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Title: The Three Voyages of Captain Cook Round the World. Vol. I. Being the First of the First Voyage.
Author: Hawkesworth, Dr., Cook, James, Banks, Joseph
Language: English
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Transcriber’s Note
When italics were used in the original book, the corresponding text has
been surrounded by _underscores_. Superscripted characters are preceded
by ^ and when more than one character is superscripted, they are
surrounded by {}.
Some corrections have been made to the printed text. These are listed in
a second transcriber’s note at the end of the text.
[Illustration:
_Captain Cook._
_Drawn & Engraved by W. Bond, from the large Picture by George Dance
R.A._
_Published by Longman & C^o. London Sept^r. 6^{th}. 1821._
]
THE
THREE
VOYAGES
OF
CAPTAIN JAMES COOK
ROUND THE WORLD.
COMPLETE
In Seven Volumes.
--------------
_WITH MAP AND OTHER PLATES._
--------------
VOL. I.
BEING THE FIRST OF THE FIRST VOYAGE.
--------------
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN,
PATERNOSTER-ROW.
1821.
LIFE
OF
CAPTAIN JAMES COOK.
--------------
THIS celebrated navigator was the son of a day-labourer, and born at
Marton, a village in Yorkshire, Nov. 3. 1728. At the age of thirteen he
was put to a school, where he learnt writing and arithmetic; after which
he was bound apprentice to a shopkeeper at Snaith, but on discovering an
inclination for the sea, his master gave up his indentures, and he
articled himself for three years to a ship-owner at Whitby. After
serving out his time diligently, he entered in 1755 on board the Eagle
sixty gun ship; and in 1759 he obtained a warrant as master of the
Mercury, in which ship he was present at the taking of Quebec, where he
made a complete draught of the channel and river of St. Laurence, which
chart was published. Mr. Cook was next appointed to the Northumberland,
then employed in the recapture of Newfoundland; and there also he made a
survey of the harbour and coasts. At the latter end of 1762 he returned
to England, and married a young woman of Barking; but early in the next
year he went again to Newfoundland, as surveyor, with Captain Graves,
and he afterwards acted in the same capacity under Sir Hugh Palliser.
While thus employed, he made an observation of an eclipse of the sun,
which he communicated to the Royal Society. It being determined to send
out astronomers to observe the transit of Venus in some part of the
South Sea, Mr. Cook was selected to command the Endeavour, a ship taken
up for that service; and accordingly he was promoted to the rank of
lieutenant, May 25. 1768. Our limits will not allow of giving the
details of this interesting voyage; and therefore we shall content
ourselves with stating, that the transit was observed to great advantage
at Otaheite; after which lieutenant Cook explored the neighbouring
islands, and then shaped his course for New Zealand, which he
circumnavigated, and thus ascertained that it was not a continent. From
thence he sailed to New Holland, or, as it is now called, New South
Wales, where he anchored in Botany Bay, April 28. 1770, an epoch of
great importance in the history of that part of the world. From hence he
sailed to New Guinea, and next to Batavia, where the ship being
refitted, he returned to Europe, and arrived in the Downs, June 12.
1771. For his services on this occasion, Mr. Cook was promoted to the
rank of commander, and an account of his voyage was soon after published
by Dr. Hawkesworth. The interest excited hereby induced government to
send Captain Cook on another voyage of discovery to the southern
hemisphere, and he accordingly sailed with two ships, the Resolution,
commanded by himself, and the Adventure, by Captain Furneaux, April 9.
1772. After proceeding as far as 71° 10ʹ of south latitude, amidst
mountains of ice, and discovering some new islands, our voyagers
returned to England, July 30. 1775. The Resolution in this enterprize
lost only one man out of her whole complement, for which Captain Cook
was elected a member of the Royal Society, and afterwards the gold medal
was voted to him by the same learned body. He was also appointed a
post-captain, and promoted to a valuable situation in Greenwich
hospital. As the narrative of the former voyage had not given
satisfaction, the history of the second was drawn almost wholly from the
captain’s journals, and digested by Dr. Douglas, late bishop of
Salisbury. But the labours of Cook were not to end here. In July 1776 he
sailed again, to decide the long agitated question of a northern passage
to the Pacific Ocean. In this voyage he had two ships, the Resolution
and the Discovery; but after sailing as high as 74° 44ʹ N. the object
was considered impracticable; and on Nov. 26. 1778, the ships arrived at
the Sandwich islands. Here at first they were well received, but at
length the people of Owhyhee stole one of the boats, to recover which
Captain Cook went on shore, with the intention of getting into his
possession the person of the king; but in doing this a crowd assembled,
and the brave commander fell by a club, after which he was dispatched by
a dagger; and his body was carried off in triumph and devoured. This
melancholy event occurred in the morning of the 14th February, 1779.
Captain Cook left a widow and family; on the former a pension of 200_l._
a year was settled by the king, and 25_l._ a-year on each of the
children.
CONTENTS
OF
_THE FIRST VOLUME._
--------------
FIRST VOYAGE.
Page
INTRODUCTION to the first Voyage 3
BOOK I.
CHAP. I.
The Passage from Plymouth to Madeira, with some Account of that 7
Island
CHAP. II.
The Passage from Madeira to Rio de Janeiro, with some Account of 18
the Country, and the Incidents that happened there
CHAP. III.
The Passage from Rio de Janeiro to the Entrance of the Strait of 44
Le Maire, with a Description of some of the Inhabitants of
Terra del Fuego
CHAP. IV.
An Account of what happened in ascending a Mountain to search for 51
Plants
CHAP. V.
The Passage through the Strait of Le Maire, and a further 59
Description of the Inhabitants of Terra del Fuego, and its
Productions
CHAP. VI.
A general Description of the south-east Part of Terra del Fuego, 67
and the Strait of Le Maire; with some Remarks on Lord Anson’s
Account of them, and Directions for the Passage westward, round
this Part of America, into the South Seas
CHAP. VII.
The Sequel of the Passage from Cape Horn to the newly discovered 74
Islands in the South Seas, with a Description of their Figure
and Appearance.—Some Account of the Inhabitants, and several
Incidents that happened during the Course, and at the Ship’s
arrival among them
CHAP. VIII.
The Arrival of the Endeavour at Otaheite, called by Captain 84
Wallis, King George the III.’s Island.—Rules established for
Traffic with the Natives, and an Account of several Incidents
which happened in a Visit to Tootahah and Toubourai Tamaide,
two Chiefs
CHAP. IX.
A Place fixed upon for an Observatory and Fort.—An Excursion into 93
the Woods, and its Consequences.—The Fort erected.—A Visit from
several Chiefs on Board and at the Fort, with some Account of
the Music of the Natives, and the Manner in which they dispose
of their Dead
CHAP. X.
An Excursion to the eastward, an Account of several Incidents 102
that happened both on Board and on Shore, and of the first
Interview with Oberea, the Person who, when the Dolphin was
here, was supposed to be Queen of the Island, with a
Description of the Fort
CHAP. XI.
The Observatory set up.—The Quadrant stolen, and Consequences of 113
the Theft.—A Visit to Tootahah.—Description of a wrestling
Match.—European seeds sown.—Names given to our People by the
Indians
CHAP. XII.
Some Ladies visit the Fort with very uncommon Ceremonies.—The 126
Indians attend Divine Service, and in the Evening exhibit a
most extraordinary spectacle.—Toubourai Tamaide falls into
Temptation
CHAP. XIII.
Another Visit to Tootahah, with various Adventures.—Extraordinary 134
Amusement of the Indians, with Remarks upon it.—Preparations to
observe the Transit of Venus, and what happened in the mean
time at the Fort
CHAP. XIV.
The Ceremonies of an Indian Funeral particularly 144
described.—General Observations on the Subject.—A Character
found among the Indians to which the Ancients paid great
Veneration.—A Robbery at the Fort, and its Consequences; with a
Specimen of Indian Cookery, and various Incidents
CHAP. XV.
An Account of the Circumnavigation of the Island, and various 157
Incidents that happened during the Expedition; with a
Description of a Burying-place and Place of Worship, called a
Morai
CHAP. XVI.
An Expedition of Mr. Banks to trace the River.—Marks of 173
subterraneous Fire.—Preparations for leaving the Island.—An
Account of Tupia
CHAP. XVII.
A particular Description of the Island; its Produce and 184
Inhabitants; their Dress, Habitations, Food, Domestic Life and
Amusements
CHAP. XVIII.
Of the Manufactures, Boats, and Navigation of Otaheite 209
CHAP. XIX.
Of the Division of Time in Otaheite; Numeration, Computation of 225
Distance, Language, Diseases, Disposal of the Dead, Religion,
War, Weapons, and Government; with some general Observations
for the Use of future Navigators
CHAP. XX.
A Description of several other Islands in the Neighbourhood of 245
Otaheite, with various Incidents; a Dramatic Entertainment; and
many Particulars relative to the Customs and Manners of the
Inhabitants
BOOK II.
CHAP. I.
The Passage from Oteroah to New Zealand; Incidents which happened 274
on going ashore there, and while the Ship lay in Poverty Bay
CHAP. II.
A Description of Poverty Bay, and the Face of the adjacent 289
Country.—The Range from thence to Cape Turnagain, and back to
Tolaga; with some Account of the People and the Country, and
several Incidents that happened on that Part of the Coast
CHAP. III.
The Range from Tolaga to Mercury Bay, with an Account of many 314
Incidents that happened both on board and ashore.—A Description
of several Views exhibited by the Country, and of the Heppahs,
or fortified Villages of the Inhabitants
CHAP. IV.
The Range from Mercury Bay to the Bay of Islands.—An Expedition 339
up the River Thames.—Some Account of the Indians who inhabit
its Banks, and the fine Timber that grows there.—Several
Interviews with the Natives on different Parts of the Coast,
and a Skirmish with them upon an Island
CHAP. V.
Range from the Bay of Islands round North Cape to Queen 360
Charlotte’s Sound; and a Description of that part of the Coast
CHAP. VI.
Transactions in Queen Charlotte’s Sound.—Passage through the 374
Strait which divides the two Islands, and back to Cape
Turnagain.—Horrid Custom of the Inhabitants.—Remarkable Melody
of Birds.—A Visit to a Heppah, and many other Particulars
DIRECTIONS FOR PLACING
THE PLATES.
--------------
VOL. I.
Portrait _to face the Title_.
Map of the World _Page_ 1
Island of Otaheite 84
Harbour of Oopoa 254
A fortified Town at Tolaga 331
A natural Arch, or perforated Rock 331
Inside of a Hippah in New Zealand 332
VOL. II.
Canoe of New Zealand _to face the Title_.
VOL. III.
Landing at Middleburgh, Friendly Isles _to face the Title_.
Boats of the Friendly Isles 222
Resolution Bay, in the Marquesas 299
The Fleet of Otaheite at Opárre 318
VOL. IV.
A View in the Island of Rotterdam _to face the Title_.
View in the Island of New Caledonia 98
Christmas Sound Terra del Fuego 178
VOL. V.
Christmas Harbour in Kerguelen’s Land _to face the Title_.
View at Anamooka 301
VOL. VI.
Canoe of the Sandwich Islands _to face the Title_.
A Morai, at Otaheite 31
View at Huaheine 85
A Morai in Atooi 185
Inland View in Atooi 206
Natives of Oonolashka 466
VOL. VII.
Summer and Winter Habitations at Kamtschatka _to face the Title_.
Karakakooa, Owyhee 3
Town and Harbour of St. Peter, Kamtschatka 168
[Illustration:
THE WORLD,
on
_MERCATOR’S PROJECTION_,
_Shewing_ the Courses _of_
CAPTAIN COOK’S THREE VOYAGES.
]
AN
ACCOUNT
OF A
VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD,
IN THE YEARS 1768, 1769, 1770, and 1771.
BY
LIEUTENANT JAMES COOK,
COMMANDER OF HIS MAJESTY’S BARK THE ENDEAVOUR.
Drawn up from his Journal,
And from the Papers of Sir JOSEPH BANKS, Bart
BY
DR. HAWKESWORTH.
INTRODUCTION
TO
THE FIRST VOYAGE.
WITH Lieutenant Cook, in this voyage, embarked Joseph Banks, Esquire, a
gentleman possessed of considerable landed property in Lincolnshire. He
received the education of a scholar rather to qualify him for the
enjoyments than the labours of life; yet an ardent desire to know more
of Nature than could be learnt from books determined him, at a very
early age, to forego what are generally thought to be the principal
advantages of a liberal fortune, and to apply his revenue not in
procuring the pleasures of leisure and ease, but in the pursuit of his
favourite study, through a series of fatigue and danger, which, in such
circumstances, have very seldom been voluntarily incurred, except to
gratify the restless and insatiable desires of avarice or ambition.
Upon his leaving the university of Oxford, in the year 1763, he crossed
the Atlantic, and visited the coasts of Newfoundland and Labradore. The
danger, difficulty, and inconvenience that attend long voyages are very
different in idea and experience; Mr. Banks, however, returned,
undiscouraged, from his first expedition; and when he found that the
Endeavour was equipping for a voyage to the South Seas, in order to
observe the Transit of Venus, and afterwards attempt farther
discoveries, he determined to embark in the expedition, that he might
enrich his native country with a tribute of knowledge from those which
have been hitherto unknown, and not without hope of leaving among the
rude and uncultivated nations that he might discover, something that
would render life of more value, and enrich them, perhaps, in a certain
degree, with the knowledge, or at least with the productions, of Europe.
As he was determined to spare no expense in the execution of his plan,
he engaged Dr. Solander to accompany him in the voyage. This Gentleman,
by birth a Swede, was educated under the celebrated Linnæus, from whom
he brought letters of recommendation into England, and his merit being
soon known, he obtained an appointment in the British Museum, a public
institution, which was then just established; such a companion Mr. Banks
considered as an acquisition of no small importance, and, to his great
satisfaction, the event abundantly proved that he was not mistaken. He
also took with him two draftsmen, one to delineate views and figures,
the other to paint such subjects of natural history as might offer;
together with a secretary and four servants, two of whom were negroes.
Mr. Banks kept an accurate and circumstantial journal of the voyage,
and, soon after I had received that of Captain Cook from the Admiralty,
was so obliging as to put it into my hands, with permission to take out
of it whatever I thought would improve or embellish the narrative. This
was an offer of which I gladly and thankfully accepted: I knew the
advantage would be great, for few philosophers have furnished materials
for accounts of voyages undertaken to discover new countries. The
adventurers in such expeditions have generally looked only upon the
great outline of Nature, without attending to the variety of shades
within, which give life and beauty to the piece.
The papers of Captain Cook contained a very particular account of all
the nautical incidents of the voyage, and a very minute description of
the figure and extent of the countries he had visited, with the bearings
of the headlands and bays that diversify the coasts, the situation of
the harbours in which shipping may obtain refreshments, with the depth
of water wherever there were soundings; the latitudes, longitudes,
variation of the needle, and such other particulars as lay in his
department; and abundantly showed him to be an excellent officer, and
skilful navigator. But in the papers which were communicated to me by
Mr. Banks, I found a great variety of incidents which had not come under
the notice of Captain Cook, with descriptions of countries and people,
their productions, manners, customs, religion, policy, and language,
much more full and particular than were expected from a Gentleman whose
station and office naturally turned his principal attention to other
objects; for these particulars, therefore, besides many practical
observations, the Public is indebted to Mr. Banks. To Mr. Banks also the
Public is indebted for the designs of the engravings which illustrate
and adorn the account of this voyage, all of them, except the maps,
charts, and views of the coasts as they appear at sea, being copied from
his valuable drawings, and some of them from such as were made for the
use of the artists at his expense.
As the materials furnished by Mr. Banks were so interesting and copious,
there arose an objection against writing an account of this voyage in
the person of the Commander, which could have no place with respect to
the others; the descriptions and observations of Mr. Banks would be
absorbed without any distinction, in a general narrative given under
another name: but this objection he generously over-ruled, and it,
therefore, became necessary to give some account of the obligations
which he has laid upon the Public and myself in this place. It is,
indeed, fortunate for mankind, when wealth and science, and a strong
inclination to exert the powers of both for purposes of public benefit,
unite in the same person; and I cannot but congratulate my country upon
the prospect of further pleasure and advantage from the same Gentleman,
to whom we are indebted for so considerable a part of this narrative.
AN
ACCOUNT
OF A
VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD,
IN 1768, 1769, 1770, AND 1771.
BOOK I.
CHAP. I.
THE PASSAGE FROM PLYMOUTH TO MADEIRA, WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THAT ISLAND.
HAVING received my commission, which was dated the 25th of May, 1768, I
went on board on the 27th, hoisted the pennant, and took charge of the
ship, which then lay in the basin in Deptford Yard. She was fitted for
sea with all expedition; and stores and provisions being taken on board,
sailed down the river on the 30th of July, and on the 13th of August
anchored in Plymouth Sound.
While we lay here waiting for a wind, the articles of war and the act of
parliament were read to the ship’s company, who were paid two months’
wages in advance, and told that they were to expect no additional pay
for the performance of the voyage.
On Friday, the 26th of August, the wind becoming fair, we got under
sail, and put to sea. On the 31st, we saw several of the birds which the
sailors call Mother Carey’s Chickens, and which they suppose to be the
forerunners of a storm; and on the next day we had a very hard gale,
which brought us under our courses, washed over-board a small boat
belonging to the boatswain, and drowned three or four dozen of our
poultry, which we regretted still more.
On Friday, the 2d of September, we saw land between Cape Finister and
Cape Ortegal, on the coast of Gallicia, in Spain; and on the 5th, by an
observation of the sun and moon, we found the latitude of Cape Finister
to be 42° 53ʹ North, and its longitude 8° 46ʹ West, our first meridian
being always supposed to pass through Greenwich; variation of the needle
21° 4ʹ W.
During this course, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander had an opportunity of
observing many marine animals, of which no naturalist has hitherto taken
notice; particularly a new species of the _Oniscus_, which was found
adhering to the _Medusa Pelagica_; and an animal of an angular figure,
about three inches long, and one thick, with a hollow passing quite
through it, and a brown spot on one end, which they conjectured might be
its stomach; four of these adhered together by their sides when they
were taken, so that at first they were thought to be one animal, but
upon being put into a glass of water they soon separated, and swam about
very briskly. These animals are of a new genus, to which Mr. Banks and
Dr. Solander gave the name of _Dagysa_, from the likeness of one species
of them to a gem: several specimens of them were taken, adhering
together sometimes to the length of a yard or more, and shining in the
water with very beautiful colours. Another animal, of a new genus, they
also discovered, which shone in the water with colours still more
beautiful and vivid, and which indeed exceeded in variety and brightness
any thing that we had ever seen: the colouring and splendour of these
animals were equal to those of an Opal, and from their resemblance to
that gem, the genus was called _Carcinium Opalinum_. One of them lived
several hours in a glass of salt water, swimming about with great
agility, and at every motion displaying a change of colours almost
infinitely various. We caught also among the rigging of the ship, when
we were at the distance of about ten leagues from Cape Finister, several
birds which have not been described by Linnæus; they were supposed to
have come from Spain, and our gentlemen called the species _Motacilla
velificans_, as they said none but sailors would venture themselves on
board a ship that was going round the world: one of them was so
exhausted, that it died in Mr. Banks’s hand, almost as soon as it was
brought to him.
It was thought extraordinary that no naturalist had hitherto taken
notice of the _Dagysa_, as the sea abounds with them not twenty leagues
from the coast of Spain; but, unfortunately for the cause of science,
there are but very few of those who traverse the sea, that are either
disposed or qualified to remark the curiosities of which Nature has made
it the repository.
On the 12th we discovered the islands of Porto Santo and Madeira, and on
the next day anchored in Funchiale road, and moored with the
stream-anchor: but, in the night, the bend of the hawser of the
stream-anchor slipped, owing to the negligence of the person who had
been employed to make it fast. In the morning the anchor was heaved up
into the boat, and carried out to the southward; but in heaving it
again, Mr. Weir, the master’s mate, was carried overboard by the
buoy-rope, and went to the bottom with the anchor; the people in the
ship saw the accident, and got the anchor up with all possible
expedition; it was, however, too late; the body came up intangled in the
buoy-rope, but it was dead.
When the island of Madeira is first approached from the sea, it has a
very beautiful appearance; the sides of the hills being entirely covered
with vines almost as high as the eye can distinguish; and the vines are
green when every kind of herbage, except where they shade the ground,
and here and there by the sides of a rill, is entirely burnt up, which
was the case at this time.
On the 13th, about eleven o’clock in the forenoon, a boat, which our
sailors call the product boat, came on board from the officers of
health, without whose permission no person is suffered to land from on
board a ship. As soon as this permission was obtained, we went on shore
at Funchiale, the capital of the island, and proceeded directly to the
house of Mr. Cheap, who is the English consul there, and one of the most
considerable merchants of the place. This gentleman received us with the
kindness of a brother, and the liberality of a prince; he insisted upon
our taking possession of his house, in which he furnished us with every
possible accommodation during our stay upon the island; he procured
leave for Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander to search the island for such
natural curiosities as they should think worth their notice; employed
persons to take fish and gather shells, which time would not have
permitted them to collect for themselves; and he provided horses and
guides to take them to any part of the country which they should choose
to visit. With all these advantages, however, their excursions were
seldom pushed farther than three miles from the town, as they were only
five days on shore; one of which they spent at home, in receiving the
honour of a visit from the governor. The season was the worst in the
year for their purpose, as it was neither that of plants nor insects; a
few of the plants, however, were procured in flower, by the kind
attention of Dr. Heberden, the chief physician of the island, and
brother to Dr. Heberden of London, who also gave them such specimens as
he had in his possession, and a copy of his Botanical Observations;
containing, among other things, a particular description of the trees of
the island. Mr. Banks inquired after the wood which has been imported
into England for cabinet work, and is here called Madeira mahogany: he
learnt that no wood was exported from the island under that name, but he
found a tree called by the natives Vigniatico, the _Laurus indicus_ of
Linnæus, the wood of which cannot easily be distinguished from mahogany.
Dr. Heberden has a book-case, in which the vigniatico and mahogany are
mixed, and they are no otherwise to be known from each other than by the
colour, which, upon a nice examination, appears to be somewhat less
brown in the vigniatico than the mahogany; it is, therefore, in the
highest degree probable, that the wood known in England by the name of
Madeira mahogany, is the vigniatico.
There is great reason to suppose that this whole island was, at some
remote period, thrown up by the explosion of subterraneous fire, as
every stone, whether whole or in fragments, that we saw upon it,
appeared to have been burnt, and even the sand itself to be nothing more
than ashes: we did not, indeed, see much of the country, but the people
informed us that what we did see was a very exact specimen of the rest.
The only article of trade in this island is wine, and the manner in
which it is made is so simple, that it might have been used by Noah, who
is said to have planted the first vineyard after the flood: the grapes
are put into a square wooden vessel, the dimensions of which are
proportioned to the size of the vineyard to which it belongs; the
servants then, having taken off their stockings and jackets, get into
it, and with their feet and elbows press out as much of the juice as
they can: the stalks are afterwards collected, and being tied together
with a rope, are put under a square piece of wood, which is pressed down
upon them by a lever with a stone tied to the end of it. The inhabitants
have made so little improvement in knowledge or art, that they have but
very lately brought all the fruit of a vineyard to be of one sort, by
engrafting their vines: there seems to be in mind as there is in matter,
a kind of _vis inertiæ_, which resists the first impulse to change. He
who proposes to assist the artificer or the husbandman by a new
application of the principles of philosophy, or the powers of mechanism,
will find, that his having hitherto done without them will be a stronger
motive for continuing to do without them still, than any advantage,
however manifest and considerable, for adopting the improvement.
Wherever there is ignorance there is prejudice; and the common people of
all nations are, with respect to improvements, like the parish poor of
England with respect to a maintenance, for whom the law must not only
make a provision, but compel them to accept it, or else they will be
still found begging in the streets. It was, therefore, with great
difficulty that the people of Madeira were persuaded to engraft their
vines, and some of them still obstinately refuse to adopt the practice,
though a whole vintage is very often spoiled by the number of bad grapes
which are mixed in the vat, and which they will not throw out, because
they increase the quantity of the wine: an instance of the force of
habit, which is the more extraordinary, as they have adopted the
practice of engrafting with respect to their chesnut-trees, an object of
much less importance, which, however, are thus brought to bear sooner
than they would otherwise have done.
We saw no wheel-carriages of any sort in the place, which, perhaps, is
not more owing to the want of ingenuity to invent them than to the want
of industry to mend the roads, which, at present, it is impossible that
any wheel-carriage should pass: the inhabitants have horses and mules,
indeed, excellently adapted to such ways; but their wine is,
notwithstanding, brought to town from the vineyards where it is made in
vessels of goat-skins, which are carried by men upon their heads. The
only imitation of a carriage among these people is a board, made
somewhat hollow in the middle, to one end of which a pole is tied, by a
strap of whit-leather: this wretched sledge approaches about as near to
an English cart as an Indian canoe to a ship’s long-boat; and even this
would probably never have been thought of, if the English had not
introduced wine-vessels, which are too big to be carried by hand, and
which, therefore, are dragged about the town upon these machines.
One reason, perhaps, why art and industry have done so little for
Madeira, is, Nature’s having done so much. The soil is very rich, and
there is such a difference of climate between the plains and the hills,
that there is scarcely a single object of luxury that grows either in
Europe or the Indies that might not be produced here. When we went to
visit Dr. Heberden, who lives upon a considerable ascent, about two
miles from town, we left the thermometer at 74, and when we arrived at
his house, we found it at 66. The hills produce, almost spontaneously,
walnuts, chesnuts, and apples in great abundance; and in the town there
are many plants which are the natives both of the East and West Indies,
particularly the banana, the guava, the pine-apple or anana, and the
mango, which flourish almost without culture. The corn of this country
is of a most excellent quality, large grained and very fine, and the
island would produce it in great plenty; yet most of what is consumed by
the inhabitants is imported. The mutton, pork, and beef, are also very
good; the beef, in particular, which we took on board here, was
universally allowed to be scarcely inferior to our own; the lean part
was very like it, both in colour and grain, though the beasts are much
smaller, but the fat is as white as the fat of mutton.
The town of Funchiale derives its name from _Funcho_, the Portuguese
name for fennel, which grows in great plenty upon the neighbouring
rocks, and by the observation of Dr. Heberden, lies in the latitude of
32° 33ʹ 33ʺ N. and longitude 16° 49ʹ W. It is situated in the bottom of
a bay, and though larger than the extent of the island seems to deserve,
is very ill built; the houses of the principal inhabitants are large,
those of the common people are small, the streets are narrow, and worse
paved than any I ever saw. The churches are loaded with ornaments, among
which are many pictures, and images of favourite saints; but the
pictures are in general wretchedly painted, and the saints are dressed
in laced clothes. Some of the convents are in a better taste, especially
that of the Franciscans, which is plain, simple, and neat in the highest
degree. The infirmary in particular drew our attention as a model which
might be adopted in other countries with great advantage. It consists of
a long room, on one side of which are the windows, and an altar for the
convenience of administering the sacrament to the sick: the other side
is divided into wards, each of which is just big enough to contain a
bed, and neatly lined with gally-tiles; behind these wards, and parallel
to the room in which they stand, there runs a long gallery, with which
each ward communicates by a door, so that the sick may be separately
supplied with whatever they want without disturbing their neighbours. In
this convent there is also a singular curiosity of another kind; a small
chapel, the whole lining of which, both sides and ceiling, is composed
of human sculls and thigh-bones; the thigh-bones are laid across each
other, and a scull is placed in each of the four angles. Among the
sculls one is very remarkable; the upper and the lower jaw, on one side,
perfectly and firmly cohere; how the ossification which unites them was
formed, it is not, perhaps, very easy to conceive, but it is certain
that the patient must have lived some time without opening his mouth:
what nourishment he received was conveyed through a hole, which we
discovered to have been made on the other side, by forcing out some of
the teeth, in doing which the jaw also seems to have been injured.
We visited the good Fathers of this convent on a Thursday evening, just
before supper-time, and they received us with great politeness: “We will
not ask you,” said they, “to sup with us, because we are not prepared;
but if you will come to-morrow, though it is a fast with us, we will
have a turkey roasted for you.” This invitation, which showed a
liberality of sentiment not to have been expected in a convent of
Portuguese friars at this place, gratified us much, though it was not in
our power to accept it.
We visited also a convent of nuns, dedicated to _Santa Clara_, and the
ladies did us the honour to express a particular pleasure in seeing us
there: they had heard that there were great philosophers among us, and
not at all knowing what were the objects of philosophical knowledge,
they asked us several questions that were absurd and extravagant in the
highest degree; one was, when it would thunder; and another, whether a
spring of fresh water was to be found any where within the walls of
their convent, of which it seems they were in great want. It will
naturally be supposed that our answers to such questions were neither
satisfactory to the ladies, nor, in their estimation, honourable to us;
yet their disappointment did not in the least lessen their civility, and
they talked, without ceasing, during the whole of our visit, which
lasted about half an hour.
The hills of this country are very high; the highest, Pico Ruivo, rises
5068 feet, near an English mile, perpendicularly from its base, which is
much higher than any land that has been measured in Great Britain. The
sides of these hills are covered with vines to a certain height, above
which there are woods of chesnut and pine of immense extent, and above
them forests of wild timber of various kinds not known in Europe;
particularly two, called by the Portuguese _Mirmulano_ and _Paobranco_,
the leaves of both which, particularly the _Paobranco_, are so
beautiful, that these trees would be a great ornament to the gardens of
Europe.
The number of inhabitants in this island is supposed to be about 80,000,
and the custom-house duties produce a revenue to the King of Portugal of
20,000 pounds a-year, clear of all expenses, which might easily be
doubled by the product of the island, exclusive of the vines, if
advantage was taken of the excellence of the climate, and the amazing
fertility of the soil; but this object is utterly neglected by the
Portuguese. In the trade of the inhabitants of Madeira with Lisbon the
balance is against them, so that all the Portuguese money naturally
going thither, the currency of the island is Spanish; there are, indeed,
a few Portuguese pieces of copper, but they are so scarce that we did
not see one of them: the Spanish coin is of three denominations;
Pistereens, worth about a shilling; Bitts, worth about sixpence; and
Half-bitts, three-pence.
The tides at this place flow at the full and change of the moon, north
and south; the spring tides rise seven feet perpendicular, and the neap
tides four. By Dr. Heberden’s observation, the variation of the compass
here is now 15° 30ʹ West, and decreasing; but I have some doubt whether
he is not mistaken with respect to its decrease: we found that the North
point of the dipping needle belonging to the Royal Society dipped 77°
18ʺ.
The refreshments to be had here are water, wine, fruit of several sorts,
onions in plenty, and some sweetmeats; fresh meat and poultry are not to
be had without leave from the governor, and the payment of a very high
price.
We took in 270 lb. of fresh beef, and a live bullock, charged at 613 lb.
3032 gallons of water, and ten tons of wine; and in the night, between
Sunday the 18th and Monday the 19th of September, we set sail in
prosecution of our voyage.
When Funchiale bore North, 13 East, at the distance of 76 miles, the
variation appeared by several azimuths to be 16° 30ʹ West.
CHAP. II.
THE PASSAGE FROM MADEIRA TO RIO DE JANEIRO, WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE
COUNTRY, AND THE INCIDENTS THAT HAPPENED THERE.
ON the 21st of September we saw the islands called the Salvages, to the
north of the Canaries; when the principal of these bore S. ½ W. at the
distance of about five leagues, we found the variation of the compass by
an azimuth to be 17° 50ʹ. I make these islands to lie in latitude 30°
11ʹ North, and distant 58 leagues from Funchiale in Madeira, in the
direction of S. 16 E.
On Friday the 23d we saw the Peak of Teneriffe bearing W. by S. ½ S. and
found the variation of the compass to be from 17° 22ʹ to 16° 30ʹ. The
height of this mountain, from which I took a new departure, has been
determined by Dr. Heberden, who has been upon it, to be 15,396 feet,
which is but 148 yards less than three miles, reckoning the mile at 1760
yards. Its appearance at sunset was very striking; when the sun was
below the horizon, and the rest of the island appeared of a deep black,
the mountain still reflected his rays, and glowed with a warmth of
colour which no painting can express. There is no eruption of visible
fire from it, but a heat issues from the chinks near the top, too strong
to be borne by the hand when it is held near them. We had received from
Dr. Heberden, among other favours, some salt which he collected on the
top of the mountain, where it is found in large quantities, and which he
supposes to be the true _natrum_, or _nitrum_ of the ancients: he gave
us also some native sulphur exceedingly pure, which he had likewise
found upon the surface in great plenty.
On the next day, Saturday the 24th, we came into the north-east trade
wind, and on Friday the 30th saw Bona Vista, one of the Cape de Verd
islands; we ranged the east side of it, at the distance of three or four
miles from the shore, till we were obliged to haul off to avoid a ledge
of rocks which stretch out S. W. by W. from the body, or S. E. point of
the island, to the extent of a league and a half. Bona Vista, by our
observation, lies in latitude 16 N. and longitude 21° 5ʹ West.
On the 1st of October, in latitude 14° 6ʹ N. and longitude 22° 10ʹ W. we
found the variation by a very good azimuth to be 10° 37ʹ W. and the next
morning it appeared to be 10°. This day we found the ship five miles a
head of the log, and the next day seven. On the third, hoisted out the
boat to discover whether there was a current, and found one to the
eastward, at the rate of three quarters of a mile an hour.
During our course from Teneriffe to Bona Vista we saw great numbers of
flying fish, which from the cabin windows appear beautiful beyond
imagination, their sides having the colour and brightness of burnished
silver; when they are seen from the deck they do not appear to so much
advantage, because their backs are of a dark colour. We also took a
shark, which proved to be the _Squalus Carcharias_ of Linnæus.
Having lost the trade wind on the 3d, in latitude 12° 14ʹ, and longitude
22° 10ʹ, the wind became somewhat variable, and we had light airs and
calms by turns.
On the 7th, Mr. Banks went out in the boat and took what the seamen call
a Portuguese man of war; it is the _Holuthuria Physalis_ of Linnæus, and
a species of the _Mollusca_. It consisted of a small bladder about seven
inches long, very much resembling the air-bladder of fishes, from the
bottom of which descended a number of strings, of a bright blue and red,
some of them three or four feet in length, which, upon being touched,
sting like a nettle, but with much more force. On the top of the bladder
is a membrane which is used as a sail, and turned so as to receive the
wind which way soever it blows: this membrane is marked in fine
pink-coloured veins, and the animal is in every respect an object
exquisitely curious and beautiful.
We also took several of the shell-fishes, or testaceous animals, which
are always found floating upon the water, particularly the _Helix
Janthina_ and _Violacea_; they are about the size of a snail, and are
supported upon the surface of the water by a small cluster of bubbles,
which are filled with air, and consist of a tenacious slimy substance
that will not easily part with its contents; the animal is oviparous,
and these bubbles serve also as a _nidus_ for its eggs. It is probable
that it never goes down to the bottom, nor willingly approaches any
shore; for the shell is exceedingly brittle, and that of few fresh water
snails is so thin: every shell contains about a teaspoonful of liquor,
which it easily discharges upon being touched, and which is of the most
beautiful red purple that can be conceived. It dies linen cloth, and it
may perhaps be worth enquiry, as the shell is certainly found in the
Mediterranean, whether it be not the _Purpura_ of the ancients.
On the 8th, in latitude 8° 25ʹ North, longitude 22° 4ʹ West, we found a
current setting to the southward, which the next day in latitude 7° 58ʹ,
longitude 22° 13ʹ, shifted to the N. N. W. ¾ W., at the rate of one mile
and a furlong an hour. The variation here, by the mean of several
azimuths, appeared to be 8° 39ʹ W.
On the 10th, Mr. Banks shot the black-toed gull, not yet described
according to Linnæus’s system; he gave it the name of _Larus
crepidatus_: it is remarkable that the dung of this bird is of a lively
red, somewhat like that of the liquor procured from the shells, only not
so full; its principal food therefore is probably the _Helix_ just
mentioned. A current to the N. W. prevailed more or less till Monday the
24th, when we were in latitude 1° 7ʹ N., and longitude 28° 50ʹ.
On the 25th we crossed the line with the usual ceremonies, in longitude
29° 30ʹ, when, by the result of several very good azimuths, the
variation was 2° 24ʹ.
On the 28th, at noon, being in the latitude of Ferdinand _Noronha_, and,
by the mean of several observations by Mr. Green and myself in longitude
32° 5ʹ 16ʺ W., which is to the westward of it by some charts, and to the
eastward by others, we expected to see the island, or some of the shoals
that are laid down in the charts between it and the main, but we saw
neither one nor the other.
In the evening of the 29th, we observed that luminous appearance of the
sea which has been so often mentioned by navigators, and of which such
various causes have been assigned; some supposing it to be occasioned by
fish, which agitated the water by darting at their prey, some by the
putrefaction of fish and other marine animals, some by electricity, and
others referring it into a great variety of different causes. It
appeared to emit flashes of light exactly resembling those of lightning,
only not so considerable; but they were so frequent, that sometimes
eight or ten were visible almost at the same moment. We were of opinion
that they proceeded from some luminous animal, and upon throwing out the
casting net our opinion was confirmed: it brought up a species of the
_Medusa_, which, when it came on board, had the appearance of metal
violently heated, and emitted a white light: with these animals were
taken some very small crabs, of three different species, each of which
gave as much light as a glow-worm, though the creature was not so large
by nine-tenths: upon examination of these animals Mr. Banks had the
satisfaction to find that they were all entirely new.
On Wednesday, the 2d of November, about noon, being in the latitude of
10° 38ʹ S., and longitude 32° 13ʹ 43ʺ W., we passed the line in which
the needle at this time would have pointed due north and south, without
any variation: for in the morning, having decreased gradually in its
deviation for some days, it was no more than 18ʹ W., and in the
afternoon it was 34ʹ East.
On the 6th, being in latitude 19° 3ʹ South, longitude 35° 50ʹ West, the
colour of the water was observed to change, upon which we sounded, and
found ground at the depth of 32 fathoms: the lead was cast three times
within about four hours, without a foot difference in the depth or
quality of the bottom, which was coral rock, fine sand, and shells; we
therefore supposed that we had passed over the tail of the great shoal
which is laid down in all our charts by the name of _Abrothos_, on which
Lord Anson struck soundings in his passage outwards: at four the next
morning we had no ground with 100 fathom.
As several articles of our stock and provisions now began to fall short,
I determined to put into Rio de Janeiro, rather than at any port in
Brazil or Falkland’s Islands, knowing that it could better supply us
with what we wanted, and making no doubt but that we should be well
received.
On the 8th, at day-break, we saw the coast of Brazil, and about ten
o’clock we brought to, and spoke with a fishing boat: the people on
board told us that the land which we saw lay to the southward of _Sancto
Espirito_, but belonging to the captainship of that place.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went on board this vessel, in which they
found eleven men, nine of whom were blacks: they all fished with lines;
and their fresh cargo, the chief part of which Mr. Banks bought,
consisted of dolphins, large pelagic scombers of two kinds, sea-bream,
and some of the fish which, in the West Indies, are called Welshmen. Mr.
Banks had taken Spanish silver with him, which he imagined to be the
currency of the Continent, but to his great surprise the people asked
him for English shillings; he gave them two, which he happened to have
about him, and it was not without some dispute that they took the rest
of the money in pistereens. Their business seemed to be to catch large
fish at a good distance from the shore, which they salted in bulk, in a
place made for that purpose in the middle of their boat: of this
merchandize they had about two quintals on board, which they offered for
about 16 shillings, and would probably have sold for half the money. The
fresh fish, which was bought for about nineteen shillings and sixpence,
served the whole ship’s company: the salt was not wanted.
The sea-provision of these fishermen consisted of nothing more than a
cask of water, and a bag of Cassada flour, which they called _Farinha de
Pao_, or wooden flour; which, indeed, is a name which very well suits
its taste and appearance. Their water-cask was large, as wide as their
boat, and exactly fitted a place that was made for it in the ballast; it
was impossible therefore to draw out any of its contents by a tap, the
sides being, from the bottom to the top, wholly inaccessible; neither
could any be taken out by dipping a vessel in at the head, for an
opening sufficiently wide for that purpose would have endangered the
loss of great part of it by the rolling of the vessel: their expedient
to get at their water, so situated, was curious; when one of them wanted
to drink, he applied to his neighbour, who accompanied him to the
water-cask with a hollow cane about three feet long, which was open at
both ends; this he thrust into the cask through a small hole in the top,
and then, stopping the upper end with the palm of his hand, drew it out;
the pressure of the air against the other end keeping in the water which
it contained; to this end the person who wanted to drink applied his
mouth, and the assistant then taking his hand from the other, and
admitting the air above, the cane immediately parted with its contents,
which the drinker drew off till he was satisfied.
We stood off and on along the shore till the 12th, and successively saw
a remarkable hill near Santo Espirito, then Cape St. Thomas, and then an
island just without Cape Frio, which in some maps is called the Island
of Frio, and which being high, with a hollow in the middle, has the
appearance of two islands when seen at a distance. On this day we stood
along the shore for Rio de Janeiro, and at nine the next morning made
sail for the harbour. I then sent Mr. Hicks, my first lieutenant, before
us in the pinnace, up to the city, to acquaint the Governor, that we put
in there to procure water and refreshments; and to desire the assistance
of a pilot to bring us into proper anchoring-ground. I continued to
stand up the river, trusting to Mr. Bellisle’s draught, published in the
_Petit Atlas Maritime_, Vol. II. No. 54., which we found very good, till
five o’clock in the evening, expecting the return of my lieutenant; and
just as I was about to anchor, above the island of Cobras, which lies
before the city, the pinnace came back without him, having on board a
Portuguese officer, but no pilot. The people in the boat told me, that
my lieutenant was detained by the Viceroy till I should go on shore. We
came immediately to an anchor; and, almost at the same time, a ten-oared
boat, full of soldiers, came up and kept rowing round the ship, without
exchanging a word: in less than a quarter of an hour, another boat came
on board with several of the Viceroy’s officers, who asked whence we
came; what was our cargo; the number of men and guns on board; the
object of our voyage, and several other questions, which we directly and
truly answered: they then told me, as a kind of apology for detaining my
lieutenant, and putting an officer on board my pinnace, that it was the
invariable custom of the place, to detain the first officer who came on
shore from any ship on her arrival, till a boat from the Viceroy had
visited her, and to suffer no boat to go either from or to a ship, while
she lay there, without having a soldier on board. They said that I might
go on shore when I pleased; but wished that every other person might
remain on board till the paper which they should draw up had been
delivered to the Viceroy, promising that, immediately upon their return,
the lieutenant should be sent on board.
This promise was performed; and on the next morning, the 14th, I went on
shore, and obtained leave of the Viceroy to purchase provisions and
refreshments for the ship, provided I would employ one of their own
people as a factor, but not otherwise. I made some objections to this,
but he insisted upon it as the custom of the place. I objected also
against the putting a soldier into the boat every time she went between
the ship and the shore; but he told me, that this was done by the
express orders of his court, with which he could in no case dispense. I
then requested, that the gentlemen whom I had on board might reside on
shore during our stay, and that Mr. Banks might go up the country to
gather plants; but this he absolutely refused. I judged from his extreme
caution, and the severity of these restrictions, that he suspected we
were come to trade; I therefore took some pains to convince him of the
contrary. I told him, that we were bound to the southward, by the order
of His Britannic Majesty, to observe a transit of the planet Venus over
the sun, an astronomical phænomenon of great importance to navigation.
Of the transit of Venus, however, he could form no other conception,
than that it was the passing of the North star through the South Pole;
for these are the very words of his interpreter, who was a Swede, and
spoke English very well. I did not think it necessary to ask permission
for the gentlemen to come on shore during the day, or that, when I was
on shore myself, I might be at liberty, taking for granted that nothing
was intended to the contrary; but in this I was unfortunately mistaken.
As soon as I took leave of His Excellency, I found an officer who had
orders to attend me wherever I went: of this I desired an explanation,
and was told that it was meant as a compliment. I earnestly desired to
be excused from accepting such an honour, but the good Viceroy would by
no means suffer it to be dispensed with.
With this officer, therefore, I returned on board about twelve o’clock,
where I was impatiently expected by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, who made
no doubt but that a fair account of us having been given by the officers
who had been on board the evening before, in their paper called a
_Practica_, and every scruple of the Viceroy removed in my conference
with His Excellency, they should immediately be at liberty to go on
shore, and dispose of themselves as they pleased. Their disappointment
at receiving my report may easily be conceived; and it was still
increased by an account, that it had been resolved, not only to prevent
their residing on shore, and going up the country, but even their
leaving the ship; orders having been given that no person, except the
captain, and such common sailors as were required to be upon duty,
should be permitted to land; and that there was probably a particular
view to the passengers in this prohibition, as they were reported to be
gentlemen sent abroad to make observations and discoveries, and were
uncommonly qualified for that purpose. In the evening, however, Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander dressed themselves, and attempted to go on shore,
in order to make a visit to the Viceroy; but they were stopped by the
guard-boat which had come off with our pinnace, and which kept hovering
round the ship all the while she lay here, for that purpose; the officer
on board saying, that he had particular orders, which he could not
disobey, to suffer no passenger, nor any officer, except the captain, to
pass the boat. After much expostulation to no purpose, they were
obliged, with whatever reluctance and mortification, to return on board.
I then went on shore myself, but found the Viceroy inflexible; he had
one answer ready for every thing I could say, that the restrictions
under which he had laid us were in obedience to the King of Portugal’s
commands, and therefore indispensable.
In this situation I determined, rather than be made a prisoner in my own
boat, to go on shore no more; for the officer who, under pretence of a
compliment, attended me when I was ashore, insisted also upon going with
me to and from the ship: but still imagining, that the scrupulous
vigilance of the Viceroy must proceed from some mistaken notion about
us, which might more easily be removed by writing than in conversation,
I drew up a memorial, and Mr. Banks drew up another, which we sent on
shore. These memorials were both answered, but by no means to our
satisfaction; we therefore replied: in consequence of which, several
other papers were interchanged between us and the Viceroy, but still
without effect. However, as I thought some degree of force, on the part
of the Viceroy, to enforce these restrictions, necessary to justify my
acquiescence in them to the Admiralty, I gave orders to my lieutenant,
Mr. Hicks, when I sent him with our last reply on Sunday the 20th, in
the evening, not to suffer a guard to be put into his boat. When the
officer on board the guard-boat found that Mr. Hicks was determined to
obey my orders, he did not proceed to force, but attended him to the
landing-place, and reported the matter to the Viceroy. Upon this His
Excellency refused to receive the memorial, and ordered Mr. Hicks to
return to the ship; when he came back to the boat, he found that a guard
had been put on board in his absence, but he absolutely refused to
return till the soldier was removed: the officer then proceeded to
enforce the Viceroy’s orders; he seized all the boat’s crew, and sent
them under an armed force to prison, putting Mr. Hicks, at the same
time, into one of their own boats, and sending him under a guard back to
the ship. As soon as he had reported these particulars, I wrote again to
the Viceroy, demanding my boat and crew, and in my letter inclosed the
memorial which he had refused to receive from Mr. Hicks: these papers I
sent by a petty officer, that I might wave the dispute about a guard,
against which I had never objected except when there was a commissioned
officer on board the boat. The petty officer was permitted to go on
shore with his guard, and, having delivered his letter, was told that an
answer would be sent the next day.
About eight o’clock this evening it began to blow very hard in sudden
gusts from the south, and our long-boat coming on board just at this
time with four pipes of rum, the rope which was thrown to her from the
ship, and which was taken hold of by the people on board, unfortunately
broke, and the boat, which had come to the ship before the wind, went
adrift to windward of her, with a small skiff of Mr. Banks’s that was
fastened to her stern. This was a great misfortune, as the pinnace being
detained on shore, we had no boat on board but a four-oared yawl: the
yawl, however, was immediately manned and sent to her assistance; but,
notwithstanding the utmost effort of the people in both boats, they were
very soon out of sight: far, indeed, we could not see at that time in
the evening, but the distance was enough to convince us that they were
not under command, which gave us great uneasiness, as we knew they must
drive directly upon a reef of rocks which ran out just to leeward of
where we lay: after waiting some hours in the utmost anxiety, we gave
them over for lost, but, about three o’clock the next morning, had the
satisfaction to see all the people come on board in the yawl. From them
we learnt, that the long-boat having filled with water they had brought
her to a grappling, and left her; and that, having fallen in with the
reef of rocks in their return to the ship, they had been obliged to cut
Mr. Banks’s little boat adrift. As the loss of our long-boat, which we
had now too much reason to apprehend, would have been an unspeakable
disadvantage to us, considering the nature of our expedition, I sent
another letter to the Viceroy, as soon as I thought he could be seen,
acquainting him with our misfortune, and requesting the assistance of a
boat from the shore for the recovery of our own; I also renewed my
demand that the pinnace and her crew should be no longer detained: after
some delay, His Excellency thought fit to comply both with my request
and demand; and the same day we happily recovered both the long-boat and
skiff, with the rum, but every thing else that was on board was lost. On
the 23d, the Viceroy, in his answer to my remonstrance against seizing
my men and detaining the boat, acknowledged that I had been treated with
some incivility, but said that the resistance of my officers to what he
had declared to be the King’s orders made it absolutely necessary; he
also expressed some doubts whether the Endeavour, considering her
structure and other circumstances, was in the service of His Majesty,
though I had before showed him my commission: to this I answered in
writing, that, to remove all scruples, I was ready to produce my
commission again. His Excellency’s scruples, however, still remained,
and in his reply to my letter he not only expressed them in still
plainer terms, but accused my people of smuggling. This charge, I am
confident, was without the least foundation in truth. Mr. Banks’s
servants had indeed found means to go on shore on the 22d at day-break,
and stay till it was dark in the evening, but they brought on board only
plants and insects, having been sent for no other purpose. And I had the
greatest reason to believe that not a single article was smuggled by any
of our people who were admitted on shore, though many artful means were
used to tempt them, even by the very officers that were under His
Excellency’s roof, which made the charge still more injurious and
provoking. I have indeed some reason to suspect that one poor fellow
bought a single bottle of rum with some of the clothes upon his back;
and in my answer I requested of His Excellency, that, if such an attempt
at illicit trade should be repeated, he would without scruple order the
offender to be taken into custody. And thus ended our altercation, both
by conference and writing, with the Viceroy of Rio de Janeiro.
A friar in the town having requested the assistance of our surgeon, Dr.
Solander easily got admittance in that character on the 25th, and
received many marks of civility from the people. On the 26th, before
day-break, Mr. Banks also found means to elude the vigilance of the
people in the guard-boat, and got on shore; he did not, however, go into
the town, for the principal objects of his curiosity were to be found in
the fields: to him also the people behaved with great civility, many of
them invited him to their houses, and he bought a porker and some other
things of them for the ship’s company; the porker, which was by no means
lean, cost him eleven shillings, and he paid something less than two for
a Muscovy duck.
On the 27th, when the boats returned from watering, the people told us
there was a report in town, that search was making after some persons
who had been on shore from the ship without the Viceroy’s permission:
these persons we conjectured to be Dr. Solander and Mr. Banks, and
therefore they determined to go on shore no more.
On the first of December, having got our water and other necessaries on
board, I sent to the Viceroy for a pilot to carry us to sea, who came
off to us; but the wind preventing us from getting out, we took on board
a plentiful supply of fresh beef, yams, and greens for the ship’s
company. On the 2d, a Spanish packet arrived, with letters from Buenos
Ayres for Spain, commanded by Don Antonio de Monte Negro y Velasco, who
with great politeness offered to take our letters to Europe: I accepted
the favour, and gave him a packet for the secretary of the Admiralty,
containing copies of all the papers that had passed between me and the
Viceroy; leaving also duplicates with the Viceroy, to be by him
forwarded to Lisbon.
On Monday, the 5th, it being a dead calm, we weighed anchor and towed
down the bay; but, to our great astonishment, when we got abreast of
Santa Cruz, the principal fortification, two shot were fired at us. We
immediately cast anchor, and sent to the fort to enquire the reason of
what had happened; our people brought us word, that the commandant had
received no order from the Viceroy to let us pass; and that, without
such an order, no vessel was ever suffered to go below the fort. It was
now, therefore, become necessary, that we should send to the Viceroy, to
enquire why the necessary order had not been given, as he had notice of
our departure, and had thought fit to write me a polite letter, wishing
me a good voyage. Our messenger soon returned with an account, that the
order had been written some days, but, by an unaccountable negligence,
not sent.
We did not get under sail till the 7th; and, when we had passed the
fort, the pilot desired to be discharged. As soon as he was dismissed,
we were left by our guard-boat, which had hovered about us from the
first hour of our being in this place to the last; and Mr. Banks, having
been prevented from going ashore at Rio de Janeiro, availed himself of
her departure to examine the neighbouring islands, where, particularly
on one in the mouth of the harbour, called Raza, he gathered many
species of plants, and caught a variety of insects.
It is remarkable, that, during the last three or four days of our
staying in this harbour, the air was loaded with butterflies: they were
chiefly of one sort, but in such numbers that thousands were in view in
every direction, and the greatest part of them above our mast-head.
We lay here from the 14th of November to the 7th of December, something
more than three weeks, during which time Mr. Monkhouse, our surgeon, was
on shore every day to buy our provisions; Dr. Solander was on shore
once; I was several times on shore myself, and Mr. Banks also found
means to get into the country, notwithstanding the watch that was set
over us. I shall, therefore, with the intelligence obtained from these
gentlemen, and my own observations, give some account of the town, and
the country adjacent.
Rio de Janeiro, or the river of Januarius, was probably so called from
its having been discovered on the feast-day of that saint; and the town,
which is the capital of the Portuguese dominions in America, derives its
name from the river, which, indeed, is rather an arm of the sea, for it
did not appear to receive any considerable stream of fresh water: it
stands on a plain, close to the shore, on the west side of the bay, at
the foot of several high mountains which rise behind it. It is neither
ill designed nor ill built: the houses, in general, are of stone, and
two stories high; every house having, after the manner of the
Portuguese, a little balcony before its windows, and a lattice of wood
before the balcony. I computed its circuit to be about three miles; for
it appears to be equal in size to the largest country towns in England,
Bristol and Liverpool not excepted: the streets are straight, and of a
convenient breadth, intersecting each other at right angles; the greater
part, however, lie in a line with the citadel called St. Sebastian,
which stands on the top of a hill that commands the town.
It is supplied with water from the neighbouring hills, by an aqueduct,
which is raised upon two stories of arches, and is said in some places
to be at a great height from the ground, from which the water is
conveyed by pipes into a fountain in the great square that exactly
fronts the Viceroy’s palace. At this fountain great numbers of people
are continually waiting for their turn to draw water; and the soldiers,
who are posted at the governor’s door, find it very difficult to
maintain any regularity among them. The water at this fountain, however,
is so bad, that we, who had been two months at sea, confined to that in
our casks, which was almost always foul, could not drink it with
pleasure. Water of a better quality is laid into some other part of the
town, but I could not learn by what means.
The churches are very fine, and there is more religious parade in this
place than in any of the Popish countries in Europe: there is a
procession of some parish every day, with various insignia, all splendid
and costly in the highest degree: they beg money, and say prayers in
great form, at the corner of every street.
While we lay here, one of the churches was rebuilding; and to defray the
expense, the parish to which it belonged had leave to beg in procession
through the whole city once a week, by which very considerable sums were
collected. At this ceremony, which was performed by night, all the boys
of a certain age were obliged to assist, the sons of gentlemen not being
excused. Each of these boys was dressed in a black cassock, with a short
red cloak, hanging about as low as the waist, and carried in his hand a
pole about six or seven feet long, at the end of which was tied a
lantern: the number of lanterns was generally above two hundred, and the
light they gave was so great, that the people who saw it from the cabin
windows thought the town had been on fire.
The inhabitants, however, may pay their devotions at the shrine of any
saint in the calendar, without waiting till there is a procession; for
before almost every house there is a little cupboard, furnished with a
glass window, in which one of these tutelary powers is waiting to be
gracious; and to prevent his being out of mind, by being out of sight, a
lamp is kept constantly burning before the window of his tabernacle in
the night. The people, indeed, are by no means remiss in their
devotions, for before these saints they pray and sing hymns with such
vehemence, that in the night they were very distinctly heard on board
the ship, though she lay at the distance of at least half a mile from
the town.
The government here, as to its form, is mixed; it is notwithstanding
very despotic in fact. It consists of the Viceroy, the governor of the
town, and a council, the number of which I could not learn: without the
consent of this council, in which the Viceroy has a casting vote, no
judicial act should be performed; yet both the Viceroy and Governor
frequently commit persons to prison at their own pleasure, and sometimes
send them to Lisbon, without acquainting their friends or family with
what is laid to their charge, or where they may be found.
To restrain the people from travelling into the country, and getting
into any district where gold or diamonds may be found, of both which
there is much more than the government can otherwise secure, certain
bounds are prescribed them, at the discretion of the Viceroy, sometimes
at a few, and sometimes at many miles’ distance from the city. On the
verge of these limits a guard constantly patroles, and whoever is found
beyond it, is immediately seized and thrown into prison; and if a man
is, upon any pretence, taken up by the guard without the limits, he will
be sent to prison, though it should appear that he did not know their
extent.
The inhabitants, which are very numerous, consist of Portuguese,
negroes, and Indians, the original natives of the country. The township
of Rio, which, as I was told, is but a small part of the Capitanea, or
province, is said to contain 37,000 white persons, and 629,000 blacks,
many of whom are free; making together 666,000 in the proportion of
seventeen to one. The Indians, who are employed to do the King’s work in
this neighbourhood, can scarcely be considered as inhabitants; their
residence is at a distance, from whence they come by turns to their
task, which they are obliged to perform for a small pay. The guard-boat
was constantly rowed by these people, who are of a light copper colour,
and have long black hair.
The military establishment here consists of twelve regiments of regular
troops, six of which are Portuguese and six Creoles; and twelve other
regiments of provincial militia. To the regulars the inhabitants behave
with the utmost humility and submission; and I was told, that if any of
them should neglect to take off his hat upon meeting an officer, he
would immediately be knocked down. These haughty severities render the
people extremely civil to any stranger who has the appearance of a
gentleman. But the subordination of the officers themselves to the
Viceroy is enforced with circumstances equally mortifying, for they are
obliged to attend in his hall three times every day to ask his commands;
the answer constantly is, “There is nothing new.” I have been told, that
this servile attendance is exacted to prevent their going into the
country; and if so, it effectually answers the purpose.
It is, I believe, universally allowed, that the women, both of the
Spanish and Portuguese settlements in South America, make less
difficulty of granting personal favours, than those of any other
civilized country in the world. Of the ladies of this town some have
formed so unfavourable an opinion as to declare, that they did not
believe there was a modest one among them. This censure is certainly too
general; but what Dr. Solander saw of them when he was on shore, gave
him no very exalted idea of their chastity: he told me, that as soon as
it was dark, one or more of them appeared in every window, and
distinguished those whom they liked, among the gentlemen that walked
past them, by giving them nosegays; that he, and two gentlemen who were
with him, received so many of these favours, that, at the end of their
walk, which was not a long one, they threw whole hatfuls of them away.
Great allowance must certainly be made for local customs; that which in
one country would be an indecent familiarity, is a mere act of general
courtesy in another; of the fact, therefore, which I have related, I
shall say nothing, but that I am confident it is true.
Neither will I take upon me to affirm, that murders are frequently
committed here; but the churches afford an asylum to the criminal: and
as our cockswain was one day looking at two men, who appeared to be
talking together in a friendly manner, one of them suddenly drew a
knife, and stabbed the other; who not instantly falling, the murderer
withdrew the weapon, and stabbed him a second time. He then ran away,
and was pursued by some negroes who were also witnesses of the fact; but
whether he escaped or was taken I never heard.
The country, at a small distance round the town, which is all that any
of us saw, is beautiful in the highest degree; the wildest spots being
varied with a greater luxuriance of flowers, both as to number and
beauty, than the best gardens in England.
Upon the trees and bushes sat an almost endless variety of birds,
especially small ones, many of them covered with the most elegant
plumage; among which were the humming-bird. Of insects, too, there was a
great variety, and some of them very beautiful; but they were much more
nimble than those of Europe, especially the butterflies, most of which
flew near the tops of the trees, and were, therefore, very difficult to
be caught, except when the sea breeze blew fresh, which kept them nearer
to the ground.
The banks of the sea, and of the small brooks which water this part of
the country, are almost covered with the small crabs called _Cancer
vocans_; some of these had one of the claws called by naturalists the
hand, very large; others had them both remarkably small, and of equal
size, a difference which is said to distinguish the sexes, that with the
large claw being the male.
There is the appearance of but little cultivation; the greater part of
the land is wholly uncultivated, and very little care and labour seem to
have been bestowed upon the rest; there are, indeed, little patches or
gardens, in which many kinds of European garden stuff are produced,
particularly cabbages, peas, beans, kidney beans, turnips, and white
radishes, but all much inferior to our own: water-melons and pine-apples
are also produced in these spots, and they are the only fruits that we
saw cultivated, though the country produces musk, melons, oranges,
limes, lemons, sweet lemons, citrons, plantains, bananas, mangos, mamane
apples, acajou or cashou apples and nuts; jamboira of two kinds, one of
which bears a small black fruit; cocoa-nuts, mangos, palm-nuts of two
kinds, one long, the other round; and palm-berries; all which were in
season while we were there.
Of these fruits the water-melons and oranges are the best in their kind;
the pine-apples are much inferior to those that I have eaten in England;
they are, indeed, more juicy and sweet, but have no flavour: I believe
them to be natives of this country, though we heard of none that at this
time grow wild; they have, however, very little care bestowed upon them,
the plants being set between beds of any kind of garden-stuff, and
suffered to take the chance of the season. The melons are still worse,
at least those that we tasted, which were mealy and insipid; but the
water-melons are excellent; they have a flavour, at least a degree of
acidity which ours have not. We saw also several species of the prickle
pear, and some European fruits, particularly the apple and peach, both
which were very mealy and insipid. In these gardens also grow yams and
mandihoca, which in the West Indies is called Cassada or Cassava, and to
the flower of which the people here, as I have before observed, give the
name of _Farinha de Pao_, which may not improperly be translated, Powder
of Post. The soil, though it produces tobacco and sugar, will not
produce bread-corn; so that the people here have no wheat-flour, but
what is brought from Portugal, and sold at the rate of a shilling a
pound, though it is generally spoiled by being heated in its passage.
Mr. Banks is of opinion, that all the products of our West Indian
islands would grow here; notwithstanding which, the inhabitants import
their coffee and chocolate from Lisbon.
Most of the land, as far we saw of the country, is laid down in grass,
upon which cattle are pastured in great plenty; but they are so lean,
that an Englishman will scarcely eat of their flesh: the herbage of
these pastures consists principally of cresses, and consequently is so
short, that though it may afford a bite for horses and sheep, it can
scarcely be grazed by horned cattle in a sufficient quantity to keep
them alive.
This country may possibly produce many valuable drugs; but we could not
find any in the apothecaries’ shops, except pariera brava, and balsam
capivi; both of which were excellent in their kind, and sold at a very
low price. The drug trade is probably carried on to the northward, as
well as that of the dying woods, for we could get no intelligence of
either of them here.
As to manufactures, we neither saw nor heard of any except that of
cotton hammocks, in which people are carried about here, as they are
with us in sedan chairs; and these are principally, if not wholly,
fabricated by the Indians.
The riches of the place consist chiefly in the mines, which we supposed
to lie far up the country, though we could never learn where, or at what
distance; for the situation is concealed as much as possible, and troops
are continually employed in guarding the roads that lead to them: it is
almost impossible for any man to get a sight of them, except those who
are employed there; and, indeed, the strongest curiosity would scarcely
induce any man to attempt it, for whoever is found upon the road to
them, if he cannot give undeniable evidence of his having business
there, is immediately hanged up upon the next tree.
Much gold is certainly brought from these mines, but at an expense of
life that must strike every man, to whom custom has not made it
familiar, with horror. No less than forty thousand negroes are annually
imported on the king’s account, to dig the mines; and we were credibly
informed, that the last year but one before we arrived here this number
fell so short, probably from some epidemic disease that twenty thousand
more were draughted from the town of Rio.
Precious stones are also found here in such plenty, that a certain
quantity only is allowed to be collected in a year; to collect this
quantity, a number of people are sent into the country where they are
found, and when it is got together, which sometimes happens in a month,
sometimes in less, and sometimes in more, they return; and after that,
whoever is found in these precious districts, on any pretence, before
the next year, is immediately put to death.
The jewels found here are diamonds, topazes of several kinds, and
amethysts. We did not see any of the diamonds, but were informed that
the Viceroy had a large quantity by him, which he would sell on the King
of Portugal’s account, but not at a less price than they are sold for in
Europe. Mr. Banks bought a few topazes and amethysts as specimens: of
the topazes there are three sorts, of very different value, which are
distinguished here by the names of Pinga d’agua qualidade primeiro,
Pinga d’agua qualidade secundo, and Chrystallos armerillos: they are
sold, large and small, good and bad together, by octavos, or the eighth
part of an ounce; the best at 4s. 9d. All dealing, however, in these
stones is prohibited to the subject under the severest penalties: there
were jewellers here formerly, who purchased and worked them on their own
account; but about fourteen months before our arrival, orders came from
the court of Portugal, that no more stones should be wrought here,
except on the King’s account: the jewellers were ordered to bring all
their tools to the Viceroy, and left without any means of subsistence.
The persons employed here to work stones for the King are slaves.
The coin that is current here, is either that of Portugal, consisting
chiefly of thirty-six shillings pieces; or pieces, both of gold and
silver, which are struck at this place: the pieces of silver, which are
very much debased, are called Petacks, and are of different value, and
easily distinguished by the number of rees that is marked on the
outside. Here is also a copper coin, like that in Portugal, of five and
ten ree pieces. A ree is a nominal coin of Portugal, ten of which are
equal in value to about three farthings sterling.
The harbour of Rio de Janeiro is situated W. by N. 18 leagues from Cape
Frio, and may be known by a remarkable hill, in the form of a
sugar-loaf, at the west point of the bay; but as all the coast is very
high, and rises in many peaks, the entrance of this harbour may be more
certainly distinguished by the islands that lie before it; one of which,
called Rodonda, is high and round, like a hay-stack, and lies at the
distance of two leagues and a half from the entrance of the bay, in the
direction of S. by W.; but the first islands which are met with, coming
from the east, or Cape Frio, are two that have a rocky appearance, lying
near to each other, and at the distance of about four miles from the
shore: there are also at the distance of three leagues to the westward
of these two other islands, which lie near to each other, a little
without the bay on the east side, and very near the shore. This harbour
is certainly a good one; the entrance, indeed, is not wide, but the
sea-breeze, which blows every day from ten or twelve o’clock till sunset
makes it easy for any ship to go in before the wind; and it grows wider
as the town is approached, so that abreast of it there is room for the
largest fleet, in five or six fathom water, with an oozy bottom. At the
narrow part, the entrance is defended by two forts. The principal is
Santa Cruz, which stands on the east point of the bay, and has been
mentioned before; that on the west side is called fort Lozia, and is
built upon a rock that lies close to the main; the distance between them
is about ¾ of a mile, but the channel is not quite so broad, because
there are sunken rocks which lie off each fort, and in this part alone
there is danger: the narrowness of the channel causes the tides, both
flood and ebb, to run with considerable strength, so that they cannot be
stemmed without a fresh breeze. The rockiness of the bottom makes it
also unsafe to anchor here; but all danger may be avoided by keeping in
the middle of the channel. Within the entrance, the course up the bay is
first N. by W. ½ W., and N. N. W., something more than a league; this
will bring the vessel the length of the great road; and N. W. and W. N.
W. one league more will carry her to the Isle dos Cobras, which lies
before the city: she should then keep the north side of this island
close on board, and anchor above it, before a monastery of Benedictines,
which stands upon a hill at the N. W. end of the city.
The river, and, indeed, the whole coast, abounds with a greater variety
of fish than we had ever seen; a day seldom passed in which one or more
of a new species were not brought to Mr. Banks: the bay also is as well
adapted for catching these fish as can be conceived; for it is full of
small islands, between which there is shallow water, and proper beaches
for drawing the seine. The sea, without the bay, abounds with dolphins,
and large mackarel of different kinds, which readily bite at a hook, and
the inhabitants always tow one after their boats for that purpose.
Though the climate is hot, the situation of this place is certainly
wholesome; while we stayed here the thermometer never rose higher than
83 degrees.
We had frequent rains, and once a very hard gale of wind.
Ships water here at the fountain in the great square, though, as I have
observed, the water is not good: they land their casks upon a smooth
sandy beach, which is not more than a hundred yards distant from the
fountain; and, upon application to the Viceroy, a sentinel will be
appointed to look after them, and clear the way to the fountain where
they are to be filled.
Upon the whole, Rio de Janeiro is a very good place for ships to put in
at that want refreshment: the harbour is safe and commodious; and
provisions, except wheaten bread and flour, may be easily procured: as a
succedaneum for bread, there are yams and cassada in plenty; beef, both
fresh and jerked, may be bought at about two-pence farthing a pound;
though, as I have before remarked, it is very lean. The people here jerk
their beef by taking out the bones, cutting it into large but thin
slices, then curing it with salt, and drying it in the shade: it eats
very well, and, if kept dry, will remain good a long time at sea. Mutton
is scarcely to be procured, and hogs and poultry are dear; of
garden-stuff and fruit-trees there is abundance, of which, however, none
can be preserved at sea but the pumpkin; rum, sugar, and molasses, all
excellent in their kind, may be had at a reasonable price; tobacco also
is cheap, but it is not good. Here is a yard for building shipping, and
a small hulk to heave down by; for as the tide never rises above six or
seven feet, there is no other way of coming at a ship’s bottom.
When the boat which had been sent on shore returned, we hoisted her on
board, and stood out to sea.
CHAP. III.
THE PASSAGE FROM RIO DE JANEIRO TO THE ENTRANCE OF THE STREIGHT OF LE
MAIRE, WITH A DESCRIPTION OF SOME OF THE INHABITANTS OF TERRA DEL FUEGO.
ON the 9th of December we observed the sea to be covered with broad
streaks of a yellowish colour, several of them a mile long, and three or
four hundred yards wide; some of the water thus coloured was taken up,
and found to be full of innumerable atoms, pointed at the end, of a
yellowish colour, and none more than a quarter of a line, or the
fortieth part of an inch long; in the microscope they appeared to be
_Fasciculi_ of small fibres interwoven with each other, not unlike the
nidus of some of the _Phyganeas_, called Caddices; but whether they were
animal or vegetable substances, whence they came, or for what they were
designed, neither Mr. Banks nor Dr. Solander could guess. The same
appearance had been observed before, when we first discovered the
Continent of South America.
On the 11th we hooked a shark, and while we were playing it under the
cabin window, it threw out, and drew in again, several times, what
appeared to be its stomach: it proved to be a female, and upon being
opened six young ones were taken out of it; five of them were alive, and
swam briskly in a tub of water, but the sixth appeared to have been dead
some time.
Nothing remarkable happened till the 30th, except that we prepared for
the bad weather, which we were shortly to expect, by bending a new suit
of sails; but on this day we ran a course of one hundred and sixty miles
by the log, through innumerable land insects of various kinds, some upon
the wing, and more upon the water, many of which were alive; they
appeared to be exactly the same with the _Carabi_, the _Grylli_, the
_Phalanæ_, _Aranea_, and other flies that are seen in England, though at
this time we could not be less than thirty leagues from land; and some
of these insects, particularly the _Grylli Aranea_, never voluntarily
leave it at a greater distance than twenty yards. We judged ourselves to
be now nearly opposite to _Baye sans fond_, where Mr. Dalrymple supposes
there is a passage quite through the continent of America; and we
thought from the insects that there might be at least a very large
river, and that it had overflowed its banks.
On the 3d of January, 1769, being in latitude 47° 17ʹ S. and longitude
61° 29ʹ 45ʺ W., we were all looking out for Pepys’ island, and for some
time an appearance was seen in the east which so much resembled land,
that we bore away for it; and it was more than two hours and a half
before we were convinced that it was nothing but what sailors call a
fog-bank.
The people now beginning to complain of cold, each of them received what
is called a Magellanic jacket, and a pair of trowsers. The jacket is
made of a thick woollen stuff, called _Fearnought_, which is provided by
the government. We saw, from time to time, a great number of penguins,
albatrosses, and sheerwaters, seals, whales, and porpoises; and on the
11th, having passed Falkland’s islands, we discovered the coast of Terra
del Fuego, at the distance of about four leagues, extending from the W.
to S. E. by S. We had here five-and-thirty fathom, the ground soft,
small slate stones. As we ranged along the shore to the S. E., at the
distance of two or three leagues, we perceived smoke in several places,
which was made by the natives, probably as a signal, for they did not
continue it after we had passed by. This day we discovered that the ship
had got near a degree of longitude to the westward of the log, which, in
this latitude, is 35 minutes of a degree on the equator: probably there
is a small current setting to the westward, which may be caused by the
westerly current coming round Cape Horn, and through the Streight of Le
Maire, and the indraught of the Streight of Magellan.[1]
Having continued to range the coast, on the 14th we entered the Streight
of Le Maire; but the tide turning against us, drove us out with great
violence, and raised such a sea off Cape St. Deigo, that the waves had
exactly the same appearance as they would have had if they had broke
over a ledge of rocks; and when the ship was in this torrent, she
frequently pitched, so that the bowsprit was under water. About noon, we
got under the land between Cape St. Deigo and Cape St. Vincent, where I
intended to have anchored; but finding the ground every where hard and
rocky, and shallowing from thirty to twelve fathoms, I sent the master
to examine a little cove which lay at a small distance to the eastward
of Cape St. Vincent. When he returned, he reported that there was
anchorage in four fathom, and a good bottom, close to the eastward, of
the first bluff point, on the east of Cape St. Vincent, at the very
entrance of the cove, to which I gave the name of VINCENT’s Bay: before
this anchoring ground, however, lay several rocky ledges, that were
covered with sea-weed; but I was told that there was not less than eight
and nine fathom over all of them. It will probably be thought strange,
that where weeds, which grow at the bottom, appear above the surface,
there should be this depth of water; but the weeds which grow upon rocky
ground in these countries, and which always distinguish it from sand and
ooze, are of an enormous size. The leaves are four feet long, and some
of the stalks, though not thicker than a man’s thumb, above one hundred
and twenty. Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander examined some of them, over which
we sounded and had fourteen fathom, which is eighty-four feet; and, as
they made a very acute angle with the bottom, they were thought to be at
least one half longer: the foot-stalks were swelled into an air vessel,
and Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander called this plant _Fucus giganteus_. Upon
the report of the master, I stood in with the ship; but not trusting
implicitly to his intelligence, I continued to sound, and found but four
fathom upon the first ledge that I went over; concluding, therefore,
that I could not anchor here without risk, I determined to seek some
port in the Streight, where I might get on board such wood and water as
we wanted.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, however, being very desirous to go on shore,
I sent a boat with them and their people, while I kept plying as near as
possible with the ship.
Having been on shore four hours, they returned about nine in the
evening, with above an hundred different plants and flowers, all of them
wholly unknown to the botanists of Europe. They found the country about
the bay to be in general flat, the bottom of it in particular was a
plain covered with grass, which might easily have been made into a large
quantity of hay; they found also abundance of good wood and water, and
fowl in great plenty. Among other things, of which nature has been
liberal in this place, is Winter’s bark, _Winteranea aromatica_; which
may easily be known by its broad leaf, shaped like the laurel, of a
light green colour without, and inclining to blue within; the bark is
easily stripped with a bone or a stick, and its virtues are well known;
it may be used for culinary purposes as a spice, and is not less
pleasant than wholesome: here is also plenty of wild celery and
scurvy-grass. The trees are chiefly of one kind, a species of the birch,
called _Betula antarctica_; the stem is from thirty to forty feet long,
and from two to three feet in diameter, so that in a case of necessity
they might possibly supply a ship with top-masts; they are a light white
wood, bear a small leaf, and cleave very straight. Cranberries were also
found here in great plenty, both white and red.
The persons who landed saw none of the inhabitants, but fell in with two
of their deserted huts, one in a thick wood, and the other close by the
beach.
Having taken the boat on board, I made sail into the Streight, and at
three in the morning of the 15th I anchored in twelve fathom and a half,
upon coral rocks, before a small cove, which we took for Port Maurice,
at the distance of about half a mile from the shore. Two of the natives
came down to the beach, expecting us to land; but this spot afforded so
little shelter, that I at length determined not to examine it; I
therefore got under sail again about ten o’clock, and the savages
retired into the woods.
At two o’clock, we anchored in the bay of Good Success; and after dinner
I went on shore, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, to look for
a watering-place, and speak to the Indians, several of whom had come in
sight. We landed on the starboard side of the bay near some rocks, which
made smooth water and good landing: thirty or forty of the Indians soon
made their appearance at the end of a sandy beach on the other side of
the bay, but seeing our number, which was ten or twelve, they retreated.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander then advanced about one hundred yards before
us, upon which two of the Indians returned, and, having advanced some
paces towards them, sat down: as soon as they came up, the Indians rose,
and each of them having a small stick in his hand threw it away, in a
direction both from themselves and the strangers, which was considered
as the renunciation of weapons in token of peace: they then walked
briskly towards their companions, who had halted at about fifty yards
behind them, and beckoned the gentlemen to follow, which they did. They
were received with many uncouth signs of friendship; and, in return,
they distributed among them some beads and ribbons, which had been
brought on shore for that purpose, and with which they were greatly
delighted. A mutual confidence and good-will being thus produced, our
parties joined: the conversation, such as it was, became general; and
three of them accompanied us back to the ship. When they came on board,
one of them, whom we took to be a priest, performed much the same
ceremonies which M. Bougainville describes, and supposes to be an
exorcism. When he was introduced into a new part of the ship, or when
any thing that he had not seen before caught his attention, he shouted
with all his force for some minutes, without directing his voice either
to us or his companions.
They eat some bread and some beef, but not apparently with much
pleasure, though such part of what was given them as they did not eat
they took away with them; but they would not swallow a drop either of
wine or spirits: they put the glass to their lips, but, having tasted
the liquor, they returned it, with strong expressions of disgust.
Curiosity seems to be one of the few passions which distinguish men from
brutes; and of this our guests appeared to have very little. They went
from one part of the ship to another, and looked at the vast variety of
new objects that every moment presented themselves, without any
expression either of wonder or pleasure; for the vociferation of our
exorcist seemed to be neither.
After having been on board about two hours, they expressed a desire to
go ashore. A boat was immediately ordered, and Mr. Banks thought fit to
accompany them: he landed them in safety, and conducted them to their
companions, among whom he remarked the same vacant indifference, as in
those who had been on board; for as on one side there appeared no
eagerness to relate, so on the other there seemed to be no curiosity to
hear, how they had been received, or what they had seen. In about half
an hour, Mr. Banks returned to the ship, and the Indians retired from
the shore.
CHAP. IV.
AN ACCOUNT OF WHAT HAPPENED IN ASCENDING A MOUNTAIN TO SEARCH FOR
PLANTS.
ON the 16th, early in the morning, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, with
their attendants and servants, and two seamen to assist in carrying the
baggage, accompanied by Mr. Monkhouse the surgeon, and Mr. Green the
astronomer, set out from the ship, with a view to penetrate as far as
they could into the country, and return at night. The hills, when viewed
at a distance, seemed to be partly a wood, partly a plain, and above
them a bare rock. Mr. Banks hoped to get through the wood, and made no
doubt but that, beyond it, he should, in a country which no botanist had
ever yet visited, find alpine plants which would abundantly compensate
his labour. They entered the wood at a small sandy beach, a little to
the westward of the watering-place, and continued to ascend the hill,
through the pathless wilderness, till three o’clock, before they got a
near view of the places which they intended to visit. Soon after they
reached what they had taken for a plain; but, to their great
disappointment, found it a swamp, covered with low bushes of birch,
about three feet high, interwoven with each other, and so stubborn that
they could not be bent out of the way; it was therefore necessary to
lift the leg over them, which at every step was buried, ancle deep, in
the soil. To aggravate the pain and difficulty of such travelling, the
weather, which had hitherto been very fine, much like one of our bright
days in May, became gloomy and cold, with sudden blasts of a most
piercing wind, accompanied with snow. They pushed forward, however, in
good spirits, notwithstanding their fatigue, hoping the worst of the way
was past, and that the bare rock which they had seen from the tops of
the lower hills was not more than a mile before them: but when they had
got about two-thirds over this woody swamp, Mr. Buchan, one of Mr.
Banks’s draughtsmen, was unhappily seized with a fit. This made it
necessary for the whole company to halt, and as it was impossible that
he should go any farther, a fire was kindled, and those who were most
fatigued were left behind to take care of him. Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander,
Mr. Green, and Mr. Monkhouse went on, and in a short time reached the
summit. As botanists, their expectations were here abundantly gratified;
for they found a great variety of plants, which, with respect to the
alpine plants in Europe, are exactly what those plants are with respect
to such as grow in the plain.
The cold was now become more severe, and the snow-blasts more frequent;
the day also was so far spent, that it was found impossible to get back
to the ship before the next morning: to pass the night upon such a
mountain, in such a climate, was not only comfortless, but dreadful; it
was impossible, however, to be avoided, and they were to provide for it
as well as they could.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, while they were improving an opportunity
which they had, with so much danger and difficulty, procured, by
gathering the plants which they found upon the mountain, sent Mr. Green
and Mr. Monkhouse back to Mr. Buchan and the people that were with him,
with directions to bring them to a hill, which they thought lay in a
better rout for returning to the wood, and which was therefore appointed
as a general rendezvous. It was proposed, that from this hill they
should push through the swamp, which seemed by the new rout not to be
more than half a mile over, into the shelter of the wood and there build
their wigwam, and make a fire: this, as their way was all down hill, it
seemed easy to accomplish. Their whole company assembled at the
rendezvous, and, though pinched with the cold, were in health and
spirits, Mr. Buchan himself having recovered his strength in a much
greater degree than could have been expected. It was now near eight
o’clock in the evening, but still good daylight, and they set forward
for the nearest valley, Mr. Banks himself undertaking to bring up the
rear, and see that no straggler was left behind: this may, perhaps, be
thought a superfluous caution, but it will soon appear to be otherwise.
Dr. Solander, who had more than once crossed the mountains which divide
Sweden from Norway, well knew that extreme cold, especially when joined
with fatigue, produces a torpor and sleepiness that are almost
irresistible: he therefore conjured the company to keep moving, whatever
pain it might cost them, and whatever relief they might be promised by
an inclination to rest. Whoever sits down, says he, will sleep; and
whoever sleeps, will wake no more. Thus, at once admonished and alarmed,
they set forward; but while they were still upon the naked rock, and
before they had got among the bushes, the cold became suddenly so
intense, as to produce the effects that had been most dreaded. Dr.
Solander himself was the first who found the inclination, against which
he had warned others, irresistible; and insisted upon being suffered to
lie down. Mr. Banks entreated and remonstrated in vain: down he lay upon
the ground, though it was covered with snow; and it was with great
difficulty that his friend kept him from sleeping. Richmond also, one of
the black servants, began to linger, having suffered from the cold in
the same manner as the Doctor. Mr. Banks, therefore, sent five of the
company, among whom was Mr. Buchan, forward to get a fire ready at the
first convenient place they could find; and himself, with four others,
remained with the Doctor and Richmond, whom, partly by persuasion and
entreaty, and partly by force, they brought on; but when they had got
through the greatest part of the birch and swamp, they both declared
they could go no farther. Mr. Banks had recourse again to entreaty and
expostulation, but they produced no effect: when Richmond was told, that
if he did not go on he would in a short time be frozen to death, he
answered, that he desired nothing but to lie down and die: the Doctor
did not so explicitly renounce his life; he said he was willing to go
on, but that he must first take some sleep, though he had before told
the company that to sleep was to perish. Mr. Banks and the rest found it
impossible to carry them, and there being no remedy, they were both
suffered to sit down, being partly supported by the bushes, and in a few
minutes they fell into a profound sleep: soon after, some of the people
who had been sent forward, returned, with the welcome news that a fire
was kindled about a quarter of a mile farther on the way. Mr. Banks then
endeavoured to wake Dr. Solander, and happily succeeded: but, though he
had not slept five minutes, he had almost lost the use of his limbs, and
the muscles were so shrunk that his shoes fell from his feet: he
consented to go forward with such assistance as could be given him, but
no attempts to relieve poor Richmond were successful. It being found
impossible to make him stir, after some time had been lost in the
attempt, Mr. Banks left his other black servant and a seaman, who seemed
to have suffered least by the cold, to look after him; promising, that
as soon as two others should be sufficiently warmed, they should be
relieved. Mr. Banks, with much difficulty, at length got the Doctor to
the fire; and soon after sent two of the people who had been refreshed,
in hopes that, with the assistance of those who had been left behind,
they would be able to bring Richmond, even though it should still be
found impossible to wake him. In about half an hour, however, they had
the mortification to see these two men return alone: they said, that
they had been all round the place to which they had been directed, but
could neither find Richmond nor those who had been left with him; and
that though they had shouted many times, no voice had replied. This was
matter of equal surprise and concern, particularly to Mr. Banks, who,
while he was wondering how it could happen, missed a bottle of rum, the
company’s whole stock, which they now concluded to be in the knapsack of
one of the absentees. It was conjectured, that with this Richmond had
been roused by the two persons who had been left with him, and that,
having perhaps drank too freely of it themselves, they had all rambled
from the place where they had been left, in search of the fire, instead
of waiting for those who should have been their assistants and guides.
Another fall of snow now came on, and continued incessantly for two
hours, so that all hope of seeing them again, at least alive, were given
up; but about twelve o’clock, to the great joy of those at the fire, a
shouting was heard at some distance. Mr. Banks, with four more,
immediately went out, and found the seaman with just strength enough
left to stagger along, and call out for assistance: Mr. Banks sent him
immediately to the fire, and, by his direction, proceeded in search of
the other two, whom he soon after found. Richmond was upon his legs, but
not able to put one before the other: his companion was lying upon the
ground, as insensible as a stone. All hands were now called from the
fire, and an attempt was made to carry them to it; but this,
notwithstanding the united efforts of the whole company, was found to be
impossible. The night was extremely dark, the snow was now very deep,
and, under these additional disadvantages, they found it very difficult
to make way through the bushes and the bog for themselves, all of them
getting many falls in the attempt. The only alternative was to make a
fire upon the spot; but the snow which had fallen, and was still
falling, besides what was every moment shaken in flakes from the trees,
rendered it equally impracticable to kindle one there and to bring any
part of that which had been kindled in the wood thither: they were,
therefore, reduced to the sad necessity of leaving the unhappy wretches
to their fate; having first made them a bed of boughs from the trees,
and spread a covering of the same kind over them, to a considerable
height.
Having now been exposed to the cold and the snow near an hour and a
half, some of the rest began to lose their sensibility; and one,
Briscoe, another of Mr. Banks’s servants, was so ill, that it was
thought he must die before he could be got to the fire.
At the fire, however, at length they arrived; and passed the night in a
situation, which however dreadful in itself, was rendered more
afflicting by the remembrance of what was past, and the uncertainty of
what was to come. Of twelve, the number that set out together in health
and spirits, two were supposed to be already dead; a third was so ill,
that it was very doubtful whether he would be able to go forward in the
morning; and a fourth, Mr. Buchan, was in danger of a return of his
fits, by fresh fatigue, after so uncomfortable a night: they were
distant from the ship a long day’s journey, through pathless woods, in
which it was too probable they might be bewildered till they were
overtaken by the next night; and, not having prepared for a journey of
more than eight or ten hours, they were wholly destitute of provisions,
except a vulture, which they happened to shoot while they were out, and
which, if equally divided, would not afford each of them half a meal;
and they knew not how much more they might suffer from the cold, as the
snow still continued to fall. A dreadful testimony of the severity of
the climate, as it was now the midst of summer in this part of the
world, the twenty-first of December being here the longest day; and
every thing might justly be dreaded from a phænomenon which, in the
corresponding season, is unknown even in Norway and Lapland.
When the morning dawned, they saw nothing round them, as far as the eye
could reach, but snow, which seemed to lie as thick upon the trees as
upon the ground; and the blasts returned so frequently, and with such
violence, that they found it impossible for them to set out: how long
this might last they knew not, and they had but too much reason to
apprehend that it would confine them in that desolate forest till they
perished with hunger and cold.
After having suffered the misery and terror of this situation till six
o’clock in the morning, they conceived some hope of deliverance by
discovering the place of the sun through the clouds, which were become
thinner, and began to break away. Their first care was to see whether
the poor wretches whom they had been obliged to leave among the bushes
were yet alive; three of the company were dispatched for that purpose,
and very soon afterwards returned with the melancholy news, that they
were dead.
Notwithstanding the flattering appearance of the sky, the snow still
continued to fall so thick, that they could not venture out on their
journey to the ship; but about eight o’clock a small regular breeze
sprung up, which, with the prevailing influence of the sun, at length
cleared the air; and they soon after, with great joy, saw the snow fall
in large flakes from the trees, a certain sign of an approaching thaw:
they now examined more critically the state of their invalids: Briscoe
was still very ill, but said, that he thought himself able to walk; and
Mr. Buchan was much better than either he or his friends had any reason
to expect. They were now, however, pressed by the calls of hunger; to
which, after long fasting, every consideration of future good or evil
immediately gives way. Before they set forward, therefore, it was
unanimously agreed, that they should eat their vulture: the bird was
accordingly skinned; and, it being thought best to divide it before it
was fit to be eaten, it was cut into ten portions, and every man cooked
his own as he thought fit. After this repast, which furnished each of
them with about three mouthfuls, they prepared to set out; but it was
ten o’clock before the snow was sufficiently gone off, to render a march
practicable. After a walk of about three hours, they were very agreeably
surprised to find themselves upon the beach, and much nearer to the ship
than they had any reason to expect. Upon reviewing their track from the
vessel, they perceived that, instead of ascending the hill in a line, so
as to penetrate into the country, they had made almost a circle round
it. When they came on board, they congratulated each other upon their
safety, with a joy that no man can feel who has not been exposed to
equal danger; and as I had suffered great anxiety at their not returning
in the evening of the day on which they set out, I was not wholly
without my share.
CHAP. V.
THE PASSAGE THROUGH THE STREIGHT OF LE MAIRE, AND A FURTHER DESCRIPTION
OF THE INHABITANTS OF TERRA DEL FUEGO, AND ITS PRODUCTIONS.
ON the 18th and 19th, we were delayed in getting on board our wood and
water by a swell: but on the 20th, the weather being more moderate, we
again sent the boat on shore, and Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went in it.
They landed in the bottom of the bay; and while my people were employed
in cutting brooms, they pursued their great object, the improvement of
natural knowledge, with success, collecting many shells and plants which
hitherto have been altogether unknown: they came on board to dinner, and
afterwards went again on shore to visit an Indian town, which some of
the people had reported to lie about two miles up the country. They
found the distance not more than by the account, and they approached it
by what appeared to be the common road, yet they were above an hour in
getting thither, for they were frequently up to their knees in mud. When
they got within a small distance, two of the people came out to meet
them, with such state as they could assume: when they joined them, they
began to hollow as they had done on board the ship, without addressing
themselves either to the strangers or their companions; and having
continued this strange vociferation some time, they conducted them to
the town. It was situated on a dry knoll, or small hill, covered with
wood, none of which seemed to have been cleared away, and consisted of
about twelve or fourteen hovels, of the most rude and inartificial
structure that can be imagined. They were nothing more than a few poles
set up so as to incline towards each other, and meet at the top, forming
a kind of a cone, like some of our bee-hives: on the weather-side they
were covered with a few boughs, and a little grass; and on the lee-side
about one-eighth of the circle was left open, both for a door and a
fire-place; and of this kind were the huts that had been seen in St.
Vincent’s bay, in one of which the embers of a fire were still
remaining. Furniture they had none: a little grass, which lay round the
inside of the hovel, served both for chairs and beds; and of all the
utensils which necessity and ingenuity have concurred to produce among
other savage nations, they saw only a basket to carry in the hand, a
satchel to hang at the back, and the bladder of some beast to hold
water, which the natives drink through a hole that is made near the top
for that purpose.
The inhabitants of this town were a small tribe, not more than fifty in
number, of both sexes and of every age. Their colour resembles that of
the rust of iron mixed with oil, and they have long black hair: the men
are large, but clumsily built: their stature is from five feet eight to
five feet ten: the women are much less, few of them being more than five
feet high. Their whole apparel consists of the skin of a guanicoe, or
seal, which is thrown over their shoulders, exactly in the state in
which it came from the animal’s back; a piece of the same skin, which is
drawn over their feet, and gathered about the ancles like a purse, and a
small flap, which is worn by the women as a succedaneum for a fig-leaf.
The men wear their cloak open, the women tie it about their waist with a
thong. But although they are content to be naked, they are very
ambitious to be fine. Their faces were painted in various forms: the
region of the eye was in general white, and the rest of the face adorned
with horizontal streaks of red and black; yet scarcely any two were
exactly alike. This decoration seems to be more profuse and elaborate
upon particular occasions; for the two gentlemen who introduced Mr.
Banks and the Doctor into the town were almost covered with streaks of
black in all directions, so as to make a very striking appearance. Both
men and women wore bracelets of such beads as they could make themselves
of small shells or bones; the women both upon their wrists and ancles,
the men upon their wrists only: but to compensate for the want of
bracelets on their legs, they wore a kind of fillet of brown worsted
round their heads. They seemed to set a particular value upon any thing
that was red, and preferred beads even to a knife or a hatchet.
Their language in general is guttural, and they express some of their
words by a sound exactly like that which we make to clear the throat
when any thing happens to obstruct it; yet they have words that would be
deemed soft in the better languages of Europe. Mr. Banks learnt what he
supposes to be their name for beads and water. When they wanted beads,
instead of ribbons or other trifles, they said _hallĕcă_; and when they
were taken on shore from the ship, and by signs asked where water might
be found, they made the sign of drinking, and pointing as well to the
casks as the watering-place, cried _Oodâ_.
We saw no appearance of their having any food but shell-fish; for though
seals were frequently seen near the shore, they seemed to have no
implements for taking them. The shell-fish is collected by the women,
whose business it seems to be to attend at low water, with a basket in
one hand, and a stick, pointed and barbed, in the other, and a satchel
at their backs: they loosen the limpets, and other fish that adhere to
the rocks with the stick, and put them into the basket, which, when
full, they empty into the satchel.
The only things that we found among them in which there was the least
appearance of neatness or ingenuity were their weapons, which consisted
of a bow and arrows. The bow was not inelegantly made, and the arrows
were the neatest that we had ever seen: they were of wood, polished to
the highest degree; and the point, which was of glass or flint, and
barbed, was formed and fitted with wonderful dexterity. We saw also some
pieces of glass and flint among them unwrought, besides rings, buttons,
cloth, and canvass, with other European commodities; they must,
therefore, sometimes travel to the northward, for it is many years since
any ship has been so far south as this part of Terra del Fuego. We
observed, also, that they showed no surprise at our fire-arms, with the
use of which they appeared to be well acquainted; for they made signs to
Mr. Banks to shoot a seal which followed the boat, as they were going on
shore from the ship.
M. de Bougainville, who, in January, 1768, just one year before us, had
been on shore upon this coast in latitude 53° 40ʹ 41ʺ, had, among other
things, given glass to the people whom he found here; for he says, that
a boy about twelve years old took it into his head to eat some of it: by
this unhappy accident he died in great misery; but the endeavours of the
good father, the French _aumonier_, were more successful than those of
the surgeon; for though the surgeon could not save his life, the
charitable priest found means to steal a Christian baptism upon him so
secretly, that none of his Pagan relations knew any thing of the matter.
These people might probably have some of the very glass which
Bougainville left behind him, either from other natives, or perhaps from
himself; for they appeared rather to be a travelling horde than to have
any fixed habitation. Their houses are built to stand but for a short
time. They have no utensil or furniture but the basket and satchel,
which have been mentioned before, and which have handles adapted to the
carrying them about, in the hand and upon the back. The only clothing
they had here was scarcely sufficient to prevent their perishing with
cold in the summer of this country, much less in the extreme severity of
winter. The shell-fish, which seems to be their only food, must soon be
exhausted at any one place; and we had seen houses upon what appeared to
be a deserted station in St. Vincent’s Bay.
It is also probable that the place where we found them was only a
temporary residence, from their having here nothing like a boat or
canoe, of which it can scarcely be supposed that they were wholly
destitute, especially as they were not sea-sick, or particularly
affected, either in our boat or on board the ship. We conjectured that
there might be a streight or inlet, running from the sea through great
part of this island, from the Streight of Magellan, whence these people
might come, leaving their canoes where such inlet terminated.
They did not appear to have among them any government or subordination:
none was more respected than another; yet they seemed to live together
in the utmost harmony and good fellowship. Neither did we discover any
appearance of religion among them, except the noises which have been
mentioned, and which we supposed to be a superstitious ceremony, merely
because we could refer them to nothing else: they were used only by one
of those who came on board the ship, and the two who conducted Mr. Banks
and Dr. Solander to the town, whom we therefore conjectured to be
priests. Upon the whole, these people appeared to be the most destitute
and forlorn, as well as the most stupid, of all human beings; the
outcasts of nature, who spent their lives in wandering about the dreary
wastes, where two of our people perished with cold in the midst of
summer; with no dwelling but a wretched hovel of sticks and grass, which
would not only admit the wind, but the snow and the rain; almost naked;
and destitute of every convenience that is furnished by the rudest art,
having no implement even to dress their food: yet they were content.
They seemed to have no wish for any thing more than they possessed, nor
did any thing that we offered them appear acceptable but beads, as an
ornamental superfluity of life. What bodily pain they might suffer from
the severities of their winter we could not know; but it is certain that
they suffered nothing from the want of the innumerable articles which we
consider not as the luxuries and conveniencies only but the necessaries
of life: as their desires are few, they probably enjoy them all; and how
much they may be gainers by an exemption from the care, labour, and
solicitude, which arise from a perpetual and unsuccessful effort to
gratify that infinite variety of desires which the refinements of
artificial life have produced among us, is not very easy to determine:
possibly this may counterbalance all the real disadvantages of their
situation in comparison with ours, and make the scales by which good and
evil are distributed to man hang even between us.
In this place we saw no quadruped except seals, sea-lions, and dogs: of
the dogs it is remarkable that they bark, which those that are
originally bred in America do not. And this is a further proof, that the
people we saw here had, either immediately or remotely, communicated
with the inhabitants of Europe. There are, however, other quadrupeds in
this part of the country; for when Mr. Banks was at the top of the
highest hill that he ascended in his expedition through the woods, he
saw the footsteps of a large beast imprinted upon the surface of a bog,
though he could not with any probability guess of what kind it might be.
Of land-birds there are but few: Mr. Banks saw none larger than an
English blackbird, except some hawks and a vulture; but of water-fowl
there is great plenty, particularly ducks. Of fish we saw scarce any,
and with our hooks could catch none that was fit to eat; but shell-fish,
limpets, clams, and mussels, were to be found in abundance.
Among the insects, which were not numerous, there was neither gnat nor
musquito, nor any other species that was either hurtful or troublesome,
which perhaps is more than can be said of any other uncleared country.
During the snow-blasts, which happened every day while we were here,
they hide themselves; and the moment it is fair they appear again, as
nimble and vigorous as the warmest weather could make them.
Of plants, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander found a vast variety; the far
greater part wholly different from any that have been hitherto
described. Besides the birch and winter’s bark, which have been
mentioned already; there is the beach, _Fagus antarcticus_, which, as
well as the birch, may be used for timber. The plants cannot be
enumerated here; but as the scurvy-grass, _Cardamine antiscorbutica_,
and the wild celery, _Apium antarcticum_, probably contain antiscorbutic
qualities, which may be of great benefit to the crews of such ships as
shall hereafter touch at this place, the following short description is
inserted:
The scurvy-grass will be found in plenty in damp places, near springs of
water, and, in general, in all places that lie near the beach,
especially at the watering-place in the Bay of Good Success: when it is
young, the state of its greatest perfection, it lies flat upon the
ground, having many leaves of a bright green, standing in pairs opposite
to each other, with a single one at the end, which generally makes the
fifth upon a foot-stalk. The plant, passing from this state, shoots up
in stalks that are sometimes two feet high, at the top of which are
small white blossoms, and these are succeeded by long pods: the whole
plant greatly resembles that which in England is called Lady’s smock, or
Cuckow-flower. The wild celery is very like the celery in our gardens,
the flowers are white, and stand in the same manner, in small tufts at
the top of the branches, but the leaves are of a deeper green. It grows
in great abundance near the beach, and generally upon the soil that lies
next above the spring tides. It may, indeed, easily be known by the
taste, which is between that of celery and parsley. We used the celery
in large quantities, particularly in our soup, which, thus medicated,
produced the same good effects which seamen generally derive from a
vegetable diet, after having been long confined to salt provisions.
On Sunday the 22d of January, about two o’clock in the morning, having
got our wood and water on board, we sailed out of the bay, and continued
our course through the Streight.
CHAP. VI.
A GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE S. E. PART OF TERRA DEL FUEGO, AND THE
STREIGHT OF LE MAIRE; WITH SOME REMARKS ON LORD ANSON’S ACCOUNT OF THEM,
AND DIRECTIONS FOR THE PASSAGE WESTWARD, ROUND THIS PART OF AMERICA,
INTO THE SOUTH SEAS.
ALMOST all writers who have mentioned the island of Terra del Fuego,
describe it as destitute of wood, and covered with snow. In the winter
it may possibly be covered with snow, and those who saw it at that
season might, perhaps, be easily deceived, by its appearance, into an
opinion that it was destitute of wood. Lord Anson was there in the
beginning of March, which answers to our September, and we were there
the beginning of January, which answers to our July; which may account
for the difference of his description of it from ours. We fell in with
it about twenty-one leagues to the westward of the Streight of Le Maire,
and from the time that we first saw it, trees were plainly to be
distinguished with our glasses: and as we came nearer, though here and
there we discovered patches of snow, the sides of the hills and the sea
coast appeared to be covered with a beautiful verdure. The hills are
lofty, but not mountainous, though the summits of them are quite naked.
The soil in the valleys is rich, and of a considerable depth: and at the
foot of almost every hill there is a brook, the water of which has a
reddish hue, like that which runs through our turf bogs in England; but
it is by no means ill tasted, and, upon the whole, proved to be the best
that we took in during our voyage. We ranged the coast to the Streight,
and had soundings all the way from forty to twenty fathom upon a
gravelly and sandy bottom. The most remarkable land on Terra del Fuego
is a hill in the form of a sugar-loaf, which stands on the west side not
far from the sea; and the three hills, called the Three Brothers, about
nine miles to the westward of Cape St. Diego, the low point that forms
the north entrance of the Streight of Le Maire.
It is said in the account of Lord Anson’s voyage, that it is difficult
to determine exactly where the Streight lies, though the appearance of
Terra del Fuego be well known, without knowing also the appearance of
Staten Land; and that some navigators have been deceived by three hills
on Staten Land, which have been mistaken for the Three Brothers on Terra
del Fuego, and so over-shot the Streight. But no ship can possibly miss
the Streight that coasts Terra del Fuego within sight of land, for it
will then of itself be sufficiently conspicuous; and Staten Land, which
forms the east side, will be still more manifestly distinguished, for
there is no land on Terra del Fuego like it. The Streight of Le Maire
can be missed only by standing too far to the eastward, without keeping
the land of Terra del Fuego in sight: if this is done, it may be missed,
however accurately the appearance of the coast of Staten Land may have
been exhibited; and if this is not done, it cannot be missed, though the
appearance of that coast be not known. The entrance of the Streight
should not be attempted but with a fair wind and moderate weather, and
upon the very beginning of the tide of flood, which happens here at the
full and change of the moon, about one or two o’clock; it is also best
to keep as near to the Terra del Fuego shore as the winds will admit. By
attending to these particulars, a ship may be got quite through the
Streight in one tide; or, at least, to the southward of Success Bay,
into which it will be more prudent to put, if the wind should be
southerly, than to attempt the weathering of Staten Land with a lee wind
and a current, which may endanger her being driven on that island.
The Streight itself, which is bounded on the west by Terra del Fuego,
and on the east by the west end of Staten Land, is about five leagues
long, and as many broad. The Bay of Good Success lies about the middle
of it, on the Terra del Fuego side, and is discovered immediately upon
entering the Streight from the northward: and the south head of it may
be distinguished by a mark on the land, that has the appearance of a
broad road, leading up from the sea into the country: at the entrance it
is half a league wide, and runs in westward about two miles and a half.
There is good anchorage in every part of it, in from ten to seven
fathom, clear ground; and it affords plenty of exceeding good wood and
water. The tides flow in the Bay, at the full and change of the moon,
about four or five o’clock, and rise about five or six feet
perpendicular. But the flood runs two or three hours longer in the
Streight than in the Bay; and the ebb, or northerly current, runs with
near double the strength of the flood.
In the appearance of Staten Land, we did not discover the wildness and
horror that is ascribed to it in the account of Lord Anson’s voyage. On
the north side are the appearances of bays or harbours; and the land,
when we saw it, was neither destitute of wood nor verdure, nor covered
with snow. The island seems to be about twelve leagues in length, and
five broad.
On the west side of the Cape of Good Success, which forms the S. W.
entrance of the Streight, lies Valentine’s Bay, of which we only saw the
entrance; from this bay the land trends away to the W. S. W. for twenty
or thirty leagues; it appears to be high and mountainous, and forms
several bays and inlets.
At the distance of fourteen leagues from the Bay of Good Success, in the
direction of S. W. ½ W. and between two and three leagues from the
shore, lies New Island. It is about two leagues in length from N. E. to
S. W. and terminates to the N. E. in a remarkable hillock. At the
distance of seven leagues from New Island, in the direction of S. W.
lies the Isle _Evouts_; and a little to the W. of the south of this
island lie Barnevelt’s two small flat islands, close to each other; they
are partly surrounded with rocks, which rise to different heights above
the water, and lie twenty-four leagues from the Streight of Le Maire. At
the distance of three leagues from Barnevelt’s islands, in the direction
of S. W. by S. lies the S. E. point of Hermit’s islands: these islands
lie S. E. and N. W., and are pretty high: from most points of view they
will be taken for one island, or a part of the main.
From the S. E. point of Hermit’s islands to Cape Horn the course is S.
W. by S., distance three leagues.
The appearance of this Cape and Hermit’s islands is represented in the
chart of this coast, from our first making land to the Cape, which
includes the Streight of Le Maire, and part of Staten Land. In this
chart I have laid down no land, nor traced out any shore but what I saw
myself, and thus far it may be depended upon: the bays and inlets, of
which we saw only the openings, are not traced; it can, however,
scarcely be doubted, but that most, if not all of them, afford
anchorage, wood, and water. The Dutch squadron, commanded by Hermit,
certainly put into some of them in the year 1624. And it was Chapenham,
the Vice-Admiral of this squadron, who first discovered that the land of
Cape Horn consisted of a number of islands. The account, however, which
those who sailed in Hermit’s fleet have given of these parts is
extremely defective; and those of Schouton and Le Maire are still worse.
It is therefore no wonder that the charts hitherto published should be
erroneous, not only in laying down the land, but in the latitude and
longitude of the places they contain. I will, however, venture to
assert, that the longitude of few parts of the world is better
ascertained than that of the Streight of Le Maire, and Cape Horn, in the
chart now offered to the public, as it was laid down by several
observations of the sun and moon, that were made both by myself and Mr.
Green.
The variation of the compass on this coast I found to be from 23° to 25°
E. except near Barnevelt’s islands and Cape Horn, where we found it
less, and unsettled: probably it is disturbed here by the land, as
Hermit’s squadron, in this very place, found all their compasses differ
from each other. The declination of the dipping-needle, when set upon
shore in Success Bay, was 68° 15ʹ below the horizon.
Between Streight Le Maire and Cape Horn we found a current setting,
generally very strong, to the N. E. when we were in with the shore; but
lost it when we were at the distance of fifteen or twenty leagues.
On the 26th January, we took our departure from Cape Horn, which lies in
latitude 55° 53ʹ S. longitude, 68° 13ʹ W. The farthest southern latitude
that we made was 60° 10ʹ, our longitude was then 74° 30ʹ W.; and we
found the variation of the compass, by the mean of eighteen azimuths, to
be 27° 9ʹ E. As the weather was frequently calm, Mr. Banks went out in a
small boat to shoot birds, among which were some albatrosses and
sheerwaters. The albatrosses were observed to be larger than those which
had been taken northward of the Streight; one of them measured ten feet
two inches from the tip of one wing to that of the other, when they were
extended: the sheerwater, on the contrary, is less, and darker coloured
on the back. The albatrosses we skinned, and having soaked them in
salt-water till the morning, we parboiled them, then throwing away the
liquor, stewed them in a very little fresh water till they were tender,
and had them served up with savoury sauce; thus dressed, the dish was
universally commended, and we eat of it very heartily even when there
was fresh pork upon the table.
From a variety of observations which were made with great care, it
appeared probable in the highest degree, that, from the time of our
leaving the land to the 13th of February, when we were in latitude 49°
32ʹ, and longitude 90° 37ʹ, we had no current to the west.
At this time we had advanced about 12° to the westward, and 3 and ½ to
the northward of the Streight of Magellan; having been just three and
thirty days in coming round the land of Terra del Fuego, or Cape Horn,
from the east entrance of the Streight to this situation. And though the
doubling of Cape Horn is so much dreaded, that, in the general opinion,
it is more eligible to pass through the Streight of Magellan, we were
not once brought under our close-reef’d topsails after we left the
Streight of Le Maire. The Dolphin, in her last voyage, which she
performed at the same season of the year with ours, was three months in
getting through the Streight of Magellan, exclusive of the time that she
lay in Port Famine; and I am persuaded, from the winds we had, that if
we had come by that passage, we should not at this time have been in
these seas; that our people would have been fatigued, and our anchors,
cables, sails and rigging much damaged; neither of which inconveniencies
we had now suffered. But supposing it more eligible to go round the
Cape, than through the Streight of Magellan; it may still be questioned,
whether it is better to go through the Streight of Le Maire, or stand to
the eastward, and go round Staten Land. The advice given in the Account
of Lord Anson’s voyage is, “That all ships bound to the South Seas,
instead of passing through the Streight of Le Maire, should constantly
pass to the eastward of Staten Land, and should be invariably bent on
running to the southward as far as the latitude of 61 or 62 degrees,
before they endeavour to stand to the westward.” But, in my opinion,
different circumstances may at one time render it eligible to pass
through the Streight, and to keep to the eastward of Staten Land at
another. If the land is fallen in with to the westward of the Streight,
and the wind is favourable for going through, I think it would be very
injudicious to lose time by going round Staten Land, as I am confident
that, by attending to the directions which I have given, the Streight
may be passed with the utmost safety and convenience. But if, on the
contrary, the land is fallen in with to the eastward of the Streight,
and the wind should prove tempestuous or unfavourable, I think it would
be best to go round Staten Land. But I cannot in any case concur in
recommending the running into the latitude of 61 or 62, before any
endeavour is made to stand to the westward. We found neither the current
nor the storms which the running so far to the southward is supposed
necessary to avoid; and, indeed, as the winds almost constantly blow
from that quarter, it is scarcely possible to pursue the advice. The
navigator has no choice but to stand to the southward, close upon a
wind, and by keeping upon that tack, he will not only make southing, but
westing; and, if the wind varies towards the north of the west, his
westing will be considerable. It will, indeed, be highly proper to make
sure of a westing sufficient to double all the lands, before an attempt
is made to stand to the northward, and to this every man’s own prudence
will of necessity direct him.
We now began to have strong gales and heavy seas, with irregular
intervals of calm and fine weather.
CHAP. VII.
THE SEQUEL OF THE PASSAGE FROM CAPE HORN TO THE NEWLY DISCOVERED ISLANDS
IN THE SOUTH SEAS, WITH A DESCRIPTION OF THEIR FIGURE AND APPEARANCE;
SOME ACCOUNT OF THE INHABITANTS, AND SEVERAL INCIDENTS THAT HAPPENED
DURING THE COURSE, AND AT THE SHIP’S ARRIVAL AMONG THEM.
ON the first of March, we were in latitude 38° 44ʹ S. and longitude 110°
33ʹ W. both by observation and by the log. This agreement, after a run
of 660 leagues, was thought to be very extraordinary; and is a
demonstration, that after we left the land of Cape Horn we had no
current that affected the ship. It renders it also highly probable, that
we had been near no land of any considerable extent; for currents are
always found when land is not remote, and sometimes, particularly on the
east side of the continent in the North Sea, when land has been distant
100 leagues.
Many birds, as usual, were constantly about the ship, so that Mr. Banks
killed no less than 62 in one day; and what is more remarkable, he
caught two forest flies, both of them of the same species, but different
from any that have hitherto been described; these probably belonged to
the birds, and came with them from the land, which we judged to be at a
great distance. Mr. Banks also, about this time, found a large
cuttle-fish, which had just been killed by the birds, floating in a
mangled condition upon the water; it is very different from the
cuttle-fishes that are found in the European seas; for its arms, instead
of suckers, were furnished with a double row of very sharp talons, which
resemble those of a cat, and, like them, were retractable into a sheath
of skin, from which they might be thrust at pleasure. Of this
cuttle-fish we made one of the best soups we had ever tasted.
The albatrosses now began to leave us, and after the 8th there was not
one to be seen. We continued our course without any memorable event till
the 24th, when some of the people who were upon the watch in the night,
reported that they saw a log of wood pass by the ship; and that the sea,
which was rather rough, became suddenly as smooth as a mill pond. It was
a general opinion that there was land to windward; but I did not think
myself at liberty to search for what I was not sure to find; though I
judged we were not far from the islands that were discovered by Quiros
in 1606. Our latitude was 22° 11ʹ S. and longitude 127° 55ʹ W.
On the 25th, about noon, one of the marines, a young fellow about
twenty, was placed as centry at the cabin-door; while he was upon this
duty, one of my servants was at the same place preparing to cut a piece
of seal-skin into tobacco pouches: he had promised one to several of the
men, but had refused one to this young fellow, though he had asked him
several times; upon which he jocularly threatened to steal one, if it
should be in his power. It happened that the servant being called
hastily away, gave the skin in charge to the centinel, without regarding
what had passed between them. The centinel immediately secured a piece
of the skin, which the other missing at his return, grew angry; but
after some altercation, contented himself with taking it away, declaring
that, for so trifling an affair, he would not complain of him to the
officers. But it happened that one of his fellow-soldiers, over-hearing
the dispute, came to the knowledge of what had happened, and told it to
the rest; who, taking it into their heads to stand up for the honour of
their corps, reproached the offender with great bitterness, and reviled
him in the most opprobrious terms; they exaggerated his offence into a
crime of the deepest dye; they said it was a theft by a centry when he
was upon duty, and of a thing that had been committed to his trust; they
declared it a disgrace to associate with him; and the serjeant, in
particular, said that, if the person from whom the skin had been stolen
would not complain, he would complain himself; for that his honour would
suffer if the offender was not punished. From the scoffs and reproaches
of these men of honour, the poor young fellow retired to his hammock in
an agony of confusion and shame. The serjeant soon after went to him,
and ordered him to follow him to the deck: he obeyed without reply; but
it being in the dusk of the evening, he slipped from the serjeant and
went forward: he was seen by some of the people, who thought he was gone
to the head; but a search being made for him afterwards, it was found
that he had thrown himself overboard; and I was then first made
acquainted with the theft and its circumstances.
The loss of this man was the more regretted as he was remarkably quiet
and industrious, and as the very action that put an end to his life was
a proof of an ingenuous mind; for to such only disgrace is
insupportable.
On Tuesday the 4th of April, about ten o’clock in the morning, Mr.
Banks’s servant, Peter Briscoe, discovered land, bearing south, at the
distance of about three or four leagues. I immediately hauled up for it,
and found it to be an island of an oval form, with a lagoon in the
middle, which occupied much the larger part of it; the border of land
which circumscribes the lagoon is in many places very low and narrow,
particularly on the south side, where it consists principally of a beach
or reef of rocks. It has the same appearance also in three places on the
north side; so that the firm land being disjoined, the whole looks like
many islands covered with wood. On the west end of the island is a large
tree, or clump of trees, that in appearance resembles a tower; and about
the middle are two cocoa-nut trees, which rise above all the rest, and,
as we came near to the island, appeared like a flag. We approached it on
the north side, and though we came within a mile, we found no bottom
with 130 fathom of line, nor did there appear to be any anchorage about
it. The whole is covered with trees of different verdure, but we could
distinguish none, even with our glasses, except cocoa-nuts and
palm-nuts. We saw several of the natives upon the shore, and counted
four and twenty. They appeared to be tall, and to have heads remarkably
large; perhaps they had something wound round them which we could not
distinguish; they were of a copper colour, and had long black hair.
Eleven of them walked along the beach abreast of the ship, with poles or
pikes in their hands which reached twice as high as themselves. While
they walked on the beach they seemed to be naked; but soon after they
retired, which they did as soon as the ship had passed the island, they
covered themselves with something that made them appear of a light
colour. Their habitations were under some clumps of palm-nut trees,
which at a distance appeared like high ground; and to us, who for a long
time had seen nothing but water and sky, except the dreary hills of
Terra del Fuego, these groves seemed a terrestrial paradise. To this
spot, which lies in latitude 18° 47ʺ S., and longitude 139° 28ʹ W. we
gave the name of LAGOON ISLAND. The variation of the needle here is 2°
54ʹ E.
About one o’clock we made sail to the westward, and about half an hour
after three we saw land again to the N. W. We got up with it at sunset,
and it proved to be a low woody island, of a circular form, and not much
above a mile in compass. We discovered no inhabitants, nor could we
distinguish any cocoa-nut trees, though we were within half a mile of
the shore. The land, however, was covered with verdure of many hues. It
lies in latitude 18° 35ʹ S., and longitude 139° 48ʹ W., and is distant
from Lagoon Island, in the direction of N. 62 W., about seven leagues.
We called it THRUMB-CAP. I discovered by the appearance of the shore,
that at this place it was low water; and I had observed at Lagoon
Island, that it was either high water, or that the sea neither ebbed nor
flowed. I infer, therefore, that a S. by E. or S. moon makes high water.
We went on with a fine trade-wind and pleasant weather, and on the 5th,
about three in the afternoon, we discovered land to the westward. It
proved to be a low island of much greater extent than either of those
that we had seen before, being about ten or twelve leagues in compass.
Several of us remained at the mast-head the whole evening, admiring its
extraordinary figure: it was shaped exactly like a bow, the arch and
cord of which were land, and the space between them water: the cord was
a flat beach, without any signs of vegetation, having nothing upon it
but heaps of sea-weed, which lay in different ridges, as higher or lower
tides had left them. It appeared to be about three or four leagues long,
and not more than two hundred yards wide; but as a horizontal plane is
always seen in perspective, and greatly foreshortened, it is certainly
much wider than it appeared: the horns, or extremities of the bow, were
two large tufts of cocoa-nut trees; and much the greater part of the
arch was covered with trees of different height, figure, and hue; in
some parts, however, it was naked and low, like the cord. Some of us
thought they discovered openings through the cord, into the pool or
lake, that was included between that and the bow; but whether there were
or were not such openings is uncertain. We sailed abreast of the low
beach or bow-string, within less than a league of the shore, till
sunset, and we then judged ourselves to be about half-way between the
two horns. Here we brought to, and sounded, but found no bottom with one
hundred and thirty fathom; and, as it is dark almost instantly after
sunset in these latitudes, we suddenly lost sight of the land, and
making sail again, before the line was well hauled in, we steered by the
sound of the breakers, which were distinctly heard till we got clear of
the coast.
We knew this island to be inhabited, by smoke which we saw in different
parts of it, and we gave it the name of BOW ISLAND. Mr. Gore, my second
lieutenant, said, after we had sailed by the island, that he had seen
several of the natives, under the first clump of trees, from the deck;
that he had distinguished their houses, and seen several canoes hauled
up under the shade; but in this he was more fortunate than any other
person on board. The east end of this island, which, from its figure, we
called the Bow, lies in latitude 18° 23ʹ S., and longitude 141° 12ʹ W.;
we observed the variation of the compass to be 5° 38ʹ E.
On the next day, Thursday the 6th, about noon, we saw land again to the
westward, and came up with it about three. It appeared to be two
islands, or rather groups of islands, extending from N. W. by N. to S.
E. by S. about nine leagues. Of these, the two largest were separated
from each other by a channel of about half a mile broad, and were
severally surrounded by smaller islands, to which they were joined by
reefs that lay under water.
These islands were long narrow strips of land, ranging in all
directions, some of them ten miles or upwards in length, but none more
than a quarter of a mile broad, and upon all of them there were trees of
various kinds, particularly the cocoa-nut. The south-eastermost of them
lies in the latitude of 18° 12ʹ S. and longitude 142° 42ʹ W., and at the
distance of twenty-five leagues in the direction of W. ½ N. from the
west end of Bow Island. We ranged along the S. W. side of this island,
and hauled into a bay which lies to the N. W. of the southermost point
of the Group, where there was a smooth sea, and the appearance of
anchorage, without much surf on the shore. We sounded, but we found no
bottom with one hundred fathom, at the distance of no more than three
quarters of a mile from the beach; and I did not think it prudent to go
nearer.
While this was doing, several of the inhabitants assembled upon the
shore, and some came out in their canoes as far as the reefs, but would
not pass them. When we saw this, we ranged, with an easy sail, along the
shore; but just as we were passing the end of the island, six men, who
had for some time kept abreast of the ship, suddenly launched two canoes
with great quickness and dexterity, and three of them getting into each,
they put off, as we imagined, with a design to come on board us; the
ship was therefore brought to, but they, like their fellows, stopped at
the reef. We did not, however, immediately make sail, as we observed two
messengers dispatched to them from the other canoes, which were of a
much larger size. We perceived that these messengers made great
expedition, wading and swimming along the reef; at length they met, and
the men on board the canoes making no dispositions to pass the reef,
after having received the message, we judged that they had resolved to
come no farther. After waiting, therefore, some little time longer, we
stood off; but when we were got about two or three miles from the shore,
we perceived some of the natives following us in a canoe with a sail. We
did not, however, think it worth while to wait for her, and though she
had passed the reef, she soon after gave over the chace.
According to the best judgment that we could form of the people when we
were nearest the shore, they were about our size, and well-made. They
were of a brown-complexion, and appeared to be naked; their hair, which
was black, was confined by a fillet that went round the head, and stuck
out behind like a bush. The greater part of them carried in their hands
two weapons; one of them was a slender pole, from ten to fourteen feet
long, on one end of which was a small knob, not unlike the point of a
spear; the other was about four feet long, and shaped like a paddle, and
possibly might be so, for some of their canoes were very small: those
which we saw them launch seemed not intended to carry more than the
three men that got into them: we saw others that had on board six or
seven men, and one of them hoisted a sail which did not seem to reach
more than six feet above the gun-wale of the boat, and which, upon the
falling of a slight shower, was taken down and converted into an awning
or tilt. The canoe which followed us to sea hoisted a sail not unlike an
English lug-sail, and almost as lofty as an English boat of the same
size would have carried.
The people, who kept abreast of the ship on the beach, made many
signals; but whether they were intended to frighten us away, or invite
us on shore, it is not easy to determine: we returned them by waving our
hats and shouting, and they replied by shouting again. We did not put
their disposition to the test, by attempting to land; because, as the
island was inconsiderable, and as we wanted nothing that it could
afford, we thought it imprudent as well as cruel to risk a contest, in
which the natives must have suffered by our superiority, merely to
gratify an idle curiosity; especially as we expected soon to fall in
with the island where we had been directed to make our astronomical
observation, the inhabitants of which would probably admit us without
opposition, as they were already acquainted with our strength, and might
also procure us a ready and peaceable reception among the neighbouring
people, if we should desire it.
To these islands we gave the name of THE GROUPS.
On the 7th, about half an hour after six in the morning, being just at
day-break, we discovered another island to the northward, which we
judged to be about four miles in circumference. The land lay very low,
and there was a piece of water in the middle of it; there seemed to be
some wood upon it, and it looked green and pleasant; but we saw neither
cocoa-trees nor inhabitants: it abounded, however, with birds, and we
therefore gave it the name of BIRD ISLAND.
It lies in latitude 17° 48ʹ S. and longitude 143° 35ʹ W. at the distance
of ten leagues, in the direction W. ½ N. from the west end of the
Groups. The variation here was 6° 32ʹ E.
On the 8th, about two o’clock in the afternoon, we saw land to the
northward, and about sunset came abreast of it, at about the distance of
two leagues. It appeared to be a double range of low woody islands
joined together by reefs, so as to form one island, in the form of an
ellipsis or oval, with a lake in the middle of it. The small islands and
reefs that circumscribe the lake have the appearance of a chain, and we
therefore gave it the name of CHAIN ISLAND. Its length seemed to be
about five leagues, in the direction of N. W. and S. E., and its breadth
about five miles. The trees upon it appeared to be large, and we saw
smoke rising in different parts of it from among them, a certain sign
that it was inhabited. The middle of it lies in latitude 17° 23ʹ S. and
longitude 145° 54ʹ W., and is distant from Bird Island forty-five
leagues, in the direction of W. by N. The variation here was, by several
azimuths, found to be 4° 54ʹ E.
On the 10th, having had a tempestuous night with thunder and rain, the
weather was hazy till about nine o’clock in the morning, when it cleared
up, and we saw the island to which Captain Wallis, who first discovered
it, gave the name of Osnaburgh Island, called by the natives _Maitea_,
bearing N. W. by W. distant about five leagues. It is a high round
island, not above a league in circuit; in some parts it is covered with
trees, and in others a naked rock. In this direction it looked like a
high-crowned hat; but when it bears north, the top of it has more the
appearance of the roof of a house. We made its latitude to be 17° 48ʹ S.
its longitude 148° 10ʹ W., and its distance from Chain Island forty-four
leagues, in the direction of W. by S.
CHAP. VIII.
THE ARRIVAL OF THE ENDEAVOUR AT OTAHEITE, CALLED BY CAPTAIN WALLIS KING
GEORGE THE THIRD’S ISLAND.—RULES ESTABLISHED FOR TRAFFIC WITH THE
NATIVES, AND AN ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL INCIDENTS WHICH HAPPENED IN A VISIT
TO TOOTAHAH AND TOUBOURAI TAMAIDA, TWO CHIEFS.
ABOUT one o’clock, on Monday the 10th of April, some of the people who
were looking out for the island to which we were bound, said they saw
land a-head, in that part of the horizon where it was expected to
appear; but it was so faint that whether there was land in sight or not,
remained a matter of dispute till sunset. The next morning, however, at
six o’clock, we were convinced that those who said they had discovered
land were not mistaken; it appeared to be very high and mountainous,
extending from W. by S. ½ S. to W. by N. ½ N., and we knew it to be the
same that Captain Wallis had called King George the Third’s Island. We
were delayed in our approach to it by light airs and calms, so that in
the morning of the 12th we were but little nearer than we had been the
night before; but about seven a breeze sprung up, and before eleven
several canoes were seen making towards the ship: there were but few of
them, however, that would come near; and the people in those that did
could not be persuaded to come on board. In every canoe there were young
plantains, and branches of a tree which the Indians call _E’ Midho_:
these, as we afterwards learnt, were brought as tokens of peace and
amity; and the people in one of the canoes handed them up the ship’s
side, making signals at the same time with great earnestness, which we
did not immediately understand; at length we guessed that they wished
these symbols should be placed in some conspicuous part of the ship; we,
therefore, immediately stuck them among the rigging, at which they
expressed the greatest satisfaction. We then purchased their cargoes,
consisting of cocoa-nuts, and various kinds of fruit, which, after our
long voyage, were very acceptable.
[Illustration: _The Island of Otaheite._]
We stood on with an easy sail all night, with soundings from twenty-two
fathom to twelve, and about seven o’clock in the morning we came to an
anchor in thirteen fathom, in Port-royal Bay, called by the natives
_Matavai_. We were immediately surrounded by the natives in their
canoes, who gave us cocoa-nuts, fruit resembling apples, bread-fruit,
and some small fishes, in exchange for beads and other trifles. They had
with them a pig, which they would not part with for any thing but a
hatchet, and therefore we refused to purchase it; because if we gave
them a hatchet for a pig now, we knew they would never afterwards sell
one for less, and we could not afford to buy as many as it was probable
we should want at that price. The bread-fruit grows on a tree that is
about the size of a middling oak: its leaves are frequently a foot and a
half long, of an oblong shape, deeply sinuated like those of the
fig-tree, which they resemble in consistence and colour, and in the
exuding of a white milky juice upon being broken. The fruit is about the
size and shape of a child’s head, and the surface is reticulated, not
much unlike a truffle: it is covered with a thin skin, and has a core
about as big as the handle of a small knife: the eatable part lies
between the skin and the core: it is as white as snow, and somewhat of
the consistence of new bread: it must be roasted before it is eaten,
being first divided into three or four parts: its taste is insipid, with
a slight sweetness, somewhat resembling that of the crumb of
wheaten-bread mixed with a Jerusalem artichoke.
Among others who came off to the ship was an elderly man, whose name, as
we learnt afterwards, was OWHAW and who was immediately known to Mr.
Gore, and several others who had been here with Captain Wallis. As I was
informed that he had been very useful to them, I took him on board the
ship with some others, and was particularly attentive to gratify him, as
I hoped he might also be useful to us.
As our stay here was not likely to be very short, and as it was
necessary that the merchandize which we had brought for traffic with the
natives should not diminish in its value, which it would certainly have
done if every person had been left at liberty to give what he pleased
for such things as he should purchase; at the same time, that confusion
and quarrels must necessarily have arisen from there being no standard
at market, I drew up the following rules, and ordered that they should
be punctually observed:—
_Rules to be observed by every Person in or belonging to His Majesty’s
Bark the Endeavour, for the better establishing a regular and uniform
Trade for Provision, &c. with the Inhabitants of George’s Island._
“I. To endeavour, by every fair means, to cultivate a friendship with
the natives; and to treat them with all imaginable humanity.
“II. A proper person or persons will be appointed to trade with the
natives for all manner of provisions, fruit, and other productions of
the earth; and no officer or seaman, or other person belonging to the
ship, excepting such as are so appointed, shall trade or offer to trade
for any sort of provision, fruit, or other productions of the earth,
unless they have leave so to do.
“III. Every person employed on shore, on any duty whatsoever, is
strictly to attend to the same; and if by any neglect he loseth any of
his arms, or working tools, or suffers them to be stolen, the full value
thereof will be charged against his pay, according to the custom of the
navy in such cases; and he shall receive such farther punishment as the
nature of the offence may deserve.
“IV. The same penalty will be inflicted on every person who is found to
embezzle, trade, or offer to trade, with any part of the ship’s stores
of what nature soever.
“V. No sort of iron, or any thing that is made of iron, or any sort of
cloth, or other useful or necessary articles, are to be given in
exchange for any thing but provision.
“J. COOK.”
As soon as the ship was properly secured, I went on shore with Mr. Banks
and Dr. Solander, a party of men under arms, and our friend Owhaw. We
were received from the boat by some hundreds of the inhabitants, whose
looks at least gave us welcome, though they were struck with such awe,
that the first who approached us crouched so low that he almost crept
upon his hands and knees. It is remarkable that he, like the people in
the canoes, presented to us the same symbol of peace that is known to
have been in use among the ancient and mighty nations of the northern
hemisphere, the green branch of a tree. We received it with looks and
gestures of kindness and satisfaction; and observing that each of them
held one in his hand, we immediately gathered every one a bough, and
carried it in our hands in the same manner.
They marched with us about half a mile towards the place where the
Dolphin had watered, conducted by Owhaw; they then made a full stop, and
having laid the ground bare, by clearing away all the plants that grew
upon it, the principal persons among them threw their green branches
upon the naked spot, and made signs that we should do the same; we
immediately showed our readiness to comply, and to give a greater
solemnity to the rite, the marines were drawn up, and marching in order,
each dropped his bough upon those of the Indians, and we followed their
example. We then proceeded, and when we came to the watering-place it
was intimated to us by signs, that we might occupy that ground, but it
happened not to be fit for our purpose. During our walk, they had shaken
off their first timid sense of our superiority, and were become
familiar: they went with us from the watering-place and took a circuit
through the woods; as we went along, we distributed beads and other
small presents among them, and had the satisfaction to see that they
were much gratified. Our circuit was not less than four or five miles,
through groves of trees, which were loaded with cocoa-nuts and
bread-fruit, and afforded the most grateful shade. Under these trees
were the habitations of the people, most of them being only a roof
without walls, and the whole scene realised the poetical fables of
Arcadia. We remarked, however, not without some regret, that in all our
walk we had seen only two hogs, and not a single fowl. Those of our
company who had been here with the Dolphin told us, that none of the
people whom we had yet seen were of the first class: they suspected that
the chiefs had removed; and upon carrying us to the place where what
they called the Queen’s palace had stood, we found that no traces of it
were left. We determined therefore to return in the morning, and
endeavour to find out the _noblesse_ in their retreats.
In the morning, however, before we could leave the ship, several canoes
came about us, most of them from the westward, and two of them were
filled with people, who, by their dress and deportment, appeared to be
of a superior rank: two of these came on board, and each singled out his
friend; one of them, whose name we found to be MATAHAH, fixed upon Mr.
Banks, and the other upon me: this ceremony consisted in taking off
great part of their clothes and putting them upon us. In return for
this, we presented each of them with a hatchet and some beads. Soon
after they made signs for us to go with them to the places where they
lived, pointing to the S. W.; and as I was desirous of finding a more
commodious harbour, and making farther trial of the disposition of the
people, I consented.
I ordered out two boats, and with Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, the other
gentlemen, and our two Indian friends, we embarked for our expedition.
After rowing about a league, they made signs that we should go on shore,
and gave us to understand that this was the place of their residence. We
accordingly landed, among several hundreds of the natives, who conducted
us into a house of much greater length than any we had seen. When we
entered, we saw a middle-aged man, whose name was afterwards discovered
to be TOOTAHAH: mats were immediately spread, and we were desired to sit
down over against him. Soon after we were seated, he ordered a cock and
hen to be brought out, which he presented to Mr. Banks and me: we
accepted the present; and in a short time each of us received a piece of
cloth, perfumed after their manner, by no means disagreeably, which they
took great pains to make us remark. The piece presented to Mr. Banks was
eleven yards long and two wide; in return for which, he gave a laced
silk neckcloth, which he happened to have on, and a linen pocket
handkerchief: Tootahah immediately dressed himself in this new finery,
with an air of perfect complacency and satisfaction. But it is now time
that I should take some notice of the ladies.
Soon after the interchanging of our presents with Tootahah, they
attended us to several large houses, in which we walked about with great
freedom: they showed us all the civility of which, in our situation, we
could accept; and, on their part, seemed to have no scruple that would
have prevented its being carried farther. The houses, which, as I have
observed before, are all open, except a roof, afforded no place of
retirement; but the ladies, by frequently pointing to the mats upon the
ground, and sometimes seating themselves and drawing us down upon them,
left us no room to doubt of their being much less jealous of observation
than we were.
We now took leave of our friendly chief, and directed our course along
the shore. When we had walked about a mile, we met, at the head of a
great number of people, another chief, whose name was TOUBOURAI TAMAIDE,
with whom we were also to ratify a treaty of peace, with the ceremony of
which we were now become better acquainted. Having received the branch
which he presented to us, and given another in return, we laid our hands
upon our left breasts, and pronounced the word _Taio_, which we supposed
to signify friend; the chief then gave us to understand, that if we
chose to eat, he had victuals ready for us. We accepted his offer, and
dined very heartily upon fish, bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and plantains,
dressed after their manner: they eat some of their fish raw; and raw
fish was offered to us, but we declined that part of the entertainment.
During this visit a wife of our noble host, whose name was TOMIO, did
Mr. Banks the honour to place herself upon the same mat, close by him.
Tomio was not in the first bloom of her youth, nor did she appear to
have been ever remarkable for her beauty; he did not, therefore, I
believe, pay her the most flattering attention: it happened, too, as a
farther mortification to this lady, that seeing a very pretty girl among
the crowd, he, not adverting to the dignity of his companion, beckoned
her to come to him: the girl, after some entreaty, complied, and sat
down on the other side of him: he loaded her with beads, and every showy
trifle that would please her: his princess, though she was somewhat
mortified at the preference that was given to her rival, did not
discontinue her civilities, but still assiduously supplied him with the
milk of the cocoa-nut, and such other dainties as were in her reach.
This scene might possibly have become more curious and interesting, if
it had not been suddenly interrupted by an interlude of a more serious
kind. Just at this time, Dr. Solander and Mr. Monkhouse complained that
their pockets had been picked. Dr. Solander had lost an opera-glass in a
shagreen case, and Mr. Monkhouse his snuff-box. This incident
unfortunately put an end to the good humour of the company. Complaint of
the injury was made to the chief; and, to give it weight, Mr. Banks
started up, and hastily struck the but-end of his firelock upon the
ground: this action, and the noise that accompanied it, struck the whole
assembly with a panic; and every one of the natives ran out of the house
with the utmost precipitation, except the chief, three women, and two or
three others, who appeared by their dress to be of a superior rank.
The chief, with a mixture of confusion and concern, took Mr. Banks by
the hand, and led him to a large quantity of cloth, which lay at the
other end of the house: this he offered to him piece by piece,
intimating by signs, that if that would atone for the wrong which had
been done, he might take any part of it, or, if he pleased, the whole.
Mr. Banks put it by, and gave him to understand, that he wanted nothing
but what had been dishonestly taken away. Toubourai Tamaide then went
hastily out, leaving Mr. Banks with his wife Tomio, who, during the
whole scene of terror and confusion, had kept constantly at his side,
and intimating his desire that he should wait there till his return. Mr.
Banks accordingly sat down, and conversed with her, as well as he could
by signs, about half an hour. The chief then came back with the
snuff-box and the case of the opera-glass in his hand, and, with a joy
in his countenance that was painted with a strength of expression which
distinguishes these people from all others, delivered them to the
owners. The case of the opera-glass, however, upon being opened, was
found to be empty; upon this discovery, his countenance changed in a
moment; and catching Mr. Banks again by the hand, he rushed out of the
house, without uttering any sound, and led him along the shore, walking
with great rapidity: when they had got about a mile from the house, a
woman met him and gave him a piece of cloth, which he hastily took from
her, and continued to press forward with it in his hand. Dr. Solander
and Mr. Monkhouse had followed them, and they came at length to a house
where they were received by a woman, to whom he gave the cloth, and
intimated to the gentlemen that they should give her some beads. They
immediately complied; and the beads and cloth being deposited upon the
floor, the woman went out, and in about half an hour returned with the
opera-glass, expressing the same joy upon the occasion that had before
been expressed by the chief. The beads were now returned, with an
inflexible resolution not to accept them; and the cloth was, with the
same pertinacity, forced upon Dr. Solander, as a recompence for the
injury that had been done him. He could not avoid accepting the cloth,
but insisted in his turn upon giving a new present of beads to the
woman. It will not, perhaps, be easy to account for all the steps that
were taken in the recovery of this glass and snuff-box; but this cannot
be thought strange, considering that the scene of action was among a
people whose language, policy, and connections, are even now but
imperfectly known; upon the whole, however, they show an intelligence
and influence which would do honour to any system of government, however
regular and improved. In the evening, about six o’clock, we returned to
the ship.
CHAP. IX.
A PLACE FIXED UPON FOR AN OBSERVATORY AND FORT: AN EXCURSION INTO THE
WOODS, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.—THE FORT ERECTED: A VISIT FROM SEVERAL
CHIEFS ON BOARD AND AT THE FORT, WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE MUSIC OF THE
NATIVES, AND THE MANNER IN WHICH THEY DISPOSE OF THEIR DEAD.
ON the next morning, Saturday the 15th, several of the chiefs whom we
had seen the day before came on board, and brought with them hogs,
bread-fruit, and other refreshments, for which we gave them hatchets and
linen, and such things as seemed to be most acceptable.
As in my excursion to the westward, I had not found any more convenient
harbour than that in which we lay, I determined to go on shore and fix
upon some spot, commanded by the ship’s guns, where I might throw up a
small fort for our defence, and prepare for making our astronomical
observation.
I therefore took a party of men, and landed without delay, accompanied
by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and the astronomer, Mr. Green. We soon fixed
upon a part of the sandy beach, on the N. E. point of the bay, which was
in every respect convenient for our purpose, and not near any habitation
of the natives. Having marked out the ground that we intended to occupy,
a small tent belonging to Mr. Banks was set up, which had been brought
on shore for that purpose: by this time a great number of the people had
gathered about us; but, as it appeared, only to look on, there not being
a single weapon of any kind among them. I intimated, however, that none
of them were to come within the line I had drawn, except one who
appeared to be a chief, and Owhaw. To these two persons I addressed
myself by signs, and endeavoured to make them understand, that we wanted
the ground which we had marked out to sleep upon for a certain number of
nights, and that then we should go away. Whether I was understood I
cannot certainly determine; but the people behaved with a deference and
respect that at once pleased and surprised us: they sat down peaceably
without the circle, and looked on, without giving us any interruption
till we had done, which was upwards of two hours. As we had seen no
poultry, and but two hogs, in our walk when we were last on shore at
this place, we suspected that, upon our arrival, they had been driven
farther up the country; and the rather, as Owhaw was very importunate
with us, by signs, not to go into the woods, which, however, and partly
for these reasons, we were determined to do. Having therefore appointed
the thirteen marines and a petty officer to guard the tent, we set out,
and a great number of the natives joined our party. As we were crossing
a little river that lay in our way we saw some ducks, and Mr. Banks, as
soon as he had got over, fired at them, and happened to kill three at
one shot: this struck them with the utmost terror, so that most of them
fell suddenly to the ground, as if they also had been shot at the same
discharge: it was not long, however, before they recovered from their
fright, and we continued our route; but we had not gone far before we
were alarmed by the report of two pieces, which were fired by the guard
at the tent. We had then straggled a little distance from each other,
but Owhaw immediately called us together, and by waving his hand sent
away every Indian who followed us except three each of whom, as a pledge
of peace on their part, and an entreaty that there might be peace on
ours, hastily broke a branch from the trees, and came to us with it in
their hands. As we had too much reason to fear that some mischief had
happened, we hasted back to the tent, which was not distant above half a
mile, and when we came up, we found it entirely deserted, except by our
own people.
It appeared that one of the Indians who remained about the tent after we
left it had watched his opportunity, and, taking the sentry unawares,
had snatched away his musket. Upon this, the petty officer, a
midshipman, who commanded the party, perhaps from a sudden fear of
farther violence, perhaps from the natural petulance of power newly
acquired, and perhaps from a brutality in his nature, ordered the
marines to fire: the men, with as little consideration or humanity as
the officer, immediately discharged their pieces among the thickest of
the flying crowd, consisting of more than a hundred; and observing that
the thief did not fall, pursued him, and shot him dead. We afterwards
learnt that none of the others were either killed or wounded.
Owhaw, who had never left us, observing that we were now totally
deserted, got together a few of those who had fled, though not without
some difficulty, and ranged them about us: we endeavoured to justify our
people as well as we could, and to convince the Indians that if they did
no wrong to us, we should do no wrong to them: they went away without
any appearance of distrust or resentment; and having struck our tent, we
returned to the ship, but by no means satisfied with the transactions of
the day.
Upon questioning our people more particularly, whose conduct they soon
perceived we could not approve, they alleged that the sentinel whose
musket was taken away was violently assaulted and thrown down, and that
a push was afterwards made at him by the man who took the musket, before
any command was given to fire. It was also suggested, that Owhaw had
suspicions, at least, if not certain knowledge, that something would be
attempted against our people at the tent, which made him so very earnest
in his endeavours to prevent our leaving it; others imputed his
importunity to his desire that we should confine ourselves to the beach;
and it was remarked that neither Owhaw nor the chiefs who remained with
us after he had sent the rest of the people away would have inferred the
breach of peace from the firing at the tent, if they had had no reason
to suspect that some injury had been offered by their countrymen;
especially as Mr. Banks had just fired at the ducks: and yet that they
did infer a breach of peace from that incident was manifest from their
waving their hands for the people to disperse, and instantly pulling
green branches from the trees. But what were the real circumstances of
this unhappy affair, and whether either and which of these conjectures
were true, can never certainly be known.
The next morning but few of the natives were seen upon the beach, and
not one of them came off to the ship. This convinced us that our
endeavours to quiet their apprehensions had not been effectual; and we
remarked with particular regret, that we were deserted even by Owhaw,
who had hitherto been so constant in his attachment, and so active in
renewing the peace that had been broken.
Appearances being thus unfavourable, I warped the ship nearer to the
shore, and moored her in such a manner as to command all the N. E. part
of the bay, particularly the place which I had marked out for the
building a fort. In the evening, however, I went on shore with only a
boat’s crew, and some of the gentlemen: the natives gathered about us,
but not in the same number as before: there were, I believe, between
thirty and forty, and they trafficked with us for cocoa-nuts and other
fruit, to all appearance as friendly as ever.
On the 17th, early in the morning, we had the misfortune to lose Mr.
Buchan, the person whom Mr. Banks had brought out as a painter of
landscapes and figures. He was a sober, diligent, and ingenious young
man, and greatly regretted by Mr. Banks; who hoped, by his means, to
have gratified his friends in England with representations of this
country and its inhabitants, which no other person on board could
delineate with the same accuracy and elegance. He had always been
subject to epileptic fits, one of which seized him on the mountains of
Terra del Fuego, and this disorder being aggravated by a bilious
complaint which he contracted on board the ship, at length put an end to
his life. It was at first proposed to bury him on shore, but Mr. Banks
thinking that it might perhaps give offence to the natives, with whose
customs we were then wholly unacquainted, we committed his body to the
sea, with as much decency and solemnity as our circumstances and
situation would admit.
In the forenoon of this day we received a visit from Tubourai Tamaide
and Tootahah, our chiefs, from the west: they brought with them, as
emblems of peace, not branches of plantain, but two young trees, and
would not venture on board till these had been received, having probably
been alarmed by the mischief which had been done at the tent. Each of
them also brought, as propitiatory gifts, some bread-fruit, and a hog
ready dressed: this was a most acceptable present, as we perceived that
hogs were not always to be got; and in return we gave to each of our
noble benefactors a hatchet and a nail. In the evening we went on shore
and set up a tent, in which Mr. Green and myself spent the night, in
order to observe an eclipse of the first satellite of Jupiter; but the
weather becoming cloudy, we were disappointed.
On the 18th, at day-break, I went on shore, with as many people as could
possibly be spared from the ship, and began to erect our fort. While
some were employed in throwing up intrenchments, others were busy in
cutting pickets and fascines, which the natives, who soon gathered round
us as they had been used to do, were so far from hindering, that many of
them voluntarily assisted us, bringing the pickets and fascines from the
wood where they had been cut, with great alacrity: we had, indeed, been
so scrupulous of invading their property, that we purchased every stake
which was used upon this occasion, and cut down no tree till we had
first obtained their consent. The soil where we constructed our fort was
sandy, and this made it necessary to strengthen the intrenchments with
wood; three sides were to be fortified in this manner; the fourth was
bounded by a river, upon the banks of which I proposed to place a proper
number of water-casks. This day we served pork to the ship’s company for
the first time, and the Indians brought down so much bread-fruit and
cocoa-nuts, that we found it necessary to send away part of them
unbought, and to acquaint them by signs, that we should want no more for
two days to come. Every thing was purchased this day with beads: a
single bead, as big as a pea, being the purchase of five or six
cocoa-nuts, and as many of the bread-fruit. Mr. Banks’s tent was got up
before night within the works, and he slept on shore for the first time.
Proper sentries were placed round it, but no Indian attempted to
approach it the whole night.
The next morning, our friend Tubourai Tamaide made Mr. Banks a visit at
the tent, and brought with him not only his wife and family, but the
roof of a house, and several materials for setting it up, with furniture
and implements of various kinds, intending, as we understood him, to
take up his residence in our neighbourhood: this instance of his
confidence and good-will gave us great pleasure, and we determined to
strengthen his attachment to us by every means in our power. Soon after
his arrival, he took Mr. Banks by the hand, and leading him out of the
line, signified that he should accompany him into the woods. Mr. Banks
readily consented, and having walked with him about a quarter of a mile,
they arrived at a kind of awning which he had already set up, and which
seemed to be his occasional habitation. Here he unfolded a bundle of his
country cloth, and taking out two garments, one of red cloth, and the
other of very neat matting, he clothed Mr. Banks in them, and without
any other ceremony, immediately conducted him back to the tent. His
attendants soon after brought him some pork and bread-fruit, which he
ate, dipping his meat into salt water instead of sauce: after his meal
he retired to Mr. Banks’s bed, and slept about an hour. In the
afternoon, his wife Tomio brought to the tent a young man about
two-and-twenty years of age, of a very comely appearance, whom they both
seemed to acknowledge as their son, though we afterwards discovered that
he was not so. In the evening, this young man and another chief, who had
also paid us a visit, went away to the westward, but Tubourai Tamaide
and his wife returned to the awning in the skirts of the wood.
Our surgeon, Mr. Monkhouse, having walked out this evening, reported,
that he had seen the body of the man who had been shot at the tents,
which he said was wrapped in cloth, and placed on a kind of bier,
supported by stakes, under a roof that seemed to have been set up for
the purpose: that near it were deposited some instruments of war and
other things, which he would particularly have examined but for the
stench of the body, which was intolerable. He said, that he saw also two
more sheds of the same kind, in one of which were the bones of a human
body that had lain till they were quite dry. We discovered afterwards,
that this was the way in which they usually disposed of their dead.
A kind of market now began to be kept just without the lines, and was
plentifully supplied with every thing but pork. Tubourai Tamaide was our
constant guest, imitating our manners, even to the using of a knife and
fork, which he did very handily.
As my curiosity was excited by Mr. Monkhouse’s account of the situation
of the man who had been shot, I took an opportunity to go with some
others to see it. I found the shed under which his body lay, close by
the house in which he resided when he was alive, some others being not
more than ten yards distant; it was about 15 feet long, and 11 broad,
and of a proportionable height: one end was wholly open, and the other
end, and the two sides, were partly enclosed with a kind of wicker work.
The bier on which the corpse was deposited, was a frame of wood like
that in which the sea-beds, called cotts, are placed, with a matted
bottom, and supported by four posts, at the height of about five feet
from the ground. The body was covered first with a mat, and then with
white cloth; by the side of it lay a wooden mace, one of their weapons
of war, and near the head of it, which lay next to the close end of the
shed, lay two cocoa-nut shells, such as are sometimes used to carry
water in; at the other end a bunch of green leaves, with some dried
twigs, all tied together, were stuck in the ground, by which lay a stone
about as big as a cocoa-nut: near these lay one of the young plantain
trees, which are used for emblems of peace, and close by it a stone axe.
At the open end of the shed also hung, in several strings, a great
number of palm-nuts, and without the shed was stuck upright in the
ground the stem of a plantain tree about five feet high, upon the top of
which was placed a cocoa-nut shell full of fresh water: against the side
of one of the posts hung a small bag, containing a few pieces of
bread-fruit ready roasted, which were not all put in at the same time,
for some of them were fresh, and others stale. I took notice that
several of the natives observed us with a mixture of solicitude and
jealousy in their countenances, and by their gestures expressed
uneasiness when we went near the body, standing themselves at a little
distance while we were making our examination, and appearing to be
pleased when we came away.
Our residence on shore would by no means have been disagreeable if we
had not been incessantly tormented by the flies, which, among other
mischief, made it almost impossible for Mr. Parkinson, Mr. Banks’s
natural-history painter, to work; for they not only covered his subject
so as that no part of its surface could be seen, but even ate the colour
off the paper as fast as he could lay it on. We had recourse to
musquito-nets and fly-traps, which, though they made the inconvenience
tolerable, were very far from removing it.
On the 22d, Tootahah gave us a specimen of the music of this country:
four persons performed upon flutes, which had only two stops, and
therefore could not sound more than four notes, by half tones: they were
sounded like our German flutes, except that the performer, instead of
applying it to his mouth, blew into it with one nostril, while he
stopped the other with his thumb: to these instruments four other
persons sung, and kept very good time; but only one tune was played
during the whole concert.
Several of the natives brought us axes, which they had received from on
board the Dolphin, to grind and repair; but among others there was one
which became the subject of much speculation, as it appeared to be
French: after much enquiry, we learnt that a ship had been here between
our arrival and the departure of the Dolphin, which we then conjectured
to have been a Spaniard, but now know to have been the Boudeuse,
commanded by M. Bougainville.
CHAP. X.
AN EXCURSION TO THE EASTWARD, AN ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL INCIDENTS THAT
HAPPENED BOTH ON BOARD AND ON SHORE, AND OF THE FIRST INTERVIEW WITH
OBEREA, THE PERSON WHO, WHEN THE DOLPHIN WAS HERE, WAS SUPPOSED TO BE
QUEEN OF THE ISLAND, WITH A DESCRIPTION OF THE FORT.
ON the 24th, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander examined the country for several
miles along the shore to the eastward: for about two miles it was flat
and fertile; after that, the hills stretched quite to the water’s edge,
and a little farther ran out into the sea, so that they were obliged to
climb over them. These hills, which were barren, continued for about
three miles more, and then terminated in a large plain, which was full
of good houses, and people who appeared to live in great affluence. In
this place there was a river, much more considerable than that at our
fort, which issued from a deep and beautiful valley, and, where our
travellers crossed it, though at some distance from the sea, was near
one hundred yards wide. About a mile beyond this river the country
became again barren, the rocks every where projecting into the sea, for
which reason they resolved to return. Just as they had formed this
resolution, one of the natives offered them refreshment, which they
accepted. They found this man to be of a kind that has been described by
various authors, as mixed with many nations, but distinct from them all.
His skin was of a dead white, without the least appearance of what is
called complexion, though some parts of his body were in a small degree
less white than others: his hair, eye-brows, and beard, were as white as
his skin; his eyes appeared as if they were bloodshot, and he seemed to
be very short-sighted.
At their return they were met by Tubourai Tamaide, and his women, who,
at seeing them, felt a joy which, not being able to express, they burst
into tears, and wept some time before their passion could be restrained.
This evening Dr. Solander lent his knife to one of these women, who
neglected to return it, and the next morning Mr. Banks’s also was
missing; upon this occasion I must bear my testimony, that the people of
this country, of all ranks, men and women, are the errantest thieves
upon the face of the earth. The very day after we arrived here, when
they came on board us, the chiefs were employed in stealing what they
could in the cabin, and their dependents were no less industrious in
other parts of the ship: they snatched up every thing that it was
possible for them to secrete till they got on shore, even to the glass
ports, two of which they carried off undetected. Tubourai Tamaide was
the only one except Tootahah who had not been found guilty; and the
presumption, arising from this circumstance, that he was exempt from a
vice, of which the whole nation besides were guilty, cannot be supposed
to outweigh strong appearances to the contrary. Mr. Banks, therefore,
though not without some reluctance, accused him of having stolen his
knife: he solemnly and steadily denied that he knew any thing of it;
upon which Mr. Banks made him understand, that whoever had taken it, he
was determined to have it returned: upon this resolute declaration, one
of the natives who was present produced a rag, in which three knives
were very carefully tied up. One was that which Dr. Solander had lent to
the woman, another was a table-knife belonging to me, and the owner of
the third was not known. With these the chief immediately set out, in
order to make restitution of them to their owners at the tents. Mr.
Banks remained with the women, who expressed great apprehensions that
some mischief was designed against their lord. When he came to the
tents, he restored one of the knives to Dr. Solander, and another to me,
the third not being owned, and then began to search for Mr. Banks’s in
all the places where he had ever seen it. After some time, one of Mr.
Banks’s servants, understanding what he was about, immediately fetched
his master’s knife, which it seems he had laid by the day before, and
till now knew nothing of its having been missed. Tubourai Tamaide, upon
this demonstration of his innocence, expressed the strongest emotions of
mind, both in his looks and gestures: the tears started from his eyes;
and he made signs with the knife, that, if he was ever guilty of such an
action as had been imputed to him, he would submit to have his throat
cut. He then rushed out of the lines, and returned hastily to Mr. Banks,
with a countenance that severely reproached him with his suspicions. Mr.
Banks soon understood that the knife had been received from his servant,
and was scarcely less affected at what had happened than the chief: he
felt himself to be the guilty person, and was very desirous to atone for
his fault. The poor Indian, however violent his passions, was a stranger
to sullen resentment; and upon Mr. Banks’s spending a little time
familiarly with him, and making him a few trifling presents, he forgot
the wrongs that had been done him, and was perfectly reconciled.
Upon this occasion it may be observed, that these people have a
knowledge of right and wrong from the mere dictates of natural
conscience; and involuntarily condemn themselves when they do that to
others which they would condemn others for doing to them. That Tubourai
Tamaide felt the force of moral obligation is certain; for the
imputation of an action which he considered as indifferent would not,
when it appeared to be groundless, have moved him with such excess of
passion. We must indeed estimate the virtue of these people by the only
standard of morality, the conformity of their conduct to what in their
opinion is right; but we must not hastily conclude that theft is a
testimony of the same depravity in them that it is in us, in the
instances in which our people were sufferers by their dishonesty; for
their temptation was such as to surmount would be considered as a proof
of uncommon integrity among those who have more knowledge, better
principles, and stronger motives to resist the temptations of illicit
advantage: an Indian among penny knives, and beads, or even nails and
broken glass, is in the same state of trial with the meanest servant in
Europe among unlocked coffers of jewels and gold.
On the 26th, I mounted six swivel guns upon the fort, which I was sorry
to see struck the natives with dread: some fishermen who lived upon the
point removed farther off, and Owhaw told us, by signs, that in four
days we should fire great guns.
On the 27th, Tubourai Tamaide, with a friend, who ate with a voracity
that I never saw before, and the three women that usually attended him,
whose names were TERAPO, TIRAO, and OMIE, dined at the fort: in the
evening they took their leave, and set out for the house which Tubourai
Tamaide had set up in the skirts of the wood; but in less than a quarter
of an hour he returned in great emotion, and hastily seizing Mr. Banks’s
arm, made signs that he should follow him. Mr. Banks immediately
complied, and they soon came up to a place where they found the ship’s
butcher, with a reaping-hook in his hand: here the chief stopped, and,
in a transport of rage which rendered his signs scarcely intelligible,
intimated that the butcher had threatened, or attempted, to cut his
wife’s throat with the reaping-hook. Mr. Banks then signified to him,
that if he could fully explain the offence, the man should be punished.
Upon this he became more calm, and made Mr. Banks understand that the
offender, having taken a fancy to a stone-hatchet which lay in his
house, had offered to purchase it of his wife for a nail: that she
having refused to part with it upon any terms, he had catched it up, and
throwing down the nail, threatened to cut her throat if she made any
resistance: to prove this charge the hatchet and the nail were produced,
and the butcher had so little to say in his defence, that there was not
the least reason to doubt of its truth.
Mr. Banks having reported this matter to me, I took an opportunity, when
the chief and his women, with other Indians, were on board the ship, to
call up the butcher, and after a recapitulation of the charge and the
proof, I gave orders that he should be punished, as well to prevent
other offences of the same kind, as to acquit Mr. Banks of his promise:
the Indians saw him stripped and tied up to the rigging with a fixed
attention, waiting in silent suspense for the event; but as soon as the
first stroke was given, they interfered with great agitation, earnestly
intreating that the rest of the punishment might be remitted: to this,
however, for many reasons, I could not consent, and when they found that
they could not prevail by their intercession, they gave vent to their
pity by tears.
Their tears, indeed, like those of children, were always ready to
express any passion that was strongly excited, and like those of
children they also appeared to be forgotten as soon as shed; of which
the following, among many others, is a remarkable instance. Very early
in the morning of the 28th, even before it was day, a great number of
them came down to the fort, and Terapo being observed among the women on
the outside of the gate, Mr. Banks went out and brought her in; he saw
that the tears then stood in her eyes, and as soon as she entered they
began to flow in great abundance: he enquired earnestly the cause, but
instead of answering she took from under her garment a shark’s tooth,
and struck it six or seven times into her head with great force; a
profusion of blood followed, and she talked loud, but in a most
melancholy tone, for some minutes, without at all regarding his
enquiries, which he repeated with still more impatience and concern,
while the other Indians, to his great surprise, talked and laughed,
without taking the least notice of her distress. But her own behaviour
was still more extraordinary. As soon as the bleeding was over, she
looked up with a smile, and began to collect some small pieces of cloth,
which during her bleeding she had thrown down to catch the blood; as
soon as she had picked them all up, she carried them out of the tent,
and threw them into the sea, carefully dispersing them abroad, as if she
wished to prevent the sight of them from reviving the remembrance of
what she had done. She then plunged into the river, and after having
washed her whole body returned to the tents with the same gaiety and
cheerfulness as if nothing had happened.
It is not, indeed, strange, that the sorrows of these artless people
should be transient, any more than that their passions should be
suddenly and strongly expressed: what they feel they have never been
taught either to disguise or suppress, and having no habits of thinking
which perpetually recall the past, and anticipate the future, they are
affected by all the changes of the passing hour, and reflect the colour
of the time, however frequently it may vary: they have no project which
is to be pursued from day to day, the subject of unremitted anxiety and
solicitude, that first rushes into the mind when they awake in the
morning, and is last dismissed when they sleep at the night. Yet if we
admit that they are upon the whole happier than we, we must admit that
the child is happier than the man, and that we are losers by the
perfection of our nature, the increase of our knowledge, and the
enlargement of our views.
Canoes were continually coming in during all this forenoon, and the
tents at the fort were crowded with people of both sexes from different
parts of the island. I was myself busy on board the ship, but Mr.
Mollineux, our master, who was one of those that made the last voyage in
the Dolphin, went on shore. As soon as he entered Mr. Banks’s tent he
fixed his eyes upon one of the women, who was sitting there with great
composure among the rest, and immediately declared her to be the person
who at that time was supposed to be the queen of the island; she also,
at the same time, acknowledging him to be one of the strangers whom she
had seen before. The attention of all present was now diverted from
every other object, and wholly engaged in considering a person who had
made so distinguished a figure in the accounts that had been given of
this island by its first discoverers; and we soon learnt that her name
was OBEREA. She seemed to be about forty years of age, and was not only
tall, but of a large make; her skin was white, and there was an uncommon
intelligence and sensibility in her eyes: she appeared to have been
handsome when she was young, but at this time little more than memorials
of her beauty were left.
As soon as her quality was known, an offer was made to conduct her to
the ship. Of this she readily accepted, and came on board with two men
and several women, who seemed to be all of her family: I received her
with such marks of distinction as I thought would gratify her most, and
was not sparing of my presents, among which this august personage seemed
particularly delighted with a child’s doll. After some time spent on
board, I attended her back to the shore; and as soon as we landed, she
presented me with a hog, and several bunches of plantains, which she
caused to be carried from her canoes up to the fort in a kind of
procession, of which she and myself brought up the rear. In our way to
the fort we met Tootahah, who, though not king, appeared to be at this
time invested with the sovereign authority; he seemed not to be well
pleased with the distinction that was showed to the lady, and became so
jealous when she produced her doll, that to propitiate him it was
thought proper to compliment him with another. At this time he thought
fit to prefer a doll to a hatchet; but this preference arose only from a
childish jealousy, which could not be soothed but by a gift of exactly
the same kind with that which had been presented to Oberea; for dolls in
a very short time were universally considered as trifles of no value.
The men who had visited us from time to time had, without scruple, eaten
of our provisions; but the women had never yet been prevailed upon to
taste a morsel. To day, however, though they refused the most pressing
solicitations to dine with the gentlemen, they afterwards retired to the
servants’ apartment, and ate of plantains very heartily; a mystery of
female economy here, which none of us could explain.
On the 29th, not very early in the forenoon, Mr. Banks went to pay his
court to Oberea, and was told that she was still asleep under the awning
of her canoe: thither therefore he went, intending to call her up, a
liberty which he thought he might take, without any danger of giving
offence: but, upon looking into her chamber, to his great astonishment
he found her in bed with a handsome young fellow about five-and-twenty,
whose name was OBADÉE: he retreated with some haste and confusion, but
was soon made to understand, that such amours gave no occasion to
scandal, and that Obadée was universally known to have been selected by
her as the object of her private favours. The lady being too polite to
suffer Mr. Banks to wait long in her antichamber, dressed herself with
more than usual expedition; and, as a token of special grace, clothed
him in a suit of fine cloth and proceeded with him to the tents. In the
evening Mr. Banks paid a visit to Tubourai Tamaide, as he had often done
before, by candle-light, and was equally grieved and surprised to find
him and his family in a melancholy mood, and most of them in tears: he
endeavoured in vain to discover the cause, and therefore his stay among
them was but short. When he reported this circumstance to the officers
at the fort, they recollected that Owhaw had foretold, that in four days
we should fire our great guns; and as this was the eve of the third day,
the situation in which Tubourai Tamaide and his family had been found
alarmed them. The sentries therefore were doubled at the fort, and the
gentlemen slept under arms. At two in the morning, Mr. Banks himself
went round the point, but found every thing so quiet, that he gave up
all suspicions of mischief intended by the natives as groundless. We
had, however, another source of security,—our little fortification was
now complete. The north and south sides consisted of a bank of earth
four feet and a half high on the inside, and a ditch without ten feet
broad and six deep: on the west side, facing the bay, there was a bank
of earth four feet high, and palisadoes upon that, but no ditch, the
works here being at high-water mark: on the east side, upon the bank of
the river, was placed a double row of water-casks, filled with water;
and as this was the weakest side, the two four pounders were planted
there, and six swivel guns were mounted so as to command the only two
avenues from the woods. Our garrison consisted of about five-and-forty
men with small arms, including the officers and the gentlemen who
resided on shore; and our sentries were as well relieved as in the best
regulated frontier in Europe.
We continued our vigilance the next day, though we had no particular
reason to think it necessary; but about ten o’clock in the morning,
Tomio came running to the tents, with a mixture of grief and fear in her
countenance, and taking Mr. Banks, to whom they applied in every
emergency and distress, by the arm, intimated that Tubourai Tamaide was
dying, in consequence of something which our people had given him to
eat, and that he must instantly go with her to his house. Mr. Banks set
out without delay, and found his Indian friend leaning his head against
a post, in an attitude of the utmost languor and despondency: the people
about him intimated that he had been vomiting, and brought out a leaf
folded up with great care, which they said contained some of the poison,
by the deleterious effects of which he was now dying. Mr. Banks hastily
opened the leaf, and upon examining its contents found them to be no
other than a chew of tobacco, which the chief had begged of some of our
people, and which they had indiscreetly given him: he had observed that
they kept it long in the mouth, and being desirous of doing the same, he
had chewed it to powder, and swallowed the spittle. During the
examination of the leaf and its contents, he looked up at Mr. Banks with
the most piteous aspect, and intimated that he had but a very short time
to live. Mr. Banks, however, being now master of his disease, directed
him to drink plentifully of cocoa-nut milk, which in a short time put an
end to his sickness and apprehensions; and he spent the day at the fort
with that uncommon flow of cheerfulness and good humour which is always
produced by a sudden and unexpected relief from pain either of body or
mind.
Captain Wallis having brought home one of the adzes which these people,
having no metal of any kind, make of stone, Mr. Stevens, the secretary
to the Admiralty, procured one to be made of iron in imitation of it,
which I brought out with me, to show how much we excelled in making
tools after their own fashion: this I had not yet produced, as it never
happened to come into my mind. But on the first of May Tootahah coming
on board about ten o’clock in the forenoon, expressed a great curiosity
to see the contents of every chest and drawer that was in my cabin: as I
always made a point of gratifying him, I opened them immediately; and
having taken a fancy to many things that he saw, and collected them
together, he at last happened to cast his eye upon this adze: he
instantly snatched it up with the greatest eagerness, and putting away
every thing which he had before selected, he asked me whether I would
let him have that: I readily consented; and, as if he was afraid I
should repent, he carried it off immediately in a transport of joy,
without making any other request, which, whatever had been our
liberality, was seldom the case.
About noon, a chief, who had dined with me a few days before,
accompanied by some of his women, came on board alone: I had observed
that he was fed by his women, but I made no doubt that upon occasion he
would condescend to feed himself: in this, however, I found myself
mistaken. When my noble guest was seated, and the dinner upon the table,
I helped him to some victuals: as I observed that he did not immediately
begin his meal, I pressed him to eat; but he still continued to sit
motionless like a statue, without attempting to put a single morsel into
his mouth, and would certainly have gone without his dinner, if one of
the servants had not fed him.
CHAP. XI.
THE OBSERVATORY SET UP; THE QUADRANT STOLEN, AND CONSEQUENCES OF THE
THEFT: A VISIT TO TOOTAHAH: DESCRIPTION OF A WRESTLING-MATCH: EUROPEAN
SEEDS SOWN: NAMES GIVEN TO OUR PEOPLE BY THE INDIANS.
IN the afternoon of Monday the first of May, we set up the observatory,
and took the astronomical quadrant, with some other instruments, on
shore, for the first time.
The next morning, about nine o’clock, I went on shore with Mr. Green to
fix the quadrant in a situation for use, when to our inexpressible
surprise and concern it was not to be found. It had been deposited in
the tent which was reserved for my use, where, as I passed the night on
board, nobody slept: it had never been taken out of the packing-case,
which was eighteen inches square, and the whole was of considerable
weight; a sentinel had been posted the whole night within five yards of
the tent door, and none of the other instruments were missing. We at
first suspected that it might have been stolen by some of our own
people, who seeing a deal box, and not knowing the contents, might think
it contained nails, or some other subjects of traffic with the natives.
A large reward was therefore offered to any one who could find it, as,
without this, we could not perform the service for which our voyage was
principally undertaken. Our search in the mean time was not confined to
the fort and places adjacent, but as the case might possibly have been
carried back to the ship, if any of our own people had been the thieves,
the most diligent search was made for it on board; all the parties,
however, returned without any news of the quadrant. Mr. Banks,
therefore, who upon such occasions declined neither labour nor risk, and
who had more influence over the Indians than any of us, determined to go
in search of it into the woods; he hoped, that if it had been stolen by
the natives, he should find it wherever they had opened the box, as they
would immediately discover that to them it would be wholly useless: or,
if in this expectation he should be disappointed, that he might recover
it by the ascendancy he had acquired over the chiefs. He set out,
accompanied by a midshipman and Mr. Green, and as he was crossing the
river he was met by Tubourai Tamaide, who immediately made the figure of
a triangle with three bits of straw upon his hand. By this Mr. Banks
knew that the Indians were the thieves; and that, although they had
opened the case, they were not disposed to part with the contents. No
time was therefore to be lost, and Mr. Banks made Tubourai Tamaide
understand, that he must instantly go with him to the place whither the
quadrant had been carried; he consented, and they set out together to
the eastward, the chief enquiring at every house which they passed after
the thief by name: the people readily told him which way he was gone,
and how long it was since he had been there: the hope which this gave
them that they should overtake him, supported them under their fatigue,
and they pressed forward, sometimes walking, sometimes running, though
the weather was intolerably hot; when they had climbed a hill at the
distance of about four miles, their conductor showed them a point full
three miles farther, and gave them to understand that they were not to
expect the instrument till they had got thither. Here they paused; they
had no arms, except a pair of pistols, which Mr. Banks always carried in
his pocket; they were going to a place that was at least seven miles
distant from the fort, where the Indians might be less submissive than
at home, and to take from them what they had ventured their lives to
get; and what, notwithstanding our conjectures, they appeared desirous
to keep: these were discouraging circumstances, and their situation
would become more critical at every step. They determined, however, not
to relinquish their enterprise, nor to pursue it without taking the best
measures for their security that were in their power. It was therefore
determined, that Mr. Banks and Mr. Green should go on, and that the
midshipman should return to me, and desire that I would send a party of
men after them, acquainting me at the same time, that it was impossible
they should return till it was dark. Upon receiving this message, I set
out, with such a party as I thought sufficient for the occasion; leaving
orders, both at the ship and at the fort, that no canoe should be
suffered to go out of the bay, but that none of the natives should be
seized or detained.
In the mean time, Mr. Banks and Mr. Green pursued their journey, under
the auspices of Tubourai Tamaide, and in the very spot which he had
specified, they met one of his own people, with part of the quadrant in
his hand. At this most welcome sight they stopped; and a great number of
Indians immediately came up, some of whom pressing rather rudely upon
them, Mr. Banks thought it necessary to show one of his pistols, the
sight of which reduced them instantly to order: as the crowd that
gathered round them was every moment increasing, he marked out a circle
in the grass, and they ranged themselves on the outside of it to the
number of several hundreds with great quietness and decorum. Into the
middle of this circle, the box, which was now arrived, was ordered to be
brought, with several reading-glasses, and other small matters, which in
their hurry they had put into a pistol-case, that Mr. Banks knew to be
his property, it having been some time before stolen from the tents,
with a horse pistol in it, which he immediately demanded, and which was
also restored.
Mr. Green was impatient to see whether all that had been taken away was
returned, and upon examining the box found the stand, and a few small
things of less consequence, wanting; several persons were sent in search
of these, and most of the small things were returned: but it was
signified that the thief had not brought the stand so far, and that it
would be delivered to our friends as they went back; this being
confirmed by Tubourai Tamaide, they prepared to return, as nothing would
then be wanting but what might easily be supplied; and after they had
advanced about two miles, I met them with my party, to our mutual
satisfaction, congratulating each other upon the recovery of the
quadrant, with a pleasure proportionate to the importance of the event.
About eight o’clock, Mr. Banks with Tubourai Tamaide got back to the
fort; when to his great surprise, he found Tootahah in custody, and many
of the natives in the utmost terror and distress, crowding about the
gate. He went hastily in, some of the Indians were suffered to follow
him, and the scene was extremely affecting. Tubourai Tamaide pressing
forward, ran up to Tootahah, and catching him in his arms, they both
burst into tears, and wept over each other, without being able to speak:
the other Indians were also in tears for their chief, both he and they
being strongly possessed with the notion that he was to be put to death.
In this situation they continued till I entered the fort, which was
about a quarter of an hour afterwards. I was equally surprised and
concerned at what had happened, the confining Tootahah being contrary to
my orders, and therefore instantly set him at liberty. Upon inquiring
into the affair, I was told, that my going into the woods with a party
of men under arms, at a time when a robbery had been committed, which it
was supposed I should resent, in proportion to our apparent injury by
the loss, had so alarmed the natives, that in the evening they began to
leave the neighbourhood of the fort with their effects: that a double
canoe having been seen to put off from the bottom of the bay by Mr.
Gore, the second lieutenant, who was left in command on board the ship,
and who had received orders not to suffer any canoe to go out, he sent
the boatswain with a boat after her to bring her back: that as soon as
the boat came up, the Indians being alarmed, leaped into the sea; and
that Tootahah, being unfortunately one of the number, the boatswain took
him up, and brought him to the ship, suffering the rest of the people to
swim on shore: that Mr. Gore, not sufficiently attending to the order
that none of the people should be confined, had sent him to the fort,
and Mr. Hicks, the first lieutenant, who commanded there, receiving him
in charge from Mr. Gore, did not think himself at liberty to dismiss
him.
The notion that we intended to put him to death had possessed him so
strongly, that he could not be persuaded to the contrary till by my
orders he was led out of the fort. The people received him as they would
have done a father in the same circumstances, and every one pressed
forward to embrace him. Sudden joy is commonly liberal, without a
scrupulous regard to merit: and Tootahah, in the first expansion of his
heart, upon being unexpectedly restored to liberty and life, insisted
upon our receiving a present of two hogs; though, being conscious that
upon this occasion we had no claim to favours, we refused them many
times.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander attended the next morning in their usual
capacity of marketmen, but very few Indians appeared, and those who came
brought no provisions. Tootahah, however, sent some of his people for
the canoe that had been detained, which they took away. A canoe having
also been detained that belonged to Oberea, TUPIA, the person who
managed her affairs when the Dolphin was here, was sent to examine
whether any thing on board had been taken away: and he was so well
satisfied of the contrary, that he left the canoe where he found it, and
joined us at the fort, where he spent the day, and slept on board the
canoe at night. About noon, some fishing boats came abreast of the
tents, but would part with very little of what they had on board; and we
felt the want of cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit very severely. In the course
of the day, Mr. Banks walked out into the woods, that by conversing with
the people he might recover their confidence and good-will: he found
them civil, but they all complained of the ill-treatment of their Chief;
who, they said, had been beaten and pulled by the hair. Mr. Banks
endeavoured to convince them, that he had suffered no personal violence,
which to the best of our knowledge was true; yet, perhaps the boatswain
had behaved with a brutality which he was afraid or ashamed to
acknowledge. The Chief himself being probably, upon recollection, of
opinion that we had ill deserved the hogs, which he had left with us as
a present, sent a messenger in the afternoon to demand an axe, and a
shirt, in return: but as I was told that he did not intend to come down
to the fort for ten days, I excused myself from giving them till I
should see him, hoping that his impatience might induce him to fetch
them, and knowing that absence would probably continue the coolness
between us, to which the first interview might put an end.
The next day we were still more sensible of the inconvenience we had
incurred by giving offence to the people in the person of their chief,
for the market was so ill-supplied that we were in want of necessaries.
Mr. Banks therefore went into the woods to Tubourai Tamaide, and with
some difficulty persuaded him to let us have five baskets of
bread-fruit; a very seasonable supply, as they contained above one
hundred and twenty. In the afternoon another messenger arrived from
Tootahah for the axe and shirt; as it was now become absolutely
necessary to recover the friendship of this man, without which it would
be scarcely possible to procure provisions, I sent word that Mr. Banks
and myself would visit him on the morrow, and bring what he wanted with
us.
Early the next morning he sent again to remind me of my promise, and his
people seemed to wait till we should set out with great impatience: I
therefore ordered the pinnace, in which I embarked with Mr. Banks and
Dr. Solander about ten o’clock: we took one of Tootahah’s people in the
boat with us, and in about an hour we arrived at his place of residence
which is called EPARRE, and is about four miles to the westward of the
tents.
We found the people waiting for us in great numbers upon the shore, so
that it would have been impossible for us to have proceeded, if way had
not been made for us by a tall well-looking man, who had something like
a turban about his head, and a long white stick in his hand, with which
he laid about him at an unmerciful rate. This man conducted us to the
chief, while the people shouted round us, _Taio Tootahah_, “Tootahah is
your friend.” We found him, like an ancient Patriarch, sitting under a
tree, with a number of venerable old men standing round him; he made a
sign to us to sit down, and immediately asked for his axe: this I
presented to him, with an upper garment of broad cloth, made after the
country fashion, and trimmed with tape, to which I also added a shirt:
he received them with great satisfaction, and immediately put on the
garment; but the shirt he gave to the person who had cleared the way for
us upon our landing, who was now seated by us, and of whom he seemed
desirous that we should take particular notice. In a short time, Oberea,
and several other women whom we knew, came and sat down among us:
Tootahah left us several times, but after a short absence returned; we
thought it had been to shew himself in his new finery to the people, but
we wronged him, for it was to give directions for our refreshment and
entertainment. While we were waiting for his return the last time he
left us, very impatient to be dismissed, as we were almost suffocated in
the crowd, word was brought us, that he expected us elsewhere: we found
him sitting under the awning of our own boat, and making signs that we
should come to him: as many of us therefore went on board as the boat
would hold, and he then ordered bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts to be
brought, of both which we tasted, rather to gratify him than because we
had a desire to eat. A message was soon after brought him, upon which he
went out of the boat, and we were in a short time desired to follow. We
were conducted to a large area or court-yard, which was railed round
with bamboos about three feet high, on one side of his house, where an
entertainment was provided for us, entirely new: this was a
wrestling-match. At the upper end of the area sat the chief, and several
of his principal men were ranged on each side of him, so as to form a
semicircle; these were the judges, by whom the victor was to be
applauded; seats were also left for us at each end of the line; but we
chose rather to be at liberty among the rest of the spectators.
When all was ready, ten or twelve persons, whom we understood to be the
combatants, and who were naked, except a cloth that was fastened about
the waist, entered the area, and walked slowly round it, in a stooping
posture, with their left hands on their right breasts, and their right
hands open, with which they frequently struck the left fore-arm so as to
produce a quick smart sound: this was a general challenge to the
combatants whom they were to engage, or any other person present: after
these followed others in the same manner, and then a particular
challenge was given, by which each man singled out his antagonist: this
was done by joining the finger ends of both hands, and bringing them to
the breast, at the same time moving the elbows up and down with a quick
motion: if the person to whom this was addressed accepted the challenge,
he repeated the signs, and immediately each put himself into an attitude
to engage; the next minute they closed; but, except in first seizing
each other, it was a mere contest of strength: each endeavoured to lay
hold of the other, first by the thigh, and if that failed by the hand,
the hair, the cloth, or elsewhere as he could: when this was done they
grappled, without the least dexterity or skill, till one of them, by
having a more advantageous hold, or greater muscular force, threw the
other on his back. When the contest was over, the old men gave their
plaudits to the victor in a few words, which they repeated together in a
kind of tune: his conquest was also generally celebrated by three
huzzas. The entertainment was then suspended for a few minutes, after
which another couple of wrestlers came forward and engaged in the same
manner: if it happened that neither was thrown, after the contest had
continued about a minute, they parted, either by consent or the
intervention of their friends, and in this case each slapped his arm, as
a challenge to a new engagement, either with the same antagonist or some
other. While the wrestlers were engaged, another party of men performed
a dance which lasted also about a minute; but neither of these parties
took the least notice of each other, their attention being wholly fixed
on what they were doing. We observed with pleasure, that the conqueror
never exulted over the vanquished, and that the vanquished never repined
at the success of the conqueror; the whole contest was carried on with
perfect good-will and good-humour, though in the presence of at least
five hundred spectators, of whom some were women. The number of women
indeed was comparatively small, none but those of rank were present, and
we had reason to believe that they would not have been spectators of
this exercise but in compliment to us.
This lasted about two hours; during all which time the man who had made
way for us when we landed, kept the people at a proper distance, by
striking those who pressed forward very severely with his stick: upon
inquiry we learnt, that he was an officer belonging to Tootahah, acting
as a master of the ceremonies.
It is scarcely possible for those who are acquainted with the athletic
sports of very remote antiquity, not to remark a rude resemblance of
them in this wrestling-match among the natives of a little island in the
midst of the Pacific Ocean: and even our female readers may recollect
the account given of them by Fenelon in his Telemachus, where, though
the events are fictitious, the manners of the age are faithfully
transcribed from authors by whom they are supposed to have been truly
related.
When the wrestling was over, we were given to understand that two hogs,
and a large quantity of bread-fruit, were preparing for our dinner,
which, as our appetites were now keen, was very agreeable intelligence.
Our host, however, seemed to repent of his liberality; for, instead of
setting his two hogs before us, he ordered one of them to be carried
into our boat; at first we were not sorry for this new disposition of
matters, thinking that we should dine more comfortably in the boat than
on shore, as the crowd would more easily be kept at a distance: but when
we came on board, he ordered us to proceed with his hog to the ship:
this was mortifying, as we were now to row four miles while our dinner
was growing cold; however, we thought fit to comply, and were at last
gratified with the cheer that he had provided, of which he and Tubourai
Tamaide had a liberal share.
Our reconciliation with this man operated upon the people like a charm;
for he was no sooner known to be on board, than bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts,
and other provisions were brought to the fort in great plenty.
Affairs now went on in the usual channel; but pork being still a scarce
commodity, our master, Mr. Mollineux, and Mr. Green, went in the pinnace
to the eastward, on the 8th, early in the morning to see whether they
could procure any hogs or poultry in that part of the country: they
proceeded in that direction twenty miles; but though they saw many hogs,
and one turtle, they could not purchase either at any price: the people
every where told them, that they all belonged to Tootahah, and that they
could sell none of them without his permission. We now began to think
that this man was indeed a great prince; for an influence so extensive
and absolute could be acquired by no other. And we afterwards found that
he administered the government of this part of the island, as sovereign,
for a minor whom we never saw all the time that we were upon it. When
Mr. Green returned from this expedition, he said he had seen a tree of a
size which he was afraid to relate, it being no less than sixty yards in
circumference; but Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander soon explained to him,
that it was a species of the fig, the branches of which, bending down,
take fresh root in the earth, and thus form a congeries of trunks, which
being very close to each other, and all joined by a common vegetation,
might easily be mistaken for one.
Though the market at the fort was now tolerably supplied, provisions
were brought more slowly; a sufficient quantity used to be purchased
between sunrise and eight o’clock, but it was now become necessary to
attend the greatest part of the day. Mr. Banks, therefore, fixed his
little boat up before the door of the fort, which was of great use as a
place to trade in: hitherto we had purchased cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit
for beads; but the market becoming rather slack in these articles, we
were now, for the first time, forced to bring out our nails: one of our
smallest size, which was about four inches long, procured us twenty
cocoa-nuts, and bread-fruit in proportion, so that in a short time our
first plenty was restored.
On the 9th, soon after breakfast, we received a visit from Oberea, being
the first that she had made us after the loss of our quadrant, and the
unfortunate confinement of Tootahah; with her came her present
favourite, Obadée, and Tupia: they brought us a hog and some
bread-fruit, in return for which we gave her a hatchet. We had now
afforded our Indian friends a new and interesting object of curiosity,
our forge, which having been set up some time, was almost constantly at
work. It was now common for them to bring pieces of iron, which we
suppose they must have got from the Dolphin, to be made into tools of
various kinds; and as I was very desirous to gratify them, they were
indulged except when the smith’s time was too precious to be spared.
Oberea having received her hatchet, produced as much old iron as would
have made another, with a request that another might be made of it; in
this, however, I could not gratify her, upon which she brought out a
broken axe, and desired it might be mended: I was glad of an opportunity
to compromise the difference between us: her axe was mended, and she
appeared to be content. They went away at night, and took with them the
canoe, which had been a considerable time at the point, but promised to
return in three days.
On the 10th, I put some seeds of melons and other plants into a spot of
ground which had been turned up for the purpose; they had all been
sealed up by the person of whom they were bought, in small bottles with
rosin; but none of them came up except mustard; even the cucumbers and
melons failed, and Mr. Banks is of opinion that they were spoiled by the
total exclusion of fresh air.
This day we learnt the Indian name of the island, which is OTAHEITE, and
by that name I shall hereafter distinguish it: but after great pains
taken we found it utterly impossible to teach the Indians to pronounce
our names; we had, therefore, new names, consisting of such sounds as
they produced in the attempt. They called me _Toote_; Mr. Hicks, _Hete_;
Mollineux they renounced in absolute despair, and called the Master
_Boba_, from his Christian name Robert; Mr. Gore was _Toarro_; Dr.
Solander, _Torano_; and Mr. Banks, _Tapane_; Mr. Green, _Eteree_; Mr.
Parkinson, _Patini_; Mr. Sporing, _Polini_; Petersgill, _Petrodero_; and
in this manner they had now formed names for almost every man in the
ship: in some, however, it was not easy to find any traces of the
original, and they were perhaps not mere arbitrary sounds formed upon
the occasion, but significant words in their own language. Monkhouse,
the Midshipman, who commanded the party that killed the man for stealing
the musket, they called _Matte_; not merely by an attempt to imitate in
sound the first syllable of Monkhouse, but because _Matte_ signifies
_dead_; and this probably might be the case with others.
CHAP. XII.
SOME LADIES VISIT THE FORT WITH VERY UNCOMMON CEREMONIES: THE INDIANS
ATTEND DIVINE SERVICE, AND IN THE EVENING EXHIBIT A MOST EXTRAORDINARY
SPECTACLE: TUBOURAI TAMAIDE FALLS INTO TEMPTATION.
FRIDAY, the 12th of May, was distinguished by a visit from some ladies
whom we had never seen before, and who introduced themselves with some
very singular ceremonies. Mr. Banks was trading in his boat at the gate
of the fort as usual, in company with Tootahah, who had that morning
paid him a visit, and some other of the natives; between nine and ten
o’clock, a double canoe came to the landing-place, under the awning of
which sat a man and two women: the Indians that were about Mr. Banks
made signs that he should go out to meet them, which he hastened to do;
but by the time he could get out of the boat, they had advanced within
ten yards of him; they then stopped, and made signs that he should do so
too, laying down about a dozen young plantain trees, and some other
small plants: he complied, and the people having made a lane between
them, the man, who appeared to be a servant, brought six of them to Mr.
Banks by one of each at a time, passing and repassing six times, and
always pronouncing a short sentence when he delivered them. Tupia, who
stood by Mr. Banks, acted as his master of the ceremonies, and receiving
the branches as they were brought, laid them down in the boat. When this
was done, another man brought a large bundle of cloth, which having
opened, he spread piece by piece upon the ground, in the space between
Mr. Banks and his visitors; there were nine pieces, and having laid
three pieces one upon another, the foremost of the women, who seemed to
be the principal, and who was called OORATTOOA, stepped upon them, and
taking up her garments all round her to the waist, turned about, with
great composure and deliberation, and with an air of perfect innocence
and simplicity, three times; when this was done, she dropped the veil,
and stepping off the cloth, three more pieces were laid on, and she
repeated the ceremony, then stepping off as before, the last three were
laid on, and the ceremony was repeated in the same manner the third
time. Immediately after this the cloth was rolled up, and given to Mr.
Banks as a present from the lady, who, with her friend, came up and
saluted him. He made such presents to them both, as he thought would be
most acceptable, and after having staid about an hour they went away. In
the evening the Gentlemen at the fort had a visit from Oberea, and her
favourite female attendant, whose name was OTHEOTHEA, an agreeable girl,
whom they were the more pleased to see, because, having been some days
absent, it had been reported she was either sick or dead.
On the 13th, the market being over about ten o’clock, Mr. Banks walked
into the woods with his gun, as he generally did, for the benefit of the
shade in the heat of the day: as he was returning back, he met Tubourai
Tamaide, near his occasional dwelling, and stopping to spend a little
time with him, he suddenly took the gun out of Mr. Banks’s hand, cocked
it, and, holding it up in the air, drew the trigger: fortunately for him
it flashed in the pan: Mr. Banks immediately took it from him, not a
little surprised how he had acquired sufficient knowledge of a gun to
discharge it, and reproved him with great severity for what he had done.
As it was of infinite importance to keep the Indians totally ignorant of
the management of fire-arms, he had taken every opportunity of
intimating that they could never offend him so highly as by even
touching his piece; it was now proper to enforce this prohibition, and
he therefore added threats to his reproof: the Indian bore all
patiently; but the moment Mr. Banks crossed the river, he set off with
all his family and furniture for his house at Eparre. This being quickly
known from the Indians at the fort, and great inconvenience being
apprehended from the displeasure of this man, who upon all occasions had
been particularly useful, Mr. Banks determined to follow him without
delay, and solicit his return: he set out the same evening accompanied
by Mr. Mollineux, and found him sitting in the middle of a large circle
of people, to whom he had probably related what had happened, and his
fears of the consequences; he was himself the very picture of grief and
dejection, and the same passions were strongly marked in the
countenances of all the people that surrounded him. When Mr. Banks and
Mr. Mollineux went into the circle, one of the women expressed her
trouble, as Terapo had done upon another occasion, and struck a shark’s
tooth into her head several times, till it was covered with blood. Mr.
Banks lost no time in putting an end to this universal distress; he
assured the Chief, that every thing which had passed should be
forgotten, that there was not the least animosity remaining on one side,
nor any thing to be feared on the other. The Chief was soon soothed into
confidence and complacency, a double canoe was ordered to be got ready,
they all returned together to the fort before supper, and as a pledge of
perfect reconciliation, both he and his wife slept all night in Mr.
Banks’s tent: their presence, however, was no palladium; for, between
eleven and twelve o’clock, one of the natives attempted to get into the
fort by scaling the walls, with a design, no doubt, to steal whatever he
should happen to find; he was discovered by the sentinel, who happily
did not fire, and he ran away much faster than any of our people could
follow him. The iron, and iron-tools, which were in continual use at the
armourer’s forge, that was set up within the works, were temptations to
theft which none of these people could withstand.
On the 14th, which was Sunday, I directed that Divine service should be
performed at the fort: we were desirous that some of the principal
Indians should be present, but when the hour came, most of them were
returned home. Mr. Banks, however, crossed the river, and brought back
Tubourai Tamaide and his wife Tomio, hoping that it would give occasion
to some enquiries on their part, and some instruction on ours: having
seated them, he placed himself between them, and during the whole
service, they very attentively observed his behaviour, and very exactly
imitated it; standing, sitting, or kneeling, as they saw him do: they
were conscious that we were employed about somewhat serious and
important, as appeared by their calling to the Indians without the fort
to be silent; yet when the service was over, neither of them asked any
questions, nor would they attend to any attempt that was made to explain
what had been done.
Such were our matins; our Indians thought fit to perform vespers of a
very different kind. A young man, near six feet high, performed the
rites of Venus with a little girl about eleven or twelve years of age,
before several of our people, and a great number of the natives, without
the least sense of its being indecent or improper, but, as appeared, in
perfect conformity to the custom of the place. Among the spectators were
several women of superior rank, particularly Oberea, who may properly be
said to have assisted at the ceremony; for they gave instructions to the
girl how to perform her part, which, young as she was, she did not seem
much to stand in need of.
This incident is not mentioned as an object of idle curiosity, but as it
deserves consideration in determining a question which has been long
debated in philosophy; Whether the shame attending certain actions,
which are allowed on all sides to be in themselves innocent, is
implanted in nature, or superinduced by custom? If it has its origin in
custom, it will, perhaps, be found difficult to trace that custom,
however general, to its source; if in instinct, it will be equally
difficult to discover from what cause it is subdued, or at least
over-ruled among these people, in whose manners not the least trace of
it is to be found.
On the 14th and 15th, we had another opportunity of observing the
general knowledge which these people had of any design that was formed
among them. In the night between the 13th and 14th, one of the
water-casks was stolen from the outside of the fort: in the morning,
there was not an Indian to be seen who did not know that it was gone;
yet they appeared not to have been trusted, or not to have been worthy
of trust; for they seemed all of them disposed to give intelligence
where it might be found. Mr. Banks traced it to a part of the bay where
he was told it had been put into a canoe, but as it was not of great
consequence he did not complete the discovery. When he returned, he was
told by Tubourai Tamaide, that another cask would be stolen before the
morning: how he came by this knowledge it is not easy to imagine; that
he was not a party in the design is certain, for he came with his wife
and his family to the place where the water-casks stood, and placing
their beds near them, he said he would himself be a pledge for their
safety, in despight of the thief: of this, however, we would not admit;
and making them understand that a sentry would be placed to watch the
casks till the morning, he removed the beds into Mr. Banks’s tent, where
he and his family spent the night, making signs to the sentry when he
retired, that he should keep his eyes open. In the night this
intelligence appeared to be true; about twelve o’clock the thief came,
but discovering that a watch had been set, he went away without his
booty.
Mr. Banks’s confidence in Tubourai Tamaide had greatly increased since
the affair of the knife, in consequence of which he was at length
exposed to temptations which neither his integrity nor his honour was
able to resist. They had withstood many allurements, but were at length
ensnared by the fascinating charms of a basket of nails: these nails
were much larger than any that had yet been brought into trade, and had,
with perhaps some degree of criminal negligence, been left in a corner
of Mr. Banks’s tent, to which the chief had always free access. One of
these nails Mr. Banks’s servant happened to see in his possession, upon
his having inadvertently thrown back that part of his garment under
which it was concealed. Mr. Banks being told of this, and knowing that
no such thing had been given him, either as a present or in barter,
immediately examined the basket, and discovered, that out of seven nails
five were missing. He then, though not without great reluctance, charged
him with the fact, which he immediately confessed, and however he might
suffer, was probably not more hurt than his accuser. A demand was
immediately made of restitution; but this he declined, saying, that the
nails were at Eparre: however, Mr. Banks appearing to be much in
earnest, and using some threatening signs, he thought fit to produce one
of them. He was then taken to the fort, to receive such judgment as
should be given against him by the general voice.
After some deliberation, that we might not appear to think too lightly
of his offence, he was told, that if he would bring the other four nails
to the fort, it should be forgotten. To this condition he agreed; but I
am sorry to say he did not fulfil it. Instead of fetching the nails, he
removed with his family before night, and took all his furniture with
him.
As our long-boat had appeared to be leaky, I thought it necessary to
examine her bottom, and to my great surprise found it so much eaten by
the worms, that it was necessary to give her a new one; no such accident
had happened to the Dolphin’s boats, as I was informed by the officers
on board, and therefore it was a misfortune that I did not expect: I
feared that the pinnace also might be nearly in the same condition; but,
upon examining her, I had the satisfaction to find that not a worm had
touched her, though she was built of the same wood, and had been as much
in the water; the reason of this difference I imagine to be, that the
long-boat was paid with varnish of pine, and the pinnace painted with
white lead and oil; the bottoms of all boats, therefore, which are sent
into this country, should be painted like that of the pinnace, and the
ships should be supplied with a good stock, in order to give them a new
coating when it should be found necessary.
Having received repeated messages from Tootahah, that if we would pay
him a visit he would acknowledge the favour by a present of four hogs, I
sent Mr. Hicks, my first lieutenant, to try if he could not procure the
hogs upon easier terms, with orders to show him every civility in his
power. Mr. Hicks found that he was removed from Eparre to a place called
TETTAHAH, five miles farther to the westward. He was received with great
cordiality; one hog was immediately produced, and he was told that the
other three, which were at some distance, should be brought in the
morning. Mr. Hicks readily consented to stay; but the morning came
without the hogs, and it not being convenient to stay longer, he
returned in the evening with the one he had got.
On the 25th, Tubourai Tamaide and his wife Tomio made their appearance
at the tent, for the first time since he had been detected in stealing
the nails; he seemed to be under some discontent and apprehension, yet
he did not think fit to purchase our countenance and good will by
restoring the four which he had sent away. As Mr. Banks and the other
gentlemen treated him with a coolness and reserve which did not at all
tend to restore his peace or good humour, his stay was short, and his
departure abrupt. Mr. Monkhouse, the surgeon, went the next morning in
order to effect a reconciliation, by persuading him to bring down the
nails, but he could not succeed.
CHAP. XIII.
ANOTHER VISIT TO TOOTAHAH, WITH VARIOUS ADVENTURES: EXTRAORDINARY
AMUSEMENT OF THE INDIANS, WITH REMARKS UPON IT: PREPARATIONS TO OBSERVE
THE TRANSIT OF VENUS, AND WHAT HAPPENED IN THE MEAN TIME AT THE FORT.
ON the 27th, it was determined that we should pay our visit to Tootahah,
though we were not very confident that we should receive the hogs for
our pains. I therefore set out early in the morning, with Mr. Banks and
Dr. Solander, and three others, in the pinnace. He was now removed from
Tettahah, where Mr. Hicks had seen him, to a place called ATAHOUROU,
about six miles farther, and as we could not go above half-way thither
in the boat, it was almost evening before we arrived: we found him in
his usual state, sitting under a tree, with a great crowd about him. We
made our presents in due form, consisting of a yellow stuff petticoat,
and some other trifling articles, which were graciously received; a hog
was immediately ordered to be killed and dressed for supper, with a
promise of more in the morning: however, as we were less desirous of
feasting upon our journey than of carrying back with us provisions,
which would be more welcome at the fort, we procured a reprieve for the
hog, and supped upon the fruits of the country. As night now came on,
and the place was crowded with many more than the houses and canoes
would contain; there being Oberea with her attendants, and many other
travellers whom we knew, we began to look out for lodgings. Our party
consisted of six: Mr. Banks thought himself fortunate in being offered a
place by Oberea in her canoe, and wishing his friends a good night, took
his leave. He went to rest early, according to the custom of the
country, and taking off his clothes, as was his constant practice, the
nights being hot, Oberea kindly insisted upon taking them into her own
custody, for otherwise she said they would certainly be stolen. Mr.
Banks having such a safeguard, resigned himself to sleep with all
imaginable tranquillity: but waking about eleven o’clock, and wanting to
get up, he searched for his clothes where he had seen them deposited by
Oberea when he lay down to sleep, and soon perceived that they were
missing. He immediately awakened Oberea, who starting up, and hearing
his complaint, ordered lights, and prepared in great haste to recover
what he had lost: Tootahah himself slept in the next canoe, and being
soon alarmed, he came to them, and set out with Oberea in search of the
thief. Mr. Banks was not in a condition to go with them, for of his
apparel scarce any thing was left him but his breeches; his coat, and
his waistcoat, with his pistols, powder-horn, and many other things that
were in the pockets, were gone. In about half an hour his two noble
friends returned, but without having obtained any intelligence of his
clothes or of the thief. At first he began to be alarmed, his musket had
not indeed been taken away, but he had neglected to load it; where I and
Dr. Solander had disposed of ourselves he did not know; and therefore,
whatever might happen, he could not have recourse to us for assistance.
He thought it best, however, to express neither fear nor suspicion of
those about him, and giving his musket to Tupia, who had been waked in
the confusion and stood by him, with a charge not to suffer it to be
stolen, he betook himself again to rest, declaring himself perfectly
satisfied with the pains that Tootahah and Oberea had taken to recover
his things, though they had not been successful. As it cannot be
supposed that in such a situation his sleep was very sound, he soon
after heard music, and saw lights at a little distance on shore: this
was a concert or assembly, which they call a HEIVA, a common name for
every public exhibition; and as it would necessarily bring many people
together, and there was a chance of my being among them with his other
friends, he rose, and made the best of his way towards it: he was soon
led by the lights and the sound to the hut where I lay, with three other
gentlemen of our party; and easily distinguishing us from the rest, he
made up to us more than half naked, and told us his melancholy story. We
gave him such comfort as the unfortunate generally give to each other,
by telling him that we were fellow-sufferers; I showed him that I was
myself without stockings, they having been stolen from under my head,
though I was sure I had never been asleep, and each of my associates
convinced him, by his appearance, that he had lost a jacket. We
determined, however, to hear out the concert, however deficient we might
appear in our dress; it consisted of three drums, four flutes, and
several voices: when this entertainment, which lasted about an hour, was
over, we retired again to our sleeping-places; having agreed, that
nothing could be done toward the recovery of our things till the
morning.
We rose at day-break, according to the custom of the country: the first
man that Mr. Banks saw was Tupia, faithfully attending with his musket;
and soon after, Oberea brought him some of her country clothes, as a
succedaneum for his own, so that when he came to us he made a most
motley appearance, half Indian and half English. Our party soon got
together, except Dr. Solander, whose quarters we did not know, and who
had not assisted at the concert: in a short time Tootahah made his
appearance, and we pressed him to recover our clothes; but neither he
nor Oberea could be persuaded to take any measure for that purpose, so
that we began to suspect that they had been parties in the theft. About
eight o’clock, we were joined by Dr. Solander, who had fallen into
honester hands, at a house about a mile distant, and had lost nothing.
Having given up all hope of recovering our clothes, which, indeed, were
never afterwards heard of, we spent all the morning in soliciting the
hogs which we had been promised; but in this we had no better success:
we, therefore, in no very good humour, set out for the boat about twelve
o’clock, with only that which we had redeemed from the butcher and the
cook the night before.
As we were returning to the boat, however, we were entertained with a
sight that in some measure compensated for our fatigue and
disappointment. In our way we came to one of the few places where access
to the island is not guarded by a reef, and, consequently, a high surf
breaks upon the shore; a more dreadful one, indeed, I had seldom seen;
it was impossible for any European boat to have lived in it; and if the
best swimmer in Europe had, by any accident, been exposed to its fury, I
am confident that he would not have been able to preserve himself from
drowning, especially as the shore was covered with pebbles and large
stones; yet, in the midst of these breakers, were ten or twelve Indians
swimming for their amusement: whenever a surf broke near them, they
dived under it, and, to all appearance with infinite facility, rose
again on the other side. This diversion was greatly improved by the
stern of an old canoe, which they happened to find upon the spot: they
took this before them, and swam out with it as far as the outermost
breach, then two or three of them getting into it, and turning the
square end to the breaking wave, were driven in towards the shore with
incredible rapidity, sometimes almost to the beach; but generally the
wave broke over them before they got half way, in which case they dived,
and rose on the other side with the canoe in their hands: they then swam
out with it again, and were again driven back, just as our holiday youth
climb the hill in Greenwich-park for the pleasure of rolling down it. At
this wonderful scene we stood gazing for more than half an hour, during
which time none of the swimmers attempted to come on shore, but seemed
to enjoy their sport in the highest degree; we then proceeded in our
journey, and late in the evening got back to the fort.
Upon this occasion it may be observed, that human nature is endued with
powers which are only accidentally exerted to the utmost; and that all
men are capable of what no man attains, except he is stimulated to the
effort by some uncommon circumstances or situation. These Indians
effected what to us appeared to be supernatural, merely by the
application of such powers as they possessed in common with us, and all
other men who have no particular infirmity or defect. The truth of the
observation is also manifest from more familiar instances. The
rope-dancer and balance-master owe their art, not to any peculiar
liberality of nature, but to an accidental improvement of her common
gifts; and though equal diligence and application would not always
produce equal excellence in these, any more than in other arts, yet
there is no doubt but that a certain degree of proficiency in them might
be universally attained. Another proof of the existence of abilities in
mankind, that are almost universally dormant, is furnished by the
attainments of blind men. It cannot be supposed that the loss of one
sense, like the amputation of a branch from a tree, gives new vigour to
those that remain. Every man’s hearing and touch, therefore, are capable
of the nice distinctions which astonish us in those that have lost their
sight, and if they do not give the same intelligence to the mind, it is
merely because the same intelligence is not required of them: he that
can see may do from choice what the blind do by necessity, and by the
same diligent attention to the other senses may receive the same notices
from them; let it, therefore, be remembered, as an encouragement to
persevering diligence, and a principle of general use to mankind, that
he who does all he can will ever effect much more than is generally
thought to be possible.
Among other Indians that had visited us, there were some from a
neighbouring island which they called EIMEO or IMAO, the same to which
Captain Wallis had given the name of the Duke of York’s island, and they
gave us an account of no less than two-and-twenty islands that lay in
the neighbourhood of Otaheite.
As the day of observation now approached, I determined, in consequence
of some hints which had been given me by Lord Morton, to send out two
parties to observe the transit from other situations; hoping, that if we
should fail at Otaheite, they might have better success. We were,
therefore, now busily employed in preparing our instruments, and
instructing such gentlemen in the use of them as I intended to send out.
On Thursday the 1st of June, the Saturday following being the day of the
transit, I dispatched Mr. Gore in the long boat to Imao, with Mr.
Monkhouse and Mr. Sporing, a gentleman belonging to Mr. Banks, Mr. Green
having furnished them with proper instruments. Mr. Banks himself thought
fit to go upon this expedition, and several natives, particularly
Tubourai Tamaide and Tomio, were also of the party. Very early on the
Friday morning, I sent Mr. Hicks with Mr. Clerk and Mr. Petersgill, the
master’s mates, and Mr. Saunders, one of the midshipmen, in the pinnace
to the eastward, with orders to fix on some convenient spot, at a
distance from our principal observatory, where they also might employ
the instruments with which they had been furnished for the same purpose.
The long-boat not having been got ready till Thursday in the afternoon,
though all possible expedition was used to fit her out; the people on
board, after having rowed most part of the night, brought her to a
grappling just under the land of Imao. Soon after day-break, they saw an
Indian canoe, which they hailed, and the people on board shewed them an
inlet through the reef into which they pulled, and soon fixed upon a
coral rock, which rose out of the water about one hundred and fifty
yards from the shore, as a proper situation for their observatory: it
was about eighty yards long and twenty broad, and in the middle of it
was a bed of white sand, large enough for the tents to stand upon. Mr.
Gore and his assistants immediately began to set them up, and make other
necessary preparations for the important business of the next day. While
this was doing, Mr. Banks, with the Indians of Otaheite, and the people
whom they had met in the canoe, went ashore upon the main island, to buy
provisions; of which he procured a sufficient supply before night. When
he returned to the rock, he found the observatory in order, and the
telescopes all fixed and tried. The evening was very fine, yet their
solicitude did not permit them to take much rest in the night: one or
other of them was up every half hour, who satisfied the impatience of
the rest by reporting the changes of the sky, now encouraging their
hope, by telling them that it was clear, and now alarming their fears,
by an account that it was hazy.
At day-break they got up, and had the satisfaction to see the sun rise
without a cloud. Mr. Banks then wishing the observers, Mr. Gore and Mr.
Monkhouse, success, repaired again to the island, that he might examine
its produce, and get a fresh supply of provisions: he began by trading
with the natives, for which purpose he took his station under a tree;
and to keep them from pressing upon him in a crowd, he drew a circle
round him, which he suffered none of them to enter.
About eight o’clock, he saw two canoes coming towards the place, and was
given to understand by the people about him, that they belonged to
TARRAO, the King of the island, who was coming to make him a visit. As
soon as the canoes came near the shore, the people made a lane from the
beach to the trading-place, and his Majesty landed, with his sister,
whose name was NUNA; as they advanced towards the tree where Mr. Banks
stood, he went out to meet them, and, with great formality, introduced
them into the circle from which the other natives had been excluded. As
it is the custom of these people to sit during all their conferences,
Mr. Banks unwrapped a kind of turban of Indian cloth, which he wore upon
his head instead of a hat, and spreading it upon the ground, they all
sat down upon it together. The royal present was then brought, which
consisted of a hog and a dog, some bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and other
articles of the like kind. Mr. Banks then dispatched a canoe to the
observatory for his present, and the messengers soon returned with an
adze, a shirt, and some beads, which were presented to his Majesty, and
received with great satisfaction.
By this time, Tubourai Tamaide and Tomio joined them, from the
observatory. Tomio said, that she was related to Tarrao, and brought him
a present of a long nail, at the same time complimenting Nuna with a
shirt.
The first internal contact of the planet with the sun being over, Mr.
Banks returned to the observatory, taking Tarrao, Nuna, and some of
their principal attendants, among whom were three very handsome young
women, with him: he showed them the planet upon the sun, and endeavoured
to make them understand that he and his companions had come from their
own country on purpose to see it. Soon after, Mr. Banks returned with
them to the island, where he spent the rest of the day in examining its
produce, which he found to be much the same with that of Otaheite. The
people whom he saw there also exactly resembled the inhabitants of that
island, and many of them were persons whom he had seen upon it; so that
all those whom he had dealt with knew of what his trading articles
consisted, and the value they bore.
The next morning, having struck the tents, they set out on their return,
and arrived at the fort before night.
The observation was made with equal success by the persons whom I had
sent to the eastward, and at the fort, there not being a cloud in the
sky from the rising to the setting of the sun, the whole passage of the
planet Venus over the sun’s disk was observed with great advantage by
Mr. Green, Dr. Solander, and myself: Mr. Green’s telescope and mine were
of the same magnifying power, but that of Dr. Solander was greater. We
all saw an atmosphere or dusky cloud round the body of the planet, which
very much disturbed the times of contact, especially of the internal
ones; and we differed from each other in our accounts of the times of
the contacts much more than might have been expected. According to Mr.
Green,
Hours. Min. Sec.
The first external contact, or first appearance }
of Venus on the sun, was 9 25 42 }
} Morning
The first internal contact, or total immersion, }
was 9 44 4 }
The second internal contact, or beginning of }
the emersion, 3 14 8 } Afternoon
}
The second external contact, or total emersion, 3 32 10 }
The latitude of the observatory was found to be 17° 29ʹ 15ʺ, and the
longitude 149° 32ʹ 30ʺ W. of Greenwich. A more particular account will
appear by the tables, for which the reader is referred to the
Transactions of the Royal Society, vol. lxi. part 2. page 39. _et seq._,
where they are illustrated by a cut.
But if we had reason to congratulate ourselves upon the success of our
observation, we had scarce less cause to regret the diligence with which
that time had been improved by some of our people to another purpose.
While the attention of the officers was engrossed by the transit of
Venus, some of the ship’s company broke into one of the store-rooms, and
stole a quantity of spike-nails, amounting to no less than one hundred
weight: this was a matter of public and serious concern; for these
nails, if circulated by the people among the Indians, would do us
irreparable injury, by reducing the value of iron, our staple commodity.
One of the thieves was detected, but only seven nails were found in his
custody. He was punished with two dozen lashes, but would impeach none
of his accomplices.
CHAP. XIV.
THE CEREMONIES OF AN INDIAN FUNERAL PARTICULARLY DESCRIBED: GENERAL
OBSERVATIONS ON THE SUBJECT: A CHARACTER FOUND AMONG THE INDIANS TO
WHICH THE ANCIENTS PAID GREAT VENERATION: A ROBBERY AT THE FORT, AND ITS
CONSEQUENCES: WITH A SPECIMEN OF INDIAN COOKERY, AND VARIOUS INCIDENTS.
ON the 5th, we kept his Majesty’s birth-day; for though it is the 4th,
we were unwilling to celebrate it during the absence of the two parties
who had been sent out to observe the transit. We had several of the
Indian chiefs at our entertainment, who drank his Majesty’s health by
the name of Kihiargo, which was the nearest imitation they could produce
of King George.
About this time died an old woman of some rank, who was related to
Tomio, which gave us an opportunity to see how they disposed of the
body, and confirmed us in our opinion that these people, contrary to the
present custom of all other nations now known, never bury their dead. In
the middle of a small square, neatly railed in with bamboo, the awning
of a canoe was raised upon two posts, and under this the body was
deposited upon such a frame as has before been described: it was covered
with fine cloth, and near it was placed bread-fruit, fish, and other
provisions: we supposed that the food was placed there for the spirit of
the deceased, and, consequently, that these Indians had some confused
notion of a separate state; but upon our applying for further
information to Tubourai Tamaide, he told us, that the food was placed
there as an offering to their gods. They do not, however, suppose that
the gods eat, any more than the Jews suppose that Jehovah could dwell in
a house: the offering is made here upon the same principle as the temple
was built at Jerusalem, as an expression of reverence and gratitude, and
a solicitation of the more immediate presence of the Deity. In the front
of the area was a kind of stile, where the relations of the deceased
stood, to pay the tribute of their sorrow; and under the awning were
innumerable small pieces of cloth, on which the tears and blood of the
mourners had been shed; for in their paroxysms of grief it is a
universal custom to wound themselves with the shark’s tooth. Within a
few yards two occasional houses were set up, in one of which some
relations of the deceased constantly resided, and in the other the chief
mourner, who is always a man, and who keeps there a very singular dress
in which a ceremony is performed that will be described in its turn.
Near the place where the dead are thus set up to rot the bones are
afterwards buried.
What can have introduced among these people the custom of exposing their
dead above ground till the flesh is consumed by putrefaction, and then
burying the bones, it is, perhaps, impossible to guess; but it is
remarkable, that Ælian and Apollonius Rhodius impute a similar practice
to the ancient inhabitants of Colchis, a country near Pontus, in Asia,
now called Mingrelia; except that among them this manner of disposing of
the dead did not extend to both sexes: the women they buried; but the
men they wrapped in a hide, and hung up in the air by a chain. This
practice among the Colchians is referred to a religious cause. The
principal objects of their worship were the earth and the air; and it is
supposed that, in consequence of some superstitious notion, they devoted
their dead to both. Whether the natives of Otaheite had any notion of
the same kind, we were never able certainly to determine; but we soon
discovered, that the repositories of their dead were also places of
worship. Upon this occasion it may be observed, that nothing can be more
absurd than the notion that the happiness or misery of a future life
depends, in any degree, upon the disposition of the body when the state
of probation is past; yet that nothing is more general than a solicitude
about it. However cheap we may hold any funeral rites which custom has
not familiarized, or superstition rendered sacred, most men gravely
deliberate how to prevent their body from being broken by the mattock
and devoured by the worm, when it is no longer capable of sensation; and
purchase a place for it in holy ground, when they believe the lot of its
future existence to be irrevocably determined. So strong is the
association of pleasing or painful ideas with certain opinions and
actions which affect us while we live, that we involuntarily act as if
it was equally certain that they would affect us in the same manner when
we are dead, though this is an opinion that nobody will maintain. Thus
it happens, that the desire of preserving from reproach even the name
that we leave behind us, or of procuring it honour, is one of the most
powerful principles of action, among the inhabitants of the most
speculative and enlightened nations. Posthumous reputation, upon every
principle, must be acknowledged to have no influence upon the dead; yet
the desire of obtaining and securing it, no force of reason, no habits
of thinking, can subdue, except in those whom habitual baseness and
guilt have rendered indifferent to honour and shame while they lived.
This, indeed, seems to be among the happy imperfections of our nature,
upon which the general good of society in a certain measure depends; for
as some crimes are supposed to be prevented by hanging the body of the
criminal in chains after he is dead, so in consequence of the same
association of ideas, much good is procured to society, and much evil
prevented, by a desire of preventing disgrace or procuring honour to a
name, when nothing but a name remains.
Perhaps no better use can be made of reading an account of manners
altogether new, by which the follies and absurdities of mankind are
taken out of that particular connection in which habit has reconciled
them to us, than to consider in how many instances they are essentially
the same. When an honest devotee of the church of Rome reads, that there
are Indians on the banks of the Ganges who believe that they shall
secure the happiness of a future state by dying with a cow’s tail in
their hands, he laughs at their folly and superstition; and if these
Indians were to be told, that there are people upon the continent of
Europe, who imagine that they shall derive the same advantage from dying
with the slipper of St. Francis upon their foot, they would laugh in
their turn. But if, when the Indian heard the account of the Catholic,
and the Catholic that of the Indian, each was to reflect, that there was
no difference between the absurdity of the slipper and of the tail; but
that the veil of prejudice and custom, which covered it in their own
case, was withdrawn in the other, they would turn their knowledge to a
profitable purpose.
Having observed that bread-fruit had for some days been brought in less
quantities than usual, we enquired the reason; and were told, that there
being a great show of fruit upon the trees, they had been thinned all at
once, in order to make a kind of sour paste, which the natives call
_Mahie_, and which, in consequence of having undergone a fermentation,
will keep a considerable time, and supply them with food when no ripe
fruit is to be had.
On the 10th the ceremony was to be performed, in honour of the old woman
whose sepulchral tabernacle has just been described, by the chief
mourner; and Mr. Banks had so great a curiosity to see all the mysteries
of the solemnity, that he determined to take a part in it, being told,
that he could be present upon no other condition. In the evening,
therefore, he repaired to the place where the body lay, and was received
by the daughter of the deceased, and several other persons, among whom
was a boy about fourteen years old, who were to assist in the ceremony.
Tubourai Tamaide was to be the principal mourner; and his dress, which
was extremely fantastical, though not unbecoming, is represented by a
figure in one of the plates. Mr. Banks was stripped of his European
clothes, and a small piece of cloth being tied round his middle, his
body was smeared with charcoal and water, as low as the shoulders, till
it was as black as that of a negro: the same operation was performed
upon several others, among whom were some women, who were reduced to a
state as near to nakedness as himself; the boy was blacked all over, and
then the procession set forward. Tubourai Tamaide uttered something,
which was supposed to be a prayer, near the body; and did the same when
he came up to his own house: when this was done, the procession was
continued towards the fort, permission having been obtained to approach
it upon this occasion. It is the custom of the Indians to fly from these
processions with the utmost precipitation, so that as soon as those who
were about the fort saw it at a distance they hid themselves in the
woods. It proceeded from the fort along the shore, and put to flight
another body of Indians, consisting of more than a hundred, every one
hiding himself under the first shelter that he could find: it then
crossed the river, and entered the woods, passing several houses, all
which were deserted, and not a single Indian could be seen during the
rest of the procession, which continued more than half an hour. The
office that Mr. Banks performed, was called that of the _Nineveh_, of
which there were two besides himself; and the natives having all
disappeared, they came to the chief mourner, and said, _Imatata_, there
are no people; after which the company was dismissed to wash themselves
in the river, and put on their customary apparel.
On the 12th, complaint being made to me, by some of the natives, that
two of the seamen had taken from them several bows and arrows, and some
strings of plaited hair, I examined the matter, and finding the charge
well supported, I punished each of the criminals with two-dozen lashes.
Their bows and arrows have not been mentioned before, nor were they
often brought down to the fort. This day, however, Tubourai Tamaide
brought down his, in consequence of a challenge which he had received
from Mr. Gore. The chief supposed it was to try who could send the arrow
farthest; Mr. Gore, who best could hit a mark; and as Mr. Gore did not
value himself upon shooting to a great distance, nor the chief upon
hitting a mark, there was no trial of skill between them. Tubourai
Tamaide, however, to show us what he could do, drew his bow, and sent an
arrow, none of which are feathered, two hundred and seventy-four yards,
which is something more than a seventh, and something less than a sixth
part of a mile. Their manner of shooting is somewhat singular; they
kneel down, and the moment the arrow is discharged drop the bow.
Mr. Banks, in his morning walk this day, met a number of the natives,
whom, upon enquiry, he found to be travelling musicians; and having
learnt where they were to be at night, we all repaired to the place. The
band consisted of two flutes and three drums, and we found a great
number of people assembled upon the occasion. The drummers accompanied
the music with their voices, and, to our great surprise, we discovered
that we were generally the subject of the song. We did not expect to
have found among the uncivilized inhabitants of this sequestered spot a
character, which has been the subject of such praise and veneration
where genius and knowledge have been most conspicuous; yet these were
the bards or minstrels of Otaheite. Their song was unpremeditated, and
accompanied with music; they were continually going about from place to
place, and they were rewarded by the master of the house, and the
audience, with such things as one wanted and the other could spare.
On the 14th, we were brought into new difficulties and inconvenience by
another robbery at the fort. In the middle of the night, one of the
natives contrived to steal an iron coal-rake, that was made use of for
the oven. It happened to be set up against the inside of the wall, so
that the top of the handle was visible from without; and we were
informed that the thief, who had been seen lurking there in the evening,
came secretly about three o’clock in the morning, and, watching his
opportunity when the sentinel’s back was turned, very dexterously laid
hold of it with a long crooked stick, and drew it over the wall. I
thought it of some consequence, if possible, to put an end to these
practices at once, by doing something that should make it the common
interest of the natives themselves to prevent them. I had given strict
orders that they should not be fired upon, even when detected in these
attempts, for which I had many reasons: the common sentinels were by no
means fit to be intrusted with a power of life and death, to be exerted
whenever they should think fit, and I had already experienced that they
were ready to take away the lives that were in their power upon the
slightest occasion; neither, indeed, did I think that the thefts which
these people committed against us were, in them, crimes worthy of death:
that thieves are hanged in England, I thought no reason why they should
be shot in Otaheite; because, with respect to the natives, it would have
been an execution by a law _ex post facto_. They had no such law among
themselves, and it did not appear to me that we had any right to make
such a law for them. That they should abstain from theft, or be punished
with death, was not one of the conditions under which they claimed the
advantages of civil society, as it is among us; and as I was not willing
to expose them to fire-arms, loaded with shot, neither could I perfectly
approve of firing only with powder. At first, indeed, the noise and the
smoke would alarm them, but when they found that no mischief followed,
they would be led to despise the weapons themselves, and proceed to
insults, which would make it necessary to put them to the test, and from
which they would be deterred by the very sight of a gun, if it was never
used but with effect. At this time an accident furnished me with what I
thought a happy expedient. It happened that above twenty of their
sailing canoes were just come in with a supply of fish: upon these I
immediately seized, and bringing them into the river behind the fort,
gave public notice, that except the rake, and all the rest of the things
which from time to time had been stolen, were returned, the canoes
should be burnt. This menace I ventured to publish, though I had no
design to put it into execution, making no doubt but that it was well
known in whose possession the stolen goods were, and that as restitution
was thus made a common cause, they would all of them in a short time be
brought back. A list of the things was made out, consisting principally
of the rake, the musket which had been taken from the marine when the
Indian was shot; the pistols which Mr. Banks lost with his clothes at
Atahourou; a sword belonging to one of the petty officers, and the
water-cask. About noon, the rake was restored, and great solicitation
was made for the release of the canoes; but I still insisted upon my
original condition. The next day came, and nothing farther was restored,
at which I was much surprised, for the people were in the utmost
distress for the fish, which in a short time would be spoilt; I was,
therefore, reduced to a disagreeable situation, either of releasing the
canoes, contrary to what I had solemnly and publicly declared, or to
detain them, to the great injury of those who were innocent, without
answering any good purpose to ourselves: as a temporary expedient, I
permitted them to take the fish; but still detained the canoes. This
very licence, however, was productive of new confusion and injury; for,
it not being easy at once to distinguish to what particular persons the
several lots of fish belonged, the canoes were plundered, under favour
of this circumstance, by those who had no right to any part of their
cargo. Most pressing instances were still made that the canoes might be
restored; and I having now the greatest reason to believe, either that
the things for which I detained them were not in the island, or that
those who suffered by their detention had not sufficient influence over
the thieves to prevail upon them to relinquish their booty, determined
at length to give them up, not a little mortified at the bad success of
my project.
Another accident also about this time was, notwithstanding all our
caution, very near embroiling us with the Indians. I sent the boat on
shore with an officer to get ballast for the ship, and not immediately
finding stones convenient for the purpose, he began to pull down some
part of an enclosure where they deposited the bones of their dead. This
the Indians violently opposed, and a messenger came down to the tents to
acquaint the officers that they would not suffer it. Mr. Banks
immediately repaired to the place, and an amicable end was soon put to
the dispute by sending the boat’s crew to the river, where stones enough
were to be gathered without a possibility of giving offence. It is very
remarkable, that these Indians appeared to be much more jealous of what
was done to the dead than the living. This was the only measure in which
they ventured to oppose us, and the only insult that was offered to any
individual among us was upon a similar occasion. Mr. Monkhouse,
happening one day to pull a flower from a tree which grew in one of
their sepulchral enclosures, an Indian, whose jealousy had probably been
upon the watch, came suddenly behind him, and struck him. Mr. Monkhouse
laid hold of him, but he was instantly rescued by two more, who took
hold of Mr. Monkhouse’s hair, and forced him to quit his hold of their
companion, and then ran away without offering him any farther violence.
In the evening of the 19th, while the canoes were still detained, we
received a visit from Oberea, which surprised us not a little, as she
brought with her none of the things that had been stolen, and knew that
she was suspected of having some of them in her custody. She said,
indeed, that her favourite Obadee, whom she had beaten and dismissed,
had taken them away; but she seemed conscious, that she had no right to
be believed. She discovered the strongest signs of fear, yet she
surmounted it with astonishing resolution; and was very pressing to
sleep with her attendants in Mr. Banks’s tent. In this, however, she was
not gratified; the affair of the jacket was too recent, and the tent was
besides filled with other people. Nobody else seemed willing to
entertain her, and she, therefore, with great appearance of
mortification and disappointment, spent the night in her canoe.
The next morning early, she returned to the fort with her canoe, and
every thing that it contained, putting herself wholly into our power,
with something like greatness of mind, which excited our wonder and
admiration. As the most effectual means to bring about a reconciliation,
she presented us with a hog, and several other things, among which was a
dog. We had lately learnt, that these animals were esteemed by the
Indians as more delicate food than their pork; and upon this occasion we
determined to try the experiment. The dog, which was very fat, we
consigned over to Tupia, who undertook to perform the double office of
butcher and cook. He killed him by holding his hands close over his
mouth and nose, an operation which continued above a quarter of an hour.
While this was doing, a hole was made in the ground about a foot deep,
in which a fire was kindled, and some small stones placed in layers
alternately with the wood to heat; the dog was then singed, by holding
him over the fire, and, by scraping him with a shell, the hair taken off
as clean as if he had been scalded in hot water: he was then cut up with
the same instrument, and his entrails, being taken out, were sent to the
sea, where, being carefully washed, they were put into cocoa-nut shells,
with what blood had come from the body. When the hole was sufficiently
heated, the fire was taken out, and some of the stones, which were not
so hot as to discolour any thing that they touched, being placed at the
bottom, were covered with green leaves. The dog, with the entrails, was
then placed upon the leaves, and other leaves being laid upon them, the
whole was covered with the rest of the hot stones, and the mouth of the
hole close stopped with mould. In somewhat less than four hours it was
again opened, and the dog taken out excellently baked, and we all agreed
that he made a very good dish. The dogs which are here bred to be eaten
taste no animal food, but are kept wholly upon bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts,
yams, and other vegetables of the like kind: all the flesh and fish
eaten by the inhabitants is dressed in the same way.
On the 21st we were visited at the fort by a chief, called OAMO, whom we
had never seen before, and who was treated by the natives with uncommon
respect; he brought with him a boy about seven years old, and a young
woman about sixteen: the boy was carried upon a man’s back, which we
considered as a piece of state, for he was as well able to walk as any
present. As soon as they were in sight, Oberea, and several other
natives who were in the fort, went out to meet them, having first
uncovered their heads and bodies as low as the waist: as they came on,
the same ceremony was performed by all the natives who were without the
fort. Uncovering the body, therefore, is in this country probably a mark
of respect; and as all parts are here exposed with equal indifference,
the ceremony of uncovering it from the waist downwards, which was
performed by Oorattooa, might be nothing more than a different mode of
compliment, adapted to persons of a different rank. The chief came into
the tent, but no entreaty could prevail upon the young woman to follow
him, though she seemed to refuse contrary to her inclination. The
natives without were, indeed, all very solicitous to prevent her,
sometimes, when her resolution seemed to fail, almost using force: the
boy also they restrained in the same manner; but Dr. Solander, happening
to meet him at the gate, took him by the hand, and led him in before the
people were aware of it. As soon, however, as those that were within saw
him, they took care to have him sent out.
These circumstances having strongly excited our curiosity, we inquired
who they were, and were informed, that Oamo was the husband of Oberea,
though they had been a long time separated by mutual consent; and that
the young woman and the boy were their children. We learnt also, that
the boy, whose name was TERRIDIRI, was heir-apparent to the sovereignty
of the island, and that his sister was intended for his wife, the
marriage being deferred only till he should arrive at a proper age. The
sovereign at this time was a son of WHAPPAI, whose name was OUTOU, and
who, as before has been observed, was a minor. Whappai, Oamo, and
Tootahah, were brothers: Whappai was the eldest, and Oamo the second; so
that, Whappai having no child but Outou, Terridiri, the son of his next
brother Oamo, was heir to the sovereignty. It will, perhaps, seem
strange that a boy should be sovereign during the life of his father;
but, according to the custom of the country, a child succeeds to a
father’s title and authority as soon as it is born: a regent is then
elected, and the father of the new sovereign is generally continued in
his authority, under that title, till his child is of age; but, at this
time, the choice had fallen upon Tootahah, the uncle, in consequence of
his having distinguished himself in a war. Oamo asked many questions
concerning England and its inhabitants, by which he appeared to have
great shrewdness and understanding.
CHAP. XV.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE ISLAND, AND VARIOUS INCIDENTS
THAT HAPPENED DURING THE EXPEDITION; WITH A DESCRIPTION OF A
BURYING-PLACE AND PLACE OF WORSHIP, CALLED A MORAI.
ON Monday, the 26th, about three o’clock in the morning, I set out in
the pinnace, accompanied by Mr. Banks, to make the circuit of the
island, with a view to sketch out the coast and harbours. We took our
route to the eastward, and about eight in the forenoon we went on shore,
in a district called OAHOUNUE, which is governed by AHIO, a young chief,
whom we had often seen at the tents, and who favoured us with his
company to breakfast. Here also we found two other natives of our old
acquaintance, TITUBOALO and HOONA, who carried us to their houses, near
which we saw the body of the old woman, at whose funeral rites Mr. Banks
had assisted, and which had been removed hither from the spot where it
was first deposited, this place having descended from her by inheritance
to Hoona, and it being necessary on that account that it should lie
here. We then proceeded on foot, the boat attending within call, to the
harbour in which Mr. Bougainville lay, called OHIDEA, where the natives
showed us the ground upon which his people pitched their tent, and the
brook at which they watered, though no trace of them remained, except
the holes where the poles of the tent had been fixed, and a small piece
of potsheard, which Mr. Banks found in looking narrowly about the spot.
We met, however, with ORETTE, a chief who was their principal friend,
and whose brother, OUTORROU, went away with them.
This harbour lies on the west side of a great bay, under shelter of a
small island called Boourou, near which is another called TAAWIRRII; the
breach in the reefs is here very large, but the shelter for the ships is
not the best.
Soon after we had examined this place, we took boat, and asked Tituboalo
to go with us to the other side of the bay; but he refused, and advised
us not to go, for he said the country there was inhabited by people who
were not subject to Tootahah, and who would kill both him and us. Upon
receiving this intelligence, we did not, as may be imagined, relinquish
our enterprise; but we immediately loaded our pieces with ball: this was
so well understood by Tituboalo as a precaution which rendered us
formidable, that he now consented to be of our party.
Having rowed till it was dark, we reached a low neck of land, or
isthmus, at the bottom of the bay, that divides the island into two
peninsulas, each of which is a district or government wholly independent
of the other. From Port-Royal, where the ship was at anchor, the coast
trends E. by S. and E. S. E. ten miles, then S. by E. and S. eleven
miles to the isthmus. In the first direction, the shore is in general
open to the sea; but in the last it is covered by reefs of rocks, which
form several good harbours, with safe anchorage, in 16, 18, 20, and 24
fathom of water, with other conveniences. As we had not yet got into our
enemy’s country, we determined to sleep on shore. We landed, and though
we found but few houses, we saw several double canoes, whose owners were
well known to us, and who provided us with supper and lodging; of which
Mr. Banks was indebted for his share to Ooratooa, the lady who had paid
him her compliments in so singular a manner at the fort.
In the morning we looked about the country, and found it to be a marshy
flat, about two miles over, across which the natives haul their canoes
to the corresponding bay on the other side. We then prepared to continue
our route for what Tituboalo called the other kingdom; he said that the
name of it was TIARRABOU, or OTAHEITE ETE; and that of the chief who
governed it WAHEATUA. Upon this occasion, also, we learnt that the name
of the peninsula where we had taken our station was OPOUREONU, or
OTAHEITE NUE. Our new associate seemed to be now in better spirits than
he had been the day before: the people in Tiarrabou would not kill us,
he said; but he assured us that we should be able to procure no victuals
among them; and, indeed, we had seen no bread-fruit since we set out.
After rowing a few miles, we landed in a district, which was the
dominion of a chief called MARAITATA, the burying-place of men, whose
father’s name was PAHAIREDO, the stealer of boats. Though these names
seemed to favour the account that had been given by Tituboalo, we soon
found that it was not true. Both the father and the son received us with
the greatest civility, gave us provisions, and, after some delay, sold
us a very large hog for a hatchet. A crowd soon gathered round us, but
we saw only two people that we knew; neither did we observe a single
bead or ornament among them that had come from our ship, though we saw
several things which had been brought from Europe. In one of the houses
lay two twelve-pound shot, one of which was marked with the broad arrow
of England, though the people said they had them from the ships that lay
in Bougainville’s harbour.
We proceeded on foot till we came to the district which was immediately
under the government of the principal chief, or king of the peninsula,
Waheatua. Waheatua had a son, but whether, according to the custom of
Opoureonu, he administered the government as regent, or in his own
right, is uncertain. This district consists of a large and fertile
plain, watered by a river so wide, that we were obliged to ferry over it
in a canoe: our Indian train, however, chose to swim, and took to the
water with the same facility as a pack of hounds. In this place we saw
no house that appeared to be inhabited, but the ruins of many that had
been very large. We proceeded along the shore, which forms a bay, called
OAITIPEHA, and at last we found the chief sitting near some pretty canoe
awnings, under which, we supposed, he and his attendants slept. He was a
thin old man, with a very white head and beard, and had with him a
comely woman, about five-and-twenty years old, whose name was TOUDIDDE.
We had often heard the name of this woman, and, from report and
observation, we had reason to think that she was the OBEREA of this
peninsula. From this place, between which and the isthmus there are
other harbours, formed by the reefs that lie along the shore, where
shipping may lie in perfect security, and from whence the land trends S.
S. E. and S. to the S. E. part of the island, we were accompanied by
TEAREE, the son of Waheatua, of whom we had purchased a hog, and the
country we passed through appeared to be more cultivated than any we had
seen in other parts of the island: the brooks were every where banked
into narrow channels with stone, and the shore had also a facing of
stone, where it was washed by the sea. The houses were neither large nor
numerous, but the canoes that were hauled up along the shore were almost
innumerable, and superior to any that we had seen before, both in size
and make; they were longer, the sterns were higher, and the awnings were
supported by pillars. At almost every point there was a sepulchral
building, and there were many of them also inland. They were of the same
figure as those in Opoureonu, but they were cleaner and better kept, and
decorated with many carved boards, which were set upright, and on the
top of which were various figures of birds and men. On one in
particular, there was the representation of a cock, which was painted
red and yellow, to imitate the feathers of that animal, and rude images
of men were, in some of them, placed one upon the head of another. But
in this part of the country, however fertile and cultivated, we did not
see a single bread-fruit: the trees were entirely bare; and the
inhabitants seemed to subsist principally upon nuts, which are not
unlike a chesnut, and which they call _Ahee_.
When we had walked till we were weary, we called up the boat, but both
our Indians, Tituboalo and Tuahow, were missing: they had, it seems,
stayed behind at Waheatua’s, expecting us to return thither, in
consequence of a promise which had been extorted from us, and which we
had it not in our power to fulfil.
Tearee, however, and another, embarked with us, and we proceeded till we
came abreast of a small island called OTOOAREITE; it being then dark, we
determined to land, and our Indians conducted us to a place where they
said we might sleep: it was a deserted house, and near it was a little
cove, in which the boat might lie with great safety and convenience. We
were, however, in want of provisions, having been very sparingly
supplied since we set out; and Mr. Banks immediately went into the woods
to see whether any could be procured. As it was dark, he met with no
people, and could find but one house that was inhabited: a bread-fruit
and a half, a few ahees, and some fire, were all that it afforded; upon
which, with a duck or two, and a few curlieus, we made our supper,
which, if not scanty, was disagreeable, by the want of bread, with which
we had neglected to furnish ourselves, as we depended upon meeting with
bread-fruit, and took up our lodging under the awning of a canoe
belonging to Tearee, which followed us.
The next morning, after having spent some time in another fruitless
attempt to procure a supply of provisions, we proceeded round the
south-east point, part of which is not covered by any reef, but lies
open to the sea; and here the hill rises directly from the shore. At the
southernmost part of the island, the shore is again covered by a reef,
which forms a good harbour; and the land about it is very fertile. We
made this rout partly on foot, and partly in the boat: when we had
walked about three miles, we arrived at a place where we saw several
large canoes, and a number of people with them, whom we were agreeably
surprised to find were of our intimate acquaintance. Here, with much
difficulty, we procured some cocoa-nuts, and then embarked, taking with
us Tuahow, one of the Indians who had waited for us at Waheatua’s, and
had returned the night before, long after it was dark.
When we came abreast of the south-east end of the island, we went
ashore, by the advice of our Indian guide, who told us that the country
was rich and good. The chief, whose name was MATHIABO, soon came down to
us, but seemed to be a total stranger both to us and to our trade: his
subjects, however, brought us plenty of cocoa-nuts, and about twenty
bread-fruit. The bread-fruit we bought at a very dear rate, but his
excellency sold us a pig for a glass-bottle, which he preferred to every
thing else that we could give him. We found in his possession a goose
and a turkey-cock, which, we were informed, had been left upon the
island by the Dolphin: they were both enormously fat, and so tame that
they followed the Indians, who were fond of them to excess, wherever
they went.
In a long house in this neighbourhood, we saw what was altogether new to
us. At one end of it, fastened to a semicircular board, hung fifteen
human jaw-bones: they appeared to be fresh; and there was not one of
them that wanted a single tooth. A sight so extraordinary, strongly
excited our curiosity, and we made many enquiries about it; but at this
time could get no information, for the people either could not, or would
not, understand us.
When we left this place, the chief, Mathiabo, desired leave to accompany
us, which was readily granted. He continued with us the remainder of the
day, and proved very useful, by piloting us over the shoals. In the
evening, we opened the bay on the north-west side of the island, which
answered to that on the south-east, so as at the isthmus, or carrying
place, almost to intersect the island, as I have observed before; and
when we had coasted about two-thirds of it, we determined to go on shore
for the night. We saw a large house at some distance, which Mathiabo
informed us belonged to one of his friends; and soon after several
canoes came off to meet us, having on board some very handsome women,
who, by their behaviour, seemed to have been sent to entice us on shore.
As we had before resolved to take up our residence here for the night,
little invitation was necessary. We found that the house belonged to the
chief of the district, whose name was WIVEROU: he received us in a very
friendly manner, and ordered his people to assist us in dressing our
provision, of which we had now got a tolerable stock. When our supper
was ready, we were conducted into that part of the house where Wiverou
was sitting, in order to eat it: Mathiabo supped with us; and Wiverou
calling for his supper at the same time, we ate our meal very sociably,
and with great good humour. When it was over, we began to enquire where
we were to sleep, and a part of the house was shown us, of which we were
told we might take possession for that purpose. We then sent for our
cloaks, and Mr. Banks began to undress, as his custom was, and, with a
precaution which he had been taught by the loss of the jackets at
Atahourou, sent his clothes aboard the boat, proposing to cover himself
with a piece of Indian cloth. When Mathiabo perceived what was doing, he
also pretended to want a cloak; and, as he had behaved very well, and
done us some service, a cloak was ordered for him. We lay down, and
observed that Mathiabo was not with us; but we supposed that he was gone
to bathe, as the Indians always do before they sleep. We had not waited
long, however, when an Indian, who was a stranger to us, came and told
Mr. Banks, that the cloak and Mathiabo had disappeared together. This
man had so far gained our confidence, that we did not at first believe
the report; but it being soon after confirmed by Tuahow, our own Indian,
we knew no time was to be lost. As it was impossible for us to pursue
the thief with any hope of success, without the assistance of the people
about us, Mr. Banks started up, and telling our case, required them to
recover the cloak; and to enforce this requisition, showed one of his
pocket-pistols, which he always kept about him. Upon the sight of the
pistol, the whole company took the alarm, and, instead of assisting to
catch the thief, or recover what had been stolen, began with great
precipitation to leave the place: one of them, however, was seized; upon
which he immediately offered to direct the chase: I set out, therefore,
with Mr. Banks; and though we ran all the way, the alarm had got before
us; for in about ten minutes we met a man bringing back the cloak, which
the thief had relinquished in great terror; and as we did not then think
fit to continue the pursuit, he made his escape. When we returned, we
found the house, in which there had been between two and three hundred
people, entirely deserted. It being, however, soon known that we had no
resentment against any body but Mathiabo, the chief, Wiverou, our host,
with his wife, and many others, returned, and took up their lodgings
with us for the night. In this place, however, we were destined to more
confusion and trouble; for about five o’clock in the morning our sentry
alarmed us, with an account that the boat was missing: he had seen her,
he said, about half an hour before, at her grappling, which was not
above fifty yards from the shore; but, upon hearing the sound of oars,
he had looked out again, and could see nothing of her. At this account
we started up greatly alarmed, and ran to the water-side: the morning
was clear and star light, so that we could see to a considerable
distance, but there was no appearance of the boat. Our situation was now
such as might justify the most terrifying apprehensions: as it was a
dead calm, and we could not therefore suppose her to have broken from
her grappling, we had great reason to fear that the Indians had attacked
her, and finding the people asleep, had succeeded in their enterprise:
we were but four, with only one musket and two pocket pistols, without a
spare ball or charge of powder for either. In this state of anxiety and
distress we remained a considerable time, expecting the Indians every
moment to improve their advantage, when, to our unspeakable
satisfaction, we saw the boat return, which had been driven from her
grappling by the tide; a circumstance to which, in our confusion and
surprise, we did not advert.
As soon as the boat returned, we got our breakfast, and were impatient
to leave the place, lest some other vexatious accident should befall us.
It is situated on the north side of Tiarrabou, the south-east peninsula,
or division, of the island, and at the distance of about five miles
south-east from the isthmus, having a large and commodious harbour,
inferior to none in the island, about which the land is very rich in
produce.
Notwithstanding we had had little communication with this division, the
inhabitants every where received us in a friendly manner: we found the
whole of it fertile and populous, and, to all appearance, in a more
flourishing state than Opoureonu, though it is not above one-fourth part
as large.
The next district in which we landed was the last in Tiarrabou, and
governed by a chief, whose name we understood to be OMOE. Omoe was
building a house, and being therefore very desirous of procuring a
hatchet, he would have been glad to have purchased one with any thing
that he had in his possession; it happened, however, rather
unfortunately for him and us, that we had not one hatchet left in the
boat. We offered to trade with nails, but he would not part with any
thing in exchange for them; we therefore reimbarked, and put off our
boat, but the chief being unwilling to relinquish all hope of obtaining
something from us that would be of use to him, embarked in a canoe, with
his wife WHANNOOUDA, and followed us. After some time, we took them into
the boat, and when we had rowed about a league, they desired we would
put ashore: we immediately complied with his request, and found some of
his people, who had brought down a very large hog. We were as unwilling
to lose the hog, as the chief was to part with us, and it was indeed
worth the best axe we had in the ship; we therefore hit upon an
expedient, and told him, that if he would bring his hog to the fort at
MATAVAI, the Indian name for Port Royal bay, he should have a large axe,
and a nail into the bargain for his trouble. To this proposal, after
having consulted with his wife, he agreed, and gave us a large piece of
his country cloth as a pledge that he would perform his agreement,
which, however, he never did.
At this place we saw a very singular curiosity: it was the figure of a
man, constructed of basket-work, rudely made, but not ill designed; it
was something more than seven feet high, and rather too bulky in
proportion to its height. The wicker skeleton was completely covered
with feathers, which were white where the skin was to appear, and black
in the parts which it is their custom to paint or stain, and upon the
head, where there was to be a representation of hair: upon the head also
were four protuberances, three in front and one behind, which we should
have called horns, but which the Indians dignified with the name of TATE
ETE, little men. The image was called MANIOE, and was said to be the
only one of the kind in Otaheite. They attempted to give us an
explanation of its use and design, but we had not then acquired enough
of their language to understand them. We learnt, however, afterwards,
that it was a representation of Mauwe, one of their Eatuas, or gods of
the second class.
After having settled our affairs with Omoe, we proceeded on our return,
and soon reached Opoureonu, the north-west peninsula. After rowing a few
miles, we went on shore again, but the only thing we saw worth notice
was a repository for the dead, uncommonly decorated: the pavement was
extremely neat, and upon it was raised a pyramid, about five feet high,
which was entirely covered with the fruits of two plants, peculiar to
the country. Near the pyramid was a small image of stone, of very rude
workmanship, and the first instance of carving in stone that we had seen
among these people. They appeared to set a high value upon it, for it
was covered from the weather by a shed, that had been erected on
purpose.
We proceeded in the boat, and passed through the only harbour, on the
south side of Opoureonu, that is fit for shipping. It is situated about
five miles to the westward of the isthmus, between two small islands
that lie near the shore, and about a mile distant from each other, and
affords good anchorage in eleven and twelve fathom water. We were now
not far from the district called PAPARRA, which belonged to our friends
Oamo and Oberea, where we proposed to sleep. We went on shore about an
hour before night, and found that they were both absent, having left
their habitations to pay us a visit at Matavai: this, however, did not
alter our purpose, we took up our quarters at the house of Oberea,
which, though small, was very neat, and at this time had no inhabitant
but her father, who received us with looks that bid us welcome. Having
taken possession, we were willing to improve the little day-light that
was left us, and therefore walked out to a point, upon which we had
seen, at a distance, trees that are here called _Etoa_, which generally
distinguish the places where these people bury the bones of their dead:
their name for such burying-grounds, which are also places of worship,
is MORAI. We were soon struck with the sight of an enormous pile, which,
we were told, was the morai of Oamo and Oberea, and the principal piece
of Indian architecture in the island. It was a pile of stone work,
raised pyramidically, upon an oblong base, or square, two hundred and
sixty-seven feet long, and eighty-seven wide. It was built like the
small pyramidal mounts upon which we sometimes fix the pillar of a
sun-dial, where each side is a flight of steps; the steps, however, at
the sides, were broader than those at the ends, so that it terminated,
not in a square of the same figure with the base but in a ridge, like
the roof of a house: there were eleven of these steps, each of which was
four feet high, so that the height of the pile was forty-four feet; each
step was formed of one course of white coral stone, which was neatly
squared and polished; the rest of the mass, for there was no hollow
within, consisted of round pebbles, which, from the regularity of their
figure, seemed to have been wrought. Some of the coral stones were very
large; we measured one of them, and found it three feet and a half by
two feet and a half. The foundation was of rock stones, which were also
squared; and one of them measured four feet seven inches by two feet
four. Such a structure, raised without the assistance of iron tools to
shape the stones, or mortar to join them, struck us with astonishment:
it seemed to be as compact and firm as it could have been made by any
workman in Europe, except that the steps, which range along its greatest
length, are not perfectly strait, but sink in a kind of hollow in the
middle, so that the whole surface, from end to end, is not a right line,
but a curve. The quarry stones, as we saw no quarry in the
neighbourhood, must have been brought from a considerable distance; and
there is no method of conveyance here but by hand: the coral must also
have been fished from under the water, where, though it may be found in
plenty, it lies at a considerable depth, never less than three feet.
Both the rock stone and the coral could be squared only by tools made of
the same substance, which must have been a work of incredible labour;
but the polishing was more easily effected by means of the sharp coral
sand, which is found every where upon the sea-shore in great abundance.
In the middle of the top stood the image of a bird, carved in wood; and
near it lay the broken one of a fish, carved in stone. The whole of this
pyramid made part of one side of a spacious area or square, nearly of
equal sides, being three hundred and sixty feet by three hundred and
fifty-four, which was walled in with stone, and paved with flat stones
in its whole extent; though there were growing in it, notwithstanding
the pavement, several of the trees which they call _Etoa_, and
plantains. About an hundred yards to the west of this building was
another paved area or court, in which were several small stages raised
on wooden pillars, about seven feet high, which are called by the
Indians _Ewattas_, and seem to be a kind of altars, as upon these are
placed provisions of all kinds as offerings to their gods: we have since
seen whole hogs placed upon them, and we found here the skulls of above
fifty, besides the skulls of a great number of dogs.
The principal object of ambition among these people is to have a
magnificent morai, and this was a striking memorial of the rank and
power of Oberea. It has been remarked, that we did not find her invested
with the same authority that she exercised when the Dolphin was at this
place, and we now learnt the reason of it. Our way from her house to the
morai lay along the sea-side, and we observed every where under our feet
a great number of human bones, chiefly ribs and vertebræ. Upon enquiring
into the cause of so singular an appearance, we were told, that in the
then last month of _Owarahew_, which answered to our December, 1768,
about four or five months before our arrival, the people of Tiarrabou,
the S. E. peninsula which we had just visited, made a descent at this
place, and killed a great number of people, whose bones were those that
we saw upon the shore: that, upon this occasion, Oberea, and Oamo, who
then administered the government for his son, had fled to the mountains;
and that the conquerors burnt all the houses, which were very large, and
carried away the hogs, and what other animals they found. We learnt
also, that the turkey and goose, which we had seen when we were with
Mathiabo, the stealer of cloaks, were among the spoils: this accounted
for their being found among people with whom the Dolphin had little or
no communication; and upon mentioning the jaw-bones, which we had seen
hanging from a board in a long house, we were told, that they also had
been carried away as trophies, the people here carrying away the
jaw-bones of their enemies, as the Indians of North America do the
scalps.
After having thus gratified our curiosity, we returned to our quarters,
where we passed the night in perfect security and quiet. By the next
evening we arrived at Atahourou, the residence of our friend Tootahah,
where, the last time we passed the night under his protection, we had
been obliged to leave the best part of our clothes behind us. This
adventure, however, seemed now to be forgotten on both sides. Our
friends received us with great pleasure, and gave us a good supper and a
good lodging, where we suffered neither loss nor disturbance.
The next day, Saturday, July the 1st, we got back to our fort at
Matavai, having found the circuit of the island, including both
peninsulas, to be about thirty leagues. Upon our complaining of the want
of bread-fruit, we were told, that the produce of the last season was
nearly exhausted; and that what was seen sprouting upon the trees, would
not be fit to use in less than three months: this accounted for our
having been able to procure so little of it in our route.
While the bread-fruit is ripening upon the flats, the inhabitants are
supplied in some measure from the trees which they have planted upon the
hills to preserve a succession; but the quantity is not sufficient to
prevent scarcity: they live therefore upon the sour paste, which they
call _Mahie_, upon wild plantains, and ahee-nuts, which at this time are
in perfection. How it happened that the Dolphin, which was here at this
season, found such plenty of bread-fruit upon the trees I cannot tell,
except the season in which they ripen varies.
At our return, our Indian friends crowded about us, and none of them
came empty-handed. Though I had determined to restore the canoes which
had been detained to their owners, it had not yet been done; but I now
released them as they were applied for. Upon this occasion I could not
but remark with concern, that these people were capable of practising
petty frauds against each other, with a deliberate dishonesty, which
gave me a much worse opinion of them than I had ever entertained from
the robberies they committed, under the strong temptation to which a
sudden opportunity of enriching themselves with the inestimable metal
and manufactures of Europe exposed them.
Among others who applied to me for the release of a canoe, was one
POTATTOW, a man of some consequence, well known to us all. I consented,
supposing the vessel to be his own, or that he applied on the behalf of
a friend: he went immediately to the beach, and took possession of one
of the boats, which, with the assistance of his people, he began to
carry off. Upon this, however, it was eagerly claimed by the right
owners, who, supported by the other Indians, clamorously reproached him
for invading their property, and prepared to take the canoe from him by
force. Upon this, he desired to be heard, and told them, that the canoe
did, indeed, once belong to those who claimed it; but that I, having
seized it as a forfeit, had sold it to him for a pig. This silenced the
clamour: the owners, knowing that from my power there was no appeal,
acquiesced; and Potattow would have carried off his prize, if the
dispute had not fortunately been overheard by some of our people, who
reported it to me. I gave orders immediately that the Indians should be
undeceived; upon which the right owners took possession of their canoe,
and Potattow was so conscious of his guilt, that neither he nor his
wife, who was privy to his knavery, could look us in the face for some
time afterwards.
CHAP. XVI.
AN EXPEDITION OF MR. BANKS TO TRACE THE RIVER: MARKS OF SUBTERRANEOUS
FIRE: PREPARATIONS FOR LEAVING THE ISLAND: AN ACCOUNT OF TUPIA.
ON the 3d, Mr. Banks set out early in the morning with some Indian
guides, to trace our river up the valley from which it issues, and
examine how far its banks were inhabited. For about six miles they met
with houses, not far distant from each other, on each side of the river,
and the valley was every where about four hundred yards wide from the
foot of the hill on one side to the foot of that on the other; but they
were now shown a house which they were told was the last that they would
see. When they came up to it, the master of it offered them refreshments
of cocoa-nuts and other fruits, of which they accepted. After a short
stay, they walked forward for a considerable time: in bad way it is not
easy to compute distances, but they imagined that they had walked about
six miles farther, following the course of the river, when they
frequently passed under vaults, formed by fragments of the rock, in
which they were told people who were benighted frequently passed the
night. Soon after they found the river banked by steep rocks, from which
a cascade, falling with great violence, formed a pool, so steep, that
the Indians said they could not pass it. They seemed, indeed, not much
to be acquainted with the valley beyond this place, their business lying
chiefly upon the declivity of the rocks on each side, and the plains
which extended on their summits, where they found plenty of wild
plantain, which they called _Vae_. The way up these rocks from the banks
of the river was in every respect dreadful: the sides were nearly
perpendicular, and in some places one hundred feet high: they were also
rendered exceedingly slippery by the water of innumerable springs which
issued from the fissures on the surface: yet up these precipices a way
was to be traced by a succession of long pieces of the bark of the
_Hibiscus tiliaceus_, which served as a rope for the climber to take
hold of, and assisted him in scrambling from one ledge to another,
though upon these ledges there was footing only for an Indian or a goat.
One of these ropes was nearly thirty feet in length, and their guides
offered to assist them in mounting this pass, but recommended another at
a little distance lower down, as less difficult and dangerous. They took
a view of this “better way,” but found it so bad that they did not
choose to attempt it, as there was nothing at the top to reward their
toil and hazard, but a grove of the wild plantain or vae tree, which
they had often seen before.
During this excursion, Mr. Banks had an excellent opportunity to examine
the rocks, which were almost every where naked, for minerals; but he
found not the least appearance of any. The stones every where, like
those of Madeira, showed manifest tokens of having been burnt; nor is
there a single specimen of any stone, among all those that were
collected in the island, upon which there are not manifest and
indubitable marks of fire; except, perhaps, some small pieces of the
hatchet-stone, and even of that, other fragments were collected which
were burnt almost to a pumice. Traces of fire are also manifest in the
very clay upon the hills; and it may, therefore, not unreasonably be
supposed, that this and the neighbouring islands are either shattered
remains of a continent, which some have supposed to be necessary in this
part of the globe, to preserve an equilibrium of its parts, which were
left behind when the rest sunk by the mining of a subterraneous fire, so
as to give a passage to the sea over it; or were torn from rocks, which,
from the creation of the world, had been the bed of the sea, and thrown
up in heaps, to a height which the waters never reach. One or other of
these suppositions will perhaps be thought the more probable, as the
water does not gradually grow shallow as the shore is approached, and
the islands are almost every where surrounded by reefs, which appear to
be rude and broken, as some violent concussion would naturally leave the
solid substance of the earth. It may also be remarked upon this
occasion, that the most probable cause of earthquakes seems to be the
sudden rushing in of water upon some vast mass of subterraneous fire, by
the instantaneous rarefaction of which into vapour the mine is sprung,
and various substances, in all stages of vitrification, with shells, and
other marine productions, that are now found fossil, and the strata that
covered the furnace, are thrown up; while those parts of the land which
were supported upon the broken shell give way, and sink into the gulf.
With this theory the phænomena of all earthquakes seem to agree: pools
of water are frequently left where land has subsided; and various
substances, which manifestly appear to have suffered by the action of
fire, are thrown up. It is indeed true, that fire cannot subsist without
air; but this cannot be urged against there being fire below that part
of the earth which forms the bed of the sea; because there may be
innumerable fissures by which a communication between those parts and
the external air may be kept up, even upon the highest mountains, and at
the greatest distance from the sea-shore.
On the 4th, Mr. Banks employed himself in planting a great quantity of
the seeds of water melons, oranges, lemons, limes, and other plants and
trees which he had collected at Rio de Janeiro. For these he prepared
ground on each side of the fort, with as many varieties of soil as he
could choose; and there is little doubt but that they will succeed. He
also gave liberally of these seeds to the Indians, and planted many of
them in the woods: some of the melon seeds having been planted soon
after our arrival, the natives showed him several of the plants which
appeared to be in the most flourishing condition, and were continually
asking him for more.
We now began to prepare for our departure, by bending the sails and
performing other necessary operations on board the ship, our water being
already on board, and the provisions examined. In the mean time we had
another visit from Oamo, Oberea, and their son and daughter; the Indians
expressing their respect by uncovering the upper parts of their body as
they had done before. The daughter, whose name we understood to be
TOIMATA, was very desirous to see the fort, but her father would by no
means suffer her to come in. Tearee, the son of Waheatua, the sovereign
of Tiarrabou, the south-east peninsula, was also with us at this time;
and we received intelligence of the landing of another guest, whose
company was neither expected nor desired: this was no other than the
ingenious gentleman who contrived to steal our quadrant. We were told,
that he intended to try his fortune again in the night; but the Indians
all offered very zealously to assist us against him, desiring that, for
this purpose, they might be permitted to lie in the fort. This had so
good an effect, that the thief relinquished his enterprise in despair.
On the 7th, the carpenters were employed in taking down the gates and
pallisadoes of our little fortification, for firewood on board the ship;
and one of the Indians had dexterity enough to steal the staple and hook
upon which the gate turned: he was immediately pursued, and after a
chace of six miles, he appeared to have been passed, having concealed
himself among some rushes in the brook; the rushes were searched, and
though the thief had escaped, a scraper was found which had been stolen
from the ship some time before; and soon after our old friend Tubourai
Tamaide brought us the staple.
On the 8th and 9th, we continued to dismantle our fort, and our friends
still flocked about us; some, I believe, sorry at the approach of our
departure, and others desirous to make as much as they could of us while
we staid.
We were in hopes that we should now leave the island, without giving or
receiving any other offence; but it unfortunately happened otherwise.
Two foreign seamen having been out with my permission, one of them was
robbed of his knife, and endeavouring to recover it, probably with
circumstances of great provocation, the Indians attacked him, and
dangerously wounded him with a stone; they wounded his companion also
slightly in the head, and then fled into the mountains. As I should have
been sorry to take any farther notice of the affair, I was not
displeased that the offenders had escaped; but I was immediately
involved in a quarrel which I very much regretted, and which yet it was
not possible to avoid.
In the middle of the night between the 8th and 9th, Clement Webb and
Samuel Gibson, two of the marines, both young men, went privately from
the fort, and in the morning were not to be found. As public notice had
been given, that all hands were to go on board on the next day, and that
the ship would sail on the morrow of that day or the day following, I
began to fear that the absentees intended to stay behind. I knew that I
could take no effectual steps to recover them, without endangering the
harmony and good-will which at present subsisted among us; and therefore
determined to wait a day for the chance of their return.
On Monday morning the 10th, the marines, to my great concern, not being
returned, an enquiry was made after them of the Indians, who frankly
told us, that they did not intend to return, and had taken refuge in the
mountains, where it was impossible for our people to find them. They
were then requested to assist in the search, and after some
deliberation, two of them undertook to conduct such persons as I should
think proper to send after them to the place of their retreat. As they
were known to be without arms, I thought two would be sufficient, and
accordingly dispatched a petty officer, and the corporal of the marines,
with the Indian guides, to fetch them back. As the recovery of these men
was a matter of great importance, as I had no time to lose, and as the
Indians spoke doubtfully of their return, telling us, that they had each
of them taken a wife, and were become inhabitants of the country, it was
intimated to several of the chiefs who were in the fort with their
women, among whom were Tubourai Tamaide, Tomio, and Oberea, that they
would not be permitted to leave it till our deserters were brought back.
This precaution I thought the more necessary, as, by concealing them a
few days, they might compel me to go without them; and I had the
pleasure to observe, that they received the intimation with very little
signs either of fear or discontent; assuring me that my people should be
secured and sent back as soon as possible. While this was doing at the
fort, I sent Mr. Hicks in the pinnace to fetch Tootahah on board the
ship, which he did, without alarming either him or his people. If the
Indian guides proved faithful and in earnest, I had reason to expect the
return of my people with the deserters before evening. Being
disappointed, my suspicions increased; and night coming on, I thought it
was not safe to let the people whom I had detained as hostages continue
at the fort, and I therefore ordered Tubourai Tamaide, Oberea, and some
others, to be taken on board the ship. This spread a general alarm, and
several of them, especially the women, expressed their apprehensions
with great emotion and many tears when they were put into the boat. I
went on board with them, and Mr. Banks remained on shore, with some
others whom I thought it of less consequence to secure.
About nine o’clock, Webb was brought back by some of the natives, who
declared, that Gibson, and the petty officer and corporal, would be
detained till Tootahah should be set at liberty. The tables were now
turned upon me; but I had proceeded too far to retreat. I immediately
dispatched Mr. Hicks in the long-boat, with a strong party of men, to
rescue the prisoners, and told Tootahah that it behoved him to send some
of his people with them, with orders to afford them effectual
assistance, and to demand the release of my men in his name, for that I
should expect him to answer for the contrary. He readily complied: this
party recovered my men without the least opposition; and about seven
o’clock in the morning returned with them to the ship, though they had
not been able to recover the arms which had been taken from them when
they were seized: these, however, were brought on board in less than
half an hour, and the chiefs were immediately set at liberty.
When I questioned the petty officer concerning what had happened on
shore, he told me, that neither the natives who went with him, nor those
whom they met in their way, would give them any intelligence of the
deserters; but, on the contrary, became very troublesome: that, as he
was returning for further orders to the ship, he and his comrade were
suddenly seized by a number of armed men, who having learnt that
Tootahah was confined, had concealed themselves in a wood for that
purpose, and who, having taken them at a disadvantage, forced their
weapons out of their hands, and declared, that they would detain them
till their chief should be set at liberty. He said, however, that the
Indians were not unanimous in this measure; that some were for setting
them at liberty, and others for detaining them; that an eager dispute
ensued, and that from words they came to blows, but that the party for
detaining them at length prevailed; that soon after Webb and Gibson were
brought in by a party of the natives, as prisoners, that they also might
be secured as hostages for the chief; but that it was, after some
debate, resolved to send Webb to inform me of their resolution, to
assure me that his companions were safe, and direct me where I might
send my answer. Thus it appears, that, whatever were the disadvantages
of seizing the chiefs, I should never have recovered my men by any other
method. When the chiefs were set on shore from the ship, those at the
fort were also set at liberty, and, after staying with Mr. Banks about
an hour, they all went away. Upon this occasion, as they had done upon
another of the same kind, they expressed their joy by an undeserved
liberality, strongly urging us to accept of four hogs. These we
absolutely refused as a present, and they as absolutely refusing to be
paid for them, the hogs did not change masters. Upon examining the
deserters, we found that the account which the Indians had given of them
was true: they had strongly attached themselves to two girls, and it was
their intention to conceal themselves till the ship had sailed, and take
up their residence upon the island. This night every thing was got off
from the shore, and every body slept on board.
Among the natives who were almost constantly with us, was Tupia, whose
name has been often mentioned in this narrative. He had been, as I have
before observed, the first minister of Oberea, when she was in the
height of her power: he was also the chief Tahowa or priest of the
island, consequently well acquainted with the religion of the country,
as well with respect to its ceremonies as principles. He had also great
experience and knowledge in navigation, and was particularly acquainted
with the number and situation of the neighbouring islands. This man had
often expressed a desire to go with us, and on the 12th in the morning,
having, with the other natives, left us the day before, he came on
board, with a boy about thirteen years of age, his servant, and urged us
to let him proceed with us on our voyage. To have such a person on board
was certainly desirable for many reasons; by learning his language, and
teaching him ours, we should be able to acquire a much better knowledge
of the customs, policy, and religion of the people, than our short stay
among them could give us, I therefore gladly agreed to receive them on
board. As we were prevented from sailing to-day, by having found it
necessary to make new stocks to our small and best bower anchors, the
old ones having been totally destroyed by the worms, Tupia said, he
would go once more on shore, and make a signal for the boat to fetch him
off in the evening. He went accordingly, and took with him a miniature
picture of Mr. Banks, to shew his friends, and several little things to
give them as parting presents.
After dinner, Mr. Banks being desirous to procure a drawing of the Morai
belonging to Tootahah at Eparré, I attended him thither, accompanied by
Dr. Solander, in the pinnace. As soon as we landed, many of our friends
came to meet us, though some absented themselves in resentment of what
had happened the day before. We immediately proceeded to Tootahah’s
house, where we were joined by Oberea, with several others who had not
come out to meet us, and a perfect reconciliation was soon brought
about; in consequence of which they promised to visit us early the next
day, to take a last farewell of us, as we told them we should certainly
set sail in the afternoon. At this place also we found Tupia, who
returned with us, and slept this night on board the ship for the first
time.
On the next morning, Thursday the 13th of July, the ship was very early
crowded with our friends, and surrounded by a multitude of canoes, which
were filled with the natives of an inferior class. Between eleven and
twelve we weighed anchor, and as soon as the ship was under sail, the
Indians on board took their leaves, and wept, with a decent and silent
sorrow, in which there was something very striking and tender: the
people in the canoes, on the contrary, seemed to vie with each other in
the loudness of their lamentations, which we considered rather as
affectation than grief. Tupia sustained himself in this scene with a
firmness and resolution truly admirable: he wept, indeed, but the effort
that he made to conceal his tears, concurred, with them, to do him
honour. He sent his last present, a shirt, by Otheothea, to Potomai,
Tootahah’s favourite mistress, and then went with Mr. Banks to the
mast-head, waving to the canoes as long as they continued in sight.
Thus we took leave of Otaheite, and its inhabitants, after a stay of
just three months; for much the greater part of the time we lived
together in the most cordial friendship, and a perpetual reciprocation
of good offices. The accidental differences which now and then happened,
could not be more sincerely regretted on their part than they were on
ours: the principal causes were such as necessarily resulted from our
situation and circumstances, in conjunction with the infirmities of
human nature, from our not being able perfectly to understand each
other, and from the disposition of the inhabitants to theft, which we
could not at all times bear with or prevent. They had not, however,
except in one instance, been attended with any fatal consequence; and to
that accident were owing the measures that I took to prevent others of
the same kind. I hoped, indeed, to have availed myself of the impression
which had been made upon them by the lives that had been sacrificed in
their contest with the Dolphin, so as that the intercourse between us
should have been carried on wholly without bloodshed; and by this hope
all my measures were directed during the whole of my continuance at the
island; and I sincerely wish, that whoever shall next visit it, may be
still more fortunate. Our traffic here was carried on with as much order
as in the best regulated market in Europe. It was managed principally by
Mr. Banks, who was indefatigable in procuring provisions and
refreshments while they were to be had; but during the latter part of
our time they became scarce, partly by the increased consumption at the
fort and ship, and partly by the coming on of the season in which
cocoa-nuts and bread-fruit fail. All kind of fruit we purchased for
beads and nails; but no nails less than fortypenny were current: after a
very short time we could never get a pig of more than ten or twelve
pounds for less than a hatchet; because, though these people set a high
value upon spike-nails, yet these being an article with which many
people in the ship were provided, the women found a much more easy way
of procuring them than by bringing down provisions.
The best articles for traffic here are axes, hatches, spikes, large
nails, looking-glasses, knives, and beads; for some of which, every
thing that the natives have may be procured. They are indeed fond of
fine linen cloth, both white and printed; but an axe worth half-a-crown
will fetch more than a piece of cloth worth twenty shillings.
CHAP. XVII.
A PARTICULAR DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLAND; ITS PRODUCE AND INHABITANTS;
THEIR DRESS, HABITATIONS, FOOD, DOMESTIC LIFE, AND AMUSEMENTS.
WE found the longitude of Port-Royal bay, in this island, as settled by
Captain Wallis, who discovered it on the 9th of June, 1767, to be within
half a degree of the truth. We found Point Venus, the northern extremity
of the island, and the eastern point of the bay, to lie in the longitude
of 149° 13ʹ, this being the mean result of a great number of
observations made upon the spot. The island is surrounded by a reef of
coral rock, which forms several excellent bays and harbours, some of
which have been particularly described, where there is room and depth of
water for any number of the largest ships. Port-Royal bay, called by the
natives Matavai, which is not inferior to any in Otaheite, may easily be
known by a very high mountain in the middle of the island, which bears
due south from Point Venus. To sail into it, either keep the west point
of the reef that lies before Point Venus close on board, or give it a
birth of near half a mile, in order to avoid a small shoal of coral
rocks, on which there is but two fathom and a half of water. The best
anchoring is on the eastern side of the bay, where there is sixteen and
fourteen fathom upon an ousey bottom. The shore of the bay is a fine
sandy beach, behind which runs a river of fresh water, so that any
number of ships may water here without incommoding each other; but the
only wood for firing, upon the whole island, is that of fruit trees,
which must be purchased of the natives, or all hope of living upon good
terms with them given up. There are some harbours to the westward of
this bay which have not been mentioned; but, as they are contiguous to
it, and laid down in the plan, a description of them is unnecessary.
The face of the country, except that part of it which borders upon the
sea, is very uneven; it rises in ridges that run up into the middle of
the island, and there form mountains, which may be seen at the distance
of sixty miles: between the foot of these ridges and the sea is a border
of low land, surrounding the whole island, except in a few places where
the ridges rise directly from the sea: the border of low land is in
different parts of different breadths, but no where more than a mile and
a half. The soil, except upon the very tops of the ridges, is extremely
rich and fertile, watered by a great number of rivulets of excellent
water, and covered with fruit trees of various kinds, some of which are
of a stately growth and thick foliage, so as to form one continued wood;
and even the tops of the ridges, though in general they are bare, and
burnt up by the sun, are, in some parts, not without their produce.
The low land that lies between the foot of the ridges and the sea, and
some of the valleys, are the only parts of the island that are
inhabited, and here it is populous: the houses do not form villages or
towns, but are ranged along the whole border at the distance of about
fifty yards from each other, with little plantations of plantains, the
tree which furnishes them with cloth. The whole island, according to
Tupia’s account, who certainly knew, could furnish six thousand seven
hundred and eighty fighting men, from which the number of inhabitants
may easily be computed.
The produce of this island is bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, bananas, of
thirteen sorts, the best we had ever eaten; plantains; a fruit not
unlike an apple, which, when ripe, is very pleasant; sweet potatoes,
yams, cocoas, a kind of _Arum_; a fruit known here by the name of
_Jambu_, and reckoned most delicious; sugar-cane, which the inhabitants
eat raw; a root of the salop kind, called by the inhabitants _Pea_; a
plant called _Ethee_, of which the root only is eaten; a fruit that
grows in a pod, like that of a large kidney-bean, which, when it is
roasted, eats very much like a chesnut, by the natives called _Ahee_; a
tree called _Wharra_, called in the East Indies _Pandanes_, which
produces fruit, something like the pine-apple; a shrub called _Nono_;
the _Morinda_, which also produces fruit; a species of fern, of which
the root is eaten, and sometimes the leaves; and a plant called _Theve_,
of which the root also is eaten: but the fruits of the _Nono_, the fern,
and the _Theve_, are eaten only by the inferior people, and in times of
scarcity. All these, which serve the inhabitants for food, the earth
produces spontaneously, or with so little culture, that they seem to be
exempted from the first general curse, that “man should eat his bread in
the sweat of his brow.” They have also the Chinese paper mulberry,
_morus papyrifera_, which they call _Aouta_; a tree resembling the wild
fig-tree of the West Indies; another species of fig, which they call
_Matte_; the _cordia sebestina orientalis_, which they call _Etou_; a
kind of Cyperus grass, which they call _Moo_; a species of
_tournefortia_, which they call _Taheinoo_; another of the _convolvulus
poluce_, which they call _Eurhe_; the _solanum centifolium_, which they
call _Ebooa_; the _calophyllum mophylum_, which they call _Tamannu_; the
_hibiscus tiliaceus_, called _Poerou_, a frutescent nettle; the _urtica
argentea_, called _Erowa_; with many other plants which cannot here be
particularly mentioned: those that have been named already will be
referred to in the subsequent part of this work.
They have no European fruit, garden stuff, pulse, or legumes, nor grain
of any kind.
Of tame animals they have only hogs, dogs, and poultry; neither is there
a wild animal in the island, except ducks, pigeons, paroquets, with a
few other birds, and rats, there being no other quadruped, nor any
serpent. But the sea supplies them with great variety of most excellent
fish, to eat which is their chief luxury, and to catch it their
principal labour.
As to the people they are of the largest size of Europeans. The men are
tall, strong, well-limbed, and finely shaped. The tallest that we saw
was a man upon a neighbouring island, called HUAHEINE, who measured six
feet three inches and a half. The women of the superior rank are also in
general above our middle stature, but those of the inferior class are
rather below it, and some of them are very small. This defect in size
probably proceeds from their early commerce with men, the only thing in
which they differ from their superiors, that could possibly affect their
growth.
Their natural complexion is that kind of clear olive, or _brunette_,
which many people in Europe prefer to the finest white and red. In those
that are exposed to the wind and sun, it is considerably deepened, but
in others that live under shelter, especially the superior class of
women, it continues of its native hue, and the skin is most delicately
smooth and soft: they have no tint in their cheeks, which we distinguish
by the name of colour. The shape of the face is comely, the cheek-bones
are not high, neither are the eyes hollow, nor the brow prominent: the
only feature that does not correspond with our ideas of beauty is the
nose, which, in general, is somewhat flat; but their eyes, especially
those of the women, are full of expression, sometimes sparkling with
fire, and sometimes melting with softness; their teeth also are, almost
without exception, most beautifully even and white, and their breath
perfectly without taint.
The hair is almost universally black, and rather coarse: the men have
beards, which they wear in many fashions, always, however, plucking out
great part of them, and keeping the rest perfectly clean and neat. Both
sexes also eradicate every hair from under their arms, and accused us of
great uncleanliness for not doing the same. In their motions there is at
once vigour and ease; their walk is graceful, their deportment liberal,
and their behaviour to strangers and to each other affable and
courteous. In their dispositions, also, they seemed to be brave, open,
and candid, without either suspicion or treachery, cruelty or revenge;
so that we placed the same confidence in them as in our best friends,
many of us, particularly Mr. Banks, sleeping frequently in their houses
in the woods, without a companion, and consequently wholly in their
power. They were, however, all thieves; and when that is allowed, they
need not much fear a competition with the people of any other nation
upon earth. During our stay in this island, we saw about five or six
persons, like one that was met by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander on the 24th
of April, in their walk to the eastward, whose skins were of a dead
white, like the nose of a white horse; with white hair, beard, brows,
and eye-lashes; red, tender eyes; a short sight, and scurfy skins,
covered with a kind of white down; but we found that no two of these
belonged to the same family, and therefore concluded, that they were not
a species, but unhappy individuals, rendered anomalous by disease.
It is a custom in most countries where the inhabitants have long hair,
for the men to cut it short, and the women to pride themselves in its
length. Here, however, the contrary custom prevails; the women always
cut it short round their ears, and the men, except the fishers, who are
almost continually in the water, suffer it to flow in large waves over
their shoulders, or tie it up in a bunch on the top of their heads.
They have a custom, also, of anointing their heads, with what they call
_Monoe_, an oil expressed from the cocoa-nut, in which some sweet herbs
or flowers have been infused: as the oil is generally rancid, the smell
is at first very disagreeable to a European; and as they live in a hot
country, and have no such thing as a comb, they are not able to keep
their heads free from lice, which the children and common people
sometimes pick out and eat; a hateful custom, wholly different from
their manners in every other particular; for they are delicate and
cleanly almost without example; and those to whom we distributed combs
soon delivered themselves from vermin, with a diligence which showed
that they were not more odious to us than to them.
They have a custom of staining their bodies, nearly in the same manner
as is practised in many other parts of the world, which they call
_Tattowing_. They prick the skin, so as just not to fetch blood, with a
small instrument, something in the form of a hoe; that part which
answers to the blade is made of a bone or shell, scraped very thin, and
is from a quarter of an inch to an inch and a half wide; the edge is cut
into sharp teeth or points, from the number of three to twenty,
according to its size: when this is to be used, they dip the teeth into
a mixture of a kind of lamp-black, formed of the smoke that rises from
an oily nut which they burn instead of candles, and water; the teeth,
thus prepared, are placed upon the skin, and the handle to which they
are fastened being struck, by quick smart blows, with a stick fitted to
the purpose, they pierce it, and at the same time carry into the
puncture the black composition, which leaves an indelible stain. The
operation is painful, and it is some days before the wounds are healed.
It is performed upon the youth of both sexes when they are about twelve
or fourteen years of age, on several parts of the body, and in various
figures, according to the fancy of the parent, or perhaps the rank of
the party. The women are generally marked with this stain, in the form
of a Z, on every joint of their fingers and toes, and frequently round
the outside of their feet: the men are also marked with the same figure,
and both men and women have squares, circles, crescents, and
ill-designed representations of men, birds, or dogs, and various other
devices impressed upon their legs, and arms, some of which, we were
told, had significations, though we could never learn what they were.
But the part on which these ornaments are lavished with the greatest
profusion is the breech: this, in both sexes, is covered with a deep
black; above which, arches are drawn one over another as high as the
short ribs. They are often a quarter of an inch broad, and the edges are
not straight lines, but indented. These arches are their pride, and are
shown both by men and women with a mixture of ostentation and pleasure;
whether as an ornament, or a proof of their fortitude and resolution in
bearing pain, we could not determine. The face in general is left
unmarked: for we saw but one instance to the contrary. Some old men had
the greatest part of their bodies covered with large patches of black,
deeply indented at the edges, like a rude imitation of flame; but we
were told, that they came from a low island, called NOOUOORA, and were
not natives of Otaheite.
Mr. Banks saw the operation of _tattowing_ performed upon the backside
of a girl about thirteen years old. The instrument used upon this
occasion had thirty teeth, and every stroke, of which at least a hundred
were made in a minute, drew an ichor or serum a little tinged with
blood. The girl bore it with most stoical resolution for about a quarter
of an hour; but the pain of so many hundred punctures as she had
received in that time then became intolerable: she first complained in
murmurs, then wept, and at last burst into loud lamentations, earnestly
imploring the operator to desist. He was, however, inexorable; and when
she began to struggle, she was held down by two women, who sometimes
soothed and sometimes chid her, and now and then, when she was most
unruly, gave her a smart blow. Mr. Banks staid in a neighbouring house
an hour, and the operation was not over when he went away; yet it was
performed but upon one side, the other having been done some time
before; and the arches upon the loins, in which they most pride
themselves, and which give more pain than all the rest, were still to be
done.
It is strange that these people should value themselves upon what is no
distinction; for I never saw a native of this island, either man or
woman, in a state of maturity, in whom these marks were wanting:
possibly they may have their rise in superstition, especially as they
produce no visible advantage, and are not made without great pain; but
though we enquired of many hundreds, we could never get any account of
the matter.
Their clothing consists of cloth or matting of different kinds, which
will be described among their other manufactures. The cloth which will
not bear wetting they wear in dry weather, and the matting when it
rains: they are put on in many different ways, just as their fancy leads
them; for in their garments nothing is cut into shape, nor are any two
pieces sewed together. The dress of the better sort of women consists of
three or four pieces: one piece, about two yards wide, and eleven yards
long, they wrap several times round their waist, so as to hang down like
a petticoat as low as the middle of the leg, and this they call _Parou_:
two or three other pieces, about two yards and a half long, and one
wide, each having a hole cut in the middle, they place one upon another,
and then putting the head through the holes, they bring the long ends
down before and behind; the others remain open at the sides, and give
liberty to the arms: this, which they call the _Tebuta_, is gathered
round the waist, and confined with a girdle or sash of thinner cloth,
which is long enough to go many times round them, and exactly resembles
the garment worn by the inhabitants of Peru and Chili, which the
Spaniards call _Poncho_. The dress of the men is the same, except that,
instead of suffering the cloth that is wound about the hips to hang down
like a petticoat, they bring it between their legs so as to have some
resemblance to breeches, and it is then called _Maro_. This is the dress
of all ranks of people, and being universally the same as to form, the
gentlemen and ladies distinguish themselves from the lower people by the
quantity; some of them will wrap round them several pieces of cloth,
eight or ten yards long, and two or three broad; and some throw a large
piece loosely over their shoulders, in the manner of a cloak; or perhaps
two pieces, if they are very great personages, and are desirous to
appear in state. The inferior sort, who have only a small allowance of
cloth from the tribes or families to which they belong, are obliged to
be more thinly clad. In the heat of the day, they appear almost naked,
the women having only a scanty petticoat, and the men nothing but the
sash that is passed between their legs and fastened round the waist. As
finery is always troublesome, and particularly in a hot country, where
it consists in putting one covering upon another, the women of rank
always uncover themselves as low as the waist in the evening, throwing
off all that they wear on the upper part of the body, with the same
negligence and ease as our ladies would lay by a cardinal or double
handkerchief. And the chiefs, even when they visited us, though they had
as much cloth round their middle as would clothe a dozen people, had
frequently the rest of the body quite naked.
Upon their legs and feet, they wear no covering; but they shade their
faces from the sun with little bonnets, either of matting or of
cocoa-nut leaves, which they make occasionally in a few minutes. This,
however, is not all their head-dress; the women sometimes wear little
turbans, and sometimes a dress which they value much more, and which,
indeed, is much more becoming, called _Tomou_: the _tomou_ consists of
human hair, plaited in threads, scarcely thicker than sewing silk. Mr.
Banks has pieces of it above a mile in length, without a knot. These
they wind round the head in such a manner as produces a very pretty
effect, and in a very great quantity; for I have seen five or six such
pieces wound about the head of one woman: among these threads they stick
flowers of various kinds, particularly the Cape-jessamine, of which they
have great plenty, as it is always planted near their houses. The men
sometimes stick the tail-feather of the Tropic-bird upright in their
hair, which, as I have observed before, is often tied in a bunch upon
the top of their heads: sometimes they wear a kind of whimsical garland,
made of flowers of various kinds, stuck into a piece of the rind of a
plantain; or of scarlet peas, stuck with gum upon a piece of wood: and
sometimes they wear a kind of wig, made of the hair of men or dogs, or
perhaps of cocoa-nut strings, woven upon one thread, which is tied under
their hair, so that these artificial honours of their head may hang down
behind. Their personal ornaments, besides flowers, are few; both sexes
wear ear-rings but they are placed only on one side: when we came they
consisted of small pieces of shell, stone, berries, red peas, or some
small pearls, three in a string; but our beads very soon supplanted them
all.
The children go quite naked: the girls till they are three or four years
old; and the boys till they are six or seven.
The houses, or rather dwellings, of these people, have been occasionally
mentioned before: they are all built in the wood, between the sea and
the mountains, and no more ground is cleared for each house than just
sufficient to prevent the dropping of the branches from rotting the
thatch with which they are covered; from the house, therefore, the
inhabitant steps immediately under the shade, which is the most
delightful that can be imagined. It consists of groves of bread-fruit
and cocoa-nuts, without underwood, which are intersected, in all
directions, by the paths that lead from one house to the other. Nothing
can be more grateful than this shade in so warm a climate, nor any thing
more beautiful than these walks. As there is no underwood, the shade
cools without impeding the air; and the houses, having no walls, receive
the gale from whatever point it blows. I shall now give a particular
description of a house of a middling size, from which, as the structure
is universally the same, a perfect idea may be formed both of those that
are bigger and those that are less.
The ground which it covers is an oblong square, four-and-twenty feet
long, and eleven wide; over this a roof is raised, upon three rows of
pillars or posts, parallel to each other, one on each side, and the
other in the middle. This roof consists of two flat sides inclining to
each other, and terminating in a ridge, exactly like the roofs of our
thatched houses in England. The utmost height within is about nine feet,
and the eaves on each side reach to within about three feet and a half
of the ground: below this, and through the whole height, at each end, it
is open, no part of it being inclosed with a wall. The roof is thatched
with palm-leaves, and the floor is covered, some inches deep, with soft
hay; over this are laid mats, so that the whole is one cushion, upon
which they sit in the day, and sleep in the night. In some houses,
however, there is one stool, which is wholly appropriated to the master
of the family; besides this, they have no furniture, except a few little
blocks of wood, the upper side of which is hollowed into a curve, and
which serves them for pillows.
The house is indeed principally used as a dormitory; for, except it
rains, they eat in the open air, under the shade of the next tree. The
clothes that they wear in the day serve them for covering in the night:
the floor is the common bed of the whole household, and is not divided
by any partition. The master of the house and his wife sleep in the
middle, next to them the married people, next to them the unmarried
women, and next to them, at a little distance, the unmarried men: the
servants, or _Toutous_, as they are called, sleep in the open air,
except it rains, and in that case they come just within the shade.
There are, however, houses of another kind belonging to the chiefs, in
which there is some degree of privacy. These are much smaller, and so
constructed as to be carried about in their canoes from place to place,
and set up occasionally like a tent: they are enclosed on the sides with
cocoa-nut leaves, but not so close as to exclude the air, and the chief
and his wife sleep in them alone.
There are houses also of a much larger size, not built either for the
accommodation of a single chief, or a single family; but as common
receptacles for all the people of a district. Some of them are two
hundred feet long, thirty broad, and, under the ridge, twenty feet high:
these are built and maintained at the common expence of the district,
for the accommodation of which they are intended; and have on one side
of them a large area, inclosed with low pallisadoes.
These houses, like those of separate families, have no walls. Privacy,
indeed, is little wanted among people who have not even the idea of
indecency, and who gratify every appetite and passion before witnesses,
with no more sense of impropriety than we feel when we satisfy our
hunger at a social board with our family or friends. Those who have no
idea of indecency with respect to actions, can have none with respect to
words; it is, therefore, scarcely necessary to observe, that, in the
conversation of these people, that which is the principal source of
their pleasure is always the principal topic; and that every thing is
mentioned without any restraint or emotion, and in the most direct
terms, by both sexes.
Of the food eaten here the greater part is vegetable. Here are no tame
animals except hogs, dogs, and poultry, as I have observed before, and
these are by no means plenty. When a chief kills a hog, it is almost
equally divided among his dependants; and, as they are very numerous,
the share of each individual at these feasts, which are not frequent,
must necessarily be small. Dogs and fowls fall somewhat more frequently
to the share of the common people. I cannot much commend the flavour of
their fowls; but we all agreed, that a South-sea dog was little inferior
to an English lamb: their excellence is probably owing to their being
kept up, and fed wholly upon vegetables. The sea affords them a great
variety of fish. The smaller fish, when they catch any, are generally
eaten raw, as we eat oysters; and nothing that the sea produces comes
amiss to them: they are fond of lobsters, crabs, and other shell-fish,
which are found upon the coast; and they will eat not only sea-insects,
but what the seamen call _Blubbers_, though some of them are so tough,
that they are obliged to suffer them to become putrid before they can be
chewed. Of the many vegetables that have been mentioned already as
serving them for food, the principal is the bread-fruit, to procure
which costs them no trouble or labour but climbing a tree: the tree
which produces it does not indeed shoot up spontaneously: but if a man
plants ten of them in his lifetime, which he may do in about an hour, he
will as completely fulfil his duty to his own and future generations as
the natives of our less temperate climate can do by ploughing in the
cold of winter, and reaping in the summer’s heat, as often as these
seasons return; even if, after he has procured bread for his present
household, he should convert a surplus into money, and lay it up for his
children.
It is true, indeed, that the bread-fruit is not always in season; but
cocoa-nuts, bananas, plantains, and a great variety of other fruits,
supply the deficiency.
It may well be supposed, that cookery is but little studied by these
people as an art; and, indeed, they have but two ways of applying fire
to dress their food, broiling and baking; the operation of broiling is
so simple that it requires no description, and their baking has been
described already, (page 154.) in the account of an entertainment
prepared for us by Tupia. Hogs, and large fish, are extremely well
dressed in the same manner; and, in our opinion, were more juicy and
more equally done than by any art of cookery now practised in Europe.
Bread-fruit is also cooked in an oven of the same kind, which renders it
soft, and something like a boiled potatoe; not quite so farinaceous as a
good one, but more so than those of the middling sort.
Of the bread-fruit they also make three dishes, by putting either water
or the milk of the cocoa-nut to it, then beating it to a paste with a
stone pestle, and afterwards mixing it with ripe plantains, bananas, or
the sour paste which they call _Mahie_.
The mahie, which has been mentioned as a succedaneum for ripe
bread-fruit, before the season for gathering a fresh crop comes on, is
thus made:
The fruit is gathered just before it is perfectly ripe, and being laid
in heaps, is closely covered with leaves; in this state it undergoes a
fermentation, and becomes disagreeably sweet: the core is then taken out
entire, which is done by gently pulling the stalk, and the rest of the
fruit is thrown into a hole which is dug for that purpose, generally in
the houses, and neatly lined in the bottom and sides with grass; the
whole is then covered with leaves, and heavy stones laid upon them: in
this state it undergoes a second fermentation, and becomes sour, after
which it will suffer no change for many months: it is taken out of the
hole as it is wanted for use, and being made into balls, it is wrapped
up in leaves and baked; after it is dressed, it will keep five or six
weeks. It is eaten both cold and hot, and the natives seldom make a meal
without it, though to us the taste was as disagreeable as that of a
pickled olive generally is the first time it is eaten.
As the making of this mahie depends, like brewing, upon fermentation,
so, like brewing, it sometimes fails, without their being able to
ascertain the cause; it is very natural, therefore, that the making it
should be connected with superstitious notions and ceremonies. It
generally falls to the lot of the old women, who will suffer no creature
to touch any thing belonging to it, but those whom they employ as
assistants, nor even to go into that part of the house where the
operation is carrying on. Mr. Banks happened to spoil a large quantity
of it only by inadvertently touching a leaf which lay upon it. The old
woman, who then presided over these mysteries, told him, that the
process would fail; and immediately uncovered the hole in a fit of
vexation and despair. Mr. Banks regretted the mischief he had done, but
was somewhat consoled by the opportunity which it gave him of examining
the preparation, which perhaps, but for such an accident, would never
have offered.
Such is their food, to which salt water is the universal sauce, no meal
being eaten without it: those who live near the sea have it fetched as
it is wanted; those who live at some distance keep it in large bamboos,
which are set up in their houses for use. Salt water, however, is not
their only sauce; they make another of the kernels of cocoa-nuts, which
being fermented till they dissolve into a paste somewhat resembling
butter, are beaten up with salt water. The flavour of this is very
strong, and was, when we first tasted it, exceedingly nauseous; a little
use, however, reconciled some of our people to it so much, that they
preferred it to our own sauces, especially with fish. The natives seemed
to consider it as a dainty, and do not use it at their common meals;
possibly, because they think it ill management to use cocoa-nuts so
lavishly, or, perhaps, when we were at the island, they were scarcely
ripe enough for the purpose.
For drink, they have in general nothing but water, or the juice of the
cocoa-nut; the art of producing liquors that intoxicate, by
fermentation, being happily unknown among them; neither have they any
narcotic which they chew, as the natives of some other countries do
opium, beetle-root, and tobacco. Some of them drank freely of our
liquors, and in a few instances became very drunk; but the persons to
whom this happened were so far from desiring to repeat the debauch, that
they would never touch any of our liquors afterwards. We were, however,
informed, that they became drunk by drinking a juice that is expressed
from the leaves of a plant which they call _Ava Ava_. This plant was not
in season when we were there, so that we saw no instances of its
effects; and as they considered drunkenness as a disgrace, they probably
would have concealed from us any instances which might have happened
during our stay. This vice is almost peculiar to the chiefs, and
considerable persons, who vie with each other in drinking the greatest
number of draughts, each draught being about a pint. They keep this
intoxicating juice with great care from their women.
Table they have none; but their apparatus for eating is set out with
great neatness, though the articles are too simple and too few to allow
any thing for show; and they commonly eat alone; but when a stranger
happens to visit them, he sometimes makes a second in their mess. Of the
meal of one of their principal people I shall give a particular
description.
He sits down under the shade of the next tree, or on the shady side of
his house, and a large quantity of leaves, either of the bread-fruit or
banana, are neatly spread before him upon the ground as a table-cloth; a
basket is then set by him that contains his provision, which, if fish or
flesh, is ready dressed, and wrapped up in leaves, and two cocoa-nut
shells, one full of salt water, and the other of fresh: his attendants,
which are not few, seat themselves round him, and when all is ready, he
begins by washing his hands and his mouth thoroughly with the fresh
water, and this he repeats almost continually throughout the whole meal;
he then takes part of his provision out of the basket, which generally
consists of a small fish or two, two or three bread-fruits, fourteen or
fifteen ripe bananas, or six or seven apples; he first takes half a
bread-fruit, peels off the rind, and takes out the core with his nails;
of this he puts as much into his mouth as it can hold, and while he
chews it, takes the fish out of the leaves, and breaks one of them into
the salt water, placing the other, and what remains of the bread-fruit,
upon the leaves that have been spread before him. When this is done, he
takes up a small piece of the fish that has been broken into the salt
water, with all the fingers of one hand, and sucks it into his mouth, so
as to get with it as much of the salt water as possible: in the same
manner he takes the rest by different morsels, and between each, at
least very frequently, takes a small sup of the salt water, either out
of the cocoa-nut shell, or the palm of his hand: in the mean time one of
his attendants has prepared a young cocoa-nut, by peeling off the outer
rind with his teeth, an operation which to an European appears very
surprising; but it depends so much upon slight, that many of us were
able to do it before we left the island, and some that could scarcely
crack a filbert: the master, when he chooses to drink, takes the
cocoa-nut thus prepared, and boring a hole through the shell with his
finger, or breaking it with a stone, he sucks out the liquor. When he
has eaten his bread-fruit and fish, he begins with his plantains, one of
which makes but a mouthful, though it be as big as a black-pudding; if,
instead of plantains, he has apples, he never tastes them till they have
been pared; to do this a shell is picked up from the ground, where they
are always in plenty, and tossed to him by an attendant: he immediately
begins to cut or scrape off the rind, but so awkwardly that great part
of the fruit is wasted. If, instead of fish, he has flesh, he must have
some succedaneum for a knife to divide it; and for this purpose a piece
of bamboo is tossed to him, of which he makes the necessary implement by
splitting it transversely with his nail. While all this has been doing,
some of his attendants have been employed in beating bread-fruit with a
stone pestle upon a block of wood; by being beaten in this manner, and
sprinkled from time to time with water, it is reduced to the consistence
of a soft paste, and is then put into a vessel somewhat like a butcher’s
tray, and either made up alone, or mixed with banana or mahie, according
to the taste of the master, by pouring water upon it by degrees and
squeezing it often through the hand: under this operation it acquires
the consistence of a thick custard, and a large cocoa-nut shell full of
it being set before him, he sips it as we should do a jelly if we had no
spoon to take it from the glass: the meal is then finished by again
washing his hands and his mouth. After which the cocoa-nut shells are
cleaned, and every thing that is left is replaced in the basket.
The quantity of food which these people eat at a meal is prodigious: I
have seen one man devour two or three fishes as big as a perch; three
bread-fruits, each bigger than two fists; fourteen or fifteen plantains
or bananas, each of them six or seven inches long, and four or five
round; and near a quart of the pounded bread-fruit, which is as
substantial as the thickest unbaked custard. This is so extraordinary
that I scarcely expect to be believed; and I would not have related it
upon my own single testimony; but Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and most of
the other gentlemen, have had ocular demonstration of its truth, and
know that I mention them upon the occasion.
It is very wonderful that these people, who are remarkably fond of
society, and particularly that of their women, should exclude its
pleasures from the table, where among all other nations, whether civil
or savage, they have been principally enjoyed. How a meal, which every
where else brings families and friends together, came to separate them
here, we often enquired, but could never learn. They eat alone, they
said, because it was right; but why it was right to eat alone they never
attempted to tell us: such, however, was the force of habit, that they
expressed the strongest dislike, and even disgust, at our eating in
society, especially with our women, and of the same victuals. At first,
we thought this strange singularity arose from some superstitious
opinion; but they constantly affirmed the contrary. We observed also
some caprices in the custom, for which we could as little account as for
the custom itself. We could never prevail with any of the women to
partake of the victuals at our table when we were dining in company; yet
they would go, five or six together, into the servants’ apartments, and
there eat very heartily of whatever they could find, of which I have
before given a particular instance; nor were they in the least
disconcerted if we came in while they were doing it. When any of us have
been alone with a woman, she has sometimes eaten in our company; but
then she has expressed the greatest unwillingness that it should be
known, and always extorted the strongest promises of secrecy.
Among themselves, even two brothers and two sisters have each their
separate baskets, with provision and the apparatus of their meal. When
they first visited us at our tents, each brought his basket with him;
and when we sat down to table, they would go out, sit down upon the
ground, at two or three yards’ distance from each other, and turning
their faces different ways, take their repast without interchanging a
single word.
The women not only abstain from eating with the men, and of the same
victuals, but even have their victuals separately prepared by boys kept
for that purpose, who deposit it in a separate shed, and attend them
with it at their meals.
But though they would not eat with us or with each other, they have
often asked us to eat with them, when we have visited those with whom we
were particularly acquainted at their houses; and we have often upon
such occasions eaten out of the same basket, and drunk out of the same
cup. The elder women, however, always appeared to be offended at this
liberty; and if we happened to touch their victuals, or even the basket
that contained it, would throw it away.
After meals, and in the heat of the day, the middle-aged people of the
better sort generally sleep: they are indeed extremely indolent; and
sleeping and eating is almost all that they do. Those that are older are
less drowsy, and the boys and girls are kept awake by the natural
activity and sprightliness of their age.
Their amusements have occasionally been mentioned in my account of the
incidents that happened during our residence in this island,
particularly music, dancing, wrestling, and shooting with the bow; they
also sometimes vie with each other in throwing a lance. As shooting is
not at a mark, but for distance; throwing the lance is not for distance,
but at a mark: the weapon is about nine feet long, the mark is the bole
of a plantain, and the distance about twenty yards.
Their only musical instruments are flutes and drums; the flutes are made
of a hollow bamboo about a foot long, and, as has been observed before,
have only two stops, and consequently but four notes, out of which they
seem hitherto to have formed but one tune: to these stops they apply the
fore-finger of the left hand and the middle finger of the right.
The drum is made of a hollow block of wood, of a cylindrical form, solid
at one end, and covered at the other with shark’s skin: these they beat
not with sticks, but their hands; and they know how to tune two drums of
different notes into concord. They have also an expedient to bring the
flutes that play together into unison, which is to roll up a leaf so as
to slip over the end of the shortest, like our sliding tubes for
telescopes, which they move up or down till the purpose is answered, of
which they seem to judge by their ear with great nicety.
To these instruments they sing; and, as I have observed before, their
songs are often extempore: they call every two verses or couplet a song,
_Pehay_: they are generally, though not always, in rhime; and when
pronounced by the natives, we could discover that they were metre. Mr.
Banks took great pains to write down some of them which were made upon
our arrival, as nearly as he could express their sounds by combinations
of our letters; but when we read them, not having their accent, we could
scarcely make them either metre or rhime. The reader will easily
perceive that they are of very different structure.
Tede pahai de parow-a
Ha maru no mina.
E pahah Tayo malama tai ya
No Tabane tonatou whannomi ya.
E Turai eattu terara patee whennua toai
Ino o maio Pretane to whennuaia no Tute.
Of these verses our knowledge of the language is too imperfect to
attempt a translation. They frequently amuse themselves by singing such
couplets as these when they are alone, or with their families,
especially after it is dark; for though they need no fires, they are not
without the comfort of artificial light between sunset and bedtime.
Their candles are made of the kernels of a kind of oily nut, which they
stick one over another upon a skewer that is thrust through the middle
of them; the upper one being lighted, burns down to the second, at the
same time consuming that part of the skewer which goes through it; the
second taking fire burns in the same manner down to the third, and so of
the rest: some of these candles will burn a considerable time, and they
give a very tolerable light. They do not often sit up above an hour
after it is dark; but when they have strangers who sleep in the house,
they generally keep a light burning all night, possibly as a check upon
such of the women as they wish not to honour them with their favours.
Of their itinerary concerts I need add nothing to what has been said
already; especially as I shall have occasion more particularly to
mention them when I relate our adventures upon another island.
In other countries, the girls and unmarried women are supposed to be
wholly ignorant of what others upon some occasions may appear to know;
and their conduct and conversation are consequently restrained within
narrower bounds, and kept at a more remote distance from whatever
relates to a connection with the other sex; but here it is just
contrary. Among other diversions, there is a dance, called _Timorodee_,
which is performed by young girls, whenever eight or ten of them can be
collected together, consisting of motions and gestures beyond
imagination wanton, in the practice of which they are brought up from
their earliest childhood, accompanied by words, which, if it were
possible, would more explicitly convey the same ideas. In these dances
they keep time with an exactness which is scarcely excelled by the best
performers upon the stages of Europe. But the practice which is allowed
to the virgin is prohibited to the woman from the moment that she has
put these hopeful lessons in practice, and realized the symbols of the
dance.
It cannot be supposed that, among these people, chastity is held in much
estimation. It might be expected that sisters and daughters would be
offered to strangers, either as a courtesy, or for reward; and that
breaches of conjugal fidelity, even in the wife, should not be otherwise
punished than by a few hard words, or perhaps a slight beating, as
indeed is the case; but there is a scale in dissolute sensuality, which
these people have ascended, wholly unknown to every other nation whose
manners have been recorded from the beginning of the world to the
present hour, and which no imagination could possibly conceive.
A very considerable number of the principal people of Otaheite, of both
sexes, have formed themselves into a society, in which every woman is
common to every man; thus securing a perpetual variety as often as their
inclination prompts them to seek it, which is so frequent, that the same
man and woman seldom cohabit together more than two or three days.
These societies are distinguished by the name of _Arreoy_; and the
members have meetings, at which no other is present, where the men amuse
themselves by wrestling, and the women, notwithstanding their occasional
connection with different men, dance the Timorodee in all its latitude,
as an incitement to desires which it is said are frequently gratified
upon the spot. This, however, is comparatively nothing. If any of the
women happen to be with child, which in this manner of life happens less
frequently than if they were to cohabit only with one man, the poor
infant is smothered the moment it is born, that it may be no incumbrance
to the father, nor interrupt the mother in the pleasures of her
diabolical prostitution. It sometimes indeed happens, that the passion
which prompts a woman to enter into this society is surmounted when she
becomes a mother, by that instinctive affection which nature has given
to all creatures for the preservation of their offspring; but even in
this case she is not permitted to spare the life of her infant, except
she can find a man who will patronise it as his child: if this can be
done, the murder is prevented; but both the man and woman, being deemed
by this act to have appropriated each other, are ejected from the
community, and forfeit all claim to the privileges and pleasures of the
Arreoy for the future; the woman from that time being distinguished by
the term _Whannownow_, “bearer of children,” which is here a term of
reproach; though none can be more honourable in the estimation of wisdom
and humanity, of right reason, and every passion that distinguishes the
man from the brute.
It is not fit that a practice so horrid and so strange should be imputed
to human beings upon slight evidence, but I have such as abundantly
justifies me in the account I have given. The people themselves are so
far from concealing their connection with such a society as a disgrace,
that they boast of it as a privilege; and both myself and Mr. Banks,
when particular persons have been pointed out to us as members of the
Arreoy, have questioned them about it, and received the account that has
been here given from their own lips. They have acknowledged that they
had long been of this accursed society, that they belonged to it at that
time, and that several of their children had been put to death.
But I must not conclude my account of the domestic life of these people
without mentioning their personal cleanliness. If that which lessens the
good of life and increases the evil is vice, surely cleanliness is a
virtue: the want of it tends to destroy both beauty and health, and
mingles disgust with our best pleasures. The natives of Otaheite, both
men and women, constantly wash their whole bodies in running water three
times every day; once as soon as they rise in the morning, once at noon,
and again before they sleep at night, whether the sea or river is near
them or at a distance. I have already observed, that they wash not only
the mouth but the hands at their meals, almost between every morsel; and
their clothes, as well as their persons, are kept without spot or stain;
so that in a large company of these people nothing is suffered but heat,
which, perhaps, is more than can be said of the politest assembly in
Europe.
CHAP. XVIII.
OF THE MANUFACTURES, BOATS, AND NAVIGATION OF OTAHEITE.
IF necessity is the mother of invention, it cannot be supposed to have
been much exerted where the liberality of Nature has rendered the
diligence of Art almost superfluous; yet there are many instances both
of ingenuity and labour among these people, which, considering the want
of metal for tools, do honour to both.
Their principal manufacture is their cloth, in the making and dying of
which I think there are some particulars which may instruct even the
artificers of Great Britain, and for that reason my description will be
more minute.
Their cloth is of three kinds; and it is made of the bark of three
different trees, the Chinese paper mulberry, the bread-fruit tree, and
the tree which resembles the wild fig-tree of the West Indies.
The finest and whitest is made of the paper mulberry, _Aouta_; this is
worn chiefly by the principal people, and when it is dyed red takes a
better colour. A second sort, inferior in whiteness and softness, is
made of the bread-fruit tree, _Ooroo_, and worn chiefly by the inferior
people; and a third of the tree that resembles the fig, which is coarse
and harsh, and of the colour of the darkest brown paper; this, though it
is less pleasing both to the eye and the touch, is the most valuable,
because it resists water, which the other two sorts will not. Of this,
which is the most rare as well as the most useful, the greater part is
perfumed, and worn by the Chiefs as a morning dress.
All these trees are propagated with great care, particularly the
mulberry, which covers the largest part of the cultivated land, and is
not fit for use after two or three years growth, when it is about six or
eight feet high, and somewhat thicker than a man’s thumb; its excellence
is to be thin, straight, tall, and without branches: the lower leaves,
therefore, are carefully plucked off, with their germs, as often as
there is any appearance of their producing a branch.
But though the cloth made of these three trees is different, it is all
manufactured in the same manner; I shall, therefore, describe the
process only in the fine sort, that is made of the mulberry. When the
trees are of a proper size, they are drawn up, and stripped of their
branches, after which the roots and tops are cut off; the bark of these
rods being then slit up longitudinally is easily drawn off, and, when a
proper quantity has been procured, it is carried down to some running
water, in which it is deposited to soak, and secured from floating away
by heavy stones: when it is supposed to be sufficiently softened, the
women servants go down to the brook, and stripping themselves, sit down
in the water, to separate the inner bark from the green part on the
outside; to do this they place the under side upon a flat smooth board,
and with the shell, which our dealers call tyger’s tongue, _tellina
gargadia_, scrape it very carefully, dipping it continually in the water
till nothing remains but the fine fibres of the inner coat. Being thus
prepared in the afternoon, they are spread out upon plantain leaves in
the evening; and in this part of the work there appears to be some
difficulty, as the mistress of the family always superintends the doing
of it: they are placed in lengths of about eleven or twelve yards, one
by the side of another, till they are about a foot broad, and two or
three layers are also laid one upon the other: care is taken that the
cloth shall be in all parts of an equal thickness, so that if the bark
happens to be thinner in any particular part of one layer than the rest,
a piece that is somewhat thicker is picked out to be laid over it in the
next. In this state it remains till the morning, when great part of the
water which it contained when it was laid out, is either drained off or
evaporated, and the several fibres adhere together, so as that the whole
maybe raised from the ground in one piece.
It is then taken away, and laid upon the smooth side of a long piece of
wood, prepared for the purpose, and beaten by the women servants, with
instruments about a foot long and three inches thick, made of a hard
wood which they call _Etoa_. The shape of this instrument is not unlike
a square razor strop, only that the handle is longer, and each of its
four sides or faces is marked, lengthways, with small grooves, or
furrows, of different degrees of fineness; those on one side being of a
width and depth sufficient to receive a small packthread, and the others
finer in a regular gradation, so that the last are not more than equal
to sewing silk.
They beat it first with the coarsest side of this mallet, keeping time
like our smiths; it spreads very fast under the strokes, chiefly however
in the breadth, and the grooves in the mallet mark it with the
appearance of threads; it is successively beaten with the other sides,
last with the finest, and is then fit for use. Sometimes, however, it is
made still thinner, by beating it with the finest side of the mallet,
after it has been several times doubled: it is then called _Hoboo_, and
is almost as thin as a muslin; it becomes very white by being bleached
in the air, but is made still whiter and softer by being washed and
beaten again after it has been worn.
Of this cloth there are several sorts, of different degrees of fineness,
in proportion as it is more or less beaten without being doubled: the
other cloth also differs in proportion as it is beaten; but they differ
from each other in consequence of the different materials of which they
are made. The bark of the bread-fruit is not taken till the trees are
considerably longer and thicker than those of the fig, the process
afterwards is the same.
When cloth is to be washed after it has been worn, it is taken down to
the brook, and left to soak, being kept fast to the bottom, as at first,
by a stone; it is then gently wrung or squeezed; and sometimes several
pieces of it are laid one upon another, and beaten together with the
coarsest side of the mallet, and they are then equal in thickness to
broad-cloth, and much more soft and agreeable to the touch, after they
have been a little while in use, though when they come immediately from
the mallet, they feel as if they had been starched. This cloth sometimes
breaks in the beating, but is easily repaired by pasting on a patch with
a gluten that is prepared from the root of the _Pea_, which is done so
nicely that it cannot be discovered. The women also employ themselves in
removing blemishes of every kind, as our ladies do in needle-work or
knotting; sometimes when their work is intended to be very fine, they
will paste an entire covering of hoboo over the whole. The principal
excellencies of this cloth are its coolness and softness; and its
imperfections, its being pervious to water like paper, and almost as
easily torn.
The colours with which they dye this cloth are principally red and
yellow. The red is exceedingly beautiful, and I may venture to say a
brighter and more delicate colour than any we have in Europe; that which
approaches nearest is our full scarlet, and the best imitation which Mr.
Banks’s natural history painter could produce, was by a mixture of
vermillion and carmine. The yellow is also a bright color, but we have
many as good.
The red colour is produced by the mixture of the juices of two
vegetables, neither of which separately has the least tendency to that
hue. One is a species of fig called here _Matte_, and the other the
_Cordia Sebestina_, or _Etou_; of the fig the fruit is used, and of the
_Cordia_ the leaves.
The fruit of the fig is about as big as a rounceval pea, or very small
gooseberry; and each of them, upon breaking off the stalk very close,
produces one drop of a milky liquor, resembling the juice of our figs,
of which the tree is indeed a species. This liquor the women collect
into a small quantity of cocoa-nut water: to prepare a gill of cocoa-nut
water will require between three and four quarts of these little figs.
When a sufficient quantity is prepared, the leaves of the Etou are well
wetted in it, and then laid upon a plantain leaf, where they are turned
about till they become more and more flaccid, and then they are gently
squeezed, gradually increasing the pressure, but so as not to break
them; as the flaccidity increases, and they become spungy, they are
supplied with more of the liquor; in about five minutes the colour
begins to appear upon the veins of the leaves, and in about ten or a
little more, they are perfectly saturated with it: they are then
squeezed, with as much force as can be applied, and the liquor strained
at the same time that it is expressed.
For this purpose, the boys prepare a large quantity of the Moo, by
drawing it between their teeth, or two little sticks, till it is freed
from the green bark and the branny substance that lies under it, and a
thin web of the fibres only remains; in this the leaves of the Etou are
inveloped, and through these the juice which they contain is strained as
it is forced out. As the leaves are not succulent, little more juice is
pressed out of them than they have imbibed: when they have been once
emptied, they are filled again, and again pressed, till the quality
which tinctures the liquor as it passes through them is exhausted, they
are then thrown away; but the Moo, being deeply stained with the colour,
is preserved, as a brush to lay the dye upon the cloth.
The expressed liquor is always received into small cups made of the
plantain leaf, whether from a notion that it has any quality favourable
to the colour, or from the facility with which it is procured, and the
convenience of small vessels to distribute it among the artificers, I do
not know.
Of the thin cloth they seldom dye more than the edges, but the thick
cloth is coloured through the whole surface; the liquor is indeed used
rather as a pigment than a dye, for a coat of it is laid upon one side
only, with the fibres of the Moo; and though I have seen of the thin
cloth that has appeared to have been soaked in the liquor, the colour
has not had the same richness and lustre, as when it has been applied in
the other manner.
Though the leaf of the Etou is generally used in this process, and
probably produces the finest colour, yet the juice of the figs will
produce a red by a mixture with the species of Tournefortia, which they
call _Taheinoo_, the _Pohuc_, the _Eurhe_, or _Convolvulus
Brasiliensis_, and a species of Solanum called _Ebooa_; from the use of
these different plants, or from different proportions of the materials,
many varieties are observable in the colours of their cloth, some of
which are conspicuously superior to others.
The beauty, however, of the best is not permanent; but it is probable
that some method might be found to fix it, if proper experiments were
made, and perhaps to search for latent qualities, which may be brought
out by the mixture of one vegetable juice with another, would not be an
unprofitable employment: our present most valuable dyes afford
sufficient encouragement to the attempt; for by the mere inspection of
indigo, woad, dyer’s weed, and most of the leaves which are used for the
like purposes, the colours which they yield could never be discovered.
Of this Indian red I shall only add, that the women who have been
employed in preparing or using it, carefully preserve the colour upon
their fingers and nails, where it appears in its utmost beauty, as a
great ornament.
The yellow is made of the bark of the root of the _Morinda citrifolia_,
called _Nono_, by scraping and infusing it in water; after standing some
time, the water is strained and used as a dye, the cloth being dipped
into it. The Morinda, of which this is a species, seems to be a good
subject for examination with a view to dyeing. Brown, in his history of
Jamaica, mentions three species of it, which he says are used to dye
brown; and Rumphius says of the _Bancuda Angustifolia_, which is nearly
allied to our Nono, that it is used by the inhabitants of the East
Indian islands, as a fixing drug for red colours, with which it
particularly agrees.
The inhabitants of this island also dye yellow with the fruit of the
Tamanu; but how the colour is extracted, we had no opportunity to
discover. They have also a preparation with which they dye brown and
black; but these colours are so indifferent, that the method of
preparing them did not excite our curiosity.
Another considerable manufacture is matting of various kinds; some of
which is finer, and better, in every respect, than any we have in
Europe: the coarser sort serves them to sleep upon, and the finer to
wear in wet weather. With the fine, of which there are also two sorts,
much pains is taken, especially with that made of the bark of the
Poerou, the _Hibiscus tiliaceus_ of Linnæus, some of which is as fine as
a coarse cloth; the other sort, which is still more beautiful, they call
_Vanne_; it is white, glossy, and shining, and is made of the leaves of
their _Wharrou_, a species of the _Pandanus_, of which we had no
opportunity to see either the flowers or fruit: they have other matts,
or as they call them _Moeas_, to sit or to sleep upon, which are formed
of a great variety of rushes and grass, and which they make, as they do
every thing else that is plaited, with amazing facility and dispatch.
They are also very dexterous in making basket and wicker work; their
baskets are of a thousand different patterns, many of them exceedingly
neat; and the making them is an art that every one practises, both men
and women: they make occasional baskets and panniers of the cocoa-nut
leaf in a few minutes, and the women who visited us early in a morning
used to send, as soon as the sun was high, for a few of the leaves, of
which they made little bonnets to shade their faces, at so small an
expence of time and trouble, that, when the sun was again low in the
evening, they used to throw them away. These bonnets, however, did not
cover the head, but consisted only of a band that went round it, and a
shade that projected from the forehead.
Of the bark of the Poerou, they make ropes and lines, from the thickness
of an inch to the size of a small packthread: with these they make nets
for fishing: of the fibres of the cocoa-nut they make thread, for
fastening together the several parts of their canoes, and belts, either
round or flat, twisted or plaited; and of the bark of the _Erowa_, a
kind of nettle which grows in the mountains, and is therefore rather
scarce, they make the best fishing lines in the world: with these they
hold the strongest and most active fish, such as Bonetas and Albicores,
which would snap our strongest silk lines in a minute, though they are
twice as thick.
They make also a kind of seine, of a coarse broad grass, the blades of
which are like flags; these they twist and tie together in a loose
manner, till the net, which is about as wide as a large sack, is from
sixty to eighty fathom long: this they haul in shoal smooth water, and
its own weight keeps it so close to the ground that scarcely a single
fish can escape.
In every expedient, indeed, for taking fish, they are exceedingly
ingenious; they make harpoons of cane, and point them with hard wood,
which in their hands strike fish more effectually, than those which are
headed with iron can do in ours, setting aside the advantage of ours
being fastened to a line, so that the fish is secured if the hook takes
place, though it does not mortally wound him.
Of fish-hooks they have two sorts, admirably adapted in their
construction as well to the purpose they are to answer, as to the
materials of which they are made. One of these, which they call _Wittee
Wittee_, is used for towing. The shank is made of mother-of-pearl, the
most glossy that can be got: the inside, which is naturally the
brightest, is put behind. To these hooks a tuft of white dog’s or hog’s
hair is fixed, so as somewhat to resemble the tail of a fish; these
implements, therefore, are both hook and bait, and are used with a rod
of bamboo, and line of _Erowa_. The fisher, to secure his success,
watches the flight of the birds which constantly attend the Bonetas when
they swim in shoals, by which he directs his canoe, and when he has the
advantage of these guides, he seldom returns without a prize.
The other kind of hook is also made of mother-of-pearl, or some other
hard shell: they cannot make them bearded like our hooks; but to effect
the same purpose, they make the point turn inwards. These are made of
all sizes, and used to catch various kinds of fish with great success.
The manner of making them is very simple, and every fisherman is his own
artificer: the shell is first cut into square pieces, by the edge of
another shell, and wrought into a form corresponding with the outline of
the hook by pieces of coral, which are sufficiently rough to perform the
office of a file; a hole is then bored in the middle; the drill being no
other than the first stone they pick up that has a sharp corner: this
they fix into the end of a piece of bamboo, and turn it between the
hands like a chocolate-mill; when the shell is perforated, and the hole
sufficiently wide, a small file of coral is introduced, by the
application of which the hook is in a short time completed, few costing
the artificer more time than a quarter of an hour.
Of their masonry, carving, and architecture, the reader has already
formed some idea from the account that has been given of the Morais, or
repositories of the dead: the other most important article of building
and carving is their boats; and perhaps, to fabricate one of their
principal vessels with their tools is as great a work, as to build a
British man of war with ours.
They have an adze of stone; a chissel, or gouge of bone, generally that
of a man’s arm between the wrist and elbow; a rasp of coral; and the
skin of a sting-ray, with coral sand, as a file or polisher.
This is a complete catalogue of their tools, and with these they build
houses, construct canoes, hew stone, and fell, cleave, carve, and polish
timber.
The stone which makes the blade of their adzes is a kind of Basaltes, of
a blackish or grey colour, not very hard, but of considerable toughness:
they are formed of different sizes; some, that are intended for felling,
weigh from six to eight pounds; others, that are used for carving, not
more than so many ounces; but it is necessary to sharpen both almost
every minute; for which purpose, a stone and a cocoa-nut shell full of
water are always at hand.
Their greatest exploit, to which these tools are less equal than to any
other, is felling a tree: this requires many hands, and the constant
labour of several days. When it is down, they split it, with the grain,
into planks from three to four inches thick, the whole length and
breadth of the tree, many of which are eight feet in the girt, and forty
to the branches, and nearly of the same thickness throughout. The tree
generally used is, in their language, called _Avie_, the stem of which
is tall and straight; though some of the smaller boats are made of the
bread-fruit tree, which is a light spongy wood, and easily wrought. They
smooth the plank very expeditiously and dexterously with their adzes,
and can take off a thin coat from a whole plank without missing a
stroke. As they have not the art of warping a plank, every part of the
canoe, whether hollow or flat, is shaped by hand.
The canoes, or boats, which are used by the inhabitants of this and the
neighbouring islands, may be divided into two general classes; one of
which they call _Ivahahs_, the other _Pahies_.
The Ivahah is used for short excursions to sea, and is wall-sided and
flat-bottomed; the Pahie for longer voyages, and is bow-sided and
sharp-bottomed. The Ivahas are all of the same figure, but of different
sizes, and used for different purposes: their length is from seventy-two
feet to ten, but the breadth is by no means in proportion; for those of
ten feet are about a foot wide, and those of more than seventy are
scarcely two. There is the fighting Ivahah, the fishing Ivahah, and the
travelling Ivahah; for some of these go from one island to another. The
fighting Ivahah is by far the longest, and the head and stern are
considerably raised above the body, in a semicircular form; particularly
the stern, which is sometimes seventeen or eighteen feet high, though
the boat itself is scarcely three. These never go to sea single; but are
fastened together, side by side, at the distance of about three feet, by
strong poles of wood, which are laid across them and lashed to the
gunwales. Upon these, in the forepart, a stage or platform is raised,
about ten or twelve feet long, and somewhat wider than the boats, which
is supported by pillars about six feet high: upon this stage stand the
fighting men, whose missile weapons are slings and spears; for, among
other singularities in the manners of these people, their bows and
arrows are used only for diversion, as we throw quoits: below these
stages sit the rowers, who receive from them those that are wounded, and
furnish fresh men to ascend in their room. Some of these have a platform
of bamboos or other light wood, through their whole length, and
considerably broader, by means of which they will carry a great number
of men; but we saw only one fitted in this manner.
The fishing Ivahahs vary in length from about forty feet to the smallest
size, which is about ten; all that are of the length of twenty-five feet
and upwards, of whatever sort, occasionally carry sail. The travelling
Ivahah is always double, and furnished with a small neat house, about
five or six feet broad, and six or seven feet long, which is fastened
upon the fore-part for the convenience of the principal people, who sit
in them by day, and sleep in them at night. The fishing Ivahahs are
sometimes joined together, and have a house on board; but this is not
common.
Those which are shorter than five and twenty feet, seldom or never carry
sail; and, though the stern rises about four or five feet, have a flat
head, and a board that projects forward about four feet.
The Pahie is also of different sizes, from sixty to thirty feet long;
but, like the Ivahah, is very narrow. One that I measured was fifty-one
feet long, and only one foot and a half wide at the top. In the widest
part, it was about three feet; and this is the general proportion. It
does not, however, widen by a gradual swell; but the sides being
straight and parallel, for a little way below the gunwale, it swells
abruptly, and draws to a ridge at the bottom; so that a transverse
section of it has somewhat the appearance of the mark upon cards called
a Spade, the whole being much wider in proportion to its length. These,
like the largest Ivahahs, are used for fighting; but principally for
long voyages. The fighting Pahie, which is the largest, is fitted with
the stage or platform, which is proportionably larger than those of the
Ivahah, as their form enables them to sustain a much greater weight.
Those that are used for sailing are generally double; and the middle
size are said to be the best sea-boats. They are sometimes out a month
together, going from island to island; and sometimes, as we were
credibly informed, they are a fortnight or twenty days at sea, and could
keep it longer if they had more stowage for provisions, and
conveniencies to hold fresh water.
When any of these boats carry sail single, they make use of a log of
wood, which is fastened to the end of two poles that lie cross the
vessel, and project from six to ten feet, according to the size of the
vessel, beyond its side, somewhat like what is used by the flying Proa
of the Ladrone Islands, and called in the account of Lord Anson’s
Voyage, an Outrigger. To this outrigger the shrouds are fastened, and it
is essentially necessary in trimming the boat when it blows fresh.
Some of them have one mast, and some two; they are made of a single
stick, and when the length of the canoe is thirty feet, that of the mast
is somewhat less than five-and-twenty; it is fixed to a frame that is
above the canoe, and receives a sail of matting about one-third longer
than itself: the sail is pointed at the top, square at the bottom, and
curved at the side; somewhat resembling what we call a shoulder of
mutton sail, and used for boats belonging to men of war: it is placed in
a frame of wood, which surrounds it on every side, and has no
contrivance either for reefing or furling; so that, if either should
become necessary, it must be cut away, which, however, in these equal
climates, can seldom happen. At the top of the mast are fastened
ornaments of feathers, which are placed inclining obliquely forwards;
the shape and position of which will be conceived at once from the
figure, in one of the cuts.
The oars or paddles that are used with these boats, have a long handle
and a flat blade, not unlike a baker’s peel. Of these every person in
the boat has one, except those that sit under the awning; and they push
her forward with them at a good rate. These boats, however, admit so
much water at the seams, that one person at least is continually
employed in throwing it out. The only thing in which they excel is
landing, and putting off from the shore in a surf: by their great length
and high sterns they land dry, when our boats could scarcely land at
all; and have the same advantages in putting off by the height of the
head.
The Ivahahs are the only boats that are used by the inhabitants of
Otaheite; but we saw several Pahies that came from other islands. Of one
of these I shall give the exact dimensions from a careful admeasurement,
and then particularly describe the manner in which they are built.
Feet. Inches.
Extreme length from stem to stern, not reckoning the 51 0
bending up of either
Breadth in the clear of the top forward 1 2
Breadth in the midships 1 6
Breadth aft 1 3
In the bilge forward 2 8
In the midships 2 11
Aft 2 9
Depth in the midships 3 4
Height from the ground on which she stood 3 6
Height of her head from the ground, without the figure 4 4
Height of the figure 0 11
Height of the stern from the ground 8 9
Height of the figure 2 0
[Illustration: Drawing of Vessel]
To illustrate my description of the manner in which these vessels are
built, it will be necessary to refer to the figure; in which _a a_ is
the first seam, _b b_ the second, and _c c_ the third.
The first stage or keel, under _a a_, is made of a tree hollowed out
like a trough; for which the longest trees are chosen that can be got,
so that there are never more than three in the whole length: the next
stage, under _b b_, is formed of straight plank, about four feet long,
fifteen inches broad, and two inches thick: the third stage, under _c
c_, is, like the bottom, made of trunks, hollowed into its bilging form;
the last is also cut out of trunks, so that the moulding is of one piece
with the upright. To form these parts separately, without saw, plane,
chissel, or any other iron tool, may well be thought no easy task; but
the great difficulty is to join them together.
When all the parts are prepared, the keel is laid upon blocks, and the
planks being supported by stanchions, are sewed or clamped together with
strong thongs of plaiting, which are passed several times through holes
that are bored with a gouge or auger of bone, that has been described
already; and the nicety with which this is done, may be inferred from
their being sufficiently water-tight for use without caulking. As the
platting soon rots in the water, it is renewed at least once a-year; in
order to which, the vessel is taken entirely to pieces. The head and
stern are rude with respect to the design; but very neatly finished, and
polished to the highest degree.
These Pahies are kept with great care in a kind of house built on
purpose for their reception; the houses are formed of poles set upright
in the ground, the tops of which are drawn towards each other, and
fastened together with their strongest cord, so as to form a kind of
Gothic arch, which is completely thatched quite to the ground, being
open only at the ends; they are sometimes fifty or sixty paces long.
As connected with the navigation of these people, I shall mention their
wonderful sagacity in foretelling the weather, at least the quarter from
which the wind shall blow at a future time; they have several ways of
doing this, of which however I know but one. They say, that the
Milky-way is always curved laterally; but sometimes in one direction,
and sometimes in another: and that this curvature is the effect of its
being already acted upon by the wind, and its hollow part therefore
towards it; so that, if the same curvature continues a night, a
corresponding wind certainly blows the next day. Of their rules, I shall
not pretend to judge; but I know that, by whatever means, they can
predict the weather, at least the wind, with much greater certainty than
we can.
In their longer voyages, they steer by the sun in the day, and in the
night by the stars; all of which they distinguish separately by names,
and know in what part of the heavens they will appear in any of the
months during which they are visible in their horizon; they also know
the time of their annual appearing and disappearing with more precision
than will easily be believed by an European astronomer.
CHAP. XIX.
OF THE DIVISION OF TIME IN OTAHEITE; NUMERATION, COMPUTATION OF
DISTANCE, LANGUAGE, DISEASES, DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD, RELIGION, WAR,
WEAPONS, AND GOVERNMENT; WITH SOME GENERAL OBSERVATIONS FOR THE USE OF
FUTURE NAVIGATORS.
WE were not able to acquire a perfect idea of their method of dividing
time; but observed, that in speaking of it, either past or to come, they
never used any term but _Malama_, which signifies Moon. Of these moons
they count thirteen, and then begin again; which is a demonstration that
they have a notion of the solar year: but how they compute their months
so that thirteen of them shall be commensurate with the year, we could
not discover; for they say that each month has twenty-nine days,
including one in which the moon is not visible. They have names for them
separately, and have frequently told us the fruits that would be in
season, and the weather that would prevail, in each of them; and they
have indeed a name for them collectively, though they use it only when
they speak of the mysteries of their religion.
Every day is subdivided into twelve parts, each of two hours, of which
six belong to the day, and six to the night. At these divisions they
guess pretty nearly by the height of the sun while he is above the
horizon; but there are few of them that can guess at them, when he is
below it, by the stars.
In numeration they proceed from one to ten, the number of fingers on
both hands; and though they have for each number a different name, they
generally take hold of their fingers one by one, shifting from one hand
to the other till they come to the number they want to express. And in
other instances, we observed that, when they were conversing with each
other, they joined signs to their words, which were so expressive that a
stranger might easily apprehend their meaning.
In counting from ten they repeat the name of that number, and add the
word _more_; ten, and one more, is eleven; ten, and two more, twelve:
and so of the rest, as we say one and twenty, two and twenty. When they
come to ten and ten more, they have a new denomination, as we say a
score; and by these scores they count till they get ten of them, when
they have a denomination for two hundred; and we never could discover
that they had any denomination to express a greater number: neither,
indeed, do they seem to want any; for ten of these amount to two
thousand, a greater number than they can ever apply.
In measuring distance they are much more deficient than in computing
numbers, having but one term, which answers to fathom; when they speak
of distances from place to place, they express it, like the Asiatics, by
the time that is required to pass it.
Their language is soft and melodious; it abounds with vowels, and we
easily learnt to pronounce it: but found it exceedingly difficult to
teach them to pronounce a single word of ours; probably not only from
its abounding in consonants, but from some peculiarity in its structure;
for Spanish and Italian words, if ending in a vowel, they pronounced
with great facility.
Whether it is copious, we were not sufficiently acquainted with it to
know; but it is certainly very imperfect, for it is almost totally
without inflexion, both of nouns and verbs. Few of the nouns have more
than one case, and few of the verbs more than one tense; yet we found no
great difficulty in making ourselves mutually understood, however
strange it may appear in speculation.
They have, however, certain _affixa_, which, though but few in number,
are very useful to them, and puzzled us extremely. One asks another,
_Harre hea?_ “Where are you going?” The other answers, _Ivahinera_, “To
my wives;” upon which the first, repeating the answer interrogatively,
“To your wives?” is answered, _Ivahinereira_; “Yes, I am going to my
wives.” Here the suffixa _era_ and _eira_ save several words to both
parties.
I have inserted a few of their words, from which, perhaps, some idea may
be formed of the language.
Pupo, _the head_.
Ahewh, _the nose_.
Roourou, _the hair_.
Outou, _the mouth_.
Niheo, _the teeth_.
Arrero, _the tongue_.
Meu-eumi, _the beard_.
Tiarraboa, _the throat_.
Tuamo, _the shoulders_.
Tuah, _the back_.
Oama, _the breast_.
Eu, _the nipples_.
Oboo, _the belly_.
Rema, _the arm_.
Vaee, _wild plantains_.
Oporema, _the hand_.
Manneow, _the fingers_.
Mieu, _the nails_.
Touhe, _the buttocks_.
Hoouhah, _the thighs_.
Avia, _the legs_.
Tapoa, _the feet_.
Booa, _a hog_.
Moa, _a fowl_.
Euree, _a dog_.
Eure-eure, _iron_.
Ooroo, _bread-fruit_.
Hearee, _cocoa-nuts_.
Mia, _bananas_.
Poe, _beads_.
Poe matawewwe, _pearl_.
Ahou, _a garment_.
Avee, _a fruit like apples_.
Ahee, _another like chesnuts_.
Ewharre, _a house_.
Whennua, _a high island_.
Motu, _a low island_.
Toto, _blood_.
Aeve, _bone_.
Aeo, _flesh_.
Mae, _fat_.
Tuea, _lean_.
Huru-huru, _hair_.
Eraow, _a tree_.
Ama, _a branch_.
Tiale, _a flower_.
Huero _fruit_.
Etummoo, _the stem_.
Aaa, _the root_.
Eiherre, _herbaceous plants_.
Ooopa, _a pigeon_.
Avigne, _a paroquet_.
A-a, _another species_.
Mannu, _a bird_.
Mora _a duck_.
Mattow, _a fish-hook_.
Toura, _a rope_.
Mow, _a shark_.
Mahi-mahi, _a dolphin_.
Mattera, _a fishing-rod_.
Eupea, _a net_.
Mahanna, _the sun_.
Malama, _the moon_.
Whettu, _a star_.
Whettu-euphe, _a comet_.
Erai, _the sky_.
Eatta, _a cloud_.
Miti, _good_.
Eno, _bad_.
A, _yes_.
Ima, _no_.
Paree, _ugly_.
Paroree, _hungry_.
Pia, _full_.
Timahah, _heavy_.
Mama, _light_.
Poto, _short_.
Roa, _tall_.
Nehenne, _sweet_.
Mala-mala, _bitter_.
Whanno, _to go far_.
Harre, _to go_.
Arrea, _to stay_.
Enoho, _to remain_.
Rohe rohe, _to be tired_.
Maa, _to eat_.
Inoo, _to drink_.
Ete, _to understand_.
Warrido, _to steal_.
Worridde, _to be angry_.
Teparahi, _to beat_.
Among people whose food is so simple, and who in general are seldom
drunk, it is scarcely necessary to say, that there are but few diseases;
we saw no critical disease during our stay upon the island, and but few
instances of sickness, which were accidental fits of the colic. The
natives, however, are afflicted with the erysipelas, and cutaneous
eruptions of the scaly kind, very nearly approaching to a leprosy. Those
in whom this distemper was far advanced, lived in a state of seclusion
from all society, each in a small house built upon some unfrequented
spot, where they were supplied with provisions: but whether they had any
hope of relief, or languished out the remainder of their lives in
solitude and despair, we could not learn. We observed also a few who had
ulcers upon different parts of their bodies, some of which had a very
virulent appearance; yet they seemed not much to be regarded by those
who were afflicted with them, for they were left entirely without
application even to keep off the flies.
Where intemperance produces no diseases, there will be no physicians by
profession; yet where there is sufferance, there will always be attempts
to relieve; and where the cause of the mischief and the remedy are alike
unknown, these will naturally be directed by superstition: thus it
happens, that in this country, and in all others which are not further
injured by luxury, or improved by knowledge, the management of the sick
falls to the lot of the priest. The method of cure that is practised by
the priests of Otaheite, consists chiefly of prayers and ceremonies.
When he visits his patient he repeats certain sentences, which appear to
be set forms contrived for the occasion, and at the same time plats the
leaves of the cocoa-nut into different figures very neatly; some of
these he fastens to the fingers and toes of the sick, and often leaves
behind him a few branches of the _thespecia populnea_, which they call
_E’midho_: these ceremonies are repeated till the patient recovers or
dies. If he recovers, they say the remedies cured him; if he dies, they
say the disease was incurable; in which perhaps they do not much differ
from the custom of other countries.
If we had judged of their skill in surgery from the dreadful scars which
we sometimes saw, we should have supposed it to be much superior to the
art, not only of their physicians, but of ours. We saw one man whose
face was almost entirely destroyed, his nose, including the bone, was
perfectly flat, and one cheek and one eye were so beaten in, that the
hollow would almost receive a man’s fist, yet no ulcer remained; and our
companion, Tupia, had been pierced quite through his body by a spear,
headed with the bone of the sting-ray, the weapon having entered his
back, and come out just under his breast; but except in reducing
dislocations and fractures, the best surgeon can contribute very little
to the cure of a wound; the blood itself is the best vulnerary balsam,
and when the juices of the body are pure, and the patient is temperate,
nothing more is necessary as an aid to nature in the cure of the worst
wound, than the keeping it clean.
Their commerce with the inhabitants of Europe has, however, already
entailed upon them that dreadful curse which avenged the inhumanities
committed by the Spaniards in America, the venereal disease. As it is
certain that no European vessel besides our own, except the Dolphin, and
the two that were under the command of Mons. Bougainville, ever visited
this island, it must have been brought either by one of them or by us.
That it was not brought by the Dolphin, Captain Wallis has demonstrated
in the account of her voyage, (Vol. I. p. 323, 324.), and nothing is
more certain than that when we arrived, it had made most dreadful
ravages in the island. One of our people contracted it within five days
after we went on shore, and by the enquiries among the natives, which
this occasioned, we learnt, when we came to understand a little of their
language, that it had been brought by the vessels which had been there
about fifteen months before us, and had lain on the east side of the
island. They distinguished it by a name of the same import with
_rottenness_, but of a more extensive signification, and described, in
the most pathetic terms, the sufferings of the first victims to its
rage, and told us that it caused the hair and the nails to fall off, and
the flesh to rot from the bones: that it spread a universal terror and
consternation among them, so that the sick were abandoned by their
nearest relations, lest the calamity should spread by contagion, and
left to perish alone in such misery as till then had never been known
among them. We had some reason, however, to hope that they had found out
a specific to cure it: during our stay upon the island we saw none in
whom it had made a great progress, and one who went from us infected,
returned after a short time in perfect health; and by this it appeared
either that the disease had cured itself, or that they were not
unacquainted with the virtues of simples, nor implicit dupes to the
superstitious follies of their priests. We endeavoured to learn the
medical qualities which they imputed to their plants, but our knowledge
of their language was too imperfect for us to succeed. If we could have
learnt their specific for the venereal disease, if such they have, it
would have been of great advantage to us, for when we left the island it
had been contracted by more than half the people on board the ship.
It is impossible but that, in relating incidents, many particulars with
respect to the customs, opinions, and works of these people should be
anticipated; to avoid repetition, therefore, I shall only supply
deficiencies. Of the manner of disposing of their dead, much has been
said already. I must more explicitly observe, that there are two places
in which the dead are deposited; one a kind of shed, where the flesh is
suffered to putrify; the other an enclosure, with erections of stone,
where the bones are afterwards buried. The sheds are called TUPAPOW, and
the enclosures MORAI. The Morais are also places of worship.
As soon as a native of Otaheite is known to be dead, the house is filled
with relations, who deplore their loss, some by loud lamentations, and
some by less clamorous, but more genuine expressions of grief. Those who
are in the nearest degree of kindred, and are really affected by the
event, are silent; the rest are one moment uttering passionate
exclamations in a chorus, and the next laughing and talking without the
least appearance of concern. In this manner the remainder of the day on
which they assemble is spent, and all the succeeding night. On the next
morning the body is shrouded in their cloth, and conveyed to the
sea-side upon a bier, which the bearers support upon their shoulders,
attended by the priest, who, having prayed over the body, repeats his
sentences during the procession. When it arrives at the water’s edge, it
is set down upon the beach; the priest renews his prayers, and taking up
some of the water in his hands, sprinkles it towards the body, but not
upon it. It is then carried back forty or fifty yards, and soon after
brought again to the beach, where the prayers and sprinkling are
repeated: it is thus removed backwards and forwards several times, and
while these ceremonies have been performing a house has been built, and
a small space of ground railed in. In the centre of this house, or
Tupapow, posts are set up to support the bier, which is at length
conveyed thither, and placed upon it, and here the body remains to
putrify till the flesh is wholly wasted from the bones.
These houses of corruption are of a size proportioned to the rank of the
person whose body they are to contain; those allotted to the lower class
are just sufficient to cover the bier, and have no railing round them.
The largest we ever saw was eleven yards long, and such as these are
ornamented according to the abilities and inclination of the surviving
kindred, who never fail to lay a profusion of good cloth about the body,
and sometimes almost cover the outside of the house. Garlands of the
fruit of the palm-nut or _pandanus_, and cocoa-leaves, twisted by the
priests in mysterious knots, with a plant called by them, _Ethee no
Morai_, which is particularly consecrated to funeral solemnities, are
deposited about the place; provision and water are also left at a little
distance, of which, and of other decorations, a more particular
description has been given already.
As soon as the body is deposited in the Tupapow, the mourning is
renewed. The women assemble, and are led to the door by the nearest
relation, who strikes a shark’s tooth several times into the crown of
her head: the blood copiously follows, and is carefully received upon
pieces of linen, which are thrown under the bier. The rest of the women
follow this example, and the ceremony is repeated at the interval of two
or three days, as long as the zeal and sorrow of the parties hold out.
The tears also which are shed upon these occasions, are received upon
pieces of cloth, and offered as oblations to the dead: some of the
younger people cut off their hair, and that is thrown under the bier
with the other offerings. This custom is founded upon a notion that the
soul of the deceased, which they believe to exist in a separate state,
is hovering about the place where the body is deposited: that it
observes the actions of the survivors, and is gratified by such
testimonies of their affection and grief.
Two or three days after these ceremonies have been commenced by the
women, during which the men seem to be wholly insensible of their loss,
they also begin to perform their part. The nearest relations take it in
turn to assume the dress, and perform the office, which have already
been particularly described in the account of Tubourai Tamaide’s having
acted as chief mourner to an old woman, his relation, who died while we
were in the island. One part of the ceremony, however, which accounts
for the running away of the people as soon as this procession is in
sight, has not been mentioned. The chief mourner carries in his hand a
long flat stick, the edge of which is set with shark’s teeth, and in a
phrenzy, which his grief is supposed to have inspired, he runs at all he
sees, and if any of them happen to be overtaken, he strikes them most
unmercifully with this indented cudgel, which cannot fail to wound them
in a dangerous manner.
These processions continue at certain intervals for five moons, but are
less and less frequent, by a gradual diminution, as the end of that time
approaches. When it is expired, what remains of the body is taken down
from the bier, and the bones having been scraped and washed very clean,
are buried, according to the rank of the person, either within or
without a Morai. If the deceased was an Earee, or chief, his skull is
not buried with the rest of the bones, but is wrapped up in fine cloth,
and put in a kind of box made for that purpose, which is also placed in
the Morai. This coffer is called _Ewharre no te Orometua_, the house of
a teacher or master. After this the mourning ceases, except some of the
women continue to be really afflicted for the loss, and in that case
they will sometimes suddenly wound themselves with the shark’s tooth
wherever they happen to be: this perhaps will account for the passion of
grief in which Terapo wounded herself at the fort; some accidental
circumstance might forcibly revive the remembrance of a friend or
relation whom she had lost, with a pungency of regret and tenderness
which forced a vent by tears, and prompted her to a repetition of the
funeral rite.
The ceremonies, however, do not cease with the mourning: prayers are
still said by the priest, who is well paid by the surviving relations,
and offerings made at the Morai. Some of the things, which from time to
time are deposited there, are emblematical: a young plantain represents
the deceased, and the bunch of feathers the deity who is invoked. The
priest places himself over against the symbol of the god, accompanied by
some of the relations, who are furnished with a small offering, and
repeats his oraison in a set form, consisting of separate sentences; at
the same time weaving the leaves of the cocoa-nut into different forms,
which he afterwards deposits upon the ground where the bones have been
interred; the deity is then addressed by a shrill screech, which is used
only upon that occasion. When the priest retires, the tuft of feathers
is removed, and the provisions left to putrify, or be devoured by the
rats.
Of the religion of these people, we were not able to acquire any clear
and consistent knowledge: we found it like the religion of most other
countries, involved in mystery, and perplexed with apparent
inconsistencies. The religious language is also here, as it is in China,
different from that which is used in common, so that Tupia, who took
great pains to instruct us, having no words to express his meaning which
we understood, gave us lectures to very little purpose: what we learnt,
however, I will relate with as much perspicuity as I can.
Nothing is more obvious to a rational being, however ignorant or stupid,
than that the universe and its various parts, as far as they fall under
his notice, were produced by some agent inconceivably more powerful than
himself; and nothing is more difficult to be conceived, even by the most
sagacious and knowing, than the production of them from nothing, which
among us is expressed by the word _Creation_. It is natural, therefore,
as no Being apparently capable of producing the universe is to be seen,
that he should be supposed to reside in some distant part of it, or to
be in his nature invisible, and that he should have originally produced
all that now exists in a manner similar to that in which nature is
renovated by the succession of one generation to another; but the idea
of procreation includes in it that of two persons, and from the
conjunction of two persons these people imagine every thing in the
universe, either originally or derivatively, to proceed.
The Supreme Deity, one of these two first beings, they call
TAROATAIHETOOMOO, and the other, whom they suppose to have been a rock,
TEPAPA. A daughter of these was TETTOWMATATAYO, the year, or thirteen
months collectively, which they never name but upon this occasion, and
she, by the common father, produced the months, and the months, by
conjunction with each other, the days; the stars they suppose partly to
be the immediate offspring of the first pair, and partly to have
increased among themselves; and they have the same notion with respect
to the different species of plants. Among other progeny of
Taroataihetoomoo and Tepapa, they suppose an inferior race of deities,
whom they call EATUAS. Two of these Eatuas, they say, at some remote
period of time, inhabited the earth, and were the parents of the first
man. When this man, their common ancestor, was born, they say that he
was round like a ball, but that his mother, with great care, drew out
his limbs, and having at length moulded him into his present form, she
called him EOTHE, which signifies _finished_. That being prompted by the
universal instinct to propagate his kind, and being able to find no
female but his mother, he begot upon her a daughter, and upon the
daughter other daughters for several generations, before there was a
son; a son, however, being at length born, he, by the assistance of his
sisters, peopled the world.
Besides their daughter Tettowmatatayo, the first progenitors of nature
had a son, whom they called TANE. Taroataihetoomoo, the supreme deity,
they emphatically style the causer of earthquakes; but their prayers are
more generally addressed to Tane, whom they suppose to take a greater
part in the affairs of mankind.
Their subordinate deities, or Eatuas, which are numerous, are of both
sexes: the male are worshipped by the men, and the female by the women;
and each have Morais to which the other sex is not admitted, though they
have also Morais common to both. Men perform the office of priest to
both sexes, but each sex has its priests, for those who officiate for
one sex, do not officiate for the other.
They believe the immortality of the soul, at least its existence in a
separate state, and that there are two situations of different degrees
of happiness, somewhat analogous to our heaven and hell: the superior
situation they call _Tavirua l’erai_, the other _Tiahoboo_. They do not,
however, consider them as places of reward and punishment, but as
receptacles for different classes; the first, for their chiefs and
principal people, the other for those of inferior rank, for they do not
suppose that their actions here in the least influence their future
state, or indeed that they come under the cognizance of their deities at
all. Their religion, therefore, if it has no influence upon their
morals, is at least disinterested; and their expressions of adoration
and reverence, whether by words or actions, arise only from a humble
sense of their own inferiority, and the ineffable excellence of divine
perfection.
The character of the priest or Tahowa, is hereditary: the class is
numerous, and consists of all ranks of people; the chief, however, is
generally the younger brother of a good family, and is respected in a
degree next to their kings. Of the little knowledge that is possessed in
this country, the priests have the greatest share; but it consists
principally in an acquaintance with the names and ranks of the different
Eatuas or subordinate divinities, and the opinions concerning the origin
of things, which have been traditionally preserved among the order in
detached sentences, of which some will repeat an incredible number,
though but very few of the words that are used in their common dialect
occur in them.
The priests, however, are superior to the rest of the people in the
knowledge of navigation and astronomy; and, indeed, the name Tahowa
signifies nothing more than a man of knowledge. As there are priests of
every class, they officiate only among that class to which they belong:
the priest of the inferior class is never called upon by those of
superior rank, nor will the priest of the superior rank officiate for
any of the inferior class.
Marriage in this island, as appeared to us, is nothing more than an
agreement between the man and woman, with which the priest has no
concern. Where it is contracted, it appears to be pretty well kept,
though sometimes the parties separate by mutual consent, and in that
case a divorce takes place with as little trouble as the marriage.
But though the priesthood has laid the people under no tax for a nuptial
benediction, there are two operations which it has appropriated, and
from which it derives considerable advantages. One is _tattowing_, and
the other circumcision, though neither of them have any connection with
religion. The tattowing has been described already. Circumcision has
been adopted merely from motives of cleanliness; it cannot indeed
properly be called circumcision, because the _prepuce_ is not mutilated
by a circular wound, but only slit through the upper part to prevent its
contracting over the _glans_. As neither of these can be performed by
any but a priest, and as to be without either is the greatest disgrace,
they may be considered as a claim to surplice fees like our marriages
and christenings, which are cheerfully and liberally paid, not according
to any settled stipend, but the rank and abilities of the parties or
their friends.
The Morai, as has already been observed, is at once a burying-ground and
a place of worship, and in this particular our churches too much
resemble it. The Indian, however, approaches his Morai with a reverence
and humility that disgraces the Christian, not because he holds any
thing sacred that is there, but because he there worships an invisible
divinity, for whom, though he neither hopes for reward, nor fears
punishment at his hand, he always expresses the profoundest homage and
most humble adoration. I have already given a very particular
description both of the Morais and the altars that are placed near them.
When an Indian is about to worship at the Morai, or brings his offering
to the altar, he always uncovers his body to the waist, and his looks
and attitude are such as sufficiently express a corresponding
disposition of mind.
It did not appear to us that these people are, in any instance, guilty
of idolatry; at least they do not worship any thing that is the work of
their hands, nor any visible part of the creation. This island, indeed,
and the rest that lie near it, have a particular bird, some a heron, and
others a king’s-fisher, to which they pay a peculiar regard, and
concerning which they have some superstitious notions with respect to
good and bad fortune, as we have of the swallow and robin-red-breast,
giving them the name of EATUA, and by no means killing or molesting
them; yet they never address a petition to them, or approach them with
any act of adoration.
Though I dare not assert that these people, to whom the art of writing,
and consequently the recording of laws, are utterly unknown, live under
a regular form of government; yet a subordination is established among
them, that greatly resembles the early state of every nation in Europe
under the feudal system, which secured liberty in the most licentious
excess to a few, and entailed the most abject slavery upon the rest.
Their orders are, _Earee rahie_, which answers to king; _Earee_, baron;
_Manahouni_, vassal; and _Toutou_, villain. The Earee rahie, of which
there are two in this island, one being the sovereign of each of the
peninsulas of which it consists, is treated with great respect by all
ranks, but did not appear to us to be invested with so much power as was
exercised by the Earees in their own districts; nor, indeed, did we, as
I have before observed, once see the sovereign of Obereonoo while we
were in the island. The Earees are lords of one or more of the districts
into which each of the peninsulas is divided, of which there may be
about one hundred in the whole island; and they parcel out their
territories to the Manahounies, who cultivate each his part which he
holds under the baron. The lowest class, called Toutous, seem to be
nearly under the same circumstances as the villains in feudal
governments: these do all the laborious work; they cultivate the land
under the Manahounies, who are only nominal cultivators for the lord,
they fetch wood and water, and, under the direction of the mistress of
the family, dress the victuals: they also catch the fish.
Each of the Earees keeps a kind of court, and has a great number of
attendants, chiefly the younger brothers of their own tribe; and among
these some hold particular offices, but of what nature exactly we could
not tell. One was called the _Eowa no l’Earee_, and another the _Whanno
no l’Earee_, and these were frequently dispatched to us with messages.
Of all the courts of these Earees, that of Tootahah was the most
splendid, as indeed might reasonably be expected, because he
administered the government for Outou, his nephew, who was Earee rahie
of Obereonoo, and lived upon his estate. The child of the baron or
Earee, as well as of the sovereign or Earee rahie, succeeds to the title
and honours of the father as soon as it is born: so that a baron, who
was yesterday called Earee, and was approached with the ceremony of
lowering the garments, so as to uncover the upper part of the body, is
to-day, if his wife was last night delivered of a child, reduced to the
rank of a private man, all marks of respect being transferred to the
child, if it is suffered to live, though the father still continues
possessor and administrator of his estate: probably this custom has its
share, among other inducements, in forming the societies called Arreoy.
If a general attack happens to be made upon the island, every district
under the command of an Earee, is obliged to furnish its proportion of
soldiers for the common defence. The number furnished by the principal
districts, which Tupia recollected, when added together, amounted, as I
have observed before, to six thousand six hundred and eighty.
Upon such occasions, the united force of the whole island is commanded
in chief by the Earee rahie. Private differences between two Earees are
decided by their own people, without at all disturbing the general
tranquillity.
Their weapons are slings, which they use with great dexterity, pikes
headed with the stings of sting-rays, and clubs, of about six or seven
feet long, made of a very hard heavy wood. Thus armed, they are said to
fight with great obstinacy, which is the more likely to be true, as it
is certain that they give no quarter to either man, woman, or child, who
is so unfortunate as to fall into their hands during the battle, or for
some hours afterwards, till their passion, which is always violent,
though not lasting, has subsided.
The Earee rahie of Obereonoo, while we were here, was in perfect amity
with the Earee rahie of Tiarreboo, the other peninsula, though he took
himself the title of king of the whole island: this, however, produced
no more jealousy in the other sovereign, than the title of king of
France, assumed by our sovereign, does in his most Christian Majesty.
In a government so rude, it cannot be expected that distributive justice
should be regularly administered, and indeed, where there is so little
opposition of interest, in consequence of the facility with which every
appetite and passion is gratified, there can be but few crimes. There is
nothing like money, the common medium by which every want and every wish
is supposed to be gratified by those who do not possess it; there is no
apparently permanent good which either fraud or force can unlawfully
obtain; and when all the crimes that are committed by the inhabitants of
civilized countries, to get money, are set out of the account, not many
will remain: add to this, that where the commerce with women is
restrained by no law, men will seldom be under any temptation to commit
adultery, especially as one woman is always less preferred to another,
where they are less distinguished by personal decorations, and the
adventitious circumstances which are produced by the varieties of art,
and the refinements of sentiment. That they are thieves is true; but as
among these people no man can be much injured or benefited by theft, it
is not necessary to restrain it by such punishments, as in other
countries are absolutely necessary to the very existence of civil
society. Tupia, however, tells us, that adultery is sometimes committed
as well as theft. In all cases where an injury has been committed, the
punishment of the offender lies with the sufferer: adultery, if the
parties are caught in the fact, is sometimes punished with death in the
first ardour of resentment; but without circumstances of immediate
provocation, the female sinner seldom suffers more than a beating. As
punishment, however, is enforced by no law, nor taken into the hand of
any magistrate, it is not often inflicted, except the injured party is
the strongest; though the chiefs do sometimes punish their immediate
dependents, for faults committed against each other, and even the
dependents of others, if they are accused of any offence committed in
their district.
Having now given the best description that I can of the island in its
present state, and of the people, with their customs and manners,
language and arts, I shall only add a few general observations, which
may be of use to future navigators, if any of the ships of Great Britain
should receive orders to visit it. As it produces nothing that appears
to be convertible into an article of trade, and can be used only by
affording refreshments to shipping in their passage through these seas,
it might be made to answer this purpose in a much greater degree, by
transporting thither sheep, goats, and horned cattle, with European
garden-stuff, and other useful vegetables, which there is the greatest
reason to suppose will flourish in so fine a climate, and so rich a
soil.
Though this, and the neighbouring islands lie within the tropic of
Capricorn, yet the heat is not troublesome, nor did the winds blow
constantly from the east. We had frequently a fresh gale from the S. W.
for two or three days, and sometimes, though very seldom, from the N. W.
Tupia reported, that south westerly winds prevail in October, November,
and December, and we have no doubt of the fact. When the winds are
variable, they are always accompanied by a swell from the S. W. or W. S.
W.; there is also a swell from the same points when it is calm, and the
atmosphere loaded with clouds, which is a sure indication that the winds
are variable, or westerly out at sea, for with the settled trade-wind
the weather is clear.
The meeting with westerly winds, within the general limits of the
eastern trade, has induced some navigators to suppose that they were
near some large track of land, of which, however, I think they are no
indication.
It has been found, both by us and the Dolphin, that the trade-wind, in
these parts, does not extend farther to the south than twenty degrees,
beyond which, we generally found a gale from the westward; and it is
reasonable to suppose, that when these winds blow strong, they will
drive back the easterly wind, and consequently encroach upon the limits
within which they constantly blow, and thus necessarily produce variable
winds, as either happens to prevail, and a south-westerly swell. This
supposition is the more probable, as it is well known that the
trade-winds blow but faintly for some distance within their limits, and
therefore may be more easily stopped or repelled by a wind in the
contrary direction: it is also well known, that the limits of the
trade-winds vary not only at different seasons of the year, but
sometimes at the same season, in different years.
There is therefore no reason to suppose that south-westerly winds,
within these limits, are caused by the vicinity of large tracts of land,
especially as they are always accompanied with a large swell, in the
same direction in which they blow; and we find a much greater surf
beating upon the shores of the south-west side of the islands that are
situated just within the limits of the trade-wind, than upon any other
part of them.
The tides about these islands are perhaps as inconsiderable as in any
part of the world. A south or S. by W. moon, makes high water in the bay
of Matavai at Otaheite; but the water very seldom rises perpendicularly
above ten or twelve inches.
The variation of the compass I found to be 4° 46ʹ easterly, this being
the result of a great number of trials made with four of Dr. Knight’s
needles, adapted to azimuth compasses. These compasses I thought the
best that could be procured, yet when applied to the meridian line, I
found them to differ, not only one from another, sometimes a degree and
an half, but the same needle, half a degree from itself in different
trials made on the same day; and I do not remember that I have ever
found two needles which exactly agreed at the same time and place,
though I have often found the same needle agree with itself, in several
trials made one after the other. This imperfection of the needle,
however, is of no consequence to navigation, as the variation can always
be found to a degree of accuracy, more than sufficient for all nautical
purposes.
CHAP. XX.
A DESCRIPTION OF SEVERAL OTHER ISLANDS IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF OTAHEITE,
WITH VARIOUS INCIDENTS; A DRAMATIC ENTERTAINMENT; AND MANY PARTICULARS
RELATIVE TO THE CUSTOMS AND MANNERS OF THE INHABITANTS.
AFTER parting with our friends, we made an easy sail, with gentle
breezes and clear weather, and were informed by Tupia, that four of the
neighbouring islands, which he distinguished by the names of HUAHEINE,
ULIETEA, OTAHA, and BOLABOLA, lay at the distance of between one and two
days sail from Otaheite; and that hogs, fowls, and other refreshments,
with which we had of late been but sparingly supplied, were there to be
procured in great plenty; but having discovered from the hills of
Otaheite, an island lying to the northward, which he called TETHUROA, I
determined first to stand that way, to take a nearer view of it. It lies
N. ½ W. distant eight leagues from the northern extremity of Otaheite,
upon which we had observed the transit, and to which we had, for that
reason, given the name of POINT VENUS. We found it to be a small low
island, and were told by Tupia, that it had no settled inhabitants, but
was occasionally visited by the inhabitants of Otaheite, who sometimes
went thither for a few days to fish; we therefore determined to spend no
more time in a farther examination of it, but to go in search of
Huaheine and Ulietea, which he described to be well peopled, and as
large as Otaheite.
At six o’clock in the morning of the 14th, the westermost part of EIMEO,
or York Island, bore S. E. ½ S. and the body of Otaheite E. ½ S. At
noon, the body of York Island bore E. by S. ½ S.; and Port-Royal bay, at
Otaheite, S. 70° 45ʹ E. distant 61 miles; and an island, which we took
to be Saunders’s Island, called by the natives TAPOAMANAO, bore S. S. W.
We also saw land bearing N. W. ½ W. which Tupia said was Huaheine.
On the 15th, it was hazy, with light breezes and calms succeeding each
other, so that we could see no land, and made but little way. Our
Indian, Tupia, often prayed for a wind to his god Tane, and as often
boasted of his success, which indeed he took a very effectual method to
secure, for he never began his address to Tane, till he saw a breeze so
near that he knew it must reach the ship before his oraison was well
over.
On the 16th, we had a gentle breeze; and in the morning about eight
o’clock, being close in with the north-west part of the island Huaheine,
we sounded, but had no bottom with 80 fathom. Some canoes very soon came
off, but the people seemed afraid, and kept at a distance till they
discovered Tupia, and then they ventured nearer. In one of the canoes
that came up to the ship’s side, was the king of the island and his
wife. Upon assurances of friendship, frequently and earnestly repeated,
their majesties and some others came on board. At first they were struck
with astonishment, and wondered at every thing that was shewn them; yet
they made no inquiries, and seeming to be satisfied with what was
offered to their notice, they made no search after other objects of
curiosity, with which it was natural to suppose a building of such
novelty and magnitude as the ship must abound. After some time, they
became more familiar. I was given to understand, that the name of the
king was OREE, and he proposed, as a mark of amity, that we should
exchange names. To this I readily consented; and he was Cookee, for so
he pronounced my name, and I was Oree, for the rest of the time we were
together. We found these people to be very nearly the same with those of
Otaheite, in person, dress, language, and every other circumstance,
except, if Tupia might be believed, that they would not steal.
Soon after dinner, we came to an anchor in a small but excellent harbour
on the west side of the island, which the natives call OWHARRE, in
eighteen fathom water, clear ground, and secure from all winds. I went
immediately ashore, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, Mr.
Monkhouse, Tupia, King Cookee, and some other of the natives who had
been on board ever since the morning. The moment we landed, Tupia
stripped himself as low as the waist, and desired Mr. Monkhouse to do
the same: he then sat down before a great number of the natives, who
were collected together in a large house or shed; for here, as well as
at Otaheite, a house consists only of a roof supported upon poles; the
rest of us, by his desire, standing behind. He then began a speech or
prayer, which lasted about a quarter of an hour, the king, who stood
over against him, every now and then answering in what appeared to be
set responses. In the course of this harangue, he delivered, at
different times, two handkerchiefs, a black silk neckcloth, some beads,
two small bunches of feathers, and some plantains, as presents to their
Eatua, or God. In return for these, he received for our Eatua, a hog,
some young plantains, and two small bunches of feathers, which he
ordered to be carried on board the ship. After these ceremonies, which
we supposed to be the ratification of a treaty between us, every one was
dismissed to go whither he pleased; and Tupia immediately repaired to
offer his oblations at one of the Morais.
The next morning, we went on shore again, and walked up the hills, where
the productions were exactly the same as those of Otaheite, except that
the rocks and clay appeared to be more burnt. The houses were neat, and
the boat-houses remarkably large; one that we measured was fifty paces
long, ten broad, and twenty-four feet high, the whole formed a pointed
arch, like those of our old cathedrals, which was supported on one side
by twenty-six, and on the other by thirty pillars, or rather posts,
about two feet high, and one thick, upon most of which were rudely
carved the heads of men, and several fanciful devices, not altogether
unlike those which we sometimes see printed from wooden blocks, at the
beginning and end of old books. The plains, or flat part of the country,
abounded in bread-fruit, and cocoa-nut trees; in some places, however,
there were salt swamps and lagoons, which would produce neither.
We went again a-shore on the 18th, and would have taken the advantage of
Tupia’s company, in our perambulation; but he was too much engaged with
his friends: we took, however, his boy, whose name was TAYETO, and Mr.
Banks went to take a farther view of what had much engaged his attention
before; it was a kind of chest or ark, the lid of which was nicely sewed
on, and thatched very neatly with palm-nut leaves: it was fixed upon two
poles, and supported on little arches of wood, very neatly carved; the
use of the poles seemed to be to remove it from place to place, in the
manner of our sedan chairs: in one end of it was a square hole, in the
middle of which was a ring touching the sides, and leaving the angles
open, so as to form a round hole within a square one. The first time Mr.
Banks saw this coffer, the aperture at the end was stopped with a piece
of cloth, which, lest he should give offence, he left untouched;
probably there was then something within, but now the cloth was taken
away, and, upon looking into it, it was found empty. The general
resemblance between this repository and the Ark of the Lord among the
Jews is remarkable; but it is still more remarkable, that upon inquiring
of the boy what it was called, he said, _Ewharre no Eatua_, the _house
of the God_: he could however give no account of its signification or
use. We had commenced a kind of trade with the natives, but it went on
slowly; for when any thing was offered, not one of them would take it
upon his own judgment, but collected the opinions of twenty or thirty
people, which could not be done without great loss of time. We got,
however, eleven pigs, and determined to try for more the next day.
The next day, therefore, we brought out some hatchets, for which we
hoped we should have had no occasion, upon an island which no European
had ever visited before. These procured us three very large hogs; and as
we proposed to sail in the afternoon, King Oree and several others came
on board to take their leave. To the king I gave a small plate of
pewter, on which was stamped this inscription, “His Britannic-Majesty’s
ship, Endeavour, Lieutenant Cook, Commander, 16th July, 1769, Huaheine.”
I gave him also some medals or counters, resembling the coin of England,
struck in the year 1761, with some other presents; and he promised that
with none of these, particularly the plate, he would ever part. I
thought it as lasting a testimony of our having first discovered this
island, as any we could leave behind; and having dismissed our visitors
well satisfied, and in great good-humour, we set sail, about half an
hour after two in the afternoon.
The island of Huaheine, or Huahene, is situated in the latitude of 16°
43ʹ S. and longitude 152° 52ʹ W. from Greenwich: it is distant from
Otaheite about thirty-one leagues, in the direction of N. 58 W. and is
about seven leagues in compass. Its surface is hilly and uneven, and it
has a safe and commodious harbour. The harbour, which is called by the
natives OWALLE, or OWHARRE, lies on the west side, under the
northernmost high land, and within the north end of the reef, which lies
along that side of the island; there are two inlets or openings, by
which it may be entered, through the reef, about a mile and a half
distant from each other; the southernmost is the widest, and on the
south side of it lies a very small sandy island.
Huaheine seems to be a month forwarder in its productions than Otaheite,
as we found the cocoa-nuts full of kernel, and some of the new
bread-fruit fit to eat. Of the cocoa-nuts the inhabitants make a food
which they call _Poe_, by mixing them with yams; they scrape both fine,
and having incorporated the powder, they put it into a wooden trough,
with a number of hot stones, by which an oily kind of hasty-pudding is
made, that our people relished very well, especially when it was fried.
Mr. Banks found not more than eleven or twelve new plants; but he
observed some insects, and a species of scorpion which he had not seen
before.
The inhabitants seem to be larger made, and more stout, than those of
Otaheite. Mr. Banks measured one of the men, and found him to be six
feet three inches and an half high; yet they are so lazy, that he could
not persuade any of them to go up the hills with him: they said, if they
were to attempt it, the fatigue would kill them. The women were very
fair, more so than those of Otaheite; and in general, we thought them
more handsome, though none that were equal to some individuals. Both
sexes seemed to be less timid, and less curious: it has been observed,
that they made no inquiries on board the ship; and when we fired a gun,
they were frighted indeed, but they did not fall down, as our friends at
Otaheite constantly did when we first came among them. For this
difference, however, we can easily account upon other principles; the
people at Huaheine had not seen the Dolphin, those at Otaheite had. In
one, the report of a gun was connected with the idea of instant
destruction; to the other, there was nothing dreadful in it but the
appearance and the sound, as they had never experienced its power of
dispensing death.
While we were on shore, we found that Tupia had commended them beyond
their merit, when he said that they would not steal; for one of them was
detected in the fact. But when he was seized by the hair, the rest,
instead of running away, as the people at Otaheite would have done,
gathered round, and inquired what provocation had been given: but this
also may be accounted for without giving them credit for superior
courage; they had no experience of the consequence of European
resentment, which the people at Otaheite had in many instances purchased
with life. It must, however, be acknowledged, to their honour, that when
they understood what had happened, they showed strong signs of
disapprobation, and prescribed a good beating for the thief, which was
immediately administered.
We now made sail for the island of ULIETEA, which lies S. W. by W.
distant seven or eight leagues from Huaheine, and at half an hour after
six in the evening, we were within three leagues of the shore, on the
eastern side. We stood off and on all night, and when the day broke the
next morning, we stood in for the shore: we soon after discovered an
opening in the reef which lies before the island, within which Tupia
told us there was a good harbour. I did not, however, implicitly take
his word; but sent the master out in the pinnace to examine it: he soon
made the signal for the ship to follow; we accordingly stood in, and
anchored in two-and-twenty fathom, with soft ground.
The natives soon came off to us in two canoes, each of which brought a
woman and a pig. The woman we supposed was a mark of confidence, and the
pig was a present; we received both with proper acknowledgments, and
complimented each of the ladies with a spike nail and some beads, much
to their satisfaction. We were told by Tupia, who had always expressed
much fear of the men of Bolabola, that they had made a conquest of this
island; and that, if we remained here, they would certainly come down
to-morrow, and fight us. We determined, therefore, to go on shore
without delay, while the day was our own.
I landed in company with Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and the other
gentlemen, Tupia being also of the party. He introduced us by repeating
the ceremonies which he had performed at Huaheine, after which I hoisted
an English jack, and took possession of this and the three neighbouring
islands, Huaheine, Otaha, and Bolabola, which were all in sight, in the
name of his Britannic Majesty. After this, we took a walk to a great
Morai, called Tapodeboatea. We found it very different from those of
Otaheite; for it consisted only of four walls, about eight feet high, of
coral stones, some of which were of an immense size, inclosing an area
of about five-and-twenty yards square, which was filled up with smaller
stones: upon the top of it many planks were set up on end, which were
carved in their whole length: at a little distance we found an altar, or
Ewhatta, upon which lay the last oblation or sacrifice, a hog of about
eighty pounds weight, which had been offered whole, and very nicely
roasted. Here were also four or five Ewharre-no-Eatua, or houses of God,
to which carriage poles were fitted, like that which we had seen at
Huaheine. One of these Mr. Banks examined by putting his hand into it,
and found a parcel about five feet long and one thick, wrapped up in
mats: he broke a way through several of these mats with his fingers, but
at length came to one which was made of the fibres of the cocoa-nut, so
firmly plaited together that he found it impossible to tear it, and
therefore was forced to desist; especially as he perceived, that what he
had done already gave great offence to our new friends. From hence we
went to a long house, not far distant, where, among rolls of cloth, and
several other things, we saw the model of a canoe, about three feet
long, to which were tied eight human jaw-bones: we had already learnt
that these, like scalps among the Indians of North America, were
trophies of war. Tupia affirmed that they were the jaw-bones of the
natives of this island: if so, they might have been hung up, with the
model of a canoe, as a symbol of invasion, by the warriors of Bolabola,
as a memorial of their conquest.
Night now came on apace, but Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander continued their
walk along the shore, and at a little distance saw another
Ewharre-no-Eatua, and a tree of the fig kind, the same as that which Mr.
Green had seen at Otaheite, in great perfection, the trunk, or rather
congeries of the roots of which was forty-two paces in circumference.
On the 21st, having dispatched the master in the long-boat to examine
the coast of the south part of the island, and one of the mates in the
yawl, to sound the harbour where the ship lay, I went myself in the
pinnace, to survey that part of the island which lies to the north. Mr.
Banks and the gentlemen were again on shore, trading with the natives,
and examining the products and curiosities of the country; they saw
nothing, however, worthy notice, but some more jaw-bones, of which they
made no doubt but that the account they had heard was true.
On the 22d and 23d, having strong gales and hazy weather, I did not
think it safe to put to sea; but on the 24th, though the wind was still
variable, I got under sail, and plied to the northward within the reef,
with a view to go out at a wider opening than that by which I had
entered; in doing this, however, I was unexpectedly in the most imminent
danger of striking on the rock: the master, whom I had ordered to keep
continually sounding in the chains, suddenly called out “two fathom.”
This alarmed me, for though I knew the ship drew at least fourteen feet,
and that therefore it was impossible such a shoal should be under her
keel; yet the master was either mistaken, or she went along the edge of
a coral rock, many of which, in the neighbourhood of these islands, are
as steep as a wall.
This harbour, or bay, is called by the natives OOPOA, and taken in its
greatest extent, it is capable of holding any number of shipping. It
extends almost the whole length of the east side of the island, and is
defended from the sea by a reef of coral rocks: the southernmost opening
in this reef, or channel into the harbour, by which we entered, is
little more than a cable’s length wide; it lies off the easternmost part
of the island, and may be known by another small woody island, which
lies a little to the south-east of it, called by the people here OATARA.
Between three and four miles north west from this island, lie two other
islets, in the same direction as the reef, of which they are a part,
called OPURURU and TAMOU; between these lies the other channel into the
harbour, through which I went out, and which is a full quarter of a mile
wide. Still farther to the north-west are some other small islands, near
which I am told there is another small channel into the harbour; but
this I know only by report.
The principal refreshments that are to be procured at this part of the
island are, plantains, cocoa-nuts, yams, hogs, and fowls; the hogs and
fowls, however, are scarce; and the country, where we saw it, is neither
so populous, nor so rich in produce as Otaheite, or even Huaheine. Wood
and water may also be procured here; but the water cannot conveniently
be got at.
We were now again at sea, without having received any interruption from
the hostile inhabitants of Bolabola, whom, notwithstanding the fears of
Tupia, we intended to visit. At four o’clock in the afternoon of the
25th, we were within a league of Otaha, which bore N. 77 W. To the
northward of the south end of that island, on the east side of it, and
something more than a mile from the shore, lie two small islands, called
TOAHOUTU and WHENNUAIA; between which, Tupia says, there is a channel
into a very good harbour, which lies within the reef, and appearances
confirmed his report.
[Illustration: _The Harbour of Oopoa._]
As I discovered a broad channel between Otaha and Bolabola, I determined
rather to go through it, than run to the northward of all; but the wind
being right a-head, I got no ground.
Between five and six in the evening of the 26th, as I was standing to
the northward, I discovered a small low island, lying N. by W. or N. N.
W. distant four or five leagues from Bolabola. We were told by Tupia
that the name of this island is TUBAI; that it produces nothing but
cocoa-nuts, and is inhabited only by three families; though it is
visited by the inhabitants of the neighbouring islands, who resort
thither to catch fish, with which the coast abounds.
On the 27th, about noon, the peak of Bolabola bore N. 25 W. and the
north end of OTAHA, N. 80 W. distant three leagues. The wind continued
contrary all this day and the night following. On the 28th, at six in
the morning, we were near the entrance of the harbour on the east side
of OTAHA, which has been just mentioned; and finding that it might be
examined without losing time, I sent away the master in the long-boat,
with orders to sound it; and, if the wind did not shift in our favour,
to land upon the island, and traffic with the natives for such
refreshments as were to be had. In this boat went Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander, who landed upon the island, and before night purchased three
hogs, twenty-one fowls, and as many yams and plantains as the boat would
hold. Plantains we thought a more useful refreshment even than pork; for
they were boiled and served to the ship’s company as bread, and were now
the more acceptable as our bread was so full of vermin, that
notwithstanding all possible care, we had sometimes twenty of them in
our mouths at a time, everyone of which tasted as hot as mustard. The
island seemed to be more barren than Ulietea, but the produce was of the
same kind. The people also exactly resembled those that we had seen at
the other islands; they were not numerous, but they flocked about the
boat wherever she went from all quarters, bringing with them whatever
they had to sell. They paid the strangers, of whom they had received an
account from Tupia, the same compliment which they used towards their
own kings, uncovering their shoulders, and wrapping their garments round
their breasts; and were so solicitous to prevent its being neglected by
any of their people, that a man was sent with them, who called out to
every one they met, telling him what they were, and what he was to do.
In the mean time, I kept plying off and on, waiting for the boat’s
return; at half an hour after five, not seeing any thing of her, I fired
a gun, and after it was dark hoisted a light; at half an hour after
eight, we heard the report of a musquet, which we answered with a gun,
and soon after the boat came on board. The master reported, that the
harbour was safe and commodious, with good anchorage from twenty-five to
sixteen fathom water, clear ground.
As soon as the boat was hoisted in, I made sail to the northward, and at
eight o’clock in the morning of the 29th, we were close under the Peak
of Bolabola, which was high, rude, and craggy. As the island was
altogether inaccessible in this part, and we found it impossible to
weather it, we tacked and stood off, then tacked again, and after many
trips did not weather the south end of it till twelve o’clock at night.
At eight o’clock the next morning, we discovered an island, which bore
from us N. 63° W. distant about eight leagues; at the same time the Peak
of Bolabola bore N. ¼ E. distant three or four leagues. This island
Tupia called MAURUA, and said that it was small, wholly surrounded by a
reef, and without any harbour for shipping; but inhabited, and bearing
the same produce as the neighbouring islands: the middle of it rises in
a high round hill, that may be seen at the distance of ten leagues.
When we were off Bolabola, we saw but few people on the shore, and were
told by Tupia that many of the inhabitants were gone to Ulietea. In the
afternoon we found ourselves nearly the length of the south end of
Ulietea, and to windward of some harbours that lay on the west side of
this island. Into one of these harbours, though we had before been
ashore on the other side of the island, I intended to put, in order to
stop a leak which we had sprung in the powder room, and to take in more
ballast, as I found the ship too light to carry sail upon a wind. As the
wind was right against us, we plied off one of the harbours, and about
three o’clock in the afternoon on the 1st of August, we came to an
anchor in the entrance of the channel leading into it, in fourteen
fathom water, being prevented from working in, by a tide which set very
strong out. We then carried out the kedge-anchor, in order to warp into
the harbour; but when this was done, we could not trip the bower-anchor
with all the purchase we could make; we were therefore obliged to lie
still all night, and in the morning, when the tide turned, the ship
going over the anchor, it tripped of itself, and we warped the ship into
a proper birth with ease, and moored in twenty-eight fathom, with a
sandy bottom. While this was doing, many of the natives came off to us
with hogs, fowls, and plantains, which they parted with at an easy rate.
When the ship was secured, I went on shore to look for a proper place to
get ballast and water, both which I found in a very convenient
situation.
This day Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander spent on shore, very much to their
satisfaction: every body seemed to fear and respect them, placing in
them at the same time the utmost confidence, behaving as if conscious
that they possessed the power of doing them mischief, without any
propensity to make use of it. Men, women, and children, crowded round
them, and followed them wherever they went; but none of them were guilty
of the least incivility: on the contrary, whenever there happened to be
dirt or water in the way, the men vied with each other to carry them
over on their backs. They were conducted to the houses of the principal
people, and were received in a manner altogether new: the people, who
followed them while they were in their way, rushed forward as soon as
they came to a house, and went hastily in before them, leaving however a
lane sufficiently wide for them to pass. When they entered, they found
those who had preceded them ranged on each side of a long matt, which
was spread upon the ground, and at the farther end of which sat the
family: in the first house they entered, they found some very young
women or children, dressed with the utmost neatness, who kept their
station, expecting the strangers to come up to them and make them
presents, which they did with the greatest pleasure; for prettier
children, or better dressed, they had never seen. One of them was a girl
about six years old; her gown or upper garment was red; a large quantity
of platted hair was wound round her head, the ornament to which they
give the name of Tamou, and which they value more than any thing they
possess. She sat at the upper end of a matt thirty feet long, upon which
none of the spectators presumed to set a foot, notwithstanding the
crowd; and she leaned upon the arm of a well-looking woman about thirty,
who was probably her nurse. Our gentlemen walked up to her, and as soon
as they approached, she stretched out her hand to receive the beads
which they offered her, and no princess in Europe could have done it
with a better grace.
The people were so much gratified by the presents which were made to
these girls, that when Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander returned, they seemed
attentive to nothing but how to oblige them: and in one of the houses,
they were, by order of the master, entertained with a dance different
from any that they had seen. It was performed by one man, who put upon
his head a large cylindrical piece of wickerwork, or basket, about four
feet long and eight inches in diameter, which was faced with feathers,
placed perpendicularly, with the tops bending forwards, and edged round
with shark’s teeth, and the tail feathers of tropic birds: when he had
put on this head-dress, which is called a _Whow_, he began to dance,
moving slowly, and often turning his head so as that the top of his high
wicker-cap described a circle, and sometimes throwing it so near the
faces of the spectators as to make them start back: this was held among
them as a very good joke, and never failed to produce a peal of
laughter, especially when it was played off upon one of the strangers.
On the 3d, we went along the shore to the northward, which was in a
direction opposite to that of the route Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander had
taken the day before, with a design to purchase stock, which we always
found the people more ready to part with, and at a more easy price, at
their houses than at the market. In the course of our walk, we met with
a company of dancers, who detained us two hours, and during all that
time afforded us great entertainment. The company consisted of two women
dancers, and six men, with three drums; we were informed by Tupia, that
they were some of the most considerable people of the island, and that,
though they were continually going from place to place, they did not,
like the little strolling companies of Otaheite, take any gratuity from
the spectators. The women had upon their heads a considerable quantity
of Tamou, or platted hair, which was brought several times round the
head, and adorned in many parts with the flowers of the cape-jessamine,
which were stuck in with much taste, and made a head-dress truly
elegant. Their necks, shoulders, and arms, were naked; so were the
breasts also, as low as the parting of the arm; below that, they were
covered with black cloth, which set close to the body; at the side of
each breast, next the arm, was placed a small plume of black feathers,
much in the same manner as our ladies now wear their nosegays or
_bouquets_; upon their hips rested a quantity of cloth plaited very
full, which reached up to the breast, and fell down below into long
petticoats, which quite concealed their feet, and which they managed
with as much dexterity as our opera dancers could have done: the plaits
above the waist were brown and white alternately, the petticoats below
were all white.
In this dress they advanced sideways in a measured step, keeping
excellent time to the drums, which beat briskly and loud; soon after
they began to shake their hips, giving the folds of cloth that lay upon
them a very quick motion, which was in some degree continued through the
whole dance, though the body was thrown into various postures, sometimes
standing, sometimes sitting, and sometimes resting on their knees and
elbows, the fingers also being moved at the same time with a quickness
scarcely to be imagined. Much of the dexterity of the dancers, however,
and the entertainment of the spectators, consisted in the wantonness of
their attitudes and gestures, which was, indeed, such as exceeds all
description.
One of these girls had in her ear three pearls; one of them was very
large, but so foul that it was of little value; the other two were as
big as a middling pea; these were clear, and of a good colour and shape,
though spoiled by the drilling. Mr. Banks would fain have purchased
them, and offered the owner any thing she would ask for them, but she
could not be persuaded to part with them at any price: he tempted her
with the value of four hogs, and whatever else she should choose, but
without success; and indeed they set a value upon their pearls very
nearly equal to what they would fetch among us, except they could be
procured before they are drilled.
Between the dances of the women, the men performed a kind of dramatic
interlude, in which there was dialogue as well as dancing; but we were
not sufficiently acquainted with their language to understand the
subject.
On the 4th, some of our gentlemen saw a much more regular entertainment
of the dramatic kind, which was divided into four acts.
Tupia had often told us that he had large possessions in this island,
which had been taken away from him by the inhabitants of Bolabola, and
he now pointed them out in the very bay where the ship was at anchor.
Upon our going on shore, this was confirmed by the inhabitants, who
showed us several districts or Whennuas, which they acknowledged to be
his right.
On the 5th, I received a present of three hogs, some fowls, several
pieces of cloth, the largest we had seen, being fifty yards long, which
they unfolded and displayed so as to make the greatest show possible;
and a considerable quantity of plantains, cocoa-nuts, and other
refreshments, from Opoony, the formidable king, or, in the language of
the country, Earee rahie, of Bolabola, with a message that he was at
this time upon the island, and that the next day he intended to pay me a
visit.
In the mean time Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went upon the hills,
accompanied by several of the Indians, who conducted them by excellent
paths, to such a height, that they plainly saw the other side of the
island, and the passage through which the ship had passed the reef
between the little islands of Opururu and Tamou, when we landed upon it
the first time. As they were returning, they saw the Indians exercising
themselves at what they call _Erowhaw_, which is nothing more than
pitching a kind of light lance, headed with hard wood, at a mark: in
this amusement, though they seem very fond of it, they do not excel, for
not above one in twelve struck the mark, which was the hole of a
plantain tree, at about twenty yards distance.
On the 6th, we all staid at home, expecting the visit of the great king,
but we were disappointed; we had, however, much more agreeable company,
for he sent three very pretty girls to demand something in return for
his present: perhaps he was unwilling to trust himself on board the
ship, or perhaps he thought his messengers would procure a more valuable
return for his hogs and poultry than he could himself; be that as it
may, we did not regret his absence, nor his messengers their visit.
In the afternoon, as the great king would not come to us, we determined
to go to the great king. As he was lord of the Bolabola men, the
conquerors of this, and the terror of all the other islands, we expected
to see a chief young and vigorous, with an intelligent countenance, and
an enterprising spirit: we found, however, a poor feeble wretch,
withered and decrepit, half blind with age, and so sluggish and stupid
that he appeared scarcely to have understanding enough left to know that
it was probable we should be gratified either by hogs or women. He did
not receive us sitting, or with any state or formality as the other
chiefs had done: we made him our present, which he accepted, and gave a
hog in return. We had learnt that his principal residence was at Otaha;
and upon our telling him that we intended to go thither in our boats the
next morning, and that we should be glad to have him along with us, he
promised to be of the party.
Early in the morning, therefore, I set out both with the pinnace and
long-boat for Otaha, having some of the gentlemen with me; and in our
way we called upon Opoony, who was in his canoe, ready to join us. As
soon as we landed at Otaha, I made him a present of an axe, which I
thought might induce him to encourage his subjects to bring us such
provision as we wanted; but in this we found ourselves sadly
disappointed; for after staying with him till noon, we left him without
being able to procure a single article. I then proceeded to the north
point of the island, in the pinnace, having sent the long-boat another
way. As I went along, I picked up half a dozen hogs, as many fowls, and
some plantains and yams. Having viewed and sketched the harbour on this
side of the island, I made the best of my way back with the long-boat,
which joined me soon after it was dark; and about ten o’clock at night
we got on board the ship.
In this excursion Mr. Banks was not with us: he spent the morning on
board the ship, trading with the natives, who came off in their canoes,
for provisions and curiosities; and, in the afternoon, he went on shore
with his draughtsmen, to sketch the dresses of the dancers which he had
seen a day or two before. He found the company exactly the same, except
that another woman had been added to it: the dancing also of the women
was the same, but the interludes of the men were somewhat varied; he saw
five or six performed, which were different from each other, and very
much resembled the drama of our stage dances. The next day, he went
ashore again, with Dr. Solander, and they directed their course towards
the dancing company, which, from the time of our second landing, had
gradually moved about two leagues in their course round the island. They
saw more dancing, and more interludes, the interludes still varying from
each other: in one of them the performers, who were all men, were
divided into two parties, which were distinguished from each other by
the colour of their clothes, one being brown, and the other white. The
brown party represented a master and servants, and the white party a
company of thieves: the master gave a basket of meat to the rest of his
party, with a charge to take care of it: the dance of the white party
consisted of several expedients to steal it, and that of the brown party
in preventing their success. After some time, those who had charge of
the basket placed themselves round it upon the ground, and, leaning upon
it, appeared to go to sleep; the others, improving this opportunity,
came gently upon them, and lifting them up from the basket, carried off
their prize: the sleepers, soon after awaking, missed their basket, but
presently fell a dancing, without any farther regarding their loss; so
that the dramatic action of this dance was, according to the severest
laws of criticism, one, and our lovers of simplicity would here have
been gratified with an entertainment perfectly suited to the chastity of
their taste.
On the 9th, having spent the morning in trading with the canoes, we took
the opportunity of a breeze, which sprung up at east, and having stopped
our leak, and got the fresh stock which we had purchased on board, we
sailed out of the harbour. When we were sailing away, Tupia strongly
urged me to fire a shot towards Bolabola, possibly as a mark of his
resentment, and to show the power of his new allies: in this I thought
proper to gratify him, though we were seven leagues distant.
While we were about these islands, we expended very little of the ship’s
provisions, and were very plentifully supplied with hogs, fowls,
plantains and yams, which we hoped would have been of great use to us in
our course to the southward; but the hogs would not eat European grain
of any kind, pulse, or bread-dust, so that we could not preserve them
alive; and the fowls were all very soon seized with a disease that
affected the head so, that they continued to hold it down between their
legs till they died: much dependence, therefore, must not be placed in
live stock taken on board at these places, at least not till a discovery
is made of some food that the hogs will eat, and some remedy for the
disease of the poultry.
Having been necessarily detained at Ulietea so long, by the carpenters,
in stopping our leak, we determined to give up our design of going on
shore at Bolabola, especially as it appeared to be difficult of access.
To these six islands, Ulietea, Otaha, Bolabola, Huaheine, Tubai, and
Maurua, as they lie contiguous to each other, I gave the names of
SOCIETY ISLANDS, but did not think it proper to distinguish them
separately by any other names than those by which they were known to the
natives.
They are situated between the latitude of 16° 10ʹ and 16° 55ʹ S., and
between the longitude of 150° 57ʹ and 152° W. from the meridian of
Greenwich. Ulietea and Otaha lie within about two miles of each other,
and are both inclosed within one reef of coral rocks, so that there is
no passage for shipping between them. This reef forms several excellent
harbours; the entrances into them, indeed, are but narrow, yet when a
ship is once in, nothing can hurt her. The harbours on the east side
have been described already; and on the west side of Ulietea, which is
the largest of the two, there are three. The northernmost, in which we
lay, is called OHAMANENO: the channel leading into it is about a quarter
of a mile wide, and lies between two low sandy islands, which are the
northernmost on this side; between, or just within the two islands,
there is good anchorage in twenty-eight fathom, soft ground. This
harbour, though small, is preferable to the others, because it is
situated in the most fertile part of the island, and where fresh water
is easily to be got. The other two harbours lie to the southward of
this, and not far from the south end of the island: in both of them
there is good anchorage, with ten, twelve, and fourteen fathom. They are
easily known by three small woody islands at their entrance. The
southernmost of these two harbours lies within, and to the southward of
the southernmost of these islands, and the other lies between the two
northernmost. I was told that there were more harbours at the south end
of this island, but I did not examine whether the report was true.
Otaha affords two very good harbours, one on the east side, and the
other on the west. That on the east side is called Ohamene, and has been
mentioned already; the other is called OHERURUA, and lies about the
middle of the south-west side of the island; it is pretty large, and
affords good anchorage in twenty and twenty-five fathom, nor is there
any want of fresh water. The breach in the reef, that forms a channel
into this harbour, is about a quarter of a mile broad, and, like all the
rest, is very steep on both sides: in general there is no danger here
but what is visible.
The island of Bolabola lies N. W. and by W. from Otaha, distant about
four leagues; it is surrounded by a reef of rocks, and several small
islands, in compass together about eight leagues. I was told, that, on
the south-west side of the island, there is a channel through the reef
into a very good harbour, but I did not think it worth while to examine
it, for the reasons that have been just assigned. This island is
rendered very remarkable by a high craggy hill, which appears to be
almost perpendicular, and terminates at the top in two peaks, one higher
than the other.
The land of Ulietea and Otaha is hilly, broken, and irregular, except on
the sea-coast, yet the hills look green and pleasant, and are, in many
places, clothed with wood. The several particulars in which these
islands, and their inhabitants, differ from what we had observed, at
Otaheite, have been mentioned in the course of the narrative.
We pursued our course without any event worthy of note till the 13th,
about noon, when we saw land bearing S. E., which Tupia told us was an
island called OHETEROA. About six in the evening, we were within two or
three leagues of it, upon which I shortened sail, and stood off and on
all night; the next morning stood in for the land. We ran to leeward of
the island, keeping close in shore, and saw several of the natives,
though in no great numbers, upon the beach. At nine o’clock I sent Mr.
Gore, one of my lieutenants, in the pinnace, to endeavour to land upon
the island, and learn from the natives whether there was anchorage in a
bay then in sight, and what land lay farther to the southward. Mr. Banks
and Dr. Solander accompanied Mr. Gore in this expedition, and as they
thought Tupia might be useful, they took him with them.
As the boat approached the shore, those on board perceived the natives
to be armed with long lances: as they did not intend to land till they
got round a point which runs out at a little distance, they stood along
the coast, and the natives, therefore, very probably thought they were
afraid of them. They had now got together to the number of about sixty,
and all of them sat down upon the shore, except two, who were dispatched
forward to observe the motions of those in the boat. These men, after
walking abreast of her some time, at length leaped into the water, and
swam towards her, but were soon left behind; two more then appeared, and
attempted to board her in the same manner, but they also were soon left
behind; a fifth man then ran forward alone, and having got a good way
a-head of the boat before he took to the water, easily reached her. Mr.
Banks urged the officer to take him in, thinking it a good opportunity
to get the confidence and good-will of a people, who then certainly
looked upon them as enemies, but he obstinately refused; this man,
therefore, was left behind like the others, and so was a sixth, who
followed him.
When the boat had got round the point, she perceived that all her
followers had desisted from the pursuit: she now opened a large bay, at
the bottom of which appeared another body of men, armed with long lances
like the first. Here our people prepared to land, and pushed towards the
shore, a canoe at the same time putting off to meet them. As soon as it
came near them, they lay upon their oars, and calling out to them, told
them that they were friends, and, that if they would come up, they would
give them nails, which were held up for them to see: after some
hesitation they came up to the boat’s stern, and took some nails that
were offered them with great seeming satisfaction; but in less than a
minute they appeared to have formed a design of boarding the boat, and
making her their prize: three of them suddenly leaped into it, and the
others brought up the canoe, which the motion in quitting her had thrown
off a little, manifestly with a design to follow their associates, and
support them in their attempt. The first that boarded the boat, entered
close to Mr. Banks, and instantly snatched his powder-horn out of his
pocket: Mr. Banks seized it, and with some difficulty wrenched it out of
his hand, at the same time pressing against his breast in order to force
him over-board, but he was too strong for him, and kept his place: the
officer then snapped his piece, but it missed fire, upon which he
ordered some of the people to fire over their heads; two pieces were
accordingly discharged, upon which they all instantly leaped into the
water: one of the people, either from cowardice or cruelty, or both,
levelled a third piece at one of them as he was swimming away, and the
ball grazed his forehead; happily, however, the wound was very slight,
for he recovered the canoe, and stood up in her as active and vigorous
as the rest. The canoe immediately stood in for the shore, where a great
number of people, not less than two hundred, were now assembled. The
boat also pushed in, but found the land guarded all round with a shoal,
upon which the sea broke with a considerable surf; it was, therefore,
thought advisable by the officer to proceed along shore in search of a
more convenient landing-place: in the mean time, the people on board saw
the canoe go on shore, and the natives gather eagerly round her to
enquire the particulars of what had happened. Soon after, a single man
ran along the shore, armed with his lance, and when he came a-breast of
the boat, he began to dance, brandish his weapon, and call out in a very
shrill tone, which Tupia said was a defiance from the people. The boat
continued to row along the shore, and the champion followed it,
repeating his defiance by his voice and his gestures; but no better
landing-place being found than that where the canoe had put the natives
on shore, the officer turned back with a view to attempt it there,
hoping, that if it should not be practicable, the people would come to a
conference either on the shoals or in their canoes, and that a treaty of
peace might be concluded with them.
As the boat rowed slowly along the shore back again, another champion
came down, shouting defiance, and brandishing his lance: his appearance
was more formidable than that of the other, for he wore a large cap made
of the tail feathers of the tropic bird, and his body was covered with
stripes of different coloured cloth, yellow, red, and brown. This
gentleman also danced, but with much more nimbleness and dexterity than
the first; our people therefore, considering his agility and his dress,
distinguished him by the name of HARLEQUIN. Soon after a more grave and
elderly man came down to the beach, and hailing the people in the boat,
inquired who they were, and from whence they came; Tupia answered in
their own language, from Otaheite: the three natives then walked
peaceably along the shore till they came to a shoal, upon which a few
people were collected; here they stopped, and after a short conference,
they all began to pray very loud: Tupia made his responses, but
continued to tell us that they were not our friends. When their prayer,
or, as they call it, their _Poorah_, was over, our people entered into a
parley with them, telling them, that, if they would lay by their lances
and clubs, for some had one and some the other, they would come on
shore, and trade with them for whatever they would bring: they agreed,
but it was only upon condition that we would leave behind us our
musquets: this was a condition which, however equitable it might appear,
could not be complied with, nor indeed would it have put the two parties
upon an equality, except their numbers had been equal. Here then the
negotiation seemed to be at an end; but in a little time they ventured
to come nearer to the boat, and at last came near enough to trade, which
they did very fairly, for a small quantity of their cloth and some of
their weapons; but as they gave our people no hope of provisions, nor
indeed any thing else, except they would venture through a narrow
channel to the shore, which, all circumstances considered, they did not
think it prudent to do, they put off the boat and left them.
With the ship and the boat we had now made the circuit of the island,
and finding that there was neither harbour nor anchorage about it, and
that the hostile disposition of the people would render landing
impracticable, without bloodshed, I determined not to attempt it, having
no motive that could justify the risk of life.
The bay which the boat entered lies on the west side of the island, the
bottom was foul and rocky, but the water so clear that it could plainly
be seen at the depth of five and twenty fathom, which is one hundred and
fifty feet.
This island is situated in the latitude of 22° 27ʹ S. and in the
longitude of 150° 47ʹ W. from the meridian of Greenwich. It is thirteen
miles in circuit, and rather high than low, but neither populous nor
fertile in proportion to the other islands that we had seen in these
seas. The chief produce seems to be the tree of which they make their
weapons, called in their language _Etoa_; many plantations of it were
seen along the shore, which is not surrounded, like the neighbouring
islands, by a reef.
The people seemed to be lusty and well made, rather browner than those
we had left: under their arm-pits they had black marks about as broad as
the hand, the edges of which formed not a straight but an indented line:
they had also circles of the same colour, but not so broad, round their
arms and legs, but were not marked on any other part of the body.
Their dress was very different from any that we had seen before, as well
as the cloth of which it was made. The cloth was of the same materials
as that which is worn in the other islands, and most of that which was
seen by our people was dyed of a bright but deep yellow, and covered on
the outside with a composition like varnish, which was either red, or of
a dark lead-colour; over this ground it was again painted in stripes of
many different patterns, with wonderful regularity, in the manner of our
striped silks in England: the cloth that was painted red was striped
with black, and that which was painted lead-colour with white. Their
habit was a short jacket of this cloth, which reached about as low as
their knees; it was of one piece, and had no other making than a hole in
the middle of it, stitched round with long stitches, in which it
differed from all that we had seen before: through this hole the head
was put, and what hung down was confined to their bodies by a piece of
yellow cloth or sash, which, passing round the neck behind, was crossed
upon the breast, and then collected round the waist like a belt, which
passed over another belt of red cloth, so that they made a very gay and
warlike appearance; some had caps of the feathers of the tropic bird,
which have been before described, and some had a piece of white or
lead-coloured cloth wound about the head like a small turban, which our
people thought more becoming.
Their arms were long lances, made of the Etoa, the wood of which is very
hard; they were well polished and sharpened at one end: some were near
twenty feet long, though not more than three fingers thick: they had
also a weapon, which was both club and pike, made of the same wood,
about seven feet long; this also was well polished, and sharpened at one
end into a broad point. As a guard against these weapons, when they
attack each other, they have matts folded up many times, which they
place under their clothes from the neck to the waist: the weapons
themselves indeed are capable of much less mischief than those of the
same kind which we saw at the other islands, for the lances were there
pointed with the sharp bone of the stingray that is called the sting,
and the pikes were of much greater weight. The other things that we saw
here were all superior in their kind to any we had seen before; the
cloth was of a better colour in the dye, and painted with greater
neatness and taste; the clubs were better cut and polished, and the
canoe, though a small one, was very rich in ornament, and the carving
was executed in a better manner: among other decorations peculiar to
this canoe, was a line of small white feathers, which hung from the head
and stern on the outside, and which, when we saw them, were thoroughly
wetted by the spray.
Tupia told us, that there were several islands lying at different
distances, and in different directions from this, between the south and
the north west; and that, at the distance of three days’ sail to the
north-east, there was an island called MANUA, Bird-island: he seemed,
however, most desirous that we should sail to the westward, and
described several islands in that direction which he said he had
visited: he told us that he had been ten or twelve days in going
thither, and thirty in coming back, and that the _Pahie_ in which he had
made the voyage, sailed much faster than the ship: reckoning his Pahie
therefore to go at the rate of forty leagues a day, which, from my own
observation, I have great reason to think these boats will do, it would
make four hundred leagues in ten days, which I compute to be the
distance of Boscawen and Keppel’s Islands, discovered by Captain Wallis,
westward of Ulietea, and therefore think it very probable that they were
the islands he had visited. The farthest island that he knew any thing
of to the southward, he said, lay at the distance of about two days’
sail from Oteroah, and was called MOUTOU; but he said that his father
had told him there were islands to the southward of that: upon the
whole, I was determined to stand southward in search of a continent, but
to spend no time in searching for islands, if we did not happen to fall
in with them during our course.
BOOK II.
CHAP. I.
THE PASSAGE FROM OTEROAH TO NEW ZEALAND; INCIDENTS WHICH HAPPENED ON
GOING A-SHORE THERE, AND WHILE THE SHIP LAY IN POVERTY BAY.
WE sailed from Oteroah on the 15th of August, and on Friday the 25th we
celebrated the anniversary of our leaving England, by taking a Cheshire
cheese from a locker, where it had been carefully treasured up for this
occasion, and tapping a cask of porter, which proved to be very good,
and in excellent order. On the 29th, one of the sailors got so drunk,
that the next morning he died: we thought at first that he could not
have come honestly by the liquor, but we afterwards learnt that the
boatswain, whose mate he was, had, in mere good-nature, given him part
of a bottle of rum.
On the 30th, we saw the comet; at one o’clock in the morning, it was a
little above the horizon in the eastern part of the heavens; at about
half an hour after four it passed the meridian, and its tail subtended
an angle of forty-two degrees. Our latitude was 38° 20ʹ S., our
longitude, by log, 147° 6ʹ W., and the variation of the needle, by the
azimuth, 7° 9ʹ E. Among others that observed the comet, was Tupia, who
instantly cried out, that as soon as it should be seen by the people of
Bolabola, they would kill the inhabitants of Ulietea, who would, with
the utmost precipitation, fly to the mountains.
On the 1st of September, being in the latitude of 40° 22ʹ S., and
longitude 147° 29ʹ W., and there not being any signs of land, with a
heavy sea from the westward, and strong gales, I wore, and stood back to
the northward, fearing that we might receive such damage in our sails
and rigging, as would hinder the prosecution of the voyage.
On the next day, there being strong gales to the westward, I brought to,
with the ship’s head to the northward; but in the morning of the 3d, the
wind being more moderate, we loosened the reef of the main-sail, set the
top-sails, and plied to the westward.
We continued our course till the 19th, when our latitude being 29° and
our longitude 159° 29ʹ, we observed the variation to be 8° 32ʹ E. On the
24th, being in latitude 33° 18ʹ, longitude 162° 51ʹ, we observed a small
piece of sea-weed, and a piece of wood covered with barnacles: the
variation here was 10° 48ʹ E.
On the 27th, being in latitude 28° 59ʹ, longitude 169° 5ʹ, we saw a seal
asleep upon the water, and several bunches of sea-weed. The next day we
saw more sea-weed in bunches, and on the 29th, a bird, which we thought
a land-bird; it somewhat resembled a snipe, but had a short bill. On the
1st of October, we saw birds innumerable, and another seal asleep upon
the water; it is a general opinion, that seals never go out of
soundings, or far from land, but those that we saw in these seas prove
the contrary. Rock-weed is, however, a certain indication that land is
not far distant. The next day, it being calm, we hoisted out the boat,
to try whether there was a current, but found none. Our latitude was 37°
10ʹ, longitude 172° 54ʹ W. On the 3d, being in latitude 36° 56ʹ,
longitude 173° 27ʹ, we took up more sea-weed, and another piece of wood
covered with barnacles. The next day, we saw two more seals, and a brown
bird, about as big as a raven, with some white feathers under the wing.
Mr. Gore told us, that birds of this kind were seen in great numbers
about Falkland’s Islands, and our people gave them the name of
Port-Egmont hens.
On the 5th, we thought the water changed colour, but, upon casting the
lead, had no ground with 180 fathom. In the evening of this day, the
variation was 12° 50ʹ E., and, while we were going nine leagues, it
increased to 14° 2ʹ.
On the next day, Friday, October the 6th, we saw land from the
mast-head, bearing W. by N., and stood directly for it; in the evening,
it could just be discerned from the deck, and appeared large. The
variation this day was, by azimuth and amplitude, 15° 4-½ʹ E., and by
observation made of the sun and moon, the longitude of the ship appeared
to be 180° 55ʹ W., and by the medium of this and subsequent
observations, there appeared to be an error in the ship’s account of
longitude during her run from Otaheite of 3° 16ʹ, she being so much to
the westward of the longitude resulting from the log. At midnight, I
brought to and sounded, but had no ground with one hundred and seventy
fathom.
On the 7th, it fell calm, we therefore approached the land slowly, and
in the afternoon, when a breeze sprung up, we were still distant seven
or eight leagues. It appeared still larger as it was more distinctly
seen, with four or five ranges of hills, rising one over the other, and
a chain of mountains above all, which appeared to be of an enormous
height. This land became the subject of much eager conversation; but the
general opinion seemed to be that we had found the _Terra australis
incognita_. About five o’clock, we saw the opening of a bay, which
seemed to run pretty far inland, upon which we hauled our wind and stood
in for it; we also saw smoke ascending from different places on shore.
When night came on, however, we kept plying off and on till day-light,
when we found ourselves to the leeward of the bay, the wind being at
north: we could now perceive that the hills were clothed with wood, and
that some of the trees in the valleys were very large. By noon we
fetched in with the south-west point; but not being able to weather it,
tacked and stood off: at this time we saw several canoes standing cross
the bay, which, in a little time, made to shore, without seeming to take
the least notice of the ship; we also saw some houses, which appeared to
be small, but neat; and near one of them a considerable number of the
people collected together, who were sitting upon the beach, and who, we
thought, were the same that we had seen in the canoes. Upon a small
peninsula, at the north-east head, we could plainly perceive a pretty
high and regular paling, which inclosed the whole top of a hill; this
was also the subject of much speculation, some supposing it to be a park
of deer, others an inclosure for oxen and sheep. About four o’clock in
the afternoon, we anchored on the north-west side of the bay, before the
entrance of a small river, in ten fathom water, with a fine sandy
bottom, and at about half a league from the shore. The sides of the bay
are white cliffs of a great height; the middle is low land, with hills
gradually rising behind, one towering above another, and terminating in
the chain of mountains, which appeared to be far inland.
In the evening I went on shore, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander, with the pinnace and yawl, and a party of men. We landed
abreast of the ship, on the east side of the river, which was here about
forty yards broad; but seeing some natives on the west side whom I
wished to speak with, and finding the river not fordable, I ordered the
yawl in to carry us over, and left the pinnace at the entrance. When we
came near the place where the people were assembled, they all ran away;
however, we landed, and leaving four boys to take care of the yawl, we
walked up to some huts which were about two or three hundred yards from
the water-side. When we had got some distance from the boat, four men,
armed with long lances, rushed out of the woods, and running up to
attack the boat, would certainly have cut her off, if the people in the
pinnace had not discovered them, and called to the boys to drop down the
stream: the boys instantly obeyed; but being closely pursued by the
Indians, the Cockswain of the pinnace, who had the charge of the boats,
fired a musket over their heads; at this they stopped and looked round
them, but in a few minutes renewed the pursuit, brandishing their lances
in a threatening manner: the Cockswain then fired a second musket over
their heads, but of this they took no notice; and one of them lifting up
his spear to dart it at the boat, another piece was fired, which shot
him dead. When he fell, the other three stood motionless for some
minutes, as if petrified with astonishment; as soon as they recovered,
they went back, dragging after them the dead body, which however they
soon left, that it might not encumber their flight. At the report of the
first musket, we drew together, having straggled to a little distance
from each other, and made the best of our way back to the boat; and
crossing the river, we soon saw the Indian lying dead upon the ground.
Upon examining the body, we found that he had been shot through the
heart: he was a man of the middle size and stature; his complexion was
brown, but not very dark; and one side of his face was tattowed in
spiral lines of a very regular figure: he was covered with a fine cloth,
of a manufacture altogether new to us, and it was tied on exactly
according to the representation in Valentyn’s Account of Abel Tasman’s
Voyage, vol. iii. part 2. page 50.: his hair also was tied in a knot on
the top of his head, but had no feather in it. We returned immediately
to the ship, where we could hear the people on shore talking with great
earnestness, and in a very loud tone, probably about what had happened,
and what should be done.
In the morning, we saw several of the natives where they had been seen
the night before, and some walking with a quick pace towards the place
where we had landed, most of them unarmed; but three or four with long
pikes in their hands. As I was desirous to establish an intercourse with
them, I ordered three boats to be manned with seamen and marines, and
proceeded towards the shore, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, the
other gentlemen, and Tupia; about fifty of them seemed to wait for our
landing, on the opposite side of the river, which we thought a sign of
fear, and seated themselves upon the ground: at first, therefore,
myself, with only Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and Tupia, landed from the
little boat, and advanced towards them; but we had not proceeded many
paces before they all started up, and every man produced either a long
pike, or a small weapon of green Talc, extremely well polished, about a
foot long, and thick enough to weigh four or five pounds: Tupia called
to them in the language of Otaheite; but they answered only by
flourishing their weapons, and making signs to us to depart; a musket
was then fired wide of them, and the ball struck the water, the river
being still between us; they saw the effect, and desisted from their
threats: but we thought it prudent to retreat till the marines could be
landed. This was soon done; and they marched, with a jack carried before
them, to a little bank, about fifty yards from the water-side; here they
were drawn up, and I again advanced, with Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander;
Tupia, Mr. Green, and Mr. Monkhouse, being with us. Tupia was again
directed to speak to them, and it was with great pleasure that we
perceived he was perfectly understood, he and the natives speaking only
different dialects of the same language. He told them that we wanted
provision and water, and would give them iron in exchange, the
properties of which he explained as well as he was able. They were
willing to trade, and desired that we would come over to them for that
purpose: to this we consented, provided they would lay by their arms;
which, however, they could by no means be persuaded to do. During this
conversation, Tupia warned us to be upon our guard, for that they were
not our friends: we then pressed them in our turn to come over to us;
and at last one of them stripped himself, and swam over without his
arms: he was almost immediately followed by two more, and soon after by
most of the rest, to the number of twenty or thirty; but these brought
their arms with them. We made them all presents of iron and beads; but
they seemed to set little value upon either, particularly the iron, not
having the least idea of its use; so that we got nothing in return but a
few feathers: they offered indeed to exchange their arms for ours, and,
when we refused, made many attempts to snatch them out of our hands. As
soon as they came over, Tupia repeated his declaration, that they were
not our friends, and again warned us to be upon our guard; their
attempts to snatch our weapons, therefore, did not succeed; and we gave
them to understand by Tupia, that we should be obliged to kill them, if
they offered any farther violence. In a few minutes, however, Mr. Green
happening to turn about, one of them snatched away his hanger, and
retiring to a little distance, waved it round his head, with a shout of
exultation: the rest now began to be extremely insolent, and we saw more
coming to join them from the opposite side of the river. It was
therefore become necessary to repress them, and Mr. Banks fired at the
man who had taken the hanger, with small shot, at the distance of about
fifteen yards: when the shot struck him, he ceased his cry; but instead
of returning the hanger, continued to flourish it over his head, at the
same time slowly retreating to a greater distance. Mr. Monkhouse seeing
this, fired at him with ball, and he instantly dropped. Upon this the
main body, who had retired to a rock in the middle of the river upon the
first discharge, began to return; two that were near to the man who had
been killed, ran up to the body, one seized his weapon of green Talc,
and the other endeavoured to secure the hanger, which Mr. Monkhouse had
but just time to prevent. As all that had retired to the rock were now
advancing, three of us discharged our pieces, loaded only with small
shot, upon which they swam back for the shore; and we perceived, upon
their landing, that two or three of them were wounded. They retired
slowly up the country, and we reimbarked in our boats.
As we had unhappily experienced, that nothing was to be done with these
people at this place; and finding the water in the river to be salt, I
proceeded in the boats round the head of the bay in search of fresh
water, and with a design, if possible, to surprise some of the natives,
and take them on board, where, by kind treatment and presents I might
obtain their friendship, and by their means establish an amicable
correspondence with their countrymen.
To my great regret, I found no place where I could land, a dangerous
surf every where beating upon the shore; but I saw two canoes coming in
from the sea, one under sail, and the other worked with paddles. I
thought this a favourable opportunity to get some of the people into my
possession without mischief, as those in the canoe were probably
fishermen, and without arms, and I had three boats full of men. I
therefore disposed the boats so as most effectually to intercept them in
their way to the shore; the people in the canoe that was paddled
perceived us so soon, that, by making to the nearest land with their
utmost strength, they escaped us; the other sailed on till she was in
the midst of us without discerning what we were; but the moment she
discovered us, the people on board struck their sail, and took to their
paddles, which they plied so briskly that she out-ran the boat. They
were however within hearing, and Tupia called out to them to come
along-side, and promised for us that they should come to no hurt: they
chose, however, rather to trust to their paddles than our promises, and
continued to make from us with all their power. I then ordered a musket
to be fired over their heads, as the least exceptionable expedient to
accomplish my design, hoping it would either make them surrender, or
leap into the water. Upon the discharge of the piece, they ceased
paddling; and all of them, being seven in number, began to strip, as we
imagined, to jump overboard; but it happened otherwise. They immediately
formed a resolution not to fly, but to fight; and when the boat came up,
they began the attack with their paddles, and with stones and other
offensive weapons that were in the boat, so vigorously, that we were
obliged to fire upon them in our own defence; four were unhappily
killed, and the other three, who were boys, the eldest about nineteen,
and the youngest about eleven, instantly leaped into the water; the
eldest swam with great vigour, and resisted the attempts of our people
to take him into the boat by every effort that he could make: he was
however at last overpowered, and the other two were taken up with less
difficulty. I am conscious that the feeling of every reader of humanity
will censure me for having fired upon these unhappy people, and it is
impossible that, upon a calm review, I should approve it myself. They
certainly did not deserve death for not chusing to confide in my
promises; or not consenting to come on board my boat, even if they had
apprehended no danger; but the nature of my service required me to
obtain a knowledge of their country, which I could no otherwise effect
than by forcing my way into it in a hostile manner, or gaining admission
through the confidence and good-will of the people. I had already tried
the power of presents without effect; and I was now prompted, by my
desire to avoid further hostilities, to get some of them on board, as
the only method left of convincing them that we intended them no harm,
and had it in our power to contribute to their gratification and
convenience. Thus far my intentions certainly were not criminal; and
though in the contest, which I had not the least reason to expect, our
victory might have been complete without so great an expence of life;
yet in such situations, when the command to fire has been given, no man
can restrain its excess, or prescribe its effect.
As soon as the poor wretches whom we had taken out of the water were in
the boat, they squatted down, expecting no doubt instantly to be put to
death: we made haste to convince them of the contrary, by every method
in our power; we furnished them with clothes, and gave them every other
testimony of kindness that could remove their fears and engage their
good-will. Those who are acquainted with human nature will not wonder,
that the sudden joy of these young savages at being unexpectedly
delivered from the fear of death, and kindly treated by those whom they
supposed would have been their instant executioners, surmounted their
concern for the friends they had lost, and was strongly expressed in
their countenances and behaviour. Before we reached the ship, their
suspicions and fears being wholly removed, they appeared to be not only
reconciled to their situation but in high spirits, and upon being
offered some bread when they came on board, they devoured it with a
voracious appetite. They answered and asked many questions, with great
appearance of pleasure and curiosity; and when our dinner came, they
expressed an inclination to taste every thing that they saw: they seemed
best pleased with the salt pork, though we had other provisions upon the
table. At sun-set, they eat another meal with great eagerness, each
devouring a large quantity of bread, and drinking above a quart of
water. We then made them beds upon the lockers, and they went to sleep
with great seeming content. In the night, however, the tumult of their
minds having subsided, and given way to reflection, they sighed often
and loud. Tupia, who was always upon the watch to comfort them, got up,
and by soothing and encouragement made them not only easy but cheerful;
their cheerfulness was encouraged so that they sung a song with a degree
of taste that surprised us: the tune was solemn and slow, like those of
our Psalms, containing many notes and semi-tones. Their countenances
were intelligent and expressive, and the middlemost, who seemed to be
about fifteen, had an openness in his aspect, and an ease in his
deportment, which were very striking: we found that the two eldest were
brothers, and that their names were TAAHOURANGE and KOIKERANGE; the name
of the youngest was MARAGOVETE. As we were returning to the ship, after
having taken these boys into the boat, we picked up a large piece of
pumice-stone floating upon the water; a sure sign that there either is,
or has been a volcano in this neighbourhood.
In the morning, they all seemed to be cheerful, and ate another enormous
meal; after this we dressed them, and adorned them with bracelets,
anclets, and necklaces, after their own fashion, and the boat being
hoisted out, they were told that we were going to set them ashore: this
produced a transport of joy; but upon perceiving that we made towards
our first landing-place near the river, their countenances changed, and
they entreated with great earnestness that they might not be set ashore
at that place, because they said, it was inhabited by their enemies, who
would kill them and eat them. This was a great disappointment to me;
because I hoped the report and appearance of the boys would procure a
favourable reception for ourselves. I had already sent an officer on
shore with the marines and a party of men to cut wood, and I was
determined to land near the place; not, however, to abandon the boys,
if, when we got ashore, they should be unwilling to leave us; but to
send a boat with them in the evening to that part of the bay to which
they pointed, and which they call their home. Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander,
and Tupia, were with me, and upon our landing with the boys, and
crossing the river, they seemed at first to be unwilling to leave us;
but at length they suddenly changed their mind, and, though not without
a manifest struggle, and some tears, they took their leave: when they
were gone, we proceeded along a swamp, with a design to shoot some
ducks, of which we saw great plenty, and four of the marines attended
us, walking abreast of us upon a bank that overlooked the country. After
we had advanced about a mile, these men called out to us and told us,
that a large body of the Indians was in sight, and advancing at a great
rate. Upon receiving this intelligence, we drew together, and resolved
to make the best of our way to the boats; we had scarcely begun to put
this into execution, when the three Indian boys started suddenly from
some bushes, where they had concealed themselves, and again claimed our
protection: we readily received them, and repairing to the beach as the
clearest place, we walked briskly towards the boats. The Indians were in
two bodies; one ran along the bank which had been quitted by the
marines, the other fetched a compass by the swamp, so that we could not
see them: when they perceived that we had formed into one body, they
slackened their pace, but still followed us in a gentle walk; that they
slackened their pace, was for us, as well as for them, a fortunate
circumstance; for when we came to the side of the river, where we
expected to find the boats that were to carry us over to the wooders, we
found the pinnace at least a mile from her station, having been sent to
pick up a bird which had been shot by the officer on shore, and the
little boat was obliged to make three trips before we could all get over
to the rest of the party. As soon as we were drawn up on the other side,
the Indians came down, not in a body as we expected, but by two or three
at a time, all armed, and in a short time their number increased to
about two hundred: as we now despaired of making peace with them, seeing
that the dread of our small arms did not keep them at a distance, and
that the ship was too far off to reach the place with a shot, we
resolved to re-imbark, lest our stay should embroil us in another
quarrel, and cost more of the Indians their lives. We therefore advanced
towards the pinnace, which was now returning, when one of the boys
suddenly cried out, that his uncle was among the people who had marched
down to us, and desired us to stay and talk with them: we complied, and
a parley immediately commenced between them and Tupia; during which the
boys held up every thing we had given them as tokens of our kindness and
liberality; but neither would either of the boys swim over to them, or
any of them to the boys. The body of the man who had been killed the day
before, still lay exposed upon the beach; the boys seeing it lie very
near us, went up to it, and covered it with some of the clothes that we
had given them; and soon after a single man, unarmed, who proved to be
the uncle of Maragovete, the youngest of the boys, swam over to us,
bringing in his hand a green branch, which we supposed, as well here as
at Otaheite, to be an emblem of peace. We received his branch by the
hands of Tupia, to whom he gave it, and made him many presents; we also
invited him to go on board the ship, but he declined it; we therefore
left him, and expected that his nephew, and the two other young Indians
would have staid with him, but to our great surprise, they chose rather
to go with us. As soon as we had retired, he went and gathered another
green branch, and with this in his hand, he approached the dead body
which the youth had covered with part of his clothes, walking sideways,
with many ceremonies, and then throwing it towards him. When this was
done, he returned to his companions, who had sat down upon the sand to
observe the issue of his negociation: they immediately gathered round
him, and continued in a body above an hour, without seeming to take any
farther notice of us. We were more curious than they, and observing them
with our glasses from on board the ship, we saw some of them cross the
river upon a kind of raft, or catamarine, and four of them carry off the
dead body which had been covered by the boy, and over which his uncle
had performed the ceremony of the branch, upon a kind of bier, between
four men: the other body was still suffered to remain where it had been
first left.
After dinner, I directed Tupia to ask the boys, if they had now any
objection to going ashore, where we had left their uncle, the body
having been carried off, which we understood was a ratification of
peace: they said, they had not; and the boat being ordered, they went
into it with great alacrity: when the boat, in which I had sent two
midshipmen, came to land, they went willingly ashore; but soon after she
put off, they returned to the rocks, and wading into the water,
earnestly entreated to be taken on board again; but the people in the
boat, having positive orders to leave them, could not comply. We were
very attentive to what happened on shore, and keeping a constant watch
with our glasses, we saw a man pass the river upon another raft, and
fetch them to a place where forty or fifty of the natives were
assembled, who closed round them, and continued in the same place till
sun-set: upon looking again, when we saw them in motion, we could
plainly distinguish our three prisoners, who separated themselves from
the rest, came down to the beach, and having waved their hands three
times towards the ship, ran nimbly back, and joined their companions,
who walked leisurely away towards that part which the boys had pointed
to as their dwelling-place; we had therefore the greatest reason to
believe that no mischief would happen to them, especially as we
perceived that they went off in the clothes we had given them.
After it was dark, loud voices were heard on shore in the bottom of the
bay as usual, of which we could never learn the meaning.
CHAP. II.
A DESCRIPTION OF POVERTY BAY, AND THE FACE OF THE ADJACENT COUNTRY. THE
RANGE FROM THENCE TO CAPE TURNAGAIN, AND BACK TO TOLAGA, WITH SOME
ACCOUNT OF THE PEOPLE AND THE COUNTRY, AND SEVERAL INCIDENTS THAT
HAPPENED ON THAT PART OF THE COAST.
THE next morning, at six o’clock, we weighed, and stood away from this
unfortunate and inhospitable place, to which I gave the name of POVERTY
BAY, and which by the natives is called TAONEROA, or Long Sand, as it
did not afford us a single article that we wanted, except a little wood.
It lies in latitude 38° 42ʹ S. and longitude 181° 36ʹ W.; it is in the
form of an horse-shoe, and is known by an island lying close under the
north-east point: the two points which form the entrance are high, with
steep white cliffs, and lie a league and a half, or two leagues from
each other, N. E. by E. and S. W. by W.; the depth of water in the bay
is from twelve to five fathom, with a sandy bottom and good anchorage;
but the situation is open to the wind between the south and east: boats
can go in and out of the river at any time of the tide in fine weather;
but as there is a bar at the entrance, no boat can go either in or out
when the sea runs high: the best place to attempt it, is on the
north-east side, and it is there practicable when it is not so in any
other part. The shore of the bay, a little within its entrance, is a low
flat sand; behind which, at a small distance, the face of the country is
finely diversified by hills and valleys, all clothed with wood, and
covered with verdure. The country also appears to be well inhabited,
especially in the valleys leading up from the bay, where we daily saw
smoke rising in clouds one behind another, to a great distance, till the
view terminated in mountains of a stupendous height.
The south-west point of the bay I named YOUNG NICK’S HEAD, after
Nicholas Young, the boy who first saw the land; at noon, it bore N. W.
by W. distant about three or four leagues, and we were then about three
miles from the shore. The main land extended from N. E. by N. to south,
and I proposed to follow the direction of the coast to the southward as
far as the latitude of 40 or 41; and then, if I met with no
encouragement to proceed farther, to return to the northward.
In the afternoon we lay becalmed, which the people on shore perceiving,
several canoes put off, and came within less than a quarter of a mile of
the vessel; but could not be persuaded to come nearer, though Tupia
exerted all the powers of his lungs and his eloquence upon the occasion,
shouting, and promising that they should not be hurt. Another canoe was
now seen coming from Poverty Bay, with only four people on board, one of
whom we well remembered to have seen in our first interview upon the
rock. This canoe, without stopping or taking the least notice of the
others, came directly alongside of the ship, and with very little
persuasion, we got the Indians on board. Their example was soon followed
by the rest, and we had about us seven canoes, and about fifty men. We
made them all presents with a liberal hand; notwithstanding which, they
were so desirous to have more of our commodities, that they sold us
every thing they had, even the clothes from their backs, and the paddles
from their boats. There were but two weapons among them, these were the
instruments of green talc, which were shaped somewhat like a pointed
battledore, with a short handle and sharp edges; they were called
_Patoo-patoo_, and were well contrived for close-fighting, as they would
certainly split the thickest skull at a single blow.
When these people had recovered from the first impressions of fear,
which, notwithstanding their resolution in coming on board, had
manifestly thrown them into some confusion, we inquired after our poor
boys. The man who first came on board immediately answered, that they
were unhurt and at home; adding, that he had been induced to venture on
board by the account which they had given him of the kindness with which
they had been treated, and the wonders which were contained in the ship.
While they were on board they showed every sign of friendship, and
invited us very cordially to go back to our old bay, or to a small cove
which they pointed out, that was not quite so far off; but I chose
rather to prosecute my discoveries than go back, having reason to hope
that I should find a better harbour than any I had yet seen.
About an hour before sun-set, the canoes put off from the ship with the
few paddles they had reserved, which were scarcely sufficient to set
them on shore; but by some means or other three of their people were
left behind: as soon as we discovered it, we hailed them; but not one of
them would return to take them on board: this greatly surprised us; but
we were surprised still more to observe that the deserted Indians did
not seem at all uneasy at their situation, but entertained us with
dancing and singing after their manner, eat their suppers, and went
quietly to bed.
A light breeze springing up soon after it was dark, we steered along the
shore under an easy sail till midnight, and then brought to, soon after
which it fell calm; we were now some leagues distant from the place
where the canoes had left us, and at day-break, when the Indians
perceived it, they were seized with consternation and terror, and
lamented their situation in loud complaints, with gestures of despair
and many tears. Tupia, with great difficulty, pacified them; and about
seven o’clock in the morning, a light breeze springing up, we continued
to stand south-west along the shore. Fortunately for our poor Indians,
two canoes came off about this time, and made towards the ship: they
stopped, however, at a little distance, and seemed unwilling to trust
themselves nearer. Our Indians were greatly agitated in this state of
uncertainty, and urged their fellows to come alongside of the ship, both
by their voice and gestures, with the utmost eagerness and impatience.
Tupia interpreted what they said, and we were much surprised to find,
that, among other arguments, they assured the people in the canoes, we
did not eat men. We now began seriously to believe that this horrid
custom prevailed among them; for what the boys had said, we considered
as a mere hyperbolical expression of their fear. One of the canoes, at
length, ventured to come under the ship’s side; and an old man came on
board, who seemed to be a chief from the finery of his garment, and the
superiority of his weapon, which was a Patoo-patoo, made of bone, that,
as he said, had belonged to a whale. He staid on board but a short time,
and when he went away, he took with him our guests, very much to the
satisfaction both of them and us.
At the time when we sailed, we were abreast of a point, from which the
land trends S. S. W. and which on account of its figure, I called CAPE
TABLE. This point lies seven leagues to the southward of Poverty Bay, in
latitude 39° 7ʹ S. and longitude 181° 36ʹ W.; it is of a considerable
height, makes a sharp angle, and appears to be quite flat at the top.
In steering along the shore to the southward of the Cape, at the
distance of two or three miles, our soundings were from twenty to thirty
fathom, having a chain of rocks between us and the shore, which appeared
at different heights above the water.
At noon, Cape Table bore N. 20 E. distant about four leagues, and a
small island, which was the southernmost land in sight, bore S. 70 W. at
the distance of about three miles. This island, which the natives call
TEAHOWRAY, I named the ISLAND OF PORTLAND, from its very great
resemblance to Portland, in the English Channel: it lies about a mile
from a point on the main; but there appears to be a ridge of rocks,
extending nearly, if not quite, from one to the other. N. 57 E. two
miles from the south point of Portland, lies a sunken rock, upon which
the sea breaks with great violence. We passed between this rock and the
land, having from seventeen to twenty fathom.
In sailing along the shore, we saw the natives assembled in great
numbers as well upon Portland island as the main: we could also
distinguish several spots of ground that were cultivated; some seemed to
be fresh turned up, and lay in furrows like ploughed land, and some had
plants upon them in different stages of their growth. We saw also in two
places, high rails upon the ridges of hills, like what we had seen upon
the peninsula at the north-east head of Poverty Bay: as they were ranged
in lines only, and not so as to inclose an area, we could not guess at
their use, and therefore supposed they might be the work of
superstition.
About noon another canoe appeared, in which were four men; she came
within about a quarter of a mile of us, where the people on board seemed
to perform divers ceremonies: one of them who was in the bow, sometimes
seemed to ask and to offer peace, and sometimes to threaten war, by
brandishing a weapon that he held in his hand: sometimes also he danced,
and sometimes he sung. Tupia talked much to him, but could not persuade
him to come to the ship.
Between one and two o’clock we discovered land to the westward of
Portland, extending to the southward as far as we could see; and as the
ship was hauling round the south end of the island, she suddenly fell
into shoal water and broken ground: we had indeed always seven fathom or
more, but the soundings were never twice the same, jumping at once from
seven fathom to eleven; in a short time, however, we got clear of all
danger, and had again deep water under us.
At this time the island lay within a mile of us, making in white cliffs,
and a long spit of low land running from it towards the main. On the
sides of these cliffs sat vast numbers of people, looking at us with a
fixed attention, and it is probable that they perceived some appearance
of hurry and confusion on board, and some irregularity in the working of
the ship, while we were getting clear of the shallow water and broken
ground, from which they might infer that we were alarmed or in distress:
we thought that they wished to take advantage of our situation, for five
canoes were put off with the utmost expedition, full of men, and well
armed: they came so near, and showed so hostile a disposition by
shouting, brandishing their lances, and using threatening gestures, that
we were in some pain for our small boat, which was still employed in
sounding: a musket was therefore fired over them, but finding it did
them no harm, they seemed rather to be provoked than intimidated, and I
therefore fired a four-pounder, charged with grape-shot, wide of them:
this had a better effect; upon the report of the piece they all rose up
and shouted, but instead of continuing the chace, drew altogether, and
after a short consultation, went quietly away.
Having got round Portland, we hauled in for the land N. W. having a
gentle breeze at N. E. which about five o’clock died away, and obliged
us to anchor; we had one-and-twenty fathom, with a fine sandy bottom:
the south point of Portland bore S. E. ½ S. distant about two leagues,
and a low point on the main bore N. ½ E. In the same direction with this
low point, there runs a deep bay, behind the land of which Cape Table is
the extremity, so as to make this land a peninsula, leaving only a low
narrow neck between that and the main. Of this peninsula, which the
natives call TERAKACO, Cape Table is the north point, and Portland the
south.
While we lay at anchor, two more canoes came off to us, one armed, and
the other a small fishing boat, with only four men in her; they came so
near that they entered into conversation with Tupia; they answered all
the questions that he asked them with great civility, but could not be
persuaded to come on board; they came near enough, however, to receive
several presents that were thrown to them from the ship, with which they
seemed much pleased, and went away. During the night many fires were
kept upon shore, probably to show us that the inhabitants were too much
upon their guard to be surprised.
About five o’clock in the morning of the 13th, a breeze springing up
northerly, we weighed, and steered in for the land. The shore here forms
a large bay, of which Portland is the north-east point, and the bay,
that runs behind Cape Table, an arm. This arm I had a great inclination
to examine, because there appeared to be safe anchorage in it, but not
being sure of that, and the wind being right on end, I was unwilling to
spare the time. Four-and-twenty fathom was the greatest depth within
Portland, but the ground was every where clear. The land near the shore
is of a moderate height, with white cliffs and sandy beaches; within, it
rises into mountains, and upon the whole the surface is hilly, for the
most part covered with wood, and to appearance pleasant and fertile. In
the morning nine canoes came after the ship, but whether with peaceable
or hostile intentions we could not tell, for we soon left them behind
us.
In the evening we stood in for a place that had the appearance of an
opening, but found no harbour; we therefore stood out again, and were
soon followed by a large canoe, with eighteen or twenty men, all armed,
who, though they could not reach us, shouted defiance, and brandished
their weapons, with many gestures of menace and insult.
In the morning we had a view of the mountains inland, upon which the
snow was still lying: the country near the shore was low and unfit for
culture, but in one place we perceived a patch of somewhat yellow, which
had greatly the appearance of a cornfield, yet was probably nothing more
than some dead flags, which are not uncommon in swampy places: at some
distance we saw groves of trees, which appeared high and tapering, and
being not above two leagues from the south-west cod of the great bay, in
which we had been coasting for the two last days, I hoisted out the
pinnace and long-boat to search for fresh water; but just as they were
about to put off, we saw several boats full of people coming from the
shore, and, therefore, I did not think it safe for them to leave the
ship. About ten o’clock, five of these boats having drawn together, as
if to hold a consultation, made towards the ship, having on board
between eighty and ninety men, and four more followed at some distance,
as if to sustain the attack: when the first five came within about a
hundred yards of the ship, they began to sing their war-song, and
brandishing their pikes, prepared for an engagement. We had now no time
to lose, for if we could not prevent the attack, we should come under
the unhappy necessity of using our fire-arms against them, which we were
very desirous to avoid. Tupia, was therefore, ordered to acquaint them
that we had weapons which, like thunder, would destroy them in a moment;
that we would immediately convince them of their power by directing
their effect so that they should not be hurt; but that if they persisted
in any hostile attempt, we should be obliged to use them for our
defence: a four-pounder, loaded with grape-shot, was then discharged
wide of them, which produced the desired effect; the report, the flash,
and above all, the shot, which spread very far in the water, so
intimidated them, that they began to paddle away with all their might:
Tupia, however, calling after them, and assuring them that if they would
come unarmed, they should be kindly received; the people in one of the
boats put their arms on board of another, and came under the ship’s
stern; we made them several presents, and should certainly have
prevailed upon them to come on board, if the other canoes had not come
up, and again threatened us, by shouting and brandishing their weapons:
at this the people who had come to the ship unarmed, expressed great
displeasure, and soon after they all went away.
In the afternoon we stood over to the south point of the bay, but not
reaching it before it was dark, we stood off and on all night. At eight
the next morning, being a-breast of the point, several fishing boats
came off to us, and sold us some stinking fish: it was the best they
had, and we were willing to trade with them upon any terms: these people
behaved very well, and we should have parted good friends if it had not
been for a large canoe, with two-and-twenty armed men on board, which
came boldly up along-side of the ship. We soon saw that this boat had
nothing for traffic, yet we gave them two or three pieces of cloth, an
article which they seemed very fond of. I observed that one man had a
black skin thrown over him, somewhat resembling that of a bear, and
being desirous to know what animal was its first owner, I offered him
for it a piece of red baize, and he seemed greatly pleased with the
bargain, immediately pulling off the skin, and holding it up in the
boat; he would not, however, part with it till he had the cloth in his
possession, and as there could be no transfer of property, if with equal
caution I had insisted upon the same condition, I ordered the cloth to
be handed down to him, upon which, with amazing coolness, instead of
sending up the skin, he began to pack up both that and the baize, which
he had received as the purchase of it, in a basket, without paying the
least regard to my demand or remonstrances, and soon after, with the
fishing boats, put off from the ship; when they were at some distance,
they drew together, and after a short consultation returned; the
fishermen offered more fish, which, though good for nothing, was
purchased, and trade was again renewed. Among others who were placed
over the ship’s side to hand up what we bought, was little Tayeto,
Tupia’s boy; and one of the Indians, watching his opportunity, suddenly
seized him, and dragged him down into the canoe; two of them held him
down in the forepart of it, and the others, with great activity, paddled
her off, the rest of the canoes following as fast as they could; upon
this the marines, who were under arms upon deck, were ordered to fire.
The shot was directed to that part of the canoe which was farthest from
the boy, and rather wide of her, being willing rather to miss the rowers
than to hurt him: it happened, however, that one man dropped, upon which
the others quitted their hold of the boy, who instantly leaped into the
water, and swam towards the ship; the large canoe immediately pulled
round and followed him, but some musquets, and a great gun being fired
at her, she desisted from the pursuit. The ship being brought to, a boat
was lowered, and the poor boy taken up unhurt, though so terrified, that
for a time he seemed to be deprived of his senses. Some of the gentlemen
who traced the canoes to shore with their glasses, said, that they saw
three men carried up the beach, who appeared to be either dead, or
wholly disabled by their wounds.
To the cape off which this unhappy transaction happened, I gave the name
of CAPE KIDNAPPERS. It lies in latitude 39° 43ʹ, and longitude 182° 24ʹ
W., and is rendered remarkable by two white rocks like hay stacks, and
the high white cliffs on each side. It lies S. W. by W. distant thirteen
leagues from the isle of Portland; and between them is the bay of which
it is the south point, and which, in honour of Sir Edward Hawke, then
First Lord of the Admiralty, I called HAWKE’S BAY. We found in it from
twenty-four to seven fathom, and good anchorage. From Cape Kidnappers
the land trends S. S. W., and in this direction we made our run along
the shore, keeping at about a league distance, with a steady breeze and
clear weather.
As soon as Tayeto recovered from his fright, he brought a fish to Tupia,
and told him that he intended it as an offering to his Eatua, or god, in
gratitude for his escape; Tupia commended his piety, and ordered him to
throw the fish into the sea, which was accordingly done.
About two o’clock in the afternoon, we passed a small but high white
island lying close to the shore, upon which we saw many houses, boats,
and people. The people we concluded to be fishers, because the island
was totally barren; we saw several people also on shore, in a small bay
upon the main, within the island. At eleven, we brought to till
day-light, and then made sail to the southward, along the shore. About
seven o’clock we passed a high point of land, which lies S. S. W. twelve
leagues from Cape Kidnappers: from this point the land trends
three-fourths of a point more to the westward; at ten, we saw more land
open to the southward, and at noon, the southernmost land that was in
sight, bore S. 39 W. distant eight or ten leagues, and a high bluff
head, with yellowish cliffs, bore W. distant about two miles: the depth
of water was thirty-two fathom.
In the afternoon we had a fresh breeze at west, and during the night
variable light airs and calms: in the morning a gentle breeze sprung up
between the N. W. and N. E., and having till now stood to the southward,
without seeing any probability of meeting with a harbour, and the
country manifestly altering for the worse, I thought that standing
farther in that direction would be attended with no advantage, but on
the contrary would be a loss of time that might be employed with a
better prospect of success in examining the coast to the northward;
about one, therefore, in the afternoon, I tacked, and stood north, with
a fresh breeze at west. The high bluff head, with yellowish cliffs,
which we were abreast of at noon, I called CAPE TURNAGAIN, because here
we turned back. It lies in latitude 40° 34ʹ S. longitude 182° 55ʹ W.,
distant eighteen leagues S. S. W. and S. S. W. ½ W. from Cape
Kidnappers. The land between them is of a very unequal height; in some
places it is lofty next the sea with white cliffs, in others low, with
sandy beaches: the face of the country is not so well clothed with wood
as it is about Hawke’s bay, but looks more like our high downs in
England: it is, however, to all appearance, well inhabited; for as we
stood along the shore, we saw several villages, not only in the valleys,
but on the tops and sides of the hills, and smoke in many other places.
The ridge of mountains which has been mentioned before, extends to the
southward farther than we could see, and was then every where chequered
with snow. At night we saw two fires, inland, so very large, that we
concluded they must have been made to clear the land for tillage; but
however that be, they are a demonstration that the part of the country
where they appeared is inhabited.
On the 18th, at four o’clock in the morning, Cape Kidnappers bore N. 32
W. distant two leagues: in this situation we had sixty-two fathom, and
when the cape bore W. by N. distant three or four leagues, we had
forty-five fathom: in the mid-way between the isle of Portland and the
cape we had sixty-five fathom. In the evening, being abreast of the
peninsula, within Portland island, called TERAKAKO, a canoe came off
from that shore, and with much difficulty overtook the ship; there were
on board five people, two of whom appeared to be chiefs, and the other
three servants: the chiefs, with very little invitation, came on board,
and ordered the rest to remain in their canoe. We treated them with
great kindness, and they were not backward in expressing their
satisfaction; they went down into the cabin, and after a short time told
us that they had determined not to go on shore till the next morning. As
the sleeping on board was an honour which we neither expected nor
desired, I remonstrated strongly against it, and told them, that on
their account it would not be proper, as the ship would probably be at a
great distance from where she was then, the next morning: they
persisted, however, in their resolution, and as I found it impossible to
get rid of them without turning them by force out of the ship, I
complied: as a proper precaution, however, I proposed to take their
servants also on board, and hoist their canoe into the ship; they made
no objection, and this was accordingly done. The countenance of one of
these chiefs was the most open and ingenuous of all I have ever seen,
and I very soon gave up every suspicion of his having any sinister
design: they both examined every thing they saw with great curiosity and
attention, and received very thankfully such little presents as we made
them; neither of them, however, could be persuaded either to eat or
drink, but their servants devoured every thing they could get with great
voracity. We found that these men had heard of our kindness and
liberality to the natives who had been on board before, yet we thought
the confidence they placed in us, an extraordinary instance of their
fortitude. At night I brought to till day-light, and then made sail; at
seven in the morning, I brought to again under Cape Table, and sent away
our guests with their canoe, who expressed some surprise at seeing
themselves so far from home, but landed abreast of the ship. At this
time I saw other canoes putting off from the shore, but I stood away to
the northward without waiting for their coming up.
About three, I passed a remarkable head-land, which I called
GABLE-END-FORELAND, from the very great likeness of the white cliff at
the point, to the gable-end of a house: it is not more remarkable for
its figure, than for a rock which rises like a spire at a little
distance. It lies from Cape Table N. 24 E. distant about twelve leagues.
The shore between them forms a bay, within which lies Poverty Bay, at
the distance of four leagues from the head-land, and eight from the
Cape. At this place three canoes came off to us, and one man came on
board; we gave him some trifles, and he soon returned to his boat,
which, with all the rest, dropped astern.
In the morning I made sail in shore, in order to look into two bays,
which appeared about two leagues to the northward of the Foreland; the
southernmost I could not fetch, but I anchored in the other about eleven
o’clock.
Into this bay we were invited by the people on board many canoes, who
pointed to a place where they said there was plenty of fresh water: I
did not find so good a shelter from the sea as I expected; but the
natives who came about us, appearing to be of a friendly disposition, I
was determined to try whether I could not get some knowledge of the
country here before I proceeded farther to the northward.
In one of the canoes that came about us as soon as we anchored, we saw
two men, who by their habits appeared to be chiefs: one of them was
dressed in a jacket, which was ornamented, after their manner, with
dog’s skin; the jacket of the other was almost covered with small tufts
of red feathers. These men I invited on board, and they entered the ship
with very little hesitation: I gave each of them about four yards of
linen, and a spike-nail; with the linen they were much pleased, but
seemed to set no value upon the nail. We perceived that they knew what
had happened in Poverty Bay, and we had therefore no reason to doubt but
that they would behave peaceably; however, for further security, Tupia
was ordered to tell them for what purpose we came thither, and to assure
them that we would offer them no injury, if they offered none to us. In
the mean time those who remained in the canoes traded with our people
very fairly for what they happened to have with them: the chiefs, who
were old men, staid with us till we had dined, and about two o’clock I
put off with the boats, manned and armed, in order to go on shore in
search of water, and the two chiefs went into the boat with me. The
afternoon was tempestuous, with much rain, and the surf every where ran
so high, that although we rowed almost round the bay, we found no place
where we could land: I determined therefore to return to the ship, which
being intimated to the chiefs, they called to the people on shore, and
ordered a canoe to be sent off for themselves; this was accordingly
done, and they left us, promising to come on board again in the morning,
and bring us some fish and sweet potatoes.
In the evening, the weather having become fair and moderate, the boats
were again ordered out, and I landed, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander. We were received with great expressions of friendship by the
natives, who behaved with a scrupulous attention not to give offence. In
particular, they took care not to appear in great bodies: one family, or
the inhabitants of two or three houses only, were generally placed
together, to the number of fifteen or twenty, consisting of men, women,
and children. These little companies sat upon the ground, not advancing
towards us, but inviting us to them, by a kind of beckon, moving one
hand towards the breast. We made them several little presents; and in
our walk round the bay found two small streams of fresh water. This
convenience, and the friendly behaviour of the people, determined me to
stay at least a day, that I might fill some of my empty casks, and give
Mr. Banks an opportunity of examining the natural produce of the
country.
In the morning of, the 21st, I sent lieutenant Gore on shore, to
superintend the watering, with a strong party of men; and they were soon
followed by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, with Tupia, Tayeto, and four
others.
The natives sat by our people, and seemed pleased to observe them; but
did not intermix with them: they traded, however, chiefly for cloth, and
after a short time applied to their ordinary occupations, as if no
stranger had been among them. In the forenoon, several of their boats
went out a-fishing, and at dinner time every one repaired to his
respective dwelling; from which, after a certain time, he returned.
These fair appearances encouraged Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander to range
the bay with very little precaution, where they found many plants, and
shot some birds of exquisite beauty. In their walk, they visited several
houses of the natives, and saw something of their manner of life; for
they showed, without any reserve, every thing which the gentlemen
desired to see. They were sometimes found at their meals, which the
approach of the strangers never interrupted. Their food at this season
consisted of fish, with which, instead of bread, they eat the root of a
kind of fern, very like that which grows upon our commons in England.
These roots they scorch over the fire, and then beat with a stick, till
the bark and dry outside fall off; what remains is a soft substance,
somewhat clammy and sweet, not unpleasing to the taste, but mixed with
three or four times its quantity of strings and fibres, which are very
disagreeable; these were swallowed by some, but spit out by the far
greater number, who had baskets under them to receive the rejected part
of what had been chewed, which had an appearance very like that of
tobacco in the same state, in other seasons they have certainly plenty
of excellent vegetables; but no tame animals were seen among them except
dogs, which were very small and ugly. Mr. Banks saw some of their
plantations, where the ground was as well broken down and tilled as even
in the gardens of the most curious people among us: in these spots were
sweet potatoes, coccos or eddas, which are well known and much esteemed
both in the East and West Indies, and some gourds: the sweet potatoes
were planted in small hills, some ranged in rows, and others in
quincunx, all laid by a line with the greatest regularity: the coccos
were planted upon flat land, but none of them yet appeared above ground;
and the gourds were set in small hollows, or dishes, much as in England.
These plantations were of different extent, from one or two acres to
ten: taken together, there appeared to be from 150 to 200 acres in
cultivation in the whole bay, though we never saw an hundred people.
Each district was fenced in, generally with reeds, which were placed so
close together that there was scarcely room for a mouse to creep
between.
The women were plain, and made themselves more so by painting their
faces with red ochre and oil, which, being generally fresh and wet upon
their cheeks and foreheads, was easily transferred to the noses of those
who thought fit to salute them; and that they were not wholly averse to
such familiarity, the noses of several of our people strongly testified:
they were, however, as great coquets as any of the most fashionable
ladies in Europe, and the young ones as skittish as an unbroken filly:
each of them wore a petticoat, under which there was a girdle, made of
the blades of grass highly perfumed, and to the girdle was fastened a
small bunch of the leaves of some fragrant plant, which served their
modesty as its innermost veil. The faces of the men were not so
generally painted, yet we saw one whose whole body, and even his
garments, were rubbed over with dry ochre, of which he kept a piece
constantly in his hand, and was every minute renewing the decoration in
one part or another, where he supposed it was become deficient. In
personal delicacy they were not equal to our friends at Otaheite, for
the coldness of the climate did not invite them so often to bathe; but
we saw among them one instance of cleanliness in which they exceeded
them, and of which perhaps there is no example in any other Indian
nation. Every house, or every little cluster of three or four houses,
was furnished with a privy, so that the ground was every where clean.
The offals of their food, and other litter, were also piled up in
regular dunghills, which probably they made use of at a proper time for
manure.
In this decent article of civil economy they were beforehand with one of
the most considerable nations of Europe; for I am credibly informed,
that, till the year 1760, there was no such thing as a privy in Madrid,
the metropolis of Spain, though it is plentifully supplied with water.
Before that time it was the universal practice to throw the ordure out
of the windows, during the night, into the street, where numbers of men
were employed to remove it, with shovels, from the upper parts of the
city to the lower, where it lay till it was dry, and was then carried
away in carts, and deposited without the gates. His present Catholic
Majesty, having determined to free his capital from so gross a nuisance,
ordered, by proclamation, that the proprietor of every house should
build a privy, and that sinks, drains, and common sewers should be made
at the public expense. The Spaniards, though long accustomed to an
arbitrary government, resented this proclamation with great spirit, as
an infringement of the common rights of mankind, and made a vigorous
struggle against its being carried into execution. Every class devised
some objection against it, but the physicians bid the fairest to
interest the king in the preservation of the ancient privileges of his
people; for they remonstrated that if the filth was not, as usual,
thrown into the streets, a fatal sickness would probably ensue, because
the putrescent particles of the air, which such filth attracted, would
then be imbibed by the human body. But this expedient, with every other
that could be thought of, proved unsuccessful, and the popular
discontent then ran so high that it was very near producing an
insurrection; his Majesty, however, at length prevailed, and Madrid is
now as clear as most of the considerable cities in Europe. But many of
the citizens, probably upon the principles advanced by their physicians,
that heaps of filth prevent deleterious particles of air from fixing
upon neighbouring substances, have, to keep their food wholesome,
constructed their privies by the kitchen fire.
In the evening, all our boats being employed in carrying the water on
board, and Mr. Banks and his company finding it probable that they
should be left on shore after it was dark, by which much time would be
lost, which they were impatient to employ in putting the plants they had
gathered in order, they applied to the Indians for a passage in one of
their canoes: they immediately consented, and a canoe was launched for
their use. They went all on board, being eight in number, but not being
used to a vessel that required so even a balance, they unfortunately
overset her in the surf: no life, however, was lost, but it was thought
advisable that half of them should wait for another turn. Mr. Banks, Dr.
Solander, Tupia, and Tayeto embarked again, and without any further
accident arrived safely at the ship, well pleased with the good nature
of their Indian friends, who cheerfully undertook to carry them a second
time, after having experienced how unfit a freight they were for such a
vessel.
While these gentlemen were on shore, several of the natives went off to
the ship, and trafficked, by exchanging their cloth for that of
Otaheite: of this barter they were for some time very fond, preferring
the Indian cloth to that of Europe: but before night it decreased in its
value five hundred per cent. Many of these Indians I took on board, and
showed them the ship and her apparatus, at which they expressed equal
satisfaction and astonishment.
As I found it exceedingly difficult to get water on board on account of
the surf, I determined to stay no longer at this place; on the next
morning, therefore, about five o’clock, I weighed anchor, and put to
sea.
This bay, which is called by the natives TEGADOO, lies in the latitude
of 38° 10ʹ S.; but as it has nothing to recommend it, a description of
it is unnecessary.
From this bay I intended to stand on to the northward, but the wind
being right against me, I could make no way. While I was beating about
to windward, some of the natives came on board, and told me, that in a
bay which lay a little to the southward, being the same that I could not
fetch the day I put into Tegadoo, there was excellent water, where the
boats might land without a surf. I thought it better, therefore, to put
into this bay, where I might complete my water, and form farther
connections with the Indians, than to keep the sea. With this view I
bore up for it, and sent in two boats, manned and armed, to examine the
watering-place, who confirming the report of the Indians at their
return, I came to an anchor about one o’clock, in eleven fathom water,
with a fine sandy bottom, the north point of the bay N. by E., and the
south point S. E. The watering-place, which was in a small cove a little
within the south point of the bay, bore S. by E., distant about a mile.
Many canoes came immediately off from the shore, and all traded very
honestly for Otaheite cloth and glass-bottles, of which they were
immoderately fond.
In the afternoon of the 23d, as soon as the ship was moored, I went on
shore to examine the watering-place, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander: the boat landed in the cove, without the least surf; the water
was excellent, and conveniently situated; there was plenty of wood close
to high-water mark, and the disposition of the people was in every
respect such as we could wish.
Having, with Mr. Green, taken several observations of the sun and moon,
the mean result of them gave 180° 47ʹ W. longitude; but, as all the
observations made before exceeded these, I have laid down the coast from
the mean of the whole. At noon, I took the sun’s meridian altitude with
an astronomical quadrant, which was set up at the watering-place, and
found the latitude to be 38° 22ʹ 24ʺ.
On the 24th, early in the morning, I sent Lieutenant Gore on shore, to
superintend the cutting of wood and filling of water, with a sufficient
number of men for both purposes, and all the marines as a guard. After
breakfast, I went on shore myself, and continued there the whole day.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander also went on shore to gather plants, and in
their walks saw several things worthy of notice. They met with many
houses in the valleys that seemed to be wholly deserted, the people
living on the ridges of the hills in a kind of sheds very slightly
built. As they were advancing in one of these valleys, the hills on each
side of which were very steep, they were suddenly struck with the sight
of a very extraordinary natural curiosity. It was a rock, perforated
through its whole substance, so as to form a rude but stupendous arch or
cavern, opening directly to the sea: this aperture was seventy-five feet
long, twenty-seven broad, and five-and-forty high, commanding a view of
the bay and the hills on the other side, which were seen through it,
and, opening at once upon the view, produced an effect far superior to
any of the contrivances of art.
As they were returning to the watering-place in the evening, they met an
old man, who detained them some time by showing them the military
exercises of the country with the lance and patoo-patoo, which are all
the weapons in use. The lance is from ten to fourteen feet long, made of
a very hard wood, and sharp at both ends: the patoo-patoo has been
described already: it is about a foot long, made of talc or bone, with
sharp edges, and used as a battle-axe. A post or stake was set up as his
enemy, to which he advanced with a most furious aspect, brandishing his
lance, which he grasped with great firmness; when it was supposed to
have been pierced by his lance, he ran at it with his patoo-patoo, and
falling upon the upper end of it, which was to represent his adversary’s
head, he laid on with great vehemence, striking many blows, any one of
which would probably have split the skull of an ox. From our champion’s
falling upon his mock enemy with the patoo-patoo, after he was supposed
to have been pierced with the lance, our gentlemen inferred, that in the
battles of this country there is no quarter.
This afternoon, we set up the armourer’s forge, to repair the braces of
the tiller, which had been broken, and went on getting our wood and
water, without suffering the least molestation from the natives; who
came down with different sorts of fish, which we purchased with cloth,
beads, and glass-bottles, as usual.
On the 25th, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went again on shore; and while
they were searching for plants, Tupia staid with the waterers: among
other Indians who came down to them, was a priest, with whom Tupia
entered into a very learned conversation. In their notions of religion
they seemed to agree very well, which is not often the case between
learned divines on our side of the ocean: Tupia, however, seemed to have
the most knowledge, and he was listened to with great deference and
attention by the other. In the course of this conversation, after the
important points of divinity had been settled, Tupia enquired if it was
their practice to eat men, to which they answered in the affirmative;
but said, that they eat only their enemies who were slain in battle.
On the 26th, it rained all day, so that none of us could go ashore; and
very few of the Indians came either to the watering-place or the ship.
On the 27th, I went with Dr. Solander to examine the bottom of the bay;
but though we went ashore at two places we met with little worth notice.
The people behaved very civilly, showing us every thing that we
expressed a desire to see. Among other trifling curiosities which Dr.
Solander purchased of them, was a boy’s top, shaped exactly like those
which children play with in England; and they made signs that to make it
spin it was to be whipped. Mr. Banks in the mean time went ashore at the
watering-place, and climbed a hill which stood at a little distant to
see a fence of poles, which we had observed from the ship, and which had
been much the subject of speculation. The hill was extremely steep, and
rendered almost inaccessible by wood; yet he reached the place, near
which he found many houses that for some reason had been deserted by
their inhabitants. The poles appeared to be about sixteen feet high;
they were placed in two rows, with a space of about six feet between
them, and the poles in each row were about ten feet distant from each
other. The lane between them was covered by sticks, that were set up
sloping towards each other from the top of the poles on each side, like
the roof of a house. This rail-work, with a ditch that was parallel to
it, was carried about a hundred yards down the hill in a kind of curve;
but for what purpose we could not guess.
The Indians, at the watering-place, at our request, entertained us with
their war-song, in which the women joined, with the most horrid
distortions of countenance, rolling their eyes, thrusting out their
tongues, and often heaving loud and deep sighs; though all was done in
very good time.
On the 28th, we went ashore upon an island that lies to the left hand of
the entrance of the bay, where we saw the largest canoe that we had yet
met with: she was sixty-eight feet and a half long, five broad, and
three feet six high; she had a sharp bottom, consisting of three trunks
of trees hollowed, of which that in the middle was the longest: the side
planks were sixty-two feet long, in one piece, and were not despicably
carved in bas-relief; the head also was adorned with carving still more
richly. Upon this island there was a larger house than any we had yet
seen; but it seemed unfinished, and was full of chips. The wood-work was
squared so even and smooth, that we made no doubt of their having among
them very sharp tools. The sides of the posts were carved in a masterly
style, though after their whimsical taste, which seems to prefer spiril
lines and distorted faces: as these carved posts appeared to have been
brought from some other place, such work is probably of great value
among them.
At four o’clock in the morning of the 29th, having got on board our wood
and water, and a large supply of excellent celery, with which the
country abounds, and which proved a powerful antiscorbutic, I unmoored
and put to sea.
This bay is called by the natives TOLAGA; it is moderately large, and
has from seven to thirteen fathom, with a clean sandy bottom and good
anchorage; and is sheltered from all winds except the north-east. It
lies in latitude 38° 22ʹ S. and four leagues and a half to the north of
Gable-end Foreland. On the south point lies a small but high island, so
near the main as not to be distinguished from it. Close to the north end
of the island, at the entrance into the bay, are two high rocks; one is
round, like a corn-stack, but the other is long, and perforated in
several places, so that the openings appear like the arches of a bridge.
Within these rocks is the cove where we cut wood, and filled our
water-casks. Off the north point of the bay is a pretty high rocky
island; and about a mile without it are some rocks and breakers. The
variation of the compass here is 14° 31ʹ E., and the tide flows at the
full and change of the moon, about six o’clock, and rises and falls
perpendicularly from five to six feet: whether the flood comes from the
southward or the northward I have not been able to determine.
We got nothing here by traffic but a few fish, and some sweet potatoes,
except a few trifles, which we considered merely as curiosities. We saw
no four-footed animals, nor the appearance of any, either tame or wild,
except dogs and rats, and these were very scarce: the people eat the
dogs, like our friends at Otaheite; and adorn their garments with the
skins, as we do ours with fur and ermine. I climbed many of the hills,
hoping to get a view of the country, but I could see nothing from the
top except higher hills, in a boundless succession. The ridges of these
hills produce little besides fern; but the sides are most luxuriantly
clothed with wood, and verdure of various kinds, with little plantations
intermixed. In the woods, we found trees of above twenty different
sorts, and carried specimens of each on board; but there was nobody
among us to whom they were not altogether unknown. The tree which we cut
for firing was somewhat like our maple, and yielded a whitish gum. We
found another sort of it of a deep yellow, which we thought might be
useful in dyeing. We found also one cabbage-tree, which we cut down for
the cabbages. The country abounds with plants, and the woods with birds,
in an endless variety, exquisitely beautiful, and of which none of us
had the least knowledge. The soil both of the hills and valleys is light
and sandy, and very fit for the production of all kinds of roots; though
we saw none except sweet potatoes and yams.
CHAP. III.
THE RANGE FROM TOLAGA TO MERCURY BAY, WITH AN ACCOUNT OF MANY INCIDENTS
THAT HAPPENED BOTH ON BOARD AND ASHORE: A DESCRIPTION OF SEVERAL VIEWS
EXHIBITED BY THE COUNTRY, AND OF THE HEPPAHS, OR FORTIFIED VILLAGES OF
THE INHABITANTS.
On Monday, the 30th, about half an hour after one o’clock, having made
sail again to the northward for about ten hours, with a light breeze, I
hauled round a small island which lay east one mile from the north-east
point of the land: from this place I found the land trend away N. W. by
W. and W. N. W. as far as I could see, this point being the easternmost
land on the whole coast. I gave it the name of EAST CAPE, and I called
the island that lies off it EAST ISLAND; it is of a small circuit, high
and round, and appears white and barren: the cape is high, with white
cliffs, and lies in latitude 37° 42ʹ 30ʺ S. and longitude 181° W. The
land from Tolaga Bay to East Cape is of a moderate but unequal height,
forming several small bays, in which are sandy beaches: of the inland
country we could not see much, the weather being cloudy and hazy. The
soundings were from twenty to thirty fathom, at the distance of about a
league from the shore. After we had rounded the Cape, we saw in our run
along the shore a great number of villages, and much cultivated land;
the country in general appeared more fertile than before, and was low
near the sea, but hilly within. At six in the evening, being four
leagues to the westward of East Cape, we passed a bay which was first
discovered by Lieutenant Hicks, and which, therefore, I called HICKS’S
BAY. At eight in the evening, being eight leagues to the westward of the
Cape, and three or four miles from the shore, I shortened sail, and
brought to for the night, having at this time a fresh gale at S. S. E.
and squally; but it soon became moderate, and at two in the morning we
made sail again to the S. W. as the land now trended; and at eight
o’clock in the morning saw land, which made like an island, bearing
west, the south-westernmost part of the main bearing south-west; and
about nine no less than five canoes came off, in which were more than
forty men, all armed with their country pikes and battle-axes, shouting,
and threatening an attack; this gave us great uneasiness, and was,
indeed, what we did not expect; for we hoped, that the report both of
our power and clemency had spread to a greater extent. When one of these
canoes had almost reached the ship, another of an immense size, the
largest we had yet seen, crowded with people who were also armed, put
off from the shore, and came up at a great rate: as it approached it
received signals from the canoe that was nearest to the ship; and we
could see that it had sixteen paddles on a side, beside people that sat,
and others that stood in a row from stem to stern, being in all about
sixty men: as they made directly to the ship, we were desirous of
preventing an attack, by showing what we could do; and, therefore, fired
a gun, loaded with grape-shot, a-head of them: this made them stop, but
not retreat; a round-shot was then fired over them, and upon seeing it
fall, they seized their paddles and made towards the shore with such
precipitation that they seemed scarcely to allow themselves time to
breathe. In the evening, three or four more canoes came off unarmed; but
they would not venture within a musket-shot of the vessel. The Cape off
which we had been threatened with hostilities I called, from the hasty
retreat of the enemy, CAPE RUNAWAY. It lies in latitude 37° 32ʹ;
longitude 181° 48ʹ. In this day’s run, we found that the land, which
made like an island in the morning, bearing west, was so; and we gave it
the name of WHITE ISLAND.
At day-break, on the 1st of November, we counted no less than
five-and-forty canoes that were coming from the shore towards the ship:
seven of them came up with us, and after some conversation with Tupia,
sold us some lobsters and mussels, and two conger eels. These people
traded pretty fairly; but when they were gone, some others came off from
another place, who began also to trade fairly: but after some time they
took what was handed down to them, without making any return; one of
them who had done so, upon being threatened, began to laugh, and with
many marks of derision set us at defiance, at the same time putting off
the canoe from the ship: a musket was then fired over his head, which
brought him back in a more serious mood, and trade went on with great
regularity. At length, when the cabin and gun-room had got as much as
they wanted, the men were allowed to come to the gangway, and trade for
themselves. Unhappily the same care was not taken to prevent frauds as
had been taken before, so that the Indians, finding that they could
cheat with impunity, grew insolent again, and proceeded to take greater
liberties. One of the canoes, having sold every thing on board, pulled
forward, and the people that were in her seeing some linen hang over the
ship’s side to dry, one of them, without any ceremony, untied it, and
put it up in his bundle: he was immediately called to, and required to
return it; instead of which, he let his canoe drop astern, and laughed
at us: a musket was fired over his head, which did not put a stop to his
mirth; another was then fired at him with small shot, which struck him
upon the back; he shrunk a little when the shot hit him, but did not
regard it more than one of our men would have done the stroke of a
rattan: he continued with great composure to pack up the linen that he
had stolen. All the canoes now dropped astern about a hundred yards, and
all set up their song of defiance, which they continued till the ship
was distant from them about four hundred yards. As they seemed to have
no design to attack us, I was not willing to do them any hurt; yet I
thought their going off in a bravado might have a bad effect when it
should be reported ashore. To show them, therefore, that they were still
in our power, though very much beyond the reach of any missile weapon
with which they were acquainted, I gave the ship a yaw, and fired a
four-pounder so as to pass near them. The shot happened to strike the
water and rise several times at a great distance beyond the canoes: this
struck them with terror, and they paddled away without once looking
behind them.
About two in the afternoon, we saw a pretty high island bearing west
from us; and at five, saw more islands and rocks to the westward of
that. We hauled our wind in order to go without them, but could not
weather them before it was dark. I, therefore, bore up, and ran between
them and the main. At seven, I was close under the first, from which a
large double canoe, or rather two canoes lashed together at the distance
of about a foot, and covered with boards so as to make a deck, put off,
and made sail for the ship: this was the first vessel of the kind that
we had seen since we left the South Sea islands. When she came near, the
people on board entered very freely into conversation with Tupia, and we
thought showed a friendly disposition; but when it was just dark, they
ran their canoe close to the ship’s side, and threw in a volley of
stones, after which they paddled away.
We learnt from Tupia, that the people in the canoe called the island
which we were under MOWTOHORA; it is but of a small circuit, though
high, and lies six miles from the main; on the south side is anchorage
in fourteen fathom water. Upon the main land S. W. by W. of this island,
and apparently at no great distance from the sea, is a high round
mountain, which I called MOUNT EDGECUMBE: it stands in the middle of a
large plain, and is, therefore, the more conspicuous; latitude 37° 59ʹ,
longitude 183° 7ʹ.
In standing westward, we suddenly shoaled our water from seventeen to
ten fathom; and knowing that we were not far from the small islands and
rocks which we had seen before dark, and which I intended to have passed
before I brought to for the night, I thought it more prudent to tack,
and spend the night under Mowtohora, where I knew there was no danger.
It was, indeed, happy for us that we did so; for in the morning, after
we had made sail to the westward, we discovered ahead of us several
rocks, some of which were level with the surface of the water, and some
below it: they lay N. N. E. from Mount Edgecumbe, one league and a half
distant from the island Mowtohora, and about nine miles from the main.
We passed between these rocks and the main, having from ten to seven
fathom water.
This morning, many canoes and much people were seen along the shore:
several of the canoes followed us, but none of them could reach us,
except one with a sail, which proved to be the same that had pelted us
the night before. The people on board again entered into conversation
with Tupia; but we expected another volley of their ammunition, which
was not, indeed, dangerous to any thing but the cabin windows. They
continued abreast of the ship about an hour, and behaved very peaceably;
but at last the salute which we expected was given: we returned it by
firing a musket over them, and they immediately dropped astern and left
us, perhaps rather satisfied with having given a test of their courage
by twice insulting a vessel so much superior to their own, than
intimidated by the shot.
At half an hour after ten, we passed between a low flat island and the
main: the distance from one to the other was about four miles, and the
depth of water from ten to twelve fathom. The main land between this
flat island and Mowtohora is of a moderate height, but level, pretty
clear of wood, and full of plantations and villages. The villages, which
were larger than any we had yet seen, were built upon eminences near the
sea, and fortified on the land side by a bank and ditch, with a high
paling within it, which was carried all round: beside a bank, ditch, and
pallisadoes, some of them appeared to have outworks. Tupia had a notion
that the small inclosure of pallisadoes, and a ditch that we had seen
before, were morais or places of worship; but we were of opinion that
they were forts, and concluded that these people had neighbouring
enemies, and were always exposed to hostile attacks.
At two o’clock we passed a small high island, lying four miles from a
high round head upon the main. From this head the land trends N. W. as
far as can be seen, and has a rugged and hilly appearance. As the
weather was hazy, and the wind blew fresh on the shore, we hauled off
for the weathermost island in sight, which bore from us N. N. E.,
distant about six or seven leagues.
Under this island, which I have called the MAYOR, we spent the night. At
seven in the morning it bore S. 47 E., distant six leagues, and a
cluster of small islands and rocks bore N. ½ E., distant one league, to
which I gave the name of the COURT OF ALDERMEN. They lie in the compass
of about half a league every way, and five leagues from the main,
between which and them lie other islands, most of them barren rocks, of
which there is great variety: some of them are as small in compass as
the Monument of London, but rise to a much greater height, and some of
them are inhabited. They lie in latitude 36° 57ʹ, and at noon bore S. 60
E., distant three or four leagues; and a rock like a castle, lying not
far from the main, bore N. 40 W., at the distance of one league. The
country that we passed the night before appeared to be well inhabited,
many towns were in sight, and some hundreds of large canoes lay under
them upon the beach; but this day, after having sailed about fifteen
leagues, it appeared to be barren and desolate. As far as we had yet
coasted this country from Cape Turnagain, the people acknowledged one
chief, whom they called TERATU, and to whose residence they pointed, in
a direction that we thought to be very far inland, but afterwards found
to be otherwise.
About one o’clock, three canoes came off to us from the main, with
one-and-twenty men on board. The construction of these vessels appeared
to be more simple than that of any we had seen, they being nothing more
than trunks of a single tree hollowed by fire, without any convenience
or ornament. The people on board were almost naked, and appeared to be
of a browner complexion; yet naked and despicable as they were, they
sung their song of defiance, and seemed to denounce against us
inevitable destruction: they remained, however, some time out of stone’s
throw, and then venturing nearer, with less appearance of hostility, one
of our men went to the ship’s side, and was about to hand them a rope;
this courtesy, however, they thought fit to return by throwing a lance
at him, which having missed him, they immediately threw another into the
ship: upon this a musket was fired over them, which at once sent them
away.
About two, we saw a large opening, or inlet, for which we bore up; we
had now forty-one fathom water, which gradually decreased to nine, at
which time we were one mile and a half distant from a high towered rock
which lay near the south point of the inlet: this rock, and the
northernmost of the Court of Alderman being in one, bearing S. 61 E.
About seven in the evening we anchored in seven fathom, a little within
the south entrance of the bay: to this place we were accompanied by
several canoes and people like those we had seen last, and for some time
they behaved very civilly. While they were hovering about us, a bird was
shot from the ship, as it was swimming upon the water: at this they
showed less surprise than we expected, and taking up the bird, they tied
it to a fishing line that was towing astern; as an acknowledgment for
this favour, we gave them a piece of cloth: but notwithstanding this
effect of our fire-arms, and this interchange of civilities, as soon as
it grew dark, they sung their war-song, and attempted to tow away the
buoy of the anchor. Two or three muskets were then fired over them, but
this seemed rather to make them angry than afraid, and they went away,
threatening that to-morrow they would return with more force, and be the
death of us all; at the same time sending off a boat, which they told us
was going to another part of the bay for assistance.
There was some appearance of generosity, as well as courage, in
acquainting us with the time when they intended to make their attack,
but they forfeited all credit which this procured them, by coming
secretly upon us in the night, when they certainly hoped to find us
asleep: upon approaching the ship, they found themselves mistaken, and
therefore retired without speaking a word, supposing that they were too
early; after some time, they came a second time, and being again
disappointed, they retired as silently as before.
In the morning, at day-break, they prepared to effect by force what they
had in vain attempted by stealth and artifice: no less than twelve
canoes came against us with about a hundred and fifty men, all armed
with pikes, lances, and stones. As they could do nothing till they came
very near the ship, Tupia was ordered to expostulate with them, and if
possible divert them from their purpose: during the conversation, they
appeared to be sometimes friendly and sometimes otherwise; at length,
however, they began to trade, and we offered to purchase their weapons,
which some of them consented to sell: they sold two very fairly, but
having received what had been agreed upon for the purchase of a third,
they refused to send it up, but offered it for a second price; a second
was sent down, but the weapon was still detained, and a demand made of a
third; this being refused with some expressions of displeasure and
resentment, the offender, with many ludicrous tokens of contempt and
defiance, paddled his canoe off a few yards from the ship. As I intended
to continue in this place five or six days, in order to make an
observation of the transit of Mercury, it was absolutely necessary, in
order to prevent future mischief, to show these people that we were not
to be treated ill with impunity; some small shot were therefore fired at
the thief, and a musket ball through the bottom of his boat: upon this
it was paddled to about a hundred yards’ distance, and to our great
surprise the people in the other canoes took not the least notice of
their wounded companion, though he bled very much, but returned to the
ship, and continued to trade with the most perfect indifference and
unconcern. They sold us many more of their weapons, without making any
other attempt to defraud us, for a considerable time; at last, however,
one of them thought fit to paddle away with two different pieces of
cloth which had been given for the same weapon: when he had got about an
hundred yards’ distance, and thought himself secure of his prize, a
musket was fired after him, which fortunately struck the boat just at
the water’s edge, and made two holes in her side; this only incited them
to ply their paddles with greater activity, and the rest of the canoes
also made off with the utmost expedition. As the last proof of our
superiority, therefore, we fired a round shot over them, and not a boat
stopped till they got on shore.
About ten o’clock, I went with two boats to sound the bay, and look out
for a more convenient anchoring-place, the master being in one boat and
myself in the other. We pulled first over to the north shore, from which
some canoes came out to meet us; as we advanced, however, they retired,
inviting us to follow them; but seeing them all armed, I did not think
it proper to comply, but went towards the head of the bay, where I
observed a village upon a very high point, fortified in the manner that
has been already described, and having fixed upon an anchoring-place not
far from where the ship lay, I returned on board.
At three o’clock in the afternoon, I weighed, run in nearer to the
shore, and anchored in four fathom and an half water, with a soft sandy
bottom, the south point of the bay bearing E. distant one mile, and a
river which the boats can enter at low water S. S. E., distant a mile
and an half.
In the morning, the natives came off again to the ship, and we had the
satisfaction to observe that their behaviour was very different from
what it had been yesterday: among them was an old man, whom we had
before remarked for his prudence and honesty: his name was TOIAVA, and
he seemed to be a person of a superior rank; in the transactions of
yesterday morning he had behaved with great propriety and good sense,
lying in a small canoe, always near the ship, and treating those on
board as if he neither intended a fraud, nor suspected an injury: with
some persuasion this man and another came on board, and ventured into
the cabin, where I presented each of them with a piece of English cloth
and some spike nails. They told us that the Indians were now very much
afraid of us, and on our part we promised friendship, if they would
behave peaceably, desiring only to purchase what they had to sell upon
their own terms.
After the natives had left us, I went with the pinnace and long boat
into the river with a design to haul the seine, and sent the master in
the yawl to sound the bay and dredge for fish. The Indians, who were on
one side of the river, expressed their friendship by all the signs they
could devise, beckoning us to land among them; but we chose to go ashore
on the other side, as the situation was more convenient for hauling the
seine and shooting birds, of which we saw great numbers of various
kinds: the Indians, with much persuasion, about noon, ventured over to
us. With the seine we had very little success, catching only a few
mullets, neither did we get any thing by the trawl or the dredge, except
a few shells; but we shot several birds, most of them resembling
sea-pies, except that they had black plumage, and red bills and feet.
While we were absent with our guns, the people who staid by the boats
saw two of the Indians quarrel and fight: they began the battle with
their lances, but some old men interposed and took them away, leaving
them to decide the difference, like Englishmen, with their fists: they
boxed with great vigour and obstinacy for some time, but by degrees all
retired behind a little hill, so that our people could not see the event
of the combat.
In the morning the long-boat was sent again to traul in the bay, and an
officer, with the marines, and a party of men, to cut wood and haul the
seine. The Indians on shore appeared very peaceable and submissive, and
we had reason to believe that their habitations were at a considerable
distance, for we saw no houses, and found that they slept under the
bushes: the bay is probably a place to which they frequently resort in
parties to gather shell-fish, of which it affords incredible plenty; for
wherever we went, whether upon the hills or in the valleys, the woods or
the plains, we saw vast heaps of shells, often many waggon-loads
together, some appearing to be very old, and others recent. We saw no
cultivation in this place, which had a desolate and barren appearance;
the tops of the hills were green, but nothing grew there, except a large
kind of fern, the roots of which the natives had got together in large
quantities, in order to carry away with them. In the evening Mr. Banks
walked up the river, which, at the mouth, looked fine and broad, but at
the distance of about two miles was not deep enough to cover the foot;
and the country inland was still more barren than at the sea side. The
seine and dredge were not more successful to-day than yesterday, but the
Indians in some measure compensated for the disappointment by bringing
us several baskets of fish, some dry, and some fresh dressed; it was not
indeed of the best, but I ordered it all to be bought for the
encouragement of trade.
On the 7th, the weather was so bad that none of us left the ship, nor
did any of the Indians come on board.
On the 8th, I sent a party of men on shore to wood and water; and in the
mean time many canoes came off, in one of which was our friend Toiava;
soon after he was alongside of the ship, he saw two canoes coming from
the opposite side of the bay, upon which he hasted back again to the
shore with all his canoes, telling us that he was afraid of the people
who were coming: this was a farther proof that the people of this
country were perpetually committing hostilities against each other. In a
short time, however, he returned, having discovered that the people who
had alarmed him were not the same that he had supposed. The natives that
came to the ship this morning sold us, for a few pieces of cloth, as
much fish of the mackerel kind as served the whole ship’s company, and
they were as good as ever were eaten. At noon, this day, I observed the
sun’s meridional zenith distance by an astronomical quadrant, which gave
the latitude 36° 47ʹ 43ʺ within the south entrance of the bay.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went on shore and collected a great variety
of plants, altogether unknown, and not returning till the evening, had
an opportunity of observing in what manner the Indians disposed
themselves to pass the night. They had no shelter but a few shrubs; the
women and the children were ranged innermost, or farthest from the sea;
the men lay in a kind of half circle round them, and their arms were set
up against the trees close by them, in a manner which showed that they
were afraid of an attack by some enemy not far distant. It was also
discovered that they acknowledged neither Teratu, nor any other person
as their king: as in this particular they differed from all the people
that we had seen upon other parts of the coast, we thought it possible
that they might be a set of outlaws, in a state of rebellion against
Teratu, and in that case they might have no settled habitations, or
cultivated land in any part of the country.
On the 9th, at day-break, a great number of canoes came on board, loaded
with mackerel of two sorts, one exactly the same with those caught in
England, and the other somewhat different: we imagined the people had
taken a large shoal, and brought us an overplus which they could not
consume; for they sold them at a very low rate. They were, however, very
welcome to us; at eight o’clock, the ship had more fish on board than
all her people could eat in three days; and before night, the quantity
was so much increased, that every man who could get salt, cured as many
as would last him a month.
After an early breakfast, I went ashore, with Mr. Green and proper
instruments, to observe the transit of Mercury, Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander being of the party; the weather had for some time been very
thick, with much rain, but this day was so favourable that not a cloud
intervened during the whole transit. The observation of the ingress was
made by Mr. Green alone, while I was employed in taking the sun’s
altitude to ascertain the time. It came on at 7^h 20ʹ 58ʺ apparent time:
according to Mr. Green’s observation, the internal contact was at 12^h
8ʹ 58ʺ, the external at 12^h 9ʹ 55ʺ P. M. And according to mine, the
internal contact was at 12^h 8ʹ 54ʺ, and the external 12^h 9ʹ 48ʺ; the
latitude of the place of observation was 30° 48ʹ 5-½ʺ. The latitude
observed at noon was 36° 48ʹ 28ʺ. The mean of this and yesterday’s
observation gives 36° 48ʹ 5-½ʺ S. the latitude of the place of
observation; the variation of the compass was 11° 9ʹ E.
About noon, we were alarmed by the firing of a great gun from the ship;
Mr. Gore, my second lieutenant, was at this time commanding officer on
board, and the account that he gave was this. While some small canoes
were trading with the people, two very large ones came up, full of men,
one of them having on board forty-seven, all armed with pikes, darts,
and stones, and apparently with a hostile intention: they appeared to be
strangers, and to be rather conscious of superiority over us by their
numbers, than afraid of any weapons which could give us the superiority
over them: no attack however was made; probably because they learnt from
the people in the other canoes, with whom they immediately entered into
conference, what kind of an enemy they had to deal with: after a little
time, they began to trade, some of them offering their arms, and one of
them a square piece of cloth, which makes a part of their dress, called
a _Haahow_; several of the weapons were purchased, and Mr. Gore having
agreed for a Haahow, sent down the price, which was a piece of British
cloth, and expected his purchase: but the Indian, as soon as he had got
Mr. Gore’s cloth in his possession, refused to part with his own, and
put off the canoe: upon being threatened for this fraud, he and his
companions began to sing their war-song in defiance, and shook their
paddles: still however they began no attack, only defying Mr. Gore to
take any remedy in his power, which so provoked him that he levelled a
musket loaded with ball at the offender, while he was holding the cloth
in his hand, and shot him dead. It would have been happy, if the effect
of a few small shot had been tried upon this occasion, which, upon some
others, had been successful.
When the Indian dropped, all the canoes put off to some distance; but as
they did not go away, it was thought they might still meditate an
attack. To secure therefore a safe passage for the boat, which it was
necessary to send on shore, a round shot was fired over their heads,
which effectually answered the purpose, and put them all to flight. When
an account of what had happened was brought ashore, our Indians were
alarmed, and drawing all together, retreated in a body. After a short
time, however, they returned, having heard a more particular account of
the affair; and intimated that they thought the man who had been killed
deserved his fate.
A little before sunset the Indians retired to eat their supper, and we
went with them to be spectators of the repast; it consisted of fish of
different kinds, among which were lobsters, and some birds, of a species
unknown to us: these were either roasted or baked; to roast them, they
fastened them upon a small stick, which was stuck up in the ground
inclining towards their fire; and to bake them, they put them into a
hole in the ground, with hot stones, in the same manner as the people of
Otaheite.
Among the natives that were assembled upon this occasion, we saw a
woman, who, after their manner, was mourning for the death of her
relation: she sat upon the ground near the rest, who, one only excepted,
seemed not at all to regard her: the tears constantly trickled down her
cheeks, and she repeated in a low, but very mournful voice, words, which
even Tupia did not at all understand: at the end of every sentence she
cut her arms, her face, or her breast with a shell that she held in her
hand, so that she was almost covered with blood, and was indeed one of
the most affecting spectacles that can be conceived. The cuts, however,
did not appear to be so deep as are sometimes made upon similar
occasions, if we may judge by the scars which we saw upon the arms,
thighs, breasts, and cheeks of many of them, which we were told were the
remains of wounds which they had inflicted upon themselves as
testimonies of their affection and sorrow.
The next day, I went with two boats, accompanied by Mr. Banks and the
other gentlemen, to examine a large river that empties itself into the
head of the bay. We rowed about four or five miles up, and could have
gone much farther, if the weather had been favourable. It was here wider
than at the mouth, and divided into many streams by small flat islands,
which are covered with mangroves, and overflowed at high water. From
these trees exudes a viscous substance which very much resembles resin:
we found it first in small lumps upon the sea-beach, and now saw it
sticking to the trees, by which we knew whence it came. We landed on the
east side of the river, where we saw a tree upon which several shags had
built their nests, and here therefore we determined to dine; twenty of
the shags were soon killed, and being broiled upon the spot, afforded us
an excellent meal. We then went upon the hills from whence I thought I
saw the head of the river. The shore on each side, as well as the
islands in the middle, were covered with mangroves; and the sandbanks
abounded in cockles and clams: in many places there were rock-oysters,
and every where plenty of wild fowl, principally shags, ducks, curlieus,
and the sea-pie, that has been described before. We also saw fish in the
river, but of what kind we could not discover: the country on the east
side of this river is for the most part barren, and destitute of wood;
but on the west it has a better aspect, and in some places is adorned
with trees, but has in no part the appearance of cultivation. In the
entrance of the river, and for two or three miles up, there is good
anchoring in four and five fathom water, and places very convenient for
laying a vessel on shore, where the tide rises and falls seven feet at
the full and change of the moon. We could not determine, whether any
considerable stream of fresh water came into this river out of the
country; but we saw a number of small rivulets issue from the adjacent
hills. Near the mouth of this river, on the east side, we found a little
Indian village, consisting of small temporary sheds, where we landed,
and were received by the people with the utmost kindness and
hospitality: they treated us with a flat shell fish of a most delicious
taste, somewhat like a cockle, which we eat hot from the coals. Near
this place is a high point or peninsula, projecting into the river, and
upon it are the remains of a fort, which they call _Eppah_, or _Heppah_.
The best engineer in Europe could not have chosen a situation better
adapted to enable a small number to defend themselves against a greater.
The steepness of the cliffs renders it wholly inaccessible from the
water which incloses it on three sides; and, to the land, it is
fortified by a ditch, and a bank raised on the inside: from the top of
the bank to the bottom of the ditch, is two and twenty feet; the ditch
on the outside is fourteen feet deep, and its breadth is in proportion.
The whole seemed to have been executed with great judgment; and there
had been a row of pickets or pallisadoes, both on the top of the bank
and along the brink of the ditch on the outside; those on the outside
had been driven very deep into the ground, and were inclined towards the
ditch, so as to project over it; but of these the thickest posts only
were left, and upon them there were evident marks of fire, so that the
place had probably been taken and destroyed by an enemy. If any occasion
should make it necessary for a ship to winter here, or stay any time,
tents might be built in this place, which is sufficiently spacious, with
great convenience, and might easily be made impregnable to the whole
country.
[Illustration: _A Fortified Town or Village, called a Hippah at
Tolaga._]
[Illustration: _A Natural Arch or Perforated Rock._]
On the eleventh, there was so much wind and rain that no canoe came off;
but the long-boat was sent to fetch oysters from one of the beds which
had been discovered the day before: the boat soon returned, deeply
laden, and the oysters, which were as good as ever came from Colchester,
and about the same size, were laid down under the booms, and the ship’s
company did nothing but eat them from the time they came on board till
night, when, as may reasonably be supposed, great part of them were
expended; this, however, gave us no concern, as we knew that not the
boat only, but the ship, might have been loaded, almost in one tide, as
the beds are dry at half ebb.
In the morning of Sunday the 12th, two canoes came off full of people
whom we had never seen before, but who appeared to have heard of us by
the caution which they used in approaching us. As we invited them to
come alongside with all the tokens of friendship that we could show,
they ventured up, and two of them came on board; the rest traded very
fairly for what they had: a small canoe also came from the other side of
the bay, and sold us some very large fish, which they gave us to
understand they would have brought yesterday, having caught them the day
before, but that the wind was so high they could not venture to sea.
[Illustration: _The Inside of a Hippah in New Zealand._]
After breakfast, I went with the pinnace and yawl, accompanied by Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander, over to the north side of the bay, to take a
view of the country, and two fortified villages which we had discovered
at a distance. We landed near the smallest of them, the situation of
which was the most beautifully romantic that can be imagined; it was
built upon a small rock, detached from the main, and surrounded at high
water. The whole body of this rock was perforated by an hollow or arch,
which possessed much the largest part of it; the top of the arch was
above sixty feet perpendicular above the sea, which at high water flowed
through the bottom of it: the whole summit of the rock above the arch
was fenced round after their manner; but the area was not large enough
to contain more than five or six houses: it was accessible only by one
very narrow and steep path, by which the inhabitants, at our approach,
came down, and invited us into the place; but we refused, intending to
visit a much more considerable fort of the same kind at about a mile’s
distance. We made some presents however to the women, and in the mean
time we saw the inhabitants of the town which we were going to, coming
towards us in a body, men, women, and children, to the number of about
one hundred: when they came near enough to be heard, they waved their
hands and called out _Horomai_; after which they sat down among the
bushes near the beach; these ceremonies we were told were certain signs
of their friendly disposition. We advanced to the place where they were
sitting, and when we came up, made them a few presents, and asked leave
to visit their Heppah; they consented with joy in their countenances,
and immediately led the way. It is called WHARRETOUWA, and is situated
upon a high promontory or point, which projects into the sea, on the
north side, and near the head of the bay: two sides of it are washed by
the sea, and these are altogether inaccessible; two other sides are to
the land: up one of them, which is very steep, lies the avenue from the
beach; the other is flat and open to the country upon the hill, which is
a narrow ridge: the whole is inclosed by a pallisade about ten feet
high, consisting of strong pales bound together with withes. The weak
side next the land is also defended by a double ditch, the innermost of
which has a bank and an additional pallisade: the inner pallisades are
upon the bank next the town, but at such a distance from the top of the
bank as to leave room for men to walk and use their arms, between them
and the inner ditch; the outermost pallisades are between the two
ditches, and driven obliquely into the ground, so that their upper ends
incline over the inner ditch: the depth of this ditch, from the bottom
to the top or crown of the bank, is four-and-twenty feet. Close within
the innermost pallisade is a stage, twenty feet high, forty feet long,
and six broad; it is supported by strong posts, and is intended as a
station for those who defend the place, from which they may annoy the
assailants by darts and stones, heaps of which lay ready for use.
Another stage of the same kind commands the steep avenue from the beach,
and stands also within the pallisade; on this side of the hill, there
are some little outworks and huts, not intended as advanced posts, but
as the habitations of people who, for want of room, could not be
accommodated within the works, but who were, notwithstanding, desirous
of placing themselves under their protection. The pallisades, as has
been observed already, run round the whole brow of the hill, as well
towards the sea as towards the land; but the ground within having
originally been a mount, they have reduced it not to one level, but to
several, rising in stages one above the other, like an amphitheatre,
each of which is inclosed within its separate pallisade; they
communicate with each other by narrow lanes, which might easily be stopt
up, so that if an enemy should force the outward pallisade, he would
have others to carry before the place could be wholly reduced, supposing
these places to be obstinately defended one after the other. The only
entrance is by a narrow passage, about twelve feet long, communicating
with the steep ascent from the beach: it passes under one of the
fighting stages, and though we saw nothing like a door or gateway, it
may be easily barricaded in a manner that will make the forcing it a
very dangerous and difficult undertaking. Upon the whole, this must be
considered as a place of great strength, in which a small number of
resolute men may defend themselves against all the force which a people
with no other arms than those that are in use here could bring against
it. It seemed to be well furnished for a siege with every thing but
water; we saw great quantities of fern root, which they eat as bread,
and dried fish piled up in heaps; but we could not perceive that they
had any fresh water nearer than a brook, which runs close under the foot
of the hill: whether they have any means of getting it from this place
during a siege, or whether they have any method of storing it within the
works in gourds or other vessels, we could not learn; some resource they
certainly have with respect to this article, an indispensable necessary
of life, for otherwise the laying up dry provisions could answer no
purpose. Upon our expressing a desire to see their method of attack and
defence, one of the young men mounted a fighting stage, which they call
_Porava_, and another went into the ditch: both he that was to defend
the place, and he that was to assault it, sung the war-song, and danced
with the same frightful gesticulations that we had seen used in more
serious circumstances, to work themselves up into a degree of that
mechanical fury, which, among all uncivilized nations, is the necessary
prelude to a battle; for dispassionate courage, a strength of mind that
can surmount the sense of danger, without a flow of animal spirits by
which it is extinguished, seems to be the prerogative of those who have
projects of more lasting importance, and a keener sense of honour and
disgrace, than can be formed or felt by men who have few pains or
pleasures besides those of mere animal life, and scarcely any purpose
but to provide for the day that is passing over them, to obtain plunder,
or revenge an insult: they will march against each other indeed in cool
blood, though they find it necessary to work themselves into passion
before they engage; as among us there have been many instances of people
who have deliberately made themselves drunk, that they might execute a
project which they formed when they were sober, but which, while they
continued so, they did not dare to undertake.
On the side of the hill, near this inclosure, we saw about half an acre
planted with gourds and sweet potatoes, which was the only cultivation
in the bay: under the foot of the point upon which this fortification
stands, are two rocks, one just broken off from the main, and the other
not perfectly detached from it: they are both small, and seem more
proper for the habitations of birds than men; yet there are houses and
places of defence upon each of them. And we saw many other works of the
same kind upon small islands, rocks, and ridges of hills, on different
parts of the coast, besides many fortified towns, which appeared to be
much superior to this.
The perpetual hostility in which these poor savages, who have made every
village a fort, must necessarily live, will account for there being so
little of their land in a state of cultivation; and, as mischiefs very
often reciprocally produce each other, it may perhaps appear, that there
being so little land in a state of cultivation, will account for their
living in perpetual hostility. But it is very strange, that the same
invention and diligence which have been used in the construction of
places so admirably adapted to defence, almost without tools, should
not, when urged by the same necessity, have furnished them with a single
missile weapon except the lance, which is thrown by hand; they have no
contrivance like a bow to discharge a dart, nor any thing like a sling
to assist them in throwing a stone; which is the more surprising, as the
invention of slings, and bows and arrows, is much more obvious than of
the works which these people construct, and both these weapons are found
among much ruder nations, and in almost every other part of the world.
Besides the long lance and Patoo-patoo, which have been mentioned
already, they have a staff about five feet long, sometimes pointed like
a Serjeant’s halberd, sometimes only tapering to a point at one end, and
having the other end broad, and shaped somewhat like the blade of an
oar. They have also another weapon, about a foot shorter than these,
pointed at one end, and at the other shaped like an axe. The points of
their long lances are barbed, and they handle them with such strength
and agility, that we can match them with no weapon but a loaded musquet.
After taking a slight view of the country, and loading both the boats
with celery, which we found in great plenty near the beach, we returned
from our excursion, and about five o’clock in the evening got on board
the ship.
On the 15th, I sailed out of the bay, and at the same time had several
canoes on board, in one of which was our friend Toiava, who said, that
as soon as we were gone he must repair to his Heppah or fort, because
the friends of the man who had been shot by Mr. Gore on the 9th, had
threatened to revenge his death upon him, whom they had reproached as
being our friend. Off the north point of the bay, I saw a great number
of islands, of various extent, which lay scattered to the north-west, in
a direction parallel with the main as far as I could see. I steered
north-east for the north-easternmost of these islands, but the wind
coming to the north-west, I was obliged to stand out to sea.
To the bay which we had now left I gave the name of MERCURY BAY, on
account of the observation which we had made there of the transit of
that planet over the sun. It lies in latitude 36° 47ʹ S.; and in the
longitude of 184° 4ʹ W.: there are several islands lying both to the
southward and northward of it, and a small island or rock in the middle
of the entrance: within this island the depth of water no where exceeds
nine fathom; the best anchoring is in a sandy bay, which lies just
within the south head, in five and four fathom, bringing a high tower or
rock, which lies without the head, in one with the head, or just shut in
behind it. This place is very convenient both for wooding and watering,
and in the river there is an immense quantity of oysters and other
shell-fish: I have for this reason given it the name of OYSTER RIVER.
But for a ship that wants to stay here any time, the best and safest
place is in the river at the head of the bay; which, from the number of
mangrove trees about it, I have called MANGROVE RIVER. To sail into this
river, the south shore must be kept all the way on board. The country on
the east side of the river and bay, is very barren, its only produce
being fern, and a few other plants that will grow in a poor soil. The
land on the north-west side is covered with wood, and the soil being
much more fertile would doubtless produce all the necessaries of life
with proper cultivation: it is not however so fertile as the lands that
we have seen to the southward, nor do the inhabitants, though numerous,
make so good an appearance: they have no plantations; their canoes are
mean, and without ornament; they sleep in the open air; and say, that
Teratu, whose sovereignty they do not acknowledge, if he was to come
among them, would kill them. This favoured our opinion of their being
out-laws; yet they told us, that they had Heppahs, or strongholds, to
which they retired in time of imminent danger.
We found, thrown upon the shore, in several parts of this bay, great
quantities of iron sand, which is brought down by every little rivulet
of fresh water that finds its way from the country; which is a
demonstration that there is ore of that metal not far inland: yet
neither the inhabitants of this place, or any other part of the coast
that we have seen, know the use of iron, or set the least value upon it;
all of them preferring the most worthless and useless trifle, not only
to a nail, but to any tool of that metal.
Before we left the bay, we cut upon one of the trees near the
watering-place the ship’s name, and that of the commander, with the date
of the year and month when we were there; and after displaying the
English colours, I took a formal possession of it in the name of his
Britannic Majesty King George the Third.
CHAP. IV.
THE RANGE FROM MERCURY BAY TO THE BAY OF ISLANDS; AN EXPEDITION UP THE
RIVER THAMES: SOME ACCOUNT OF THE INDIANS WHO INHABIT ITS BANKS, AND THE
FINE TIMBER THAT GROWS THERE: SEVERAL INTERVIEWS WITH THE NATIVES ON
DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE COAST, AND A SKIRMISH WITH THEM UPON AN ISLAND.
I continued plying to windward two days to get under the land, and on
the 18th, about seven in the morning, we were abreast of a very
conspicuous promontory, being then in latitude 36° 26ʹ, and in the
direction of N. 48 W. from the north head of Mercury Bay, or Point
Mercury, which was distant nine leagues: upon this point stood many
people, who seemed to take little notice of us, but talked together with
great earnestness. In about half an hour, several canoes put off from
different places, and came towards the ship; upon which the people on
the point also launched a canoe, and about twenty of them came in her up
with the others. When two of these canoes, in which there might be about
sixty men, came near enough to make themselves heard, they sung their
war-song; but seeing that we took little notice of it, they threw a few
stones at us, and then rowed off towards the shore. We hoped that we had
now done with them, but in a short time they returned, as if with a
fixed resolution to provoke us into a battle, animating themselves by
their song as they had done before. Tupia, without any directions from
us, went to the poop, and began to expostulate: he told them, that we
had weapons which would destroy them in a moment; and that, if they
ventured to attack us, we should be obliged to use them. Upon this, they
flourished their weapons, and cried out, in their language, “Come on
shore, and we will kill you all:” Well, said Tupia, but why should you
molest us while we are at sea? as we do not wish to fight, we shall not
accept your challenge to come on shore; and here there is no pretence
for quarrel, the sea being no more your property than the ship. This
eloquence of Tupia, though it greatly surprised us, having given him no
hints for the arguments he used, had no effect upon our enemies, who
very soon renewed their battery: a musket was then fired through one of
their boats, and this was an argument of sufficient weight, for they
immediately fell astern and left us.
From the point, of which we were now abreast, the land trends W. ½ S.
near a league, and then S. S. E. as far as we could see; and, besides
the islands that lay without us, we could see land round by the S. W. as
far as N. W.; but whether this was the main or islands, we could not
then determine: the fear of losing the main, however, made me resolve to
follow its direction. With this view, I hauled round the point, and
steered to the southward, but there being light airs all round the
compass, we made but little progress.
About one o’clock, a breeze sprung up at east, which afterwards came to
N. E. and we steered along the shore S. by E. and S. S. E. having from
twenty-five to eighteen fathom.
At about half an hour after seven in the evening, having run seven or
eight leagues since noon, I anchored in twenty-three fathom, not
choosing to run any farther in the dark, as I had now land on both
sides, forming the entrance of a straight, bay, or river, lying S. by E.
for on that point we could see no land.
At day-break, on the 19th, the wind being still favourable, we weighed
and stood with an easy sail up the inlet, keeping nearest to the east
side. In a short time, two large canoes came off to us from the shore;
the people on board said, that they knew Toiava very well, and called
Tupia by his name. I invited some of them on board; and as they knew
they had nothing to fear from us, while they behaved honestly and
peaceably, they immediately complied: I made each of them some presents,
and dismissed them much gratified. Other canoes afterwards came up to us
from a different side of the bay; and the people on board of these also
mentioned the name of Toiava, and sent a young man into the ship, who
told us he was his grandson, and he also was dismissed with a present.
After having run about five leagues from the place where we had anchored
the night before, our depth of water gradually decreased to six fathom;
and not choosing to go into less, as it was tide of flood, and the wind
blew right up the inlet, I came to an anchor about the middle of the
channel, which is near eleven miles over; after which I sent two boats
out to sound, one on one side, and the other on the other.
The boats not having found above three feet more water than we were now
in, I determined to go no farther with the ship, but to examine the head
of the bay in the boats; for, as it appeared to run a good way inland, I
thought this a favourable opportunity to examine the interior part of
the country, and its produce.
At day-break, therefore, I set out in the pinnace and long-boat,
accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and Tupia; and we found the
inlet end in a river, about nine miles above the ship: into this river
we entered with the first of the flood, and within three miles found the
water perfectly fresh. Before we had proceeded more than one third of
that distance, we found an Indian town, which was built upon a small
bank of dry sand, but entirely surrounded by a deep mud, which possibly
the inhabitants might consider as a defence. These people, as soon as
they saw us, thronged to the banks, and invited us on shore. We accepted
the invitation, and made them a visit notwithstanding the mud. They
received us with open arms, having heard of us from our good old friend
Toiava; but our stay could not be long, as we had other objects of
curiosity in view. We proceeded up the river till near noon, when we
were fourteen miles within its entrance; and then, finding the face of
the country to continue nearly the same, without any alteration in the
course of the stream, which we had no hope of tracing to its source, we
landed on the west side, to take a view of the lofty trees which every
where adorned its banks. They were of a kind that we had seen before,
though only at a distance, both in Poverty Bay and Hawke’s Bay. Before
we had walked an hundred yards into the wood, we met with one of them
which was nineteen feet eight inches in the girt, at the height of six
feet above the ground: having a quadrant with me, I measured its height
from the root to the first branch, and found it to be eighty-nine feet:
it was as straight as an arrow, and tapered but very little in
proportion to its height; so that I judged there were three hundred and
fifty-six feet of solid timber in it, exclusive of the branches. As we
advanced, we saw many others that were still larger; we cut down a young
one, and the wood proved heavy and solid, not fit for masts, but such as
would make the finest plank in the world. Our carpenter, who was with
us, said that the timber resembled that of the pitch-pine, which is
lightened by tapping; and possibly some such method might be found to
lighten these, and they would then be such masts as no country in Europe
can produce. As the wood was swampy, we could not range far; but we
found many stout trees of other kinds, all of them utterly unknown to
us, specimens of which we brought away.
The river at this height is as broad as the Thames at Greenwich, and the
tide of flood as strong; it is not indeed quite so deep, but has water
enough for vessels of more than a middle size, and a bottom of mud so
soft, that nothing could take damage by running ashore.
About three o’clock, we reimbarked, in order to return with the first of
the ebb, and named the river the THAMES, it having some resemblance to
our own river of that name. In our return, the inhabitants of the
village where we had been ashore, seeing us take another channel, came
off to us in their canoes, and trafficked with us in the most friendly
manner, till they had disposed of the few trifles they had. The tide of
ebb just carried us out of the narrow part of the river, into the
channel that run up from the sea before it was dark; and we pulled hard
to reach the ship, but meeting the flood, and a strong breeze at N. N.
W. with showers of rain, we were obliged to desist; and about midnight,
we run under the land, and came to a grappling, where we took such rest
as our situation would admit. At break of day, we set forward again, and
it was past seven o’clock before we reached the ship. We were all
extremely tired, but thought ourselves happy to be on board; for before
nine it blew so hard that the boat could not have rowed ahead, and must
therefore either have gone ashore, or taken shelter under it.
About three o’clock, having the tide of ebb, we took up our anchor, made
sail, and plied down the river till eight in the evening, when we came
to an anchor again: early in the morning, we made sail with the first
ebb, and kept plying till the flood obliged us once more to come to an
anchor. As we had now only a light breeze, I went in the pinnace,
accompanied by Dr. Solander, to the western shore, but I saw nothing
worthy of notice.
When I left the ship, many canoes were about it; Mr. Banks therefore
chose to stay on board and traffic with the natives; they bartered their
clothes and arms, chiefly for paper, and behaved with great friendship
and honesty. But while some of them were below with Mr. Banks, a young
man who was upon the deck stole a half minute glass which was in the
binnacle, and was detected just as he was carrying it off. Mr. Hicks,
who was commanding-officer on board, took it into his head to punish
him, by giving him twelve lashes with a cat-o’nine-tails; and
accordingly ordered him to be taken to the gangway, and tied up to the
shrouds. When the other Indians who were on board saw him seized, they
attempted to rescue him; and being resisted called for their arms, which
were handed up from the canoes, and the people of one of them attempted
to come up the ship’s side. The tumult was heard by Mr. Banks, who, with
Tupia, came hastily upon the deck to see what had happened. The Indians
immediately ran to Tupia, who, finding Mr. Hicks inexorable, could only
assure them, that nothing was intended against the life of their
companion; but that it was necessary he should suffer some punishment
for his offence; which being explained to them, they seemed to be
satisfied. The punishment was then inflicted, and as soon as the
criminal was unbound, an old man among the spectators, who was supposed
to be his father, gave him a hearty beating, and sent him down into his
canoe. All the canoes then dropped a-stern, and the people said that
they were afraid to come any more near the ship: after much persuasion,
however, they ventured back again, but their cheerful confidence was at
an end, and their stay was short; they promised indeed, at their
departure, to return with some fish, but we saw no more of them.
On the 23d, the wind being contrary, we kept plying down the river, and
at seven in the evening, got without the N. W. point of the islands
lying on the west side of it. The weather being bad, night coming on,
and having land on every side of us, I thought it most advisable to
tack, and stretch in under the point, where we anchored in nineteen
fathom. At five in the morning of the 24th, we weighed, and made sail to
the N. W. under our courses and double reefed topsails, the wind being
at S. W. by W. and W. S. W. a strong gale and squally. As the gale would
not permit us to come near the land, we had but a slight and distant
view of it from the time when we got under sail till noon, during a run
of twelve leagues, but we never once lost sight of it. At this time, our
latitude by observation was 36° 15ʹ 20ʺ, we were not above two miles
from a point of land on the main, and three leagues and an half from a
very high island, which bore N. E. by E.: in this situation we had
twenty-six fathom water: the farthest point on the main that we could
see bore N. W. but we could perceive several small islands lying to the
north of that direction. The point of land of which we were now
a-breast, and which I called POINT RODNEY, is the N. W. extremity of the
river Thames; for under that name I comprehend the deep bay, which
terminates in the fresh water stream, and the N. E. extremity is the
promontory which we passed when we entered it, and which I called CAPE
COLVILLE, in honour of the Right Honourable Lord Colville.
Cape Colville lies in latitude 36° 26ʹ, longitude 184° 27ʹ; it rises
directly from the sea, to a considerable height, and is remarkable for a
lofty rock, which stands to the pitch of the point, and may be
distinguished at a very great distance. From the south point of this
cape, the river runs in a direct line S. by E., and is no where less
than three leagues broad for the distance of fourteen leagues above the
cape, and there it is contracted to a narrow stream, but continues the
same course through a low flat country, or broad valley, which lies
parallel with the sea coast, and the end of which we could not see. On
the east side of the broad part of this river, the land is tolerably
high and hilly; on the west side, it is rather low, but the whole is
covered with verdure and wood, and has the appearance of great
fertility, though there were but a few small spots which had been
cultivated. At the entrance of the narrow part of the river, the land is
covered with mangroves and other shrubs; but farther, there are immense
woods of perhaps the finest timber in the world, of which some account
has already been given: in several places, the wood extends to the very
edge of the water, and where it is at a little distance, the
intermediate space is marshy, like some parts of the banks of the Thames
in England: it is probable that the river contains plenty of fish, for
we saw poles stuck up in many places to set nets for catching them, but
of what kinds I do not know. The greatest depth of water that we found
in this river was six-and-twenty fathom, which gradually decreased to
one fathom and an half: in the mouth of the fresh-water stream, it is
from four to three fathom, but there are large flats and sand banks
lying before it. A ship of moderate draught may, notwithstanding, go a
long way up this river with a flowing tide, for it rises perpendicularly
near ten feet, and at the full and change of the moon, it is high water
about nine o’clock.
Six leagues within Cape Colville, under the eastern shore, are several
small islands, which, together with the main, seem to form good
harbours; and opposite to these islands, under the western shore, lie
other islands, by which it is also probable that good harbours may be
formed: but if there are no harbours about this river, there is good
anchoring in every part of it where the depth of water is sufficient,
for it is defended from the sea by a chain of islands of different
extent, which lie cross the mouth of it, and which I have, for that
reason, called BARRIER ISLANDS: they stretch N. W. and S. E. ten
leagues. The south end of the chain lies N. E. between two and three
leagues from Cape Colville; and the north end lies N. E. four leagues
and an half from Point Rodney. Point Rodney lies W. N. W. nine leagues
from Cape Colville, in latitude 36° 15ʹ S. longitude 184° 53ʹ W.
The natives residing about this river do not appear to be numerous,
considering the great extent of the country. But they are strong,
well-made, and active people, and all of them paint their bodies with
red oker and oil from head to foot, which we had not seen before. Their
canoes were large and well built, and adorned with carving, in as good a
taste as any that we had seen upon the coast.
We continued to stand along the shore till night, with the main land on
one side, and islands on the other, and then anchored in a bay, with
fourteen fathom, and a sandy bottom. We had no sooner come to an anchor,
than we tried our lines, and in a short time caught near one hundred
fish, which the people called Sea-bream; they weighed from six to eight
pounds a-piece, and consequently would supply the whole ship’s company
with food for two days. From the success of our lines here, we called
the place BREAM BAY: the two points that form it lie north and south,
five leagues from each other; it is every where of a good breadth, and
between three and four leagues deep: at the bottom of it there appears
to be a river of fresh water. The north head of the bay, called BREAM
HEAD, is high land, and remarkable for several pointed rocks, which
stand in a range upon the top of it: it may also be known by some small
islands which lie before it, called the HEN AND CHICKENS, one of which
is high, and terminates in two peaks. It lies in latitude 35° 46ʹ S.,
and at the distance of seventeen leagues and an half from Cape Colville,
in the direction of N. 41 W.
The land between Point Rodney and Bream Head, an extent of ten leagues,
is low, and wooded in tufts, with white sand banks between the sea and
the firm lands. We saw no inhabitants, but many fires in the night; and
where there are fires, there are always people.
At day-break, on the 25th, we left the bay, and steered along shore to
the northward: we found the variation of the compass to be 12° 42ʹ E. At
noon, our latitude was 35° 36ʹ S., Bream Head bore south, distant ten
miles; and we saw some small islands, to which I gave the name of the
POOR KNIGHTS, at N. E. by N. distant three leagues; the northernmost
land in sight bore N. N. W.: we were in this place at the distance of
two miles from the shore, and had twenty-six fathom water.
The country appeared low, but well covered with wood: we saw some
straggling houses, three or four fortified towns, and near them a large
quantity of cultivated land.
In the evening, seven large canoes came off to us, with about two
hundred men: some of them came on board, and said that they had heard of
us. To two of them, who appeared to be chiefs, I gave presents; but when
these were gone out of the ship, the others became exceedingly
troublesome. Some of those in the canoes began to trade, and, according
to their custom, to cheat, by refusing to deliver what had been bought,
after they had received the price: among these was one who had received
an old pair of black breeches, which, upon a few small shot being fired
at him, he threw into the sea. All the boats soon after paddled off to
some distance, and when they thought they were out of reach, they began
to defy us, by singing their song, and brandishing their weapons. We
thought it advisable to intimidate them, as well for their sakes as our
own, and therefore fired first some small arms, and then round shot over
their heads; the last put them in a terrible fright, though they
received no damage, except by over-heating themselves in paddling away,
which they did with astonishing expedition.
In the night we had variable light airs; but towards the morning, a
breeze sprung up at S. and afterwards at S. E. with which we proceeded
slowly to the northward, along the shore.
Between six and seven o’clock, two canoes came off, and told us that
they had heard of yesterday’s adventure, notwithstanding which the
people came on board, and traded very quietly and honestly for whatever
they had: soon after two canoes came off from a more distant part of the
shore; these were of a much larger, size and full of people: when they
came near, they called off the other canoes which were along side of the
ship, and after a short conference they all came up together. The
strangers appeared to be persons of a superior rank; their canoes were
well carved with many ornaments, and they had with them a great variety
of weapons: they had patoo-patoos both of stone and whalebone, upon
which they appeared to set a great value; they had also ribs of whale,
of which we had before seen imitations in wood, carved and adorned with
tufts of dog’s hair. Their complexions were browner than those of the
people we had seen to the southward, and their bodies and faces were
more marked with the black stains which they call Amoco: they had a
broad spiral on each buttock; and the thighs of many of them were almost
entirely black, some narrow lines only being left untouched, so that at
first sight they appeared to wear striped breeches. With respect to the
Amoco, every different tribe seemed to have a different custom; for all
the men, in some canoes, seemed to be almost covered with it, and those
in others had scarcely a stain, except on the lips, which were black in
all of them, without a single exception. These gentlemen, for a long
time, refused to part with any of their weapons, whatever was offered
for them; at last, however, one of them produced a piece of talc,
wrought into the shape of an axe, and agreed to sell it for a piece of
cloth: the cloth was handed over the ship’s side, but his honour
immediately put off his canoe with the axe. We had recourse to our usual
expedient, and fired a musket ball over the canoe, upon which it put
back to the ship, and the piece of cloth was returned; all the boats
then went ashore, without offering any further intercourse.
At noon, the main land extended from S. by E. to N. W. by W. a
remarkable point of land bearing W. distant four or five miles; at three
we passed it, and I gave it the name of CAPE BRET, in honour of Sir
Piercy. The land of this cape is considerably higher than any part of
the adjacent coast: at the point of it, is a high round hillock, and N.
E. by N. at the distance of about a mile, is a small high island or
rock, which, like several that have already been described, was
perforated quite through, so as to appear like the arch of a bridge.
This cape, or at least some part of it, is by the natives called
MOTUGOGOGO, and it lies in latitude 35° 10ʹ 30ʺ S. longitude 185° 25ʹ W.
On the west side of it is a large and pretty deep bay, lying in S. W. by
W. in which there appeared to be several small islands: the point that
forms the N. W. entrance, lies W. ¼ N. at the distance of three or four
leagues from Cape Bret, and I distinguished it by the name of POINT
POCOCKE. On the west side of the bay, we saw several villages, both upon
islands and the main, and several very large canoes came off to us, full
of people, who made a better appearance than any we had seen yet: they
were all stout and well-made; their hair, which was black, was tied up
in a bunch on the crown of their heads, and stuck with white feathers.
In each of the canoes, were two or three chiefs, whose habits were of
the best sort of cloth, and covered with dog’s skin, so as to make an
agreeable appearance: most of these people were marked with the Amoco,
like those who had been alongside of us before: their manner of trading
was also equally fraudulent; and the officers neglecting either to
punish or fright them, one of the midshipmen who had been defrauded in
his bargain, had recourse, for revenge, to an expedient which was
equally ludicrous and severe: he got a fishing line, and when the man
who had cheated him was close under the ship’s side in his canoe, he
heaved the lead with so good an aim, that the hook caught him by the
backside; he then pulled the line, and the man holding back, the hook
broke in the shank, and the beard was left sticking in the flesh.
During the course of this day, though we did not range more than six or
eight leagues of the coast, we had alongside and on board the ship
between four and five hundred of the natives, which is a proof that this
part of the country is well inhabited.
At eight o’clock the next morning, we were within a mile of a group of
islands which lie close under the main, at the distance of
two-and-twenty miles from Cape Bret, in the direction of N. W. by W. ½
W. At this place, having but little wind, we lay about two hours, during
which time several canoes came off, and sold us some fish, which we
called Cavalles, and for that reason I gave the same name to the
islands. These people were very insolent, frequently threatening us,
even while they were selling their fish; and when some more canoes came
up, they began to pelt us with stones. Some small shot were then fired,
and hit one of them while he had a stone in his hand, in the very action
of throwing it into the ship: they did not, however, desist, till some
others had been wounded, and then they went away, and we stood off to
sea.
The wind being directly against us, we kept plying to windward till the
29th, when we had rather lost than gained ground; I therefore bore up
for a bay which lies to the westward of Cape Bret; at this time it was
about two leagues to leeward of us; and at about eleven o’clock we
anchored under the south west side of one of the many islands which line
it on the south-east, in four fathom and an half water; we shoaled our
water to this depth all at once, and if this had not happened, I should
not have come to an anchor so soon. The master was immediately sent out
with two boats to sound, and he soon discovered that we had got upon a
bank, which runs out from the north-west end of the island, and that on
the outside of it there was from eight to ten fathom.
In the mean time the natives, to the number of near four hundred,
crowded upon us in their canoes, and some of them were admitted on
board: to one, who seemed to be a chief, I gave a piece of broad cloth,
and distributed some trifling presents among the rest. I perceived that
some of these people had been about the ship when she was off at sea,
and that they knew the power of our fire-arms, for the very sight of a
gun threw them into manifest confusion: under this impression, they
traded very fairly; but the people in one of the canoes took the
opportunity of our being at dinner to tow away our buoy: a musket was
fired over them without effect, we then endeavoured to reach them with
some small shot, but they were too far off: by this time they had got
the buoy into their canoe, and we were obliged to fire a musket at them
with ball: this hit one of them, and they immediately threw the buoy
over board: a round shot was then fired over them, which struck the
water and went ashore. Two or three of the canoes immediately landed
their people, who ran about the beach, as we imagined, in search of the
ball. Tupia called to them, and assured them that, while they were
honest, they should be safe, and with a little persuasion many of them
returned to the ship, and their behaviour was such as left us no reason
to suspect that they intended to give us any farther trouble.
After the ship was removed into deeper water, and properly secured, I
went with the pinnace and yawl, manned and armed, accompanied by Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander, and landed upon the island, which was about
three quarters of a mile distant: we observed that the canoes which were
about the ship, did not follow us upon our leaving her, which we thought
a good sign; but we had no sooner landed than they crowded to different
parts of the island and came on shore. We were in a little cove, and in
a few minutes were surrounded by two or three hundred people, some
rushing from behind the heads of the cove, and others appearing on the
tops of the hills: they were all armed, but they came on in so confused
and straggling a manner that we scarcely suspected they meant us any
harm, and we were determined that hostilities should not begin on our
part. We marched towards them, and then drew a line upon the sand
between them and us, which we gave them to understand they were not to
pass: at first they continued quiet, but their weapons were held ready
to strike, and they seemed to be rather irresolute than peaceable. While
we remained in this state of suspense, another party of Indians came up,
and now growing more bold as their number increased, they began the
dance and song, which are their preludes to a battle: still, however,
they delayed the attack, but a party ran to each of our boats, and
attempted to draw them on shore; this seemed to be the signal, for the
people about us at the same time began to press in upon our line: our
situation was now become too critical for us to remain longer inactive,
I therefore discharged my musket, which was loaded with small shot, at
one of the forwardest, and Mr. Banks and two of the men fired
immediately afterwards: this made them fall back in some confusion, but
one of the chiefs, who was at the distance of about twenty yards,
rallied them, and running forward, weaving his patoo-patoo, and calling
loudly to his companions, led them to the charge. Dr. Solander, whose
piece was not yet discharged, fired at this champion, who stopped short
upon feeling the shot, and then ran away with the rest: they did not
however disperse, but got together upon a rising ground, and seemed only
to want some leader of resolution to renew their attack. As they were
now beyond the reach of small shot, we fired with ball, but as none of
them took place, they still continued in a body, and in this situation
we remained about a quarter of an hour: in the mean time the ship, from
whence a much greater number of Indians were seen than could be
discovered in our situation, brought her broad-side to bear, and
entirely dispersed them, by firing a few shot over their heads. In this
skirmish only two of the Indians were hurt with the small shot, and not
a single life was lost, which would not have been the case, if I had not
restrained the men, who, either from fear or the love of mischief,
showed as much impatience to destroy them as a sportsman to kill his
game. When we were in quiet possession of our cove, we laid down our
arms and began to gather celery, which grew here in great plenty: after
a little time we recollected to have seen some of the people hide
themselves in a cave of one of the rocks, we therefore went towards the
place, when an old Indian, who proved to be the chief that I had
presented with a piece of broad cloth in the morning, came out with his
wife and his brother, and in a supplicating posture put themselves under
our protection. We spoke kindly to them, and the old man then told us
that he had another brother, who was one of those that had been wounded
by the small shot, and enquired, with much solicitude and concern, if he
would die. We assured him that he would not, and at the same time put
into his hand both a musket-ball and some small shot, telling him, that
those only who were wounded with the ball would die, and that the others
would recover; at the same time assuring him, that if we were attacked
again, we should certainly defend ourselves with the ball, which would
wound them mortally. Having now taken courage, they came and sat down by
us, and as tokens of our perfect amity, we made them presents of such
trifles as we happened to have about us.
Soon after we re-embarked in our boats, and having rowed to another cove
in the same island, climbed a neighbouring hill, which commanded the
country to a considerable distance. The prospect was very uncommon and
romantic, consisting of innumerable islands, which formed as many
harbours, where the water was as smooth as a mill-pool: we saw also many
towns, scattered houses, and plantations, the country being much more
populous than any we had seen. One of the towns was very near us, from
which many of the Indians advanced, taking great pains to show us that
they were unarmed, and in their gestures and countenances expressing
great meekness and humility. In the mean time some of our people, who,
when the Indians were to be punished for a fraud, assumed the inexorable
justice of a Lycurgus, thought fit to break into one of their
plantations, and dig up some potatoes: for this offence I ordered each
of them to be punished with twelve lashes, after which two of them were
discharged; but the third, insisting that it was no crime in an
Englishman to plunder an Indian plantation, though it was a crime in an
Indian to defraud an Englishman of a nail, I ordered him back into his
confinement, from which I would not release him till he had received six
lashes more.
On the 30th, there being a dead calm, and no probability of our getting
to sea, I sent the master, with two boats, to sound the harbour; and all
the forenoon had several canoes about the ship, who traded in a very
fair and friendly manner. In the evening we went ashore upon the main,
where the people received us very cordially; but we found nothing worthy
of notice.
In this bay we were detained by contrary winds and calms several days,
during which time our intercourse with the natives was continued in the
most peaceable and friendly manner, they being frequently about the
ship, and we ashore, both upon the islands and the main. In one of our
visits to the continent, an old man showed us the instrument they use in
the staining their bodies, which exactly resembled those that were
employed for the same purpose at Otaheite. We saw also the man who was
wounded in attempting to steal our buoy: the ball had passed through the
fleshy part of his arm, and grazed his breast; but the wound, under the
care of Nature, the best surgeon, and a simple diet, the best nurse, was
in a good state, and seemed to give the patient neither pain nor
apprehension. We saw also the brother of our old chief, who had been
wounded with small shot in our skirmish: they had struck his thigh
obliquely, and though several of them were still in the flesh, the wound
seemed to be attended with neither danger nor pain. We found among their
plantations the _morus papyrifera_, of which these people, as well as
those of Otaheite, make cloth; but here the plant seems to be rare, and
we saw no pieces of the cloth large enough for any use but to wear by
way of ornament in their ears.
Having one day landed in a very distant part of the bay, the people
immediately fled, except one old man, who accompanied us wherever we
went, and seemed much pleased with the little presents we made him. We
came at last to a little fort, built upon a small rock, which at high
water was surrounded by the sea, and accessible only by a ladder: we
perceived that he eyed us with a kind of restless solicitude as we
approached it, and upon our expressing a desire to enter it, he told us
that his wife was there: he saw that our curiosity was not diminished by
this intelligence, and after some hesitation, he said, if we would
promise to offer no indecency, he would accompany us: our promise was
readily given, and he immediately led the way. The ladder consisted of
steps fastened to a pole, but we found the ascent both difficult and
dangerous. When we entered we found three women, who, the moment they
saw us, burst into tears of terror and surprise: some kind words and a
few presents soon removed their apprehensions, and put them into good
humour. We examined the house of our old friend, and by his interest two
others, which were all that the fortification contained, and having
distributed a few more presents, we parted with mutual satisfaction.
At four o’clock in the morning of the 5th of December, we weighed, with
a light breeze, but it being variable with frequent calms, we made
little way. We kept turning out of the bay till the afternoon, and about
ten o’clock we were suddenly becalmed, so that the ship would neither
wear nor stay, and the tide or current setting strong, she drove towards
land so fast, that before any measures could be taken for her security,
she was within a cable’s length of the breakers: we had thirteen fathom
water, but the ground was so foul that we did not dare to drop our
anchor; the pinnace therefore was immediately hoisted out to take the
ship in tow, and the men, sensible of their danger, exerting themselves
to the utmost, and a faint breeze springing up off the land, we
perceived, with unspeakable joy, that she made head-way, after having
been so near the shore that Tupia, who was not sensible of our hair’s
breadth escape, was at this very time conversing with the people upon
the beach, whose voices were distinctly heard, notwithstanding the roar
of the breakers. We now thought all danger was over, but about an hour
afterwards, just as the man in the chains had cried “seventeen fathom,”
the ship struck. The shock threw us all into the utmost consternation;
Mr. Banks, who had undressed himself and was stepping into bed, ran
hastily up to the deck, and the man in the chains called out “five
fathom;” by this time, the rock on which we had struck being to
windward, the ship went off without having received the least damage,
and the water very soon deepened to twenty fathom.
This rock lies half a mile W. N. W. of the northernmost or outermost
island on the south-east side of the bay. We had light airs from the
land, with calms, till nine o’clock the next morning, when we got out of
the bay, and a breeze springing up at N. N. W. we stood out to sea.
This bay, as I have before observed, lies on the west side of Cape Bret,
and I named it the BAY OF ISLANDS, from the great number of islands
which line its shores, and from several harbours equally safe and
commodious, where there is room and depth for any number of shipping.
That in which we lay is on the south-west side of the south westernmost
island, called MATURARO, on the south-east side of the bay. I have made
no accurate survey of this bay, being discouraged by the time it would
cost me; I thought also that it was sufficient to be able to affirm that
it afforded us good anchorage, and refreshment of every kind. It was not
the season for roots, but we had plenty of fish, most of which, however,
we purchased of the natives, for we could catch very little ourselves
either with net or line. When we showed the natives our seine, which is
such as the King’s ships are generally furnished with, they laughed at
it, and in triumph produced their own, which, was indeed of an enormous
size, and made of a kind of grass, which is very strong: it was five
fathom deep, and by the room it took up, it could not be less than three
or four hundred fathom long. Fishing seems indeed to be the chief
business of life in this part of the country; we saw about all their
towns a great number of nets, laid in heaps like hay-cocks, and covered
with a thatch to keep them from the weather, and we scarcely entered a
house where some of the people were not employed in making them. The
fish we procured here were sharks, sting-rays, sea-bream, mullet,
mackerel, and some others.
The inhabitants in this bay are far more numerous than in any other part
of the country that we had before visited; it did not appear to us that
they were united under one head, and though their towns were fortified,
they seemed to live together in perfect amity.
It is high water in this bay at the full and change of the moon, about
eight o’clock, and the tide then rises from six to eight feet
perpendicularly. It appears, from such observations as I was able to
make of the tides upon the sea-coast, that the flood comes from the
southward; and I have reason to think that there is a current which
comes from the westward, and sets along the shore to the S. E. or S. S.
E. as the land happens to lie.
CHAP. V.
RANGE FROM THE BAY OF ISLANDS ROUND NORTH CAPE TO QUEEN CHARLOTTE’S
SOUND; AND A DESCRIPTION OF THAT PART OF THE COAST.
ON Thursday the 7th of December, at noon, Cape Bret bore S. S. E. ½ E.
distant ten miles, and our latitude, by observation, was 34° 59ʹ S.;
soon after we made several observations of the sun and moon, the result
of which made our longitude 185° 36ʹ W. The wind being against us, we
had made but little way. In the afternoon, we stood in shore, and
fetched close under the Cavalles, from which islands the main trends W.
by N.: several canoes put off and followed us, but a light breeze
springing up, I did not choose to wait for them. I kept standing to the
W. N. W. and N. W. till the next morning ten o’clock, when I tacked and
stood in for the shore, from which we were about five leagues distant.
At noon, the westernmost land in sight bore W. by S. and was about four
leagues distant. In the afternoon, we had a gentle breeze to the west,
which in the evening came to the south, and continuing so all night, by
day-light brought us pretty well in with the land, seven leagues to the
westward of the Cavalles, where we found a deep bay running in S. W. by
W. and W. S. W. the bottom of which we could but just see, and there the
land appeared to be low and level. To this bay, which I called DOUBTLESS
BAY, the entrance is formed by two points, which lie W. N. W. and E. S.
E. and are five miles distant from each other. The wind not permitting
us to look in here, we steered for the westernmost land in sight, which
bore from us W. N. W. about three leagues, but before we got the length
of it, it fell calm.
While we lay becalmed, several canoes came off to us, but the people
having heard of our guns, it was not without great difficulty that they
were persuaded to come under our stern: after having bought some of
their cloaths, as well as their fish, we began to make inquiries
concerning their country, and learnt, by the help of Tupia, that, at the
distance of three days’ rowing in their canoes, at a place called
MOOREWENNUA, the land would take a short turn to the southward, and from
thence extend no more to the west. This place we concluded to be the
land discovered by Tasman, which he called CAPE MARIA VAN DIEMEN, and
finding these people so intelligent, we inquired farther, if they knew
of any country besides their own: they answered, that they never had
visited any other, but that their ancestors had told them, that to the
N. W. by N. or N. N. W. there was a country of great extent, called
ULIMAROA, to which some people had sailed in a very large canoe; that
only part of them returned, and reported, that after a passage of a
month they had seen a country where the people eat hogs. Tupia then
inquired whether these adventurers brought any hogs with them when they
returned; they said, No: Then, replied Tupia, your story is certainly
false, for it cannot be believed that men who came back from an
expedition without hogs, had ever visited a country where hogs were to
be procured. It is however remarkable, notwithstanding the shrewdness of
Tupia’s objection, that when they mentioned hogs, it was not by
description but by name; calling them _Booah_, the name which is given
them in the South-sea islands; but if the animal had been wholly unknown
to them, and they had had no communication with people to whom it was
known, they could not possibly have been acquainted with the name.
About ten o’clock at night, a breeze sprung up at W. N. W. with which we
stood off north; and at noon the next day, the Cavalles bore S. E. by E.
distant eight leagues; the entrance of Doubtless Bay S. by W., distant
three leagues; and the north-west extremity of the land in sight, which
we judged to be the main, bore N. W. by W.: our latitude by observation
was 34° 44ʹ S. In the evening, we found the variation to be 12° 41ʹ E.
by the azimuth, and 12° 40ʹ by the amplitude.
Early in the morning, we stood in with the land, seven leagues to the
westward of Doubtless Bay, the bottom of which is not far distant from
the bottom of another large bay, which the shore forms at this place,
being separated only by a low neck of land, which juts out into a
peninsula that I have called KNUCKLE POINT. About the middle of this
bay, which we called SANDY BAY, is a high mountain, standing upon a
distant shore, to which I gave the name of MOUNT CAMEL. The latitude
here is 34° 51ʹ S. and longitude 186° 50ʹ. We had twenty-four and
twenty-five fathom water, with a good bottom; but there seems to be
nothing in this bay that can induce a ship to put into it; for the land
about it is utterly barren and desolate, and, except Mount Camel, the
situation is low: the soil appears to be nothing but white sand, thrown
up in low irregular hills and narrow ridges, lying parallel with the
shore. But barren and desolate as this place is, it is not without
inhabitants: we saw one village on the west side of Mount Camel, and
another on the east side; we saw also five canoes full of people, who
pulled after the ship, but could not come up with us. At nine o’clock,
we tacked and stood to the northward; and at noon, the Cavalles bore S.
E. by E., distant thirteen leagues; the north extremity of the land in
sight, making like an island, bore N. W. ¼ N. distant nine leagues; and
Mount Camel bore S. W. by S., distance six leagues.
The wind being contrary, we kept plying northward till five o’clock in
the evening of the 12th, when, having made very little way, we tacked
and stood to the N. E. being two leagues to the northward of Mount
Camel, and about a mile and a half from the shore, in which situation we
had two-and-twenty fathom water.
At ten it began to blow and rain, which brought us under double reefed
topsails; at twelve we tacked and stood to the westward till seven the
next morning, when we tacked and stood again to the N. E., being about a
mile to windward of the place where we tacked last night. Soon after it
blew very hard at N. N. W. with heavy squalls and much rain, which
brought us under our courses, and split the maintopsail; so that we were
obliged to unbend it and bend another: at ten, it became more moderate,
and we set the topsails, double reefed: at noon, having strong gales and
heavy weather, we tacked and stood to the westward, and had no land in
sight for the first time since we had been upon this coast.
We had now strong gales at W. and W. S. W.; and at half an hour past
three we tacked and stood to the northward. Soon after, a small island
lying off Knuckle Point bore S. ½ W., distant half a league. In the
evening, having split the fore and mizen topsails, we brought the ship
under her courses; and at midnight, we wore, and stood to the southward
till five in the morning; when we tacked and stood to the N. W., and saw
land bearing south, at the distance of eight or nine leagues; by this we
discovered that we had fallen much to the leeward since yesterday
morning. At noon our latitude by observation was 34° 6ʹ S.; and the same
land which we had seen before to the N. W. now bore S. W., and appeared
to be the northern extremity of the country. We had a large swell
rolling in from the westward, and, therefore, concluded that we were not
covered by any land in that quarter. At eight in the evening, we tacked
and stood to the westward, with as much sail as we could bear; and at
noon the next day, we were in latitude 34° 10ʹ, longitude 185° 45ʹ W.,
and by estimation about seventeen leagues from the land, notwithstanding
our utmost endeavours to keep in with it.
On the 16th, at six in the morning, we saw land from the mast-head,
bearing S. S. W.; and at noon it bore S. by W. distant fourteen leagues:
while we were standing in for the shore, we sounded several times, but
had no ground with ninety fathom. At eight, we tacked in a hundred and
eight fathom, at about three or four miles from the shore, which was the
same point of land that we had to the N. W. before we were blown off. At
noon, it bore S. W., distant about three miles; Mount Camel bore S. by
E., distant about eleven leagues, and the westernmost land in sight bore
S. 75 W.; the latitude by observation was 34° 20ʹ S. At four o’clock, we
tacked and stood in shore, in doing which, we met with a strong
rippling, and the ship fell fast to leeward, which we imputed to a
current setting east. At eight, we tacked and stood off till eight the
next morning; when we tacked and stood in, being about ten leagues from
the land: at noon, the point of land which we were near the day before,
bore S. S. W. distant five leagues. The wind still continued at west;
and at seven o’clock, we tacked in thirty-five fathom, when the point of
land which has been mentioned before, bore N. W. by N., distant four or
five miles; so that we had not gained one inch to windward the last
twenty-four hours, which confirmed our opinion that there was a current
to the eastward. The point of land I called NORTH CAPE, it being the
northern extremity of this country. It lies in latitude 34° 22ʹ S.,
longitude 186° 55ʹ W., and thirty-one leagues distant from Cape Bret, in
the direction of N. 63 W. It forms the north point of Sandy Bay, and is
a peninsula jutting out N. E. about two miles, and terminating in a
bluff head that is flat at the top. The isthmus which joins this head to
the main land is very low, and for that reason the land of the cape,
from several situations, has the appearance of an island. It is still
more remarkable when it is seen from the southward, by the appearance of
a high round island at the S. E. point of the cape; but this also is a
deception; for what appears to be an island is a round hill, joined to
the cape by a low narrow neck of land. Upon the cape we saw a Hippah or
village, and a few inhabitants; and on the south-east side of it, there
appears to be anchorage, and good shelter from the south-west and
north-west winds.
We continued to stand off and on, making N. W. till noon on the 21st,
when North Cape bore S. 39 E. distant thirty-eight leagues. Our
situation varied only a few leagues till the 23d, when, about seven
o’clock in the evening, we saw land from the mast-head, bearing S. ½ E.
At eleven the next morning, we saw it again, bearing S. S. E. at the
distance of eight leagues: we now stood to the S. W.; and at four
o’clock, the land bore S. E. by S. distant four leagues, and proved to
be a small island, with other islands or rocks, still smaller, lying off
the south-west end of it, and another lying off the north-east end,
which were discovered by Tasman, and called the Three Kings. The
principal island lies in latitude 34° 12ʹ S., longitude 187° 48ʹ W., and
distant fourteen or fifteen leagues from North Cape, in the direction of
W. 14 N. At midnight, we tacked and stood to the N. E. till six the next
morning, which was Christmas-day, when we tacked and stood to the
southward. At noon, the Three Kings bore E. 8 N. distant five or six
leagues. The variation this morning by the azimuth was 11° 25ʹ E.
On the 26th, we stood to the southward close upon a wind; and at noon,
were in latitude 35° 10ʹ S., longitude 188° 20ʹ W., the Three Kings
bearing N. 26 W. distant twenty-two leagues. In this situation we had no
land in sight; and yet, by observation, we were in the latitude of the
Bay of Islands; and by my reckoning but twenty leagues to the westward
of North Cape: from whence it appears, that the northern part of this
island is very narrow; for otherwise we must have seen some part of the
west side of it. We stood to the southward till twelve at night, and
then tacked and stood to the northward.
At four o’clock in the morning, the wind freshened, and at nine, blew a
storm; so that we were obliged to bring the ship to under her mainsail.
Our course made good between noon this day and yesterday was S. S. W. ½
W., distance eleven miles. The Three Kings bore N. 27 E. distant
seventy-seven miles. The gale continued all this day, and till two the
next morning, when it fell, and began to veer to the southward and S.
W., where it fixed about four, when we made sail and steered east in for
the land, under the fore-sail and main-sail; but the wind then rising,
and by eight o’clock being increased to a hurricane, with a prodigious
sea, we were obliged to take in the main-sail; we then wore the ship,
and brought her to with her head to the north-west. At noon the gale was
somewhat abated, but we had still heavy squalls. Our course made good
this day, was north, a little easterly, twenty-nine miles; latitude by
account 34° 50ʹ S., longitude 188° 27ʹ W.; the Three Kings bore N. 41 E.
distant fifty-two miles. At seven o’clock in the evening, the wind being
at S. W. and S. W. by W., with hard squalls, we wore and lay on the
other tack; and at six the next morning spread more sail. Our course and
distance since yesterday was E. by N. twenty-nine miles. In the
afternoon, we had hard squalls at S. W.; and at eight in the evening,
wore and stood to the N. W. till five the next morning; and then wore
and stood to the S. E. At six, we saw the land bearing N. E., distant
about six leagues, which we judged to be Cape _Maria Van Diemen_, and
which corresponded with the account that had been given of it by the
Indians. At midnight we wore and stood to the S. E. And on the next day
at noon, Cape Maria Van Diemen bore N. E. by N., distant about five
leagues. At seven in the evening, we tacked and stood to the westward,
with a moderate breeze at S. W. by S. and S. W. Mount Camel then bore N.
83 E., and the northernmost land, or Cape Maria Van Diemen, N. by W.; we
were now distant from the nearest land about three leagues, where we had
something more than forty fathom water; and it must be remarked, that
Mount Camel, which when seen on the other side did not seem to be more
than one mile from the sea, seemed to be but little more when seen from
this side; which is a demonstration that the land here cannot be more
than two or three miles broad, or from sea to sea.
At six o’clock in the morning of January the 1st, 1770, being New-year’s
day, we tacked and stood to the eastward, the Three Kings bearing N. W.
by N. At noon, we tacked again, and stood to the westward, being in
latitude 34° 37ʹ S.; the Three Kings bearing N. W. by N. at the distance
of ten or eleven leagues; and Cape Maria Van Diemen N. 31 E. distant
about four leagues and a half: in this situation we had fifty-four
fathom water.
During this part of our navigation two particulars are very remarkable;
in latitude 35° S., and in the midst of summer, I met with a gale of
wind, which for its strength and continuance was such as I had scarcely
ever been in before, and we were three weeks in getting ten leagues to
the westward, and five week in getting fifty leagues, for at this time
it was so long since we passed Cape Bret. During the gale, we were
happily at a considerable distance from the land, otherwise it is highly
probable that we should never have returned to relate our adventures.
At five o’clock in the evening, having a fresh breeze to the westward,
we tacked and stood to the southward: at this time North Cape bore E. ¾
N., and just open of a point that lies three leagues W. by N. from it.
This cape, as I have observed before, is the northernmost extremity of
this country, and the easternmost point of a peninsula, which runs out
N. W. and N. W. by N. seventeen or eighteen leagues, and of which Cape
Maria Van Diemen is the westernmost point. Cape Maria lies in latitude
34° 30ʹ S., longitude 187° 18ʹ W.; and from this point the land trends
away S. E. by S. and S. E. beyond Mount Camel, and is every where a
barren shore, consisting of banks of white sand.
On the 2d, at noon, we were in latitude 35° 17ʹ S., and Cape Maria bore
north, distant about sixteen leagues, as near as we could guess; for we
had no land in sight, and did not dare to go nearer, as a fresh gale
blew right on shore, with a rolling sea. The wind continued at W. S. W.
and S. W. with frequent squalls; in the evening we shortened sail, and
at midnight tacked, and made a trip to the N. W. till two in the
morning, when we wore and stood to the southward. At break of day, we
made sail, and edged away, in order to make land; and at ten o’clock, we
saw it, bearing N. W. It appeared to be high, and at noon extended from
N. to E. N. E. distant by estimation eight or ten leagues. Cape Maria
then bore N. 2° 30ʹ W. distant thirty-three leagues; our latitude by
observation was 36° 2ʹ S. About seven o’clock in the evening, we were
within six leagues of it; but having a fresh gale upon it, with a
rolling sea, we hauled our wind to the S. E., and kept on that course
close upon the wind all night, sounding several times, but having no
ground with one hundred, and one hundred and ten fathom.
At eight o’clock the next morning, we were about five leagues from the
land, and off a place which lies in latitude 36° 25ʹ, and had the
appearance of a bay or inlet. It bore east; and in order to see more of
it, we kept on our course till eleven o’clock, when we were not more
than three leagues from it, and then discovered that it was neither
inlet nor bay, but a tract of low land, bounded by higher lands on each
side, which produced the deception. At this time, we tacked and stood to
the N. W.; and at noon, the land was not distant more than three or four
leagues. We were now in latitude 36° 31ʹ S., longitude 185° 50ʹ W. Cape
Maria bore N. 25 W. distant forty-four leagues and a half; so that the
coast must be almost straight in the direction of S. S. E. ¾ E. and N.
N. W. ¾ W. nearly. In about latitude 35° 45ʹ is some high land adjoining
to the sea; to the southward of which the shore is also high, and has
the most desolate and inhospitable appearance that can be imagined.
Nothing is to be seen but hills of sand, on which there is scarcely a
blade of verdure; and a vast sea, impelled by the westerly winds
breaking upon it in a dreadful surf, renders it not only forlorn, but
frightful; complicating the idea of danger with desolation, and
impressing the mind at once with a sense of misery and death. From this
place I steered to the northward, resolving never more to come within
the same distance of the coast, except the wind should be very
favourable indeed. I stood under a fresh sail all the day, hoping to get
an offing by the next noon, and we made good a course of a hundred and
two miles N. 38 W. Our latitude by observation was 35° 10ʹ S.; and Cape
Maria bore N. 10 E., distance forty-one miles. In the night, the wind
shifted from S. W. by S. to S., and blew fresh. Our course to the noon
of the 5th, was N. 75 W., distance eight miles.
At day-break on the 6th, we saw the land, which we took to be Cape
Maria, bearing N. N. E., distant eight or nine leagues: and on the 7th,
in the afternoon, the land bore east: and some time after, we discovered
a turtle upon the water; but being awake, it dived instantly, so that we
could not take it. At noon, the high land, which has just been
mentioned, extended from N. to E. at the distance of five or six
leagues; and in two places, a flat gave it the appearance of a bay or
inlet. The course that we made good the last four-and-twenty hours was
S. 33 E. fifty-three miles; Cape Maria bearing N. 25 W., distant thirty
leagues.
We sailed within sight of land all this day, with gentle gales between
the N. E. and N. W.; and by the next noon had sailed sixty-nine miles,
in the direction of S. 37 E.; our latitude by observation was 36° 39ʹ S.
The land which on the 4th we had taken for a bay, now bore N. E. by N.,
distant five leagues and a half; and Cape Maria N. 29 W., forty-seven
leagues.
On the 9th, we continued a south-east course till eight o’clock in the
evening, having run seven leagues since noon, with the wind at N. N. E.
and N., and being within three or four leagues of the land, which
appeared to be low and sandy. I then steered S. E. by S. in a direction
parallel with the coast, having from forty-eight to thirty-four fathom
water, with a black sandy bottom. At day-break the next morning, we
found ourselves between two and three leagues from the land, which began
to have a better appearance, rising in gentle slopes, and being covered
with trees and herbage. We saw a smoke and a few houses, but it appeared
to be but thinly inhabited. At seven o’clock, we steered S. by E., and
afterwards S. by W., the land lying in that direction. At nine, we were
a-breast of a point which rises with an easy ascent from the sea to a
considerable height: this point, which lies in latitude 37° 43ʹ, I named
WOODY HEAD. About eleven miles from this Head, in the direction of S. W.
½ W. lies a very small island, upon which we saw a great number of
gannets, and which we, therefore, called GANNET ISLAND. At noon, a high
craggy point bore E. N. E. distant about a league and a half, to which I
gave the name of ALBATROSS POINT: it lies in latitude 38° 4ʹ S.,
longitude 184° 42ʹ W.; and is distant seven leagues in the direction of
S. 17 W. from Woody Head. On the north-side of this point the shore
forms a bay, in which there appears to be anchorage and shelter for
shipping. Our course and distance for the last twenty-four hours was S.
37 E. sixty-nine miles; and at noon this day Cape Maria bore N. 30 W.
distant eighty-two leagues. Between twelve and one, the wind shifted at
once from N. N. E. to S. S. W. with which we stood to the westward till
four o’clock in the afternoon; and then tacked, and stood again in shore
till seven; when we tacked again and stood to the westward, having but
little wind. At this time Albatross Point bore N. E., distant near two
leagues, and the southernmost land in sight bore S. S. W. ½ W. being a
very high mountain, and in appearance greatly resembling the Peak of
Teneriffe. In this situation we had thirty fathom water, and having but
little wind all night, we tacked about four in the morning, and stood in
for the shore. Soon after, it fell calm; and being in forty-two fathom
water, the people caught a few sea-bream. At eleven, a light breeze
sprung up from the west, and we made sail to the southward. We continued
to steer S. by W. and S. S. W. along the shore, at the distance of about
four leagues, with gentle breezes from between N. W. and N. N. E. At
seven in the evening, we saw the top of the peak to the southward, above
the clouds, which concealed it below. And at this time, the southernmost
land in sight bore S. by W.; the variation, by several azimuths which
were taken both in the morning and the evening, appeared to be 14° 15ʹ
easterly.
At noon on the 12th, we were distant about three leagues from the shore
which lies under the peak, but the peak itself was wholly concealed by
clouds: we judged it to bear about S. S. E.; and some very remarkable
peaked islands, which lay under the shore, bore E. S. E., distant three
or four leagues. At seven in the evening we sounded, and had forty-two
fathom, being distant from the shore between two and three leagues: we
judged the peak to bear east; and after it was dark, we saw fires upon
the shore.
At five o’clock in the morning we saw, for a few minutes, the summit of
the peak, towering above the clouds, and covered with snow. It now bore
N. E.; it lies in latitude 39° 16ʹ S., longitude 185° 15ʹ W.; and I
named it MOUNT EGMONT, in honour of the earl. It seems to have a large
base, and to rise with a gradual ascent; it lies near the sea, and is
surrounded by a flat country, of a pleasant appearance, being clothed
with verdure and wood, which renders it the more conspicuous, and the
shore under it forms a large cape, which I have named CAPE EGMONT. It
lies S. S. W. ½ W. twenty-seven leagues distant from Albatross Point,
and on the north-side of it are two small islands, which lie near a
remarkable point on the main, that rises to a considerable height in the
form of a sugar-loaf. To the southward of the cape, the land trends away
S. E. by E. and S. S. E., and seems to be every where a bold shore. At
noon, Cape Egmont bore about N. E.; and in this direction, at about four
leagues from the shore, we had forty fathom of water. The wind during
the rest of the day was from W. to N. W. by W., and we continued to
steer along the shore S. S. E. and S. E. by E., keeping at the distance
of between two or three leagues. At half an hour after seven, we had
another transient view of Mount Edgcombe, which bore N. 17 W., distant
about ten leagues.
At five the next morning, we steered S. E. by S., the coast inclining
more southerly; and in about half an hour we saw land, bearing S. W. by
S., for which we hauled up. At noon, the north-west extremity of the
land in sight bore S. 63 W., and some high land, which had the
appearance of an island lying under the main, bore S. S. E., distant
five leagues. We were now in a bay, the bottom of which bearing south,
we could not see, though it was clear in that quarter. Our latitude by
observation was 40° 27ʹ S., longitude 184° 39ʹ W. At eight in the
evening, we were within two leagues of the land which we had discovered
in the morning, having run ten leagues since noon: the land which then
bore S. 63 W., now bore N. 59 W., at the distance of seven or eight
leagues, and had the appearance of an island. Between this land and CAPE
EGMONT lies the bay, the west-side of which was our situation at this
time, and the land here is of a considerable height, and diversified by
hill and valley.
CHAP. VI.
TRANSACTIONS IN QUEEN CHARLOTTE’S SOUND: PASSAGE THROUGH THE STRAIGHT
WHICH DIVIDES THE TWO ISLANDS, AND BACK TO CAPE TURNAGAIN: HORRID CUSTOM
OF THE INHABITANTS: REMARKABLE MELODY OF BIRDS: A VISIT TO A HEPPAH, AND
MANY OTHER PARTICULARS.
THE shore at this place seemed to form several bays, into one of which I
proposed to carry the ship, which was become very foul, in order to
careen her, and at the same time repair some defects, and recruit our
wood and water.
With this view, I kept plying on and off all night, having from eighty
to sixty-three fathom. At day-break the next morning, I stood for an
inlet which runs in S. W.; and at eight I got within the entrance which
may be known by a reef of rocks, stretching from the north-west point,
and some rocky islands which lie off the south-east point. At nine
o’clock, there being little wind, and what there was being variable, we
were carried by the tide or current within two cables’ length of the
north-west shore, where we had fifty-four fathom water, but by the help
of our boats we got clear. Just at this time we saw a sea-lion rise
twice near the shore, the head of which exactly resembled that of the
male which has been described in the Account of Lord Anson’s Voyage. We
also saw some of the natives in a canoe cross the bay, and a village
situated upon the point of an island which lies seven or eight miles
within the entrance. At noon, we were the length of this island, but
there being little wind, the boats were ordered a-head to tow. About one
o’clock, we hauled close round the south-west end of the island; and the
inhabitants of the village which was built upon it, were immediately up
in arms. About two, we anchored in a very safe and convenient cove, on
the north-west-side of the bay, and facing the south-west end of the
island, in eleven fathom water, with soft ground, and moored with the
stream anchor.
We were about four long cannon shot distant from the village or Heppah,
from which four canoes were immediately dispatched, as we imagined, to
reconnoitre, and, if they should find themselves able, to take us. The
men were all well armed, and dressed nearly as they are represented in
the figure published by Tasman; two corners of the cloth which they
wrapped round the body were passed over the shoulders from behind, and
being brought down to the upper edge of it before, were made fast to it
just under the breast; but few, or none, had feathers in their hair.
They rowed round the ship several times, with their usual tokens of
menace and defiance, and at last began the assault by throwing some
stones: Tupia expostulated with them, but apparently to very little
purpose; and we began to fear that they would oblige us to fire at them,
when a very old man in one of the boats expressed a desire of coming on
board. We gladly encouraged him in his design, a rope was thrown into
his canoe, and she was immediately along side of the ship: the old man
rose up, and prepared to come up the ship’s side, upon which all the
rest expostulated with great vehemence against the attempt, and at last
laid hold of him, and held him back: he adhered however to his purpose
with a calm but steady perseverance, and having at length disengaged
himself, he came on board. We received him with all possible expressions
of friendship and kindness, and after some time dismissed him, with many
presents, to his companions. As soon as he was returned on board his
canoe, the people in all the rest began to dance, but whether as a token
of enmity or friendship we could not certainly determine, for we had
seen them dance in a disposition both for peace and war. In a short
time, however, they retired to their fort, and soon after I went on
shore, with most of the gentlemen, at the bottom of the cove, a-breast
of the ship.
We found a fine stream of excellent water, and wood in the greatest
plenty, for the land here was one forest, of vast extent. As we brought
the seine with us, we hauled it once or twice, and with such success
that we caught near three hundred weight of fish of different sorts,
which was equally distributed among the ship’s company.
At day-break, while we were busy in careening the ship, three canoes
came off to us, having on board above a hundred men, besides several of
their women, which we were pleased to see, as in general it is a sign of
peace; but they soon afterwards became very troublesome, and gave us
reason to apprehend some mischief from them to the people that were in
our boats alongside the ship. While we were in this situation, the
long-boat was sent ashore with some water casks, and some of the canoes
attempting to follow her, we found it necessary to intimidate them by
firing some small-shot: we were at such a distance that it was
impossible to hurt them, yet our reproof had its effect, and they
desisted from the pursuit. They had some fish in their canoes which they
now offered to sell, and which, though it stunk, we consented to buy:
for this purpose a man in a small boat was sent among them, and they
traded for some time very fairly. At length, however, one of them
watching his opportunity, snatched at some paper which our market-man
held in his hand, and missing it, immediately put himself in a posture
of defence, flourished his patoo-patoo, and making show as if he was
about to strike; some small shot were then fired at him from the ship, a
few of which struck him upon the knee: this put an end to our trade, but
the Indians still continued near the ship, rowing round her many times,
and conversing with Tupia, chiefly concerning the traditions they had
among them with respect to the antiquities of their country. To this
subject they were led by the inquiries which Tupia had been directed to
make, whether they had ever seen such a vessel as ours, or had ever
heard that any such had been upon their coast. These inquiries were all
answered in the negative, so that tradition has preserved among them no
memorial of Tasman; though, by an observation made this day, we find
that we are only fifteen miles south of Murderer’s Bay, our latitude
being 41° 5ʹ 32ʺ, and Murderer’s Bay, according to his account, being
40° 50ʹ.
The women in these canoes, and some of the men, had a head-dress which
we had not before seen. It consisted of a bunch of black feathers, made
up in a round form, and tied upon the top of the head, which it entirely
covered, and made it twice as high, to appearance, as it was in reality.
After dinner I went in the pinnace with Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, Tupia,
and some others, into another cove, about two miles distant from that in
which the ship lay: in our way we saw something floating upon the water,
which we took for a dead seal, but upon rowing up to it, found it to be
the body of a woman, which, to all appearance, had been dead some days.
We proceeded to our cove, where we went on shore, and found a small
family of Indians, who appeared to be greatly terrified at our approach,
and all ran away except one. A conversation between this person and
Tupia soon brought back the rest, except an old man and a child, who
still kept aloof, but stood peeping at us from the woods. Of these
people, our curiosity naturally led us to enquire after the body of the
woman, which we had seen floating upon the water: and they acquainted
us, by Tupia, that she was a relation, who had died a natural death; and
that, according to their custom, they had tied a stone to the body, and
thrown it into the sea, which stone, they supposed, had, by some
accident, been disengaged.
This family, when we came on shore, was employed in dressing some
provisions: the body of a dog was at this time buried in their oven, and
many provision-baskets stood near it. Having cast our eyes carelessly
into one of these, as we passed it, we saw two bones pretty cleanly
picked, which did not seem to be the bones of a dog, and which, upon a
nearer examination, we discovered to be those of a human body. At this
sight we were struck with horror, though it was only a confirmation of
what we had heard many times since we arrived upon this coast. As we
could have no doubt but the bones were human, neither could we have any
doubt but that the flesh which covered them had been eaten. They were
found in a provision basket; the flesh that remained appeared manifestly
to have been dressed by fire, and in the gristles at the end, were the
marks of the teeth which had gnawed them: to put an end, however, to
conjecture, founded upon circumstances and appearances, we directed
Tupia to ask what bones they were; and the Indians, without the least
hesitation, answered, the bones of a man: they were then asked what was
become of the flesh, and they replied that they had eaten it; but, said
Tupia, why did you not eat the body of the woman which we saw floating
upon the water: the woman, said they, died of disease; besides, she was
our relation, and we eat only the bodies of our enemies, who are killed
in battle. Upon enquiry who the man was whose bones we had found, they
told us, that about five days before, a boat belonging to their enemies
came into the bay, with many persons on board, and that this man was of
the seven whom they had killed. Though stronger evidence of this horrid
practice prevailing among the inhabitants of this coast will scarcely be
required, we have still stronger to give. One of us asked if they had
any human bones with the flesh remaining upon them, and upon their
answering us that all had been eaten, we affected to disbelieve that the
bones were human, and said that they were the bones of a dog; upon which
one of the Indians, with some eagerness, took hold of his own fore-arm,
and thrusting it towards us, said, that the bone which Mr. Banks held in
his hand had belonged to that part of the human body; at the same time,
to convince us that the flesh had been eaten, he took hold of his own
arm with his teeth, and made show of eating: he also bit and gnawed the
bone which Mr. Banks had taken, drawing it through his mouth, and
showing, by signs, that it had afforded a delicious repast; the bone was
then returned to Mr. Banks, and he brought it away with him. Among the
persons of this family, there was a woman who had her arms, legs, and
thighs, frightfully cut in several places; and we were told that she had
inflicted the wounds upon herself, in token of her grief for the loss of
her husband, who had been lately killed and eaten by their enemies, who
had come from some place to the eastward, towards which the Indians
pointed.
The ship lay at the distance of somewhat less than a quarter of a mile
from the shore, and in the morning we were awakened by the singing of
the birds: the number was incredible, and they seemed to strain their
throats in emulation of each other. This wild melody was infinitely
superior to any that we had ever heard of the same kind; it seemed to be
like small bells, most exquisitely tuned, and perhaps the distance, and
the water between, might be no small advantage to the sound. Upon
inquiry, we were informed that the birds here always began to sing about
two hours after midnight, and continuing their music till sunrise, were,
like our nightingales, silent the rest of the day. In the forenoon, a
small canoe came off from the Indian village to the ship, and among
those that were in it, was the old man who had first come on board at
our arrival in the bay. As soon as it came alongside, Tupia renewed the
conversation that had passed the day before, concerning their practice
of eating human flesh, during which they repeated what they had told us
already; but, said Tupia, where are the heads? do you eat them too? Of
the heads, said the old man, we eat only the brains, and the next time I
come I will bring some of them to convince you that what we have told
you is truth. After some farther conversation between these people and
Tupia, they told him that they expected their enemies to come very
shortly, to revenge the death of the seven men whom they had killed and
eaten.
On the 18th, the Indians were more quiet than usual, no canoe came near
the ship, nor did we see one of them moving on the shore, their fishing,
and other usual occupations being totally suspended. We thought they
expected an attack on this day, and, therefore, attended more diligently
to what passed on shore; but we saw nothing to gratify our curiosity.
After breakfast, we went out in the pinnace, to take a view of the bay,
which was of vast extent, and consisted of numberless small harbours and
coves, in every direction: we confined our excursion, however, to the
western side, and the country being an impenetrable forest where we
landed, we could see nothing worthy of notice: we killed, however, a
good number of shags, which we saw sitting upon their nests in the
trees, and which, whether roasted or stewed, we considered as very good
provision. As we were returning, we saw a single man in a canoe fishing;
we rowed up to him, and, to our great surprise, he took not the least
notice of us, but even when we were alongside of him, continued to
follow his occupation, without adverting to us any more than if we had
been invisible. He did not, however, appear to be either sullen or
stupid: we requested him to draw up his net, that we might examine it,
and he readily complied: it was of a circular form, extended by two
hoops, and about seven or eight feet in diameter: the top was open, and
sea-ears were fastened to the bottom as a bait: this he let down so as
to lie upon the ground, and when he thought fish enough were assembled
over it, he drew it up by a very gentle and even motion, so that the
fish rose with it, scarcely sensible that they were lifted, till they
came very near the surface of the water, and then were brought out in
the net by a sudden jerk. By this simple method, he had caught abundance
of fish, and, indeed, they are so plenty in this bay, that the catching
them requires neither much labour nor art.
This day, some of our people found in the skirts of the wood, near a
hole or oven, three human hipbones, which they brought on board; a
farther proof that these people eat human flesh: Mr. Monkhouse, our
surgeon, also brought on board, from a place where he saw many deserted
houses, the hair of a man’s head, which he had found, among many other
things, tied up to the branches of trees.
In the morning of the 19th, we set up the armourer’s forge to repair the
braces of the tiller, and other iron-work, all hands on board being
still busy in careening, and other necessary operations about the
vessel: this day, some Indians came on board from another part of the
bay, where they said there was a town which we had not seen: they
brought plenty of fish, which they sold for nails, having now acquired
some notion of their use; and in this traffic no unfair practice was
attempted.
In the morning of the 20th, our old man kept his promise, and brought on
board four of the heads of the seven people who had been so much the
subject of our inquiries: the hair and flesh were entire, but we
perceived that the brains had been extracted; the flesh was soft, but
had by some method been preserved from putrefaction, for it had no
disagreeable smell. Mr. Banks purchased one of them, but they sold it
with great reluctance, and could not by any means be prevailed upon to
part with a second; probably they may be preserved as trophies, like the
scalps in America, and the jaw-bones in the islands of the South Seas.
Upon examining the head which had been bought by Mr. Banks, we perceived
that it had received a blow upon the temples, which had fractured the
skull. This day we made another excursion in the pinnace, to survey the
bay, but we found no flat large enough for a potatoe garden, nor could
we discover the least appearance of cultivation: we met not a single
Indian, but found an excellent harbour; and about eight o’clock in the
evening returned on board the ship.
On the 21st, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went a fishing with hook and
line, and caught an immense quantity every where upon the rocks, in
between four and five fathom water: the seine was hauled every night,
and seldom failed to supply the whole ship’s company with as much fish
as they could eat. This day all the people had leave to go on shore at
the watering-place, and divert themselves as they should think proper.
In the morning of the 22d, I set out again in the pinnace, accompanied
by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, with a design to examine the head of the
inlet, but, after rowing about four or five leagues without so much as
coming in sight of it, the wind being contrary, and the day half spent,
we went on shore on the south-east side, to try what might be discovered
from the hills.
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander immediately employed themselves in botanizing
near the beach, and I, taking a seaman with me, ascended one of the
hills: when I reached the summit, I found a view of the inlet
intercepted by hills, which in that direction rose still higher, and
which were rendered inaccessible by impenetrable woods; I was, however,
abundantly compensated for my labour, for I saw the sea on the eastern
side of the country, and a passage leading from it to that on the west,
a little to the eastward of the entrance of the inlet where the ship now
lay. The main land, which lay on the south-east of this inlet, appeared
to be a narrow ridge of very high hills, and to form part of the
south-west side of the straight; the land on the opposite side appeared
to trend away east as far as the eye could reach; and to the south-east
there appeared to be an opening to the sea, which washed the eastern
coast: on the east side of the inlet also I saw some islands which I had
before taken to be part of the main land. Having made this discovery, I
descended the hill, and as soon as we had taken some refreshment, we set
out on our return to the ship. In our way, we examined the harbours and
coves which lie behind the islands that I had discovered from the hill;
and in this route we saw an old village, in which there were many houses
that seemed to have been long deserted: we also saw another village
which was inhabited, but the day was too far spent for us to visit it,
and we therefore made the best of our way to the ship, which we reached
between eight and nine o’clock at night.
The 23d I employed in carrying on a survey of the place; and upon one of
the islands where I landed, I saw many houses which seemed to have been
long deserted, and no appearance of any inhabitant.
On the 24th, we went to visit our friends at the Hippah or village on
the point of the island near the ship’s station, who had come off to us
on our first arrival in the bay. They received us with the utmost
confidence and civility, showing us every part of their habitations,
which were commodious and neat. The island or rock on which this town is
situated, is divided from the main by a breach or fissure so narrow,
that a man might almost leap from one to the other: the sides of it are
every where so steep as to render the artificial fortification of these
people almost unnecessary: there was, however, one slight pallisade, and
one small fighting-stage, towards that part of the rock where access was
least difficult.
The people here brought us out several human bones, the flesh of which
they had eaten, and offered them to sale; for the curiosity of those
among us who had purchased them as memorials of the horrid practice
which many, notwithstanding the reports of travellers, have professed
not to believe, had rendered them a kind of article of trade. In one
part of this village, we observed, not without some surprise, a cross
exactly like that of a crucifix; it was adorned with feathers, and upon
our inquiring for what purpose it had been set up, we were told that it
was a monument for a man who was dead: we had before understood that
their dead were not buried, but thrown into the sea; but to our inquiry
how the body of the man had been disposed of, to whose memory this cross
had been erected, they refused to answer.
When we left these people, we went to the other end of the island, and
there taking water, crossed over to the main, where we saw several
houses, but no inhabitants, except a few in some straggling canoes, that
seemed to be fishing. After viewing this place, we returned on board the
ship to dinner.
During our visit to the Indians this day, Tupia being always of our
party, they had been observed to be continually talking of guns, and
shooting people: for this subject of their conversation we could not at
all account; and it had so much engaged our attention, that we talked of
it all the way back, and even after we got on board the ship: we had
perplexed ourselves with various conjectures, which were all given up in
their turn; but now we learnt, that on the 21st one of our officers,
upon pretence of going out to fish, had rowed up to the Hippah, and that
two or three canoes coming off towards his boat, his fears suggested
that an attack was intended, in consequence of which three muskets were
fired, one with small shot and two with ball, at the Indians, who
retired with the utmost precipitation, having probably come out with
friendly intentions; for such their behaviour both before and afterwards
expressed; and having no reason to expect such treatment from people who
had always behaved to them not only with humanity but kindness, and to
whom they were not conscious of having given offence.
On the 25th, I made another excursion along the coast, in the pinnace,
towards the mouth of the inlet, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander, and going on shore at a little cove, to shoot shags, we fell
in with a large family of Indians, whose custom it is to disperse
themselves among the different creeks and coves, where fish is to be
procured in the greatest plenty, leaving a few only in the hippah, to
which the rest repair in times of danger. Some of these people came out
a good way to meet us, and gave us an invitation to go with them to the
rest of their party, which we readily accepted. We found a company of
about thirty, men, women, and children, who received us with all
possible demonstrations of friendship: we distributed among them a few
ribands and beads, and, in return, received the kisses and embraces of
both sexes, both young and old: they gave us also some fish, and after a
little time we returned, much pleased with our new acquaintance.
In the morning of the 26th, I went again out in the boat, with Mr. Banks
and Dr. Solander, and entered one of the bays, which lie on the east
side of the inlet, in order to get another sight of the streight, which
passed between the eastern and western seas. For this purpose, having
landed at a convenient place, we climbed a hill of a very considerable
height, from which we had a full view of it, with the land on the
opposite shore, which we judged to be about four leagues distant; but as
it was hazy in the horizon, we could not see far to the south-east: I
resolved, however, to search the passage with the ship, as soon as I
should put to sea. Upon the top of this hill we found a parcel of loose
stones, with which we erected a pyramid, and left in it some musket
balls, small shot, beads, and other things, which we happened to have
about us, that were likely to stand the test of time, and, not being of
Indian workmanship, would convince any European who should come to the
place and pull it down, that other natives of Europe had been there
before him. When this was done, we descended the hill, and made a
comfortable meal of the shags and fish which our guns and lines had
procured us, and which were dressed by the boat’s crew in a place that
we had appointed: in this place we found another Indian family, who
received us, as usual, with strong expressions of kindness and pleasure,
showing us where to procure water, and doing us such other good offices
as were in their power. From this place we went to the town of which the
Indians had told us, who visited us on the 19th; this, like that which
we had seen before, was built upon a small island or rock, so difficult
of access, that we gratified our curiosity at the risk of our necks. The
Indians here also received us with open arms, carried us to every part
of the place, and showed us all that it contained: this town, like the
other, consisted of between eighty and an hundred houses, and had only
one fighting-stage. We happened to have with us a few nails and ribands,
and some paper, with which our guests were so gratified, that at our
coming away they filled our boat with dried fish, of which we perceived
they had laid up great quantities.
The 27th and 28th were spent in refitting the ship for the sea, fixing a
transom for the tiller, getting stones on board to put into the bottom
of the bread-room, to bring the ship more by the stern, in repairing the
casks, and catching fish.
On the 29th, we received a visit from our old man, whose name we found
to be TOPĀA, and three other natives, with whom Tupia had much
conversation. The old man told us, that one of the men who had been
fired upon by the officer who had visited their hippah, under pretence
of fishing, was dead; but to my great comfort I afterwards discovered
that this report was not true, and that if Topāa’s discourses were taken
literally, they would frequently lead us into mistakes. Mr. Banks and
Dr. Solander were several times on shore during the last two or three
days, not without success, but greatly circumscribed in their walks, by
climbers of a most luxuriant growth, which were so interwoven together
as to fill up the space between the trees about which they grew, and
render the woods altogether impassable. This day, also, I went on shore
again myself, upon the western point of the inlet, and from a hill of
considerable height I had a view of the coast to the N. W. The farthest
land I could see in that quarter was an island which has been mentioned
before, at the distance of about ten leagues, lying not far from the
main: between this island and the place where I stood, I discovered,
close under the shore, several other islands, forming many bays, in
which there appeared to be good anchorage for shipping. After I had set
off the different points for my survey, I erected another pile of
stones, in which I left a piece of silver coin, with some musket balls
and beads, and a piece of an old pendant flying on the top. In my return
to the ship, I made a visit to several of the natives, whom I saw along
the shore, and purchased a small quantity of fish.
On the 30th, early in the morning, I sent a boat to one of the islands
for celery, and while the people were gathering it, about twenty of the
natives, men, women, and children, landed near some empty huts: as soon
as they were on shore, five or six of the women sat down upon the ground
together, and began to cut their legs, arms, and faces, with shells, and
sharp pieces of talc or jaspar, in a terrible manner. Our people
understood that their husbands had lately been killed by their enemies:
but, while they were performing this horrid ceremony, the men set about
repairing the huts, with the utmost negligence and unconcern.
The carpenter having prepared two posts to be left as memorials of our
having visited this place, I ordered them to be inscribed with the
ship’s name, and the year and month: one of them I set up at the
watering-place, hoisting the Union-flag upon the top of it; and the
other I carried over to the island that lies nearest to the sea, called
by the natives MOTUARA. I went first to the village or hippah,
accompanied by Mr. Monkhouse and Tupia, where I met with our old man,
and told him and several others, by means of Tupia, that we were come to
set up a mark upon the island, in order to show to any other ship which
should happen to come thither, that we had been there before. To this
they readily consented, and promised that they never would pull it down:
I then gave something to every one present; and to the old man I gave a
silver three-pence, dated 1736, and some spike-nails, with the king’s
broad arrow cut deep upon them; things which I thought most likely to
remain long among them: I then took the post to the highest part of the
island, and, after fixing it firmly in the ground, I hoisted upon it the
Union-flag, and honoured this inlet with the name of QUEEN CHARLOTTE’S
SOUND; at the same time taking formal possession of this and the
adjacent country, in the name and for the use of his Majesty King George
the Third. We then drank a bottle of wine to her Majesty’s health, and
gave the bottle to the old man who had attended us up the hill, and who
was mightily delighted with his present.
While the post was setting up, we enquired of the old man concerning the
passage into the eastern sea, the existence of which he confirmed; and
then asked him about the land to the S. W. of the streight, where we
were then situated: this land, he said, consisted of two whennuas or
islands, which may be circumnavigated in a few days, and which he called
TOVY POENAMMOO: the literal translation of this word is, “the water of
green talc;” and probably if we had understood him better, we should
have found that Tovy Poenammoo was the name of some particular place
where they got the green talc or stone of which they make their
ornaments and tools, and not a general name for the whole southern
district: he said there was also a third whennua, on the east side of
the streight, the circumnavigation of which would take up many moons:
this he called EAHEINOMAUWE; and to the land on the borders of the
streight he gave the name of TIERA WITTE. Having set up our post, and
procured this intelligence, we returned on board the ship, and brought
the old man with us, who was attended by his canoe, in which, after
dinner, he returned home.
On the 31st, having completed our wooding, and filled all our
water-casks, I sent out two parties, one to cut and make brooms, and
another to catch fish. In the evening we had a strong gale from the N.
W., with such a heavy rain, that our little wild musicians on shore
suspended their song, which till now we had constantly heard during the
night, with a pleasure which it was impossible to lose without regret.
On the 1st, the gale increased to a storm, with heavy gusts from the
high land, one of which broke the hawser that we had fastened to the
shore, and obliged us to let go another anchor. Towards midnight, the
gale became more moderate, but the rain continued with such violence,
that the brook which had supplied us with water overflowed its banks,
and carried away ten small casks which had been left there full of
water, and, notwithstanding we searched the whole cove, we could never
recover one of them.
On the 3d, as I intended to sail the first opportunity, I went over to
the hippah on the east side of the Sound, and purchased a considerable
quantity of split and half-dried fish, for sea-stores. The people here
confirmed all that the old man had told us concerning the streight and
the country, and about noon I took leave of them: some of them seemed to
be sorry, and others glad, that we were going: the fish which I had
bought they sold freely, but there were some who showed manifest signs
of disapprobation. As we returned to the ship, some of us made an
excursion along the shore to the northward, to traffic with the natives
for a farther supply of fish; in which, however, they had no great
success. In the evening we got every thing off from the shore, as I
intended to sail in the morning, but the wind would not permit.
On the 4th, while we were waiting for a wind, we amused ourselves by
fishing, and gathering shells and seeds of various kinds; and early in
the morning of the 5th, we cast off the hawser, hove short on the bower,
and carried the kedge-anchor out, in order to warp the ship out of the
cove, which having done, about two o’clock in the afternoon, we hove up
the anchor and got under sail; but the wind soon failing, we were
obliged to come to an anchor again a little above Motuara. When we were
under sail, our old man, Topāa, came on board to take his leave of us;
and as we were still desirous of making farther enquiries whether any
memory of Tasman had been preserved among these people, Tupia was
directed to ask him whether he had ever heard that such a vessel as ours
had before visited the country. To this he replied in the negative; but
said that his ancestors had told him there had once come to this place a
small vessel, from a distant country, called ULIMAROA, in which were
four men, who, upon their coming on shore, were all killed: upon being
asked where this distant land lay, he pointed to the northward. Of
Ulimaroa we had heard something before, from the people about the Bay of
Islands, who said that their ancestors had visited it; and Tupia had
also talked to us of Ulimaroa, concerning which he had some confused
traditionary notions, not very different from those of our old man, so
that we could draw no certain conclusion from the accounts of either.
Soon after the ship came to an anchor the second time, Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander went on shore, to see if any gleanings of natural knowledge
remained; and by accident fell in with the most agreeable Indian family
they had seen, which afforded them a better opportunity of remarking the
personal subordination among these people than had before offered. The
principal persons were a widow, and a pretty boy about ten years old:
the widow was mourning for her husband with tears of blood, according to
their custom, and the child, by the death of its father, was become
proprietor of the land where we had cut our wood. The mother and the son
were sitting upon mats, and the rest of the family, to the number of
sixteen or seventeen, of both sexes, sat round them in the open air, for
they did not appear to have any house, or other shelter from the
weather, the inclemencies of which custom has probably enabled them to
endure without any lasting inconvenience. Their whole behaviour was
affable, obliging, and unsuspicious: they presented each person with
fish, and a brand of fire to dress it, and pressed them many times to
stay till the morning, which they would certainly have done if they had
not expected the ship to sail, greatly regretting that they had not
become acquainted with them sooner, as they made no doubt but that more
knowledge of the manners and disposition of the inhabitants of this
country would have been obtained from them in a day than they had yet
been able to acquire during our whole stay upon the coast.
On the 6th, about six o’clock in the morning, a light breeze sprung up
at north, and we again got under sail; but the wind proving variable, we
reached no farther than just without Motuara; in the afternoon, however,
a more steady gale at N. by W. set us clear of the Sound, which I shall
now describe.
The entrance of Queen Charlotte’s Sound is situated in latitude 41° S.,
longitude 184° 45ʹ W., and near the middle of the south-west side of the
streight in which it lies. The land of the south-east head of the Sound,
called by the natives KOAMAROO, off which lie two small islands and some
rocks, makes the narrowest part of the streight. From the north-west
head a reef of rocks runs out about two miles, in the direction of N. E.
by N.; part of which is above the water, and part below. By this account
of the heads, the Sound will be sufficiently known: at the entrance it
is three leagues broad, and lies in S. W. by S. S. W. and W. S. W. at
least ten leagues, and is a collection of some of the finest harbours in
the world, as will appear from the plan, which is laid down with all the
accuracy that time and circumstances would admit. The land forming the
harbour or cove in which we lay, is called by the natives TOTARRANUE:
the harbour itself, which I called SHIP COVE, is not inferior to any in
the Sound, either for convenience or safety: it lies on the west side of
the Sound, and is the southernmost of three coves, that are situated
within the island of Motuara, which bears east of it. Ship Cove may be
entered, either between Motuara and a long island, called by the natives
HAMOTE, or between Motuara and the western shore. In the last of these
channels are two ledges of rocks, three fathom under water, which may
easily be known by the sea-weed that grows upon them. In sailing either
in or out of the Sound, with little wind, attention must be had to the
tides, which flow about nine or ten o’clock at the full and change of
the moon, and rise and fall between seven and eight feet
perpendicularly. The flood comes in through the streight from the S. E.
and sets strongly over upon the north-west head, and the reef that lies
off it: the ebb sets with still greater rapidity to the S. E. over upon
the rocks and islands that lie off the south-east head. The variation of
the compass we found, from good observation, to be 13° 5ʹ E.
The land about this Sound, which is of such a height that we saw it at
the distance of twenty-leagues, consists wholly of high hills and deep
valleys, well stored with a variety of excellent timber, fit for all
purposes except masts, for which it is too hard and heavy. The sea
abounds with a variety of fish, so that, without going out of the cove
where we lay, we caught every day, with the seine and hooks and lines, a
quantity sufficient to serve the whole ship’s company; and along the
shore we found plenty of shags, and a few other species of wild-fowl,
which those who have long lived upon salt provisions will not think
despicable food.
The number of inhabitants scarcely exceeds four hundred, and they live
dispersed along the shores, where their food, consisting of fish and
fern roots, is most easily procured; for we saw no cultivated ground.
Upon any appearance of danger, they retire to their hippahs, or forts:
in this situation we found them, and in this situation they continued
for some time after our arrival. In comparison of the inhabitants of
other parts of this country, they are poor, and their canoes are without
ornament: the little traffic we had with them was wholly for fish; and
indeed they had scarcely any thing else to dispose of. They seemed,
however, to have some knowledge of iron, which the inhabitants of some
other parts had not; for they willingly took nails for their fish, and
sometimes seemed to prefer it to every thing else that we could offer,
which had not always been the case. They were at first very fond of
paper; but when they found that it was spoiled by being wet, they would
not take it: neither did they set much value upon the cloth of Otaheite;
but English broad cloth and red kersey were in high estimation; which
showed that they had sense enough to appreciate the commodities which we
offered by their use, which is more than could be said of some of their
neighbours, who made a much better appearance. Their dress has been
mentioned already, particularly their large round head-dresses of
feathers, which were far from being unbecoming.
As soon as we got out of the Sound, I stood over to the eastward, in
order to get the streight well open before the tide of ebb came on. At
seven in the evening, the two small islands which lie off Cape Koamaroo,
the south-east head of Queen Charlotte’s Sound, bore east, distant about
four miles: at this time it was nearly calm, and the tide of ebb setting
out, we were, in a very short time, carried by the rapidity of the
stream close upon one of the islands, which was a rock rising almost
perpendicularly out of the sea: we perceived our danger increase every
moment, and had but one expedient to prevent our being dashed to pieces,
the success of which a few minutes would determine. We were now within
little more than a cable’s length of the rock, and had more than
seventy-five fathom water; but upon dropping an anchor, and veering
about one hundred and fifty fathom of cable, the ship was happily
brought up: this, however, would not have saved us, if the tide which
set S. by E. had not, upon meeting with the island, changed its
direction to S. E. and carried us beyond the first point. In this
situation, we were not above two cables’ length from the rocks; and here
we remained in the strength of the tide, which set to the S. E. after
the rate of at least five miles an hour, from a little after seven till
near midnight, when the tide abated, and we began to heave. By three in
the morning the anchor was at the bows, and having a light breeze at N.
W. we made sail for the eastern shore; but the tide being against us, we
made but little way: the wind, however, afterwards freshened, and came
to N. and N. E. with which, and the tide of ebb, we were in a short time
hurried through the narrowest part of the streight, and then stood away
for the southernmost land we had in sight, which bore from us S. by W.
Over this land appeared a mountain of stupendous height, which was
covered with snow.
The narrowest part of the streight, through which we had been driven
with such rapidity, lies between Cape Tierawitte, on the coast of
Eaheinomauwe, and Cape Koamaroo: the distance between them I judged to
be between four or five leagues, and, notwithstanding the tide, now its
strength is known, may be passed without much danger. It is, however,
safest to keep on the north-east shore, for on that side there appeared
to be nothing to fear; but on the other shore there are not only the
islands and rocks which lie off Cape Koamaroo, but a reef of rocks
stretching from these islands six or seven miles to the southward, at
the distance of two or three miles from the shore, which I had
discovered from the hill when I took my second view of the streight from
the east to the western sea. The length of the streight we had passed, I
shall not pretend to assign, but some judgment may be formed of it from
a view of the chart.
About nine leagues north from Cape Tierawitte, and under the same shore,
is a high and remarkable island which may be distinctly seen from Queen
Charlotte’s Sound, from which it is distant about six or seven leagues.
This island, which was noticed when we passed it on the 14th of January,
I have called ENTRY ISLE.
On the east side of Cape Tierawitte, the land trends away S. E. by E.
about eight leagues, where it ends in a point, and is the southernmost
land on Eaheinomauwe. To this point I have given the name of CAPE
PALLISER, in honour of my worthy friend Captain Palliser. It lies in
latitude 41° 34ʹ S., longitude 183° 58ʹ W., and bore from us this day at
noon S. 79 E. distant about thirteen leagues, the ship being then in the
latitude of 41° 27ʹ S.; Koamaroo at the same time bearing N. ½ E.
distant seven or eight leagues. The southernmost land in sight bore S.
16 W. and the snowy mountain S. W. At this time we were about three
leagues from the shore, and abreast of a deep bay or inlet, to which I
gave the name of CLOUDY BAY, and at the bottom of which there appeared
low land covered with tall trees.
At three o’clock in the afternoon we were abreast of the southernmost
point of land that we had seen at noon, which I called CAPE CAMPBELL: it
lies S. by W. distant between twelve and thirteen leagues from Cape
Koamaroo, in latitude 41° 44ʹ S., longitude 183° 45ʹ W.; and with Cape
Palliser forms the southern entrance of the straight, the distance
between them being between thirteen and fourteen leagues W. by S. and E.
by N.
From this Cape we steered along the shore S. W. by S. till eight o’clock
in the evening, when the wind died away. About half an hour afterwards,
however, afresh breeze sprung up at S. W., and I put the ship right
before it. My reason for this was a notion which some of the officers
had just started, that Eaheinomauwe was not an island, and that the land
might stretch away to the S. E. from between Cape Turnagain and Cape
Palliser, there being a space of between twelve and fifteen leagues that
we had not seen. I had, indeed, the strongest conviction that they were
mistaken, not only from what I had seen the first time I discovered the
straight, but from many other concurrent testimonies, that the land in
question was an island; but being resolved to leave no possibility of
doubt with respect to an object of such importance, I took the
opportunity of the wind’s shifting, to stand eastward, and accordingly
steered N. E. by E. all the night. At nine o’clock in the morning we
were abreast of Cape Palliser, and found the land trend away N. E.
towards Cape Turnagain, which I reckoned to be distant about twenty-six
leagues: however, as the weather was hazy, so as to prevent our seeing
above four or five leagues, I still kept standing to the N. E. with a
light breeze at south; and at noon Cape Palliser bore N. 72 W. distant
about three leagues.
About three o’clock in the afternoon three canoes came up to the ship
with between thirty and forty people on board, who had been pulling
after us with great labour and perseverance for some time: they appeared
to be more cleanly, and a better class, than any we had met with since
we left the Bay of Islands; and their canoes were also distinguished by
the same ornaments which we had seen upon the northernly part of the
coast. They came on board with very little invitation; and their
behaviour was courteous and friendly. Upon receiving presents from us,
they made us presents in return, which had not been done by any of the
natives that we had seen before. We soon perceived that our guests had
heard of us, for as soon as they came on board, they asked for _Whow_,
the name by which nails were known among the people with whom we had
trafficked: but though they had heard of nails, it was plain they had
seen none; for when nails were given them, they asked Tupia what they
were. The term _Whow_, indeed, conveyed to them the idea not of their
quality, but only of their use; for it is the same by which they
distinguish a tool, commonly made of bone, which they use both as an
auger and a chisel. However, their knowing that we had _whow_ to sell,
was a proof that their connections extended as far north as Cape
Kidnappers, which was distant no less than forty-five leagues; for that
was the southernmost place on this side the coast where we had had any
traffic with the natives. It is also probable, that the little knowledge
which the inhabitants of Queen Charlotte’s Sound had of iron, they
obtained from their neighbours at Tierawitte; for we had no reason to
think that the inhabitants of any part of this coast had the least
knowledge of iron or its use before we came among them, especially as,
when it was first offered, they seemed to disregard it as of no value.
We thought it probable, that we were now once more in the territories of
Teratu; but upon enquiring of these people, they said that he was not
their king. After a short time, they went away, much gratified with the
presents that we had made them; and we pursued our course along the
shore to the N. E. till eleven o’clock the next morning. About this
time, the weather happening to clear up, we saw Cape Turnagain, bearing
N. by E. ½ E. at the distance of about seven leagues: I then called the
officers upon deck, and asked them, whether they were not now satisfied
that Eahienomauwe was an island: they readily answered in the
affirmative; and all doubts being now removed, we hauled our wind to the
eastward.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
Printed by A. and R. Spottiswoode,
Printers-Street, London.
Footnote 1:
The celebrated navigator who discovered this streight was a native of
Portugal, and his name, in the language of his country, was _Fernando
de Magalhaens_; the Spaniards call him _Hernando Magalhanes_, and the
French _Magellan_, which is the orthography that has been generally
adopted: a gentleman, the fifth in descent from this great adventurer,
is now living in or near London, and communicated the true name of his
ancestor to Mr. Banks, with a request that it might be inserted in
this work.
Transcriber’s Note
This book uses inconsistent spelling and hyphenation, which were
retained in the ebook version. Some corrections have been made to the
text, including such as normalizing punctuation. Further corrections are
noted below:
p. 9: appearance; the the sides -> appearance; the sides
p. 26: whereever I went -> wherever I went
p. 29: some doubs whether -> some doubts whether
p. 36: as to to declare -> as to declare
Caption to illustration facing p. 84: Otahiete -> Otaheite
p. 174: by a a succession -> by a succession
p. 178: tellting us, that they -> telling us, that they
p. 190: not sraight lines -> not straight lines
p. 200: sucks it into his month -> sucks it into his mouth
p. 222: inhabiants of Otaheite -> inhabitants of Otaheite
p. 240: the cermony of lowering -> the ceremony of lowering
p. 240: to day -> to-day
p. 279: for our our landing -> for our landing
p. 295: wind being right an end -> wind being right on end
p. 309: the sun’s meridan -> the sun’s meridian
p. 310: their is no quarter -> there is no quarter
p. 316: lobsters and muscles -> lobsters and mussels
p. 320: the nothernmost of the Court -> the northernmost of the Court
p. 333: the botton to the top -> the bottom to the top
p. 361: discovered by Tafman -> discovered by Tasman
p. 365: by obervation -> by observation
p. 380: continued to folllow -> continued to follow
p. 397: they aked for -> they asked for
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Three Voyages of Captain Cook Round the World. Vol. I. Being the First of the First Voyage." ***
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