that they would yield
homage and service to a man who had murdered his brother; ‘for if he was
not thy brother, thou art not born to be king.’ They clashed their
weapons together, and declared them all to be outlawed and peaceless.
Then the king’s horn was blown, and all the lendirmen and hirdmen were
gathered” (Harald Gilli’s Saga, c. 18).
Between the sessions of the Thing amusements took place, among them that
of saga-telling; and the people who attended were often finely dressed.
“Thormod the scald wondered that no man was in the booth, as many were
there when he fell asleep. Fifl-Egil entered and said: ‘Too far art thou
now from great fun.’ Thormod answered: ‘Where wast thou, or what is the
fun?’ Egil answered: ‘I was in the booth of Thorgrim Trölli, and a great
part of the Thing-assembly is there.’ Thormod asked: ‘What is their
amusement?’ Egil answered: ‘Thorgrim Einarsson is telling a saga.’
Thormod asked: ‘Of whom is he telling a saga?’ Egil answered: ‘I know
not about whom the saga is, but I know that he tells it well and
entertainingly; he sits on a chair outside the booth, and the people sit
round and listen to the saga.’ Thormod said: ‘Thou must be able to name
some man mentioned in the saga, especially as thou sayest it is so
entertaining.’ Egil answered: ‘One Thorgeir, a great champion, was
mentioned in the saga as having fought very well, as is likely. I should
like thee to go and listen to the saga.’ Thormod answered: ‘I can do
it,’ and rose”[520] (Fostbrœdra Saga, c. 32).
“The sons of Hjalti made an arvel after the death of their father. They
were summoned to the Thorskafjardar-thing. When they came to the Thing
they were so well dressed that people thought the Ásar had come”
(Landnáma, iii. c. 10).
As the people often came from a long distance, there were erected near
the Thing-place Thing-booths for their accommodation, some of which were
very large.
Thorstein had slain the thrall of a neighbour, and therefore was
summoned to the Thing.
“Thorstein, son of Egil (Skallagrimsson), had very many men with him at
the spring Thing, and went there one night earlier than the others, and
he and his Thingmen tented their booths.[521] When they had made their
own booths ready, Thorstein bade his Thingmen go and raise large
booth-walls; then he had a much larger booth than the others, in which
there were no men” (Egil’s Saga, c. 85).
In Iceland we find the _kvid_ (a law term which may mean both the
witnesses and the jury). The men who were in the _kvid_ did not need to
be eye-witnesses; but had to be men who were impartial, and who could
form the best judgment from the circumstances of the case. They had to
give a verdict under oath. The number of the men of the _kvid_, and the
manner of choosing them, varied according to the matter to be
considered. In some important cases, recourse was had to the
_Tylftarkvid_ (a body of twelve men) summoned at the instance of the
plaintiff by the godi of the district, who with him named or chose
eleven of his Thingmen.
The second kind of _kvid_ was _Búakvid_ (bondi kvid), which was used in
cases of murder and other crimes, consisting of five or nine neighbours
chosen by the plaintiff.
The third kind or Bjargkvid (saving kvid) consisted of five men, also
chosen by the plaintiff and of the same place. The defendant had the
right to challenge jurors out of the _kvid_, but only for lawful
reasons, and the places had to be filled up. If the _kvid_ after
deliberation could not agree, the majority ruled; and if in the
_Tylftarkvid_ the votes were equal, the godi had the casting vote; but
the verdict was nevertheless to be given unanimously, though the
minority were not responsible if the verdict was found to be wrong.
In the earliest times the same practice seems to have held in Norway,
till Christianity coming in brought with it the purification oath.
Men could be turned out of the jury if they were not bœndr.
In a law case at the Althing after the burning of Njál, Eyjólf
Bölverksson, a man skilled in law, said the following with regard to the
jury or _kvid_:
“‘I name witnesses to this that I take these two men out of the _kvid_,
and name them both, because they are booth-sitting men (less than bœndr)
and not bœndr.’ Mörd went to the court and said: ‘I name witnesses to
this that I make void the lawful challenging of Eyjólf Bölverksson,
because he challenged men out of the _kvid_ who are rightly in it. Every
man who owns three hundreds[522] in land or more, though he has no milch
cattle, has the right to be in a jury of bœndr, as also he who has milch
cattle, though he is a tenant.’ He had the witnesses before the court,
went to where the bœndr (of the jury) were and told them to sit down,
and that they had a right to be in the kvid. Then there was a great
uproar, and all said that the case of Flosi and Eyjólf was made
perfectly void” (Njala, c. 142).
It seems that it was usual to have twelve judges to decide important
cases.
“Thereafter King Heidrek went home with his queen and they loved each
other well; he left off all warfare and made laws in the land; he chose
twelve of the wisest men to judge in important cases in his realm, and
prevented all warfare in his land; he became a great chief and was well
liked” (Hervarar Saga, c. 14).
Gunnar, when attacked, slew Thorgeir Otkelsson, and was summoned before
the Thing to answer for it.
“Many chiefs tried to effect a reconciliation, and the result was that
twelve men were to arbitrate in the case” (Njala, c. 74).
King Olaf, of Sweden, always had with him twelve of the wisest men, who
assisted him in difficult cases.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
THE GODI AND THE GODISHIP.
Power and functions of the godi or temple-priest—The leaders at
sacrifices and spiritual rulers in the earliest times—The law only
above the godi—He is the administrator of the law among the
Thingmen—The post hereditary—Ceremony attending the assumption of
office—The godi’s office transferable—Appearance of the godi—Their
attendance at the Althing compulsory—The weapon-thing—Sanctity of
the law-courts.
The power and functions of the godi, or temple-priest, whose name has
been mentioned in the chapter on Religion, were probably the same in
Norway as in Sweden or Denmark before the time of Harald Fairhair of
Norway, Gorm of Denmark, and Eirik of Sweden. In the earliest times the
godis, whose office was called _godord_ (godiship), were the leaders at
sacrifices and spiritual rulers of the people, and their descendants
united both the spiritual and temporal power.
The original number of holders of the godiship in Iceland was
thirty-nine, but in the year 1004 twelve new members were added.
The position of the godi among the Thingmen was of a special nature, and
was grounded on birth or privilege, such as purchase; the only thing
above him was the law, which was in the keeping of all the godis of the
country. He had to see that the law was carried out among the Thingmen,
and had to help his own Thingmen when they had a case against a Thingman
of another district.[523]
The temple-priest as such had certain revenues; he had, besides, a share
of the pay given to the Thingmen by the bœndr who did not go to the
Thing; parts of certain fines and forfeited property, and fees for
certain legal formalities which could only be performed by him.[524] He
was named by the district or by the family, and the bœndr[525] under a
certain godi were called the Thingmen of the godi.
The _godord_ was looked upon as property; it was inherited, and could be
given away, sold, or forfeited. If the godi forfeited the godiship, then
the men of the _Thridjung-district_[526] to which the godiship belonged
had to elect another; and also, when the heir was not of age, they could
elect a provisional godi. The heir to a godiship would become godi, if
the bœndr allowed him, at the age of twelve. If the heir was a woman,
she could give the godiship to whichever man of the district she
preferred.
When a man became a godi he killed a ram and dipped his hands in its
blood.
“Höskuld said: ‘Let us redden ourselves in the blood of the godi
according to ancient custom.’ He killed a ram, reddened his hands in its
blood, and declared Arnstein’s godiship to be his....” (Ljosvetninga
Saga, c. 4).
If the godi broke the law he was prosecuted like another man,
consequently there was a check upon his powers, and he had to take great
care that law and justice were properly executed.
“The men of the _Thridjung-district_ always have power over the godiship
when the godi is outlawed and loses it. They shall draw lots among
themselves. If a man has bought a godiship, or it has been given to him,
then it shall be inherited (by his heirs).... If the godi becomes sick,
he has the right to sell the godiship. If he dies and leaves a son 12
winters old he gets it (the godiship) if the people allow it. If a woman
is heiress she shall sell the godiship to some man of the district. If
the godi dies before _einmanud_[527] they shall draw lots and have a
meeting as to who shall get the godiship; crosses[528] shall be cut and
sent in all directions. If he dies after _einmanud_ they (the people)
shall come one night before others to the Spring-thing and draw lots who
shall be godi. If he dies towards the Althing (time), or on the way to
the Thing, then his nearest kinsman at the Althing shall be godi. If
there is no kinsman his Thingmen[529] shall decide who is to be godi,
and must come to their decision before the courts (are formed). If there
are cases at the Spring-thing the godi is liable to lesser outlawry if
he has not arrived at the beginning of the Thing” (Grágás (1852), p.
142).
If the godi for one reason or another could not rule over his district,
he could give it to whomsoever he liked within the district; though the
office could be owned by more than one, it could only be _represented_
by one man.
“Hrafnkel sat on his farm (_bu_) and continued to be honoured. He died
and his mound is in Hrafnkelsdal outside Adalbol. Much property, all his
war-dress, and his good spear were _mound-laid_ with him. His sons
assumed his rule. Thorir lived in Hrafnkelsstadir and Asbjörn at
Adalbol. They both owned the godiship and were thought to be powerful
men” (Hrafnkel Freysgodi’s Saga).
If there were several owners, and the power had only been given to one
of them, it went by turns one year at a time.
“Helgi Asbjarnarson lived at Oddsstadir near Hafrsá; he was godord-man
(godi); he was married to Droplaug, daughter of Spakbessi. They had many
children. Hrafnkel, the first cousin of Helgi, lived at Hafrsá and was
young. He and Helgi both had the same godord (godiship) and Helgi
wielded the godiship.
“Hrafnkel claimed the godiship from Helgi Asbjarnarson, his kinsman, and
did not get it.
“In the spring people went to the Spring-thing. Helgi Asbjarnarson then
named An Trud into the court (dóm), though it was to be concealed, for
An had given to Helgi seven stud horses. When An was seated in the court
Helgi put on his head a felt-hood to disguise him and asked him to speak
little. Thereupon Hrafnkel with the sons of Droplaug and many men walked
up to the court. Helgi Droplaugarson walked up to the seat of An Trud in
the court; he jerked up the felt-hood with the guards of his sword and
struck it down and asked who sat there. An told his name. Helgi said:
‘Who named thee into the court on the behalf of his godiship?’ He
answered: ‘Helgi Asbjarnarson did it.’ Helgi Droplaugarson then asked
Hrafnkel to name witnesses and claim that Helgi Asbjarnarson had
forfeited the godiship; he said all his cases were made void as he had
named An into the court. Then there was great pressing forward and a
fight nearly ensued, but Hólmstein intervened and tried to reconcile
them. The agreement was that Hrafnkel should have the godiship as long
as Helgi had had it before, and thereupon they should have it both
together; Helgi should, however, help Hrafnkel in all cases at Things
and meetings of men and wherever needed. Helgi Droplaugarson said to
Hrafnkel: ‘Now it seems to me I have helped thee.’ He answered that it
was so. Then people rode home from the Thing” (Droplaugarsona Saga).
The godis seem to have worn long beards, which apparently was the custom
among rulers, for Edward is represented on the Bayeux tapestry with a
beard.
“Rolf was a great chief and a most powerful man; he had to keep the
temple of Thor on that island (Mostr), and was a great friend of Thor,
on which account he was called Thorolf. He was tall and strong, fair of
face, and had a large beard, wherefore he was called Mostrarskegg; he
was the most prominent man on the island” (Eyrbyggja Saga, c. 3).
When the heir to the godiship was a minor, the fittest Thingman took the
office till he came of age.
“It was law at that time that when the heirs were minors the Thingman
who was thought the fittest should keep the godiship (until they were of
age)” (Vatnsdæla, c. 41, 42).
The men of Vatnsdal had a meeting at Karnsá about the godiship.
“They spoke about the godiship and did not agree; every one of them
wished to become godi. Then they laid lots in a cloak-skirt, and the lot
of Thorkel Silfri (a chief) always came first, for he was skilled in
witchcraft. Thorgrím (a kinsman of the deceased godi) walked out and met
Thorkel Krafla (his own illegitimate son) in the entrance with other
boys. Thorgrím said: ‘Now I want thee to pay the price for the axe.’
Thorkel answered: ‘I should like very much to have the axe, and can
easily pay its price now, though I have not the ware thou likest.’
Thorgrím said: ‘Other things than ware will be taken.’ Thorkel asked:
‘Dost thou want me to slay Silfri?’ ‘Yes,’ answered Thorgrím. The lot of
the godiship had then been drawn by Silfri. Thorkel walked into the
room, and so near Silfri that he touched his foot; Silfri pushed him
away and called him the son of a bondmaid. Thorkel jumped up on the next
seat and struck his head with the axe (_taparöx_); Silfri at once died,
and Thorkel said the axe was not too dear. Thorgrím said the boy had
been badly tempted, and did not stand it well, but had shown himself to
be a kinsman of the Vatnsdælir (by his bravery), and he would
acknowledge that he was his son. Thereupon Thorgrím got the godiship,
and was called the godi of Karnsá” (Vatnsdæla, c. 41, 42).
“The godi if he likes shall go upon the Thing-slope at the Spring-thing
and name witnesses that he asks all Thingmen of his district (thridjung)
to go to the Althing, and they shall decide it with lots or in other
ways. Every ninth of his Thingmen shall go. The Spring-thing shall be
dissolved at mid-day when men have been four nights at it, but not
before, unless all the Thingmen agree otherwise and all cases brought
before it are decided” (Grágás, i. 116).
Every Thing-district had a fixed Thing called Herad-thing, which was
presided over by the three godis of the Thing-district.
The godi in whose district the Thing-place lay declared the Thing holy;
if the Thingman could not come himself, he could send a freeman of his
house in his place.
“We shall have a Spring-thing in our country. Three godis shall have
one together. They shall not hold a Thing for longer than one week,
nor for less than three nights, unless they are allowed by the
_Lögrétta_[530].... The godi who owns _Thinghelgi_ (declaration of
thing-peace) there shall declare the Thing holy the first evening
when they come there.... The godi shall decide what are the
Thing-boundaries, and he shall declare it holy, as at the Althing,
and declare what is its name”[531] (Grágás, p. 96, § 56).
A Thingman could declare himself the Thingman of another godi. Every
godi had to have a booth on the plain, large enough to hold all his
Thingmen; but the great bœndr often had with them their own booths, and
their friends, women, children, and servants, &c. The godi who declared
the Althing holy was called _allsherjar godi_ (the godi of the whole
host).
We see that in Iceland at first the _Kjalnesinga godi_ had the high
office at the Althing,[532] but later the godi in whose district the
Althing lay.
The Althing began on Thursday when ten weeks (fifty days) of summer had
passed, and lasted fourteen days.[533]
To the Althing all the godis had to come, and to arrive on Thursday
night, before the sun had left the plain; if not, they forfeited their
godiship. If a godi had met with lawful hindrances, the godi of the same
Thing-district decided who should take his place. He had the right to
call upon every ninth man of his Thingmen to follow him to the
Spring-thing.[534]
All the bœndr who had come to the Althing on Thursday night were
considered _right Thingmen_, but the bœndr who remained at home had to
pay a fine. If they came before the first Sunday of the Thing they were
_right Thingmen_, but received no pay. The Thingmen were not allowed to
leave the precincts of the Thing before the assembly was dissolved.[535]
“All godis shall come to the Thing on the fifth day of the week when 10
weeks of the summer have passed before the sun leaves the Thing-plain.
If they do not come they are fined and lose their godiship, unless
necessity causes their absence. The Thingmen shall come to the Thing on
the fifth day of the week and go to their booth with the godi in whose
Thing-district they are; each of them shall have a partition of cloth
across the booth; each shall get Thing-journey pay, and they are
Thingmen both in their own matters and in those of others. The godi is
then bound to give a Thingman room in his booth; if he does not, then
the Thingman does not break the law though he go to another booth, and
has also a claim to the Thing-journey pay. Men shall pay Thing-journey
pay as they agree upon in every district with the godi.... The Thingmen
shall not be one night or longer away from the Thing; nor are they
Thingmen when they go outside the Thing-marks” (Grágás, i. 24).
Sometimes meetings took place called _Vápnathing_, where all the bœndr
had to appear, and produce for inspection the arms which every man was
legally obliged to have.
“Wherever a weapon-thing is to be, the king’s steward (árman) or a
_lend-man_ shall announce it in the autumn, and hold the Thing in the
spring. All free and full-grown men shall come to it or pay a fine of
three _aurar_ each. Then men shall show their weapons as is laid down in
the laws. A man shall have a broad-axe or a sword, a spear, and a shield
which must have at least three iron-rims across it, and whose handle
must be fastened with iron nails. Three _aurar_ are to be paid for every
folk-weapon (missing or not in good order). For every rowing-bench the
bœndr shall furnish two dozen arrows and one bow. One _eyrir_ shall be
paid for every missing arrow, and three _aurar_ for a bow” (Earlier
Gulathing’s Law, 309).
The place where the judges sat was holy, and ropes, _vebönd_, marked out
the boundaries of the enclosure.
“The court was held in a level field and hazel poles were put down in a
circle into the ground with ropes around them; these ropes were called
_vebönd_ (sacred bands). Inside the circle sat the judges, twelve from
Firdafylki, twelve from Sygnafylki, and twelve from Hördafylki; these
thirty-six men were to judge in all cases. Arinbjörn chose the judges in
Firdafylki, and Thórd of Aurland (the brother of Björn) those from
Sygnafylki and these twenty-four acted together” (Egil’s Saga, c. 57).
“It is an old right that stewards from every Fylki shall make the vebönd
on the Thing-plain. The vebönd shall be so wide that those appointed for
the law-court shall have room to sit inside. The stewards shall name for
the law-court as many men as are fixed for each Fylki. From the inner
Thrándheim forty men shall be named for each Fylki, and from the outer
Thrándheim sixty men from each Fylki, and the oldest and most able men
shall be named into the law-court. No lendirmen must go into the
law-court unless the bœndr allow it. It is also law that no man who is
not named must sit inside the vebönd without being liable to pay a mark.
If a man leaves the law-court and goes outside the vebönd to another
place he is to pay a full mark” (Frostathing’s Law, i. 2).
CHAPTER XXXIX.
THE LAWS OF THE EARLIER ENGLISH TRIBES.
Comprehensiveness of the codes of the Northmen—The earlier laws—The
Icelandic laws—The Grágás law-book—Judgment rings—Power of the
lawmen—Their office hereditary in early times—Their office
elective in Iceland—Manner of election—Duty of the lawman—Ceremony
at the close of his term of office—Length of the term of
office—Norway divided into four law-districts—Law originally
vested in the people—Members of the law-court—Mode of their
election—Judicial decisions.
For clearness of language, comprehensiveness, and minuteness of detail,
we find nothing in Europe during the first ten centuries of the
Christian era that can compare with the earlier laws of the Norsemen; we
must go back to Rome to find such comprehensive and exhaustive codes.
They give us a very clear insight into the life and civilisation of the
North, which from these records seem to have been far above those of
neighbouring countries at that period. Some of the laws given in the
course of this work demonstrate the mode of life of the time. We can see
from these that, above all, the Norsemen abhorred perjury, murder,
seduction, adultery, and the violation of the sanctity of
blood-relationship.
The earlier laws, as all laws in every country, were but a codification
of the customs of the people, handed down in many cases from very
ancient times.
The Icelandic laws were based upon those of the mother-country, just as
those of the English colonies are to-day based on the old English laws,
and those of other colonies on those of the countries that founded them.
“When Iceland was widely settled, an eastern (Norwegian) man called
Úlfljót was the first who brought laws there; this Teit told us; they
were called Úlfljót’s laws; Úlfljót was the father of Gunnar, from whom
the Djupdælir in Eyjafjord are descended. The laws were mostly taken
from the Gulathing-laws as they were then, or made according to the
advice of Thorleif the Wise, son of Hördakári, with regard to what
should be added or taken away, or altered” (Islendingabók, c. 2).
One of the great authorities for our knowledge of the administration of
justice among the Norwegians is the law-book, the Grágás.[536]
Sigvat Scald made a song wherein he says the king (Magnus) was too hard
towards the bœndr.
“After this the king became milder; also many spoke to him about this.
At last he had a talk with the wisest men, and they made laws. Then he
had a law-book written which is still in Thrándheim, and is called
Grágás (the grey goose). He became popular and was liked by all the
people of the land, and therefore was called Magnus the Good” (Magnus
the Good’s Saga, Heimskringla, c. 17).
All over the Northern lands are yet seen numerous judgment rings, made
of large stones, where justice was administered; some were used for
religious ceremonies, some for duellings.
“The defender in a case can name six judges whom he does not want to
judge in his case. They are to rise from the court (dóm), and sit inside
the dómhring (sacred precincts) while the case is judged” (Grágás, i. p.
78).
The lawmen, or _lögmenn_, were the most influential and powerful men in
the land; they were respected and loved by the people, and great faith
was placed in their advice. Extensive knowledge of the earlier customs
and ancient laws was absolutely necessary for this important office, in
order to put before the Thing in a proper light the subjects under
discussion. From the Sagas we see that their office in the earlier time
was probably hereditary; but in Iceland, as the emigration broke the
hereditary succession, the lawmen were chosen by election.
“Hákon was one of the most merry, eloquent, and modest of all men; he
was very wise and especially fond of law-making. He enacted the
Gulathing’s law, with the advice of Thorleif the Wise; also the
Frostathing’s law, with the advice of Sigurd jarl and other Thrands who
were very learned; but the _Heid-sævi’s_ law (Eidsivia law) had been
enacted by Halfdan the Black (father of Harald Fairhair)” (Fornmanna
Sögur, i., p. 31).
“At this feast were Gunnar and many others of the best men. After the
feast Njal asked if he might take home Thorkall, Asgrim’s son, for
fostering, and he was with Njal long after. He loved Njal more than his
father. Njal taught him the laws, so that he became the greatest lawman
in Iceland” (Njala, 27).
The lawman was the representative of law, though he had neither judicial
nor legislative power; he was selected by the law-court, or Lögretta, on
the first Friday of the Althing, before the cases which were to be tried
at the Thing were made public on the law-hill. Then if the election was
not unanimous, it was decided by throwing of lots which quarter should
elect him; the law-court men of the quarter could elect him from their
own quarter or from another, but the majority decided the question. The
lawman, followed by the members of the law-court, walked up to the
law-hill and took the seat intended for him. An election was good for
three years, and the same man could be elected again; but he could
forfeit his office through injustice or carelessness.
His duty was to expound the laws to the people, and therefore it was
necessary for him to know them well; before the law was written he was
looked upon as a living law-book for the people; any who were in
difficulties on points of law went to him, not only to the Althing, but
to his home.
The part of the law relating to the regulations of the Thing was recited
every summer on the first Friday of the assembly, and this was the
lawman’s first duty; all the remaining parts of the law had to be
recited by him during the course of his three years of office.
At the dissolution of the Thing he made public from the law-hill the
_timereckoning_, a kind of almanack for the coming year. Supposing that
he was doubtful on any point he was allowed to take counsel with five or
more men, wise in law, and their advice was considered sacred.
If the lawman had not arrived on the first Friday before the people went
to the law-hill he had to pay a fine of three marks, and they could
elect another man in his place. The yearly pay for this office was 248
ells[537] of vadmal from the property of the law-court, besides the half
of all the fines.
The closing ceremony at the term of office was for the lawman to recite
the regulations of the Thing. This ceremony took place on the first day
of the fourth summons, after which he was free. When the lawman died, a
man was taken from his quarter to recite the regulations, and his
successor was at once elected.
A lawman, when at home, could be a godi as well as a lawman, but at the
Thing he was obliged to have a representative of his godiship.
“It is a law that there shall always be a man in our country whose duty
it is to tell people the law, and he is called lawman (lögsögu-man =
law-telling man). If the lawman dies, a man shall be taken the next
summer from the quarter of the country in which he dwelt last, to recite
the regulations of the Thing. Then the lawman is to be elected on the
Friday before the cases are proclaimed. It is also good if all agree
about one man. If one of the law-court men is against that which most
want, it shall be decided with lots from which quarter the lawman is to
be elected. The men of the quarter who win the lot shall choose the
lawman, if he is willing to undertake the office, whether he is from
their own quarter or from some other. If they do not agree, the majority
shall rule; but if those who disagree about the lawman and sit in the
law-court are equal in numbers, the bishop of the quarter shall
decide.... From the law-court where the electing takes place the men
shall go to the law-hill. The lawman shall go thither and sit in his
seat, and seat those whom he wishes on the law-hill, and then the cases
are to be brought forward. It is also law that it is the lawman’s duty
to recite all parts of the law in three summers, and the
Thing-regulations every summer. The lawman has to recite all
declarations of innocence (_e.g._ of outlawry), if possible, when the
greater part of the people are present; also he shall recite the
reckoning of seasons; and if people shall come to the Althing before ten
weeks of the summer have passed and inquire about keeping the ember-days
and the beginning of fasts, he shall make known all this at the
dissolution of the Thing.... If he is not wise enough, he shall take
counsel with five or more law-skilled men. Every intruder is fined three
marks, and the lawman has to prosecute him. The lawman shall receive
every summer 400 feet of vadmal from the law-court property for his
work; also half of all the fines. When the lawman has had the
law-telling for three summers, he shall recite the Thing-regulations for
the first Friday of the fourth summer; then he can give up office if he
likes. If he wishes to keep office, the greater part of the law-court
men can again decide. The lawman is to be fined three marks if he does
not come to the Althing on the Friday before people go to the law-hill,
no necessity hindering, and another lawman is to be elected if the
people wish” (Grágás, i.)
The following table shows how long the elected lawmen usually remained
in office, and how great was the order and stability of government in
those days, the lawman having to stand for election once a year:—
Rafn (Lawman) 930–950 (20 years)
Thórarin (Lawman) 950–970 (20 years)
Thorkel (Lawman) 970–985 (15 years)
Thorgeir (Lawman) 985–1002 (17 years)
The whole of Norway was divided into four law districts, but not before
the time of Hakon the Good, who codified the laws: (1) _Frostathing’s
Law_ district, (2) _Gulathing’s Law_ district, (3) _Eidsifjathing’s_,
(4) _Borgarthing’s_; but we find that the Gulathing existed, and had
probably existed long, before Harald Fairhair.[538]
In the course of time changes and additions were made. In regard to how
these new laws were to be made, the laws themselves contain no
provision; but that they were made by the co-operation of king and
people is evident, and their adoption depended, no doubt, on the
standing, wisdom, and influence of him who proposed them.
When Harald Fairhair became king of all Norway his idea seems to have
been that the royal power established by him should be exalted far above
existing laws, and from it every change in these laws ought to emanate
for the future.
King Hákon yielded up to the country the proprietary right which his
father had usurped. New legal relations were then entered into between
king and people; these seem to have been called _landsrétt_ (law of the
land), which could not be changed without the consent of both king and
people.
The _lög_, or law proper, dealing with the relations existing between
man and man, was regarded as having originated from the people alone,
and therefore was their private property. But royalty being acknowledged
as a necessary part of the state, and as such amenable to the _lög_, was
on that account given a voice in its changes or revisions.
In the first place, the legislative power of the country was transferred
from the _Fylkisthings_ to the _Lawthings_, and was placed in the hands
of representative men (_nefndarmenn_)[539] instead of in the hands of
all the _bœndr_ of the _fylki_. Thus the Lawthings became the only
legislative power in the country, each one legislating for its separate
district. Then the various earlier laws were consolidated into one law
for every district.
By this important change royalty appears in a highly influential aspect;
however, as is clearly shown, only in consequence of a special power
given it for the time being, and not as a right established for all
time.
The highest power was not in the Althing, but in the _Lögretta_
(law-court), composed of two kinds of members—those who were self-named,
or godis by right (they were thirty-nine), and those who were elected
(twelve for the northern quarter, and nine for each of the others); but
these godis took three men from each quarter which had only nine godis,
and so the number was increased to forty-eight, to which number was
added the lögmadr (lawman). The number of judges or godis of the
Lögrétta at the Gulathing seems to have been thirty-six.
The elected members were appointed thus. Every one of the forty-eight
chose two of his Thingmen and a third man as advisers; thus the
law-court men consisted of 144 members (besides the lawman, who made the
number 145).
The _Lögthing_ (law-thing) did not appear before the time of Hákon the
Good, when the country was divided into four districts.
The law-court had a certain place on the Thing-plain, and was part of
the Thing. There were three benches, one behind the other; on the middle
bench sat the forty-eight self-elected law-court men and the lawman; on
the front and the last bench were seated the elected members. The
judicial power rested with those on the middle bench, for the law-court
men on the two other benches could only give advice.
When a decision had a majority for it from the middle bench, all the
law-court men assented, and it was made public from the law-hill by the
lawman.
The court was to come together on both Sundays and on the closing day,
and the lawman could call the members together when he wanted, but only
if the majority of the Thingmen wished.
Less important matters could be decided though the full number were not
present, provided there were not less than forty-eight; and the lawman
could take men from the two other benches to fill the empty seats on the
middle bench. No man but a member was allowed a seat on the law-court
benches. The Thingmen sat round, and only the one who had something to
say to the law-court was allowed to rise.[540]
“We shall also have a law-court every summer at the Althing, and it
shall always sit on the place where it has long been. There shall be
three benches round the law-court, so long that forty-eight men may sit
on each of them easily, namely twelve men from each quarter who have the
right to sit in the law-court, and the lawman besides; these rule laws
and licenses, and they, and also our bishops, shall sit on the middle
bench. From the northern quarter those twelve men shall sit in the
law-court who have the twelve godiships which were there when they had
four districts with three godis in each. From all the other quarters
those nine shall sit in the law-court who have the full and old
godiships, which were three in every Spring-thing, when three
Thing-districts were in each of the three quarters, and they shall each
of them take one man from each of the old Thing-districts, so that
twelve men sit in the law-court from each quarter....
“Each man who sits in the law-court has to have two men to give him
advice, one in front of himself, and the other behind him and his
Thingmen; then the benches are fully occupied, with forty-eight men on
each bench. No man shall sit inside the benches on the space of the
law-court except those who have cases; but at other times they can sit
there, and the lawman has to dispose of the seats. The people shall sit
outside the benches. Only those who have cases ... have the right to
rise in the law-court when laws or licenses are considered. He who rises
(without the right to do so) is to be fined three marks, and whoever
likes can prosecute him. People who crowd so much to the _Lögrétta_
purposely, or make so much noise or tumult that cases are disturbed, are
liable to lesser outlawry, as in the case of every disturbance at the
Thing. If men come to the law-court who have to sit there and others
have sat in their seats, they shall ask for their seats, and the men are
not punished if they go away; but if they tarry when the seat is asked
for, they are fined three marks. Then the man shall ask for his seat
with witnesses, and if the other does not rise he is liable to lesser
outlawry....
“The law-court shall sit both Sundays (Drottnisdag) of the Thing and the
last day of the Thing, and always between those days when the lawman or
the greater part of the people wish.... There their laws shall be
changed and new laws be made if people want them; there all innocence
(e.g. of outlawry) shall be asked for. As soon as the godis get into
their seats each of them shall place a man on the bench before him and
another on the bench at his back for advice. Then the men who have cases
shall tell what they disagree upon: then they shall think on the case
until they are decided in their mind on it and ask all law-court men who
sit on the middle bench to tell what each of them wants in this case
according to law. Thereupon each godi shall tell what the laws say and
with whom he will go in this case, and the majority shall rule. If an
equal number of law-court men on both sides say that two different
decisions are lawful then the decision of those with whom the lawman
sides shall rule. If the others are more they shall rule, and both shall
take _véfangseid_ (oath of division) to this that they think what they
decide in this case is lawful and follow it up because it is law.... It
is the lawman’s duty to tell all those who ask him what is law, both at
the Thing and at home, but not to give advice in a suit.... If the
lawman commits something which the greater part of the Thingmen would
call Thing-breach then he is liable to lesser outlawry” (Grágás, i. 4).
“We shall go to the law-hill in the morning, and lead the courts forward
for challenging not later than when the sun is to be seen on the western
rock of the chasm seen from the seat of the lawman on the law-hill. The
lawman shall go out first if he is in good health, then the godis with
their judges if they are not hindered; otherwise every one of them shall
get a man in his place” (Grágás, i. 26).
“If one or more judges retire, then the prosecutor has the right to
invite to lot-drawing at the court all those who have cases before it,
and decide the place where they shall draw lots about proffering the
case. Every man who has a case before the court shall put one lot in a
cloak skirt, though he has more than one case. Every man shall mark out
his lot, and they shall all be put into a skirt, and four shall be taken
out in one” (Grágás, 37).
“The first summer that Bergthór (Hrafnsson) recited laws a new law was
made that our laws should be written in a book the next winter in the
house of Haflidi Másson, after the dictation and ruling of Bergthór and
other wise men chosen for it. They were to make new laws wherever they
thought them better than the old ones. These were to be recited the
following summer in the _Lögrétta_ (law-court), and all those were to be
kept against which the greater part of the people did not vote.
_Vigslódi_ (part of the laws treating about man-slayings) and many other
laws were written and recited in the Lögrétta by priests the following
summer. All liked them well, and none were against them” (Islendingabók,
c. 10).
From the following account we can see what great power the lawman had
over the people, and how well the latter understood that the price of
freedom was constant watchfulness.
King Olaf of Sweden and St. Olaf of Norway constantly quarrelled about
the frontiers of their countries. The bœndr in the Vikin got St. Olaf to
send men to the King of Sweden to make peace. Rögnvald jarl of Vestr
Gautland, who was friendly to Norway, helped the men sent, whose leader
was Björn Stallari (marshal). The following account tells how they
succeeded, with the help of Thorgnýr, lawman:
“At this time there was in Tíundaland a lawman named Thorgnýr, the son
of Thorgnýr Thorgnýsson, whose family had for many reigns been lawmen in
Tíundaland. Thorgnýr was old, and kept a numerous bodyguard around him.
He was said to be the wisest man in Sviaveldi, and was the kinsman and
foster-father of Rögnvald jarl of Vestr Gautland.
“Rögnvald jarl came one night to the bœr of Thorgnýr the lawman....
There were many outside, who received him well, and took charge of his
horses and harness. The jarl went into the hall, which was full of men.
In the high-seat there sat an old man. Björn (King Olaf’s marshal) and
the others had never seen a man so tall or so stout before; his beard
was so long that it lay on his knees and covered his whole breast; he
was handsome, and looked like a high-born man. The jarl walked up and
saluted him. Thorgnýr welcomed him, and told him to go to the seat where
he was used to sit, and the jarl sat down opposite Thorgnýr. It was some
nights before the jarl told his errand; he asked Thorgnýr to go with him
into the speech-room, and Björn and his men followed him there. The jarl
began by relating how Olaf Norway’s king had sent men in order to make
peace; he spoke long of what troubles the war with Norway caused to the
Vest-gautar, and how he had promised to follow these envoys to the King
of Sweden, who disliked the matter so strongly that no one dare broach
it. ‘Now, foster-father,’ said the jarl, ‘I do not trust myself alone in
this matter; therefore I come to thee, and expect thy good advice and
help.’ When the jarl had ended his speech Thorgnýr was silent for a
while, and then answered: ‘You behave strangely; you like to have the
high name of jarl, and yet you know no expedient when you get into some
difficulty. Why didst thou not remember, before promising this journey,
that thou hast not power to speak against King Olaf. It seems to me more
worthy to be reckoned among bœndr and be free in one’s speech, though
the king be present. I will go to the Upsala Thing, and give thee such
help that thou shalt say without fear before the king what thou likest.’
The jarl thanked him for this promise, and remained with Thorgnýr and
rode with him to the Thing. A great crowd was with King Olaf, who was
with his bodyguard. The first day, when the Thing began, King Olaf sat
on a chair, and around him stood his bodyguard. In another place sat
Rögnvald jarl and Thorgnýr, and in front of them the jarl’s guard and
Thorgnýr’s troop of _húskarlar_ (house carls); behind the chair stood a
crowd of bœndr in a circle. Some even went up on the hills and mounds to
listen. When the king had made his customary speech at the Thing, Björn
Stallari rose near the jarl’s seat and said aloud: ‘King Olaf sent me
hither to say that he offers the King of Sweden reconciliation, and the
division of land which of old existed between Norway and Sweden.’ He
spoke so loudly that the King of Sweden heard it distinctly. At first,
when the King of Sweden heard King Olaf of Norway named, he thought he
came on some errand of his own; but when he heard of reconciliation and
division of land between Sweden and Norway he started up and shouted
loudly that this man should be silent; so Björn sat down. When he could
get a hearing, the jarl arose and spoke of King Olaf the Stout’s message
and offer of reconciliation to Olaf, King of Sweden. He said that the
Vestr Gautar asked that reconciliation should be made with Norway’s
king; he enumerated every difficulty which the Vestr Gautar had on hand
because they missed all those things from Norway which they needed in
order to live well, and on the other hand were exposed to attacks and
plundering if the Norway king should gather a host and make war on them.
He added that Olaf, Norway’s king, had sent men thither to ask for the
king’s daughter Ingigerd. After the jarl had finished speaking, Olaf,
King of Sweden rose and answered that he highly disliked the
reconciliation; he reproached the jarl very greatly for his boldness, as
he had made truce and peace with the stout man (King Olaf) and made
friends with him. He added that he had proved traitor to him, and he
would deserve to be driven from the realm, and that all this was caused
by the urging of his wife Ingibjörg, and that it had been most unwise to
marry such a woman for love: he spoke a long time and severely, and
again turned his reproach against Olaf the Stout and sat down, and there
was silence for some time. Then rose Thorgnýr, and when he stood up all
the bœndr, who before had been sitting, rose, and all the rest pressed
forward, wanting to listen to what he said. At first there was great
tumult and clashing of weapons in the crowd, but when a hearing was got,
Thorgnýr said: ‘The temper of the King of Sweden is not what it has
been. Thorgnýr, my grandfather, remembered Eirik Emund’s son,
Uppsala-king, and said of him, that while he was at his most active age
he had a levy every summer and went to various lands, and subjected
Finnland and Kirjálaland, Eistland and Kúrland, and a great part of the
eastern lands, where still may be seen the earth-forts and other great
works that he made; yet he was not so proud that he would not listen to
men if they wished to speak to him. My father, Thorgnýr, was with King
Björn a long time, and knew his habits. During his time his realm stood
with great strength and with no abatement; and he was easy to deal with
by his friends. I can remember King Eirik the Victorious, and was with
him on many war-journeys; he increased the Swedish realm, and defended
it manfully, and it was easy for us to give him advice. But this king
now allows no man to be so bold as to talk to him except only what he
wants, and uses he thereto all his power, and permits his tributaries to
fall away from him from lack of strength and courage. He would hold
Norway’s realm subject to himself, though no King of Sweden has before
desired this, and thereby causes trouble to many a man. Now this is the
will of us bœndr, that thou, King Olaf, should make reconciliation with
Olaf the Stout, and marry thy daughter Ingigerd to him. If thou wilt win
back to thyself those realms in the east which thy kinsmen and
forefathers once owned, we will all follow thee thither. But if thou
wilt not do what we tell thee, we will attack and slay thee, and not
endure from thee trouble and lawlessness: our forefathers have done the
same, they threw five kings down into a well, at the Múla-Thing, who
before had been as full of overbearing as thou hast been with us. Tell
us now quickly which choice thou wilt make.’ Then the multitude clashed
their weapons. The king arose, and said that he wanted everything to be
as the bœndr wished, for thus had all Kings of Sweden acted. At this the
grumblings of the bœndr ceased. The chiefs, the king, the jarl and
Thorgnýr talked together, and then made peace and reconciliation on
behalf of the King of Sweden, according to the proposal of Norway’s
king. It was resolved at that Thing that Olaf’s daughter Ingigerd should
be married to Olaf Haraldsson, and the king delivered into the jarl’s
hands the power to betroth her, and gave to him the charge of the
marriage”[541] (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 79–81).
CHAPTER XL.
INDEMNITY, WEREGILD.
The freeman’s right to peace—Inviolability of body and
honour—Indemnity for murder—Inequality of freemen’s personal
rights—Computation of indemnity—Lists of the amount paid or
received—The rights of Icelanders trading in Norway—Indemnity for
wounds—Laws relating to indemnity—Slander—Indemnity in kind.
Every freeman was _fridheilag_ (peace-holy), unless he had forfeited his
right to peace. This sacredness of person meant both inviolability of
body and honour: for every breach of this, in deed or word, he could
claim a redress consisting of a certain amount of money, which was his
_rétt_.
“It is first in our _mannhelgi_ (man-holiness) that every man in the
country shall be peace-holy in and out of the country” (Frostath., iv.
1).
Blood feuds and revenge were of such common occurrence in these days,
that throughout the Sagas there is a great mass of literature which
deals with the customs and laws regulating the indemnity for murder.
As every individual, so every family had its rétt. This was the
so-called _manngjöld_, or indemnity due to the family as a redress for
the slaying of one of its members. This view of the family, which is
very old, namely, that it was its right and duty to avenge the slaying
of one of its members on the slayer or his family, was the law of the
land, and the _weregild_ (indemnity) was equivalent to buying off the
family revenge. It was really the price of the dead man, which varied
according to his rétt when living.
If the slayer died before paying the weregild, his heir had to pay it.
From the laws we find that the rétt, or personal rights of every
freeman, were not equal. People were divided into classes, as we have
seen, and it was according to his rank that a man had to pay or receive
weregild.
The entire family weregild was computed in gold, one[542] _mark_ of gold
being reckoned as eight _marks_ of silver in weight. _Six_ marks of gold
seem to have been the family weregild for a _haulld_, and that of the
other classes was fixed in proportion.
A general rule seems to have prevailed for the computation of the _rétt_
in all upper classes, which was reckoned in silver, or 12 ells of
_vadmal_ for every eyrir. In the lower classes it was reckoned in the
so-called _lögeyrir_ (legal eyrir), i.e. about 12 feet of _vadmal_ for
every eyrir.
Some rétts were hereditary, and a wife enjoyed the same rétt as her
husband received, and retained it even during widowhood.
“This is about the rights of women. Every man has full rétt on behalf of
his wife. Three marks are due to a haulld if his wife is struck.
“A widow shall have her rétt herself, as high a rétt as that of her late
husband, and whoever she wishes shall claim it” (Frostath., x. 37).
In Gulathing’s Law the haulld is the centre of the division; his rétt is
three marks.
“A haulld shall get as his full rétt three marks. The rétt of every man
upward (of higher rank) from the haulld shall increase by a third and
decrease downwards” (Frostath., x. 34).
The amount to be paid or received by each degree of a family was
entirely independent of the number of members of such degree. In the
computation the following rules were chiefly followed:—The weregild on
both sides embraced the family within the same degrees of the slain and
the slayer, each individual degree on the side of the slayer paying
weregild to the corresponding one in the family of the slain; the first
receiver of weregild was the son of the slain, or, if he was not alive,
the father.
“The first indemnity (_baug_)[543] is called head-indemnity. That is ten
marks. That is (as much as) thirty-two cows if the slain man is
odal-born. The weregild increases and decreases like other rétts of men.
The father shall get it if the son is not alive; if both live, the
father owns three marks. If he is not able to fight, he gets twelve
aurar from the slayer. If the slayer is outlawed he loses that
indemnity. When the slayer dies his heir _receives the axe_ (has to pay
the weregild)” (Gulath., 218).
“The second indemnity is called brother’s indemnity. That is five marks,
or sixteen cows. The third is the indemnity of the brœdrung (first
cousin). That is four marks, or half an eyrir less than thirteen cows”
(Gulath., 219).
The sum paid was the same whether the receiver was one or more. The
amount paid by each degree became smaller in proportion as the kinship
became more distant. The degrees of kinship embraced in the weregild
were always considered as existing on both sides. If they in reality did
not exist, the slayer had to pay, and the next of kin on the other side
to receive, for the missing degree.
“The slayer shall pay the head-indemnity to the son of the dead. The
brother of the slayer shall pay indemnity to the brother of the dead if
he is found; otherwise the slayer shall pay it. The brœdrung of the
slayer shall pay to the brœdrung of the dead brœdrung-indemnity if he is
found; otherwise the slayer shall pay it” (Gulath., 222).
The _saktal_ was a list of the amount to be paid or received by every
degree in the weregild. Two or three of these lists are found in the
Gulathing’s Law, and one in the Frostathing’s Law.
The nearest kinswomen on both sides, mother, daughter, sister and wife,
paid and received a certain gift called _Kvenngjöf_. Otherwise a woman
was never reckoned as payer or payee, unless she were sole heir. But the
moment she was married her rights in this respect passed over to her
nearest male relative.
“A mark is a woman’s kvenngjöf. Four women shall receive it if they are
found; the mother of the slain man, his daughter, his sister, and his
wife. Each of them receives two aurar if they all exist. Wherever they
are not found the son of the slain man shall receive it. If all the
women are missing, the slayer shall take this mark and pay it to the son
of the slain. If one of the women is missing, the son of the slain shall
receive two aurar, and if two are missing, half a mark, and if all are
missing, one mark” (Gulath., 221).
The Gulathing’s Law differs from the Frostathing’s Law only in one
point, viz., the last divides the bondi into two classes, the
_árborinn-man_ and the _reksthegn_.[544] The law seems to mean in the
case of the latter a man who was not odal-born, yet could point to four
generations of freemen on his father’s side; but the difference between
the two is not told.
The Icelanders when trading or staying in Norway took the rétt of a
haulld; but if they remained more than three years, or settled there,
they were to have the rétt which they had in their own country, and
which had to be proved by witnesses.
All other foreigners had the rétt of a bondi unless they could prove by
witness a higher one.
“A freedman (_leysingi_) owns six aurar as single rétt, and his son a
mark as single rétt. A _bondi_ owns 12 aurar as single rétt, a _haulld_
three marks, a _lendrman_ and a _stallari_ (marshal) six marks, the jarl
and the bishop 12 marks. The son of a _lendrman_ shall get the rétt of a
haulld if he gets no land.... Icelanders have the rétt of a haulld while
they are on trading journeys, until they have been here three winters
and lived here. Then they have the rétt which witnesses prove. All other
foreigners who come to this country have the rétt of a bondi unless they
prove by witnesses that they have a higher rétt” (Gulath., 200).
The inhabitants of towns all enjoyed the same rétt, which was three
_marks_.
“It is the law that all men have an equal rétt in the town (namely) the
rétt of a haulld, 3 marks, the lendrman as well as the freedman who has
made his freedom-ale” (Bjarkeyjar Law, 97).
The _lendir-menn_ were regarded as a higher division of the haulld; and
although the son of the lendr-man, as such, had most hopes of receiving
such a dignity, and until his fortieth year enjoyed the same rétt as his
father, yet, in case he had not before that time really received his
appointment as lendrman, he belonged thenceforth only to the class of
the haulld, and enjoyed only the rétt of the latter.
The king’s _ármenn_ enjoyed half a haulld’s rétt, or the same as a
bondi.
With the introduction of Christianity we find that the rétt of a bishop
was equal to that of a jarl. The jarl and bishop had the double rétt of
a lendr-man, 12 marks each; the _stallari_ (marshal of the king) had the
rétt of a lendr-man. The priest, the _skutilsvein_ (page), the goldsmith
of the king, and those who steered his trade-ships, had that of a
haulld. In all these cases the children only inherited the rétt which
belonged to their father at their birth.
Indemnity paid for wounds varied according to the rétt of the man who
gave the wound.
For wounds in the face, or on places where hair or clothes did not hide
the cicatrice, an additional indemnity was paid called _áljótseyrir_
(indemnity for looking more ugly); for cutting and burning, an
additional indemnity which was called _granbragds-eyrir_ (grön = lip),
which meant that the pain was so great that the lips of the man trembled
under the operation.[545]
If the giver of the wound was outlawed on that account, and wanted to be
released from the outlawry, he had to buy himself out for fifteen marks,
to be paid to the king; and to the wounded man a sum according to his
rétt.
“If a freedman wounds a man he shall pay 12 aurar as fine, and his son
double, and a bondi triple; an odal-born man double the bondi, a
lendr-man and a stallari double again, and a jarl double the amount they
pay, the king double the jarl. When a man wounds another he shall pay
wound-indemnities to the one whom he wounded, one eyrir for the wound,
one eyrir where a muscle is cut, one eyrir when edge and leg meet, one
eyrir for every bone that falls down if it makes a sound when thrown
into the scales, one eyrir for every singeing, one eyrir for each cut in
the clothes, one eyrir for every cut if it bleeds, half a mark for
wounds in the vital parts, half a mark for marrow-wounds (piercing to
the marrow). The wounder shall pay healing-fee and give to them both
(physician and wounded) food for a month. If a muscle is cut off and
falls on the ground the indemnity is six aurar, and as much if a scar is
left in a man’s head (a scar which causes pain when the head is combed).
All breast-wounds shall be valued, but back-wounds receive double
indemnity. If a man is present at a quarrel and does not part nor help
either he shall pay a _slanbaug_ (ring or indemnity of laziness) to the
king 12 aurar” (Gulath., 185).
“There are bone-indemnities (bein-gjöld) wherever a bone is loosened
from the wound of a man.... Then there is one eyrir to be paid and one
eyrir for each little bone until they are six. But if so large a bone is
loosened that six holes may be made in it six aurar shall be paid, but a
bone-indemnity is never higher than six aurar” (Frostath., iv. 49).
“If a haulld wounds a man he is liable to pay six _baugar_ (rings) to
the king, and twelve aurar are in each ring. If an árborinn-madr wounds
a man he has to pay three rings; and a leysingi (freedman) two, a
lendr-man twelve, a jarl twenty-four, a king forty-eight, twelve aurar
being in every ring, and the sum is to be paid to all to whom it is due
by law. All this is valued in silver” (Frostath., iv. 53).
“If an árman (steward) is struck or slain at a church or at a feast or
at a Thing the slayer is outlawed, as for the slaying of any man; but if
anywhere else he shall pay fifteen marks, and the árman has half the
rétt of a haulld” (Frostath., iv. 57).
“The king’s _skutilsveins_ (pages) shall have the rétt of a haulld in
all greater and lesser things. But with regard to other servants of the
king they shall have the rett of a haulld if they wear _ale-cloths_
(aprons) on their necks, and also the one who steers his trading-ship
between lands, and also his goldsmiths. _Stallaris_ (marshals) shall
have the rett of a lendr-man in smaller and larger things” (Frostath.,
iv. 60).
If a man bit another man, his fore teeth were broken at the Thing by the
king’s tax-gatherer (_sýslu-man_), but no indemnity was paid. Wounds
with knives were also punished at the Thing.[546]
“It is unfitting that men should bite each other like horses or dogs.
When a man bites another the _syslumadr_ (steward) shall have him taken
and brought to the Thing and his teeth broken out of his mouth” (King
Magnus’ Laws).
To the wounded man himself, indemnity for wounds and fees for physicians
were paid; the former varying according to the nature of the wounds, but
otherwise equal for all without distinction of rétt. The fee paid to a
physician was fixed according to the time taken in healing the wound.
“One eyrir shall be paid as healing-fee every month and two monthly
allowances of meal and two of butter. Thus it shall be every month
till.... It shall be offered at the first Thing, and his farm and his
loose property is taken until he has paid lawful fine to the king and
wound-indemnities and healing-fee to the wounded. If he does not offer
it at the first Thing he is outlawed and his property, except what he
takes into the wood with him (is confiscated)” (Frostath., iv. 12).
“All have equal wound-indemnities (sárbœtr), thegn and thrall. If a man
wounds a man’s thrall he shall feed him while he lies wounded and pay
his work to his master and his healing-fee” (Gulath., 215).
If any one killed his own thrall he was not punished, but had to declare
it; and if he failed to do so, he was _mordingi_ (murderer). If a man
slew the thrall of another man, he had to pay the value of the naked
thrall to the master, but nothing to the king.[547]
Atli, a freeman working for Njal, was slain by a kinsman of Halgerd, the
wife of Gunnar; when Gunnar, who was at the Althing, knew it, he went to
Njal and wished him to arbitrate.
“Njal said: ‘It was our intention not to disagree on this, and I will
not make him a thrall.’ Gunnar said he assented, and stretched forward
his hand. Njal named witnesses, and they agreed on this. Skarphedin
said: ‘Halgerd does not allow our húskarls to die from old age.’ Gunnar
answered: ‘It is thy mother’s intention that the blows should be mutual
in each other’s farm.’ Njal said: ‘There will soon be too much of this.’
He arbitrated that one hundred in silver should be paid, and Gunnar paid
it at once” (Njala, c. 38).
In ch. 39 we are told that the man who slew Atli is slain by one of
Bergthóra’s men, and Gunnar pays back the weregild to Njal.
Offence in word consisted in abuse or disgraceful similes, or in
bringing an accusation of some disgraceful deeds.
In the first case the offended had to get witnesses to the offence, and
must not return the abuse; if he did so, he was held to have avenged
himself, when the two offences were balanced one against the other, and
there was no indemnity. In the second case the offender could free
himself by proving the truth of his accusation, or getting ten witnesses
that the accusation was grounded on a report from the house of the
offended. The offended person then had to deny this on oath, or in some
cases by undergoing the burning iron ordeal; according to the result the
offender had or had not to pay indemnity.
If a man was slandered behind his back to the king or a chief, the
offender was liable to the punishment which the slandered would have had
had he been guilty.
“No one of us shall slander another to the king, or to a more powerful
man than himself. If he slanders away a man’s life or property, he has
slandered away his own property or life, if it is proved. If he denies
it he shall do it with a _séttareid_ (an oath). He shall have the same
punishment which he meant for the man” (Gulath., 137).[548]
“No man can take his rétt oftener than three times,[549] neither man nor
woman, if he does not take revenge in the meantime” (Gulath., 186).
The weregild was not always paid in cash, but was sometimes given in
kind.
“Now the payment must be regulated. A cow shall be worth two aurar and a
half. When a cow is paid it must not be older than eight winters, unless
the receiver cares to take it. All paid cows must have good horns and
tails, eyes and teats, and in every respect be good. Corn and oxen and
all calf-bearing cows may be paid as indemnities (baug). Gold or burnt
(cleansed) silver may be paid if found. Horses, but not mares. A
stallion, but not a gelding. It must not have faults. Sheep may be paid,
but not goats. Odal-land, but not kaup-land. A ship, unless it is
repaired or so old that the first oar-loops of it have been rown off,
its stems are broken off, or it is repaired with planks which have not
been put on while the ship stood on its stocks. Nothing worth less than
one eyrir shall be paid unless the indemnity is less.... Weapons which
are unimpaired, hard and unbroken. Those with which the man was slain
shall not be offered. A sword shall not be paid as indemnity unless it
is ornamented with gold or silver. Vadmal and all new linen and all new
and uncut cloth, unless the receiver wants to take new and cut cloth.
Men’s clothes and not women’s may be paid, new and not old. New stuff
not cut into a cloak. Blue cloaks and skrùd (a kind of stuff) new and
uncut. All boys brought up at home when not older than fifteen winters,
unless the receiver assents, may be paid. Bondmaids shall not be paid as
weregild” (Gulath., 223).
CHAPTER XLI.
THE OATH AND ORDEAL.
Sanctity of the oath—Manner of taking the oath—Oath upon the
Bible adopted with Christianity—Oaths sworn by objects—The
oath of truce—Oath by witnesses—Purifying oath—Its various
forms—Perjury—Different forms of ordeal—Passing under
sods—Ordeal of boiling water—Walking on red-hot irons.
The law of the people was much influenced by their religion. Great
stress was laid upon the sanctity of the oath, which, like a vow, was
considered most binding. No other literature points out so clearly and
so often the sacredness of an oath and the loathing in which
oath-breakers were held. Let the youth of every land learn this noble
trait of the character of the Norsemen. No one could absolve a man for
breaking his oath, no matter how great might have been the splendour of
his achievements. The higher born the man was, the more did he consider
himself bound to keep his oath.
History teaches us that the avenging fates have never been slow to smite
low to the dust oath-breakers, as well as nations which, in a moment of
hallucination showing the moral disease of the mind of their people,
have absolved the men who had committed this crime.
The proofs used to clear a man were “_witnesses_,” “_oath_,” and
“_ordeal_.” The taking of an oath was looked upon as a very sacred and
holy ceremony. He who violated it sooner or later incurred the enmity of
the gods. Many examples were remembered by the people showing how an
oath was kept, in spite of the greatest provocation or temptation. What
any one had sworn was considered sacred, and could not be broken with
impunity.
The oath was taken at the Thing, or Temple, by placing the hand on a
ring which had been consecrated by having been dipped in the blood of
the sacrificial ox. This ring, which was of silver, lay on the altar of
each head temple, and was therefore called altar-ring, or
“_stalla-hring_.” The godi was required to have it on his arm at every
Thing, so that it was always at hand if needed. The man who took the
oath held his hand upon the ring,[550] and in the presence of witnesses
called upon the Asar and begged their help. Three Asar, Frey, Njörd, and
Odin, were always called upon.
The oath upon the Bible, a practice found to exist to this day among
people chiefly descended from the North, is but a form of the ancient
laws, and, like many others, was adopted with Christianity.
“A ring, weighing two _aurar_ or more, was to lie in every head temple
on the altar, and every godi was to wear it on his arm at all Law-things
which he should hold himself, and to redden it in the blood of the
cattle which he himself sacrificed there. Every man who had to perform
legal duties there had first to take an oath on this ring and name two
or more witnesses, and say: ‘I call to witness that I take oath on the
ring, a lawful oath, so help me Frey and Njörd, and the Almighty As
(Odin), to defend or prosecute this case, or give the evidence, verdict,
or judgment which I know to be most true and right and lawful, and to
perform everything as prescribed by law which I may have to perform
while I am at this Thing’” (Landnáma, iv. c. 7).[551]
In a fight against Glum, Thorvald Krok was slain; the people were in
doubt if the slaying had been done by Glum or one of his men. At the
Althing it was decided that Glum should take an oath the following
autumn that he had not slain Thorvald, and he was to take the oath in
three temples in Eyjafjord.
“The man who was to take a temple oath held in his hand a silver ring
which had been reddened in the blood of the bull which had been
sacrificed, and it must weigh not less than three aurar. Then Glum said
these words: ‘I call Ásgrim and Gizor as witnesses that I take a temple
oath on the ring, and I tell the Asar that I was not there, and I fought
not there, and I did not redden point and edge where Thorvald Krok was
slain; now let those who are wise and are present here look to my oath.’
The others could not find fault, and said they had not heard this
wording before. The same oath was taken by him at Gnupafell and at
Thverá” (Viga Glum’s Saga, c. 25).
Oaths were sometimes sworn by objects. Völund says to Nidud, his
father-in-law:—
First thou shalt to me
Swear all oaths
At the ship’s side
And at the shield’s edge,
At the horse’s foot
And at the sword’s edge
That thou killest not
The wife of Völund
Nor puttest to death
My bride.
(Völundarkvida, 33.)
Gudrun thus curses Atli, for having broken his solemn oath to her
brothers, before she slays him in his bed and burns him and his men in
his own hall:—
Go it thus with thee, Atli,
As thou to Gunnar
Often didst swear oaths
And name them of yore.
By the south-slanting sun,
By the rock of Sigty,
By the horse of the bed of rest,[552]
By the ring of Ull.[553]
(Atlakvida, 30.)[554]
The oath of truce or peace was sealed by hand-shaking, and had to be
repeated with a great deal of care.
Snorri Godi, the famous Icelandic chief, when on his way from a feast
with Thorgils Arason, stopped overnight at a farm called Breidabólstad.
After they had entered and sat down, Snorri said:—
“‘I have been told, Thorgils, that no man can cite the oath of truce so
well as thee’” (Heidarviga, c. 33).
The following saga shows how an oath of peace was sometimes kept under
the greatest temptations to break it. Gretti was an outlaw, and had come
in disguise under the name of Gest to see some games of idróttir in
which he was invited to take part; but knowing that if he was recognised
his life would not be safe, he insisted that those present should take
the oath of peace towards him.
“‘Here I establish peace among all men, especially with regard to this
man, named Gest, who sits here; and I include all _godords menn_
(district chiefs) and good bœndr, and the whole mass of young men able
to fight, and all other heradsmen of the Hegranesthing district, or
wherefrom any may have come with or without name; we give by
hand-shaking safety and full peace to the unknown stranger who is called
Gest, for games, wrestling, and all kind of merriment, for remaining
here or returning home, whether he need go by sea or land or by other
conveyance; he shall have peace in every named or unnamed place as long
as he needs for a safe return, with observance of the plighted faith. I
establish this peace for us, our kinsmen, friends and kindred, men as
well as women, thralls and bondwomen, boys and independent men. He who
violates the peace or breaks the plighted faith shall be a
_peace-nithing_, and shall be outcast and driven from God and good men
in heaven, and from all saints; and shall be received nowhere among men,
but be driven away by every man as far as wolves are driven, or wherever
Christians go to church, heathens sacrifice in temples, fire burns,
earth produces, a speaking child calls its mother, mother bears son,
people kindle fires, ships glide, shields glitter, sun shines, snow
falls, a Finn runs on snow-shoes, fir grows, a hawk flies all the long
spring day with a straight fair wind blowing under both wings, heaven
encircles, world is settled and wind blows water towards sea, men sow
corn; he shall shun churches and Christians, heathen bœndr, houses and
caves, every home except hell. Now let us agree and be at peace one with
the other in goodwill, whether we meet on mountain or beach, on ship or
snow-shoes, on earth or jökul (glacier), on the high sea or on
horseback, as if one find his friend on water or his brother on the way;
agreeing as well one with another as son with father, or father with
son, in all dealings. Now we join our hands together all of us, and keep
this truce, and all words spoken in this plight of faith witnessed by
God and good men, and all who hear my words or are here present.’ Many
said that much was in this, and Gest said: ‘Well hast thou declared the
truce, if thou and thy people do not break it afterwards, and I shall no
longer delay showing myself.’ He then threw off his hooded cloak and
outer garments. Each looked at the other, very startled at recognizing
Grettir Asmundsson, whom they knew by his size and strong frame, which
were uncommon. They became silent, and Hafr perceived that his speech
had been unwise. As the men from the herad walked two by two, each
blamed the other, but most him who had pronounced the oath of peace.
Then said Grettir: ‘Make it plain to me what you have in your mind, for
I do not wish to sit long without clothing (they removed their outer
garments when they wrestled); you have much more at stake than I in the
keeping of the truce.’ They made little answer, and sat down. The sons
of Thord and Halldor, their brother-in-law, began to talk together. Some
were in favour of keeping the truce, and others not, and they nodded
their heads one to another. Tungustein said: ‘Is that your thought,
Grettir, but what will the chiefs do? Thou art in truth a great and
brave man, but seest thou not how they put their noses together in
deliberation what to do.’”
After a taunting song from Grettir, in which he ridiculed their
indecision, Hjalti Thordarson said:—
“‘It shall not be so; let us keep our oath of peace, though we have been
outwitted; let us not ourselves set the example of violating the truce
we have declared and given. Grettir shall go free wherever he likes, and
the truce shall last until he has returned. Then this plighted faith
will be no longer in force, whatever may happen between us.’ All thanked
him, and thought his opinion chief-like, considering the guilt of the
person interested. Thorbjörn Öngul, Hjalti’s brother at this became
silent” (Gretti’s Saga, c. 73, 74).
_Oaths by witnesses._—If there were witnesses, including at least two
freemen who were of age, to testify under oath for or against, then the
one who had the most witnesses won his case.
If a witness’s appearance was hindered, then two men could take his
evidence and give it under oath on his behalf.
If people heard a bad report about a man, evidence was given by ten men,
two of whom had to swear to it, and the others verified their words that
they had heard such report without knowing if it was true or not. Such
evidence forced the accused to free himself from the accusation either
by oath or ordeal.
The purifying oath, _skirsl_[555] or _dulareid_,[556] varied according
to the accusation. It was taken either by the defendant alone, or by him
and a certain number of co-swearers, the number of whom varied according
to the nature of the cases. The greatest number was twelve, and the
oath, which was considered the most solemn and important, was in such a
case called _tylftareid_ (twelve-men oath).
Geirrid was accused at the Thing of being a _kveldrida_,[557] by which
she had caused some wounds on Gunnlaug.
“At the Thing a godi named Arnkel, Thorarin, and ten others took oath
upon the altar-ring that she had not been the cause of Gunnlaug’s
injury” (Eyrbyggja).
The _tylftareid_ was divided into two kinds, namely, a milder oath with
the so-called _fangavitni_,[558] and a stronger one called
_nefndarvitni_,[559] when each side chose six men from the _haullds_ in
the herad, neither related to nor enemies of either party. Of these
twelve men defendant had to take two, and to add to them two of his
nearest kinsmen, making with himself five, and the other seven were
_fangavitni_ chosen freely among the free men, the rest having nothing
to do with the case. If one of the twelve men did not take the oath,
then what is called _eidfall_ (the one who fails in an oath) took place,
and the whole affair was considered to be at an end, and the defendant
lost the case.
“Wherever a _tylftareid_ shall be and witnesses are named, then the
plaintiff names one half of the witnesses, and the defendant the other;
and each shall name as their witnesses when the oath is taken twelve of
the best _haullds_ in the fylki, or the best bœndr if _haullds_ are not
there. Neither foes nor friends shall be named. He shall take two of the
twelve as witnesses, then two of his nearest kinsmen; then they are five
with himself, and the other seven shall be free men and full-grown, who
will be responsible for his words and oaths” (Frostath., iv. 8).
“Tylftareid (oath of twelve men) has to take place in order to free one
from the accusation of murder” (Landnáma, 89).
Next came the oath given by six men, which was called _séitareid_,[560]
which was taken when the five co-swearers were _fangavitni_. If the oath
was given with _nefndarvitni_ the proceedings were the same as in the
case of the strong _tylftareid_. Each side chose three haullds; of these
six the defendant chose one, to whom he added one of his nearest
kinsmen, then they were three with himself, and the remaining three were
_fangavitni_.
A still stronger _séttareid_ is mentioned in Gulathing’s Law under the
name of _grimueid_.[561] In this six men of equal _rétt_ with the
defendant were chosen, and were co-swearers with him.
“Then there is _grimueid_. Three men shall be named on each side of
equal _rétt_ as him who is to be the seventh” (Gulath., 134).
In the _lýritareid_ (a kind of oath of justification given by three
men), the defendant himself was one of the swearers; the man of equal
_rétt_ not related to him was his co-swearer, and the third was any
chosen freeman.
“The _lýritareid_ shall be taken thus. He (plaintiff) shall take it
himself, and another man of equal _rétt_ who must neither be a kinsman
on male or female side, nor a near relative. The third shall be a free
and full-grown man who will be responsible for his word and oath”
(Gulath., 135).
In the oath by two men, “_tveggja manna eid_,” the defendant seems to
have himself chosen his co-swearers without restriction. Like the oath
of twelve, if one refused to swear to the case the procedure was not
valid.
Perjury was punished by fine, and inability thereafter to give evidence,
and loss of _rétt_.
“The men who become false witnesses are liable to pay three marks to the
king, and are never able to give evidence after, or use any evidence (on
their own behalf), and lose their _rétt_” (Frostath., xiii. 25).
_The Ordeal._—The ordeal was a ceremony performed under different forms
in order to prove the innocence or the truth of an accusation, and was
preceded by an oath. Among the various kinds of ordeal was that of going
under an arch or hoop of sods, a ceremony sometimes connected with an
oath.[562]
If the plaintiff succeeded in passing under these sods without breaking
them, or without their falling down, he was considered to have proved
his case. The strips of sod seem to have generally been three.
“Ordeal then consisted in a man going under a strip of sod which was cut
from the field; the ends of it were to be fast in the ground, and the
man who was to perform the ordeal must go under it. He who went under
the sod was considered not guilty if it did not fall down upon him.
Thorkel made an agreement with two men that they should dispute about
something, and be present when the ordeal was taking place and touch the
turf, so that all should see that they threw it down. After this the
ordeal was to be performed, and as soon as the man had come beneath the
sod the men who were to rush against one another with weapons did so,
and met close to the turf-loop and fell there; it fell down, as was
likely, then men rushed between them and separated them, which was easy,
for they fought with no anger. Thorkel Trefil asked for judgment on the
ordeal. All his men said that it would have been satisfactory if nobody
had spoiled it. Then Thorkel took all the movable property, while the
lands were given to _Hrappsstadir_” (Laxdæla, c. 18).
Berg summoned Jökul to the _Hunavatns_ Thing on account of a blow
received from him during a wedding feast, and prepared the case.
“At the Thing they tried to reconcile them, but Berg said he would take
no fine and not be reconciled unless Jökul went under three sod-slices,
as was there the custom after great offences, and thus show his
humility. Jökul said that sooner should the Troll take him than he would
lower himself thus. Thorstein said: ‘This is a matter for consideration,
and I will go under the sod-slice.’ Berg said that would do. The first
sod-slice reached to the shoulder, the second to the waistbelt, the
third to the middle of the thigh. When Thorstein went under the first,
Berg said: ‘Now I will make the foremost of the Vatnsdal-men stoop like
a pig.’ Thorstein answered: ‘There was no need for thee to say this, but
the first result of these words will be that I will not go under any
more sod-slices’” (Vatnsdæla, c. 33).
The ordeal of boiling water was sometimes resorted to.
A bondwoman, Herkja, told Atli that she had seen King Thjodrek and
Atli’s wife, Gudrun, together. Gudrun asked Atli why he was no longer
merry. He told her the cause of his jealousy, and that she was
unfaithful to him. She answers:—
“‘I will take oaths
Before thee about all this
Upon the white[563]
Holy stone,
That I acted not
With Thjodrek
As husband and wife
Might do.
* * * * *
‘Send to Saxi,
The king of the southern men,
He can consecrate
The boiling cauldron.’
Seven hundred men[564]
Went into the hall
Before the king’s wife
Touched the cauldron.
‘Now Gunnar will not come,
I call not on Högni,[565]
I will never see
My kind brothers;
Högni would have avenged
Such a charge with the sword;
Now I must myself
Clear me of this.’
She dipped to the bottom[566]
Her white hand,
And took up
The costly stones;
‘Look now, men,
I am guiltless
According to holy custom;
See how the cauldron boils.’
Merry was the heart
In the breast of Atli
When he saw the hand
Of Gudrun unharmed.
Now shall Herkja
Go to the cauldron,
She who to Gudrun
Attributed treachery.
The man saw not a pitiful sight
Who beheld not
How the hands of Herkja
Were scalded there;
They led the maid
Into a foul mire;[567]
Thus were the wrongs
Of Gudrun redressed.”
(3rd Song of Gudrun.)
The severest ordeal resorted to seems to have been that of walking on
red-hot irons.
“Hallkel Huk, a lend-man in Norway, went westward to the Hebrides; there
Gilli-Krist came to him from Ireland, and said that he was the son of
King Magnus Berfœtti (bare-foot). His mother was with him, and said that
he was also called Harald. Hallkel received them, took them with him to
Norway, and at once went to King Sigurd with Harald and his mother. They
told the king their errand. Sigurd talked of this matter with the
chiefs, and said that every one might advise what he liked, but all
asked him to have his own way. Then Sigurd let Harald be called, and
told him that he would allow him to undergo the ordeal to prove who was
his father. Sigurd said that Harald should walk on iron bars to prove
his fathership; but that ordeal was thought to be rather hard, for he
had to suffer it for the sake of his fathership and not for his
kingship, which he had before renounced by oath. Harald assented to
this. He fasted before he walked on the irons and suffered the ordeal,
the severest in Norway, that nine ‘red-hot’ ploughshares were to be laid
down, and Harald to walk over them with bare feet, and two bishops to
lead him. Three days afterwards the ordeal was tried, and the result was
that his feet were not burnt. Thereafter Sigurd acknowledged the
kinsmanship of Harald; but his son Magnus disliked him much, as did many
chiefs. Sigurd trusted so much to his popularity with the people that he
asked all to swear that Magnus, the son of Sigurd, should be king after
him, and he got that oath from all the people of the land” (Sigurd
Jórsalafari’s Saga, c. 34).
CHAPTER XLII.
DUELLING.
Two forms of duelling—The challenge—The places of combat—Rules of
duelling—Plan of duelling-ground—Length of sword used—Offer of
sacrifice before a duel—A peculiar duel—Women a constant cause of
duels—Famous duels—The abolition of duelling.
The custom of duelling, which was frequently resorted to as a form of
ordeal, prevailed very extensively.
There were two kinds of duels, the _einvigi_ and the _holmganga_. When
used as a form of ordeal, or means of proof, if the challenger was
victorious, then the object demanded was his, for his victory was
thought to be the judgment of the gods.
“It was the law of _holmganga_ in those times, that if he who challenged
another man in order to get something gained the victory, he should have
the prize for which he had challenged; but if he was defeated, he should
release himself with as much property as had been agreed upon; but if he
fell in the _holmganga_ he should forfeit all his property, and he who
killed him was to take all the inheritance” (Egil’s Saga, c. 67).
In the _einvigi_[568] there were no settled rules, and each party could
use such weapons as he wished, and proceed in such manner as he thought
most advantageous to himself. It was the simpler mode of duelling. One
of its peculiarities was that the place for the fight was marked out.
The combatants were allowed to use other weapons besides swords, and
themselves carried the shield, while in the _holmganga_ it was carried
for them.
The _holmganga_, which took place after a formal challenge at which the
time and place were fixed, was the form of duelling that chiefly
prevailed. Its rules were most strict and binding, and were regulated by
a code of law called the “_holmganga laws_.”
It derived its name from the fact that the combatants originally fought
upon a small islet (_holm_), partly in order that they might not be
disturbed and parted against their will, and partly that the fighting
place might have a natural border, over which they could not retire.
In later times, instead of an island, places were marked out for duels;
and though they were sometimes marked by stones in a ring, like a
_dom-ring_, they were nevertheless called “_holm_,” because the laws of
_holmganga_ prevented any one from passing the boundary.
The laws of duelling seem to have been recited before the combat. Björn
Hitdœlakappi said:—
“‘I left my country because I wanted to seek fame; there are now two
choices before me: the one to bravely get victory, though that is
unlikely, in fighting against this man; the other is to fall with valour
like a man, and that is better than to live in shame and not dare to win
honour for the king. I will fight against Kaldimar.’ The king thanked
him, and the laws of the _holmganga_ were read. The champion had an
excellent sword called _Mœring_. They fought hard and eagerly; at last
the champion fell, but Björn received a severe wound; on this account he
got great fame and honour from the king” (Björn Hitdœlakappi’s Saga).
The combatants had sometimes to fight on a cloak, and were allowed to
use three shields, in case of these being cut asunder, one after the
other. They usually did not themselves carry the shield, each combatant
having a friend to hold it, who was called _skjaldsvein_ (shield man).
Swords of a certain length only were allowed, and it seems that they
were used for striking, not thrusting.
“A cloak was spread under their feet. Bersi said, ‘Thou, Kormak, didst
challenge me to holmganga, but instead of it I offer thee _einvigi_
(single-fight). Thou art young and little experienced, and at
_holmganga_ there are difficult rules, but none whatever at _einvigi_.’
Kormak answered, ‘I shall not fight better in _einvigi_, and I will risk
this, and in all be on equal footing with thee.’ ‘Thou shalt now have
thy way,’ said Bersi.
“This was the holmganga law: that the cloak should be 10 feet from one
end to the other, with loops in the corners, and in these should be put
down pegs, having a head at the upper end; these were called _tjösnur_.
The one who made the preparations must go toward the pegs, hold his
ear-lobes, and stand with his feet apart, seeing the sky between them,
using the formulary which was afterwards used at the sacrifice called
_Tjösnublót_ (peg sacrifice). Three squares, each one foot wide, must be
marked around the cloak. Outside the squares must be placed four poles,
called _höslur_ (hazel poles): it was called a _hazelled field_ when it
was prepared thus.
“Each man must have three shields, and when these were made useless he
must stand upon the cloak, even if he had walked out of it before, and
thereafter defend himself with his weapons.
[Illustration:
Fig. 780.—Plan of Holmganga Ground.
]
“He who had been challenged was to strike first. If one was wounded so
that blood came upon the cloak he was not obliged to fight any longer.
If either stepped with one of his feet outside the hazel poles, it was
held he had retreated; and if he stepped outside with both, he was held
to have fled. One man was to hold the shield before each of the
combatants. The one who had received most wounds was to pay as
_hólmlausn_ (_i.e._, indemnity for being released from the fight) three
marks of silver.
“Thorgils held the shield of his brother, and Thord Arndisarson that of
Bersi, who struck the first blow and cleft Kormak’s shield. Kormak
struck at Bersi in the same way. Each of them spoiled three shields for
the other. Then Kormak had to strike; he struck, and Bersi parried with
_Hviting_. _Sköfnung_ cut off its point in front of the ridge, and the
sword-point fell on Kormak’s hand, and he was wounded in the thumb,
whose joint was rent, and blood came on the cloak. Thereupon men
intervened, and did not want them to go on fighting. Kormak said, ‘It is
little victory which Bersi has got from my accident, though we part
now’” (Kormak’s Saga, c. 10).
“‘But I think that thou tellest the difficulties in fighting me,’ said
Viking, ‘and that thou despairest when thou seest me.’ Harek said: ‘It
is not so, and I must save thy life, as thou wantest thyself to go into
the open mouth of death (hel); and give thou the first blow, as is
_holmganga law_, for I have challenged thee; but I will stand still for
thee meanwhile, for I am not frightened that it will harm me’”
(Thorstein Vikingson’s Saga, c. 4).
After getting ready, they went to the island.
“There was a fine field not far from the sea, where the _holmganga_ was
to be. There the place of the _holmganga_ was marked by stones placed in
a ring around it. Ljót came thither with his men, prepared for the
_holmganga_ with shield and sword. He was very large and strong, and
when he arrived on the field at the holmgang-place the Berserk frenzy
came upon him, and he howled fiercely and bit his shield.
“Egil made ready for the _holmganga_, having his old shield, and girt
with the sword _Nadr_, with _Dragvandil_ in his hand. He went inside the
marks of the _duelling-place_ (_i.e._, the squares marked out round the
cloak), but Ljót was not ready. Egil raised his sword and sang.
“After the song Ljót came forward and pronounced the law of the
_holmganga_, that he who stepped beyond the mark-stones which are set
around the place of _holmganga_ should ever afterwards be called
_nithing_ (coward).
“Then they rushed at each other, and Egil struck at Ljót, who covered
himself with the shield, while Egil dealt blow after blow so that Ljót
could not strike him. He drew back to get room to wield his sword, but
Egil went equally fast after him and smote most violently. Ljót went out
beyond the mark-stones and to and fro on the field. Thus went the first
attack. Then Ljót asked to be allowed to rest, which Egil
granted....[569]
“Egil bid Ljót to make himself ready. ‘I want this fought out.’ Ljót
started to his feet, and Egil ran forward and at once struck at him. He
went so close to him that he stepped back, and his shield did not cover
him. Then Egil smote him above the knee, and cut off his leg. Ljót fell,
and at once died” (Egil’s Saga, c. 67).
The swords had to be of a certain length.
“Bersi had a shield, and a long keen sword. Thorkel said, ‘The sword
which thou wearest, Bersi, is longer than the laws allow.’ ‘It shall not
be so,’ said Bersi, and brandishing _Hviting_ with both hands he struck
Thorkel his death blow” (Kormak’s Saga, c. 14).
Egil Skallagrimsson had summoned Atli before the _Gulathing_ to get some
property belonging to his wife, which he claimed that Atli had. The
latter offered to prove by the oath of himself and twelve other men that
he had no property belonging to Egil. But Egil said he did not want to
take the oath for his property, and added:
“I will offer thee another law to settle the case with, namely, that we
fight in a _holmganga_ here at the _Thing_, and he who gets the victory
shall have this property. What Egil said was law and an ancient custom,
that every one, whether he was defendant or plaintiff, had the right to
challenge the other party to _holmganga_. Then Atli and Egil shook
hands, and settled it between themselves that they should fight a
_holmganga_, and he who got the victory should possess those estates
about which they contended. It was the custom of duellers not to draw
their sword on the place of _holmganga_, but let the sword hang on the
arm, so that it was ready at once whenever they wanted it” (Egil’s Saga,
c. 57).
It seems to have been customary, after both kinds of duel, to offer
sacrifice of one or two oxen, which the victor slaughtered.
“A large and old bull was led forward; it was called sacrifice-bull; he
who got the victory was to kill it. Sometimes one bull was sacrificed;
sometimes each of the combatants brought one” (Egil’s Saga, c. 68).
There seems to have been a peculiar kind of holmganga called _Kerganga_,
but the regulations concerning this mode of fighting are not explained.
Thorgils, an Icelander, dwelt at Hakon jarl’s, in Norway.
“He went on a trading journey to Upplönd and Sweden and dwelt in the
winter at the house of a bondi called Thrand, a wealthy man, who had a
daughter, Sigrid. A man called Randvid wished to marry her; he was a
wicked man, and a great champion. Thrand refused his consent to the
marriage; then Randvid offered to Thrand a kind of holmganga, which is
called _Kerganga_ (tub-going). The fight takes place in a tub, which is
closed above, and Thrand preferred to fight with a wooden club rather
than marry his daughter to so wicked a man. Then Thorgils said to
Thrand: ‘Thou hast entertained me well, and I will reward it with good,
and fight against Randvid on thy behalf.’ Thrand said he would accept
the offer. Thorgils used the sword from the earth-house (underground
house). Randvid had a stick two feet long, and very stout. The tub was
closed. Randvid asked Thorgils to deal the first blow, because he had
been challenged; he did so, and hit the stick, and it split, and the
sword entered the belly of Randvid. He said then: ‘Now give me the
sword, but take the stick, and I will smite thee with the sword.’ ‘It
seems to me,’ replied Thorgils, ‘that this is a chip, not a stick.’ Soon
after Randvid died; he had trusted in his witchcraft, for he had killed
many a man by this kind of holmgang. Thorgils killed two other vikings,
Snœkoll and Snœlejon. Thrand rewarded him well, and he became very
famous for this deed. He made ready for Iceland the next summer”
(Flóamanna Saga).
A man was often forced to give up his wife when another man challenged
him to _holmganga_, and make the wife the prize of the victor. Many a
man not feeling himself able to cope with the challenger, surrendered
his wife and daughters or sisters to the latter. This acquisition by
_holmganga_ was undoubtedly considered quite legal, and could not be
disputed except by a fresh _holmganga_.
Unn, the wife of Rút, had separated from her husband, but left her
property with him, and got her kinsman, Gunnar of Hlidarendi, to
prosecute her case. Rút named his witnesses, and said the case was
quashed. Gunnar asked:
“‘Are you so near to me you brothers, Höskuld and Rút, that you can hear
my words?’ Rút answered: ‘We can hear, but what dost thou want?’ Gunnar
said: ‘The men here present shall be witnesses that I challenge thee,
Rút, to _holmganga_, and we will fight to-day on the islet here in Oxará
(Axe river); or, if thou wilt not fight, thou must give up all the
property.’ Then Gunnar sang a song.... Gunnar left the court with all
his men, Höskuld and Rút also went home. The case was neither prosecuted
nor defended thereafter. Rút said when he entered the booth: ‘It has
never happened to me before, that a man has challenged me to _holmganga_
and I have declined it.’ Höskuld said: ‘Thou intendest to fight, but
thou shalt not if I have my will, for there is as much difference
between thee and Gunnar as between Mörd and thee; let us rather both
together pay the property to Gunnar.’ The brothers asked the bœndr how
much they would contribute to it; they all answered as much as Rút
wanted. Höskuld added: ‘Then let us go to the booth of Gunnar and give
up the property.’ They went to the booth and called Gunnar, who went out
to the door of the booth. Höskuld said: ‘Now receive the property.’
Gunnar replied: ‘Then give it up, for I am ready to receive it.’ They
made over all the property completely”[570] (Njala, c. 24).
“When they had fought a while Thorgils cut off the end of Svart’s shield
and his foot; but then it was law that men got the inheritance of the
man who fell in a _holmganga_. Thereupon Thorgils cut off Svart’s head
and took all his ships and property” (Flóamanna Saga, c. 16).
One cause of constant duelling was a challenge given on account of
women; and some men, especially Berserks, went about from place to place
making duelling a profession. It was quite common for a maid who had
several suitors to say that she would accept the one who should be
victorious in a duel. This often resulted in the death of one or more of
the combatants; and it appears that even fathers were sometimes
challenged by the suitors.
“One winter there came to Vors (Voss) Thorstein, a kinsman of the
brothers Ivar and Hreidar (with whom the Icelander Eyúlf was stopping),
who owned a farm in Upplönd. He told his trouble, which was that a
Berserk, Asgaut by name, had challenged him to _holmganga_ because he
refused to give his sister to him; he asked them to follow him with many
men to the _holmganga_. They did not like to refuse, and went with
thirty men to Upplönd and to the place where the meeting was to be. They
asked their men if any one wanted to win a wife by _holmganga_ against
Asgaut; but, although they thought the woman fair, no one was ready to
do this. The brothers asked Eyúlf to hold the shield before Thorstein.
Eyúlf said he had done that for no one, not even for himself. ‘I shall
not be happy if he is slain on my hands’ (_i.e._ while I hold the shield
before him); ‘there seems to me no fame in this. If the man is killed,
shall we then go home, leaving matters thus, or get a second and a third
champion? Our disgrace will increase the more, the more men of ours
fall; and little honour will there be on our journey if we go back with
Thorstein unavenged, if he falls. Rather ask of me to go into
_holmganga_ against the Berserk; that is helping one’s friend, but the
other I will not assist in.’ They thanked him, but, nevertheless,
thought he risked too much. He added: ‘It seems to me as if none of us
would go back if he is not avenged, and that it would be worse to fight
against the Berserk if your kinsman is first slain.’ Thereupon he
advanced, and Ivar offered to hold the shield before him. Eyúlf said:
‘That is a generous offer; but I can best take care of it, and the old
saying true is, “One’s own hand is most faithful;”’ then he went to the
place of the _holmganga_. The Berserk said: ‘Will this fool fight
against me?’ Eyúlf replied: ‘Is it not that thou art afraid to fight
against me? It may be that thou art of such a cowardly disposition as to
fear a large man, and braggest before a small one.’ He answered, ‘That
is not true; but I will pronounce for the laws of _holmganga_. Six marks
will absolve me from the _holm_ if I get wounded.’ Eyúlf added: ‘I do
not think it due to observe the laws towards thee when thou puttest a
value on thyself, for in our land (Eyúlf was an Icelander) such a value
as thou settest on thyself would be thought a thrall’s value.’ Eyúlf had
to strike the first blow, and the sword struck the lower part of the
shield and cut off it and the foot of the Berserk. Eyúlf got great fame
from this deed, and thereupon went home with the brothers. Much property
was offered to him, but he said he had not done this for the sake of
property nor for the woman, but rather from friendship towards the
brothers” (Vigaglum’s Saga, c. 4).[571]
“It happened on Yule-evening that the men were to make vows there over
the horn of Bragi. Then the sons of Arngrim made theirs. Hjorvard vowed
that he would marry Ingibjörg, the daughter of Yngvi,[572] king of the
Swedes, at Uppsalir, who was famous through all countries for her beauty
and accomplishments, or else he would never marry. That same spring the
brothers (Hjorvard and Angantyr) made the journey to Uppsalir, and went
before the table of the king; his daughter sat at his side. Hjorvard
told the king of his vow and his errand while all listened. Hjorvard
asked him to say at once what answer he should receive. The king thought
this matter over, knowing how valiant and high-born they were. At that
moment Hjalmar Hugumstori (high-minded) stepped forward and said to the
king: ‘Recollect, lord, how much I have increased your honour since I
came into this land; I have increased your realm so that it is twice as
large; have defended it, brought into your possession the most costly
things, and also placed my services at your free disposal; now, I beg of
you to grant me honour and give me your daughter, on whom my mind has
always been bent. I deserve this better than the Berserk, who has only
done evil in your realm and those of other kings.’ The king thought it
over with double care, and it seemed to him a perplexing matter that
these two chiefs should strive so hard for his daughter. He answered
that either of them was so great and high-born that he would refuse her
to neither; he asked her to choose which of them she liked to marry. She
said that if her father wanted her to marry she would marry the man of
whom she knew good, and not the one of whom she knew only evil, as she
had heard of the sons of Arngrim. When Hjorvard heard her words he
challenged Hjalmar to single fight south in Samsey; he said he should be
called _nithing_ (coward) by every man if he married the maiden without
accepting the challenge. Hjalmar said he was quite ready, and the time
of the fight was at once appointed. The sons of Arngrim went home, and
told their father the result of their errand, and of the challenge to
the fight. Arngrim answered: ‘Never have I been anxious about your
journey before now, but nowhere know I of any match for Hjalmar in
bravery and daring, or for the champion that follows him (Orvar Odd),
who is only second to him in strength and valour.’ They talked no more
about it. Bjartmar, a jarl, ruled Aldeigjuburgh, a very powerful and
famous warrior; he was a great friend of the sons of Arngrim, and they
always had peace-land there. The brothers went to Bjartmar jarl, who at
once made a great feast for them; at this Angantyr asked in marriage the
jarl’s daughter Svafa, and readily won her. The feast was made a wedding
feast, which lasted half a month.
“When the feast was over the sons of Arngrim prepared for their journey
to Samsey. The last night before they left, Angantyr had a dream, which
he told to the jarl: ‘It seemed to me we brothers were in Samsey, and
found many birds there, and killed them all. Then we went to the other
side of the island, and two eagles flew against us. I had a hard fight
against one of them, and at last we both sat down. The other eagle
fought against my brothers, and overcame them all.’ The jarl answered:
‘Such a dream needs no unravelling. The fall of some men is shown to you
by this, and I think it concerns you.’ They said they would not fear
that. The jarl added: ‘All men go when death calls upon them.’ They
spoke no more. When the feast was over the brothers went home, and Svafa
remained with the jarl. They made themselves ready for the fight, and
their father followed them to their ship, and gave good armour to them
all. ‘I think,’ said he, ‘there is need of good weapons now, for you
fight against the most valiant champions.’ Then they parted, and he bade
them farewell. They sailed to Samsey, and went to Munarvog (a bay).
“When they came upon the island Berserk-fury came over them; they
wrestled with the trees as they were wont.
“It is told of Hjalmar that he landed with ships on the other side of
Samsey, in the harbour Unavog. He had two ships, and both were called
_ask_; one hundred very valiant men were on each of them. The brothers
saw the ships, and knew that Hjalmar and Odd (the far-travelling, called
Orvar-Odd) owned them. The sons of Arngrim drew their swords and bit the
edges of their shields. They went to the ships, and six of them went on
board each _ask_; so brave were the men on them that everyone took his
weapons, and no one fled from his place or spoke a word of fear. The
Berserks went along the one side forwards and the other backwards, and
slew every man. Then they went ashore howling. Hjorvard said: ‘Our
father Arngrim has become a fool from old age, as he told us that
Hjalmar and Odd were the bravest champions, and now I saw no man fight
better than the others.’ Angantyr said: ‘Let us not complain that we did
not find our equals; it may be that Odd and Hjalmar are not yet dead.’
Hjalmar and Odd had walked up on the island to see if the Berserks had
come; when they came out of the forest the sons of Arngrim went on land
from their ships with bloody weapons and drawn swords; the Berserk-fury
was over, and they were less strong after it, as it were after an
illness. Odd sang:
“‘Then was (cause of) fear,
Once upon a time,
When they howling
Stepped from the _asks_,
And groaning
On the island stepped,
The inglorious ones,
Twelve together.’
“Hjalmar said: ‘Thou seest that our men are slain, and it seems to me
most likely that we shall all lodge with Odin in Valhöll to-night.’ This
was the only word of fear that Hjalmar ever spoke. Odd answered: ‘I
never saw such fiends, and it is my advice that we escape into the
forest; we two shall not be able to fight the twelve, who have slain
twelve of the bravest men in Svia realm.’ Hjalmar said: ‘Let us never
flee from our foes, let us rather go under their weapons; I will go and
fight the Berserks.’ Odd said: ‘I will not lodge with Odin to-night, and
all these men will be dead ere evening comes, and we two shall live.’
Hjalmar sang:
“‘Valiant men
Go from the warships,
Twelve together,
Inglorious men;
To-night will we,
The two champions,
Lodge with Odin,
And the twelve will live.’
“Odd answered:
“‘To these words
I will answer give;
The twelve Berserks
Will to-night
Lodge with Odin,
But we two live.’
“They saw that Angantyr had _Tyrfing_ in his hand, for it glittered like
a sunbeam. Hjalmar asked: ‘Which wilt thou fight against, Angantyr alone
or his eleven brothers?’ Odd answered: ‘I will fight Angantyr; he will
give hard blows with _Tyrfing_, and I trust my shirt better than my
brynja for shelter.’ Hjalmar said: ‘Have we been in any battle where
thou wert in front of me; thou wishest to fight Angantyr because it
seems to thee a greater feat; now, I am the principal in this duel, and
also heir of the kingdom. Therefore I must have my will; it would be far
from my promise to the king’s daughter in Sweden, to let thee or another
go to this single fight instead of me, and I will fight Angantyr. Odd
said he chose the worse alternative, but Hjalmar had his will. He drew
his sword and walked towards Angantyr; one pointed to the other, the way
to Valhöll. Angantyr said: ‘If any one of us escapes hence no one shall
take another’s weapons; I want to have _Tyrfing_ in my mound if I die;
Odd shall have his shirt and Hjalmar his weapons; those who live shall
make mounds over the other.’ Then Hjalmar and Angantyr went against each
other, and fought with the greatest violence; there was no need to urge
on to attack or defence. They struck hard and often, and sank into the
ground up to their knees. It was like a burning flame when the steels
met; neither heeded anything except to strike as often as possible, and
the ground shook on account of their fight as if it were trembling. They
fought till their armour began to be cut through; then each gave the
other many and large wounds. Their breath came forth from their nostrils
and mouths so that they were like burning stoves. Odd said afterwards a
more warrior-like fight or finer weapons than in that single fight would
never be seen; it is also told in tales far and wide that few more
famous or brave men have been found.
“When Odd and the others had looked on for a long time, they went to
another place and made ready for fight. Odd said to the Berserks: ‘I
suppose you want to follow the custom of warriors, and not that of
thralls; one of you, and no more, shall fight me at a time, if your
courage fails not.’ They consented. Then Hjorvard came forward. Odd went
against him. Odd’s sword was so good that it cut steel as if it were
cloth. They began their fight with great blows, and before long Hjorvard
sank dead to the ground. When the others saw this they scowled horribly
and gnawed the edges of their shields, and froth gushed out of their
mouths. Hervard rose and attacked Odd; the same happened to him, he fell
dead. At this the sorrow of the Berserks turned into rage; they
stretched out their tongues and ground their teeth, roaring like mad
bulls, so that the rocks resounded. Then Seming rushed forth; he was,
next to Angantyr, the best of the eleven. He attacked Odd so fiercely
that he could do no more than defend himself. They fought long, so that
it could not be seen which would get the victory; all their armour was
cut off, but Odd’s shirt protected him so that he was not hurt. Seming
received wounds, but nevertheless did not yield till nearly all his
flesh was cut off his bones. Odd saw no spot on him which was not
bloody. When all his blood had run out of his veins he fell down with
great valour, and at once died. One rose after the other, but Odd at
last slew them all; then he was excessively tired, but not wounded. He
went to where Angantyr and Hjalmar had fought. Angantyr had fallen, and
Hjalmar sat by a hillock, and was as pale as a corpse. Odd went to him
and sang:
“‘What ails thee, Hjalmar,
Thou hast changed colour?
I see that deep wounds
Weaken thee;
Thy helmet is cut,
And the mail-coat on thy side;
Now I think
Thy life is done.’
“Hjalmar sang:
“‘I have sixteen wounds,
And a torn coat-of-mail;
It is dark before my eyes;
I cannot see to walk;
The sword of Angantyr
Touched my heart.
The sharp sword-point
Hardened in poison.
‘I owned fully
Five bœrs together,
But I never
Enjoyed that occupation;
Now I must lie
Deprived of life,
Sundered with sword,
In Samsey.
‘Very high-born men,
The Huskarls, drink
Mead in the hall,
At my father’s;
The ale weakens
Many men
While the cutting of swords
Pains me on the island.
‘The tale will prove true
Which she[573] told me,
That I would not
Come back.
‘Draw from my hand
The red ring,
And take it to the young
Ingibjörg.
It will be to her
A lasting sorrow
That I do not
Come back to Uppsalir.
‘I left the fair
Song of women,
Though ready for pleasure;
I went east with Sóti;
I hurried my journey
And went into a host
The first time,
Away from my good friends.
‘The women on land
Will not hear
That I sheltered
Myself from blows;
The wise maiden
In Sigtunir
Will not laugh
Because I gave way.
* * * * *
‘I left the young
Ingibjörg;
We left her in haste
On that fated day;
It will be to the maiden
A deep sorrow
That she after this
Will never see me.
‘A raven flies from the east
From the high tree,
And after it
An eagle follows;
That is the last eagle
To which I give prey.
It will taste
My blood.
‘Carry thou, to show
That is my will,
My helmet and mail-coat
Into the King’s hall;
The mind of the King’s daughter
Will be moved
When she sees the mail-coat
Cut on the breast.
‘I see where they sit
In Sigtunir,
The maidens who held me
From leaving thence;
Ale or warriors
Ever more
Hjalmar will not cheer
In the King’s hall.’”
(Hervarar Saga, c. 4 and 5.)
After the burial of the Berserks Odd leaves for Sweden.
“Thereafter Odd laid Hjalmar on the ship and sailed away. Then he used
the _idrott_ (skill, art) which had been given him, and hoisted sail in
calm weather and sailed home to Sweden with the dead Hjalmar. He landed
where he wished to land, and drew up his ship; he placed Hjalmar on his
back, walked home to Uppsalir (Upsala) with him, and laid him down at
the door of the hall. He went in with the mail-coat of Hjalmar, and also
his helmet, and put them down on the floor in front of the king, and
told him the tidings which had occurred. Then he went to where Ingibjörg
sat in a chair, sewing a shirt for Hjalmar. Odd said: ‘Here is a ring
which Hjalmar sent thee on his death-day, and therewith his greeting.’
She took the ring, looked at it, but answered nothing; she sank back
between the chair-posts and died at once. Odd burst into loud laughter,
and said, ‘Nothing better has occurred for a long time, and I welcome
it; now they will enjoy each other dead, which they could not alive.’
Odd took her and carried her with his hands, and laid her in the arms of
Hjalmar at the door of the hall, and sent in for the king and told him
to look how he had arranged her. Thereafter the king welcomed Odd, and
seated him in the high seat at his side. When Odd had rested himself the
king said he wanted to make an _arvel_[574] after Hjalmar and Ingibjörg,
and raise a mound over them. The king let everything be done as Odd
ordered. The helmet and mail-coat of Hjalmar were brought forward, and
the men praised his deeds highly, and told how hard it had been to slay
him; they were both placed in one mound, and all went to see this great
mound, for Odd had it made with much honour. He remained quiet that
winter with King Hlodver, who in the autumn gave him men and ten ships,
and he went in the summer to seek Ögmund Eythjofsbani again, but found
him not” (Orvar Odd’s Saga, c. 14).
In the time of King Knut duelling was abolished in Norway, and robbers
and Berserks were outlawed.
“The last summer before the one when Eirik jarl, Hakonsson, made ready
to go west to England to visit King Knut the Great, his brother-in-law,
he placed his son Hakon as ruler over Norway, and gave him into the
hands of his own brother Svein jarl to look after and govern for him,
because Hakon was a child in age. Before Eirik jarl left, he summoned to
him the chiefs and powerful bœndr; they talked much about the laws and
customs of the land, for Eirik jarl was a wise ruler. The men thought it
a great barbarity in the land, that rioters or Berserks challenged
high-born men for the sake of their property or women, and that the one
who fell should have no indemnity paid for his slaying; many suffered
disgrace and loss of property, and some lost their life; therefore Eirik
jarl abolished all _holmgangas_ in Norway, and outlawed all robbers and
Berserks who went about plundering” (Gretti’s Saga, c. 19).
“In the summer a throng of men rode to the Thing—Illugi the Black and
his sons Gunnlaug and Hermund, Thorstein Egilsson and his son Kollsvein,
Önund from Mosfell with all his sons, and Sverting Hafr-Bjarnarson. One
day when a crowd went to the _lögberg_ (law-hill) and the law cases were
ended, Gunnlaug asked for a hearing, and said, ‘Is Hrafn Önundsson
here?’ He said he was. Gunnlaug Ormstúnga then added: ‘Thou knowest that
thou hast got my betrothed, and that thou hast shown enmity towards me;
on that account I will summon thee to _holmganga_ after three days’ time
on Öxarár-holm’ (an islet in the Axe-river (Öxará)). Hrafn replied:
‘This is well offered, as was to be expected from thee, and I am ready
when thou wishest.’ This the kinsmen of both thought lamentable, but it
nevertheless was the law in that time to bid to _holmganga_ the person
by whom a man thought himself wronged. After three nights they made
ready for the _holmganga_, and Illugi the Black followed his son to the
place with very many men, but Skapti (lawman) followed Hrafn and his
father and other kinsmen.... Hermund held the shield before his brother
Gunnlaug, and Sverting Hafr-Bjarnarson that before Hrafn. The one who
first got wounded had to redeem himself from the holmganga with three
marks of silver. Hrafn had the first blow, for he was the challenged
one, and he cut into the top of Gunnlaug’s shield, and his sword broke
at the guards, as the blow was given with great force. The sword-point
rebounded from the shield, and struck Gunnlaug on the cheek, and he was
a little hurt. Both their fathers and many others stepped between them.
Gunnlaug said, ‘I claim that Hrafn is defeated, for he is weaponless.’
Hrafn replied, ‘And I claim that thou art beaten, for thou art wounded.’
Gunnlaug at this grew very angry, and cried that this was not fought
out. His father Illugi would allow them to fight no more at that time.
Gunnlaug added that next time when he and Hrafn were to meet he hoped
his father would be too far away to part them. After this they
separated, and the men went back to their booths. On the following day a
law was enacted at the law-court (of the Thing) that thenceforth all
holmgangas should be abolished; this was done at the advice of the
wisest men in the land who were there present” (Gunnlaug Ormstunga).
CHAPTER XLIII.
OUTLAWRY.
Irredeemable crimes—Outlaws regarded as enemies of society—Custom of
pleading for an outlaw—Liabilities of a murderess—Substitution of
corporal punishment and fines for outlawry—Purchase of an outlaw’s
peace.
The laws did not aspire to improve the moral condition of the criminal
and try to make him a better man, except through fear of punishment;
their object in early days was to prevent private revenge, and stop
people taking matters into their own hands. Crimes against personal
rights or those of property were punished by fines as indemnity to the
injured. By paying an indemnity the criminal released himself from the
revenge of the injured and of his family, or from the outlawry which his
conduct or crime had brought upon him.
If any man had wronged another he was placed outside the pale of the law
until the weregild was paid; and if he or his family could not pay he
was outlawed, and the outlawry was declared at all the Things in the
country.[575]
There were crimes called _Ubota-mal_ (irredeemable crimes), that is, for
which no weregild could be paid; they were punished by outlawry and loss
of all property, including the odal, which was the greatest punishment
that could be inflicted. Such crimes were the violation of the sanctity
of the temple or of the Thing-place, and secret or unprovoked murder.
From the old laws of Norway we find that a man was called _Ubota-man_
who could not redeem himself.
1. “If a man attacks another in his house and breaks the house and slays
him, that is called _nithing-slaying_. 2. It is a _nithing-slaying_ if a
man slays the one to whom he has given his plighted faith. 3. It is also
a _nithing-slaying_ if a man slays another during a truce. 4. If a man
strikes another against a stone, or a timber, or a stump. 5. To burn a
man in his house. 6. To plunder the slain, or take away a man’s clothes
and weapons. 7. To murder a man. 8. To avenge thieves. These things must
be denied with _séttareid_. Wherever a man commits a _nithing-slaying_,
he is an unholy outlaw and forfeits every penny of his property, both
land and movable property: he shall never come to the country, or the
king, or the jarl, unless he brings true war-news (of a hostile host
coming)”[576] (Gulath., 178).
Men could be slain with impunity, and were irredeemable if they were
found guilty with the following women:—
“These women are seven (kinds). One’s wife, then sister, thirdly
daughter, fourthly mother, fifthly stepmother, sixthly brother’s wife,
seventhly son’s wife. If a man finds a man with one of these, he may
slay him if he likes; but he must tell the man whom he meets first of
it, and why he did it” (Gulathing’s Law, 160).
The following wording seems to imply that to slay a lawman under any
circumstances, or run away with another man’s wife were ubota crimes:—
“It is also a _nithing_-slaying if any one slays a lawman who is
ordained to tell people the law. That man strikes down the rights of all
men, for the lawman has duties to all, poor and rich, where he rules....
Men who are found to be so deceitful as to run away with other men’s
wives are _ubota-menn_.”
Such an outlaw was regarded as an enemy of society, and lost his
personal security with regard to every one of its members; from the
earliest times he was called _varg i véum_ (wolf in the sanctuary), or
_skógar-man_ (forestman), so called probably because he was deprived of
intercourse with mankind and left with the wild beasts of the forest,
and could be killed by any one who saw him.
Grettir while in Norway had accidentally set fire to a house in which
there were some Icelanders who had been drinking, and therefore probably
could not get out, and so were burned.
“That same summer there came a ship to Gasar, before the opening of the
Althing. News was brought of the journeys of Grettir, and the burning of
the house. Thorir of Gard became exceedingly angry at this, and thought
that he ought to avenge his sons. He went to the Althing with many men,
and there presented the case of the burning; but they were unwilling to
do anything, because nobody was there to answer. Thorir said he would
accept nothing but Grettir’s outlawry from Iceland for such an evil
deed. Skapti the lawman answered: ‘It is certainly a wicked deed, if the
news is true; but a tale is always half told if only one man tells it,
for most men are willing to take the worst side of a question if there
are two, therefore as matters stand I will not decide that Grettir shall
be outlawed for this.’ Thorir had great power in his Herad and was a
great chief, and friendly with many great men; he pressed the case hard,
and no one appeared in Grettir’s defence. Thorir then had Grettir
outlawed from the land, and was afterwards the most dangerous of all his
foes, as was often seen. He at once put a price on his head, as was done
with other outlaws, and rode home. Many said that this had been effected
more by power than according to law, but the case stood as it had just
been settled” (Gretti’s Saga, c. 46).[577]
This seems to indicate that it was customary for some one to plead on an
outlaw’s behalf, for it is said in the Saga that “Skapti died, when
Grettir had been outlawed nineteen years, so that then there was no one
to plead his cause.” His friends, however, brought his case before the
Althing, and the judge decided that a man could not be an outlaw for
more than twenty winters, even if during that time he committed some new
crime; but that before that time expired the sentence could not be
revoked.
“That summer the kinsmen of Grettir spoke much of his outlawry at the
Althing, and some thought that he had served his time, as he had been
outlawed now a part of the twentieth year; but those who had charges to
bring against him did not like this, and said he had committed many
deeds since for which he ought to be outlawed, and therefore his
outlawry ought to last longer. At this time Stein Thorgestson was chosen
lawman. He was a wise man, he was asked to give his decision. He
enquired if the time of the summer thus far passed belonged to the last
twelve months of the twenty years since he had been outlawed. As it was,
Thorir from Gard tried to raise all the objections he could, and found
that Grettir came to Iceland when a part of the summer had passed, and
had not been an outlaw during that time. Nineteen twelvemonths, less the
three months that passed from that Althing until Grettir came to Iceland
in the autumn, had his outlawry lasted. Then the lawman said that no man
should be an outlaw longer than twenty winters, even though during that
time he committed deeds for which he ought to be outlawed; but that
before twenty winters passed he would not declare any one free from his
outlawry” (Gretti’s Saga, c. 79).
The liabilities of a woman who committed murder were different according
to the Gulathing or the Frostathing Law.
“If a woman slays a man, the kinsmen of the dead, if they wish, may slay
her, if she does not go away in five days during summer, and in half a
month during winter” (Frostath., iv. 33).
“If a man slays a woman he is outlawed, just as if he had slain a man.
But if a woman slays a man she is outlawed, and her kinsmen shall send
her out of the country; and also if a pauper[578] slays a man he shall
be sent out of the country within five days, and he may stay with his
kinsmen five nights if no necessity delays him longer. If he stays
longer he shall pay forty marks, or deny it with _lyritareid_” (Gulath.,
159).
Sigmund and Eylif, sons of Önund, wanted to get rid of a man called Örn,
their kinsman. Mörd Gigja advised them to get him outlawed, and in that
way get him from the Herad.
“They raised against Örn a suit about the right of grazing and it was
agreed that Örn should be slain as unholy, and have no weregild
anywhere, except at Valugerdi (his farm) and within an arrow-shot from
his land. They continually tried to get at him, but he kept well on his
guard. One day when he was driving oxen from his land they came upon him
and slew him, and it was thought that his death was unholy. Hamund
Gunnarsson and Thorleif led the prosecution in Örn’s case, while Mörd
supported the brothers; they paid no fine, but were outlawed from the
Herad” (Landnáma, v., c. 4).
Another kind of outlawry (_Utlegdarmal_) was less severe, and did not
imply the confiscation of property, for the outlaw could redeem himself
by paying weregild. To this second class belonged a great many crimes,
the principal of which were: simple slaying,[579] severe wounds, crimes
against honour, bodily ill-treatment, crimes against personal liberty,
robbery, etc.
In some cases corporal punishment, and occasionally fines, were
substituted for outlawry.[580]
If a man killed another and failed to cover the body with earth he was
outlawed.
Helgi Droplaugarson slew Björn, because he visited Thórdis, a kinswoman
of Helgi’s, too often.
“The following night Helgi Sveinung and the two others went to a skerry
(rock) lying off the shore and removed Björn thither and covered his
corpse. The widow of Björn thought there would be a prosecution by Helgi
Ásbjarnarson and sent men to him at Mjófanes (her place). In this spring
after Björn’s death, this chief sent to Borgarfjord to prepare the case,
and did not find the corpse of Björn.
“Then Helgi Ásbjarnarson (a godi) summoned Helgi Droplaugarson because
he had murdered a man, thrown him into the sea, and not covered him with
mould. Helgi summoned him at the Thing for greater outlawry. He had
prepared the case of seduction for the Althing. Both cases came to the
Thing. Helgi Droplaugarson went to the court, with many men; he called
witnesses to prove that Helgi Ásbjarnarson had no case, and said that
three men had seen Björn covered with mould; then Sveinung and two
others took oath at the altar ring that they saw Björn covered with
mould. Now the case of Helgi Ásbjarnarson was made void. Then Helgi
Droplaugarson wanted to make Björn unholy, but Helgi Ásbjarnarson
offered property and then Helgi Droplaugarson arbitrated, and he decided
that 100 aurar should be paid” (Droplaugarsona Saga, p. 15, 16).
If a man was outlawed he had to buy his peace, “_fridkaup_,” from the
king, who determined what the amount should be.
“Now it may happen that the king permits the outlaw to stay in the land
at the entreaties of chiefs, or in some other way. Then he (the outlaw)
must buy peace with the king according to his mercy (the price paid by
the outlaw to stay in peace in the country is determined by the king),
and pay that half of his fine which is unpaid with sale-meetings
(auctions), of the kind that men of good sense see that he is well able
to hold. If he is not willing to pay, the kinsmen of the dead may take
revenge on him, even though he be reconciled (in peace) with the king,
and they will not be outlawed though they slay him. But those who took
care of his property while he was an outlaw must pay him back as much as
they received in lands and movables, and the rent of the land besides”
(Frostathing’s Law, Introd. 5).
CHAPTER XLIV.
REVENGE.
The duty of the nearest relative—Procedure—Blood-nights—Secret
slaying—Incitement to revenge by women—Intentional
wounding—Arbitration—Manslaughter—Murder by
lunatics—Insults—Punishment of derision.
Revenge played a conspicuous part in the daily life of the Norsemen, and
it was the duty of the nearest relative to avenge the death of a
kinsman. This duty first belonged to the brother of the deceased, and,
if he had no brother, to his next of kin. Relatives as far as the fourth
degree were obliged, if there was no one nearer, to undertake the duty.
If the relative could not find the murderer, his revenge fell upon the
innocent kinsman of the murderer, or upon the servants of the latter.
Procedure depended on the nature of the case. If a man was slain in his
own Herad, his wife or heir, or the nearest of kin present in the Herad,
the same day that the death became known sent out an arrow from farm to
farm through the Herad to summon the bœndr. The summons ordered them to
meet the same day, or, if it was already late, the next day, at the
place of murder, to attend the Arrow-thing. At the Arrow-thing those
more especially had to appear to whom the murderer had announced the
slaying, with his name and residence; those assembled examined the
circumstances of the slaying, and what was practically a coroner’s
inquest took place.
“Thither came nine bœndr who lived next to the slaying-place. Mörd (who
caused the slaying and declared it) had ten men with him. He showed to
the bœndr the wounds of Höskuld, and named witnesses to the wounds, and
one to every wound except one. He feigned not to know who had given it,
for he had given it himself. He declared that Skarphedin had slain him,
and that his brothers and Kari had given the wounds. Then he summoned
the nine neighbours of the slaying-place to come to the Althing, then he
rode home” (Njala, 112).
The days and nights immediately following a murder were called
_blood-nights_.
Hrolleif, the son of a witchcraft-knowing woman, slew the chief
Ingimund. When he came home and told his mother what he had done, she
said:
“‘It is my advice that thou goest away, for the blood-nights are the
quickest for revenge’”[581] (Vatnsdæla, c. 24).
“Glum went out one day to slay Sigmund; he put on the blue cloak, and
had a spear in his hand, ornamented with gold. When he had killed him he
rode off to his brother Thorstein, who, seeing blood on the inlaid
ornaments of the weapon, asked if he had struck anyone with it just
before. Glum said: ‘It is true, I forgot to tell thee that I have slain
Sigmund Thorkelsson to-day.’ Thorstein answered: ‘That will be bad
tidings to Thorkel (Sigmund’s father) and the Esphol men, his
sons-in-law.’ Glum added: ‘It is an old saying, that during the
blood-nights every one is most passionate; but they will think little of
it as time passes’” (Viga Glum’s Saga, c. 8).
If at least twenty-seven bœndr had come to the Thing, and the nearest
kinsman of the murdered man was present, and the slayer himself, after
having received truce (_grid_), appeared, or it was stated that although
the arrow had reached him he did not desire to appear, the Arrow-thing
possessed the right to at once render judgment in the case.
The fifth day the prosecution took place at the _Fimtarthing_, which was
an extraordinary _Heradsthing_.
To this Thing the slayer, or the person accused of the murder, was
summoned, and here the case was carried to completion, and judgment
given by the Thingsmen.
If the slaying was murder, and there was no certainty as to the
murderer, then the next of kin could require three persons, on whom his
suspicions had fallen, to free themselves one after the other, by
_tylftareid_ (an oath of suspicion).
“If the king accuses a man of land-treason (high-treason), he must repel
the charge by a tylftareid. Charge of murder and of breach of faith must
also be repelled in this way. Six men, equal to him (the accused) in
rétt, shall be summoned on both sides of him, two of them selected, then
two of his nearest kinsmen, himself as the fifth, and seven fangavattar
(witnesses summoned at random)” (Gulathing’s Law, 132).
“Further, if thou findest a man slain out on the field, thou shalt hide
the body and tell the first man whom thou meetest, and then go to his
heir if he is in the Fylki; else thou shalt cut a Thing-summons and call
a Thing. The man that does not come to the Thing is fined six aurar,
called the large Thing-fine, and proves himself to be the slayer if the
heir wants to accuse him of it” (Gulath., 161).
If a reconciliation took place between the slayer and family of the
slain, the nearest of kin to the slain at once assured the slayer of
intermediate truce (_grid_), and later, when the indemnity was paid,
which generally took place in several instalments, assured him of
security (_tryggdir_), whereby the matter was regarded as completely
settled.[582]
If the slayer left the weapon in the wound of his foe his act was not
considered murder, but only a lesser crime, termed “secret slaying.”
“One morning, just before day-light, while Véstein was still in bed,
some one entered the room, thrust a spear through his breast, and went
out again. When Vestein tried to rise he fell dead. His sister Aud
called upon a thrall of hers, Thord the faint-hearted, and bade him take
the weapon from the wound. It was the custom for the man who pulled the
weapon from a wound to be obliged to avenge the slain; but it was called
secret slaying, and not murder, if the slayer left the weapon remaining
in the wound” (Gisli Sursson’s Saga).
To slay a man for revenge at night, or to put any one to death at night,
was considered murder.
“King Olaf sat down in his seat when the room had been prepared, and was
very angry. He asked where the slayer was. He was told that he was
guarded out on the balcony. The king said: ‘Why is he not slain?’
Thorarin Nefjulfsson answered: ‘My lord, do you not call it a murder to
slay men at night?’ Then the king said: ‘Put him into fetters, and slay
him to-morrow’” (St. Olaf’s Saga, c. 126).
“Then Arinbjörn said: ‘The king will not let himself be incited to all
thy nithing-deeds. He will not let Egil be killed this night, because
night-killings are murders.’ The king replied: ‘It shall be as thou
askest, Arinbjörn, that Egil shall live this night’” (Egil’s Saga, c.
62).
Incitement to revenge was often given by women. Thorbjörg, the wife of
Indridi, heard that her brother Hörd had been treacherously slain by
Thorstein Gullknapp.
“When she and her husband came into their bed in the evening, Thorbjörg
drew a sax and thrust it at Indridi; but he parried the blow with his
hand and got much wounded. He said: ‘Thorbjörg, it is difficult to know
what to do, and thou art very hard upon me. What shall I do that we may
become friends again?’ ‘Thou canst do nothing but fetch the head of
Thorstein Gullknapp for me’” (Hörd’s Saga, c. 37).
To him who performed _nabjargir_ (ceremony attending the dead) belonged
the duty of avenging the dead.
Höskuld, a son of Njal by his concubine Hródný, was found wounded with
sixteen wounds. Hródný laid him against the wall in Njal’s sheephouse
and went in to Njal’s bed, as it was night.
“She asked if Njal was awake. He answered: ‘I have slept, but now I am
awake. Why art thou here so early?’ Hródný replied: ‘Rise from the bed
of my rival and go out with me, and also thy wife and thy sons.’ They
rose and went out. Skarphedin said: ‘Let us take our weapons with us.’
Njal did not speak, and they ran in and fetched their weapons. Hródný
walked on in front, and when they came to the sheephouse she went in and
asked them to follow. She took up a lantern and said: ‘Here, Njal, is
thy son Höskuld with many wounds on him, and he needs to be healed.’
Njal answered: ‘I see death-marks on him, and no life-marks; why hast
thou not given him nabjargir, as his nostrils are open?’ ‘I intended
Skarphedin to do that,’ she answered. Skarphedin walked up to Höskuld’s
body and closed the nostrils, eyes, and mouth. Then he asked his father,
‘Who, sayest thou, is the slayer?’ Njal answered: ‘Lýting of Samstadir
and his brothers have probably slain him.’ Hródný said: ‘I give it into
thy hands, Skarphedin, to revenge thy brother; and I expect thee to
behave well and perform the greatest part (in the revenge), though he
was not legitimate.’ Bergthóra (Njal’s wife) said: ‘It is strange that
you slay men for slight reasons, while you ponder over and digest this
matter until nothing comes of it; Höskuld Hvitanesgodi will soon be here
and ask you to come to terms, and you will grant him them; if you intend
to do anything, do it now.’ Skarphedin said: ‘Now our mother incites us
with lawful provocation’” (Njala, c. 98).
Then follows in the Saga a long account of how the two brothers of
Lýting were killed, and how he himself was wounded and escaped. Lýting
went to a man called Höskuld, who was a godi, and asked him to reconcile
him with Njal and his sons. Höskuld consented, and went with him to
Njal’s home.
If a man intentionally wounded an innocent man, or offended him in such
a way that full rétt was due to him, the offended could slay him if he
had not offered surety.
It was not uncommon to resort to arbitration when cases of revenge
occurred for which weregild would have to be paid.
Gunnar of Hlidarendi, the famous champion, with his brother Kolskegg had
slain eight men. After the prosecution of the case had begun at the
Althing, some proposed that good men should arbitrate.
“It was determined, according to the advice of the wisest men, that all
the suits which followed should be submitted to arbitration; six men to
arbitrate, and it was done at once at the Althing. It was decided that
the death of Skamkel should not be paid for, the wound of the spur
making up for the wergild; for the other a befitting payment was made.
The kinsmen of Gunnar gave property, so that all the weregilds were at
once paid at the Althing” (Njala, c. 56).
Manslaughter was murder if it was not acknowledged by the slayer; if
there was no witness to the deed, he had to acknowledge it at the farm
nearest to the place of slaughter, and tell his name and home. If
kinsmen of the slain were present, he might pass the place; but in no
case could he go further than the third farm without declaring it.
“Further, if men meet at the crossing of roads, and the one slays the
other, and the man is alive when people come to him, then he is the
slayer whom the man declares to be, unless the _great evidence_ help
him. If another man declares himself to be the slayer, then they are
both slayers, though there is only one wound on the dead man. When a man
declares the slaying lawfully, he goes from the place in whatever
direction he likes, and declares it at the next house, unless kinsmen on
male or female side or near relatives of the dead are there; in this
case he shall pass on to the next house, unless they (kinsmen) are also
there; then he shall go to the third house and declare it, whoever are
in it. He is neither called Ulf (wolf), nor Björn (bear), unless it be
his name. He shall tell the _jartegn_ (by which he is known), and tell
where he slept last night. At the Arrow-thing evidence of the
declaration of the slaying shall be given” (Gulathing’s Law, 61).[583]
If a man acknowledged a slaughter lawfully, and also in the presence of
witnesses gave surety that he would pay weregild and _thegngildi_
(weregild for a thegn), he thereby made himself holy and sacred, so that
he could not be slain.
“If a man wounds an innocent man, or injures him publicly by deeds
liable to full rétt, and revenge is taken by the man or his kinsmen
before a lawful offer with full surety has been made, then the one who
first broke the peace is outlawed, whether he has been slain or outraged
in other ways, unless the king and other men of good sense think
otherwise. But if he offers full surety he is peace-holy, and the one
who slays him is outlawed” (Frostath., Introd. 6).
An insane man who committed murder, though not accounted responsible for
his actions, was expelled the country.
“If a man becomes mad so that he breaks his chains and kills a man, he
shall leave the land, and have all his property in half a month’s truce
during summer, and one month during winter” (Frostath.).
“If a father becomes so mad that he slays his son, or a son slays his
father, or a brother his brother, he shall be outlawed, and leave the
land, and never come back again” (Frostath., iv. 31).
Among the insults which were most resented were those caused by “_nid_,”
or derision. Derision was of two kinds: the first called “_tungunid_,”
tongue derision; that is, derisive or mocking words, which were chiefly
in songs and lampoons (nidvisur), which sometimes were also thought to
possess magical power, thus scaring away the guardian spirits, and
bringing misfortune on the person in question. The second were _trenid_
(wooden derision), that is, derisive images carved or traced on wood.
These were placed at spots where they would draw attention, generally on
the grounds of the enemy; and some of them must have corresponded to the
caricatures of our own times.
These derisive songs were so much resented that Harald Gormsson, King of
Denmark, intended to go to Iceland to take revenge upon the people for a
derisive song which had been made upon him by an Icelander.
“Harald Gormsson King of Denmark heard that Hakon jarl had cast away
Christianity, and made warfare in many places in his lands. Then he
levied a host and went to Norway, and when he came into the realm of
Hakon he plundered there, and devastated the country, and went with his
host to the islands called Solundir. Only five farms were left in
Laradal, and all the people fled to the mountains and forests with all
the loose property they could take with them. Then he wanted to
sail[584] to Iceland, to take revenge for the derision (nid) which all
the Icelanders had made on him. The Icelanders had enacted a law that as
many nid-songs (derisive songs) should be made about the King of Denmark
as there were noses (heads, men) in the country. The reason for this was
that a ship owned by Icelanders had been wrecked in Denmark, and all the
property on board taken by the Danes, who called it wreckage; this was
done by the king’s steward Birgir, and the derision was on both of
them”[585] (Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, c. 36).
Derision was forbidden by law, and punished by outlawry.
“No man shall make tongue-nid (derision) on another, nor wood-nid (nid
carved on wood). If it be known and proved that he has done this, he is
liable to outlawry; he shall redeem the offence with an oath of
reconciliation; he falls as an outlaw if he is slain. No man shall make
exaggeration or slander about another: that is exaggeration if a man
says about another what cannot take place, or will not, or has not,
saying he is a woman every ninth night, and has borne a child, and calls
him _gylvin_ (she-wolf). He is an outlaw, if it is proved; he shall
redeem the offence with an oath of reconciliation; he falls as an outlaw
if he is slain” (Earlier Gulathing’s Law, 138).
END OF VOL. 1.
-----
Footnote 1:
A kind of baptism.
Footnote 2:
The assembly of the people.
Footnote 3:
The hall and abode of the slain.
Footnote 4:
“Sueonum hinc civitates, ipso in oceano, præter viros armaque
classibus valent. Forma navium eo differt quod utrinque prora paratam
semper appulsui frontem agit. Nec velis ministrantur, nec remos in
ordinem lateribus adjungunt: solutum, ut in quibusdam fluminum, et
mutabile, ut res poscit, hinc et illinc remigium” (Germ. xliv.).
Footnote 5:
“Hujus est civitatis longe amplissima auctoritas omnis oræ maritimæ
regionum earum, quod et naves habent Veneti plurimas, quibus in
Britanniam navigare consuerunt, et scientia atque usu nauticarum rerum
reliquos antecedunt, et in magno impetu maris atque aperto, paucis
portibus interjectis, quos tenent ipsi, omnes fere qui eo mari uti
consuerunt, habent vectigales” (Gallic War, iii. c. 8).
“Namque ipsorum naves ad hunc modum factæ armatæque erant; carinæ
aliquanto planiores, quam nostrarum navium, quo facilius vada ac
decessum æstus excipere possent; proræ admodum erectæ, atque item
puppes ad magnitudinem fluctuum tempestatumque accommodatæ; naves totæ
factæ ex robore ad quamvis vim et contumeliam perferendam; transtra
pedalibus in latitudinem trabibus confixa clavis ferreis digiti
pollicis crassitudine; ancoræ pro funibus ferreis catenis revinctæ;
pelles pro velis alutæque tenuiter confectæ, hæ sive propter lini
inopiam atque ejus usus inscientiam, sive eo, quod est magis
verisimile, quod tantas tempestates Oceani tantosque impetus ventorum
sustineri, ac tanta onera navium regi velis non satis commode posse
arbitrabantur. Cum his navibus nostræ classi ejusmodi congressus erat,
ut una celeritate et pulsu remorum præstaret; reliqua, pro loci
natura, pro vi tempestatum, illis essent aptiora et accommodatiora.
Neque enim his nostræ rostro nocere poterant (tanta in his erat
firmitudo), neque propter altitudinem facile telum adjiciebatur, et
eadem de causa minus commode copulis continebantur. Accedebat, ut, cum
sævire ventus cœpisset et se vento dedissent, et tempestatem ferrent
facilius, et in vadis consisterent tutius, et ab æstu relictæ nihil
saxa et cautes timerent; quarum rerum omnium nostris navibus casus
erat extimescendus” (c. 13).
Footnote 6:
Ἐπὶ τὸν αὐχένα τῆς Κιμβρικῆς χερσονήσου Σάξονες (Geog. lib. ii. c. 2).
Footnote 7:
Βαστάρνας δε, Σκύθικον ἔθνος, ὑποπεσόντας αὐτῷ προσέμενος κατῴκισε
Θρᾳκίοις χωρίοις· καὶ διετέλεσαν τοῖς Ῥωμαίων βιοτεύοντες νόμοις. καὶ
Φράγκων τῷ βασιλεῖ προσελθόντων καὶ τυχόντων οἰκήσεως μοῖρά τις
ἀποστᾶσα, πλοίων εὐπορήσασα, τὴν Ἑλλάδα συνετάραξεν ἅπασαν καὶ Σικελίᾳ
προσσχοῦσα καὶ τῇ Συρακουσίων προσμίξασα πολὺν κατὰ ταύτην εἰργάσατο
φόνον. ἤδη δε καὶ Λιβύῃ προσορμισθεῖσα, καὶ ἀποκρουσθεῖσα δυνάμεως ἐκ
Καρχηδόνος ἐπενεχθείσης, οἵα τε γέγονεν ἀπαθὴς ἐπανελθεῖν οἴκαδε.
(Zosimus. de Probo, i. 71).
Footnote 8:
“Quid loquar rursus intimas Franciæ nationes jam non ab iis locis quæ
olim Romani invaserant, sed a propriis ex origine sui sedibus, atque
ab ultimis barbariæ littoribus avulsas, ut, in desertis Galliæ
regionibus collocatæ et pacem Romani imperii cultu juvarent et arma
delectu?” (Eumenius. Constantin. Aug. c. vi.)
Footnote 9:
“Recursabat quippe in animos illa sub Divo Probo et paucorum ex
Francis captivorum incredibilis audacia et indigna felicitas, qui a
Ponto usque correptis navibus Græciam Asiamque populati nec impune
plerisque Libyæ littoribus appulsi ipsas postremo, navalibus quondam
victoriis nobiles ceperant Syracusas, et immenso itinere pervecti
Oceanum, qua terras irrupit intraverant atque ita eventu temeritatis
ostenderant nihil esse clausum piraticæ desperationi quo navigiis
pateret accessus” (Eumenius Panegyr. Const. Cæs. xviii. circ. A.D.
300)
Footnote 10:
“Per hæc tempora (i.e. 287) etiam Carausius, qui vilissime natus in
strenuæ militiæ ordine famam egregiam fuerat consecutus, cum apud
Bononiam per tractum Belgicæ et Armoricæ pacandum mare accepisset,
quod Franci et Saxones infestabant, multis barbaris sæpe captis, nec
præda integra aut provincialibus reddita aut imperatoribus missa
consulto ab eo admitti barbaros ut transeuntes cum præda exciperet
atque hac se occasione ditaret; a Maximiano jussus occidi purpuram
sumpsit et Britannias occupavit” (Eutropius, Breviarium Historiæ, ix.
ch. 21).
Footnote 11:
Orat. 1. Φράγκοι καὶ Σάξονες τῶν ὑπὲρ τὸν Ῥῆνον καὶ τὴν ἑσπερίαν
θάλατταν ἐθνῶν τὰ μαχιμώτατα.
Footnote 12:
“Hoc tempore velut per universum orbem Romanum bellicum canentibus
buccinis, excitæ gentes sævissimæ limites sibi proximos persultabant.
Gallias Rhætiasque simul Alamanni populabantur; Sarmatæ, Pannonias et
Quadi; Picti, Saxonesque, et Scoti, et Attacotti Britannos ærumnis
vexavere continuis” (Rerum Gestarum, lib. xxvi. s. 4).
Footnote 13:
“Gallicanos vero tractus _Franci_, et _Saxones_ iisdem confines, quo
quisque erumpere potuit terra vel mari, prædis acerbis incendiisque et
captivorum funeribus hominum violabant” (Ammianus Marcellinus, d.
circ. 400, lib. xxvii. c. 8, § 5).
Footnote 14:
“Maduerunt Saxone fuso
Orcades; incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule;
Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Ierne.”
(De Cons. Hon. iv. 31.)
Footnote 15:
“Vita omnis in venationibus atque in studiis rei militaris consistit.
Ab parvulis labori ac duritiæ student ... in fluminibus promiscue
perluuntur et pellibus aut parvis rhenonum tegimentis utuntur magna
corporis parte nuda” (Cæsar De Bello Gallico, vi. 21).
Footnote 16:
“Nec enim immensa barbarorum scuta, enormes hastas, inter truncos
arborum et enata humo virgulta perinde haberi quam pila et gladios et
hærentia corpori tegmina ... non loricam Germano, non galeam, ne scuta
quidem ferro nervo ve firmata, sed viminum textus vel tenues fucatas
colore tabulas, primatu utcunque aciem hastatam, cæteris præusta aut
brevia tela” (Tacitus Annals, ii. 14).
Footnote 17:
“Nam super hac re varia opinio est, aliis arbitrantibus de Danis
Northmannisque originem duxisse Saxones, aliis autem aestimantibus, ut
ipse adolescentulus audivi quendam praedicantem de Graecis, quia ipsi
dicerent, Saxone reliquias fuisse Macedonici exercitus qui secutus
magnum Alexandrum inmatura morte ipsius per totum orbem sit dispersus”
(Ann. lib. 1).
Footnote 18:
“Dani et Sueones, quos Northmannos vocamus, et Septentrionale litus et
omnes in eo insulas tenent” (Vita Caroli Magni, c. 12; Eginhard,
historian and friend of Charlemagne).
Footnote 19:
“Dani more quoque Francisco dicuntur nomine Manni.”
Footnote 20:
Völuspa is derived from _völva_, _sybil_ and _spá_, foretelling. The
name _völva_ seems to be derived from _völr_ (staff, stick), as we see
that the sibyls or prophetesses used to walk from place to place with
a stick.
Footnote 21:
Vafthrudnir. _Vaf_ = weave, or entangle: _thrudnir_ = strong, or
mighty; hence Vafthrudnir = mighty in riddles which cannot be
disentangled.
Footnote 22:
The awful = Odin.
Footnote 23:
The one who gives useful advice.
Footnote 24:
When the heart, which is near the ribs, is cold, the ribs are also
cold; therefore this means _cold-hearted_.
Footnote 25:
Fœda means both to give birth to, to raise, and to feed.
Footnote 26:
_Ividi_, a very obscure word (only found here in the whole Northern
literature), which has been translated differently without any
particle of authority in any case, and in each case only as a mere
guess. The word vid means tree, perhaps the world-tree, _Yggdrasil_,
which extended its roots under the world.
Footnote 27:
It is well known that the later Edda bears strong marks of the
influence of Christianity, and we quote it with caution and only when
it essentially agrees with Voluspa and other parts of the earlier
Edda.
Footnote 28:
_Vili_, will; _Ve_, sanctuary, holy place. Cf. also ‘Lokasenna,’ 26;
‘Ynglinga,’ c. 3.
Footnote 29:
Gjöll (the sounding one).
Footnote 30:
Gjallar bridge (the bridge of Gjöll).
Footnote 31:
Modgud (the valkyrja of anger).
Footnote 32:
Nanna is told of in Baldr’s burning, as she, his wife, was burnt with
him.
Footnote 33:
In Sigurdrifumal it is said the runes were in the holy mead, sent to
Asar, Alfar, and Vanir.
Footnote 34:
Elivagar, the streams flowing from the well Hvergelmir in Niflheim
froze into a Jötun.
Footnote 35:
_i.e._, a Jötun woman.
Footnote 36:
A kind of trough used for flour; so the boat is called in which he
saved his life as is seen by what follows. In the lay of Hyndla we
read:—
“All Jötnar came from Ymir.”
Footnote 37:
Mundilfori, from _mondul_ = a handle, and _fara_ = to go; the one
veering or turning round.
Footnote 38:
A Jötun.
Footnote 39:
Sun, in the north, is of feminine gender, and the moon masculine.
Footnote 40:
The rim of heaven = the line of the sky from the horizon.
Footnote 41:
The sun.
Footnote 42:
The moon.
Footnote 43:
Rökstól—_stol_, seat or stool; _rök_, judgment.
Footnote 44:
Wind-chilly.
Footnote 45:
Sweet mood.
Footnote 46:
Bloody surf means poetically the sea, and the expression, the bones of
Blain, a name nowhere else mentioned in the earlier Edda, seems to
refer to a fight, the record of which is lost to us.
Footnote 47:
Modsognir and Durin, only mentioned here, refer to some lost myth.
There seem to have been three kinds of tribes of Dvergar, having for
chiefs, respectively, Modsognir, Durin, Dvalin. “Many _man-likenesses_
in the earth,” namely Dvergar, who are often described as living under
the earth.
Footnote 48:
The five stanzas (Nos. 11, 12, 13, 15, 16) omitted give a long list of
names of Dvergar, among them those of Nyi, the growing moon; Nidi, the
waning moon; Nordri, the north, &c.; Althjof, all-thief; Dvalin, the
delayer, &c., &c.
Footnote 49:
The Dvergar clan of Dvalin, who is not mentioned before, seems to have
been the highest among all the Dvergar.
From Alvismal we may infer that the Dvergar were related to the
Thursar.
Footnote 50:
There seems to be something missing between the stanzas 16 and 17,
unless the poet means the host of the Dvergar, who were under the
three above-named chiefs.
Footnote 51:
It seems that the house in which Ask and Embla were to live was in
existence already. _Ask_ means ash-tree, like _Yggdrasil_; _Embla_
only occurs here in the Völuspa, and it is most difficult consequently
to give a meaning to it; the elm-tree is called _alm_, and perhaps is
here meant to be in contrast to the ash.
Footnote 52:
Odin, Hœnir, and Lodur gave them life. Hœnir is mentioned in the later
Edda. Lodur is only mentioned in the beginning of Heimskringla.
Footnote 53:
Jarnvid, or iron forest; the word is only found here and in the Later
Edda. The old one means a Jötun woman, Angrboda, by whom Loki begat
the Fenrir wolf (‘Later Edda,’ c. 34).
Footnote 54:
The son of Fenrir. According to the prose Edda _Mánagarm_ is the name
of the son of the Fenrir wolf who swallowed the moon. See
Gylfaginning, c. 12.
Footnote 55:
A third bird not named lives in the halls of Hel. They represent the
Jötnar, the Asar, and the third Hel (the home of the dead), and seem
to be the wakers of these three different realms.
Footnote 56:
The Asar, after taking Loki, bound him to a rock with fetters made of
the entrails of his son, Vali (who must not be confused with his
namesake, Baldr’s brother).
“Now Loki was without any truce taken to a cave. They took three
slabs, set them on edge, and made a hole in each. They took the sons
of Loki, Vali and Nari or Narfi, and changed Vali into a wolf which
tore Narfi asunder. Then they took his entrails and with them tied
Loki over the three slabs; one was under his shoulders, another under
his loins, the third under his knees, and these bands changed into
iron. Then Skadi (a goddess) took a poisonous serpent and fastened it
above him, so that the poison should drip into his face; but his wife
Sigyn stands at his side, and holds a vessel under the poison-drops.
When it is full she goes out to pour it down, but in the meanwhile the
poison drips into his face; then he shudders so hard that the whole
earth trembles; that you call earthquake. There he lies in bands till
the doom of the gods” (Gylfaginning, c. 50).
“Loki begat the wolf
With Angrboda,
And Sleipnir
With Svadilföri;
One monster was thought
Most terrible of all;
It was sprung from
The brother of Býleist (= Loki).”
[Hyndluljód, 40]
The Asar were afraid of Fenrir wolf, Loki’s son, and twice tried to
chain it, but could not.
“Thereupon they were afraid that they could not chain the wolf; then
Allfödr (Odin) sent the servant Skírnir, the messenger of _Frey_, down
to Svartálfaheim (world of the black Álfar) to some Dvergar, and had a
chain made, called Gleipnir. It was made of six things: Of the noise
of the cat, of the beard of women, of the roots of the mountain, of
the sinews of the bear, of the breath of the fish, of the spittle of
the bird.”
At last they succeeded in chaining it with the chain, but Týr lost his
right hand, which he was obliged to put into the mouth of the wolf as
a pledge.
“When the Asar saw that the wolf was fully tied they took the band
which hung on the chain and was called Gelgja, and drew it through a
large slab, called Gjöll, and fastened the slab deep down in the
ground. They took a large stone and put it still deeper into the
ground; it was called Thviti, and they used it as a fastening pin. The
wolf gaped terribly and shook itself violently, and wanted to bite
them. They put into its mouth a sword; the guards touch the lower
palate and the point the upper palate; that is its gag. It groans
fiercely and saliva flows from its mouth and makes the river Von;
there it lies till the last fight of the gods” (Later Edda, c. 34).
Footnote 57:
Dvergar.
Footnote 58:
Hrym. This name occurs nowhere else.
Footnote 59:
Jörmungand is the world serpent, Midgard’s serpent, the son of Loki.
“Angrboda was a Jötun woman in Jötunheimar. Loki begat three children
by her: Fenrir wolf, Jörmungand, or Midgardsorm, the serpent, and Hel.
When the gods knew that these three children were brought up in
Jötunheimar, they had foretellings that great misfortune and loss
would be caused by them, and all thought much evil must be expected
from them, first on account of their mother, and still more of their
father. Allfödr (Odin) sent the gods to take and bring them to him.
When they came to him he threw the serpent (Midgardsorm) into the deep
sea that lies round all lands, and it grew so much that it lies in the
middle of the sea round all lands and bites its tail” (Later Edda, c.
34).
Footnote 60:
“Naglfar.” The ship, said in the Later Edda, Gylfaginning 51, to be
made of nails of dead men; when it is finished the end of the world
comes.
Footnote 61:
Loki being the chief enemy of the gods.
Footnote 62:
The first sorrow is not mentioned. Hlin, a maid of Frigg (see
Gylfaginning, 35). Her second sorrow is the death of Odin.
Footnote 63:
Slayer of Beli = Frey.
Footnote 64:
The wolf Fenrir.
Footnote 65:
Loki is the father of Fenrir-wolf, who is called the Jötun’s son, as
Loki was a Jötun.
Footnote 66:
Odin’s son, Vidar, avenges his father by slaying the Fenrir-wolf.
Footnote 67:
Here the Völva again sees how everything is destroyed. Ragnarök, “the
doom of the powers and the end of the world,” is mentioned in
Lokasenna where Loki is taunting the gods; when he comes to Tyr, the
latter answers him—
I have no hand
And thou hast no praise;
We are both badly off;
Nor is the wolf well
That in bands shall
Wait for Ragnarök.
In Atlamal Ragnarök is also mentioned in the dreams of Glaumvor (see
p. 462). In the later Edda the word is corrupted by having an “r”
added, which gives the meaning of _twilight_ instead of _doom_ of the
gods, as it really meant.
Footnote 68:
The Völva seems never to tire reminding her hearers that the dog Garm
barks loud, &c.
Footnote 69:
The Völva.
Footnote 70:
Midgard—_midr_, middle; _gardr_, yard, enclosed space; also, courtyard
and premises; a house in a village or town; a stronghold; a fence or
wall; a collection of houses, a farm.
Footnote 71:
Asgard in olden times meant a place surrounded by walls, and also a
collection of houses enclosed by a fence, hence the modern name in
Scandinavia of gård for farm. The residence of the gods is also called
by this name in the Edda.
Footnote 72:
_Mannheimar_ (always in plural _mannheimar_, the singular is
_mannheim_) means homes of men.
Footnote 73:
The word _Gullveig_ is only found as a compound word this once in the
literature of the North. _Gull_ = gold; _veig_ = draught, also
strength. It may be a metaphor for the thirst of gold being the root
of evil, and the cause of the first fight and manslaying in the world,
as the thirst is never dying.
Footnote 74:
Hár = Odin.
Footnote 75:
Here evidently the reference is to the war between the Vanir and the
Asar. This shows that they had been defeated. Feast means sacrifice,
which was always followed by the feast; this would imply that they
wanted to make a sacrifice for peace or victory.
Footnote 76:
A stockade made like Danavirki or other strongholds in the north.
Footnote 77:
Wergild, indemnity.
Footnote 78:
Alfheimar. In one text, Jötunheimar. In later times Risar, Troll, and
Dvergar became synonymous with giants, dwarfs, and wizards.
Footnote 79:
Kvisl—a forked river, one of the forks where they unite—it also means
a branch of a tree.
Vana-kvisl means the river of the Vanir; it is supposed now that it
was the river Don which flows into the Sea of Azow, but it is
doubtful.
Footnote 80:
This was probably the river Don, which is near the Ural Mountains.
Footnote 81:
Svíthjód the Great seems to be Russia—Norway, Sweden, perhaps Denmark
and the shores of the Baltic.
Footnote 82:
Gefjon was one of the Asynjur.
Footnote 83:
Svithjód = Sweden, but it can hardly be taken in these early Sagas as
exactly corresponding to modern Sweden.
Footnote 84:
People were buried with their wealth.
Footnote 85:
The one who owned the burning in the text. Heaven means space, not a
blessed abode.
Footnote 86:
This word is not found elsewhere in Scandinavian literature.
Footnote 87:
See priest.
Footnote 88:
Idróttir, a name for all kinds of athletic and intellectual games.
Footnote 89:
We must here remark that nowhere is Thor called the God of Thunder.
Footnote 90:
See Havamal, the lord of the gallows; see Havamal where he is said to
have hung on a tree.
Footnote 91:
Grimnismál, 19–20, also mentions these ravens.
19.
The battle-tamer (Odin) feeds
Geri and Freki,
The famous father of hosts (Herjafödr)
And by wine alone
The weapon-famous
Odin always lives.
20.
Hugin and Munin
Fly every day
Over the wide earth;
I am afraid Hugin
Will not come back,
But still more of Munin.
Poetical names were given to these ravens by Eyvind Skalda-spillir;
they are called the Swans of Farmatýr (the god of cargoes), _i.e._,
the Swans of Odin.
Footnote 92:
Because he was always fighting against the Jötnar.
Footnote 93:
The fires were always in the centre, lengthwise.
Footnote 94:
This man was Odin, who is always represented as having only one eye.
Footnote 95:
Cfr. also Volsunga Saga, c. 11.
Footnote 96:
The story of Odin’s ship reminds one of the tent mentioned in the
‘Arabian Nights,’ which could cover an army, and yet could be folded
and carried in a small pocket.
Footnote 97:
Odin himself hung in Yggdrasil to learn wisdom, and this is a like
custom (Havamal, 139); it seems that Odin learned wisdom from the one
hanging in the gallows by sitting under it.
Footnote 98:
A high seat from which Odin could see over all worlds. (Gylfaginning,
17.) In the older Edda there is a long poem, Skirnismál or Skirnisför,
on the story of Njörd falling in love with Gerd.
Footnote 99:
The peace of Frodi, so called from the chief who ruled Denmark at the
time, and who must have become very celebrated.
Footnote 100:
Gymir, a jotun of whom nothing is known.
Footnote 101:
A lady is still called _fru_ all over Scandinavia.
Footnote 102:
In Icelandic Sagas housewife is _hús-freyja_; but in modern Icelandic,
_hús-frú_.
Footnote 103:
_i.e._, mixed with water.
Footnote 104:
This would imply that Sweden was east of Vanaheim.
Footnote 105:
Cf. also Herraud and Bosi’s Saga, c. 1.
Footnote 106:
Cf. also Ynglinga Saga, and _Prologue to Heimskringla_.
Footnote 107:
The _Ynglingatal_ is not given, as it is tedious, and would be
uninteresting to the general reader.
Footnote 108:
Fródi had two sons, Ingjald and Hálfdán. From the first was descended
the great Harald Hilditönn, who was defeated by his kinsman Sigurd
Hring at the Bravalla-battle, see p. 368. From the second was
descended Harald Fairhair, the ancestor of the Dukes of Normandy, and
so indirectly of Queen Victoria.
Footnote 109:
This was written after all the petty kingdoms of Denmark had been
consolidated into one; the term Danish tongue at earlier periods did
not exist, but _Norrœna_, or Northern tongue, was used instead.
Footnote 110:
Antiquities of the stone age have been found in bogs at Hœbelstrup;
Sandbjerg, near Hörsholm; Lœsten, near Randers; Kjœr, Ringkjöbing Amt,
Jutland; Samsö, &c.; and in mounds. Among them are numerous amber
beads; flint tools from 4½ to 10 ins. long, many having teeth like a
saw; axe-blades, chisels, spear-points, and ornaments.
Footnote 111:
The following contents of a _Dolmen_ at Luthra, Vestergotland, are
typical:—5 spear-heads, 1 arrow-head, 19 rough flint axes, 4 bone
pins, 18 bone beads, 4 amber beads, 11 pierced teeth of bears, dogs,
and pigs, several bones of cows, and a great number of skeletons.
Footnote 112:
Of the 140 passage graves at present known in Sweden, more than 110
have been found in Skaraborglan, and most of these near Falköping.
Footnote 113:
Some of the forms of these antiquities are met with in parts of
Germany, Hungary, England, and elsewhere in Europe, whilst others, by
far the most numerous, are peculiarly Northern.
Footnote 114:
In one of the slabs (Fig. 28) there seems to be a representation of a
kind of sacrificing altar, with figures of persons coming towards it,
as if they were coming there for some object. There seem to be men
blowing horns. In Fig. 29 are a ship and a large cone, on each side of
which are an axe and another object or sign the significance of which
is unknown.
Fig. 30 has only a ship.
Fig. 31 has four-footed animals, the lower ones coming in opposite
directions, and the others going the same way; but the two subjects
are separated by peculiar marks.
Footnote 115:
The Svastika, or Suvastika, is in its essential form a cross with bent
arms [Illustration: Svastikas], but with many modifications. As a
symbol, it is found widespread over a large part of the Old World. It
is certainly of ancient origin, but authorities are disagreed as to
its symbolical significance. Other symbols equally difficult to
interpret, found in Norse remains, are the three dots, circle of dots,
triangles, the triskele [Illustration: ], &c.
Footnote 116:
In a bog by Taarup several pieces of bronze, such as arm rings,
spear-points, chisels, &c., were found.
Near Aarup, Jutland, two bronze earrings of a similar pattern, two
bracelets made of convex bronze bands with engraved ornaments, a solid
gold ring for the hair, three spiral-shaped loops of gold with
bowl-shaped buttons at the ends. The engraved ornaments seem to point
to the fact that the engraving needle was known in the bronze age.
Somewhat similar objects have been found in other bogs.
Footnote 117:
See ‘Land of the Midnight Sun’ for other ornaments of bronze.
Footnote 118:
During the stone and bronze ages the population of Norway was not as
great as that of Sweden, Denmark, and the islands of the Baltic. It is
only during the iron age that that country becomes more thickly
settled, and approximates somewhat in its population to the
neighbouring countries; bronze finds have occurred in Norway as far
north as 66° 10´ N. latitude.
Footnote 119:
Mixed finds precede the advent of each age. Stone implements or
weapons are found together with those of bronze, and later bronze
implements, which are the forerunners of the approaching iron age, are
found with those of iron. Examples of such are—a grave at Stonholt,
Viborg Amt, containing pearl of glass mosaic, with bronze poniard;
grave at Alstrup, Aalborg Amt, containing iron weapons alongside an
urn in which were a knife and ring of bronze; grave at Assens on Fyen,
containing early iron age fibula, with bronze knife, saw, and needle;
at Helsinge Zealand, grave with iron pin and bronze objects; at
Brandtbjerg, near Sorö, Zealand, fragments of iron fibula and objects
from bronze age, &c.
Footnote 120:
Broholm, situated on the S.E. coast of Fyen, forms the centre of the
area of a magnificent archæological field, which extends about four
kilometres all around it. In order to give an adequate idea of the
richness of the place, I cannot do better than use the language of the
late Herr F. Sehested, who in three summers discovered more than
10,000 different pieces belonging to the three ages above mentioned.
Footnote 121:
In an urn in a mound near Veile, Jutland, was found a bent bronze
poniard; and in another mound at Mors, Jutland, an urn containing
burnt bones and a bent bronze poniard.
Sehested mentions (1) a bronze sword broken in four pieces, total
length about 2 feet 8 inches with point missing; (2) fragments of a
bronze sword with hollow handle broken at the top of the handle: (3)
handle of sword with fragments of broken blade; (4) fragments of a
spear-head broken near its socket. These objects had been
intentionally rendered useless.
Footnote 122:
I can give an example that has lately come to my knowledge to prove
this assertion. Professor Lorange found runes on parts of burnt bones
found in a grave which he with Professor Stephens places, judging from
the antiquities which belonged to it, as belonging to the sixth
century.
“RUNE-INSCRIBED BURNT BONE.
“In a letter dated Feb. 27th, 1886, I received from my friend the
gifted Norwegian old-lorist A. Lorange, Keeper of the Bergen
Forn-hall, a facsimile drawing of a piece of burnt bone, shortly
before found in a grave-urn from the early iron age at Jæderen.
Afterwards he kindly sent the original to the Danish Museum, that I
might give a faultless engraving. While there, the frail treasure was
scientifically treated by Hr. Steffensen, the Conservator, and it is
now quite hard and in excellent order. But even when it was taken from
the urn, the runes were sharp and quite readable. These Old-Northern
letters were elegantly cut, most of them in decorative writing, that
is, with two or three strokes instead of one, very much in the style
of the (? 7th century) Old-Danish Bone Amulet found at Lindholm in
Scane, Sweden (‘Old Northern Run. Mon.,’ vol. i., p. 219; iii., p. 33;
4to Handbook, p. 24); and of the ashen Lance-shaft from the Danish
Kragehul Moss, not later than the year 400 (‘O. N. Run. Mon.,’ vol.
iii, p. 133; 4to Handbook, p. 90).
“This burnt bone is nearly 4 inches long; average width, ½ inch. It
bears over forty rune-staves, cut in two lines, in the _Boustrophedon_
order.
“From the rune-types and language I judged this piece to date from the
6th century. But as Hr. Lorange was familiar with the build and
grave-gear of the tumuli of a similar class, I begged him to say
whether—exclusively from his standpoint as archæologist—he agreed with
me. He replied, _that he did_.
“If I have read the runes aright, this object also has been a heathen
amulet. It is the first burnt bone yet found _risted with runes_.
Other such we may have lost, for want of lynx-eyed examination.
“George Stephens,
Cheapinghaven, Denmark.
_November 6, 1886_.”
Footnote 123:
Similar runes also occurred on a scabbard found at Varpelev, and on a
gold horn.
Footnote 124:
Danish coins with runic characters have been obtained from as early a
period as that of Svein Úlfsson, or the 12th century. A runic _kefli_,
according to its contents, carved soon after 1200, is preserved in the
Danish museum. It was found in Vinje church, Upper Telemarken, of
Norway. The inscription thereon signifies: _Sigurd Jarlson traced
these Runes the Saturday after Botolf’s mass, when he journeyed hither
and would not be reconciled to Sverre, the slayer of his father and
brother_. Sigurd was the son of the well-known Erling Skakke; he lost
a battle against Sverre in 1200. As the latter died in 1202, it was
between these two dates that the unsuccessful attempt at
reconciliation occurred. (Stephens, p. 515.)
Footnote 125:
Dennis, p. 306. See Signor Gamurrini, who has described and
illustrated them (see Ann. Inst. 1871, pp. 156–166). Franzius, in his
‘Elementa Epigraphices Græcæ,’ p. 22, 4to, Berolini, 1840, gives three
Greek alphabets found inscribed in the same manner on various objects.
No. 1, of twenty-four letters, is on the Agyllic vase first engraved
by Lepsius (‘Annal. Hist. Archæol. Rom.,’ vol. viii., p. 186). The
second is a fragment, only sixteen letters, found on the wall of an
Etruscan sepulchre (‘Lanzi Saggio di ling. Etr.,’ ii., p. 436). The
third is incomplete, having only the beginning, or the first fourteen
letters.
Footnote 126:
Tacitus (Germ. c. 19) says: “_Litterarum secreta viri pariter ac
feminæ ignorant_” (Men and women are equally ignorant of the secrets
of letter writing). The earliest Latin inscriptions found in the North
have characters unlike the runes.
Footnote 127:
In the Royal Library at Copenhagen there exist three most remarkable
manuscripts in runic characters, showing the late period at which
these still were in use. The first of these manuscripts, bearing the
date of 1543, was written as a journal by Mogens Gyldenstjerne (a
Danish noble) of Stjernholm, during a voyage into the North Sea
undertaken by him in that year. The second bears the date of 1547, and
is written as a note on a rough draft of a power of attorney by Bille
of Bregentved, another Danish noble. The third is a notice about the
last-mentioned estate, also containing a line in runic characters.
The Runic codex containing the Scanian law also contains, in a
different hand, a list of Danish kings, and among these one Ambruthe
as having been king in Jutland. The time of this codex can be
approximately fixed at about the year 1300.
Footnote 128:
The sacred or mystical number.
Footnote 129:
We see that Odin had to go through a terrible ordeal to learn the
runes.
Footnote 130:
Bölthorn and Bestla are nowhere else mentioned in the earlier Edda.
Footnote 131:
Song-rouser, one of the vessels holding the sacred mead.
Footnote 132:
From this stanza we learn which tribes or people knew the art of
writing runes.
Footnote 133:
Thund = Odin.
Footnote 134:
Three last lines of stanza are missing.
Footnote 135:
The edges of weapons. Some persons were supposed to have the power to
deaden weapons’ edges.
Footnote 136:
Spells on the roots of a young tree or sticks.
Footnote 137:
Witches and ghosts were believed to ride on hedges and tops of houses
at night.
Footnote 138:
Hanged corpse.
Footnote 139:
Man.
Footnote 140:
Here the Alfar are reckoned among the gods.
Footnote 141:
The mighty rearer.
Footnote 142:
Delling is the father of Day (Vafthrúdnismál, 25; Later Edda).
Footnote 143:
Odin.
Footnote 144:
Loddfafnir is some one whom Odin is teaching.
Footnote 145:
One must not tell his secret to any one.
Footnote 146:
We see by this and many other passages that the Jötnar were the
enemies of the Asar.
Footnote 147:
Property here means gold.
Footnote 148:
Of witches = shape-stolen.
Footnote 149:
Undecipherable.
Footnote 150:
Take care of his clothes, &c.
Footnote 151:
Cf. also Gretti’s Saga. c. 62.
Footnote 152:
Kvædi, a poem or song. The poem consists of seventy-one stanzas with
eight verses each, and the manuscripts are late and corrupted. It is
evidently made up from the lives of several warriors, and often
exaggerated, e.g., that he lived 300 years, and that his height was 16
or 24 feet.
Footnote 153:
Speldi = tablet, flat piece of wood.
Footnote 154:
A form of duelling.
Footnote 155:
Professor Stephens in ‘Handbook of Old Northern Runic Monuments,’
says: “The only Northern stone known to me which bears two words, cut
far apart and running in different directions. I would therefore
suggest that the one name is carved later than the other. Perhaps the
husband or wife died first, and shortly after the partner was called
away: thus they most likely lay in the same grave, and were remembered
on the same block.”
Footnote 156:
Bugge, by comparing the runic inscription on the Piræus marble lion
now at Venice, comes to the conclusion that, while the damaged state
of the inscription makes it impossible to decipher it as a whole,
enough can, however, be read to show its approximate date, and also
the home of the tracer. The snake-slings and runes on this lion in all
probability are traced by a man from Sweden, who has been among the
Værings or Varangians.
Footnote 157:
Bog finds belonging to the bronze age, as well as to the iron age,
have been discovered in many places in the North. Those of the bronze
age consist chiefly of swords, lance-heads, axes, sickles, &c. Objects
of the bronze age are also found deposited under stones or in fields.
Footnote 158:
Thorsbjerg is situated south of Flensborg, in Southern Jutland. Among
the objects found were fragments of swords, all double-edged, the
hilts of all, with one exception, of wood, inlaid with bronze and
silver, with scabbards of wood with metal mountings (on the metal
bottom-piece of one scabbard is a very clear runic inscription); a
sword-belt of thick leather, 41½ inches long and 3½ inches wide;
buckles for sword-belts, all of bronze, with broken pieces of iron
buckles; bows and arrows in a more or less complete state, the most
perfect bow being about 60 inches long, but both ends are somewhat
damaged, and the original length seems to have been a couple of inches
more; a great number of arrow-shafts, all of similar shape, between
26–35 inches long and ½ inch thick, but the arrow-points are all
destroyed, the iron having rusted; remnants of shields, flat and
circular, composed of several smoothly-planed and pretty thin wooden
boards, which are not equally broad all over, but become narrower
towards the border:—the largest cross-measure is 42½ inches, the
smallest 21 inches, the thickness of the middle boards, which as a
rule are somewhat heavier than the rest, is about ½ to ¼ inch (the
shield-buckles are of bronze, but broken pieces of iron ones have been
found also; their cross-measure is between 6–7 inches); axes, whose
blades are much decomposed by rust, with thirty good handles of ash
and beechwood, which measured between 23 and 33½ inches in length; a
few well-preserved spear-points, and others more or less destroyed by
rust; four spear-handles, 32, 98½, 107½, and 116 inches in length;
several riding and driving accoutrements; more than sixty fibulæ of
many different styles; many broken pieces of gold rings, only two of
which have been fitted together so as to form one complete ring; two
spiral rings of bronze; a round pendant of gold; a hollow ornament of
silver-mixed gold; a mass of beads; a piece of unworked amber;
pincers; dice of amber; a variety of utensils and tools for domestic
use, such as bowls of wood and clay, spoons, jugs, knives, &c.; two
pairs of coarse woollen trousers, &c.; and several objects, the use of
which is unknown.
Footnote 159:
Thirty-seven _Roman coins_ were found altogether. The earliest is of
the year 60 A.D.; the latest, 194 A.D.—1 of _Nero_, 1 of _Vitellius_,
4 of _Vespasianus_, 1 of _Domitianus_, 7 of _Trajanus_, 6 of
_Hadrianus_, 1 of _Aelius_, 6 of _Antoninus Pius_, 1 of _Faustina the
elder_, 3 of _Marcus Aurelius_, 2 of _Faustina the younger_, 3 of
_Commodus_, and 1 of _Septimius Severus_, the last-named being struck
in the year 194 of our era.
Footnote 160:
On a superb silver vase at the Hermitage, St. Petersburg, found in
Southern Russia, is a representation of a man wearing similar
trousers.
Footnote 161:
The principal objects in this find included a very great number of
arrow shafts (most of them thoroughly decayed), with arrow-points of
bone or iron; a remnant of a quiver of wood about 25 inches long; a
mass of wooden scabbards, mostly for edged swords; 390 pieces of metal
and bone mountings for the scabbards, some of silver, and one of
bronze covered with silver and thin gold plates, with runes lightly
traced; shield-boards, handles and buckles (180 of the latter of
iron); about 150 knives, all of iron and different shapes; several
remnants of belts, as well as about 40 buttons of bronze, some covered
with gold, and about 60 double buttons of bronze; about 250 different
pieces of buckles and other mountings of iron and bronze; about 150
different pieces of riding harness; a few horses’ bones; bronze bowls,
needles, keys; scissors; scythe-blades; 1 millstone; 1 small anvil; 6
hammers; 25 iron chisels; 3 iron files; 2 iron pincers; 57 bone combs,
some with _svastica_, and one with runes on; 4 square, 2 oblong dice;
amber, glass, and mosaic beads; fibulæ of bronze, iron, silver, &c.,
&c.
Footnote 162:
This Greek writer, who lived at the beginning of the 3rd century, was
called to the Roman Court by Faustina, wife of Septimius Severus,
whose numerous coins are found, and if this art was known by the
Romans he would certainly have described it.
“Around this youth is a group of young men of fine appearance, and
engaged in fine pursuits, as beseems men of noble birth. One of them
seems to bear on his countenance traces of the palæstra, another gives
evidence of gentleness, a third of geniality: here is one who you
would say had just looked up from his book; and of the horses on which
they ride no two are alike, one is white, another chestnut, another
black, another bay, and they have silver bridles, and their trappings
are adorned with golden and decorated bosses (φάλαρα). And it is said
that the barbarians by the ocean pour these colours on red-hot copper,
and that the designs become hard, like stone, and are
durable.”—Philostratus, Imagines. Chapter on Boar-hunting.
Footnote 163:
The articles found include glass, mosaic, and porcelain beads;
fragments of four bone combs; four tweezers of bronze, of which two
hang on bronze rings; remains of wooden shields with metal mountings;
bronze mountings; 10 iron swords, damascened in several patterns, the
length of the blades being from 31 to 35 inches, their width 1¾ to 2
inches; and fragments of several others; fragments of wooden
scabbards, of which one has remains of leather on it; several metal
mountings for scabbards; a buckle of bronze; about 80 points of iron
spears, all of different shapes; 30 spear-handles, ornamented with
engraved lines, some straight, and others with snake lines; remains of
a wooden bow, length 47½ inches, and fragments of another; arrows;
four whole iron knives, between 7 and 10 inches long, and several
handles and fragments; four oval-shaped whetstones and fragments of a
square one; five small balance-weights; fragments of a heavy wooden
post and of a small twig; some mountings of silver which probably
belonged to riding harness; bones of three animals; &c., &c.
Footnote 164:
Among the objects found in the bog were 106 iron swords, all
double-edged, with handles of wood sometimes covered with silver, or
of bone or massive bronze; 93 damascened in different patterns, two
wrought from two different pieces, and only eleven simply wrought. On
several there are Latin inscriptions, and on one blade runes inlaid in
gold. The condition in which the swords were when buried is peculiar.
Generally they were without hilts and bent, on many were found deep
cuts on both edges, one having 23 cuts on one, and 11 cuts on the
other edge. Wooden scabbards, with mountings of bronze; mountings to
sword-belts; buckles of iron and bronze; rings with loose
end-mountings; 70 iron shield buckles; iron axes; iron bridles, three
of which were still in the mouths of (skeleton) horses; 552 iron
spear-points, several ornamented with gold; several hundred
spear-handles; numerous household utensils of wood; several hundred
arrow-shafts with traces of marks of ownership on them, and some with
runes, &c.
Footnote 165:
Thirty-four Roman coins, struck between the years 69 and 217 A.D., are
so-called denarii of silver, and date from the time of _Vitellius_
(1), _Hadrian_ (1), _Antoninus Pius_ (10), two of which have the mark
of DIVVS; _Faustina the elder_ (4), _Marcus Aurelius_ (7) (partly as
Cæsar, between the years 140–143, and partly as Imperator), _Faustina
the younger_ (1), _Lucius Verus_ (2), _Lucilla_ (2), _Commodus_ (5),
and _Macrinus_ (1), the latter a very rare coin, struck in 217 A.D.
Footnote 166:
See p. 385.
Footnote 167:
In the coffin itself, on the right side of the skeleton, were found,
among other objects, forty-six checker pieces of glass, sixteen dark
red, the others of whitish colour, ¾ to 1½ inch; three finger-rings of
gold, and a spiral bracelet, similar to the one from Oland (vol. ii.
p. 311); two fibulæ of silver, one gilt. On the left, sixty checker
pieces, thirty-one of which were black, the others whitish; with these
was a small amethyst stone with rough, unworked surface. At the feet,
bronze vessels, one placed on the other, two small bosses of silver of
unknown use.
Footnote 168:
See also pages 280, 282, 284.
Footnote 169:
The earliest coins (Gotland) are those of Augustus (29 B.C.–A.D. 14).
Then follow those of Nero, and coins of all the different emperors to
Alexander Severus (222–235); the greatest numbers are those of Trajan
(98–117); Hadrian (117–138); Antoninus Pius (138–161); Faustina, wife
of Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius (161–180); Faustina junior, wife of
Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus (180–192). At Hagestaborg the most
numerous were those of Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Faustina the
younger, and Commodus. The earliest are of the time of Nero (54–68),
the latest of that of Septimius Severus (193–211). In Öland the
earliest are those of Trajan, the latest those of Alexander Severus.
In Zeeland the earliest are of Vespasian, the latest of Macrinus (217,
218). In Fyen the earliest are of Tiberius (14–37), the latest of Geta
(211, 212). In Bornholm the earliest are of Nero, the latest of
Septimius Severus. In Jutland the earliest are also of Nero, the
latest of Macrinus (217, 218). In southern Sweden the earliest are of
Claudius (41–54), the latest of Alexander Severus, but only one or two
of the latter have been found; after the time of Commodus the silver
denarii became rarer and rarer. On the island of Fyen a complete
series of gold coins from Decius (249–251) to Licinius the elder
(307–323) have been found. The Byzantine coins are of gold, and
chiefly used as ornaments, date from Constantinus Magnus (306–337) to
Anastasius (491–518); one also of Justinius I. (518–527) has been
found. In Norway the gold coins of the above period are exceedingly
rare, only one of Valens (364–378) and one of Gratuanus (367–375)
having been discovered; also one of Tiberius Constantius (578–582),
one of Mauricius Tiberius (582–602), one of Constantius V. Copronymus
(741–775), one of Michæl III. (842–867) all of gold. Some of the
earlier Arabic coins had already made their appearance in Scandinavia.
The Roman coins from the Bangstrup find date from between A.D. 249 and
361. See also Appendix.
Footnote 170:
I have myself seen an illustration of this on the African coast, where
natives could not understand that coins represent the value of goods,
though traders had come to their country for a long time, and in some
places they were loth to take money as payment, while a few miles
inland it was refused.
Footnote 171:
See “Land of the Midnight Sun.” The islands of Zeeland and Fyen are
especially rich in Roman objects and show the existence of great
intercourse with the Roman provinces; while Gotland is particularly
rich in coins. In the hamlet of Ryk (Tanum parish), Bohuslän, a Roman
coin struck A.D. 179 for the Emperor Marcus Aurelius was found in the
ground. From the inscription on the coin the date can be accurately
fixed, for it was said that it was coined in the year when Marcus
Aurelius was Tribune for the thirty-third time, Imperator for the
tenth time, and Consul for the third time.
A gold coin of Tiberius (14–37) was found in a stone-set coffin at
Rorbœk; a silver denarius of Nerva (96–98) in the find of Fraugdegard,
Fyen; and a silver denarius of Antoninus Pius (138–161), with a
skeleton, in a natural hill at Bennebo, near Holbœk; a silver denarius
of Lucius Verus (161–169), with a skeleton, in a hill at Gunnerugs,
near Prestö; a barbaric imitation in gold of a Roman imperial coin,
with a loop soldered to it, found with a skeleton at Aareslen in
Odense amt, Fyen. One limit of time obtained by means of the coins is
certain enough, for the graves cannot have been closed before the year
of their coinage.
Pyteas mentions Guttanæ. The Gotlanders in the Sagas are called Gutar;
they may have met him on some of their trading journeys. The two names
seem to be sufficiently similar to make this a probable supposition.
In the island of Gotland a Greek coin of copper was found, but it
seems to have been struck at Panormus in Sicily. On the obverse is a
female head looking to the right, on the reverse a horse galloping to
the left; it has no Punic letters. (In the collection of Capt. C. T.
von Braun, of Ystad.) Two Macedonian coins of silver were also found;
one of them is a diabole of Philip II., similar to the coins described
in Müller, “Der Macedoniske Konge Philipp II.’s Mynter,” p. 3, Nos.
14–16, and engraved Plate 1. (Both were in the collection of Capt. v.
Braun, of Ystad; now only one remains there.)
Also Roman coins anterior to Augustus, found together about 100 years
ago. A silver coin of the family of Lucretia; a silver coin of the
family of Nævia; a coin of the family of Sulpicia. They are all
unusually well preserved, but shorn on the border. (In the collection
of Capt. von Braun Ystad.) A silver coin of the family Funa; a silver
coin of the family Poblicia; one subærate coin of the family Postumia;
one silver coin of the family Procilia; a silver coin of the family
Tituria; a silver coin of the family Veturia. (In the collection of
Capt. von Braun.) A silver coin of the family Nævia, given by Capt.
Braun to the Museum at Uddevala; and a silver coin of the family
Sicinia, both well preserved. (In the Wisby Museum; formerly in the
collection of Mr. P. A. Save.)
Footnote 172:
Three hundred and forty-four silver denarii, coined by the emperors
between Nero and Marcus Aurelius, among them many of Trajan, Hadrian,
and Antoninus Pius, have been found at the mouth of the Elbe.
Under a large stone on a bank at Sengerich, in Hanover, 1,100 silver
denarii were dug up, coined between the years 96 and 211.
In Mecklenburg the finds of imperial coins embrace the period from
Augustus to Valentinian.
Finds of Roman coins from the first two centuries after Christ have
also been made at the mouth of the Vistula and in its lower course,
near the Oder.
An especially interesting discovery was that of a Greek denarius
coined in Lycia by Trajan; the only Greek coin discovered in Hanover.
Footnote 173:
Apollo Grannus, to whose temple the vase once belonged, was worshipped
by the tribes of Gaul and Belgium. The Roman historian Dio Cassius
relates that he was one of the gods worshipped by the Emperor
Caracalla, who was murdered in A.D. 217. The name has also been
discovered in Transylvania on a stone which Quintus Axius Ælianus,
Governor of Dacia at the beginning of the second century, had cut. It,
however, happens that this Ælianus had before this resided in Belgium,
whither he had probably brought with him the worship of the god.
Footnote 174:
More than forty different statuettes have been found.
Footnote 175:
Among the bones outside the urn were found various fragments of
bronze, six clinch-nails of iron, remains of glass, a burnt oblong
loaf of bread, two pieces of a head ornament of bronze with rivets of
iron, a ring of bronze, twelve beads of glass of different size and
appearance, a damaged hanging ornament of bronze, a square plate of
bronze with iron rivets, a denarius of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius
coined in A.D. 162.
Footnote 176:
The word amber occurs in three earlier poems. Magical runes were
written on gler.—Sigrdrifumal. Pliny in his ‘Natural History,’ Book
xxxv. 3, 42, speaks of amber as being “formed in the islands of the
Northern Ocean.”
Footnote 177:
For other objects in Bavenhöi find, see p. 252–254.
Footnote 178:
For other objects found at Varpelev, see p. 256–258.
Footnote 179:
Cf. also Flateyjarbók, i. 401; Hrólf Kraki, c. 44; Heidarviga Saga, c.
20; Eyrbyggja Saga, c. 13.
Footnote 180:
Cf. also Finnboga Saga, c. 23; Gunnlaug Ormstunga’s Saga, c. 5.
Footnote 181:
Grimhild had asked her sons Gunnar and Högni to pay _weregild_ to
Gudrún because they had slain her husband, Sigurd Fafnisbani.
Footnote 182:
This shows that bows of yew as well as of elm were used.
Footnote 183:
Another stone in relief has been found by Prof. Save, nearly 12 feet
high, at Larbrö, in the northern part of the island of Gotland; of the
same horse-shoe shape as shown here and on p. 58, with representations
of ships, horses, and the eight-footed horse Sleipnir.
Footnote 184:
In Tanum parish, Bohuslän, alone there are more than 2,000 mounds, the
largest being about 300 feet in circumference; near Upsala nearly 600;
at Ultuna, 700.
The greatest number of mounds found in any one spot is east of the
ancient Birka Bjorko, where there are over 1,000 of them; while seven
graves, as will be seen in the course of the narrative, are found
close together.
Footnote 185:
Poets, see vol. ii. p. 389.
Footnote 186:
I was sorry to see the place being gradually destroyed, the gravel
taken away, and the embankments, made by the digging, falling down
with the grave.
Footnote 187:
Gudlaug, Hakon’s ancestor.
Footnote 188:
At Eds, Upland, there is a very fine ship-form grave of twenty-eight
stones, 182 feet long and 50 feet wide. The largest stone at one end
is 9 feet in height, and is evidently a bautastone; the rest, although
large, each measuring several feet in circumference, are common
boulders. At the centre of the ship there lies a similar stone, where,
as well as at the ends, there is a small mound-like elevation.
In the woods at Braidfloar, between Levide and Sproge in Götland,
there is a ship-form grave 144 feet long, but only 16 feet at its
widest part; the stones, however, are small, none being higher than 3
feet.
At Lungersas, Götland, Nerike, there is a ship-form grave in which
stands a stone with an inscription in later runes.
There is also a bautastone with runes, in one end of a ship-form at
Lilla Lundley in Lids, Södermanland, upon which are the words “_Spjute
and Halfdan_ raised this stone after _Skarde_ their brother. He went
eastward with Roar. In Serkland lies the son.” (See p. 356 Yellow
Book, Den yngre jernalder.)
A ship-form grave between the post-stations of Ljungby and Hamneda
province of Kronobergs is 92 feet long and 32 feet broad; the
neighbourhood is full of grave-mounds and bautastones.
Another near the shore of the Baltic, in Eista parish, Götland, is 50
feet by 16 feet. A third, on the island of Faró, near Götland, is 50
feet by 8 feet.
We see by this that their breadth does not always bear the same
proportion to their length.
In two ship forms at Hjortehammar, in Blekinge, there were found
burned bones, ashes, two of the bowl-shaped fibulæ of bronze so common
during the later iron age, a round fibula of silver, some glass beads,
&c.
In one at Raftötangen, in Tanum parish, was an urn filled with ashes,
on the top of which lay a finely ornamented damascened sword of the
later iron age.
Footnote 189:
Such expressions occur as “i haug lagdr,” mound laid; “heygdr,”
mounded.
Footnote 190:
There seem to have been special places built for the burning of the
dead. On the island of Fyen, not far from Broholm, and about 1,200
yards from the numerous graves, are two sites of pyres, round in
shape, about 120 yards distant from each other. The pavement, about 7
inches in thickness, is made of cobble stones of the size of a man’s
fist set very close together, and broken into sharp angles. The
stones, especially those in the middle, have been exposed to the
action of fire, but have been preserved by being covered with earth
that had gathered over them brought by wind and rain in the course of
centuries.
Footnote 191:
Nabjargir.
Footnote 192:
In Sigrdrifumál the texts have in stanza 34 _laug_ = bath, and _haug_
= mound. The letters _h_ and _l_ being very like in the manuscripts,
we can choose whichever we like best of the two.
Footnote 193:
Cf. also Egil’s Saga, c. 61.
Footnote 194:
In Brynhild’s ride to Hel we have a different account:—
“After the death of Brynhild two pyres were made, one for Sigurd,
which was first set on fire, but Brynhild was burned on the other and
was in a carriage tented with _god-web_ (a kind of fine cloth). It is
told that Brynhild drove in the carriage on the road of Hel, and went
through the tun where the jötun-woman dwelt” (Hel-reid Brynhildar).
Footnote 195:
Sigurd.
Footnote 196:
See Volsunga, ch. 20 and 31.
Footnote 197:
Probably on account of the ring on the door, as fine doors were
ornamented with them.
Footnote 198:
We will follow on his heels, so that the door will not be shut after
he enters, but be open while we enter.
Footnote 199:
The inheritance—wealth, treasure, dowry, &c., &c.
Footnote 200:
In the preceding stanzas she has foretold the fate of Gudrun, Gunnar
and Högni, as is told in Volsunga.
Footnote 201:
For battle, see Vol. ii., p. 436.
Footnote 202:
A division of land.
Footnote 203:
Cf. also Göngu Hrolf’s Saga, c. 3.
Footnote 204:
Breast.
Footnote 205:
Tyrfing.
Footnote 206:
Tyrfing.
Footnote 207:
I would wish thee to believe it.
Footnote 208:
Ships.
Footnote 209:
That Tyrfing was dangerous.
Footnote 210:
I visited the island of Samsö in order to see if I could discover any
indication of the mound of Angantyr. This island stands in the middle
of the great belt; it is only in clear weather that part of the coast
of the peninsula of Jutland can be seen; its shores are in many parts
lined with huge boulders. In some parts mounds, passage graves,
dolmens, &c., are to be seen; everything tends to show that in olden
times it was a great burial place. Many of the mounds are either
hidden by woods, or stand solitary amidst cultivated fields. The scene
described in Hervara came forcibly upon my mind, and I wondered not
that Hervör knew not where the mound of her father was. This island
was well chosen for the resting-place of these men of the sea.
Footnote 211:
The gyg (ogress, witch) seem to have been women of Jötun race,
possessing supernatural strength.
Footnote 212:
Volsunga Saga. ch. 38; instead of a ship he is buried in a stone
coffin, but the poetry must be more trusted.
Footnote 213:
Smear well with wax the sheets.
Footnote 214:
Cf. Landnama, ii. An Bogsveigi’s Saga, c. 6. Atlamál. Gisli Súrsson.
Laxdæla Saga, ch. 7.
Footnote 215:
Other ship-graves, such as that of Tune, Borre, &c., have been found
with skeletons of horses.
Among other ships found is the Gunnarshaug ship, discovered in Bergen
Stift in 1887. The large mound in which it was found had a diameter of
over 125 feet, and stood about 500 feet from the shore.
The ship was only partly preserved owing to the action of the soil.
Its planks were of oak, thicker and less broad than those of the
Gökstad ship, fastened by clinch-nails. In the uppermost planks,
considerably thinner than the rest, there are holes at distances of a
little over 3 feet. Its keel is about the same length as that of the
Gökstad ship.
It stood _north to south_, and has been supported by six stones, each
about 6 feet high. Its inside has been clothed with a layer of moss,
evidently to hinder decay by the soil, and on one side of it was a
heap of shavings, chips and bark, left by the carpenters. There are
reasons for thinking that a wooden roof had been erected over the
ship, and afterwards broken down.
Of the Viking’s body no trace is left, but the remains found indicate
his place in the middle of the ship; these are two swords,
forging-tools, five long whetting-stones, a tinder-box and pieces of a
wooden box. Farther north: several large beads of mosaic glass and
fine chesspieces of amber and coloured glass, part of a waxen tablet,
a bracelet of gold, &c.
Near the weapons lay an iron kettle and both the stones of a
hand-mill, which shows that the Vikings ground their grain at sea. The
stem was filled with rust.
Oars and carved tools were also found, and planks of an exceedingly
well-built boat of oak, over which there lay a fir plank, several feet
long, with steps cut in it, evidently a landing-board (cf. Gökstad
ship).
This is the first burial-place found in Bergen Stift where the body
was unburnt, but they are common further south.
Footnote 216:
In a large mound at Vold, Borre parish, Norway, was a small vessel
about 54 feet long, but in such an imperfect state of preservation
that only the clinch-nails with pieces of the planks were left. On the
right side lay a horse’s skeleton, near which were found remains of a
fine bridle and saddle of leather and wood, the mountings of bronze
and silver; also fragments of a glass bowl similar to the one found in
a mound at Taplow (see p. 319). On the left side lay the skeletons of
another horse and of a dog. Above the ship, over the entire mound, was
spread a layer of charcoal. Among the objects found were a
wrought-iron chain, an iron axe, fragments, and an iron kettle
containing ashes, &c. This grave was made in a group of large mounds.
In Tune, Norway, about five miles from the river Glommen, were found
in 1867, in a mound, the remains of a viking ship, now in Christiana.
This mound lay on a hill not far from the Visterflö, one of the
branches of the river Glommen. It was about 24 feet in height, and 500
feet in circumference. Behind the mast lay the unburned corpse of a
man, with part of the skeleton of a horse at his side. At the stern
were the remains of ring armour.
At Lackalänga, near Lund, there are several earth-mounds. In one of
these were found—fragments of a ship, the wood being incrusted with
iron rust; an urn of clay, with burned bones and coal; fragments of
weapons, &c.; at least 100 clinch-nails of iron, and some other pieces
of the same metal, probably originally belonging to a vessel buried in
the mound; two larger buckles of iron, like those used on saddles; two
stirrups, bits for a bridle, &c.
Footnote 217:
According to Herodotus, i. 212, Tomyres, queen of the Massagetæ, whose
son had been taken prisoner by Cyrus, sends to him the following
message:—“Restore my son; depart out of the country, unpunished....
But if you do not do this, _I swear by the sun, the Lord of the
Massagetæ_, that insatiable as you are, I will glut you with blood.”
Footnote 218:
“East of Tanakvisl (Tanais, Don) in Asia was Asaland, or Asaheim, and
the head-burgh (chief town) in the land was called Asgard. In the
burgh was a chief called Odin; it was a great sacrificing-place
(blótstad). It was customary there that twelve temple-priests
(hofgodar) were the foremost, and had charge of the sacrifices and
judged between men. They were called _diar_ or _drottnar_; all the
people were bound to give them service and reverence” (Ynglinga Saga,
c. 2).
Footnote 219:
_Vetrarblót_ = winter-sacrifice; from _vetr_ = winter, and _blót_ =
sacrifice. The milky way is called _vetrarbraut_ = winter way, because
people thought that the appearance of the milky way predicted the
course of the winter.
Footnote 220:
The people counted by nights instead of days.
Footnote 221:
This was also sometimes called Thor’s sacrifice.
Footnote 222:
It seems that at this season other sacrifices than those to Frey were
sometimes offered. Cf. Hálfdán the Old. Skaldskaparmal, c. 13.
Footnote 223:
Cf. Ynglinga Saga, 8; St. Olaf, 115.
Footnote 224:
Cf. also Hörd’s Saga and Hervarar Saga, c. 14. The boar was
consecrated to Frey.
Footnote 225:
Cf. also Hakon Adalsteinsfostri’s Saga, c. 15; Olaf Tryggvason (Hkr.),
c. 28.
Footnote 226:
Cf. Hakon Adalsteinsfostri’s Saga, c. 15. Snorri’s Olaf Tryggvason, c.
28.
Footnote 227:
See chapter on Godis, p. 525.
Footnote 228:
Olaf Tryggvason in Fms. ii. 173.
Footnote 229:
See p. 496, a landowner.
Footnote 230:
St. Olaf 115, Heimskringla.
Footnote 231:
Ynglinga, 47. Snorri’s Olaf Tryggvason, 16.
Footnote 232:
Sometimes the expenses devolved on the king, at others the feasts were
provided for by the food and ale brought by those in attendance (Hakon
Adalsteinsfostri, 16, 18). How far people went for sacrifices is seen
in Landnáma v., 8.
Footnote 233:
Eyrbyggja, 4, 10.
Footnote 234:
In Herraud’s Saga, ch. 12, the toasts are given in different order.
The first toast is dedicated to Thor; then one to all the Asar; then
one to Odin; and lastly, one to Frey.
Footnote 235:
Hallfredar Saga.
Footnote 236:
In the earliest times Thor was the great enemy of the Jötnar. He was
called upon by wrestlers also (Gunnlaug Ormstunga, 10), and showed his
anger by causing loss of property (Flóamanna Saga, c. 20)
Footnote 237:
Thrymskvida. The bridegroom and bride were to be marked with the holy
sign. (Vol. II., p 12.)
Footnote 238:
St. Olaf’s Saga, 44. “He was marked after Thor and hammer in the
hand.”
Footnote 239:
In the account of Fornmanna Sögur about the battle of Svold, Eirik
jarl is said to have had Thor in the prow of his ship. “He took it
away and put the cross instead, which he did on the advice of Olaf
Tryggvason,” otherwise he would not get the victory.
Footnote 240:
In Vafthrudnismál, Njörd is said to have ruled over many temples by
the old Asgard.
Footnote 241:
Cf. Egil’s Saga, c. 58.
Footnote 242:
From Vafthrúdnir’s answer to Odin about Njörd’s origin we find that he
ruled over temples and hörg. (Vafthrúdnismál, 38.)
Footnote 243:
Shining like glass. Amber is called gler; and in Sigrdrifumál, st. 17,
we find that runes were written on gler or amber.
The hörg is also mentioned in Völuspa, 7; Helgakvida Hjorvardssonar,
4; Landnáma ii. 16; Elder Gulathing’s Law, ch. 29; Orvar Odd, p. 29;
Hervarar Saga, 1.
Footnote 244:
See Landnama v., 2; Hrafnkel Freysgodis Saga, pp. 4–6.
Footnote 245:
Olaf Tryggvason Heimskringla, ch. 65, 66.
Footnote 246:
Kjalnesinga, 2; Droplaugarsona, Saga about Bessi temple, Landnáma v.
12.
Footnote 247:
Landowner (see p. 496).
Footnote 248:
Adam of Bremen about 1070 writes that not far from _Sictona_ (Sigtuna)
is the temple _Ubsola_, where were the three gods, _Thor_, _Wodan_ and
_Fricco_ (Frey). What he says about this temple makes it evident that
not only its roof but also the whole inside of the structure was
covered with gold plates. Further he says that close to it there was a
large tree, which no one knew, and which stretched its branches far
out, and was always green, as well as a spring, near which the heathen
made their sacrifices, and wherein a live man was thrown; the people
believed that his wishes would be fulfilled, in case he sank; also a
golden chain went around the temple, and hung from the roof.
Footnote 249:
Saxo writes that the Danish king Halfdan journeyed to Upsala in order
to find out the cause of his daughter’s sterility, and was answered
that he must first satisfy the spirit of his brother, whom he had
unwittingly slain; this he did, and then she, in accordance with the
promise of the oracle, bore Harald Hilditönn.
At the present old Upsala church there were discovered the foundations
of an old building, a mass of coals, molten copper and silver pieces,
with small traces of pure gold, as well as a rusty nail with a little
gold on it, and finally skulls of pigs and hawks, and cheekbones and
teeth of horses, all of which tend to show that the old heathen temple
of Upsala, so famous during pagan times, stood there. (Verelius Notæ
in epist. def. Shefferi, p. 16.)
Footnote 250:
This implies that in the sacred precincts there were several
buildings.
Footnote 251:
Gridastad means place of truce.
Footnote 252:
The writer or copyist seems to have been a Christian.
Footnote 253:
Fridthjóf means the thief of peace, the one who steals or destroys
peace.
Footnote 254:
Cf. also Landnama, iv. 5; Kormak’s Saga, 11.
Footnote 255:
Cf. Landnama, iii., c. 2, 7.
Footnote 256:
Cf. also Vatnsdæla, 12. Landnama, i., c. 10. Ondvegissula = high-seat
pillar.
Footnote 257:
Disar = genii.
Footnote 258:
Olaf, son of Ingjald Illrádi ... fled to a forest district of
Vermaland, where he cleared the land of its woods; therefore he was
called Tretelgja (tree-cutter).
Footnote 259:
“The scene of most interest, and at the same time of most horrors,
taken from the mythical or poetical history of Greece is one which
represents the sacrifice of Trojan captives to the _manes_ of
Patroclus. Achilles himself is the priest or butcher, for he occupies
the centre of the scene, clad in brazen cuirass and greaves, his long
yellow locks uncovered by a helmet, and seizing by the hair the
wretched Trojan captive who is seated naked at his feet imploring
mercy, he thrusts his sword into his neck, just as the ‘swift-footed
son of Peleus’ is represented to have treated Lycaon, the first victim
he sacrificed to his friend Patroclus. Above the Trojan stands Charon,
in red jacket and blue chiton, wearing a cap or helmet, and bearing
his mallet on his shoulder ready to strike. The right half of the
scene is occupied by the two Ajaces, each bringing forward a victim,
naked and wounded, whose hands are bound behind their backs. Ajax
Telamonius, the more prominent of the two, is fully armed; and Ajax
Oïleus is similarly armed, but without a helmet. The funeral pyre on
which the corpse of Patroclus was already laid before the sacrifices
of captives, horses, and dogs were made to his manes is not shown.
This episode forms the subject of the first wall paintings found in
Etruria which were illustrative of Hellenic myths, but since their
discovery that of the Grotta del Orco at Corneto has afforded us
additional proof that the Etruscans did not always confine the
pictorial adornments of their sepulchres to the illustration of the
peculiar customs, funeral observances, or religious creed of their
native land” (Dennis’s ‘Etruria’).
Footnote 260:
From this passage we see that it was the custom of Hakon Jarl to make
sacrifices, but unfortunately the manner in which he made them is not
told.
Footnote 261:
See p. 478.
Footnote 262:
Tíundaland = land of the tenth.
Footnote 263:
Hervarar Saga, 9, 10, 11, 12.
Footnote 264:
Kristnisaga, Fornmanna Sögur ii., 228.
Footnote 265:
I.e. Tun or open space.
Footnote 266:
Meaning, broke the backs of.
Footnote 267:
Not far from nearly every one of the (twenty) dom-rings of Nerike
there is a spring tending to confirm the Icelandic tradition of their
use.
Footnote 268:
King Olaf was on an expedition into France.
Footnote 269:
Odd evidently, like some other of his countrymen, as seen in this
narrative, was not orthodox in the religion of his fathers, for he
robbed the graves.
Footnote 270:
Cf. also Ragnar Lodbrók, 18; Norna Gest, 6; Olaf Tryggvason, 179;
Sigurdar Kvida Fafnisbana ii., 26; Orkneyinga Saga, ch. 8.
Footnote 271:
Ynglinga Saga, 10.
Footnote 272:
Gisla Sursson mentions the same.
Footnote 273:
Olaf Tryggvason, Hkr., c. 76; Halfredar Saga, 6; Vatnsdæla, c. 10, 16.
Footnote 274:
See p. 411, sacrifice to the Disir.
Footnote 275:
I.e., draw the string so hard that the point of the arrow is inside
the curve.
Footnote 276:
Cf. also Sigrdrifumál, 17; Helgi Hundingsbani; Norna Gest;
Flateyjarbók; Fornaldar Sögur, i. Later Edda; Orkneyinga; Egil’s Saga;
Hávamál; Atlakvida.
Footnote 277:
Helgakvida Hundingsbana.
Footnote 278:
These three maidens came from Jötunheim, the home of the Jötnar; here
they are no doubt meant to designate the three Nornir, who came and
disturbed the peace of the golden age by establishing past, present,
and future, _i.e._, change, fluctuation, development, and growth.
Footnote 279:
Idavöll, _ida_, movement; _voll_, plain. This stanza tells of the
golden age when the Asars were happy and lacked nothing.
Footnote 280:
Grimnismál, gives a somewhat similar account.
Footnote 281:
Burn a spot on the skin as a cure.
Footnote 282:
Thjód nation, nation of the Goths.
Footnote 283:
Odin.
Footnote 284:
Warriors.
Footnote 285:
See pp. 31, 32.
Footnote 286:
Wealth.
Footnote 287:
Sun plains.
Footnote 288:
Fire-mountain. Here the text is corrupted, but I follow Bugge in the
suggestion that this is a place-name, the battle taking place on the
plain beneath the Logafjöll, from which the Valkyrias come down to
take the slain.
Footnote 289:
The Valkyrias.
Footnote 290:
Valkyrias are here called disir, guardian spirits, and seem to come
from the South, the ancient home of the Asar.
Footnote 291:
Chiefs. Helgi invited them to come home with him and his chiefs that
night, and they would not.
Footnote 292:
We find that kings sometimes had meetings among themselves.
Footnote 293:
Probably she was betrothed by her father, not being present herself.
Footnote 294:
From this we see that this beautiful story is derived from the lost
Völsunga-kvida (a great loss), and from which Völsunga itself is
probably mostly taken.
Footnote 295:
Glad because of victory.
Footnote 296:
The marriage which her father had set his mind upon.
Footnote 297:
Sigrun speaks to the dying Hödbrod on the battle-field.
Footnote 298:
Wolves.
Footnote 299:
Meaning: “Everything is not in thy power, as the Nornir have great
power also over the fates of men.” The death of Helgi was against
Sigrun’s will.
Footnote 300:
King.
Footnote 301:
A custom found in the Old Testament (Joshua), of putting the foot on
the subdued king’s neck.
Footnote 302:
Dag broke his oath, as we have seen before; and Sigrun cursed him for
having done so.
Footnote 303:
Leiptr = flash of lightning. Probably this was a swift river, or
waterfall.
Footnote 304:
Here we see the custom of wergild, so often described in the Sagas.
Footnote 305:
The temple of Vandil.
Footnote 306:
Valleys of fight.
Footnote 307:
Cf. also Helga Kvida Hjörvardsonar.
Footnote 308:
The song of Kara is lost. Svafa in the first song, Sigrun in the
second, is Svafa reborn; and Kara in the third and lost song is Sigrun
reborn.
Footnote 309:
In Orvar Odd we see that the Volvas performed the foretelling ceremony
with fifteen boys and fifteen girls. It seems that night was the
chosen time. The boys and girls doubtless stood in a ring round the
platform, and sang incantations. They had a stick, with which they
struck the cheek of a man, and brought oblivion on him, and then, by
striking him on the other cheek, gave him back his memory.
Footnote 310:
Eirik the red, 5.
Footnote 311:
Boiling “seid,” or the witches’ broth, was the chief art in
witchcraft.
Footnote 312:
Only found in Thorfin Karlsefni.
Footnote 313:
Vatnsdæla, 3, 10; Thorfin Karlsefni, 3; Orvar Odd, ch. 2, 3.
Footnote 314:
Helgi and Hróar had taken the names of Ham and Hrani.
Footnote 315:
This song is lost.
Footnote 316:
Cf. also Norna Gest’s Thatt. c. 3.
Footnote 317:
Laxdæla, 33; Njala, 127.
Footnote 318:
Orkneyinga, 100, 102; Ljosvetninga, 21; Vatnsdæla, 12; Orvar Odd, 2.
Footnote 319:
The name of Ægir is found in Helgi Hundingsbani i., st. 30: in
Lokasenna; in Hymiskvida; that of Ran, in Helgi Hjorvardsson, 18;
Helgi Hundingsbani, i. 3; Egil’s Saga, &c.
Footnote 320:
In poetry gold is often called Ægir’s fire, or Ran’s light, showing
that belief in the old myth still existed.
Footnote 321:
Inheritance feast; see Vol. ii., p. 47.
Footnote 322:
He calls his son Bödvar a string of his family, made or twisted by
himself.
Footnote 323:
The son’s death.
Footnote 324:
Ægir, who brewed ale for the Asar.
Footnote 325:
This passage means—“If I could get my son avenged, Ægir would fare
badly.”
Footnote 326:
The upheaver of the waves was the wind = Kari; his brother was Ægir.
Footnote 327:
Plank-bane = ship-destroyer; _i.e._, Ægir.
Footnote 328:
Egil being old, Bödvar is called the family shield or protector.
Footnote 329:
Dwellings of joy (Valhalla).
Footnote 330:
Alfheim was given to Frey as a tooth-fee.
Footnote 331:
Here we see that Svartálfar are Dvergar.
Footnote 332:
From this it is supposed that Loki had come in the shape of a fly to
make them lose the wager.
Footnote 333:
Other texts—Raum and his kinsmen were tall and ugly.
Footnote 334:
Cf. Gisli Sursson, 22, 24, 30, 33; Half’s Saga, 15; Grimnismal, 53;
Atlamal, 23. Fylgjas appeared to people in dreams: Ljósvetninga, 21;
Atlamal, 19; Njal, 12.
Footnote 335:
See Vol. ii., p. 423.
Footnote 336:
A kind of duel. See p. 563.
Footnote 337:
The worship of the Lares and Penates, the household deities who
watched over the personal and pecuniary interests of individuals and
families, was the most prominent feature of the Etruscan mythology,
whence it was borrowed by the Romans. Thence it was also, in all
probability, that the Romans obtained their doctrine of an attendant
genius watching over every individual from his birth. (See Dennis’s
‘Etruria,’ vol. i., p. 59.)
Footnote 338:
(1) Viga Glum, 9; (2) Laxdæla, 26; Snorri, St. Olaf, 68.
Footnote 339:
The eagles dreamt of by Angantyr were thought to be the fylgjas of
champions (Hervarar Saga, c. 5).
Thorstein Vikingsson saw in the many bears which attacked him a
foreboding of a king or a king’s son (Gautrek and Hrolf’s Saga;
Thorstein Vikingsson, c. 12).
Thus also Geitir guessed the birth of Thorstein Uxafot from the white
bear cub, which he had observed walking ahead of the latter.
Footnote 340:
Njala, 12; Finnbogi Rammi’s Saga; Fornmanna Sögur, iii. They are seen
in a walking state. Viga Glum’s Saga; Halfred’s Saga, 22, 24;
Vatnsdæla, p. 36; Atlamal, 19; Egil’s Saga, 50, 60; Sögubrot, 2.
Footnote 341:
The nine women in black had been the Disir of the family, which was
going to forsake the old belief; the Disir wanted to take with them
the best member of the family before they left. Therefore they slew
Thidrandi, whom the nine white Disir try in vain to defend. The nine
white Disir were to be the guardian spirit of the family after it had
adopted the new belief. From this we can see that the new religion
could not entirely overthrow the old superstition and belief.
Footnote 342:
Persuaded by Ivar Vidfadmi, Hrœrek slew his brother Helgi, thinking he
was too good friends with his wife. Afterwards Ivar slew Hrœrek in a
fight. In the dream Hrœrek is the stag, Helgi is the wild beast, Ivar
is the dragon, and the she-bear with the cub is Aud with her son.
Footnote 343:
See Exposure of Children, Vol. II., p. 39.
Footnote 344:
Cf. also Orvar Odd’s Saga, c. 4.
Footnote 345:
This dream seems to have had the power to make the first man who heard
it death-fated.
Footnote 346:
Cf. Olaf Tryggvason’s Saga, p. 37.
Footnote 347:
Gladsheim = Home of the glad.
Footnote 348:
Men slain by weapons.
Footnote 349:
Coats of mail or chain armour.
Footnote 350:
The word in the text means “hangs,” and it is impossible to tell if
the wolf is living or dead; it may mean that the wolf is ready to
pounce.
Footnote 351:
Odin’s warriors. In Ragnarök these Einherjar fight with Odin against
the Fenri wolf.
Footnote 352:
Voluspa, 24; Hervarar Saga, 5; Eyrbyggja, 44; Fornmanna Sögur, v. 250.
Harald Hilditönn was given to Odin at his birth (cf. Saxo). He was
victorious all his life till his last battle.
Footnote 353:
Cf. also Gautrek’s Saga, c. 7.
Footnote 354:
One of the goddesses is also called Snotra.
Footnote 355:
From this we learn that a serf must be in company with some one
freeborn in order to go to Odin.
Footnote 356:
Fagrskinna.
Footnote 357:
Two Valkyrjas.
Footnote 358:
Gautatýr = the god of the Gautar = Odin.
Footnote 359:
Yngvi’s kin = the Ynglings descended from Odin.
Footnote 360:
The brother of Björn, who was one of Harald Fairhair’s sons, is Hakon.
Footnote 361:
Battle-oars = sword-blades; a fine simile.
Footnote 362:
Hakon.
Footnote 363:
We see from the last line of stanza 4 that Hakon wore a gold helmet.
It is also said in the prose that he was conspicuous by it in the
battle.
Footnote 364:
Battle is often called play or game; cf. the synonyms for battle.
Footnote 365:
Gram.
Footnote 366:
Váfad = Odin; Odin’s cloth = armour.
Footnote 367:
The hard feet of the hilt = sword-blades.
Footnote 368:
Weapons.
Footnote 369:
Wound-drop = blood.
Footnote 370:
Cape of swords = armour.
Footnote 371:
Tempest of Odin = battle, which can also be called the storm of any
Valkyrja, and has many other names.
Footnote 372:
Hropt or Hroptatýr = the shouting god = Odin.
Footnote 373:
Hakon.
Footnote 374:
Eight brothers, that is half-brothers, Harald Fairhair being the
father of them all.
Footnote 375:
By this is meant end of the world.
Footnote 376:
Einherjar is plural, and is a compound. Ein = only, single; and
herjar, from the verb herja = make warfare. Thus it means the only
fighters, the only champions, being the warriors chosen by Odin to
dwell in Valhalla with him, while Freyja lodged one-half of the slain.
Footnote 377:
Chief meal, corresponding in time to breakfast.
Footnote 378:
Cf. also Vafthrudnismal, 41.
Footnote 379:
Cf. also Grimnismál, 19:—
“Geri and Freki
Does the battle-tamer feed,
The famous Herjafödr (father of hosts of Odin);
But by wine only
The weapon-famous
Odin always lives.”
Footnote 380:
Some under-king, or host-kings, probably from Norway.
Footnote 381:
The belief in men having the power to change their shape is common in
Africa to this day. See Ashangoland.
Footnote 382:
See hereditary dignity, p. 491.
Footnote 383:
See a house or room. Vol II., p. 259.
Footnote 384:
Meaning that the skin was torn.
Footnote 385:
Meaning that the skin could be touched with it.
Footnote 386:
There were two kinds of poison used. Cf. also Volsunga, c. 5.
Footnote 387:
The woman’s name means she-bear.
Footnote 388:
In ch. 27 we are told that Bera ate one bit and a little of another
bit of the bear’s flesh, and bore three sons.
Footnote 389:
See p. 558.
Footnote 390:
From some stone tracings and many jewels we see the proof of this.
Numerous instances are given in the Earlier Edda of birds speaking to
persons.
Footnote 391:
Cf. also Volsunga, 19.
Footnote 392:
Same expression as of a ship.
Footnote 393:
Cf. also about Hrolf’s Champions, c. 31. (Ynglinga, c. 38.)
Footnote 394:
By magical drink, poisonous drink is often meant (Heimskr Harald
Fairhair, 41). See Gudrúnarkvida ii., stanzas 21, 22, 23, 24.
Footnote 395:
Egil’s Saga, 44.
Footnote 396:
Egil’s Saga, 75. See p. 165.
Footnote 397:
Cf. Ynglinga, c. 7.
Footnote 398:
Cfr. Laxdæla, 57, 58, Njala, 30.
Footnote 399:
Cf. Landnama, pt. iii.
Footnote 400:
Cf. also Eyrbyggja, c. 20; and Fœreyinga, c. 40.
Footnote 401:
Ragnarök.
Footnote 402:
Chiefs.
Footnote 403:
From Odin.
Footnote 404:
Helgi.
Footnote 405:
Helgi.
Footnote 406:
Hawks as birds of prey.
Footnote 407:
Helgi.
Footnote 408:
We see it is so late that the eagles sit on the boughs for the night,
&c. So they despair of Helgi’s coming.
Footnote 409:
One of the finest similes for sleep.
Footnote 410:
Here _dis_ may be sister or guardian-spirit. Skjöldungs = kings.
Footnote 411:
The bondmaid calls Helgi and his men ghosts and fiends.
Footnote 412:
See description in Eyrbyggia. Each ghost was called by its name, and
had to leave by the opposite door.
Footnote 413:
Cf. also Laxdæla, 24; Gretti, 34–37.
Footnote 414:
Snorri Harald Fairhair’s Saga, ch. 36.
Footnote 415:
Viga Styr, 102.
Footnote 416:
Njala, 72, 79.
Footnote 417:
Gandreid = wolf ride, wizard or witches’ ride.
Footnote 418:
Eyrbyggja, 52, where the moon moves all round along the wall.
Footnote 419:
Egil, 24.
Footnote 420:
A warrior.
Footnote 421:
Sister of the moon = sun.
Footnote 422:
The famous war custom.
Footnote 423:
I.e., raven.
Footnote 424:
Wound-thorn, sword; sweat of the sword, blood.
Footnote 425:
The raven was looked upon as very wise and prophetic.
Footnote 426:
I.e., a Valkyrja.
Footnote 427:
The birds of Odin were the birds of prey, or perhaps his ravens Hugin
and Munin coming to tell him the news.
Footnote 428:
The hail-sprinkled gull, sprinkled with blood; hail—poetical
expression used for arrows. The wave of the heap of slain—the blood of
the slain making waves by its quantity. A gull is often used as
meaning a bird of prey.
Footnote 429:
The mead of kings (blood of warriors slain by the host of kings).
Footnote 430:
Shield is called here the plain of the ring. The tree of the shield is
the warrior.
Footnote 431:
I make ready for the sound of Ilm—take my weapon for battle, as the
sound of Ilm is = noise made by weapons.
Footnote 432:
A Valkyrja.
Footnote 433:
Hedin’s cloth = armour. The dyed wand is the sword dripping with
blood.
Footnote 434:
In Helgakvida Hundingsbana, sleep is called _draum-thing_
(dream-meeting).
Footnote 435:
Halfdan dreamt of the greatness of his family, Halfdan the Black, c.
7. Sometimes there were different explanations of the same dream
(Vatnsdæla, 42).
Footnote 436:
Laxdæla, 33; Atlamál, 14–25.
Footnote 437:
See Vol. II., p. 142.
Footnote 438:
See Vol. II., Frontispiece.
Footnote 439:
There was no little hard pushing—meaning that there was a fight
between the men and the bears jostling against each other.
Footnote 440:
One of Atli’s shapes, which he could change himself into.
Footnote 441:
Her husband.
Footnote 442:
Summon to join the dead.
Footnote 443:
Guardian spirits; _Disir_, the shapes of dead women. Cf. Gisli
Súrsson.
Footnote 444:
Dreamstolen, meaning, that the ability of dreaming had been taken away
from him.
Footnote 445:
Cf. also Sigrdrifumal.
Footnote 446:
Sacrifice to.
Footnote 447:
This passage seems to imply that those who believed in their own
strength only made the sign of Thor.
Footnote 448:
Athletic and mental exercises. See vol. ii., p. 369.
Footnote 449:
Cf. also Gulathing’s Law, c. 29.
Footnote 450:
This refers to stealing the mead.
Footnote 451:
Frey and Freyja.
Footnote 452:
Olaf Tryggvason.
Footnote 453:
_Buandi_, plural _buendr_; _bondi_, plural _bendr_; _bóandi_, plural
_bóendr_. These are different forms of the same name; the transition
from _buandi_ to _bóandi_ and then to _bondi_ is easily traced. The
form to-day is _bonde_. The original meaning is a dweller; the verb to
dwell is _búa—bjó—búid_.
Footnote 454:
Indemnity, see p. 544.
Footnote 455:
The Frostathing’s Law says nothing about the deduction of one-fifth
from the appraised value.
A new law enacted that the _odalsman_, in order to keep his right
open, should make the usual announcement every tenth year; and the
king was subject to the same regulations as other people.
Footnote 456:
Cf. also earlier Gulathing’s Law, 267; earlier Frostathing’s Law, vi.
4.
Footnote 457:
Baugryg means a woman who, being a single daughter, could pay and
receive wergild.
Footnote 458:
A chalet.
Footnote 459:
All that was thrown up by the sea, whales, wreck, &c., belonged to the
king (Gulath., 145).
Footnote 460:
Some great fishing-place in Hálogaland.
Footnote 461:
Cfr. also Heimskringla, 51, 52.
Footnote 462:
See p. 491.
Footnote 463:
So named probably because accustomed to walk much.
Footnote 464:
Bond-woman.
Footnote 465:
In later times we see that the fire-place was in the middle of the
floor.
Footnote 466:
Kind of head-dress.
Footnote 467:
Grandfather and grandmother.
Footnote 468:
Probably for fastening the door.
Footnote 469:
This peculiar head-dress is still found in Iceland and Normandy.
Footnote 470:
A kirtle trailing, long trailing dress.
Footnote 471:
In Volsunga Saga the same expression occurs.
Footnote 472:
The shield of linden tree.
Footnote 473:
Rings were of gold, and were used as money.
Footnote 474:
Perhaps this means the sea.
Footnote 475:
We are not told about the Hersir.
Footnote 476:
Kund—a son, a kinsman.
Footnote 477:
Kon-ung = Konung = Kung = King.
Footnote 478:
Everlasting runes, probably more powerful runes than ordinary—runes
that may have been only known to few.
Footnote 479:
To calm the sea by spell.
Footnote 480:
Some people were supposed to understand the language of birds.
Footnote 481:
From this we see that the business of a young king was war.
Footnote 482:
See p. 525.
Footnote 483:
Greyiom: this is the dative form which is grey in nominative; the form
grey hund also occurs (Fornmanna Sögur xi. 10.)
Footnote 484:
The male line of Hákon Jarl the Great became extinct in his grandson,
Hákon Eiríksson, in 1029.
Footnote 485:
_Háleygjatal_, in which Eyvind traces the family of Hákon. Cf. also
the jarls of Mœri (Rögnvald, Mœra-jarl, who was the forefather of the
jarls of Orkneys and Rouen in Normandy).
Footnote 486:
Herra = a lord, or master, was only used as a title after the year
1277, when knights and barons were first introduced into Norway. The
word is derived from Her (host), thus meaning the lord, or perhaps at
first the leader of a host.
Footnote 487:
Pl. Konir.
Footnote 488:
Rig seems to be a son of Rig Jarl, the hero of Rigsmál, whose name was
otherwise Kon.
Footnote 489:
This custom of becoming an _under-man_ is illustrated in several
Sagas.
Footnote 490:
The word _Viking_ has, of course, nothing to do with king.
Footnote 491:
Nafnbót = addition to the name, improvement of the name.
Footnote 492:
In the Danish laws the stipulation to be given by the king at his
elevation was called Haand-fæstning (hand-fastening).
Footnote 493:
Cf. also Magnús the Good, c. 22 (Heimskringla).
Footnote 494:
Thrall was a male slave; ambátt, a female slave.
Footnote 495:
Here chief is = king. This meeting of kings seems like the meetings in
our times of monarchs for alliance or treaties.
Footnote 496:
Cf. also Heimskringla, c. 58.
Footnote 497:
Claim, rights, law, atonement for injury, see p. 544.
Footnote 498:
Cf. Gisli Súrsson.
Footnote 499:
Gulath., 66, 106, 296.
Footnote 500:
The redemption-sum of a leysingi.
Footnote 501:
Hereditary freeman.
Footnote 502:
This means, to take the slavery off.
Footnote 503:
Cf. also p. 7.
Footnote 504:
Cf. also Njala, c. 36.
Footnote 505:
A man convicted of the lesser outlawry by paying a fine of one mark
within a fixed period was safe within a certain space. If he neglected
such payment he became a full outlaw.
Footnote 506:
Father’s and mother’s side.
Footnote 507:
Cf. also Laxdæla Saga, 12, 13.
Footnote 508:
Gulathing’s Law, 57.
Footnote 509:
Ostgöta Law, 6, § 2; Vestgöta Law, i. 22; Gotland Law, i. 28, § 6.
Footnote 510:
In the side.
Footnote 511:
See chapter on Exposure of Children. Vol. ii. p. 42.
Footnote 512:
Earlier Gulathing’s Law, 131.
Footnote 513:
After the introduction of Christianity, near a church.
Footnote 514:
Cfr. also Frostathing’s Law, i. 2.
Footnote 515:
Laws by King Magnus, A.D. 1263–1280.
Footnote 516:
Grágás, 56.
Footnote 517:
Islendingabók, c. 5.
Footnote 518:
Eyrbyggja, c. 10; Landnáma, ii. c. 12.
Footnote 519:
A Thing held on the plain.
Footnote 520:
The Saga was about Thorgeir Hávarsson, _Thormod’s foster-brother_, and
his last fight, in which Thorgrim had fought against him. Thormod
cleft Thorgrim’s head with his axe as he sat on the chair, and
escaped.
Footnote 521:
Pitched a tent over the walls which remained standing.
Footnote 522:
The term “hundreds” means some value, perhaps of vadmal or of silver.
Footnote 523:
Twenty feet of vadmal were paid yearly by each bondi who did not go to
the Thing to those who went to the Althing (Grágás, 77, 107).
Footnote 524:
Grágás, 23, 49, 51, 62, 67.
Footnote 525:
Every bondi had to belong to some Thing.
Footnote 526:
The country was parcelled out into Thing-districts, each being
presided over by three godis, hence the word _Thridjung-district_.
Footnote 527:
Einmanud, last month of winter.
Footnote 528:
It is probable that this sign was the svastica, used in Iceland
instead of the arrow used in Norway. (See p. 520.)
Footnote 529:
Thingmen of his district.
Footnote 530:
The high court of justice composed of 48 Godars, also held in the
sacred precincts inside of the _vebönd_. See p. 534–538.
Footnote 531:
Each district has its name, e.g., Kjalnesinga district.
Footnote 532:
Landnáma, 1, c. 9; Islendinga Sögur, i. 336.
Footnote 533:
Grágás, 23, 43.
Footnote 534:
Grágás, 59.
Footnote 535:
Grágás, 23.
Footnote 536:
The old laws of Sweden were published during the years 1827–77 (the
life-work of Schlyter), in Lund, in thirteen volumes; the thirteenth
volume is a dictionary to the twelve volumes preceding it.
Footnote 537:
The Danish ell is a trifle more than two English feet.
Footnote 538:
_Gulathing_, so called from Gula or Guley (an island), where the Thing
took place. _Frostathing_, from some local name. Our knowledge of the
earlier laws of the Northmen is derived from the earlier _Gulathing’s
Law_, almost completely preserved in writing from the latter half of
the 12th century. The earlier _Frostathing’s Law_ is almost completely
preserved in a writing from the earlier part of the 13th century. Of
the earlier _Eidsifjathing’s Law_, the earlier _Borgarthing’s Law_,
and the earlier _Bjarkeyjar Law_, or town-law, there are only
fragments left. Most of the Icelandic laws are comprised in the
_Grágás_, which is completely preserved in writing not later than the
year 1200.
The historical Sagas often show the effect of the laws in real life
and how the latter were interpreted by the people.
Footnote 539:
_Nefnd_ also = a body of men or arbitrators to give judgment in a
case. In the old Swedish law it was composed of twelve members (see
Schlyter). It is not found in the Icelandic laws, but the Görd is its
equivalent.
Footnote 540:
Grágás, 211–217.
Footnote 541:
In the same Saga, c. 96, there is another account of the powers of the
lawman.
In ch. 81, the king (of Sweden), the jarl of Vestr Gautland, and the
lawman Thorgnýr are all three called _höfdingjar_ = _chiefs_.
Footnote 542:
Eight aurar made a mark.
Footnote 543:
Indemnity to be paid in metal rings of silver or gold.
Footnote 544:
The reksthegn was a freeman descended from thrall kin, although his
family might have been free for several generations. The rétt of the
árborinn-madr was 12 aurar, that of the reksthegn one mark. The
classes in the two other law districts were probably similar to those
above, but it seems that the haulld and bondi were classified as one.
Footnote 545:
The laws on wounds are so minute and numerous that it is not possible
to give them in full. Cf. also Gulath., 179–215; Frostath., iv. 42–53.
Footnote 546:
N. G. L., ii. 60.
Footnote 547:
Frostath., v. 20.
Footnote 548:
See oath, p. 558.
Footnote 549:
It was thought unmanly to be disgraced three times and take no
revenge. Cf. also Gulath., 196; Addition to Frostath. Law, 36.
Footnote 550:
_Baug-eid_, or “ring-oath,” is mentioned in Havamál, stanza 110.
Footnote 551:
Cf. also Eyrbyggja, c. 4, 16, 44.
Footnote 552:
The sleeping room.
Footnote 553:
The stepson of Thor.
Footnote 554:
See also Kjalnesinga, 2.
Footnote 555:
_Skirsl_, to pass under jardarmen. See page 559.
Footnote 556:
_Dulareid_, an oath of denial.
Footnote 557:
Evening rider, night hag, witch, riding on wolves in the twilight.
Footnote 558:
Witnesses fetched at random when defendant could choose his
co-swearers.
Footnote 559:
Witnesses called by a body of named men.
Footnote 560:
_Séttareid_, an oath of six; i.e., six compurgators.
Footnote 561:
_Grima_, a hood covering the face; _grimueid_, a kind of oath taken by
six compurgators. The origin of the word is obscure; perhaps the
compurgators had to appear in court with cowls or hoods on.
Footnote 562:
See chapter on Foster-brotherhood. Vol. ii. p. 61.
Footnote 563:
In the second song of Helgi, stanza 31, an oath upon a stone is
mentioned; these holy stones may have meant _hörgs_.
Footnote 564:
This shows the large size of some of the halls.
Footnote 565:
Her brothers.
Footnote 566:
From stanza 2 we see that the kettle was consecrated. Stanza 5 shows
the accuser had to go through the ordeal also.
Footnote 567:
They drowned her in a mire.
Footnote 568:
Einvigi Kormak, c. 10.
Footnote 569:
On Holmganga, Egil, 67.
Footnote 570:
Cf. also Gisli Sursson’s Saga.
Footnote 571:
Cf. Svarfdæla Saga.
Footnote 572:
Ingjald (another text).
Footnote 573:
Ingibjörg.
Footnote 574:
Inheritance feast. See Vol. II., p. 47.
Footnote 575:
Cf. Sigurd Jórsalafari, Heimskringla, c. 20–21.
Footnote 576:
From the last paragraph we see that announcing a hostile invasion of
one’s country was a redeemable case.
Footnote 577:
Cf. also Gretti’s Saga, c. 16.
Footnote 578:
Or any one under fifteen years of age.
Footnote 579:
I.e. Slaying which was not done in secret or against plighted faith or
skill.
Footnote 580:
N. G. L., i. 122, 265.
Footnote 581:
Gulath., 132.
Footnote 582:
Cf. Fœreyinga Saga, c. 4, 5; Njala, 38, 122; Heidarviga Saga, c. 22;
Björn Hitdœlakappi; St. Olaf’s Saga, 126, 132; Egil’s Saga, c. 24, 59,
60; Viga Styr, 4. N. G. L., i. 56, 60, 159, 167, 178.
Footnote 583:
Cf. also Kormak’s Saga, c. 16.
Footnote 584:
The text of Fornmannasögur says that he had 1200 ships.
Footnote 585:
In the song, which is very coarse, it is said that the king and Birgir
were like stallion and mare. Cf. Vatnsdæla Saga, c. 33. Björn
Hitdœlakappi’s Saga.
_BY THE SAME AUTHOR._
THE LAND OF THE MIDNIGHT SUN.
ASHANGO LAND.
EXPLORATIONS IN EQUATORIAL AFRICA.
* * * * *
STORIES OF THE GORILLA COUNTRY.
WILD LIFE UNDER THE EQUATOR.
LOST IN THE JUNGLE.
MY APINGI KINGDOM.
THE COUNTRY OF THE DWARFS.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
1. Moved the list of the author’s books from the beginning to the end.
2. Changed “Lanfey” to “Laufey” and “Lanfeyjarson” to “Laufeyjarson”
everywhere. “It is guessed that this was Loki Laufeyjarson” on p.
35 was already correct.
3. Changed “ἐπενεχθείσῃς” to “ἐπενεχθείσης” on p. 10.
4. Added missing footnote anchor after “slain Saxon” for fourth
footnote on p. 12.
5. Added footnote reference numbers to footnotes on pp. 60, 326, 333,
430, and 430.
6. Changed “see p. .” to “see p. 368.” on p. 68.
7. Corrected the footnote reference number for the 2nd footnote on p.
68.
8. Changed “Fig. 26.” to “Fig. 126.” on p. 114.
9. Changed “225.” to “Fig. 225.” on p. 142.
10. Changed “237.” to “Fig. 237.” on p. 145.
11. Added missing footnote anchor after “A halter-corpse” for second
footnote on p. 162.
12. Changed “^2 real size” to “⅔ real size” on p. 281.
13. Silently corrected typographical errors.
14. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.
15. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
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