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Title: Journal of a Cavalry Officer - Including the Memorable Sikh Campaign of 1845-1846
Author: Humbley, W. W. W. (William Wellington Waterloo)
Language: English
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[Illustration: Route Map from Calcutta to the North West Provinces]
JOURNAL OF A CAVALRY OFFICER;
Including the Memorable Sikh Campaign of 1845-1846.
by
W.W.W. HUMBLEY, M.A.
Trinity College, Cambridge;
Fellow of the Cambridge Philosophical Society;
Captain, 9th Queen's Royal Lancers.
London:
Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans.
1854.
London:
Printed by Wertheimer and Co.
Finsbury Circus.
TO
LORD STANLEY, M.P.
THIS VOLUME
IS
BY PERMISSION DEDICATED
AS A
SMALL TOKEN OF ADMIRATION AND REGARD,
BY HIS
FRIEND AND SERVANT,
THE AUTHOR.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION. 1
CHAPTER I.
Voyage to India--Advantages of Sailing with Troops on
Board--Regulations at Sea--March from Cawnpore to
Meerut--Return from Nougawa Ghât to Meerut--March
to Ferozepore--Cantonments at Kurnaul--Colonel
Campbell's Force--Number of Cattle required
on a March--Sunday--Rev. W.J. Whiting, M.A.--Distribution
of Prize-Money--Advanced Guard--Governor-General--Major
Broadfoot and Captain
Nicolson--Suspicions of the Sikhs--Sir David Ochterlony--The
Sikh Army--The Battle of Moodkee--Tej
Singh. 18
CHAPTER II.
Colonel Campbell's Advance--Provisions required--Camp
Followers--Samana--The Doabs--Gooroo Govind--The
Akalees, their Quoits--Sikhs attack Ahmed Shah--Maha
Singh--Maharattas--General Thomas--Runjeet
Singh--Holcar--Sir Charles Metcalfe--Ochterlony's
Proclamation--The Akalees routed--Generals Allard
and Ventura--Treaty with Runjeet--Runjeet's Army--Runjeet's
Death--Shere Singh Murdered--Dhuleep
Singh--Ajean Khan--Battle of Moodkee. 46
CHAPTER III.
Nidampore--Christmas-day--Munsorepore--Kotla Mullair--Phurawallee
--Bussean--Surrender of Wudnee--Cession of Ferozepore--Bhaga
Poorana--False Alarms--Roree Bukkur--Sir John Littler--Sir H.M.
Wheeler--Ferozeshah--Aliwal--Sikh Forces--British Forces--Sikh
Entrenchment--Returns of Killed and Wounded--Sir H. Hardinge--Battle
of Ferozeshah--Sudden Attack by Tej Singh--His Blunder--Appearance
of a Field of Battle--Fate of the Wounded. 83
CHAPTER IV.
Return to Bussean--Sir John Grey's Detachment--Battle of
Assaye--Sindiah's Troops--Generals Allard and Ventura--General
Lloyd's Observations on the Art of War--Tactics of the
Sikhs--Runjeet Singh's Discipline--Sikh Artillery--Goojerat
--Moodkee--Sir Joseph Thackwell--Bootawalla--Pontoons--Their
Value to an Army--Great Rise in the Price of Food. 109
CHAPTER V.
Hurrekee Ghât--Chain Bridles--Sir Thomas Dallas--Victory
of Sir Harry Smith at Aliwal--Umballa--Preparations
of the Sikhs--Capture of Dhurmkote--Loodianna--Runjoor
Singh--Buddiwal--Sirdar Ajeet Singh--Invalids at Loodianna--The
Pattiala Rajah--Alarm at Loodianna--Siege-train in Danger--Convoy
inadequately protected--Sikh Artillery at Aliwal--Major
Lawrenson--Singular Formation of the Sikh Infantry at Aliwal--16th
Lancers--Desperation of the Sikhs--Colonel Cureton--Charge of
Lancers--Marshal Marmont's Opinion--Sikhs evacuate Buddiwal--Rapid
Movements of the Sikhs--Brigadiers Godby and Hicks. 131
CHAPTER VI.
Richard Bond, the Messman--Sikh Grass-cutters--Choice
of Camps--General Lloyd's Opinions--Lieut.-Colonel
Irvine and Sir H. Maddock--Position at Sobraon--Brigadier
E. Smith's Plan--Colonel Irvine's Plan--Goolab
Singh's Policy--Sir Robert Dick's Division--Major-General
Gilbert's Division--Sir Harry Smith's Division--Brigadier A.
Campbell--Sir Joseph Thackwell--Brigadier Scott--British
Batteries--Rockets--Sikh Batteries--Assault on the Sikh
Entrenchments--Brigadier Stacey--Captain Cunningham's Account--The
10th Foot--Lieut.-Colonel Franks--Sikh Entrenchments stormed--Sirdar
Sham Singh destroys the Pontoon--Sikh Retreat cut off--Great Loss of
the Sikhs--Peace Principles inapplicable to India--Sikhs driven
across the Sutlej--Tej Singh. 151
CHAPTER VII.
The Advanced-guard cross the Sutlej--Burial of Sir Robert
Dick--Bridge of Boats--Kussoor--Surrender of the Sikhs--Dhuleep
Singh--Lulleanee--Lahore--Runjeet Singh's Monument--The Summer
Palace--The Governor-General's Address. 181
CHAPTER VIII.
Review of the Army--Eastern Mode of Adoption--Cashmere
assigned to Goolab Singh--Defeat of Affghan Cavalry--Major
John Cameron Campbell--Security of the North-west Frontier--Fertility
of the Punjaub--Infantry introduced into the East--Hyder Ali's
Notion of English Power--Runjeet's Craftiness--Improvement in
the Punjaub--Dhuleep Singh professes Christianity--Dr. Login--Dhuleep
Singh baptized by the Rev. W.J. Jay--Dhuleep Singh's Sincerity. 197
CHAPTER IX.
The Army of the Sutlej broken up--Set out on a Tour--Dhool
--Ferozepore--Grandeur of the Himalayas--Misri-Wala--Ferozeshah
--Moodkee--Bhaga Poorana--Bussean--Phurewallee--Kotla Mullair
--Munsorepore--Samana--Goelah--The River Cuggur--Pehoah--Khol
--Kurnaul--Military Stations--Transport of Artillery--Ali
Merdan's Canal--English Church--Malaria--Sir David
Ochterlony--Gurounda--Minarets--Somalka--Paniput--Battles
of Paniput--Baber--Ibrahim Lodi--Ahmed Shah--Defeat of the
Maharattas--Nadir Shah--Capture of Delhi--Mahomed Shah--Troops
engaged--Native Armies--Sunput--Change in the Weather. 218
CHAPTER X.
Delhi--Mahmood of Ghuznee--Shah Jehan--Gates of Delhi--Mosques--The
Palace--Hall of Audience--Chapel of Aurungzebe--The Gardens--The
Jumma Musjeed--Khoonee Durwaza--Protestant Church--The
Observatory--Tomb of Zufder Jung--The Cootub Minar--Allah-ud-Deen
--Gheias-ud-Deen--Mahomed Togluk--Humayoon--Nizam-ud-Deen--The
Cantonments--Mahomedan College--Delhi--Produce of Delhi--Shah
Allum II.--Lord Lake--Monsieur Louis Bourgion--Sir David
Ochterlony--Holcar.--Lieut.-Colonel W. Burn--Mr. E. Thornton
--Allahabad--Marquis Wellesley--Defence of Delhi--Mahomedan
Population--Colonel Ochterlony's good Generalship. 260
CHAPTER XI.
Ghazenuggur--Secundra--Allyghur--The Fort--The Church--Monuments--The
Gaol--Akbarabad---Meerun-ke-Serai--Kanoge--Tombs--Ancient
Coins--Language of Kanoge--Supposed Site of Palibothra--Population of
Benares--Streets of Benares--Singers and Musicians--Productions
of Kanoge--Poorah--Cawnpore--Court Etiquette at Lucknow--Nawab of
Oude--His Regal Rank--Military Depôt at Cawnpore--Saddlery--Sirsole
--Dâk Bungalows--Arapore--Lohunga--Allahabad. 281
CHAPTER XII.
Allahabad--Pilgrimages--The River Jumna--Hurdwar--Akbar--Allum
II.--Fortifications--Inscriptions on Column--Military Depôt
--Lieut.-Colonel A. Abbott, C.B.--Colonel Kyd discovers a
Cave--Ancient Palibothra--Arrian's Account--Megasthenes--Dr.
Adams--Heeren--Chundragupta--Patna--The Sacred Rivers--Bhaugulpore
--The Mandara Hill--The Chundun--Palibothra--Rajmahal--Antiquity
of Kanoge--Allahabad--Extent of Asiatic Cities--Mahomedan
Invasion--Extent of Hindoostan. 300
CHAPTER XIII.
Steamers on the Ganges--Native Pilots--Course of the
River--Mr. Sims proposes Shields to the Banks--Shoals--Tributary
Streams--Rapids--The Jumna--Mirzapore--Benares--Trimbuckjee
Danglia--Chunar--Sultanpore. 333
CHAPTER XIV.
Benares--Bathing in the Ganges--Water-carrying by Women--Extent
and Population of Benares--Attempted Tax--Mosque of
Aurungzebe--Observatory of Rajah Jey Singh--Bazaars--Jewellery
--Cultivation of Sugar--Secrole--Murder of Mr. Cherry--State
Prisoners--The Maharannee of Lahore. 353
CHAPTER XV.
Ghazepore--The Opium Trade--Marquis Cornwallis's
Mausoleum--Sand-banks--Buxar--Cossim Ali Khan--Sir
Hector Munro--Battle of Buxar--Nawab of Oude--Emperor
of Delhi--Revelgunge--The Sonus--The Ganges and Jumna--The
Indus--The Berhampooter--Arrian--Dr. Alexander
Adam--Dinapore--Captain Strachan--Bankipore--H.M. 16th
Lancers--Deegah--Grain Golah--Earl of Munster--Patna--Buildings
of Patna--Population of Benares--Magistrates--E.I. Company's
Charter--Products of Patna--Walter Reinhard--Snowy
Mountains--Tirhoot--Juggernauth--Gyah Proper--Cave of Nugur-jenee--Sir
Charles Wilkins--Futwa--Phoolbarea--Bar--Beggars. 373
CHAPTER XVI.
Monghyr--Wells of Seetacoond--The Fort of Monghyr--Storms
on the Ganges--Cossim Ali Khan--Monghyr
the Birmingham of India--Employment of Women--The
Gaol--A Sacred Bathing-place--Bhaugulpore--Its
Population--Hill Rangers--The Bheels--Mr. Cleveland--Lieut.-Colonel
Tod--Colonel Francklin--Colgong--The
Jungheera Rocks--The Fakeers--The Rajmahal
Hills--Sickreegullee--Boatmen of the Ganges--Rajmahal--Ruins
of Gour--The Bhauguretty--Soottee--The
Sunderbunds--Bogwangola--Jungepore. 402
CHAPTER XVII.
Moorshedabad--Cossimbazar--"Eina Mahal"--The Nawab
Cowar Krishnath Roy--"Snake-boats"--Population of
Moorshedabad--Berhampore--Ivory and Silk Manufactures--Kulna--The
Tidal-bore--English Factory at Kulna--Hoogly--Chinsurah
--Chandernagore--Ishapore--Barrackpore--Serampore--Dum-Dum
--Garden Reach--Calcutta. 430
CHAPTER XVIII.
Project of a Railway to Calcutta--Calcutta a Six Months'
Trip from England--The Strand Road--The Mint--Professor
Weidemann--The Strand Mills--The General Post Office--Custom
House--Auditor General's Office--Military Board--The
Commissariat--The Ice House--Metcalfe Hall--The Public
Library--Bank of Bengal--The Oriental Bank--Indian
Failures--Chandpaul Ghât--Baboo Ghât--Docks of Howrah--Prinsep's
Ghât--Kidderpore Ghât--Fort William--Mir Jaffier--Arsenal
--Chowringhee Road--Ochterlony Monument--Government
House--Entertainments at Government House--Policy
of Marquis Wellesley--Hotels at Calcutta--Theatricals--The
Town Hall--Concerts--Fancy Fairs--The Mayor's
Court--Newspapers--Merchants--Agency Business--Railways--Asiatic
Society--Martinière Charity--College of Fort William--Haileybury
College--Military Seminary at Addiscombe--College--Schools--Mesmeric
Hospital--Chloroform--Sailors' Home--Alms Houses--Masonic
Lodges--Botanical Garden--Charter of 1834--Lunatic Asylums--Law
Courts--Police Office--Provident Funds. 450
APPENDIX.
I. The Treaty with Lahore of 1809. 539
II. Sir David Ochterlony's Proclamation of 1809. 540
III. General Thomas's Opinion of Artillery. 542
IV. The Treaty with Lahore of 1806. 542
V. Proclamation of Protection to Cis Sutlej States against
Lahore of 1809. 544
VI. Proclamation of Protection to Cis Sutlej States
against one another of 1811. 546
VII. Indus Navigation Treaty of 1832. 548
VIII. Declaration of War of 1845. 555
IX. Services of Captain Humbley, Rifle Brigade. 558
X. Inscription on Colonel Cureton's Monument. 559
XI. Official Despatches. 560
XII. The late Major-General Sir Robert Henry Dick. 590
XIII. Proclamation of Peace. 591
XIV. First Treaty with Lahore of 1846. 593
Supplementary Articles to the First Treaty with
Lahore of 1846. 598
XV. Punchees or Punchayets. 601
XVI. Treaty with Goolab Singh of 1846. 601
XVII. Second Treaty with Lahore of 1846. 604
XVIII. Notification. 609
XIX. Supply of Horses in India. 612
XX. Revenue of the Emperor of Delhi. 613
XXI. Notice of Dr. James, Bishop of Calcutta. 613
XXII. Ancient Scriptural Customs. 614
JOURNAL
OF
A CAVALRY OFFICER IN INDIA.
INTRODUCTION.
THE remark has often been made, that India is but little known to
persons in England and on the continent of Europe. That there is ample
ground for such a remark none can deny. For, whether we consider its
vast territorial extent, covering an area of upwards of a million
of square miles, with a population of more than 150 millions; its
commercial wealth and enterprise, from the remotest ages of antiquity,
and its immense natural resources; or, whether we regard India in a
more intimate point of view, as forming an integral part of our own
dominions, owing allegiance to one sovereign ruler, bound up with us by
social relations and family ties, and consider what an El Dorado it has
proved to the British empire for upwards of two centuries and a half;
it is indeed a matter of no small surprise, that India should be so
little, and so imperfectly, known by us.
We can scarcely comprehend how, until recently, the Emperor of China
and his subjects should have looked upon the celestial empire as the
most important in the world; but it is yet more astonishing that we,
to whom the whole world lies open, should be contented to remain in
ignorance of what it is so obviously our interest to understand.
Nearly six centuries have elapsed since that enterprising Venetian,
Marco Polo, first visited India, and revealed to Europe the treasures
of the Eastern Hemisphere; nay, they are familiar to us from the
earliest records of the sacred writers; and, in later ages, Herodotus
and other Greek authors dwelt upon the wonders of the East, its
history, its resources, and its races. It is true that Marco Polo
gained little credit for the marvels he related; but, we must bear in
mind that he did not always speak from personal observation: he not
only noted down what he saw, but eagerly collected all the information
which he could obtain respecting those regions which he was unable
to visit himself. His "Maraviglie del Mondo da lui descritte" were
sneered at and discredited by many, in former times, as the visions
of an enthusiast. People, indeed, believed in the existence of such
cities as Agra and Delhi, because it was corroborated by the Chinese
and Arabic maps which he brought home; while the fact of there being
such an individual as the Great Mogul, was demonstrated by the painted
representation of his Sublime Majesty on the royal court cards,
which are supposed to have been then first introduced. More accurate
investigations, however, have proved his veracity; and the researches
of Klaproth, and other distinguished travellers, of modern times, have
amply verified the truth of his statements.
The discredit at first thrown upon Marco Polo's narratives, may, in
a great measure, be attributed to the Jesuit missionaries in India
and China, who followed in his track, and who, while they availed
themselves of the valuable information which he had supplied, scrupled
not to add the most unblushing and incredible falsehoods. These
Jesuits, though the most learned men of their time, composed a class
of writers whose object it was to appear to surpass all other European
travellers in information; and who sought to acquire an ascendancy in
Asiatic countries, for the benefit of their master, the Pope, and the
sovereigns of the European States.
The maps brought home by Marco Polo, and the information which he
communicated, proved invaluable to the Pope's missionaries, and to
the Venetian and Portuguese traders and navigators who succeeded him,
and aided the gallant Vasco di Gama in discovering the passage to
India by the Cape of Good Hope. The Jesuits, however, did not make
full use of the advantages which they possessed; for, while employed
in constructing their excellent map of the Empire of China, which
gained them free access to every part, they lost an opportunity for
investigating and describing its natural productions, which might
never have occurred again, but for the present movement in China. In
the reign of Kang-hi they obtained permission to establish a college
for the promotion of Christianity; but his successor regarded the
institution with different feelings; and, being jealous of the
influence which it was calculated to produce, ordered it to be broken
up, and thus deprived us of the means of obtaining much valuable
information.
Among the few Oriental works which modern scholars have been able to
obtain, the only one that has as yet been translated into English,
from the Sanscrit, is, a History of the Kings of Cashmere, down to the
Mahomedan conquest, entitled, "Raja Tarengini," published in 1835.
It was not till about seventy years ago, during the war with Hyder
Ali, and the subsequent hostilities between the sovereigns of Mysore,
from 1792 to 1799, that the English became acquainted with the state
of Southern India; when (to our shame be it spoken) the capture at
Seringapatam of the Sultan's library, revealed the fact of an extensive
political correspondence with Napoleon Bonaparte, the Directory, and
the French governor of the Isle of France; also with the Shah of
Persia, with Shah Zeman of Affghanistan, the Maharattas, and many other
native princes of India.
With so many salient points of tangible danger to defend, it might have
been expected that the Government of India would have employed--as
Russia does, and as France has ever done--competent officers in their
service to travel in Persia, Afghanistan, and, in fact, in all the
countries from whence the danger of an invasion was to be apprehended:
especially as it was well known that Zeman Shah of Affghanistan had, in
1796, '97, and '98, made attempts to invade India.
Foreigners have asked the question: "How is it that you English, who
have so long possessed a considerable portion of India, know so little
of that country, that, in our day, Baron Humboldt, a foreigner, should
contemplate a visit to India, to explore the Himalaya mountains?" It
is true, that nearly forty years ago, Lieutenant Webb and others had
ascertained that the highest peak was about 27,000 feet above the level
of the sea, and that it was the loftiest in the world; but doubts
were expressed as to the amount of scientific knowledge possessed by
a Bengal subaltern. Captain Fraser and other Englishmen have since
visited those snowy regions; but it still remains to be seen what
enterprising nation will equip an expedition to explore the character
and resources of India.
That the English, as a commercial nation, have not as yet ascertained
all the products of India, is a matter of yet greater astonishment
to all foreign travellers. It is a fact, that the existence of that
useful article, coal, has only been known within the last few years;
and the same may be said in regard to other natural productions.
The truth is, that, till the year 1814, the East India Company, who
possessed the exclusive right of trade within the limits prescribed by
their Charter of 1660, were the chief merchants of India; and their
investments were almost wholly confined to the exportation of silk, and
the usual cargoes of tea from China. It is to private enterprise that
we are indebted for the commerce in indigo, sugar, and other articles
of modern exportation; till the free trade with China, since the year
1834, opened up a more extended commerce.
Since that period, both India and China have become better known to us;
and the wars in the latter country have naturally made us acquainted
with the eastern portions of its vast dominions.
It cannot, however, be expected that persons pursuing commercial
speculations should have leisure or inclination to write on Indian
subjects, beyond the facts relating to their own traffic. Some men
will not even take the pains to learn the language of the people, but
trust to such natives as speak English. Though some of these gentlemen
have certainly acquired a colloquial knowledge of the language, and
made themselves acquainted with the localities in their immediate
vicinity--yet, as they have never travelled much in India, their
statements are of course imperfect and superficial. It is from the pen
of the civil, military, and other servants of the East India Company,
and from officers in Her Majesty's service, that we must look for
accounts descriptive of different parts of India, and of the various
tribes and races of its inhabitants.
The removal of the army from place to place, affords an observant
officer not only an opportunity of investigating the geological
formation, natural history, and productions of the country, but
also gives him great facilities for studying the history, religion,
and civilization of the people, from the various monuments and
inscriptions, both ancient and modern, which lie on his route.
The rapid extension of our Eastern empire since our first occupation
of Hindoostan may, in some measure, account for our imperfect
acquaintance with the productions and natural resources of the several
great Presidencies under our jurisdiction at the present day. Great
Britain, in self-defence, rather than from choice, or from a policy
of self-aggrandizement, such as she might reasonably be excused in
adopting, has been forced to extend her sway, and to annex numerous
native territories; for a long time, indeed, she only assumed a
passive military tenure of dominions thus acquired, while her natural
reluctance to obtrude or infringe upon the rights and prerogatives
of others has not only influenced her general policy, but even led
her subjects invariably to observe the same caution in indulging
their natural bent for investigation and discovery. This, coupled
with an apprehension for personal safety, and a want of confidence in
native integrity and honour, has greatly impeded a free and frequent
intercourse, and damped the ardour of enterprising and scientific
enquiry.
The well-known faithlessness of the native character, and the internal
disaffection existing among various tribes, have also tended to
interrupt or preclude the possibility of travelling about among the
people, for the purpose of investigating their manners and customs,
and the general state of the country.
The wars with the Sikhs afforded many opportunities of becoming
practically acquainted with the perfidy and duplicity of the natives.
The treachery of Tej Singh at the battle of Ferozeshah, the artful and
wily conduct of Goolab Singh, in his negotiations with the Maharannee
and the British, and the subsequent perfidy of our professed friend
and ally, Shere Singh, at the siege of Mooltan, where he caused the
defection of the Sikh army from the British to Moolraj, and thereby
prevented our taking the fortress, are indisputable proofs of this
trait. It is a painful peculiarity in the Oriental character, which
will ever stamp it in the eyes of a European with an indelible stigma.
This inherent vice, and our cognizance of it, have hitherto checked,
and will continue to check, the ardour of all enquiry and enterprise,
even where pecuniary gain, and still more, scientific information, are
the objects in view.
We may also refer to the history of Moolraj, his confederates, and
their diabolical schemes; but, thanks to an over-ruling Providence,
the arch-traitor and his base accomplices were defeated; their
designs were marred, and fell upon themselves. Truly it is said, "Man
proposes, but God disposes." Who could have foreseen or anticipated the
results of the deliberations within the walls of Mooltan? Who could
have foretold that Moolraj would be dethroned and immured in a British
prison, and his rich and extensive territories revert to a British
Queen? His treachery, however, led to the wanton murder of two of our
officers, and to an immense sacrifice of the lives, both of natives and
Europeans.
Our unwillingness to invade, or to annex to the British dominions, even
partial portions of frontier countries, virtually in our possession
before, has proved, as we have seen, a great barrier to enterprising
researches; and our officers, generally speaking, had more work upon
their hands, than allowed of much leisure or inclination for scientific
expeditions into adjacent, and still less into more distant localities.
We feel justified in offering this explanation, in order to do away
with the reproaches to which the civil and military officers in India,
have been subjected in regard to this question.
With respect to the Punjaub, our Government was perfectly justified
in its annexation; and the act was quite consistent with wise policy,
and compatible with our previous and general mode of dealing with
Indian rulers. No other power except Great Britain would so long have
abstained from punishing a local authority, which had so shamefully
and recklessly disregarded and violated its own solemn pledges and
engagements, upon the faith of which, and which only, the rule of the
Sikhs rested and eventually depended. Great Britain ought to have
annexed this country long before, even as early as 1845. She relied on
the gratitude and fidelity of the Sikh rulers, and was betrayed and
disappointed.
What is applicable in one case, as in that of the Punjaub, may apply
equally to all or any of our Indian acquisitions, and account, in a
great measure, for our still imperfect knowledge of the products and
vast resources of India.
We will not conceal from ourselves, nor leave the public in ignorance
of the fact, that while all classes at home are unanimous as to the
benefit and vast importance of steam communication, the case is far
otherwise in India. The imperative necessity for improvement in
facilitating the means of communication in the interior of India, by
means of roads, bridges, canals, railways and river navigation, has not
obtained that fair share of attention and support which the past and
future wants of India, her products, resources, and trade demand. These
reforms are only in their infancy. India, strange to say, is still as
backward as Turkey in these respects. It is extraordinary that in a
country like India, and under such a rule as the British, no line of
railway should have been laid down till the year 1851, when the attempt
was made in the short line from Bombay.
Any contributions, however scanty, respecting India will be better
appreciated now that a more judicious system has been adopted with
regard to the qualification of candidates for Indian affairs. There are
few families who have not friends and relations in some part of India,
and these are now beginning to give their attention to subjects bearing
upon its history, its people, products, institutions, and religion.
If we have been remiss in the past, and of this there is no question,
we must endeavour, in the future, to regain our credit as a nation by
progressive reform, and the promotion of civilization. India and her
riches, her mountains of light and her hills of gold, must not blind
us to our duties, nor cause us to forget the true though trite saying,
that, "Property and its possession have their duties as well as their
rights." We must not lose sight of the well-being of the country and
her people, in the pursuit of personal aggrandizement, and thus expose
ourselves to the world's obloquy, our children's detriment, and our
disgrace as a nation whose glorious destiny it was to elevate India to
a high and proud position, compared with that state in which we found
her.
It must not be supposed, from the foregoing remarks, that the author
of these pages intends to write a history of India; all he presumes
to do is to give information respecting that part of the country in
which his regiment was on active service, and which is perhaps the
most imperfectly known, namely, the vast district in the north west
of India, where the Sikh battles were fought. Moreover they are not
written for the scrutinizing eye of the public, but only for the
amusement of his friends, and of those who have a personal interest in
the war.
The author left England in the year 1836, and served with H.M.'s 4th
(Queen's own) Light Dragoons for seven years. He studied both the
Oordoo and Maharatta languages, passed his examination, and became
Interpreter to the regiment, and was therefore able to converse with
the natives. Returning to England in 1842, he joined the 9th Queen's
Royal Lancers, and was engaged in the Sikh campaign in 1845-46, which
prostrated the power of that people, and exhibits a series of the most
triumphant successes ever recorded in the military history of India.
The author has endeavoured to delineate scenes presented in a time of
war, which could not be familiar to the general traveller, because the
presence of two hostile armies exhibits the people in their native
character, calling forth their hopes and fears as to the issue of the
combat. In times of peace, the minds of the inhabitants repose upon the
prospects of a good harvest and a fruitful season. The grand features
of an Indian life are comprehended in the expressive phrase: "āb aur
hawa humaree bustee kee achchha huen; mi khoob khata aur khoob sota
hon:" _i.e._; "The climate (air and water) of our village is good;
I eat well and sleep well." If the Indian has plenty of good water
and food, his family share it with him, and he is content; he is no
politician, but when war rages between hostile parties close to
his own door, he can be no longer indifferent, and all his energies
are aroused in estimating the issue. In losing his old masters, the
English, he would fall under the iron rule of the Sikhs; or should the
Sikhs suddenly attack his village and carry off his grain, he would
have reason to apprehend that this act might be construed into "aiding
the enemy," while a refusal to give up his corn to the Sikhs would
involve the burning of his village.
In this way I shall, therefore, endeavour to represent the character
of these people as I myself observed them in peace and in war, that
the reader may judge whether there exists among the natives of her
north-western provinces any peculiarity of character, or whether we
have any reason to conclude that the actions of human nature there are
much the same as in similar countries in the East; for we must not
judge them by those of the West.
It is to be hoped that better days are in store for the East; and, in
that comprehensive term, I would include China, and countries nearer
home, Asiatic Turkey, Persia, etc. I am sanguine that the bright
dawning of a happy future is awaiting these interesting countries.
If the British people have conquered India, it is their imperative
obligation to promote the welfare of their possessions; and we are glad
to notice a laudable spirit in recent legislative measures to promote
many desirable improvements. India, under an improved system, and
with greater facilities of intercourse, will more than recompense any
effort, or application of capital, on our part. Its internal resources
are beyond our conception, and its people will unquestionably advance
and improve in proportion to its elevation as an empire. Schools,
industry, and commerce, if based on a solid foundation, will be the
quick harbingers of peace, good-will, and prosperity to the people and
their rulers, both native and European.
May this happy era be expedited in the good Providence of God!
_Eynesbury, St. Neots,
Huntingdonshire,
May, 1, 1854._
CHAPTER I.
Voyage to India--Advantages of Sailing with Troops on
Board--Regulations at Sea--March from Cawnpore to Meerut--Return
from Nougawa Ghât to Meerut--March to Ferozepore--Cantonments
at Kurnaul--Colonel Campbell's Force--Number of Cattle required
on a March--Sunday--Rev. W.J. Whiting, M.A.--Distribution of
Prize-Money--Advanced Guard--Governor-General--Major Broadfoot and
Captain Nicolson--Suspicions of the Sikhs--Sir David Ochterlony--The
Sikh Army--The Battle of Moodkee--Tej Singh.
THE circumstances of a voyage to or from India are so well known, from
their frequent occurrence, that I will not even allude to them. Our
voyage, however, offered some variety to the usual monotony of a mere
passenger ship, from our having troops on board. This naturally gave
rise to numerous incidents which afford topics of interest, especially
to military men. We, of course, had regular parades both for the sake
of discipline, and to ascertain that the men were sober and clean. The
men had, too, specific duties assigned to them--keeping watch, etc.
The object of placing the troops in watches, in time of peace, is, that
they may assist in pulling and easing the ropes. They are confined
to duties on deck only. If there should be an old sailor among them
he may, of course, occasionally reef and unfurl sail. It is obvious
that the addition of some fifty or sixty men to the crew of a merchant
vessel of 600 or 700 tons burthen, is a great advantage in bad weather,
as it enables almost the whole of the ship's crew to be employed aloft.
In case of necessity a soldier or two will also assist the man at the
wheel, or those at the pumps, by order of the quarter-master, or of the
officer on duty, or of the captain himself.
Another advantage from having soldiers on board is in the case where
the crew might be inclined to mutiny; when they would be restrained
by the military. The troops being told off in watches, those on the
morning watch assist in cleaning, or, what is called _swabbing_, the
quarter-deck; but the rules for merchant ships are very imperfect in
this respect.
Having troops on board necessarily adds much to the safety of the
vessel.
It will probably be in the recollection of many of my readers, that
two ships taken up in Australia as transports, were wrecked on the
Great Andamans, islands on the east side of the Bay of Bengal, in the
year 1844. These vessels would have been totally lost, but for the
assistance rendered by the officers and men of the 80th Foot, the
regiment which so nobly distinguished itself, the following year, at
the battle of Ferozeshah, where many of those brave fellows who helped
to save these vessels, yielded up their lives for their country.
To ensure regularity and a perfect understanding between the commanding
officers of troops and captains of ships, a copy of rules for the
guidance of the commanders of merchant-ships, should be given to the
officer commanding the troops; and a copy of the regulations for troops
of Her Majesty's forces, and the East India Company's service, given to
the commander of the ship. The captain of a free-trader is not allowed
to flog his men; but he may stop a sailor's grog and his pay for any
crime of which he has been guilty. He may also put a culprit in irons,
and lose the man's services.
Without stopping to describe my first impressions of India, or the
countries which I traversed, after landing upon its far-famed shores,
I will proceed at once to Cawnpore, where I found that my regiment was
quartered, and where I first joined it.
On the 17th of October, 1845, my regiment, the 9th Queen's Royal
Lancers, set out on its march from Cawnpore to Meerut, a distance of
266 miles. The Artillery received orders, at the same time, to hold
themselves in readiness to proceed to the north-west. We reached Meerut
on the 12th of November, and encamped near the lines of the 16th
Lancers, to await further orders. We stayed only a few days in this
place, which is situated in the province of Delhi. It is a very large
town, of some antiquity, lying about forty miles to the north-east
of the city of Delhi, and is one of our principal civil and military
stations.
On the 23rd, our corps received orders to march the next day to
Umballa, a large military station, a distance of 126 miles. We
accordingly set out on the morning of the 25th, and marched to
Sirdhana, eleven miles. On the 26th we encamped on the right bank of
the river Hindon, at Nougawa Ghât, nineteen miles from Meerut. On
the 27th, just as the corps was about to proceed onwards--for the
trumpet to boot and saddle had already been sounded--we received a
sudden order, by an express camel, to return and encamp on our old
ground at Meerut. On the 28th, the regiment halted; the following day
it re-crossed the river, and encamped at Sirdhana; and on the 30th
returned to Meerut.
Here we were quartered till the 10th of December, when the Queen's
Royal Lancers received an unexpected and peremptory order, at half-past
eight P.M., to march immediately to Umballa. We accordingly again
set out for Sirdhana, which we reached the next morning; and whilst
at Shamlee, four marches from Meerut, and twenty-eight miles from
Kurnaul, we received, between three and four o'clock P.M., an express
direct from the Commander-in-Chief, with the following important
intelligence:--
"That the 9th Lancers were to proceed at once to Ferozepore, agreeably
to an enclosed route; and that the 43rd and 59th regiments of Native
Infantry, which were to leave Meerut the same day as the Lancers, were
to proceed thither also: the whole to be under the command of Colonel
Campbell, of the latter corps."
[Illustration:
SKETCH OF THE
PRINCIPAL ROADS
approaching the
SUTLEJ.
_London, Longman & Co._]
On reaching Kurnaul, we halted on the 18th, in order to make
preparations for forming a depôt at Umballa; to which place all the
superfluous heavy baggage, and the young horses, were immediately
sent, under the charge of Cornet R.W. King, with instructions to
rejoin head-quarters as soon as he had reported himself to the officer
commanding at Umballa.
At this time, it was not yet known at Kurnaul that the Sikhs had
crossed the Sutlej--an event which took place as early as the 13th of
this month.
I may here remark, that the extensive cantonments of Kurnaul had been
abandoned about three years before, by order of Lord Ellenborough,
then Governor-General. The officers' bungalows were now nearly all
roofless, and the neat little church going to decay. In 1852 it was
entirely dismantled, and the materials conveyed to Umballa, to assist
in building a station-church there. The immense parade-ground, large
enough to allow for the exercise of 12,000 men, is about the best in
India.
The route of the 9th here changed; for instead of proceeding to
Umballa, we marched as follows:--
On the 19th of December to Suggah, 10 miles.
" 20th " Khol, 14-1/2 "
" 21st " Pehoah 14 "
These three villages were in the protected Sikh states: the two
former are small and insignificant; the latter is larger, and of more
importance.
The whole tract of country, on either side of our line of march, was
one continued jungle, and as level as a bowling-green.
The force under the personal command of Colonel Campbell, exclusive
of officers, amounted at this time to 2,833 men, with twelve iron
twelve-pounders, each drawn by an elephant. Brass guns of this
description are usually drawn by ten, or even twelve, bullocks; brass
eighteen-pounders by fourteen bullocks; and brass twenty-four-pounders
by eighteen bullocks. An iron twenty-four-pounder is drawn by
twenty-six bullocks; an iron eighteen-pounder by twenty-two bullocks;
and an iron twelve-pounder by eighteen bullocks. Singly, therefore,
that noble animal, the elephant, will draw a gun for which ten or even
more bullocks are allowed.
These and the following remarks regarding cattle, are given for the
purpose of showing the number used in dragging guns and carrying
loads. By the regulations of the service in Bengal, it is directed that
no elephant shall be taken into the service under twelve years of age,
nor under seven feet in height. A committee is appointed to examine and
report whether the animals are fit for service; but it not unfrequently
happens that infantry or cavalry officers, or both, are put upon these
committees, who know nothing at all of the matter. Sometimes, however,
the animals are so palpably inefficient and diseased, that, as one of
the committee-officers exclaimed, "This camel speaks for itself." No
elephant is employed unless the committee can report that he is capable
of carrying at least 20 maunds of 80 sicca weight, or 1,600 pounds = 14
cwt. 32 lbs.
Camels admitted into the service by a committee, must never be under
five, nor more than nine, years old; and capable of carrying a load of
at least 6 maunds, or 480 lbs. Bullocks are admitted into the service
not under five, nor above eight, years of age. Draught-bullocks must
be fifty inches in height; those for carriage, not under forty-eight
inches. The former must be capable of carrying 210 lbs. avoirdupoise
weight, besides the gear. The comparative value of these animals will
be seen by the following scale:--
An elephant carries 1,600 lbs.
A camel " 480 "
A bullock " 210 "
In wet weather a camel, which, in dry weather, carries six maunds of
tents, etc., will carry only four maunds, one-third being allowed for
the difficulty which the camel finds of keeping on his legs in wet
ground.
A six-pounder gun is drawn by six horses, and when bullocks are
used, by six of these animals. This shows the relative value as to
draught. Now a single elephant pulled along by himself one of the
iron twelve-pounder guns, or, as they were more properly styled,
"nine-pounders _reamed_ up to twelves," which may be thus explained.
Knowing that the Sikhs used guns of large calibre, the Government had
ordered that these guns should be sent to the Delhi magazine, to be
re-cast and reamed up for the occasion; and they did good service. They
were a fraction lighter by this process than the nine-pounders were
before.
On the 21st of December our troops halted at Pehoah. It is a large
town, containing a succession of brick-built houses, the high walls of
which, without any apertures, face the back streets, being evidently
intended as a defence against marauders.
It will be seen, by reference to the map, that the original route by
which the troops were ordered to march to Umballa, would have caused
us to make a considerable _détour_, indeed, one of about thirty or
thirty-five miles, for Umballa is nearly direct north of Kurnaul, while
Ferozepore is north-west.
The Sunday at Pehoah was not kept as is customary on the Lord's-day
in cantonments. We had no chaplain with us; and hence divine service
was not performed. It would appear proper that, in the absence of
the chaplain, some officer should take his place. This is the case
in several European regiments, where the commanding or some superior
officer reads the service to the troops. As on board of ship, when
there is no chaplain, the purser reads the service, so I think, in the
army, the paymaster should discharge this duty. A graduate of either
University, if there be one in the corps, would be, from his education
and training, the most desirable person to read a selection of prayers
from the church service. A chaplain accompanied the Bengal and Bombay
columns, which went to Afghanistan in 1838-39.
We have a noble instance of voluntary dedication to the duties of
chaplain to an army on active service, in the case of the Rev. W.J.
Whiting, M.A., during the second Sikh campaign. The arduous and
invaluable services which this excellent clergyman rendered during that
campaign called forth the grateful thanks of the Governor-General, the
Commander-in-Chief, the Bishop of Calcutta, and the Court of Directors.
He has left an indelible impression, on all engaged in that war, of the
importance of his benevolent, as well as spiritual ministrations.
By the warrant for prize-money for the navy, dated 1846, naval
chaplains share in the prize money. There appears to be no positive
regulation for army chaplains; but the analogy between the two services
will point out the propriety of its existing in the latter case; and
the warrant being by royal authority, no doubt ought to exist on the
subject. It is pleasing to hear that the Rev. George Robert Gleig,
M.A., Chaplain-General to the Forces, formerly a subaltern during the
Peninsular war, and author of several entertaining and instructive
military works, has not only received his medal, with two bars, but has
worn it at Court over his canonicals, and does wear it at all times in
the pulpit.
By the navy warrant, passengers on board a man-of-war, if they desire
to join in an action, receive a share of the prize money. The navy
prize rules are fairer than those of the army. The army rules were
made--I am speaking of India--by the Prize Committees, assembled at
Seringapatam, Agra, etc., in 1799 and 1803; and, being composed of
senior officers, they took good care of their own grade, while the
juniors got a very disproportionate share.
I return from this digression to the bellicose signs of the times.
Colonel Campbell's detachment marched, on the 22nd December, to Goelah,
sixteen miles distant. Here, in consequence of rumours that the Sikhs
had crossed the Sutlej, and having heard, in the afternoon, a distant
noise resembling the sound of cannon (which subsequently turned out to
be the explosion of mines), Colonel Campbell ordered all the troops
under his immediate command to join and march together.
On the following morning the advanced guard consisted of a troop of
the Royal Lancers--the light companies of the 43rd and 59th regiments
of Native Infantry--some sappers and miners--and four 12-pounders. The
main body consisted of the 9th Lancers--43rd and 59th regiments of
Native Infantry--and six 12-pounders. The rear-guard consisted of a
troop of the 9th--one company from each of the Infantry regiments--and
two 12-pounders: Captain Spottiswoode, 9th Lancers, an able and most
intelligent officer, acting as major of brigade. Here was a respectable
force of nearly 3,000 men and twelve guns, or four to each thousand
men, being above Napoleon's proportion, which was only three to 1,000.
It will be seen that we began the campaign with an artillery very
inferior to that of the Sikhs. In fact, if calibres are reckoned, we,
probably, were in the minority as one to three. I shall, in the sequel,
prove these facts. But to proceed:
It will appear strange to the European reader when he hears that the
whole tract of country between the Sutlej and the Jumna, including the
protected Sikh states, which were under our control, as well as our
protection, had been in the possession of the East India Company since
the year 1809, or for thirty-six years before this period; and that,
nevertheless, troops marching to join the army, in a direct line, sixty
miles off, were not even aware that the Sikhs had crossed the Sutlej;
and that, moreover, two battles had been fought, that of Moodkee, on
the 18th, and that of Ferozeshah on the 21st and 22nd of December, the
latter being one of the most deadly contested actions ever fought in
India. I have before stated that the 9th Lancers had been ordered from
Meerut, and did march on the 25th of November; that this line corps,
being unfortunately ordered back, did not leave Meerut the second time
until the 11th of December. Here was a loss of sixteen days: hence it
is clear, that, as the regiment heard firing, or sounds arising from
the explosion of powder mines on the 21st of December, it would have
been present in the battles of Moodkee and Ferozeshah, had not its
march been countermanded.
Now the order to return to Meerut was received on the 27th of November.
To what circumstance was this to be attributed? The Sikhs did not
cross the Sutlej until the 13th of December, or sixteen days after
the 27th of November; and, allowing the order for the return to be
dated the 25th of November, there certainly was not any crossing of
the Sikhs at that time. It is positively stated, by a staff officer,
that Lord Hardinge did not send the order. Although a Governor-General
can send such an order direct, yet all military men here know that
the Commander-in-chief is the channel for transmitting such orders.
At the same time it is an established rule in the Indian army that
a Commander-in-chief cannot order any troops on service without the
sanction of the Governor-General, or of the government. Even in the
common biennial or triennial relief the order is prefaced with the
words: "With the sanction of government." The Governor-General being,
in the present instance, on the field, was, _de facto_, the government.
As Louis XIV. said: _L'état? C'est moi._
Great uncertainty if not mystery prevailed in our army as to the
probability of the Sikhs crossing the Sutlej. The Blue Book comes
to our aid in deciding upon such a probability. It was argued that
in 1843 the Sikhs did threaten to cross, but thought better of it
and forebore; and therefore they might do the same now. But all the
politicals knew well enough that the Punts and Punchees were no longer
under the control of the Durbar as they were in 1843, but were more
likely than not, to act in open defiance of it.
There were two officers, however, of great political talent, whose
official position enabled them to know more of the feelings of the
Sikhs, and of the probability of such a step than most others; one was
Major G. Broadfoot of the 34th Madras Native Infantry, who had held
the office of British Agent for Sikh affairs since November 1844, and
who had acted as engineer in the celebrated defence of Jellalabad,
the heroes of which obtained the well merited Roman distinction of a
mural crown; the other was Captain P. Nicolson, 28th Bengal Native
Infantry who had been appointed his assistant. Captain Nicolson was in
Affghanistan in 1838-39, and was deputed to conduct the traitor Dost
Mahomed Khan to Calcutta, and afterwards to Saharunpore. This officer
had had seven years' experience of the politics of the Affghans and the
Sikhs. At this juncture he was with Major General Sir John H. Littler
at Ferozepore. He was in the daily receipt of intelligence from Lahore,
and knew that the Sikhs would cross, for he wrote to Calcutta on the
9th of October, 1845, that "he believed the Sikhs would cross." What!
because Major Broadfoot knew that the Sikhs had made an empty threat to
cross in 1843, was it therefore improbable, that, being encamped for
a long time, on the right bank of the Sutlej, menacing the Durbar at
Lahore, from whence they marched in defiance of their government and of
their chief, whom they compelled to join them, they would execute their
threat under these circumstances?
Major Broadfoot was the Governor-General's agent, and as such was the
officer to whom he looked for intelligence, Captain Nicolson was his
subordinate; the Major doubted the Captain's intelligence, because he
had received no other information to induce him to believe that the
rebellious and infatuated Khalsa (or royal) troops would dare to cross.
If they threatened to cross in 1843 without carrying that threat into
execution, why might they not do the same in 1845? But this was not
good logic; the inference was against him; because in 1843 they were
obedient to the Durbar, and in 1845 they acted in defiance of it.
It would be useless at this distant period to enter into the discussion
which arose in India, and was afterwards taken up with much warmth
in England, as to the correctness of the views entertained by these
officers on the crossing of the Sutlej by the Sikhs. The relative
views of those two officers were then and are still sustained by their
respective friends; but as far as we can individually offer an opinion,
and as it seemed to many at the time, there is great difficulty in
arriving at a decision as to the rights of the question at issue. It is
true that Major Broadfoot, as the superior officer, might be presumed
to be in a position for obtaining access to sources of information from
which his subordinate was debarred. In a military point of view, this
position must always carry its due weight in the scale of probable
authentic intelligence, and should have a preponderating influence in
ultimate proceedings, especially in such a country as India, and among
such a people as we were then dealing with.
On the other hand, it is by no means uncommon for a subordinate in
an important position, to have access directly, and indirectly, to
authentic intelligence from which his superior may be shut out, and
such a subordinate, knowing his duties and his means of intelligence,
can constantly elicit facts in a variety of ways, especially from a
hostile source, from which his superior is excluded.
Now, in reference to the position of Captain Nicolson at this juncture,
and for a long period antecedent, we are decidedly of opinion that
his information and impressions were correct: at the same time we
do not consider that the admission of this circumstance can warrant
any one to seek, or in justice desire, to disparage the opinions of
Major Broadfoot. He, no doubt, had strong grounds for arriving at
the conclusion that he did, as the information upon which he acted
coincided with his own predilections, and for persisting in these
views, even in the face of equally strong opinions on the part of
Captain Nicolson.
Officers will, and must, differ on points like the one at issue; but we
do not hesitate to say, that Major Broadfoot's views have subjected him
to no small share of obloquy and censure. It is, however, important
to bear in mind, that in no country, and among no class of people
in the world, is there so much cause for a difference of opinion as
among military men in India, especially on such a question as that
under consideration. The character of the Sikhs, their former empty
and vacillating tactics, made the crossing of the Sutlej a matter of
uncertainty, even up to a few days of their actual transit; and, to the
very last moment, some of their own people were doubtful on the point.
This has always been a piece of oriental policy.
It cannot be denied, that the Sikhs had considerable cause for
provocation. The sequestration of the two Sikh villages near
Loodianna, by the British government, early in November, was the
culminating point, and left no doubt of our aggressive intentions on
the minds of the Sikhs. Their suspicions had long been awakened by
our proceedings--by the rumours of boats preparing at Bombay, to form
pontoons across the Sutlej--of our equipping troops in Scinde, for a
march on Mooltan--and reinforcing our frontier stations with men and
ammunition. They persuaded themselves that the policy of our government
was territorial aggrandizement, and that war was inevitable. This
feeling was shared by the mass of the Sikh population. The Durbar
sitting at Lahore, however, knew well enough that the British
government would not take the initiative; but it had completely lost
the confidence and allegiance of the army by its internal dissensions,
and the supine weakness and luxurious indolence of the chiefs of the
Punjaub. The Sikh soldiery used to assemble in groups round the tomb of
Runjeet Singh, vowing to defend with their lives all that belonged to
the commonwealth of Govind--that they would never suffer the kingdom
of Lahore to be occupied by the British strangers, but stand ready to
march, or give the invaders battle on their own ground.
Thus, led on from one step to another, the Sikhs declared war on the
17th of November, and by an overt act broke the solemn treaty of
alliance with our government; they crossed the Sutlej on the 13th of
December, and on the 14th took up a position in the immediate vicinity
of Ferozepore.
This treaty of alliance between the British government and the
Maharajah had been concluded in April, 1809; being occasioned by the
aggressions of Runjeet Singh upon the territories of the chiefs of the
Cis-Sutlej provinces, who claimed the British protection.[1]
In Sir David Ochterlony's proclamation,[2] which was issued at the
same time, it was especially stated, "That the force of cavalry and
infantry which may have crossed to this side of the river Sutlej,
must be recalled to the other side, to the country of the Maharajah.
This communication is made solely with the view of publishing the
sentiments of the British, and of ascertaining those of the Maharajah.
The British are confident that the Maharajah will consider the contents
of this precept as redounding to his real advantage, and as affording
a conspicuous proof of their friendship; that with their capacity for
war, they are also intent on peace."
There can be no question, that so long as Runjeet Singh held the
government, this and subsequent treaties would have remained inviolate.
He knew the power and influence of the English well enough to desire
their friendship, rather than their enmity. But this was not the
case with his successors, whose policy was guided by views of
self-aggrandizement, rather than by the weal of their people, by which
they lost their hold over them.
Up to this time, the British had adopted only precautionary measures
for the protection of their frontier states. The Governor-General,
Lord Hardinge, had joined the Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Gough, at
Umballa, early in December; and as soon as the rumour gained ground,
that the Sikh forces were marching towards the Sutlej, the troops in
the upper provinces received marching orders, and all were speedily on
the move. The corps stationed at Umballa, Loodianna, and Ferozepore,
amounted to about 30,000 men, with 70 field-guns; and as Ferozepore,
which was then occupied by Sir John Littler, was the most exposed, the
troops from Umballa were sent to his support, and only a small garrison
was left at Loodianna, in order that as large a body of available men
as possible, should be placed at the disposal of Sir H. Gough to give
battle to the Sikhs, should they carry out their threat of crossing the
Sutlej.
This, as we have seen, they actually did on the 13th; but so great was
the influence which Captain Nicolson exercised over some of their
chiefs, that he prevailed upon Lall Singh to divide his forces; and it
was only a division of the Sikhs which fought at Moodkee on the 18th of
December.
The Sikh army numbered from 35,000 to 40,000 men, with 50 pieces of
heavy artillery, besides a reserve force stationed near Loodianna,
to act according to circumstances. The army of invasion consequently
more than doubled that of the British. Notwithstanding the jealousy,
mistrust, and treachery which prevailed in the Sikh army, in one thing
they were agreed, that they would rid the commonwealth of Govind, of
their hated British allies; and that in order to accomplish this,
it behoved every individual to act as if the result depended upon
himself alone. The Sikhs were commanded by Tej Singh, an officer of
considerable talent. They took up an entrenched position at Ferozeshah,
an inconsiderable village about 10 miles from Ferozepore and the same
distance from Moodkee.
General Sir John Littler was, as we have stated, lying at Ferozepore
with a garrison of about 10,000 men. As the Sikhs appeared to threaten
the town, the gallant general immediately led out his men, and offered
them battle; this they declined, mainly it would appear, from the
double dealing and artful conduct of Lall Singh and Tej Singh, who,
uncertain as to the result of the present movement, were anxious to
remain friends with both parties.
The head-quarters of the Commander-in-Chief were at Umballa about 150
miles from Moodkee. His Excellency[3] broke up his camp on the 11th,
and by forced marches arrived at the village of Moodkee on the 18th.
The Governor-General was a little in advance of his Excellency, and
rode over to Loodianna to inspect the troops. Finding that post secure
from an attack, he dispatched about 5,000 of the garrison to guard the
important grain depôt of Bussean.
On the 18th of December, the Commander-in-Chief, with the Umballa
division of the army arrived at Moodkee, and was immediately joined by
the Loodianna division. On reaching Moodkee there was no longer any
doubt as to the whereabouts of the Sikh forces. Orders were immediately
issued by the deputy adjutant-general to a brigadier, that he should
be ready for duty next day; in other words, that he should command
the advance guard. This was about twelve o'clock in the day, when the
officers were in the mess tent at _tiffin_. Two young officers of the
16th Native Grenadiers overheard the order: "You are brigadier for
to-morrow; the army will march early in the morning to attack the
Sikhs, who are known to be ten miles off." They were still discussing
the glorious prospect of an encounter with the Sikhs, when orders
arrived in camp for "all hands to turn out," Major Broadfoot having
received intelligence that the Sikhs were near. The order had been sent
by Lord Hardinge,--every inch a soldier, but who at that time had not
yet been appointed second in command to the Commander-in-Chief.
The cavalry and horse artillery darted off to the right front; the
infantry followed; it was a short affair. Lord Gough did not at first
credit the report: "The Sikhs are coming!" Like a true Irish soldier,
he would have a view of them before he could make up his mind--but
he was soon convinced of the reality of the rumour. Major Broadfoot,
galloping up to their position, was fired on; both the Governor-General
and the Commander-in-Chief were, it is said, at one time nearly
captured. The Governor-General, on the other hand, promptly put the
troops in motion: being himself an old Peninsular officer, he was an
excellent judge of the matter. His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief
could not have done otherwise, but there was not time to send to him:
the urgency of the occasion satisfies the mind of all military men; by
a delay the Sikhs might have attacked the British.
Napoleon and other great generals "always anticipated the attack." They
who attack have the advantage of deciding on the form of attack; those
who await it, have no certainty where it may be made.
The battle of Moodkee was, as we have said, a short affair. The Sikhs
headed by Lall Singh, opened with a heavy cannonade, but were answered
by a brisk fire from the English; the enemy's rear was then attacked by
a brilliant cavalry movement which routed him; and night put a stop to
the carnage. The Sikhs were defeated with a loss of 17 guns. That of
the British was very great; they had 215 killed, and 657 wounded. Among
the killed were Sir Robert Sale and Sir John McCaskill. It is doubtful
whether the addition of the 9th Lancers would have been of service at
the battle of Moodkee, because there was no extended field for cavalry
movements: at Ferozeshah, however, they would have been of eminent use,
for on the the second day (December 22nd,) Tej Singh advanced with a
large force of horse artillery; and I have heard it deeply regretted by
officers present in this action, that we were not at hand to complete
the rout of the brave Sikhs.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: See Appendix I.]
[Footnote 2: See Appendix, II.]
[Footnote 3: The Commander-in-Chief is always so styled; the
Governor-General never.]
CHAPTER II.
Colonel Campbell's Advance--Provisions required--Camp
Followers--Samana--The Doabs--Gooroo Govind--The Akalees, their
quoits--Sikhs attack Ahmed Shah--Maha Singh--Maharattas--General
Thomas--Runjeet Singh--Holcar--Sir Charles Metcalfe--Ochterlony's
Proclamation--The Akalees routed--Generals Allard and Ventura--Treaty
with Runjeet--Runjeet's Army--Runjeet's Death--Shere Singh
Murdered--Dhuleep Singh--Ajean Khan--Battle of Moodkee.
IN the meanwhile the force under Colonel Campbell was rapidly advancing
to the scene of action. It was as we have stated, nearly 3,000 strong,
and attended by about 10,000 or 11,000 camp followers, so that we were
in all 13,000 or 14,000 assembled in camp, besides numerous elephants,
camels, bullocks, horses, ponies, &c. I will here remark for what
purposes camp followers are allowed. Every officer, according to his
rank, will have from ten to twenty or twenty-five servants; the
Bengal officers and others have more than those of Madras and Bombay;
but the latter servants cost as much as the Bengalese. If a polki (or
palanquin) be kept, then six bearers well be required; for every horse
two servants, namely a groom and a grass-cutter;[4] for every elephant,
two; for camels, one to every three is the usual number; for every two
bullocks, one servant is allowed. Besides these there is a host of tent
pitchers, store Lascars, etc.
Let us next consider the quantity of provisions required for our
force; calculating the 9th Lancers at 800 horses (including officers'
chargers,) the consumption of gram, a kind of vetch, daily would be,
800 × 5 = 4,000 seers, or 8,000 lbs. = 71 cwt. 48 lbs. The reader may
hence form some idea of the quantity of corn required for 3,000 or
4,000 cavalry horses, or including horse artillery, waggon and private
horses, say 5,000, and there would be a consumption of about 440 or
450 cwt. of gram daily. Then each elephant consumes 30 lbs. of atta
(flour) cakes;[5] each camel public and private is allowed 6 lbs.
of gram, and a bullock 5 or 6 lbs. daily. The elephant likewise gets
forage, such as the leaves of trees; and if he can meet with the branch
of a tree he is all the happier, for with it he gracefully fans away
the flies from himself or his driver: the poor animal suffers greatly
from the mosquito bite. The Mahāwat, or elephant-keeper puts the rice
in a whisp of rice straw, making a kind of bowl for the food, which
is boiled. The camels, too, get bhoosa, or split straw, when it can
be procured, otherwise the leaves of trees: they prefer those of the
Imlee, Peepul, Babool, and Burh (fig-tree). The bullocks eat bhoosa or
karbi, the stalk of Joar or Bajra (the Holcus Sorgum and Spicatus).
If we calculate the quantity of grain consumed in an army of 10,000,
30,000, or 40,000 men, the result will be enormous, and we can only
marvel where such supplies are obtained.
The Duke of Wellington[6] when in India, often marched with 30,000, or
40,000 bullock-loads of grain, or 600,000, or 800,000 lbs. or 53,571,
or 71,428 cwt. His grace's plan was never to open these grain bags so
long as he could get supplies from the villages.
Let the reader imagine an Indian army of 20,000 men with its 60,000,
70,000, or even 80,000 camp followers, all of whom must be fed daily.
Again, the number of hackeries, or carts, with an army of 20,000 or
25,000 men, varies from 700, to 12,000 or more, (for much depends upon
whether there is a siege train), drawn by two, three, or four bullocks
each, carrying shot, shells, and stores, and moving at the rate of two
miles an hour, the whole line of march from the old to the new ground.
Allowing 10 doolies, or light palanquins, for every European troop or
company, for the conveyance of the sick or wounded men, there would be
80 required for the 9th Lancers, and as each dooly needs 6 bearers we
had 480 bearers in our corps alone. In a European infantry regiment
of 10 companies there will be 10 × 10 = 100; 100 × 6 = 600 bearers. A
native corps is allowed only one for a troop or company, but some extra
ones accompany the field hospital. Now such an army would have at least
5,000 dooly bearers, besides those which are required for luxurious
officers, who have been seen, though, I am happy to say, rarely, to
ride in palanquins.
The English waggon train establishment is said not to be good. A
veterinary surgeon has published a work on the use of a light cart,
with cross seats on springs; but before it can be generally adopted,
the roads must be improved. In the Affghan war they used Kajawahs, that
is a frame-work on each side of the camel, for two men.
On the 23rd of December, our force marched to Samana, a large old
town, now completely in ruins, in the province of Delhi. It is
in the Rajah of Pattiala's country, and is about seventeen miles
distant from Pattiala, and seventy miles from Kurnaul. It was a very
fatiguing march; the road during the last few miles being bad, rough
and sandy; this greatly impeded the elephants who dragged the guns,
and our progress was very slow; so slow indeed that at six o'clock in
the afternoon the men had not dined. In cantonments one o'clock is
the usual hour, but in marching to meet an enemy the dinner hour is
uncertain. Yesterday and to-day we were obliged to breakfast upon what
chance threw in our way.
On service with Lord Lake, it is said that frequently neither officers
nor men got any breakfast at all, but broke their fast at sunset;
similar privations no doubt often occurred in the Peninsula; but this
is very undesirable when it can be obviated, for especially in hot
countries, European soldiers require more nourishment than in colder
climates.
Samana contains a large brick-built fort; it appears at one time to
have been very strong, but is now falling to decay. There are many
of these forts, and their origin is long anterior to 1809, when the
British obtained possession of the protected Sikh states. They were
built by Runjeet Singh, when he was lord and master of the country on
the left bank of the Sutlej, governing, in fact, the whole district
between the Jumna and the Sutlej. At that time he fortified all the
towns and villages, to defend not only the inhabitants against the
attacks of their neighbours, but also to prevent the cattle sheltered
under the walls, from being carried off by marauders.
Before proceeding further on our route, we will take a brief survey of
the territory of the Sikhs, and of the history of the singular race
whom we were marching to encounter.
The Punjaub, or country of five waters, from _punj_, "five," and _āb_,
"water," forms the northern portion of the plain of the Indus. It
covers an area of 6,000 geographical miles, and extends from the lower
ranges of the Himalaya mountains to the confluence of the Chenāb with
the Indus. The four streams or arms of the Indus which rise in the
Himalayas, namely, the Jelum, the Chenāb, the Rāvee and the Sutlej,
intersect the country, and, with the Indus, divide it into four Doabs
or Provinces.
The first Doab ("country between two rivers"), lying between the Indus
and the Jelum, is 147 miles in breadth; this Doab is intersected with
defiles and mountain chains, and covered with thickets. It is the worst
cultivated, the most barren and thinly peopled of all the Doabs.
The second Doab is formed by the rivers Jelum and Chenāb. At its
narrowest breadth it is forty-six miles across; this country is flat,
except the low range of hills terminating the beds of rock salt that
run through the Jelum. It is capable of very improved cultivation.
The third Doab lies between the Chenāb and the Rāvee. This Doab might
with the greatest ease be converted into a most fertile country, were
the land irrigated by the mountain streams, which could be conveyed in
artificial canals. It is seventy-six miles in breadth at its widest
part.
The fourth Doab is considerably the smallest, being only forty-four
miles in breadth. It, however, comprises some of the most important
cities, namely, Lahore, Umritsur and Kussoor. It lies between the Rāvee
and the Sutlej.
Besides this fine country, the rule of the Sikhs at this time extended
over the rich Province of Mooltan, on the right bank of the Indus.
The territory under the sway of the Maharajah might be estimated at
8,000 geographical square miles, with a population of about 5,000,000
inhabitants, and an annual revenue of between £2,000,000 and £3,000,000
sterling.
The Sikhs, or "Disciples," were originally a religious sect, which
arose among the inhabitants of the Punjaub as late as the close of the
fifteenth century. Their leader was Nānak, who succeeded in drawing
thousands of enthusiasts after him. He was a disciple of Kahir, and
consequently a Hindoo deist; he upheld the principle of universal
toleration, calling upon his followers to worship the one invisible
God, and to lead a virtuous life. He died at the age of seventy, in
1539. His doctrines and writings tended greatly to elevate the mind,
and reform the morals of his disciples. The Sikhs believe that the soul
of Nānak has transmigrated into the body of each succeeding Gooroo, or
teacher.
The spirit of religious toleration adopted by the Sikhs, was odious in
the eyes of the bigoted Mahomedans, and Arjoon, their chief, who was
celebrated not only for his piety, but for his wisdom and skill as a
legislator, was falsely accused, and put to death, by the Mogul, in
1606. Arjoon converted the obscure hamlet of Umritsur into a city of
great importance, by making it the seat of his disciples, and the place
of the Sikhs' pilgrimage. His cruel death transformed the quiet and
peaceable Sikhs into a warlike nation; their spirit was roused, and,
led on by Hur Govind, the son of their murdered priest, they determined
to avenge themselves upon his assassins. The Mogul, however, was too
mighty for them; and they were forced to retreat into the mountain
districts beyond Lahore.
After a series of sanguinary engagements, in which the Mahomedans
were successful, a powerful opponent to the infidel faith and arms,
was raised up, in the person of Gooroo Govind, grandson of Hur
Govind, in 1675. He effected a radical change in the character, laws,
and institutions of the Sikhs, by the abolition of caste, and the
introduction of religious, social and military reforms. Amidst the
surrounding spiritual darkness, Govind had comparatively enlightened
views of the Deity; he abhorred idol worship, and declared that there
was but one Lord, and that the invisible God, the Creator of heaven
and earth, could not be represented by any painted or graven image;
and that as He could be seen only by the eye of faith, He must be
worshipped in sincerity and truth. Fearful that he himself might
hereafter become an object of religious adoration, Govind denounced all
who should regard him as a divinity, alleging that it was his highest
ambition that his spirit should return to God after his death.
In the full persuasion, that the only hope of successfully opposing
the Mahomedan power was by throwing open the ranks of the army to men
of every grade and profession, he adopted the wise and politic measure
of abolishing the system of caste. This step was at first highly
offensive, especially to the Brahmins, and many quitted the community;
but the majority of the Sikhs rejoiced at the breaking down of this
barrier to all social and religious intercourse. His expectations,
however, were more than realized; vast multitudes joined his ranks, he
caused each of his followers to wear a peculiar dress, to adopt the
name of Singh, or soldier, and to suffer their beard and hair to grow;
he completely reorganized the army, divided his followers into troops
and bands, and placed them under the command of able and confidential
men.
A special corps was formed of the "Akalees," the Immortals, or Soldiers
of God, they wore a blue dress and steel bracelets, and were provided
with a quoit, which they carried either round their pointed turbans or
at their side; this quoit is a flat iron ring, from eight to fourteen
inches in diameter, the outer edge is extremely sharp; they twirl this
weapon round their finger or on a stick, and fling it to a distance
with such dexterity and precision, that the head of the destined victim
is often severed from his body.
In proportion as the Mahomedan power declined, that of the Sikhs
rose into importance. They were bound together by the strong ties
of a fervid common faith; and this gave them unity of purpose, and
consequent strength in operation.
After various struggles for independence, in which they displayed
heroism amounting even to martyrdom, they boldly attacked Ahmed Shah,
the king of Affghanistan on his first invasion of India, in 1747. They
were, however, dispersed by Mere Munroo, and expelled from Umritsur
by Timoor, the son of Ahmed Shah, who was appointed governor of the
Punjaub. Strong in the faith of Govind, and in his all-prevailing name
they rallied their forces, drove out the Affghans, and re-occupied
Lahore in 1756.
About this time they called in the aid of the Maharattas, gained
several victories, and fortified their towns. In 1762, they were again
attacked by Ahmed Shah, who completely routed them, but with their
native energy and warlike prowess, they once more gathered their
scattered forces, and in 1763 slew the Affghan governor, and defeated
his army in the plains of Sirhind, when they took undisputed possession
of the country from the Sutlej to the Jumna, and partitioned it among
their chiefs.
They successfully defeated a seventh attack made by Ahmed Shah; and
after ejecting the governor of Lahore, they took possession of the
territory from the Jelum to the Sutlej. Like the former acquisition, it
was divided among their chiefs.
During the brief period of peace which now intervened, the Sikhs
settled the boundaries of their respective districts, and more firmly
established their federal government, which, properly speaking, may be
styled a theocratic feudal confederation, inasmuch as they considered
God as the Head and Leader of their confraternity. They held stated
councils, or conclaves, which they called "gooroo-moottas," in which
they settled their civil and religious affairs. The nation was divided
into twelve confederacies or "misls," from an Arabic word signifying
"equal," each "misl" being under the control of a sirdar or chief.
Their respite from war was not, however, of long duration; for in 1767,
Ahmed Shah made an eighth and last attempt to reconquer the Punjaub.
Being, however, deserted by 12,000 of his own troops, he was compelled
to retire, and had scarcely re-crossed the Indus when he was besieged
at Rhotas, by the grandfather of Runjeet Singh; and the Sikhs took
possession of this stronghold in 1768.
Timoor, the son of the veteran Shah, had various conflicts with the
Sikhs; and in 1779 reconquered the city of Mooltan, which they had
taken seven years before. He died in 1793, leaving the Sikhs undisputed
masters of the Upper Punjaub.
Maha Singh, though originally an obscure sirdar, soon rose by his
military skill to be the most influential chief in the Punjaub. With
the view of cementing his power, he espoused his only son, Runjeet
Singh, to the daughter of Sudda Kour. Maha Singh died at the early
age of twenty-seven, leaving Runjeet Singh to succeed him in the
government. He was a boy of only eleven years of age, having been born
in 1792, at Gujeranwalla, forty-seven miles from Lahore.
From a very early age, Runjeet Singh began to display that wisdom and
valour, combined with prompt decision and firmness of character, which
distinguished him through life. He carved out with his sword his own
colossal position in the Punjaub; and, at the age of twenty, expelled
the Sikh chiefs, Ischet Singh, Muhuc Singh and Sahib Singh, who opposed
him. On the second invasion and retreat of Shah Zeman, king of Cabool,
Runjeet Singh acquired the object of his ambition--the wealthy kingdom
of Lahore, with the royal investiture and title of Maharajah.
About this time the star of the Maharattas again rose in the Northern
Provinces, under their able leader, Madhajee Sindhia, who, in 1785,
formed an alliance with the Sikhs, and threatened the kingdom of Oude,
then under the protection of the British. Runjeet, however, soon became
jealous of his allies; and finding that they were likely to prove
troublesome, he had recourse to the strongest measures to check their
growing influence.
One of the generals of the Maharatta forces was an English adventurer,
named George Thomas. He came to India in 1781, in a British man-of-war;
he was originally a common sailor, but rose to be quarter-master, and
on his arrival in India entered the service of the native chiefs.
He was sent to oppose the combined forces of the Sikhs. Leaving a
competent force for the defence of Jeypore, which was then threatened
with an attack from another quarter, he marched to Kurnaul, where the
Sikhs lay encamped. Here four successive engagements took place, in
which the Maharattas lost 500 men, and the Sikhs about 1,000. Both
parties at last inclining to peace, a treaty was concluded, by which
the Sikhs agreed to evacuate the Province. In 1800, General Thomas
again entered the Sikh country, with a body of 5,000 men and sixty
pieces of artillery. He was now opposed by the youthful Maharajah,
Runjeet Singh; but the issue was adverse to the Sikhs. Nor was it
surprising that General Thomas with a well disciplined army of 5,000
men, and sixty guns[7] should defeat a young chief of twenty-two years
of age.
The British government was not ignorant of the warlike character and
growing power of the Sikhs. As far back as the year 1784, Warren
Hastings placed a British agent at the court of Delhi, in order to
watch the Sikhs, and deter them from making any attempt upon the
kingdom of Oude.
The Sikhs, however, finding the Maharattas too powerful for them,
applied to the British Resident, to enter with them into a defensive
alliance against their common foe, at the same time placing at the
disposal of the British a body of 30,000 men, whom they had stationed
at Delhi to watch the Maharattas.
In the year 1805, the ambitious spirit of Holcar, the enterprising
Mahomedan leader of the Maharatta forces, determined him to invade
Upper India, and to invest Delhi. He met with a powerful resistance
from Lord Lake, who drove him beyond the Sutlej, where he expected to
find support from the Sikhs. Runjeet Singh had penetrated the Doab,
between the Chenāb and the Indus. He had a meeting with Holcar at
Umritsur, but finding it more to his interest to make friends with the
English, the wily Maharajah put Holcar off, under the pretext that he
must first reduce the Pathans of Kussoor. Friendly relations were then
established with the British;[8] Runjeet Singh visited Lord Lake's camp
in disguise, and a treaty was concluded, by which the English agreed
not to encroach upon the Sikhs' territories so long as the chiefs of
the Punjaub continued to maintain friendly relations.
Runjeet Singh, speaking of this circumstance some time afterwards to
Sir John Malcolm, remarks, that he "was very glad to get rid of two
such troublesome guests," namely, Holcar and the British. It was a
curious coincidence that both Runjeet Singh and Holcar had each but one
eye, but those eyes were piercing, nor were they disliked by the fair
sex, if report speak true.
The news of the intended invasion of India by Napoleon, in 1808, spread
a panic through the country, and the British government took instant
measures to ascertain how far they could rely on the support of the
various native princes. The most powerful and important of these was
Runjeet Singh; and Sir Charles Metcalfe was accordingly despatched
to the court of Lahore as British Envoy. The Maharajah was at that
time engaged in the subjugation of some of the petty independent Sikh
princes. His continued aggressions upon the Cis-Sutlej states, several
of which he had made tributary, induced the princes of Sirhind to place
themselves under British protection, and the envoy was charged with a
remonstrance to Runjeet Singh upon this subject.
He received the envoy at Kussoor, which he had just conquered, and
seemed more intent upon the enlargement and defence of his own borders,
than alive to the dangers of a French invasion. So far from entering
into the views of the British government on the necessity of a
defensive alliance between them and the Sikhs and Affghans, in order to
oppose the ambitious designs of Napoleon, Runjeet Singh replied, that,
as the head of the whole Sikh population, and as master of Lahore, he
had an indisputable right to the enlargement of his own territories,
and scorned the attempts of the British to confine him to the right
bank of the Sutlej. He abruptly broke off the negotiation, and made
a third invasion into the Cis-Sutlej territory; the British envoy
remonstrated against these open acts of hostility, and remained on the
banks of the Sutlej until the Maharajah returned victorious from the
conquest of Fureedkot and Umballa.
The British government hereupon again remonstrated, and declared to
him, through Sir Charles Metcalfe, that they would not tolerate any
superior authority in these parts, as the whole country, from the
Jumna to the Sutlej, was under their protection. To give efficacy to
this remonstrance, they despatched a corps under Colonel Ochterlony,
and a reserve corps under Colonel St. Leger. The former advanced
to the Sutlej, and in the beginning of February, 1809, he issued
a proclamation declaring the Cis-Sutlej states to be under British
protection.[9] The proclamation ordered that the fortresses on the left
bank of the Sutlej should be razed, and the lands restored to their
ancient possessors: that all the troops which had crossed the Sutlej
should be recalled by the Maharajah to his side, and that in future
they should never advance into the countries of the chiefs situated
on the left bank of the river, who had placed themselves under the
protection of the British government. That the British government
would maintain perpetual friendship with the government of Lahore, and
have no concern with the territories and subjects of the Rajah to the
north of the Sutlej; but that in the event of any violation of these
stipulations, the treaty should be null and void.
An apparently trivial circumstance, coupled with the apprehension lest
the remaining independent states might break their allegiance with
him for that of the British, favoured the demands of the envoy, and
convinced the Maharajah that the British soldiers far surpassed his
own. Sir Charles was at this time in the Sikh camp at Umritsur, and
was attended by an escort of only two companies of native troops and
sixteen horsemen. The festival of the Muharram was being celebrated by
his Mahomedan attendants. The Akalees looked upon this as an insult,
collected a body of the Sikhs, and attacked the envoy's camp with a
round of musketry. The small escort immediately seized their arms; and,
though their assailants were ten times more numerous than themselves,
they completely routed them with considerable loss. Runjeet Singh was
attracted by the uproar, and arrived just as the little band of brave
Sepoys had gained the victory. Their valour had a great effect upon
him; he apologized to the envoy for the insult offered by his people,
expressed his high admiration of the discipline and courage of the
British troops, and declared himself ready to sign the wished for
treaty, which he accordingly did on the 5th of April, 1809.
Two years after, in 1811, when the Goorkhas threatened to invade his
dominions, and asked the British to aid them in their attempt, Runjeet
Singh obtained permission from the Governor-General, not only to
cross the Sutlej and fight the enemy in their mountain recesses, but
received the assurance, that, if the Goorkhas should descend into the
plains of Sirhind, he should receive the assistance of British troops,
in maintaining inviolate the passage of the Sutlej.
This assurance allayed his apprehensions and jealousy, of the influence
and power of the British. He continued incessantly engaged in extending
his dominions and increasing his army. Sword in hand, he conquered
Mooltan and Cashmere; while his warfare with his formidable foes,
the Affghans, was unabated, till he finally succeeded in obtaining
possession of Peshawur, through the treachery of the brother of Dost
Mahomed, whom Runjeet had bribed with the large promise of an annual
pension of two lakhs. The continued intestine disputes of the minor
states, induced the British government to issue the proclamation of
1811.[10]
It was in 1822, that Runjeet first received into his service two
foreign officers, MM. Allard and Ventura; the former being a Frenchman,
the latter an Italian. After the fall of Napoleon, these officers had
in vain sought an honourable employment in Persia, and, therefore,
turned to the warlike chief of Lahore. He gave them a most cordial
and brilliant reception, and commissioned them to organize his army on
the French system; which they did with great success. Each of these
officers had a salary of 50,000 rupees, or £5,000. sterling annually.
Four years afterwards, they were followed by Generals Court and
Avitabile. It was to these officers that the Sikh chief owed the highly
efficient state of his army, which consisted of a well disciplined body
of 50,000 men, besides 100,000 Irregulars. Lahore and Umritsur were
made the depôts of arms; and here cannon foundries, powder magazines
and arsenals were established.
At times Runjeet, and still more his chiefs, felt jealous, lest too
much authority should be given to these European officers; for which
reason he rather wished them to instruct than to command,[11] fearing
they might prove dangerous to the state.
In the summer of 1831, his late Majesty King William IV. despatched
Sir Alexander Burnes to Lahore, to take charge of a splendid present
of horses from His Britannic Majesty to the Maharajah. Runjeet Singh
was then at the height of his power; respected by his friends, and
dreaded by his foes. The veteran hero was flattered by receiving this
distinguished honour from the monarch of a nation which he highly
venerated, and whose superiority in every respect he acknowledged. He
gave Sir Alexander Burnes a brilliant reception; and the esteem which
he thus manifested for the English, led to several interviews between
himself and the Governor-General, Lord William Bentinck, at Rooper, in
October, 1831.
The result of these interviews was a treaty of commerce and navigation,
to which a supplementary treaty was afterwards added, between Runjeet
Singh and the British, by which it was agreed, that the merchants
and traders should pay a certain fixed duty, in lieu of the former
arbitrary exactions.[12]
The meeting at Rooper, in October, 1831, between the Governor-General
and Runjeet Singh, caused a great display of British and Sikh troops.
An officer who was present on this occasion, told me that the movements
of the Sikh battalions were very slow, and to the beat of drum: the
cavalry, mostly wearing bright cuirasses, looked glittering and showy;
whilst many of the gun carriages seemed as if a long march over a rough
road would break them down. The word of command was always given in
French.
In March, 1837, the Commander-in-Chief, General Sir Henry Fane, G.C.B.,
visited Lahore, on the occasion of the marriage of Runjeet's grandson,
Nou Nehal Singh. The entertainment was on a magnificent scale, and
cost between ten and eleven lakhs of rupees, or between £100,000 and
£110,000 sterling. Here there was again a grand military display,
and feats of arms. On this occasion, Runjeet Singh established an
order of Knighthood, called "the Star of the Punjaub." He bestowed
the Order upon Colonels Torrens, Churchill, Lumley, and Dunlop; the
Adjutants-General, and Quartermasters-General, of the Queen's and
Company's armies respectively. The investiture, with the Order, took
place afterwards at Simla, at the head-quarters of Sir Henry Fane.
All these individuals, donor and receivers, are now dead. It was the
_setting star_ of Runjeet Singh, for he died about two years after, in
June, 1839.
The appearance and discipline of Runjeet's army, was the admiration of
all military beholders. In December, 1838, before the Bengal column
marched from Ferozepore to Cabool, _viâ_ Scinde and Candahar, there
was a review of the British troops under the Commander-in-Chief, Sir
Henry Fane. Several Sikh soldiers who were present, were heard to make
very insolent remarks, and twisted their moustachoes, a gross affront
to any one, especially to an officer. They asserted that their troops
could manoeuvre much better, etc. A day or two afterwards the Sikhs
gave a review, and actually copied all the British evolutions, with the
greatest accuracy and precision. The infantry movements were also more
rapid than at Rooper, in 1831.
Lord Auckland, Governor-General of India, in the same month, visited
Runjeet Singh, at Lahore, when another display of English and Sikh
troops took place. It was on the occasion of the review of our troops,
that his Lordship, who was a bad rider, had a serious fall from his
horse. His death would have been a great blow.
Lord Auckland, at that time, asked permission of the Maharajah to allow
the British troops a free passage through his territory, on their march
to Cabool, and to join his forces with those of the British, in this
expedition into Affghanistan. This Runjeet Singh acceded to rather as
a matter of necessity than of choice. Though only 59 years of age, his
mind and body had become so enfeebled by his irregular course of life,
that during his interview with Lord Auckland, his speech was already
affected. He sank rapidly, from dropsy, and was finally carried off by
paralysis.
When the death of their great chief was approaching, the army was drawn
up in a line, and the dying monarch was carried in a litter through the
ranks. As the procession moved slowly along, his favourite minister,
Dhean Singh, appeared, to receive orders from his expiring sovereign,
and informed the army, that Runjeet Singh declared, that his son,
Khurruk Singh, should succeed him, and that Dhean Singh should be the
chief minister of the kingdom. The soldiers received this intimation
in perfect silence. According to the custom of the Sikhs, the body of
the Maharajah was burnt the next day, before the gates of his palace,
in the presence of all the great persons of the kingdom, and of the
assembled troops. Four of his wives, two of whom were only sixteen
years of age, and endowed with great personal beauty, together with
seven of his concubines, committed themselves to the flames with his
body. Dhean Singh also made a semblance of profound grief, and appeared
to be in the act of throwing himself upon the funeral pile, but was
forcibly withheld by the family of the Maharajah.
The death of Runjeet Singh occasioned considerable difficulty in the
management of the auxiliary Sikhs under Colonel Wade, the British agent
at Lahore who was now with the British army, and had the command of the
column that was to force the Khyber pass. This glorious achievement he
accomplished from the 22nd to the 27th of June, when he made himself
master of Ali Musjid. He was nobly sustained in this campaign by the
troops of Runjeet Singh; and on the 6th of August, the army of the
Indus entered Cabool and forced Dost Mahomed to fly to Bokhara.
Runjeet Singh was succeeded by his son Khurruk Singh, then thirty-seven
years of age. He was a weak and luxurious prince, and was totally
incompetent to the affairs of government. Soon after his accession he
was seized with a severe illness, of which he died, in November, 1840.
His son, Nou Nehal Singh, and the chief minister, Dhean were supposed
to have been not altogether innocent of his death.
Nou Nehal Singh, who was nineteen years of age, inherited his
grandfather's ambitious spirit, and could scarcely conceal his joy,
even at his father's funeral pyre, on finding himself sovereign of
Lahore. He hated the English, and dreaded the effect of their policy
in procuring a clear passage for their troops through the Punjaub,
and thus, by a chain of consecutive alliances, effecting a union
between the southern provinces of India and the West of Europe. He was
determined to give proof of this on the first favourable opportunity
that might present itself; but the royal sceptre which had so long
fired his youthful breast soon passed to another, for the same day
that elevated him to the throne, saw him a corpse! On leaving the pile
he thought to wash away his sins in the Rāvee, and as he was riding
through the outer gateway of the palace, a large portion of the archway
fell upon him, killed the friend who was riding at his side, and so
severely wounded the young prince in the head, that he expired in
three hours. For several days his death was kept a secret; by some, in
order to give his mother time to come up, and by others, to secure the
succession to Shere Singh, the reputed, and afterwards adopted, son
of Runjeet Singh. After a fierce contest between the queen mother and
Shere Singh, the latter ascended the throne.
Shere Singh, though he had compelled the troops to recognise him as
king, was incapable of commanding them. They soon became insubordinate
and committed the most violent excesses; and their lawless conduct gave
rise to apprehensions of a general insurrection.
This so intimidated the merchants and wealthy inhabitants on both sides
of the Sutlej, that they appealed to the English for protection. The
Maharajah was fully sensible of the critical state of his position,
and though he deprecated the interference of the British power,
he considered it best to yield to the necessities of the case and
listen to the advice of the British. For though educated at the
most magnificent and warlike court in India, amid events which were
calculated to call forth a chivalrous spirit, Shere Singh never
manifested either valour or firmness of character, but was carried
along by the tide of events, and swayed by the dominant minds of the
age. He felt his own incapacity as a ruler, and for a long time was
completely under the control of Dhean Singh.
During the disastrous campaign of Cabool in 1842, Shere Singh rendered
great services to the English in the relief of the distressed garrison
of Jellalabad, and provided more than the stipulated corps of 5,000 men
on payment of the sum of two lakhs of rupees.
The Governor-General, in consequence of the state of Affghanistan,
determined to place an army of reserve at Ferozepore, and took this
occasion for proposing an interview with Shere Singh. The Maharajah,
however, apprehensive of the result of such an interview, declined the
proposed honour. Lord Ellenborough took offence at this, and Shere
Singh despatched Dhean Singh and his own son, Perthaub Singh, to make
an apology in person, which was accepted; and his Lordship returned the
visit of the young prince.
The military Sikh escort which accompanied, them crossed the Sutlej,
which was much swollen at the time by the late heavy rains, with a
rapidity and skill that excited the admiration of the British officers.
The prince was permitted to review the British forces, soon after which
the Governor-General broke up the encampment, and Shere Singh was
relieved from his dreaded foe.
Shere Singh was addicted to drunkenness and vice, and succumbed to the
influence of unworthy favourites. He had become suspicious of Dhean
Singh, and, at their instigation, was induced to sign a royal warrant
for his execution. This order was shewn to Dhean Singh by the very
men who had procured it. Incensed at the treachery and ingratitude of
the man whom he had raised to the royal power, Dhean Singh, as prime
minister, immediately signed an order for the assassination of Shere
Singh himself, and placed it in the hands of Ajeet Singh, the favourite
who had supplanted him, and who had before threatened to kill Shere
Singh.
Both Shere Singh and his hopeful son, Perthaub Singh were treacherously
murdered on the next day, September the 15th, 1843, by Ajeet and Lena
Singh; and the wily minister, Dhean Singh, who had joined with them
in the conspiracy, met with the same fate, at their hands, before the
close of that very day.
Heera Singh, the son of Dhean Singh, called upon the army to avenge his
father's murder. Ajeet and Lena Singh were surrounded the same night,
and both met with their well-merited fate before the morning's dawn.
Dhuleep Singh, the reputed son of Runjeet Singh, who was only a few
months old at the time of his father's death, and, consequently, now
only four years of age, was proclaimed Maharajah. His mother, Chunda,
appointed her brother, Jowahir Singh, prime minister; but he was
disliked by the army, and cruelly murdered by them. The military were
now masters of the state, and sought to make Goolab Singh, the oldest
of Runjeet's favourites, vizier. Goolab being fully aware that his
great wealth was the bait, kept them in a state of uncertainty as to
his resolve; but, in the meantime, instigated them to march upon the
British territories, with the intent of invasion.
Deceived by the promised support of Goolab, and buoyed up by exalted
notions of their own military prowess and discipline, as well as
animated by the desire of pillage, the Sikhs made sure of success.
Though they had never seen the British troops in battle, the Khalsa
soldiers considered themselves fully equal to contend against them.
There is no doubt, and it is necessary to make the remark in order
to account for the presumptuous conduct of the Sikhs, that our sad
reverses at Cabool in 1841, and our retreat in 1842, had greatly
affected the _prestige_ of the British military character. Just as
the failure of Lord Lake before Bhurtpore, in 1805, even after his
victories in 1803 and 1804, had left the impression on the minds of the
native princes, that we could not take forts.
Now the Sikhs under Runjeet Singh had defeated the Affghans under
Ajean Khan, the elder brother of Dost Mahomed Khan, at Noushera (half
way between Attock and Peshawur), in 1823. They imagined themselves
superior, as soldiers, to the Affghans, and knew that the latter had
defeated the British. They did not, however, bear in mind that our
troops were destroyed in the retreat by the frost and snow. Lady Sale
says, the first snow fell on the 26th of November. They, therefore,
argued thus:--They had beaten the Affghans, and the Affghans had
beaten the British; therefore the British were not invincible, and
might be overcome by Sikh troops.
The disturbed state of the Lahore government during the latter part of
the reign of Runjeet Singh, up to the present moment, had compelled the
British government to introduce various precautionary measures for the
protection of the British frontier, on a scale which was opposed to the
terms of the treaty of 1809. It is true that the British government
had recognised their boy-king, Dhuleep Singh, who had been proclaimed
by the army, but being of a naturally suspicious character, the Sikhs
considered themselves in danger of invasion, and resolved to anticipate
the British, and wage war, by crossing the Sutlej. They appointed
Lall Singh, prime minister, or vizier, and Tej Singh, an officer of
considerable talent and experience, commander-in-chief of the Sikh
forces.
The British government demanded an explanation of this movement, but
none being given, the Governor-General issued a proclamation,[13]
declaring all the possessions and territories of the Maharajah Dhuleep
Singh on the left bank of the Sutlej to be confiscated and annexed to
the British dominions; calling upon the inhabitants and their rulers
to second the British government, he assured all who were peaceably
disposed, of the protection of that government.
Thus the war was begun. The Sikhs, as we have seen, crossed the Sutlej
with their heavy artillery on the 13th, on the 14th, marched to
Ferozeshah, and, on the 18th, met the British forces, under the command
of Sir Hugh Gough.
The battle of Moodkee, on the 18th of December, was their first battle
with the English. This engagement they themselves allowed to be a
defeat; but in that of Ferozeshah, three or four days later, they
claimed the victory. Indeed many British officers have told me that
it was a very desperate affair, and that it was fortunate the Sikhs
were ignorant of their own power and resources. If this fact be held
in recollection, when the reader comes to the battle of Sobraon, seven
weeks later, he will see the necessity for a grand effort on their
part; for another defeat or retreat would have been ruin to the Sikh
cause.
Colonel Campbell's force was, as we have stated, nearly 3,000 strong,
but the loss of the English in the battles of Moodkee and Ferozeshah,
amounted to 3,291 men killed and wounded, and 804 horses; so that the
arrival of this force would not replace the numbers lost. It was,
therefore, necessary to draw troops from other quarters also, and
concentrate them at the place of action.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 4: In the Dragoons, one groom is allowed by Government for
every two horses, the other being paid by the soldiers themselves.]
[Footnote 5: In Bengal Proper, rice. These cakes are made just like
those eaten by the men, but thicker and of coarser flour. No bad food
on a pinch.]
[Footnote 6: Vide Despatches.]
[Footnote 7: See Appendix III.]
[Footnote 8: See Appendix IV.]
[Footnote 9: See Appendix V.]
[Footnote 10: See Appendix VI.]
[Footnote 11: In 1845, Allard was dead; Ventura, Court and Avitabile
were in Europe; Cortland, son of Lieut.-Colonel Cortland, late of H.M.
31st Foot, who had entered the service of the Sikh leader, came over
to the British. Colonel Hurbon, a Spanish officer, erected the works
at Sobraon; still he was not a regular officer in the pay of the Sikh
government, but was employed for the occasion by the troops.]
[Footnote 12: See Appendix VII.]
[Footnote 13: See Appendix VIII.]
CHAPTER III.
Nidampore--Christmas-day--Munsorepore--Kotla
Mullair--Phurawallee--Bussean--Surrender of Wudnee--Cession of
Ferozepore--Bhaga Poorana--False Alarms--Roree Bukkur--Sir John
Littler--Sir H.M. Wheeler--Ferozeshah--Aliwal--Sikh Forces--British
Forces--Sikh Entrenchment--Returns of Killed and Wounded--Sir H.
Hardinge--Battle of Ferozeshah--Sudden Attack by Tej Singh--His
Blunder--Appearance of a field of Battle--Fate of the Wounded.
TO resume our route. On December the 24th, Colonel Campbell's force
marched to Nidampore, a small village; a distance of nine miles. Here
we halted, with the prospect of spending a quiet Christmas Day. On
this day, however, we received intelligence, in camp, of the battle of
Ferozeshah, which had taken place on the 22nd of December; and that
the Sikhs, driven from the field, had retired across the Sutlej. This
day, therefore, instead of breathing peace and love, was employed in
preparations for war with our determined foes: unlike the Romans at the
siege of Jerusalem, when no operations were undertaken against the Jews
on their Sabbaths and Holy days. In Europe, however, and indeed all
over the world in the present age, all days are alike in regard to war.
The heathen Sikhs, who keep sacred no day in the week, might attack us
on any day, and at any hour; so that it was necessary in self-defence
that we should be prepared for the enemy. Accordingly the services of
the armourer-sergeant and his men were put in requisition to sharpen
swords and lances, and all was ready for starting the next morning.
On the 26th, our troops began their march to the village of
Munsorepore, a distance of ten miles, through a country abounding in
jungle, which rendered it necessary to observe great caution on the
march; and flanking parties were sent out to prevent a surprise. Our
route lay through two villages, which appeared to be thinly peopled:
the walls of the houses were in a state of decay, and altogether they
presented a desolate and deserted appearance. This, however, was not
extraordinary; for as the Sikhs had been located on the south side of
the Sutlej for fourteen days, it was to be expected that the people
would abandon their homes and fly to the desert.
On the 27th of December, our troops marched to Kotla Mullair, a
distance of sixteen miles. This town is very long and densely built;
the main street being peculiarly narrow.
On the 28th we marched to Phurawallee, the country of the Nabah Rajah,
twelve miles over a flat country, and by an unmade road, but by no
means bad. This was Sunday; and still no public service. Last night, a
private of the Lancers shot himself dead; such an event is happily of
rare occurrence, and it produced a deep impression upon both men and
officers.
There was a report abroad in the bazaar to-day, that another battle had
taken place; but there was no foundation for the rumour. The Sikhs, it
will be seen, did not meditate fighting again so soon.
On the 29th, we proceeded to Bussean, a long twelve miles' march
through a flat and open country. The detachment had under its charge
4,300,000 rounds of ball (musketry) cartridges. This would give for
20,000 infantry, 215 rounds per man; and, as it is said that one shot
in 100 kills, there were rounds sufficient to destroy 43,000 of the
enemy. Independently of this, we had round-shot, shrapnell, canister
and grape.
Our next march was to Wudnee or Budnee, fifteen miles and a half, by a
very sandy route, which was consequently quite unfit for hackeries.
On the road, the commanding officer received an Express from the
Governor-General, ordering us to take the fort of Wudnee, should we
find it occupied by Sikh troops. Captain Rose, of the Lancers, was
accordingly sent in advance of our force, to surround the Avails with
his troop. To his great regret, the garrison offered no resistance, and
about 5,000 rupees, and a few half-starved horses were given up to us.
Two companies of the 59th Regt. of Native Infantry were left in charge
of the fort.
Only a few days before, the whole of this district had been under
the sway of the Maharajah of Lahore; but by the proclamation of the
Governor-General it was now incorporated with the British dominions.
About ten years previous to these events, the demise of the female
chief of Ferozepore without issue, gave us possession of that place;
the rule in such cases being, that the estates of those chiefs who die
without heirs become escheats. Thus this city fell to the East India
Company. Runjeet Singh had previously objected to cede to us any of the
ferries; but we had now for some time past been permitted to make use
of them, both here and along the course of the river. On the cession
of Ferozepore, however, his jealousy was aroused anew, and studiously
fostered by his officers, at our occupation of a territory so near his
own capital; and his chiefs constantly urged upon him the necessity of
excluding us. Thus, with the possession of Ferozepore, we had gained
the ferry at that place, and subsequently also secured one opposite to
Loodianna.
This was an important point, for by it we obtained the right to cross
whenever we chose. The Sikhs, however, as we have seen, were not
prevented from crossing over to us. It was a very anomalous position
for the British rule to be placed in, for, while we were protectors
of the estates of four Sikh Rajahs, the estates of other chiefs were
under the government of the Lahore Durbar. It is obvious that the
circumstance of the Sikhs having a right to visit the estates of those
chiefs who owed allegiance to the Durbar, and none to the British
government, must have been a source of considerable inconvenience and
annoyance, to say the least of it. Hence there is no doubt, that they
sent over guns and ammunition to the left or south bank of the Sutlej,
long before they crossed themselves, and when they did venture over, we
confiscated the said estates.
To return to our narrative. On the 31st of December, the detachment
under Colonel Campbell marched twelve miles to Bhaga Poorana, a small
native village in the possession of the Alloo-walla Rajah, who held
lands on both sides of the Sutlej. Here the Colonel received an order
from the Commander-in-Chief to proceed to Loodianna, instead of to
Ferozepore, the object of which change we could not in the least
understand. In the evening, while we were at mess, we were suddenly
disturbed by the report that some thousands of Sikhs were approaching
our camp, and indeed had actually entered it. Our dessert was left
untouched upon the table; the whole regiment was soon mounted, and
drawn up at the head of their lines. After waiting about half an hour,
and seeing no enemy, all retired to bed. In less than half an hour
after, we had a second false alarm, from the firing of some sentries,
belonging to the picquets of the Native Infantry corps. Such mistakes,
with all their concomitant annoyances, are by no means unfrequent. An
alarm has been occasioned by a few bullocks crossing a nullah near a
camp during a dark night. In such a case, a Sepoy sentry receiving no
answer to his challenge, "Who come dare?" (who goes there?), fires
his piece, and the whole camp taking this as a signal of danger, is
instantly in motion.
A false alarm of this kind occurred at Roree Bukkur, in Scinde, when
the Bengal column under Major-general Sir Willoughby Cotton, was
_en route_ to Candahar, in February, 1839. The musket of one of the
sentries went off by accident; the others immediately fired, whereupon
the whole of the troops turned out.
Looking at the map, it would seem as if the recent "Express" to move
on Loodianna had in view to command the road from Delhi, though just
then no convoy was, it is believed, on the road from that city. Again,
troops had been marched from Loodianna, and Runjoor Singh had not
then crossed. The sudden appearance of the Sikhs in the neighbourhood
of our frontier, threatened the two advanced posts at Ferozepore and
Loodianna, both on the south bank of the Sutlej, and distant from
each other about seventy miles. Major-General, now Sir John Littler,
commanded at the former place; and, when summoned on the 23rd of
December, 1845, to join the Commander-in-Chief, had about 10,000
troops. He left a small force at that post, and joined head-quarters
at about 1 o'clock, P.M. At Loodianna, Colonel, now Sir Hugh Massy
Wheeler, K.C.B., commanded. At Subathoo, fourteen miles up the hills,
the Honourable Company's 1st European regiment was stationed. Loodianna
is about equi-distant from Subathoo and Moodkee.
The battle of Ferozeshah, on the 21st and 22nd of December, 1845,
has been the subject of discussion both as to the time and form of
making; the attack. In regard to time, it is the opinion of the French
marshal, Marmont, in his "L'Esprit des Instructions Militaires," p.
151, that "it is best to begin a battle early in the morning if certain
of success; but if uncertain, in the middle of the day." Some assert
that it was not necessary to commence the attack on the 21st, and that
it would have been far better to have deferred it till early the next
morning. Then again it is maintained, that had the attack been deferred
till the morning of the 22nd, Tej Singh would have joined the main
body of the Sikhs. However, early next morning the attack was renewed,
and the rest of the entrenchments soon taken. It also appears that Tej
Singh did actually come up before Ferozeshah at nine o'clock in the
morning--at an hour when the British had possession of the place--and
Major-General Littler was ordered to hold it at all risks.
I have before said that the cavalry were taken off in the direction of
Ferozepore, with the exception of the 3rd Dragoons. Here, again, I may
remark on the absence of the 9th Lancers, which was a general subject
of regret among the officers present in the battle; a regret which I
have heard repeatedly expressed both at the time and since. It is not
possible to calculate the value of the services which this strong corps
might have rendered in the hour of need; instead of which they were
marching backwards and forwards between Ferozepore and Loodianna. Yet
it is very probable that Tej Singh may have been aware that the 9th
and 16th Lancers, and other corps, were on their march to join the main
army, and hence have hastened his retreat.
Another objection to delay was the great scarcity of water; there
being, it is said, no water at Ferozeshah, except in the village held
by the enemy, and but little in the villages near it. Others, again,
assert, that had the troops fallen back a little they would have found
a supply of water, and that the Sikhs, moreover, would then most
probably have come out of their entrenchments, and attacked the English
on even ground.
At the battle of Aliwal, which took place subsequently, namely, on the
28th of January, 1846, the Sikhs did leave the little entrenchment
which they had thrown up, and took up a position, their right resting
on a village of the same name; their left on a circular entrenchment;
and their centre on some heights. Again, it is whispered that the
Governor-General and the Commander-in-Chief were desirous of making
an immediate attack, in order to prevent the Sikhs from marching upon
Ferozepore or Loodianna. Of Loodianna, however, there was no danger,
because they would naturally attack that place by crossing at Philoor;
there was far more reason to have expected an attack upon Ferozepore,
for three good reasons.
1st. Because the Sikhs had fallen back to Ferozeshah, only a few miles
from Ferozepore.
2ndly. Because, as has been before stated, Runjeet Singh's Chiefs were
very averse to the English having possession of Ferozepore, from which
there is a direct road to Lahore, their capital; and
3rdly. Because, by their retrograde movements from Moodkee, the Sikhs
joined the other infantry.
The object in not attacking till the next morning, would have been to
gain information respecting the nature and strength of the enemy's
entrenched position at Ferozeshah. The late Captain P. Nicolson, the
assistant political agent, is said strongly to have recommended an
attack on the rear of the enemy's entrenchment. Major Broadfoot, when
he reached the spot, where Major-General Littler joined about noon,
exclaimed, "We will now drive them out of that entrenchment."
It is said that there was a great deal of jungle about Ferozeshah, but
that the ground immediately around was open. By a brief delay, it
might have been ascertained that the rear was undefended by guns. It
is not to be supposed that the Sikhs would have thought of an advance
beyond their then position, until they had gained a victory.
Again, it is broadly asserted that the Sikhs would never have left
their entrenchments, and might have strengthened them, had any delay
taken place.
The Sikh force is said to have been as follows:
Battalions. Corps. Guns.
French Brigade Infantry, 4 Regular Cavalry, 2 26
Buhadoor Singh's do. 4 do. 1 16
Mertab Singh's do. 4 do. 1 18
-- -- --
12 4 60
The Infantry were 7,200 men.
Irregular Cavalry.
Charaganee Horse 4,500
Orderly do. 3,500
Lall Singh's do. 1,800
Heera Singh's do. 3,500
Moolraj's do. 550
Bala Singh's do. 200
Nehing's do. 1,000
Utter Singh's do. 700
Pindeewalas 900
Dogras[14] 200
-----
16,850
4 Corps of Regular Cavalry, about 2,000
Irregular Horse, " 16,850
------
18,850
Infantry 7,200
------
Total 26,050
------
Artillery Field Guns 60
Heavy Guns 28
---
88
---
Zumbooruks (Camel Guns) 250
---
The above force, with 3,000 detached Infantry, and the greater part of
the Irregular Horse, marched to Ferozeshah, for the purpose of holding
Moodkee; reaching this place in the evening, they fought the battle of
the 18th of December, with a force of 17,000 or 18,000 men.
The British force at Moodkee was about 13,000 men, and 48 guns, 36 of
which were horse artillery: the action was sudden, and there was no
regularity; the corps moved off in echelon, but owing to the dust,
confusion, and lateness of the day, some infantry corps fired into each
other. I have heard that a native infantry corps fired by mistake into
H.M. 50th foot. Many of the officers, and all those of the staff who
were killed, were shot by Sikh soldiers from the branches of trees,
where they had stationed themselves. The Horse Artillery and Cavalry
opened the encounter; but the dust which these troops raised, caused
the Infantry, which came up last, to grope as it were in the dark, and
to make serious mistakes.
The Sikhs having been defeated at Moodkee, called upon the troops
before Ferozepore, and the Nuggur Ghât to join them, which made their
force as under:
Battalions. Infantry. Cavalry. Guns.
10 Additional, 6,000 Additional, 500 Additional, 55
12 Before 7,200 Before 2,000 Before 60
----- ----- Heavy Guns 28
13,200 2,500 ---
------ ----- 143
---
This, including the 16,850 Irregular Cavalry, gives 32,550 men, of whom
the Regular troops were 15,700 men; and, deducting the seventeen guns
taken at Moodkee, the enemy ought to have had 126 guns at Ferozeshah,
besides the 250 Zumbooruks. These were not very great odds against the
British as to numbers.
The number of British killed and wounded was 2,419; namely, 2,269
non-commissioned officers and privates, and 150 officers, which gives
one officer to every fifteen men; and as the usual proportion is one to
twenty, or twenty-five, this was the greatest proportional loss in the
four battles.
At Ferozeshah, including the Sikh force detached to Moodkee, there
were 13,200 infantry; deducting, say 1,200 killed and wounded at
Moodkee, there remained, say 12,000 men; to these add an additional
reinforcement of 6,000 men and we have 18,000 infantry, which appears
to have been the amount of the Sikh forces in the entrenchments at
Ferozeshah on the 21st of December 1845; also 126 guns, of which
twenty-eight were heavy guns, which likewise agrees with the returns;
the enemy's cavalry could scarcely have exceeded 8,000 or 10,000
men. The entrenchment was about a mile in length, and half a mile in
breadth, but as there was a village within those limits, the space for
the troops was of course greatly diminished by it.
It will be for the military reader to form his own judgment, as my
experience does not warrant me in giving an opinion of the motives
and actions of my superiors. I have trusted a great deal throughout
my accounts, to officers who were actually present in this remarkable
campaign. It is curious to note the opinions of others. One thing
however seems tolerably clear, that the only mode by which a really
true account of any battle can be given, is to obtain a statement from
some competent officer of each corps, troop, or company of artillery,
etc., actually present in the field.
The practice, in this respect in the Indian army is this: each
brigadier reports to the major-general commanding his division,
upon the efficiency and prominent services of each regiment in his
brigade, noting also the disposition of each corps; the major-general
in a similar manner makes a report to the Adjutant-General for the
information of the Commander-in-Chief, of the state of each of his
brigades, and the particular services rendered. It is from these
divisional reports that the Commander-in-Chief draws up his despatches.
It is obvious, that after a great battle, particularly if there be a
pursuit of the enemy, no correct return of the killed and wounded can
be given for two, three, or four days; for those who are killed lie on
the field, and those who are wounded will get into a village, if near,
and remain concealed there.
The Sikhs having thus, as we have stated, drawn their various forces
from Moodkee, Ferozepore, and Nuggur Ghât, concentrated them at
Ferozeshah, and formed their entrenchments, which in several places
they threw up breast high.
Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Hardinge, the Governor-General, who was
second in command, shared all the fatigues and dangers of the army
with the Commander-in-Chief. Orders had been despatched to Sir John
Littler to join head-quarters immediately. He accordingly left only
a small garrison at Ferozepore, and, with a body of about 5,000 men
and twenty-one guns, effected the junction, about noon on the 21st of
December. Measures for a general attack were at once planned; but a
considerable delay occurred, and much time was lost, as we have stated,
in consequence of the conflicting views of competent officers, as to
whether it was desirable to make an immediate attack, or to defer it
till the following morning. The former was ultimately resolved upon.
The British marched in even ranks, and commenced the action with
a brisk fire of artillery at a distance of about a mile from the
enemy. The Sikhs made a gallant defence. The British artillery
advanced steadily till they were within a few hundred yards of the
entrenchment; but the Sikhs kept up an incessant fire from their heavy
guns; in consequence of which our infantry were ordered to advance,
and, in the face of a murderous fire, to take the batteries. Night
put a stop to the carnage, but not to the awful state of confusion
which prevailed in the British camp, which arose partly from the
severe losses and the scattering of the different regiments, with the
uncertainty as to whether any advantage had been gained, and partly
from the incessant firing kept up during the whole night by the Sikhs
upon the wretched soldiers who were lying wounded upon the field of
battle, or who were cowering around their scanty fires, worn out with
cold, fatigue and excruciating thirst.
Sir Henry Hardinge, finding that a large Sikh gun occasioned much
annoyance to our troops, brought up the 80th Foot, who soon took it. He
then passed among the different European corps, which greatly cheered
and reanimated them under their intense sufferings. It was a night of
terrific suspense and anxiety to the two British Chiefs, both of whom
nobly resolved to fight and conquer, or perish in the attempt. The
British lion was roused, and his vast strength was all centred in one
final attempt. The die was cast. The Governor-General gave the word,
and Britons struck home the death-blow.
The village of Ferozeshah appears to have been held during the night
of the 21st of December, partly by the British and partly by the
Sikhs. One of our divisions under the gallant Major-General, Sir Harry
Smith, kept up a fire during the greater part of the night. The other
divisions bivouacked at some distance, no one knows where. Had a
concerted movement been necessary, it would have been quite out of the
question; for, by some mistake or oversight, no place of rendezvous
had been fixed on. I am told that the men belonging to two or three of
the European corps got clubbed together, and were so found the next
morning; nay, even the whereabouts of the Commander-in-Chief himself
could not be found. A certain Major-General was anxious to communicate
with him, and an engineer officer, who had just been with Sir Hugh
Gough, offered to shew him the road; but, to his surprise, he could not
find it: either His Excellency had moved his position, or the night was
too dark to enable the officer to trace his way back.
The morning light revealed the fact that the Sikhs were still masters
of a large portion of their entrenchments; the British retaining only
that part where they had bivouacked during the night.
The Commander-in-Chief now drew up his forces; the Infantry forming
into a line supported on either side by the horse artillery. His
Excellency took the command of the left wing, the Governor-General
of the right. The engagement opened with a brisk cannonade from the
centre. The Sikhs renewed the deadly fire from their heavy guns,
screened by their masked batteries, scattering death and destruction
among the British troops. Both the left and right wings of infantry
advancing under their able commanders, charged the Sikhs at the point
of the bayonet, and took possession of the village of Ferozeshah.
At this juncture, when victory seemed to be decided for the British,
Tej Singh, the commander-in-chief of the Sikh army, suddenly appeared
on the field with his army of reserve, consisting of 30,000 men, and
a large park of light guns. He charged into the midst of the British
troops, and attempted to recover the entrenchment, but without
success. He then opened a fire upon us from his guns, but, unhappily,
all our shot were expended. It was one of those unexpected cases which
demand the greatest promptitude and judgment; and our artillery are
said to have fired blank ammunition.[15]
The British cavalry had been ordered by a certain staff officer, in
the Adjutant-General's department, to move off to Ferozepore. This, I
suppose, must have been before Tej Singh came up. It is also reported
that Tej Singh conceived that this move was made in connection with
some deeply concerted plan, with the intention of getting into his
rear. Whatever may have been his opinion, he contented himself with
firing a few shots from his light guns--none other had he--by which a
few of the British were killed and wounded. Had the cavalry not been
ordered off, the whole of which, I understand, moved away, with the
exception of that noble regiment the 3rd Light Dragoons, who had
previously, in this same action, performed prodigies of valour in
charging batteries and entrenchments,--acts unparalleled in cavalry
tactics,--Tej Singh might have been attacked to advantage. Thus much
is certain; that the officer above alluded to was allowed to retire
from the service. The whole affair of the morning of the 22nd cannot
be either unravelled or explained; and I have discussed the matter
with many officers who were present on that occasion, but have never
met with one who could solve its mysteries. It savours more of romance
than of reality. "Truth is strange--stranger than fiction." Goolab
Singh, now Maharajah of Cashmere, speaking to a European officer, of
Tej Singh's advance, as above described, observed that: "Tej Singh
committed a great blunder; he should never have gone near you, but
should have marched at once upon Delhi!"
Many, however, are of opinion, that the sudden attack of Tej Singh,
with his 30,000 troops, was a mere feint. It was well known that he
was in correspondence with Captain Nicolson; and it is even affirmed,
that he had privately furnished an officer with a plan of the intended
operations of the Sikh army. It was his object to ingratiate himself
with both parties. His position as leader of the army demanded that
he should make the attack; while at the same time he foresaw that the
British would ultimately triumph in the Punjaub, and that it would be
for his interest to make friends of them. Therefore, after firing a
few shots, the Commander-in-Chief of the Sikhs fled from the field of
battle, at the very moment when the failure of the enemy's ammunition,
and the departure of their cavalry to Ferozepore, gave him an advantage
which might have turned the tide of victory in his favour. After
the desertion of their general, the Sikhs made several ineffectual
attempts, to recover the entrenchment, but before night-fall, were
compelled to retreat across the Sutlej.
The view of a field of battle awakens the noblest sympathies of our
nature. Even the stern Napoleon has had his cold heart touched by such
a scene. The first survey is overwhelming; and the heart of even the
stoutest soldier shrinks within him, and sickens at the sight. On a
nearer inspection, we find the dead and the dying, friend and foe,
lying side by side; their furious contest suddenly cut short by the
cold hand of death--while the cries and moans of the wounded till our
ears with sounds of lamentation and woe, and our hearts with pity and
commiseration.
We lament the fate of the slain, and grieve that his career is ended;
yet it is the death of the brave soldier who has gloriously discharged
his duty to his country, and whose fame remains imperishable, that
calls forth our deepest grief, admiration and gratitude. "_Dulce et
decorum est pro patria mori._" Well did Lord Hutchinson, in reporting
the death of the brave and lamented Abercrombie, express the feelings
of a soldier, when he said: "His name shall be embalmed in the memory
of a grateful country."
Thoughts of a future state are powerfully impressed upon the mind, as
the eye wanders over the battle-field of the slain. As we gaze upon
those who have distinguished themselves, not only as the liege soldiers
of their king, but as the faithful soldiers of the King of kings, our
heart insensibly finds relief. While the spark of life yet flickers in
the mortal tenement, we watch by the side of our wounded comrade, and,
like king David, we fast and weep, and say: "Who can tell whether God
will be gracious to me that he may live;" but when the dread fiat has
gone forth, and the spirit no longer dwells within its house of clay,
like David we restrain our grief, and looking beyond the grave, exclaim
in faith: "Wherefore should I weep? Can I bring him back again? I shall
go to him, but he shall not return to me."
Before quitting the field of slaughter, I would make a few remarks
respecting the wounded. The fate of the private soldier is often
very hard: by the loss of limbs he is rendered useless for life as a
soldier, his means of subsistence are curtailed, and what is yet dearer
to him, his military career is blighted for ever. The officer may do
duty again if he lose an arm, or what is almost the same thing, if he
be wounded and unable to have the ball extracted. This was the case
with my father, who, having been hit in both shoulders at the battle
of Waterloo, did duty in his most gallant regiment the old 95th, now
the Rifle Brigade, for nearly three years after, although, as the ball
remained in the shoulder, the left arm was rendered useless.[16] Some
officers even continue in the service after they have lost a leg,
and receive a good pension. This is the case with Field-Marshal the
Marquis of Anglesey.
The disabled rank and file are what is styled "invalided," that is
to say, they are sent to England and elsewhere, where they obtain a
pension, fixed and determined by a board of officers.
The late Queen's Inspector-General of Hospitals in Bengal, states a
fact which ought to be generally known, "The number of those who are
wounded and die in consequence, cannot be ascertained fully under the
lapse of a year, because there are cases in which a gun-shot through
the lungs has superinduced affections of the brain, fevers, etc." It is
likewise worthy of remark that gun-shot wounds are more dangerous than
sabre cuts.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 14: The Jummoo Chief is called Dogra.]
[Footnote 15: When Sir Archibald Campbell, who commanded the expedition
against Ava, in 1824-26, headed a Portuguese brigade of infantry in
the Peninsular war, he was informed upon one occasion, that only a few
rounds of shot were left. He immediately ordered a charge in line, his
object being to conceal his want of ammunition.]
[Footnote 16: See Appendix IX.]
CHAPTER IV.
Return to Bussean--Sir John Grey's Detachment--Battle of
Assaye--Sindiah's Troops--Generals Allard and Ventura--General
Lloyd's Observations on the Art of War--Tactics of the Sikhs--Runjeet
Singh's Discipline--Sikh Artillery--Goojerat--Moodkee--Sir Joseph
Thackwell--Bootawalla--Pontoons--Their Value to an Army--Great Rise in
the Price of Food.
ON the 2nd of January, 1846, Colonel Campbell's force marched to
Bussean, a retrograde movement; but in times of war, such counter
movements are occasionally unavoidable, and their utility can be known
only to the superintending eye of the Commander-in-chief.
In the course of the day, soon after we had finished our long and
fatiguing march, we were surprised to find that we were to return in
the direction of Ferozepore, in company with Major General Sir John
Grey's detachment, which, at this time, was a march or two in our rear.
This detachment consisted of three troops of horse artillery, H.M. 16th
Lancers, 3rd Light Cavalry, H.M. 10th Foot, three regiments of Native
Infantry, a company of Sappers and Miners, and the 4th Irregular Horse.
This formed a force of about 7,500 men. There were besides, twelve
twelve-pounders and eighteen horse artillery guns; in all thirty guns,
or four to every thousand men, a force as large as that with which
the Duke of Wellington fought the battle of Assaye, on the 23rd of
September, 1803; for, excluding the 3,000 Mysore, etc., cavalry, he had
only 4,500 men. The enemy was defeated with the loss of 120 guns taken,
destroyed, or lost; the captured guns amounted to above 100.
It may be asked, why, when the Duke of Wellington, with a mere handful
of soldiers, attacked some 35,000 men and gained such an action, we
could not utterly eradicate even the very name of Sikh? The reasons
are threefold. The battles of Moodkee and Aliwal were field actions;
those of Ferozeshah and Sobraon were storming entrenchments. The
strength of the entrenchments at Ferozeshah was not equal to those
at Sobraon. The number of killed and wounded at Ferozeshah amounted
to 2,419, and at Sobraon 2,383. At the former battle, the enemy had
more than one hundred, at the latter sixty-seven guns, and two hundred
camel-swivels; besides, at Sobraon, the Sikhs had two strong batteries
in the rear of the right and left flanks of the entrenchment; for there
were entrenchments and works within one another. We made three good
attacks. The attack in front by Major-General Gilbert's division was
not originally designed. There was a bank or mound of earth between
this division and the entrenchment. The brigade, of which the 29th Foot
composed a part, got jammed up, and formed into a wedge, something like
the Roman form. It was at first intended that this division should wait
as a reserve, and act if required, There was a failure in the right
attack on the enemy's left.
Secondly, the troops of Sindiah and of the Berar Rajah, at the battle
of Assaye had indeed been drilled, but they had not then had the
advantage of having French officers; besides which, they, the Sirdars,
were unable to act by themselves; nor had their men, like the Khalsa
troops, been disciplined by such distinguished officers as were in
the service of Runjeet Singh. The older French officers had died off,
and the others were mere adventurers, very different from Ventura and
Allard, who had served in the wars of the great Napoleon; the former
having been in the retreat from Moscow. Sindiah's European officers
were simply drill-sergeants; the merely being able to advance in
line, or to execute some common evolutions will not gain a battle.
A practised military eye for planning a battle, and marking out the
details, is the indispensable requisite for such an achievement. As
General Lloyd truly observes, in his able work on the Art of War: "No
art or science is more difficult than that of war. It may be divided
into two parts: the one mechanical, which may be taught by precepts;
the other has no name, nor can it be either defined or taught. It
consists in a just application of the principles and precepts of war
in all the numberless circumstances and situations which occur; no
rule, no study or application however assiduous, no experience however
long, can teach this part; it is the effect of genius alone. As to the
first, it may be reduced to mathematical principles; its object is
to prepare the materials which form an army, for all the different
operations which may occur: genius must apply them, according to the
ground, number, species, and quality of the troops, which admit of
infinite combinations. In this art, as in poetry and eloquence, there
are many who can trace the rules by which a poem or an oration should
be composed, and even compose according to the exactest rules, but,
for want of that enthusiastic and divine fire, their productions are
languid and insipid: so in our profession, many are to be found who
know every precept of it by heart; but alas! when called upon to apply
them, are immediately at a stand. They then recall their rules, and
want to make everything, the rivers, woods, ravines, mountains, etc.,
subservient to them; whereas, their precept should, on the contrary,
be subject to these, which are the only rules, the only guide we ought
to follow. Whatever manoeuvre is not formed on these is absurd and
ridiculous. These form the Great Book of War, and he who cannot read
it, must for ever be content with the title of a brave soldier, and
never aspire to that of a great general."
The discipline and training of the Sikh army had, as I have observed
before, undergone a complete transformation and improvement under
Runjeet Singh, so that the troops under Sindiah, in 1803, could not
bear comparison with those of 1845, who had been disciplined by Ventura
and Allard. Runjeet Singh himself was a great warrior; and from the
time that he visited Lord Lake's camp, in 1805, he became convinced
of the superiority of the discipline of the British army, and at once
resolved on re-forming his own. He had a good material to work upon in
the native hardihood, bravery and energy of the Sikh character. His
primary attention was given to the formation of a regular infantry;
and in this he was greatly aided by some deserters from the British
service, to whom he confided the drilling of his troops. After that, he
enlisted the Goorkhas, whose able resistance to the English had given
him great confidence in their mode of discipline.
The opposition of his officers and troops, especially in the adoption
of a new dress, would have daunted a less resolute character; but
Runjeet Singh, conscious of the power of example, took part in all the
military exercises and drill, and even wore the unaccustomed dress of a
British foot-soldier; thus making himself master _de facto_, and not
merely _de verbo_, of the new principles of war. After this, Ventura,
Allard, and other European officers, carried out and perfected that
discipline, which made the Sikh army what it was, when led under Tej
Singh against the British forces, in 1845.
Let the reader bear in mind how fatal the trap, laid by the Sikhs
for our troops at Ramnuggur, had proved to those gallant cavalry
officers, Colonel Cureton,[17] Lieutenant-Colonel Havelock, and Captain
Fitzgerald; the two latter were my brother officers in the 4th Queen's
Own Light Dragoons, at Bombay. At the battle of Goojerat, on the 21st
of February, 1849, the Sikhs moved more than once to try and turn our
flank. Was such an attempt ever made in 1803? No! It was at Assaye
that the Duke of Wellington fought his hardest and best battle (I am
speaking of India), for he had five to one as odds against him. In
guns, the enemy had seven times the number, besides several 16-pounders
and heavy guns. The Duke had none but 17 pop-guns; for 6-pounders, when
brought into action against 16 and 12-pounders, deserve no better name.
Thirdly, The Sikhs fired their guns in the ratio of thrice to our
twice, which multiplies most fearfully the battering power of
artillery, and raises the calibre of a six into a nine-pounder. At the
battle of Ferozeshah, the Sikh guns were served with extraordinary
rapidity and precision. The infantry stood between and behind the
batteries, and lay on the ground behind their artillery, priming their
muskets, and actively discharging their pieces in the face of the
British force, thus forming an almost unprecedented shower of balls,
carrying destruction and death with irresistible force. Recollecting
that in 1845 and 1846, the enemy's artillery was double that of the
British, we might rather ask how it came that so many escaped its
deadly effects, than wonder how it was that so many were destroyed.
At Goojerat, where we had the greatest number of guns, the victory was
complete; for after three hours' constant firing, our troops advanced,
the enemy's guns were taken, and they fled.
Referring to the history of the battles in India in earlier times, from
1780 to 1792, we find that Hyder Ali Khan and Tippoo Sultan, used
18-pounder guns as field-guns. Sir Eyre Coote was obliged to use the
same, which taught the British the necessity of having large guns; but,
till very recently, we had departed from the practice of using guns
equal in calibre to those of our enemies. It is a curious fact, that
the British had 2,419 killed and wounded at Ferozeshah, and 2,383, or
36 less, at Sobraon: also, at the former battle, 694 killed, and at
the latter, only 460, being a difference of 50 per cent. less. How can
we account for this, but from the circumstance of our having had more
guns at Sobraon? At Goojerat, the British loss was 807, out of which
number 96 were killed, or not one-eighth. At Moodkee, the English lost
872 killed and wounded, of which number 215 were killed, or nearly
one-fourth. At Goojerat, nearly 90 guns had been playing for three
hours upon the Sikhs, before they gave way and the British advanced to
take their guns. At Moodkee, the 36 Horse Artillery guns were the only
ones brought into play. Except at the battle of Aliwal, where the loss
was 589, the British suffered less at Goojerat than in any other battle
with the Sikhs.
Lord Gough, in his Despatch,[18] says that the enemy had 60,000 men
(perhaps overrated), and 59 guns. His lordship had 84 guns, according
to the return, and these were of heavier metal than those of the enemy.
Surely, after these proofs, and when we have lost 10,788 men, killed
and wounded, and 1,899 horses, in seven battles and one siege, viz.,
Moodkee, Ferozeshah, Aliwal, Sobraon, Ramnuggur, Chillianwallah,
Goojerat, and the fort of Mooltan, we ought to be prepared on every
point on our North-West frontier.
When I left India, in 1846, after the decisive battle of Sobraon, it
was the general opinion that not another shot would be fired again in
India for many years to come, whereas, in little more than two years
after, we had, instead of a campaign of two months' duration, that is
from the 18th of December, 1845, to the 10th of February, 1846, an
uninterrupted warfare of ten months' continuance.
To resume our narrative. On the 3rd of January, Colonel Campbell's
force marched for the third time to Wudnee, a distance of seventeen
miles. The fatigue and tedium of marching to and fro, began to be
sensibly felt, and many of our camp followers deserted. Among them was
my _Bihishti_, or water-carrier, who had accompanied me on the march
from Cawnpore. Then, too, there was so much heavy baggage, that instead
of the indispensable refreshment of an ablution at the end of a dusty
march, our officers could not get their towels and soap till a late
hour in the afternoon.
On Sunday, the 4th of January, we marched back to Bhaga Poorana. Here
we experienced a scarcity of water; and what little there was, was very
bad. On the 5th, we marched at a quarter to five, A.M., on Moodkee,
fifteen miles distant.
Here we encamped on the battle-field, which was still covered with
the fragments of soldiers' clothing and appointments, carcases of
camels and horses, and the bodies of friends and enemies, who had been
slaughtered here on the 18th of December. The atmosphere all round was
greatly tainted, which, combined with the horrible sight before us,
made our hearts sick, and our heads faint.
About a month ago, this large village, containing about 4,000
inhabitants, belonged to the Lahore Rajah. It was now in the possession
of the English: the scene before us proclaimed the price at which
it had been bought. But even amid the ruins, the soldier as well as
the Christian, looks forward with hope to the future: the one to the
promotion of his country's glory, the other to the spread of the Gospel
among the heathen.
In the evening, we received an unexpected order to join the "army of
the Sutlej"; our Horse Artillery and Cavalry to proceed together;
the Infantry and Elephant Battery to halt. On the 6th, we made a
forced march of about twenty miles, to Aurufkee. On the road, we saw
several corpses of British and Sikh soldiers, in a state bordering on
decomposition, and plundered of their clothing.
Colonel Campbell[19] having been appointed to a brigade of Cavalry, as
also Colonel Scott, Major and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Fullerton[20]
assumed the command this day, of the Queen's Royal Lancers.
Our camp was pitched at a distance of four miles from the river Sutlej.
On the 8th, I called on Major-General Sir Harry G.W. Smith, K.C.B.,
commanding the first division of the army of the Sutlej, an old brother
rifleman, and friend of my father's.
The cavalry was commanded by Major-General Sir Joseph Thackwell,
K.C.B. (now Colonel of the 16th Lancers), who is very much liked by
all who have the honour of knowing him. He is considered one of the
ablest officers in the British service; and his experience of military
operations in India has always rendered his advice and assistance
indispensable in all the late campaigns. Sir Joseph, I am happy to
find, has been invested with the highest class of the Bath, and never
did a braver or kinder man receive this distinction. His services
during the campaign of which I am now treating, were most invaluable,
none more so; and yet his reward was slow. Colonel Campbell, having, as
I said before, been made a Brigadier of Cavalry, was appointed to the
2nd Brigade, consisting of the 9th Lancers, 11th Light Cavalry, and 2nd
and 8th Irregular Cavalry.
On the 9th of January, about 10 a.m., we distinctly heard the roar
of the Sikh guns. During the greater part of the previous day,
the Sikhs, who were encamped in great apparent regularity, on the
right, or opposite side of the river Sutlej, were practising their
guns. They were evidently preparing for another encounter. In the
course of the day, I called on Major-General Sir Joseph Thackwell,
Major-General Sir Robert H. Dick, K.C.B., Lieutenant-Colonel Gough,
Acting Quarter-Master-General to H.M. forces, since then Colonel
and Aide-de-Camp to the Queen, and Lieut.-Colonel Havelock, Persian
Interpreter to the Commander-in-Chief.
On the 10th, the cold was intense, when we were out at a general
watering parade, at eight o'clock in the morning. Encamped on an arid
plain, we found the dust extremely troublesome, the west wind, which
usually prevails at this season, blowing very hard.
Sunday, January 11th. This morning at two o'clock there was an alarm.
Every man of the 9th immediately turned out, and, having saddled and
bridled, stood by his horse until the _reveillé_. I sent off all my
superfluous baggage to the house of Lieutenant Fullerton, 14th Regiment
Bengal Native Infantry, at Ferozepore, distant fourteen miles. He is a
cousin of Lieut.-Colonel Fullerton, my commanding officer, and he had
kindly offered to give it shelter. The Lieutenant, who had acted as
aide-de-camp to Major-General Littler, at the battle of Ferozeshah, was
at this period in charge of the Sudder (chief) Bazaar, at Ferozepore.
The weather about this time was still intensely cold.
On the 12th of January, we changed ground to Bootawalla, less than
two miles distant from the Sutlej: our position was on the left of
the army. It is usual to change ground every now and then, because an
encampment becomes dirty in a few days, and likewise because it is
desirable to be nearer to the forage. When an enemy is close, however,
these changes are made with much caution, since it is highly expedient
not to give up a good position in exchange for a bad one. Such niceties
are reserved for marches in times of peace, or where no enemy is at
hand.
January 13th. We marched at two p.m. about three miles out from camp,
in the direction of the bridge of boats, erected by the Sikhs; when,
after a little cannonading on both sides, we returned by six o'clock
p.m. The object of such a movement was this, to try our rockets in the
enemy's camp, and to ascertain the range of his guns. But, suppose we
had found our enemy off his guard, that there were but few sentries,
and no battery to defend the bridge on our side, our plan would then
have been to destroy the bridge, and station a guard to prevent its
reconstruction.
The advantage of a pontoon bridge consists in your being able to place
it at any part of the river. When Major-General Littler heard that the
Sikhs were likely to cross, he sunk our pontoon bridge.
And here I may be permitted to digress a little, to give some
account of this pontoon bridge, which was made at Bombay. The Duke
of Wellington, in 1803, ordered forty boats, each twenty-one feet
in length, to be made at Bombay, and transported on a carriage with
four wheels. This step was taken with a view to the operations of our
army on the river Toombuddra against the Maharatta territory, and to
enable him to cross and re-cross the river whenever he chose.[21]
The Ferozepore pontoon bridge was sent thither in 1844. My object in
mentioning this bridge is, that it forms an argument why the Sikhs
expected us to attack them, for they said that the bridge of boats
was a clear proof of our design. It is not a little singular, that
in all the wars from 1803 to 1844, or for above forty years, the
British had never used a pontoon bridge; none have ever been seen
in the Delhi magazine. When opposite to Ramnuggur, in 1848, on the
Chenāb, the Commander-in-Chief detached a large force to operate
against the right flank of the Sikh army, it was found necessary to
proceed twenty-five miles up the river, before this force could cross.
Thus making a march of fifty miles before it came up with the enemy,
and when ranged on the opposite bank, nearly in face of the British
camp, that single division stood completely isolated, without the
possibility of being supported in case of need. Whereas, had the army
of the Punjaub possessed a pontoon train, this force might have crossed
above the Sikh entrenchment, and been in a position to receive support
from the main army. The Commander-in-Chief could easily have received
prompt intelligence of their advance and progress, and instantly on
hearing that they had engaged the enemy, transported his army across
the ford, or, by means of a second pontoon train, he might have
defeated Shere Singh's army at once, and deprived him of all his guns.
The moral effect of an attack carried on under such circumstances is
incalculable; the chances are that it would have decided the campaign.
Besides, had the British possessed a pontoon train they might have
destroyed all the enemy's boats, and prevented him from crossing,
except at fords, which are few and often imperfectly known.
But it is not every one who is gifted with the genius of a Wellington;
at the battle of Assaye his Grace sent some staff-officers to find a
ford at a place where there was a village on each side of the river;
and when a ford was found, he remarked: "I thought it probable that the
people would not have built villages there unless a ford existed."
The want of a pontoon train caused a complete stand-still of the whole
army at Ramnuggur. The artillery, cavalry, and infantry might be said
to have been immovable, and therefore, useless, because they could not
cross an ordinary river.
Let us consider how they act on the continent of Europe. Windischgrätz
crossed the Danube to Vienna, with 150,000 men, by means of a pontoon
train. The French army have a special corps of pontoniers. The Russian
guards have a movable force of 50,000 men, complete in every branch,
with a magnificent pontoon train, exclusive of the other pontoon
trains, attached to the other divisions of the mighty army of that vast
empire.
Every military man knows that the transport of an army, with its
immense quantity of artillery and baggage, across the rivers which
intersect its line of march, is one of the most difficult as well as
the most important operations in military tactics, especially in India,
where the camp followers are so numerous.
History, both modern and ancient, teaches us that the success of a
campaign often depends on the rapid conveyance of troops across the
rivers that intersect their march. As far back as the days of Darius a
floating bridge was thrown across the Bosphorus, and afterwards across
the Danube, while Xerxes threw one over the Hellespont at the time of
his ill-starred expedition to Europe. The most celebrated pontoon of
modern times, was that constructed by the engineers of the British
army across the Adour, in the south of France, in 1814, the river being
110 feet across.
During the retreat of Napoleon from Moscow, the whole of his immense
army must have been captured or destroyed on the banks of the Beresina,
had it not been for the extraordinary care and vigilant forethought of
the principal French engineer, in preserving the materials required in
the formation of a pontoon.
A pontoon train, such as the Duke of Wellington employed in India, in
1803, composed of forty boats, would require forty carts and 160 to
170 bullocks. The Duke, in his Despatches,[22] states that for some
streams he had basket boats ten feet in diameter and three feet deep,
and covered with double leather.
When the Duke of Wellington's bridge of boats was brought to Ferozepore
in the autumn of 1845, Major Broadfoot, who was charged with its
transport, aroused the suspicion of the Sikhs, and in their opinion,
virtually acknowledged that hostilities existed between them and the
British, by manifesting extraordinary vigilance for its safe keeping,
placing it under the escort of a strong guard of soldiers, and by
employing the pontoniers to construct it, on the arrival of the boats
at Ferozepore.
To return to my journal. On the 14th of January, 1846, the cavalry
received orders to hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment's
notice. We remained in this state of suspense from eight in the morning
till one o'clock in the afternoon, when we again marched towards the
Sikh bridge, and did the like execution with our guns as yesterday.
The Sikhs having crossed over to our side of the bridge, were busily
employed in making an entrenched camp.
On the 15th gram sold at sixteen seers or thirty-two lbs. for the
rupee, a rather dismal prospect for a large army. The 9th Lancers had
600 fighting men, and the camp followers amounted to 3,600 men which
gives six to every fighting man. After deducting 1,600, the number
of followers required for 800 horses, including officers' chargers,
and 480 dooly bearers, there would still remain 1,520 followers to
be accounted for, and if we again allow the officers about forty in
number, say 500 servants,--a very fair portion,--there would then be
left 1,020 whom we must conclude to have been elephant and camel
drivers, tent lascars, cooks, bazaar people, etc.
On the 18th the Lancers again held themselves in readiness to turn out
at a moment's notice, owing to the enemy's crossing the river in large
numbers. On the 19th we changed our ground, five miles to the right,
and on our arrival the troop of the 9th, to which I belonged, was sent
on picquet to a distance of nearly two miles to our right front, and
pretty close to the Sutlej; indeed a picquet of the enemy was clearly
seen on the other side. Had the enemy crossed, or rather, attempted
to cross, the officer in command would have sent information to the
camp, and in the meanwhile made arrangements to retard the force in
the best manner he could, so as to allow the army time to come up to
his support. To gain time is an officer's chief object, under such
circumstances; nor must he in any case retire, unless driven in.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 17: See Appendix X.]
[Footnote 18: See Blue Book, p. 597.]
[Footnote 19: Colonel Campbell, C.B., and K.H., died suddenly in
London, of quinsy, March, 1850, a few days after his arrival from
India.]
[Footnote 20: Lieutenant-Colonel Fullerton, C.B., died on the 28th
of April, 1850, on his way to visit Cashmere, whither his body was
conveyed on the following day, and deposited in the Royal Gardens. By
his death, the regiment was deprived of a most just, warm-hearted, and
honourable man. A simple tablet marks the spot where he is interred.]
[Footnote 21: See Despatches, vol. iii. p. 64, 10th of April, 1803.]
[Footnote 22: Vol. i. p. 136, April 8th, 1803.]
CHAPTER V.
Hurrekee Ghât--Chain Bridles--Sir Thomas Dallas--Victory of Sir
Harry Smith at Aliwal--Umballa--Preparations of the Sikhs--Capture
of Dhurmkote--Loodianna--Runjoor Singh--Buddiwal--Sirdar Ajeet
Singh--Invalids at Loodianna--The Pattiala Rajah--Alarm at
Loodianna--Siege-train in Danger--Convoy inadequately protected--Sikh
Artillery at Aliwal--Major Lawrenson--Singular Formation of the Sikh
Infantry at Aliwal--16th Lancers--Desperation of the Sikhs--Colonel
Cureton--Charge of Lancers--Marshal Marmont's Opinion--Sikhs evacuate
Buddiwal--Rapid Movements of the Sikhs--Brigadiers Godby and Hicks.
THE Governor-General and the Commander-in-Chief inspected the 9th
Lancers on the morning of the 21st of January. An incessant report of
guns of a heavy calibre was heard all day, from the other side of the
river. This afternoon I rode in company with my commanding officer to
the Hurrekee Ghât, near which was our picquet, to enquire about two
boats, said to have been captured by the enemy. We, however, saw only a
couple of old boats and a great many unarmed people near them.
On the 23rd a false alarm caused the Commander-in-Chief to order us
out, and we all stood to our horses at the head of our lines, from
twelve till four o'clock, P.M.
On the 25th several of our officers had chain reins made for their
regimental bridles, because in the last action the enemy had cut some
of the bridles of the 3rd Light Dragoons, with their swords, by which
their riders became powerless, having lost all command over their
horses.
This brings to my recollection an anecdote told me of the late
Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Dallas, of the Madras Cavalry, well known
in the wars with Hyder Ali Khan and Tippoo Sultan, as the best horseman
and most experienced swordsman, in the Madras army, having often proved
himself the victor in single combat, and killed his man. One of the
enemy was noted for possessing a scimitar of the first quality; Sir
Thomas, then a Captain, and this man made an agreement to this effect,
that they were to fight together, and that the native was not to cut
the Captain's reins, nor he to use his pistols. After a long encounter
the man violated the engagement and cut the Captain's reins, which
were not of steel, upon which the latter drew his pistol and shot his
opponent dead on the spot.
In a country like India every officer should go on service, furnished
with a chain rein, for without it many a man has lost his life;
besides, it is neither heavy nor inconvenient. The dragoons and
troopers should also be supplied with them. The natives use them as
well as coats of chain armour, and many of the Sikhs, as I myself
witnessed, wore even breast plates and back pieces of steel. I picked
up a steel helmet in the Sikh camp at the battle of Sobraon, which now
serves to decorate my father's dining-room.
On the 28th of January, the Royal Lancers were in readiness the whole
day to turn out at a moment's notice, as the Sikhs shewed themselves in
great force, and appeared as if bent upon mischief.
January 29th. Intelligence was received in Camp of the splendid
victory gained by Major-General Sir Harry Smith over the Sikhs under
the command of Runjoor Singh, at Aliwal, on the 28th. The force under
Sir Harry having captured the whole of the enemy's guns, forty-eight
in number, and put to rout their army of 24,000 men, our whole line
turned out at sunrise, when a royal salute was fired in honour of the
day. After the salute, the Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief
passed up the line, and the former addressed each regiment separately.
These addresses are not unusual in India.
The battle of Ferozeshah, it will be remembered, was fought on the
21st and 22nd of December, 1845, so that about five weeks had elapsed
since the last feat of arms. More troops were now advancing to the
frontier, and several hundred hackeries, laden with shot, shells,
powder, and stores of all kinds, were coming up. Engineer officers,
too, were in great request; for it now became known that our assiduous
enemy was fortifying Sobraon, on the left bank of the Sutlej, between
Loodianna and Ferozepore. In fact the Sikhs were working hard at their
entrenchments day and night.
We had not as yet received our military stores and supplies from
Delhi. A well-stocked magazine, was apparently much needed. Many
considered that Umballa was the most advantageous spot for establishing
such a depôt, being 150 miles from Ferozepore, and seventy-one from
Loodianna. Ferozepore was thought too isolated; delay, therefore, was
imperative, and it was of no use to anticipate events.
The reader may easily conclude that the Sikhs, seeing our additional
troops, guns and stores moving up to the army, did not remain idle,
for they had a great game at stake, being no less than the future fate
of a kingdom. They were buoyed up by their success at Buddiwal; the
whole army under Tej Singh had re-crossed the Sutlej. The bridge-head,
which secured so important an advantage, was enlarged; and, in the very
face of the British army, they unremittingly carried on their warlike
preparations. They seemed confident of victory, and ready to carry war
and destruction into the very heart of their enemy's country, when our
unlooked-for and glorious victory at Aliwal, proved to them that they
were not invincible.
The announcement in our camp, on the 29th, of Sir Harry Smith's victory
at Aliwal, caused considerable sensation. As for myself, I must confess
that it was a great disappointment to me not to have taken a part in
this engagement. I had written just before to Sir Harry Smith, who, as
I have already observed, had been in the Rifle Brigade with my father,
during the Peninsular war, expecting that he would have some fighting,
and asking to be employed as his aide-de-camp. It was now too late. The
news of the brilliant victory came, and put an end to all chance of my
witnessing a battle in that quarter.
The object of Sir Harry in moving from our camp was doubtless to
prevent the Sikhs from marching towards Delhi and intercepting our
supplies. He succeeded in taking the little town and fort of Dhurmkote,
which was filled with grain, and thus secured the regular supplies of
the army. Having accomplished the reduction of the place, he received
intelligence from head-quarters, that Runjoor Singh had crossed the
Sutlej with 40,000 Sikhs, and had taken up a position on the road to
Loodianna, for the purpose of intercepting our supplies from that town,
which he threatened with an attack. This was accompanied by an order to
Sir Harry Smith to proceed immediately to Loodianna.
Four regiments of infantry, three of cavalry, and eighteen guns
composed the whole of the detachment under the command of this brave
general, when on the 21st of January he proceeded to Buddiwal, a small
garrison close to Loodianna, which was occupied by Runjoor Singh, and
10,000 of his men. Sir Harry Smith endeavoured by a détour to reach
Loodianna, and effect a junction with the Brigade stationed there,
before undertaking any engagement with the Sikhs. The latter, however,
relying upon their superior numbers, provoked an attack by a brisk fire
from their formidable artillery. A severe contest followed, and the
British General after sustaining heavy losses, deemed it prudent to
fall back upon Loodianna. This he effected by a very skilful evolution,
and succeeded in holding the place.
Dr. M'Gregor, in his history of the Sikhs,[23] states that Runjoor
Singh, younger brother of Lena Singh Mujetheea,[24] commanded the
division of the Sikh army destined to act against Loodianna, as well
as to seize the siege-train in progress to join our army, which were
the two objects to be held in view by Sir Harry Smith. Dr. M'Gregor
says: "Had he (Sir Harry) stopped to return the fire of the Sikhs at
Buddiwal, all fear for Loodianna might have been removed; but then
there was the risk, that if discomfited, Runjoor Singh might have
crossed the country, and captured the siege train, which was escorted
by only a Native Infantry regiment, and the 11th Light Cavalry, with a
few Artillerymen. The condition of Sir Harry Smith was such, that he
could not hope effectually to drive Runjoor Singh across the Sutlej
that day, and he probably considered--like a good general, brought
up in the school of Wellington, and disciplined in a corps like the
immortal old 95th--that half measures were worse than useless. Besides,
though making a great sacrifice of baggage, and even of lives, there
was the hope that his forbearance would be construed into fear by the
Sikhs, who might, in consequence, be induced to meet him in a fair
field, where he would have an opportunity of accomplishing the two
objects which he had in view; namely, the defence of Loodianna, and the
safety of the train, closing all, perhaps, with the entire discomfiture
of the Sikhs, when his troops should be a little refreshed." The whole
of the Sikh force was not, it was believed, at Buddiwal, therefore the
apprehension of Sir Harry Smith, doubtless, was that the other division
might get to Loodianna. Buddiwal was at the time in the possession
of Sirdar Ajeet Singh, a chief under our protection, who, after the
operations at Moodkee and Ferozeshah, burnt a portion of the barracks
of H.M. 50th Foot, at Loodianna, and then took possession of Buddiwal,
where he made prisoner Assistant-Surgeon R.G.D. Banon, 62nd Foot (now
Surgeon of the 96th Foot), and kept him in confinement for twenty-five
days,--twelve of which in irons. The Sikhs in vain tried to induce him
and the other Europeans who were in the fort, to join their army. They
were released after the battle of Sobraon.
It is said, that though Sir Harry Smith was ordered not to fight before
he had made a junction with Colonel Wheeler's detachment, yet that as
the Sikhs had been moving to the south of Buddiwal, an action must
inevitably have ensued, to prevent their advance towards our convoy.
There were said to be three roads from Buddiwal to Loodianna. Buddiwal
lies to the south-east of Aliwal and between it and Sirhind. Runjoor
Singh's force was double that of Sir Harry Smith, besides which he had
a large number of guns.
The fort at Loodianna contained all the sick of H.M. and the H.C.
troops, which had marched from thence to join the army, as well as the
ladies, women, and children belonging to those regiments. The only
troops left there were the two Goorkha corps, the Nusseeree and Sirmoor
Battalions,[25] but they were afterwards increased by the arrival of
the 30th Native Infantry, the 1st Light Cavalry, and about 1,500 of the
Pattiala Horse. The Pattiala Rajah was under our protection, and was
one of those chiefs who early rendered assistance to our army, both
in men, money, and supplies. He died very suddenly, soon after the
battle of Ferozeshah, not without suspicion of having been poisoned,
which is by no means an unusual method of securing the succession to a
Rajahship. It is not impossible that he may have been killed by some
of the true Sikhs, for his strenuous support of the British. A mystery
hangs over this affair; and if we were to discard mystery from the
records of Indian narratives, we should have little left to relate.
The deceased Rajah's successor more than fulfilled the expectations of
the Governor-General, and was, at the close of the campaign, confirmed
in the possession of his estates, and invested by Lord Hardinge with
the style and title of Maharajah, in consideration of his important
services.
The alarm at Loodianna was natural, for a Sikh force having burnt down
part of the cantonments, the appearance of a second, and more powerful
force would be conclusive in the minds of most persons as to the fate
of the station. _It fama per urbes Subathoo et Simla._ At Umballa the
alarm was still greater. Dr. M'Gregor, in his History of the Sikhs, p.
136, writes: "We may smile at the fears which prompted this fugacious
movement,[26] but had Sir Harry Smith not advanced to Loodianna, there
is every reason to believe that the siege-train might have been lost,
Loodianna pillaged and burnt, the hill stations destroyed, and Umballa,
and even other places in the Provinces, sacked and occupied; so that
the movement of the 1st division was one of the utmost importance,
and not only prevented such sad disasters, but was followed by one of
the best managed actions on record." That the train was in some danger
is evident, from the fact that the Commander-in-Chief despatched for
its security the 3rd Infantry Brigade, under the command of Brigadier
Taylor, towards Dhurmkote, which lies to the west of Aliwal, and about
half way between Loodianna and Ferozepore. On the 30th of January, this
Brigade returned to camp.
Now, if we look at the map we shall see, that on the 28th, the day of
the battle of Aliwal, the convoy would have been but a short distance
south-west from Dhurmkote, perhaps twenty miles. And, again, if we
suppose a line to be drawn from Dhurmkote, in a direction twenty miles
to the south-east, which extreme point is called Bussean, we shall
find that the Sikh troops at Buddiwal were very near to the convoy,
on the night of the 27th of January. The escort for the convoy was
extremely weak; for a corps of Native Infantry, and another of Native
Cavalry, would not (after the late actions), have been above 1,200 men
strong. This convoy was very inadequately protected, and such as our
brave Commander-in-Chief would not have sent. Until joined by Taylor's
brigade, from the neighbourhood of Kurnaul, it was in imminent danger.
Had the Sikhs seized the convoy, the battle of Sobraon could not have
taken place when it did; moreover, from delay, the season would have
been sickly; and great loss must have ensued from this cause alone.
There are some circumstances which occurred at the battle of Aliwal,
deserving of prominent notice. The enemy had a great many guns, which
were playing with considerable effect upon the British troops. Major,
now Lieutenant-Colonel G. S. Lawrenson, C.B., who commanded the Brigade
of Horse Artillery, finding his men and horses falling, to save the
delay of waiting for orders, instantly galloped up his brigade of guns
to within a short distance of the Sikhs, wheeled round, unlimbered,
and, by a brisk cannonade soon forced their gunners to quit their guns
for a time. Had the cavalry charged at the same moment, I am assured
they would have taken the guns. It was one of those exhibitions of
decision and promptitude in war, which well merits, and did receive its
reward. It was probably the suddenness of the movement which prevented
the immediate support by troops.
The Sikhs made a singular disposition of their infantry in this battle
for receiving the charges of the British cavalry. Instead of forming
in squares they were arranged into triangles, the apex being in front
and opposed to the British, the men also in the rear, or base line,
knelt down, so that when the 16th Lancers broke through the front face
they were received by fixed bayonets. The French system was followed
in these dispositions; and a few French officers were alone wanting to
animate the enemy with hopes of success, however futile such hopes must
have proved. For, opposed to a force commanded by one of our ablest
and most experienced generals, nothing but ruin and utter destruction
could, under any circumstances have fallen to the lot of our rash,
though brave foe.
The 16th Lancers suffered greatly, for the Sikhs fought with the most
obstinate bravery. Preferring a voluntary death, even when all hope of
resistance was at an end, they determined that their lives should be
purchased at a high cost. Captain Bere of that gallant regiment was
most successful in his efforts, having been seen to charge through
the wedge of Sikhs, and back again more than once. And cordially do
I congratulate a brother officer, Lieutenant T.J. Francis, on having
had the good fortune to be present in this glorious action. He had
but lately returned from England, and, at the commencement of the
campaign, was on his way to the upper provinces with a detachment of
recruits. Being anxious not to lose the opportunity of seeing service
with Sir Harry Smith's division, Lieutenant Francis hastened up, and
arriving opportunely for the battle, obtained permission to accompany
the 16th Lancers to the field. After the action, Brigadier Cureton,
who commanded the cavalry, thanked Lieutenant Francis for his valuable
services, which commendation I had the pleasure of reading from a copy
of an extract from the brigade orders a day or two after.
The late Colonel Cureton of the 16th Lancers, who was unfortunately
killed at Ramnuggur, had been known to say that Lancers should never
be employed in charges with the enemy in less than a squadron, and
from the results of this battle many cavalry officers have questioned
whether the lance is the best weapon for cavalry in India. In the
charges at Aliwal the Sikhs have been known to receive the point into
their bodies and then to kill their adversary by cutting him down. The
Sikh could not extract the lance, nor had the Lancer time to draw his
sword.
There is no doubt that Lancers should never charge in small parties.
Nothing less than a wing should attempt to break squares of infantry.
The charge in line, of a broken enemy is another thing. Marshal
Marmont, in his "Esprit des Instructions Militaires," p. 45-50, says:
"Cavalry should have one pistol; heavy cavalry, with lances and sabres
and some few carbines, should be employed to fight infantry, the
light cavalry to finish. The hussar or light cavalry soldier will,
single-handed, beat the lancer. Cuirassiers should be armed with the
lance and straight sword. The first rank should charge with the lance
couched, and the second rank with the sabre in hand. As soon as the
shock is effected, and the ranks are mingled, the sabres must do
their duty. Lancers are equally successful against cavalry in line,
especially if the enemy have only sabres. The cavalry in line should
have lances chiefly, the sabre as an auxiliary."
Though Marmont was educated as an artillery officer, his great
military experience entitles his opinion to be received with due
respect, no matter to which branch of the profession he may refer. The
Lancers were not employed in the Peninsular war, nor yet at Waterloo,
consequently the 16th is the first Lancer regiment which has had the
honour of testing the lance in open conflict, and against bodies of
hostile infantry.
After the engagement at Buddiwal on the 22nd of January 1846, the Sikh
troops under Runjoor Singh suddenly evacuated that place, and proceeded
in the direction of Loodianna, keeping close to the river, where they
secured a number of boats with the apparent intention of re-crossing
to the right bank to join the main army. Whether this was a feint, or
whether Runjoor Singh, having received intimation of the advance of
reinforcements with whom his forces might not be equal to cope, desired
to secure the means of a hasty retreat; or, whether he was following
the example of Tej Singh, and acting a double part, remains uncertain.
However this may be, Sir Harry Smith lost no time in taking possession
of the place which had been evacuated by the Sikhs, who were soon
after joined by a large reinforcement of their own body. The troops
under Runjoor Singh, amounting to between 15,000 and 16,000 men, were
immediately on the move, and preparing for fresh aggressions.
Sir Harry Smith saw that a collision was inevitable, and his own
strength having been reinforced from head-quarters, he proceeded, on
the morning of the 28th to reconnoitre the enemy's troops, and, if
compelled, to give him battle. Sir Harry encountered them near the
village of Aliwal, on their way to Jugraon, with the intention of
occupying that town. The Sikhs, finding that Sir Harry was about to
out-flank them, suddenly changed their position, and drew up along a
ridge with their right flanking the village of Aliwal, and their left
resting on their own entrenched camp. With the extraordinary agility
and rapidity of action which characterized the Sikhs throughout their
engagements with the army of the Sutlej, the centre division of the
Khalsa troops instantly threw up entrenchments, behind which they
hastily placed their strong artillery, and opened a murderous fire upon
the British.
Sir Harry's force amounted to only 11,000 men, being a fourth less than
that of the enemy, but like an able tactician, knowing that by the
superior activity and disposition of his troops he could bring more men
into action against the different salient points of attack, than the
enemy who opposed him, he overcame the odds of numbers.
Notwithstanding the sharp fire of the Sikhs, he ordered a halt while
he took a rapid survey of the nature of the country, and the position
of the troops. His quick eye instantly recognised and decided on the
mode of attack. He saw that by carrying the village of Aliwal, he
should be able to throw himself upon the enemy's left and centre. This
was effected with great promptitude and valour, by Brigadiers Godby
and Hicks, who captured two guns. The general then made a skilful and
effective charge upon the right wing, where the enemy was worsted;
but the contest with the left was for some time doubtful, and the
onslaught deadly. Three times did our British Lancers charge into the
midst of the closely serried ranks of their brave opponents, whom they
literally cut to pieces. To the very last their indomitable spirit did
not forsake the Sikhs, they fell back in a body to a distance of a few
paces, discharged a full volley into the faces of their conquerors,
and then retreated towards the ford on the Sutlej. Although beaten,
they were not dismayed; and although their leader, Runjoor Singh, was
the first to fly and basely quit the field, leaving his brave followers
to conquer or die, their courage never quailed. Again they rallied
and made one last and vigorous effort. Though defeat had made them
desperate, and they fought like men who jeoparded all, it was a defeat,
and they were compelled to give way.
It was a magnificent and hard-fought battle: as ably conducted as it
was skilfully planned.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 23: Vol. ii., p. 133.]
[Footnote 24: Lena Singh had left the Punjaub before the Sikhs crossed
the Sutlej, and went to Benares, and subsequently to Calcutta. At one
time he was placed under surveillance, after his brother's attack on
Loodianna. Lena Singh, no doubt, hoped to prevent the confiscation of
his estates on this side of the Sutlej.]
[Footnote 25: These corps were raised in May, 1815, soon after the
late Sir David Ochterlony's victories at Malown. The Goorkhas are the
bravest and most active native troops in India. They are also excellent
shots at game.]
[Footnote 26: No smiling affair, we should think! Ladies, women and
children, flying to Meerut, Saharunpore, and Mussooree.]
CHAPTER VI.
Richard Bond, the Messman--Sikh Grass-cutters--Choice of
Camps--General Lloyd's Opinions--Lieut.-Colonel Irvine and Sir H.
Maddock--Position at Sobraon--Brigadier E. Smith's Plan--Colonel
Irvine's Plan--Goolab Singh's Policy--Sir Robert Dick's
Division--Major-General Gilbert's Division--Sir Harry Smith's
Division--Brigadier A. Campbell--Sir Joseph Thackwell--Brigadier
Scott--British Batteries--Rockets--Sikh Batteries--Assault on the Sikh
Entrenchments--Brigadier Stacey--Captain Cunningham's Account--The
10th Foot--Lieut.-Colonel Franks--Sikh Entrenchments stormed--Sirdar
Sham Singh destroys the Pontoon--Sikh Retreat cut off--Great Loss of
the Sikhs--Peace Principles inapplicable to India--Sikhs driven across
the Sutlej--Tej Singh.
ON the 30th of January, 1846, about noon, we moved out and proceeded
a distance of two miles, expecting to meet the Sikh cavalry, who were
encamped by the bridge of boats, but after having waited for two or
three hours we were doomed to be again disappointed.
On the 1st of February, our mess-waiter, Richard Bond, died, he had
been for some weeks past in bad health, yet, being anxious not to be
separated from his regiment, in which he had served for many years,
the poor man accompanied us from Cawnpore, and though apparently of
an Herculean frame, an insidious malady gained upon him; and on the
1st of February poor Bond was numbered among those who have been.
_Mors sola fatetur quantula sint hominum corpuscula._ He was an old
and meritorious servant: and as a member of the Mess Committee at this
period, I feel happy in paying this passing tribute to his memory.
Whilst on an out-line picquet on the 2nd, I heard most distinctly the
Sikh drums from the camp in our right front, about six o'clock in the
afternoon. During the day also my patrols brought in five grass-cutters
in the employ of the enemy. After having questioned them I released
them with a warning not to appear near our camp again. This was by no
means an uncommon ruse de guerre, while pretending to cut grass they
were in fact spying out the land.
On the 7th of February, our regiment again changed ground, from the
right to the extreme left. The whole army was encamped in a line nearly
parallel to the river Sutlej, from which it was distant not more than
a mile and a quarter, and in some parts even less. It is a rule in
forming a camp, not to make it within reach of the fire of the enemy's
guns; and at the same time to shew as extended a front as possible,
both for the purpose of overawing the adversary, and of watching his
movements. The same rule applies on having crossed a river, to avoid
exposure to the fire of the enemy who occupies the bank which you have
quitted.
In reference to the choice of camps, I may perhaps be excused if I
again refer to the able and very scarce work on the Art of war by the
well known author of the "Seven Years' War in Germany."
"The choice of camps," he says, "depends on two principles: the one
geometrical and the other the effect of genius. The first consists in
calculating the distance relative to the number and species of troops
which compose the army; the other in seeing all the combinations that
may be formed on a given piece of ground, with a given army, and in the
choice of that precise combination which is most advantageous. This
unacquirable and sublime talent is much superior to the other, and
independent of it. Great geniuses have a sort of intuitive knowledge;
they see at once the cause and its effect, with the different
combinations which unite them--they do not proceed by common rules
successively from one idea to another, by slow and languid steps. No,
the _whole_ with all its circumstances and various combinations is like
a picture, all together present to their mind: these want no geometry,
but an age produces few of this kind of men; and, in the common run of
Generals, geometry and experience will help them to avoid gross errors.
"The perfection of our art would be, no doubt, to find a construction
or an order of battle equally proper for all kinds of ground. But this
being impossible, the only thing remaining for them to do is to find
such a construction and such a formation of the troops as may, with
the greatest simplicity, and, consequently velocity, be adapted to
those numberless circumstances which occur. This should be the constant
subject of their studies, but can never be obtained without geometry."
[Illustration: POSITIONS of the BRITISH and SIKH CAMPS on the 4th
Feb. 1846
_London, Longman & Co._]
February the 8th. Sunday. Dined at half-past six, with my brother
officers, at the mess of the 3rd Light Dragoons. They are encamped on
our right, at the distance of about a quarter of a mile. As in the
field, so at the mess-table, the Lieutenant-Colonel of this fine
corps, Colonel White, C.B. (now aide-de-camp to the Queen), appeared
to be beloved by his officers; indeed they have no small reason to be
proud of one, so universally esteemed and respected by the cavalry
division of the army of the Sutlej.
The battle was at hand: already were preparations making to meet those
gallant men, the Sikhs, in mortal combat. On the evening of the 9th,
Lieutenant-Colonel Irvine, of the engineers, came into the camp, having
been sent to the frontier at the recommendation of Sir Herbert Maddock,
Deputy-Governor of Bengal. Troops had been detached from the army to
meet the large convoy coming from Delhi, with ammunition and stores;
for the operations against the enemy at Moodkee, Ferozeshah, and
Aliwal, had exhausted the greater part of our gun ammunition. Indeed,
as I have already observed, that on the 22nd of December, 1845, when
Tej Singh came before Ferozeshah, the British had no shot left. The
force under Brigadier Campbell, however, brought up 4,300,000 rounds
of musket ball cartridges, and twelve 12-pounders, with shot and other
missiles, otherwise my gallant friend, Sir Harry Smith, would not have
had the means of fighting the splendid battle of Aliwal.
And now we come to the 10th of February, the day on which the memorable
battle of Sobraon, the crowning battle of the Sikh campaign of 1845-46
was fought, and which most persons expected would be the last.
The fate of the Punjaub seemed to hang by a thread; from the 22nd of
December, 1845, to the 28th of January, 1846, no military operations
had occurred till Sir Harry Smith gained the battle of Aliwal. The
Sikhs' strongly entrenched position at Sobraon still remained to be
taken; defended as it was by 30,000 regular troops, besides being
equally strong by nature and art. By nature, as situated on the banks
of the river, in the form of a half moon, having many and great
impediments in its front; by art, the triple form of the entrenchments,
bristled with a triple row of guns, which must be silenced before an
entrance could be effected; a bridge of boats in its rear, by which
the besieged might retire if they chose; and, moreover, batteries
commanding the rear of the flanks of the entrenchment, which enabled
them to fire upon any troops attempting to storm the works: added to
which, the men could come over the pontoon bridge to assist in serving
the guns in the works; and this they actually did.
Major-General, Sir Harry Smith, after the battle of the 28th of
January, in which he had lost 589 killed and wounded, joined His
Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief, on the 8th of February. It was
judged expedient to wait for his arrival before the attack on Sobraon
could be safely made. Part of the siege train, too, had arrived, to
ensure the safety of which, it may be recollected, was the principal
object in detaching Sir Harry Smith.
A plan had been proposed by the late Brigadier E. Smith, C.B., Chief
Engineer, but when the nature of the proposed attack was explained to
Lieutenant-Colonel Irvine, a senior officer, who had been sent by Sir
T. Herbert Maddock, to join the army, which he had only reached on the
9th, the day before the battle, he is said to have taken a different
view.
It is recorded, that in the year 1776, Sir W. Howe, in a despatch on
the American entrenchments, wrote: "If I could have made approaches I
could easily have taken the enemy's entrenchments."[27]
Whether Colonel Irvine proposed to make approaches I cannot say;
certain it is, that it was agreed to follow the plan laid down by
Brigadier Smith, Colonel Irvine being of opinion that it would be
better to leave the conduct of the affair in the hands of the officer
who had formed a digested plan. Had Brigadier Smith been superseded,
a delay of two or three days at least must have ensued. Now, without
knowing the exact cause for the delay, it is stated in the "Blue Book"
that certain proposals had been made by the Lahore Durbar, or by some
of the principal chiefs. Some say, that the celebrated Goolab Singh of
Cashmere had made certain offers, to which an answer was required in
three days. An officer of artillery remarked to the Commander-in-Chief,
that the remainder of the supplies, stores, etc., from Delhi, would
reach camp in two days. Lord Gough, in his Despatch of the 13th of
February, says:--"Part of my siege train having come up with me, I
resolved, on the morning of the 10th, to dispose our mortars and
battering guns," etc.[28] This waiting of two days or more would have
consumed more time than it was thought politically right to expend. We
must remember that an answer was required in three days. Now, if Goolab
Singh was the real proposer of these terms, it would seem that it could
not answer to grant them. Perhaps he undertook to pay us the expenses
of the war, to reduce the Sikh army, and to accept a British Resident
at Lahore; these conditions, or something like them, must have been
proposed.
Such offers could not have satisfied the government of India, because,
when after the treaty of 1846, we took a slice of the Punjaub
(Jullundur), and allowed the Sikh Durbar to keep up an army of 32,000
men, they raised more, either openly or covertly; hence, if they acted
thus under our own eye, while holding the reins of government at
Lahore, it is not unreasonable to conclude that they would follow up
the plan _in extenso_ in our absence, for a Resident would have been no
adequate check.
Goolab Singh was evidently playing a game for himself: if he could be
the means of saving the country, then Cashmere ought to be his reward;
but, when affairs went in a contrary direction, he was forced to be
no longer an actor on the scene. But, distrusting Goolab Singh, and
supposing him to have been a traitor to his country, yet might he not
be meditating the destruction of the English? He had his own troops
with which he could turn the scale against us. Thus, whatever were the
terms, or the nature of the terms, they were clearly less than we could
accede to.
Colonel Irvine, as I have remarked, instead of acting as Chief
Engineer, became an aide-de-camp, and partly a spectator.
The reader will doubtless imagine, and justly so, that we had more shot
and shell on the road to join us; but time--that important element in
our lives, which when once lost cannot be recalled--time, in military
matters is everything. This was a well-known saying of Napoleon's,
and the truth of it is evident to less able soldiers. The old plan,
therefore, and not the new mode of attack, was the order of the day.
Owing to the peculiar form of the enemy's entrenchment, it was decided
that the battering-train and disposable field-artillery should be put
in position in an extended semi-circle, embracing within its fire the
works of the Sikhs. On the morning of the 10th, a heavy mist prevented
the intended cannonade from beginning at daybreak as was proposed. It
must be borne in mind, that, strictly speaking, the attack on a strong
entrenched position is usually made in the same way as upon a fort or
outwork: for forts are, sometimes, surrounded by entrenchments, thus
making the fort a kind of citadel, as it were, though it may not be so
called technically.
This mist, though unfavourable for artillery is often favourable for
troops, for enabling them to form under cover near such works and
entrenchments.
Major-General Sir Robert Dick's division was placed on the margin
of the river Sutlej, ready to commence the assault. The 7th Brigade
belonging to this division, and led by Brigadier Stacey, was to head
the attack, supported by the 6th Brigade of the same division, at a
distance of two hundred yards. A reserve which was entrenched at the
village of Rodawalla, was in readiness to move forward if required.
In the centre, Major-General Gilbert's division was deployed for
support or attack, with its right resting on Little Sobraon. With
regard to this division, it has been stated by an officer of an
infantry corps, that it was not intended that it should attack in the
first instance, but it so happened that Major-General Gilbert[29] with
that decided conduct which marked all his actions, finding that the
left attack on the enemy's right had not succeeded, determined at once
to make his attack in front.
As I have before observed, there were impediments in the front, of
which we were ignorant; they were in the nature of an embankment,
and when our troops came up, this embankment, lying between them and
the entrenchment, prevented the British from easily mounting it and
entering the enclosure; the only means, therefore, by which they could
effect this, was by moving to the right and left of this impediment.
It will not be a matter of surprise therefore, that a little confusion
occurred, and that our troops were in some slight degree jammed
together. But we must defer the result to its proper place, and proceed
with the order for the movements of the other troops.
Major-General Sir Harry Smith's Division was formed near the village of
Guttah, with its right thrown up towards the Sutlej. It was determined
to threaten by feigned attacks, the enemy's horse, under Rajah Lall
Singh Misr, which was stationed on the other side of the river. There
was a ford at Hurrekee Ghât at which were drawn up the 16th Lancers,
who would thus have been enabled to cross over and attack the Sikh
cavalry, if circumstances had called for aid. Besides, as there was a
ford there, the enemy might have thought of crossing himself, for the
purpose of attempting to turn our left flank.
Brigadier A. Campbell took up an intermediate position, between the
divisions of Major-General Gilbert's right, and Major-General Sir
Harry Smith's left. Campbell's brigade was to the rear of Sir Harry's
division, the better to effect this object, for it is desirable, on
occasions like these, not to place the cavalry within reach of cannon
shot.
Major-General Sir Joseph Thackwell, K.C.B. commanding the cavalry
division, had under him Brigadier Scott, C.B.,[30] who held a reserve
in the first brigade on our left, ready to act as circumstances might
render necessary. Brigadier Scott, as well as the Major-General, had
commanded cavalry in the Affghan campaign, when Ghuznee was taken, in
July 1839, and proceeded to Cabool; so that, should the presence of Sir
Joseph Thackwell have been required in any other part of the field of
action, he had as his second in command, an officer whom he well knew,
and in whom he could place the most implicit confidence, for it must
always be recollected that it is of great advantage to have an officer
in the field, who has had experience in Indian warfare. It cannot be
supposed that an officer just come from Europe can all at once, be
prepared to command a brigade composed of Lancers, Dragoons, and native
Cavalry. Surely a little experience is requisite. Besides in India,
from the nature of the service, a Lieutenant-Colonel often commands a
Brigade; while in Europe that command would generally devolve upon a
Major-General.
Our battery of 9-pounders, twelve of which had been reamed up to
12-pounders, opened their fire near Little Sobraon, a village a short
way in advance, between Major-General Gilbert's and Major-General
Sir Harry Smith's divisions. Our artillery was thus placed,--five
24-pounder howitzers on our right, three 12-pounders (reamed) on the
right of the 29th Foot, No. 19 battery on the left of Major-General
Gilbert's right brigade; then between General Gilbert's left and
the 62nd Foot there were six 8-inch howitzers, and six 5-1/2-inch
howitzers; on the left of the 62nd Foot there were eight 8-inch
howitzers and five 18-pounders flanked by the 9th Foot and the
26th regiment of Native Infantry. On the extreme right there were
forty-eight guns and howitzers, besides twelve guns, etc. on the
right and left of Major-General Sir Robert Dick's division. In fact
Major-General Sir Harry Smith's division was wheeled up to its left, so
as to throw a flanking fire into the enemy's left. Also, Major-General
Sir Robert Dick's division on the left, wheeled up to its right, so as
to fire into the enemy's right.
Owing to the mist before mentioned, it was half-past-six A.M. before
the whole of our artillery fire was brought into full play; the object
of this fire was to silence the enemy's guns and to destroy their
works before we assaulted the place. There was also a rocket battery.
It must be remembered that the enemy had upwards of a hundred guns to
fire against our sixty-two guns and the rocket battery. Rockets, the
reader must be aware, were formerly much used in Indian warfare among
the native armies. They were tried at Hattrass in 1817, with the force
under the command of the late Major-General Sir W.S. Whish, K.C.B.,
but there was too much wind. On the present occasion the wind was not
unfavourable. As the enemy's camp on the other side of the river was
set on fire, the means by which that important service was effected may
be disputed.
We must bear in mind that the Sikh guns were like those of a fortress,
protected by walls, not _en barbette_, _i.e._ open all round. Besides
this there was a triple line of trenches. The Sikhs also had two
batteries on the other side of the river. When these batteries were
silenced, the gunners came over by the bridge of boats, to the works
on our side, to aid and to replace the gunners who had been killed or
wounded. The bridge was said to be mined in case of accident, that is
to say, if they were pursued in the retreat they could have blown it up
to prevent our pursuing them.
It is clear that the mist had delayed the practice of the batteries,
but still the artillery played upon the enemy's works for two hours.
A more powerful battery would have been desirable; and it is said that
this was Colonel Irvine's reason for proposing the delay. However, in
all battles, there are two main points of consideration; first the
military delays, and then the political delays, we know are sometimes
dangerous. No doubt a casual observer would have exclaimed, "Why not
wait for more guns? Recollect Ferozeshah; you tarried fifty days for
this attack, during which time the enemy strengthened his position. You
have more guns, more shot and shell coming up. Recollect also, you fell
short of shot on the 22nd of December at Ferozeshah!" The late Captain
J.D. Cunningham, of the Engineers, who was present at the battles of
Aliwal and Sobraon, wrote thus: "The officers of artillery naturally
desired that their guns, the representatives of a high art, should
be used agreeably to the established rules of the engineers; or that
ramparts should be breached in front and swept in flank, before they
were stormed by defenceless battalions; but such deliberate tediousness
of process did not satisfy the judgment or the impatience of the
commanders, and it was arranged that the whole of the heavy ordnance
should be planted in masses opposite particular points of the enemy's
entrenchments, and, that when the Sikhs had been shaken by a continuous
storm of shot and shells, the right, or weakest part of the position,
should be assaulted in line, by the strongest of the three investing
divisions, which, together mustered nearly 15,000 men," the enemy being
30,000 men.[31]
A military friend of mine, Major W. Hough, of the Bengal establishment,
formerly a deputy Judge-Advocate, and author of some most valuable
works on Military Law, and other subjects, has suggested that the
attack in column is the more usual mode of assault, and has adduced
many proofs that such a system has been at different periods acted
upon, both in ancient and modern warfare.
Now let us look at the other side of the picture. Proposals had been
made by the Sikh Sirdars, some say by Goolab Singh, which were refused.
Had Goolab Singh's troops mutinied and refused to obey his orders,
he would have said that he was helpless; it was possible that these
same troops might be anxious to join Sham Singh in the entrenchments,
a movement which it was the great object of the British chiefs to
prevent.
As to the artillery, which is not surpassed by any artillery in the
world, in celerity of movement, in precision of fire, or in any of
the qualities which render this branch of the service illustrious,
they could not perform impossibilities. They were deficient in that
indispensable desideratum, shot. To have continued firing till all
our shot was expended, and thus have exposed our want of it to the
enemy, would have been very unwise; for, had the infantry failed in the
attack, they might have retired, and our artillery resumed their fire.
Hence it was that the British artillery ceased for a while to send
forth its missives of death.
After two, or two and a half hour's firing, and at about nine o'clock,
Brigadier Stacey's Brigade, supported on either flank by two batteries
of Foot and a troop of Horse Artillery, moved to the attack in good
order, with Brigadier Stacey at their head. This gallant officer was
armed with sword and buckler, the most effective weapons for such an
attack, where you may come into personal contact with men who, after
the custom of their country, are armed in this peculiar manner.
'Ἁμφἱ σἁρ 'ὡμοισιν βἁλετο ξἱφος ἁργυρὁηον,
----αὑτἁρ ἑπειτα σἁκος μἑγα τε στιβαρὁν τε.
_Homer. Iliad_ III. lines 334-5.
The troops marched in line. Captain Cunningham[32] says:--
"The left division of the British army, advanced in even order, and
with a light step to the attack; but the original error of forming
the regiments in line instead of in column, rendered the contest more
unequal than such assaults need necessarily be. Every shot from the
enemy's lines told upon the expanse of men, and the greater part of the
division was driven back by the deadly fire of muskets and swivels and
enfilading artillery.
"On the extreme left, the regiments effected an entrance amidst the
advanced banks and trenches of petty out-works, where possession could
be of little avail, but their comrades on the right were animated by
the partial success; they chafed under the disgrace of a repulse,
and forming themselves instinctively into wedges and masses, and
headed by an old and fearless leader, they rushed forward in wrath."
Major-General Sir Robert H. Dick, K.C.B. and K.C.H., was mortally
wounded close to the trenches whilst cheering on his men; but we must
reserve to a future page a further mention of this brilliant and noble
officer.
The artillery took up positions to aid these divisions at a gallop.
Brigadier Stacey's Brigade drove the Sikhs in confusion before them,
within the area of their encampment. The 10th Foot, headed by their
dauntless leader, Lieut.-Colonel T.H. Franks, entered; and here
the work of carnage commenced, for now it was that hundreds of our
indomitable foe fell under the withering fire of this gallant corps,
Lieut.-Col. Franks having particularly cautioned his men not to fire
until within the works of the enemy.
Let the reader pause and imagine the thunder of 120 guns on both sides
reverberating for a length of time
"As if the clouds their echo did repeat,"
and he will have but a very faint conception of the mighty grandeur
of those awe-inspiring sounds. Never shall I forget the majesty of the
whole scene.
"No pen can write, no pencil trace the sound."
Seeing that Brigadier Stacey's Brigade might incur the whole weight of
the attack, the centre and right divisions were ordered to advance.
The centre division experienced great difficulty, for the mound in
front was a very serious impediment. The Sikhs, sword in hand, strove
to regain the points of the entrenchments which they had lost: it was
not until the cavalry of the left wing under Major-General Sir Joseph
Thackwell advanced and dashed into the entrenchments, in single file,
through the openings effected by the pioneers in the mound, re-forming
as they passed; and finally the full weight of three divisions of
infantry with every available field-gun had been brought to bear
against the resolute enemy, that victory crowned our efforts. The work
was gloriously achieved. The insult offered to the British arms was
avenged; and England stood triumphant.
For the important services which Brigadier Scott rendered in this
action in leading his brigade into the enemy's entrenchment, he
was honoured with the gratifying distinction of being appointed
aide-de-camp to Her Majesty the Queen. At the taking of Ghuznee, July
23rd, 1839, Sir Joseph Thackwell and Brigadier Scott were employed
in destroying the enemy who had escaped from the fort; they were,
therefore, not novices at their work.
At Sobraon, our cavalry could not pursue the enemy as he retreated
across the river; and, to have proceeded by Hurrekee Ghât, the nearest
ford, would have been too late. The veteran Sirdar, Sham Singh, who
commanded in the entrenchments, was engaged at his devotions when
he first heard of the attack. As he must have known that our stores
had not all arrived, for the Sikhs had accurate intelligence of our
movements, he did not anticipate an attack from us so soon. Summoning
his chiefs, Sham Singh reminded them of the great stake at issue, and
bade them fight nobly and exterminate the infidel Feringhees (English).
He assured his officers and men that the way of glory lay before them;
and, to prevent their retreating, boldly commanded the two centre boats
of the bridge to be cut away, so that his army could not pass over the
pontoon. The order was obeyed; and, when forced to fly, the enemy in
vain attempted the bridge, and were constrained to take to the river.
Encumbered with arms, many attempted to swim across the river, which
had risen seven or eight inches a day or two before; but all their
efforts were unavailing. Hundreds and hundreds were drowned, or fell
under the fire of our guns.
The press in England have condemned this general slaughter of our
defenceless foe; but the answer, in extenuation, is, I believe, that
the Sikhs had cruelly and relentlessly cut to pieces our wounded men at
Ferozeshah.
If we regard the morality of the measure, we must not, at the same
time, overlook the consequences which would have ensued from our
sparing this resolute foe; for, at this time, we had yet to cross this
river; and we were by no means certain but that we should have to fight
another battle.
Messrs. Cobden and Co. must discover some golden rule for keeping the
peace in India; for it would be a hard matter to find a single Sikh
chief who is not ready to fight. The Rajpoot would laugh and say:
"Sirs, it is my trade, as the calico line is yours; we were born
soldiers." This universal Peace Association is, I have no doubt, a very
amiable fraternity; yet let not its members, being deceived themselves,
try to deceive others. The world still lieth in wickedness. Some
divines understand the words of our Saviour, when he said, "I came not
to send peace upon the earth, but the sword," to signify, there are
very many religions in the world, and these will give rise to fighting.
The Sikh would say: "You English have come and conquered the best and
fairest portions of India, and now you are trying to annex the rest of
the country; can you wonder that every man's hand is lifted up against
you?"
Even Mr. Cobden must allow that to fight _pro aris et focis_, is not a
very despicable employment. Until all nations and lands are prepared
to join the league--until the time that all standing armies shall be
dispensed with--and until right and might can keep their place--away
with such empty talk! We must fraternize at home before we can hope to
do so abroad. The natives of India do not understand those fine-drawn
distinctions of our European policy. They know that the strongest will
attack them if they can, and that the only plan of defence is to
maintain armies.
The continent of Europe may be likened to India in one respect.
Comprising various sovereignties, as in India, there are many
independent princes. The native chief, like Alexander the Great,
sighs when no more conquests are to be made! India, besides, is not a
commercial country, like Europe; and all its inhabitants cannot plough
or work at a trade. India has been, for centuries, the arena of strife.
From the year 1187, when Delhi was seized by a Mahomedan conqueror, to
the present year, anarchy, rapine, and war, have been stalking over
the land. Thrice three thousand times blessed will be that period
when every man of every nation shall have "turned his sword into a
ploughshare, and his spear into a pruning-hook!" Until then, in order
to ensure peace, let us be armed for war.
In Europe a sovereign loses a portion of his dominions, when it is
taken by a monarch more powerful than himself. The league of the
Holy Alliance contracted by four kings, in 1815, has not been able
to preserve peace. The principle of _uti possidetis_, or, "as you
are," of 1815, is not recognised in 1854. The Russians and Austrians
have attacked Hungary, and Hungary has fought for her independence.
The Neopolitans have sent an expedition to Sicily, and the Sicilians
have sighed for independence. The French are masters of Rome, and
Rome has longed for a republic, and thus we might multiply examples.
Independence, the natural right of all countries, cannot generally be
obtained except by war.
But _revenons à nos moutons_, the Sikhs again succumb. The battle
of Sobraon has been fought and lost by them: at noon on the 10th of
February, not a living Sikh remained on the left bank of the Sutlej.
At about two o'clock P.M., I rode leisurely through the enemy's
entrenchments, and witnessed the horrible slaughter that had taken
place; even at that time, a few determined artillerymen occasionally
sent a ball across the river, to the dismay of our plundering camp
followers. A mine, too, would now and then explode, and hurl the
heedless and inquisitive into eternity, for the entrenchment was
completely undermined; and during the following night and morning,
explosions were every now and then heard in the camp.
During the action, the 9th Lancers advanced at about eleven o'clock
A.M., under a heavy fire, in two lines, for the purpose of charging the
enemy, when I commanded the left troop of the second squadron; after
a time, however, as no opportunity to charge was allowed, we again
fell back. The 9th Lancers left their camp at four o'clock A.M., and
returned to it between five and six o'clock P.M., not a little tired,
as the reader may imagine.
Thus the day, which rose so bright upon the landscape, after the mists
of the early morning had been dispelled by the brilliant rays of the
sun, was darkened by a battle and slaughter and death, ere the shades
of evening closed upon it. The indomitable Sikhs, whose bravery was
but the more aroused by the defeat at Aliwal, and whose feelings had
been harrowed by the sight of the corpses of their unavenged comrades
slain in that battle, who were still borne along the stream, and who
had entered upon the contest with the resolve to conquer or die, these
brave fellows were now lying in hundreds, or rather in thousands upon
thousands, on the field of carnage, or floating along the sweeping
flood of the Sutlej, while others fled in wild confusion before
their victorious foe. But where were now their leaders?--the men who
had instigated the revolt, and who with dastardly duplicity sought
their private interests by simulated friendship with both parties?
Where was Tej Singh, the chief commander of the Sikh forces? When the
British opened the assault, Tej Singh commanded the entrenchment, but
as soon as we had effected breaches in the mound, and the fire from
his batteries began to slacken, when his followers were falling thick
around him, when the British, led on by their gallant commanders,
fought resolutely for every inch of ground, Tej Singh, instead of
manfully leading on fresh troops, and animating them by his example,
like a base traitor, again deserted his post; he fled at the first
brush, and, as at the battle of Ferozeshah, abandoned his troops,
and, in their destruction, sought, and effected his own escape;
Goolab Singh, who had played his cards so well, was at the side of
the Maharannee, counselling the adoption of such measures as would
virtually promote his own interests; while the intriguer, Lall Singh,
lay with his cavalry higher up the river in a careless, unmilitary
position, conscious of being closely watched by the English.
Far different was the conduct and deportment of Sirdar Sham Singh, of
Attaree. In accordance with the vow so solemnly made to his men that he
would die in the conflict, and thus offer up himself as a propitiatory
sacrifice for his country's weal to appease the wrath of Govind, he
clothed himself in a white garment, as one who had devoted himself to
death, and calling upon all around to follow him, he unflinchingly
led on his rapidly thinning ranks, with the assurance of the Gooroo's
eternal reward to those who should fall in defence of their country;
and, at last, covered with wounds, the fine old veteran sunk down a
lifeless corpse, amidst the slaughtered bodies of his brave followers.
The Commander-in-Chief estimated the loss of the Sikhs in this decisive
battle at from 12,000 to 15,000 men; while that on the side of the
British was, 320 killed, and 2,063 wounded, making our total loss
2,383.[33]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 27: Field of Mars, 1801.]
[Footnote 28: War in India, Despatches of Lords Hardinge and Gough.
Second Edition. London, 1846; p. 116.]
[Footnote 29: Afterwards, Major-General Sir Walter Raleigh Gilbert,
Bart., G.C.B. (since deceased).]
[Footnote 30: Lieutenant-Colonel, 9th Lancers, and formerly
Lieutenant-Colonel in the 4th Light Dragoons, from which, like the
author, he was removed into his present corps, when the 4th was put on
the English establishment, on its return from Bombay in 1842. Colonel
and A.D.C. to the Queen.]
[Footnote 31: History of the Sikhs, p. 319.]
[Footnote 32: History of the Sikhs, p. 325.]
[Footnote 33: See Appendix XI.]
CHAPTER VII.
The Advanced-guard cross the Sutlej--Burial of Sir Robert
Dick--Bridge of Boats--Kussoor--Surrender of the Sikhs--Dhuleep
Singh--Lulleanee--Lahore--Runjeet Singh's Monument--The Summer
Palace--The Governor-General's Address.
ON the night of the victory of Sobraon, some of our advanced brigades
crossed the Sutlej, opposite Ferozepore: they met with no resistance on
landing, the whole place was abandoned, and not an enemy was visible.
They hastened on to Kussoor, where they took possession of the fort.
Early on the morning of the 11th of February, we were once more on
the move. The Commander-in-Chief appointed one division to remain
behind and take charge of the sick and wounded, with orders to bring
them on to Ferozepore; together with all the guns, etc., which we had
taken from the enemy. These amounted to sixty-seven cannon, and 200
camel-swivels, or, as they are generally called, "zumbooruks;" together
with immense quantities of ammunition and stores, and many of the Sikh
standards.
The 9th Lancers accordingly started for Attaree, a distance of fourteen
miles. On the 12th, we left our old encamping ground at Attaree at
four o'clock A.M., and at eight o'clock A.M., we reached our new
halting-place at Khoonda Ghât, about two miles distant from Ferozepore.
Soon after eight o'clock this morning, we heard the discharge of eleven
guns, in the direction of Ferozepore, which we were informed were being
fired over the grave of the late lamented Major-General Sir Robert Dick.
Not a month before the battle of Sobraon, I had called upon poor Sir
Robert in his tent. He was then all life and animation, highly pleased
with the Division to which he was about to be appointed, and which he
asserted was the finest in the army. Not having had the opportunity
of seeing a hostile shot fired in India, this noble soldier was
in ecstasy at the thoughts of meeting the Sikhs in actual warfare.
Conspicuous for his gallantry, when commanding the 42nd during the
Peninsular War, Sir Robert was determined not to be out-shone; and
placing himself at the head of his Division, the 3rd Infantry, he fell
gloriously whilst mounting the enemy's entrenchments, in the very
moment of victory. Never fell a General more regretted by his troops,
nor one who in life was more beloved. The coolness of his temper in
the battle-field, was only surpassed by the warmth of his hospitality
in quarters; thus adding one more proof to the many on record, that
the noblest and bravest heart is ever united with the gentlest and
kindliest spirit.
To testify the estimation in which Sir Robert was held by his brother
officers, a subscription was immediately set on foot among the officers
throughout the army, and a large sum was collected for the purpose
of erecting a monument to his memory, in the church of his native
village of Tullymet, in Perthshire. The officers and men who have had
the honour of serving under him, will not forget him; and the only
consolation we could feel was, that he died, as I really believed
he wished to die, fighting for his country, _exegit monumentum ære
perennius_.[34]
Our bridge of boats having been completed, the Commander-in-Chief,
with the whole of the army, crossed the Sutlej on the 13th. We passed
over in single file; and after a tedious march of about eleven miles,
arrived at Kussoor.
In the immediate vicinity of the Sutlej, the country is in a high state
of cultivation, the valley being covered with a rich, soft verdure, but
scarcely a tree is visible till within three miles from the banks; then
the scene changes completely, and for miles and miles the eye rests
upon nothing but immense tracts of jungle, interspersed with bushes,
low tamarisks and tamarinds, with here and there the picturesque view
of some ancient mosque or tomb. Close to Kussoor, lie the ruins of a
large city scattered about in wild confusion; here mosques, domes,
minarets and columns, tell of the departed glory of the Mahomedan era,
when the arts and civilization were in their prime. The road runs
through the town, which stands on a lofty eminence, and completely
commands the place, and the ancient citadel of Kussoor. The town was
formerly divided into twelve parts, each surrounded by a wall; and
tradition says, that the founder gave one of these divisions to each
of his twelve sons. Major Hough states that an army might make a good
stand here, because there are not only heights, but each division
of the town could be converted into a fortified position. But I am
of opinion, that in the event of a hostile attack, it would not be
capable of standing either a lengthened siege or a vigourous defence;
it consists of a low wall, surrounded by narrow moats and projecting
bulwarks. The town itself is surrounded by a very high wall, flanked
with towers, and is densely built of brick. We encamped under the walls
of the ancient town. The Governor-General joined the army early on
the morning of the 14th. Kussoor is situated about sixteen miles from
Ferozepore, and thirty-two from Lahore.
On the following morning, after some previous negotiation, the
Maharannee of Lahore, who had appointed the Rajah Goolab Singh and
some of the council to confer with the British army, sent her embassy
to our head-quarters. They were intrusted by the queen mother with
full powers, upon the condition that the treaty should embrace the
continuance of the Sikh government at Lahore. The Governor-General
surrounded by a brilliant staff of officers, received the Lahore
embassy in his own tent. The deputation was then referred to Major
Lawrence, now Sir Henry Lawrence, K.C.B., and since President of the
Board of Administration for the affairs of the Punjaub, and Mr. Currie,
now Sir Frederick Currie, Bart., and late Member of the Supreme Council
of India, with whom they had a conference which lasted several hours.
The Sikh chiefs being at first extremely reluctant to enter into the
terms proposed by the English, their negotiations were prolonged far
into the night. The following are the terms which were proposed by the
English, and finally agreed to by the Sikhs.
The complete surrender of the whole of the territorial possessions of
the Sikhs, lying between the Sutlej and the Beas: the payment of a
million and a half sterling, as a partial indemnity for the expenses
of the war; the disbandment of the Sikh army, and its reorganization
on the footing established by Runjeet Singh; the surrender of all the
guns used against the British, and the assumption of full powers by
the Governor-General to settle the frontiers and to fix the internal
government of Lahore. The youthful Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, the son of
the Maharannee, being still regarded as an Ally, was required to meet
the British army on its entering Lahore, and tender his submission. It
was further stipulated, that the Sikhs should not have the power of
raising any armed force, without the consent of the British government.
On the 18th of February, the 9th Lancers reached the little mud-walled
village of Lulleanee, a distance of ten miles, during which I was on
baggage guard. It stands in the midst of corn fields and jungle. It is
about thirty-four miles from Ferozepore, and about midway between that
place and Lahore.
This evening, agreeably to the stipulation, the infant Maharajah,
Dhuleep Singh, came into the camp of the Governor-General. His council
sought forgiveness for the late act of aggression on the part of the
army. The Maharajah did not receive any military honours from the
Governor-General until he had made his submission; but after having
done so, he was treated with the style becoming the rank of a prince,
and remained in camp till the entry of the army into Lahore.
While we were at Lulleanee, we suffered much from scarcity of water. On
the 19th, we reached the village of Kankuch, a distance of ten miles.
Both yesterday and to-day the 9th Lancers were on the advanced guard of
the army. On the 20th of February, we marched to Lahore, a distance of
ten miles, and encamped on the celebrated Meanmeer, three miles from
the city--the ground where the Sikh troops used to be drilled. Through
the kindness of Major Lawrence I obtained a pass out of camp, and an
escort of two Sikh horsemen, for the purpose of visiting Lahore, the
renowned Sikh capital.
The appearance of the city is very imposing at a distance, from its
numerous mosques, with their azure domes and sparkling minarets rising
majestically above the palaces, houses and gardens, the far distance
being bounded by the bold out-line of the snow-capped Himalayas. To
the south, lies the ancient city of Lahore, completely in ruins,
interspersed with the remains of caravansaries, sepulchral monuments,
towers and domes, overshadowed here and there by the lofty crowns of
the graceful date-palm.
These splendid buildings carry the mind back to a bye-gone age, when
wealth and grandeur reigned in Lahore, under the first Mahomedan
conquerors of Hindoostan, before they succeeded in establishing
themselves in the central Provinces of India. Lahore was the residence
of Humayoon, the father of Akbar, who greatly enlarged and improved
the city, which during his reign is said to have been three leagues in
length; even to this day it is of considerable extent.
The modern city of Lahore lies close to the Rāvee, and contains
about 80,000 inhabitants. It is surrounded by a massive brick wall,
twenty-five feet in height, and fortified at regular distances with
bastions and towers. Runjeet Singh greatly improved and strengthened
the fortifications; and, like a good general, carried a moat completely
round the outer side of the wall, and circumvallated this moat with a
line of strong ramparts, fortified by out-works and heavy artillery,
running in a circumference of seven or eight miles round the city. It
gives the impression of a once impregnable place, and even now presents
an appearance of considerable strength, though many of the bastions and
works are going to decay.
The bright illusions which have previously filled the imagination of
the stranger with visions of grandeur and magnificence, vanish like a
dream the moment he enters the city gate. The principal street is very
narrow, and extremely dirty, with a kennel running through the middle
of it, into which is thrown the refuse from the neighbouring houses.
Here, too, the streets are unpaved, and in such a wretched condition,
that they are almost inpassable in wet weather. The houses are chiefly
of brick, and though lofty, present a mean appearance. Like most of the
Oriental houses, they have flat roofs, where the inhabitants pass the
cool of the day. They are surrounded by dead walls, and present nothing
of architectural interest; the only redeeming feature being an elegant
arabesque carving, which runs along the wooden balconies and windows.
My first visit was to the citadel, which lies to the North-West of
the town. It contains the barracks, extensive magazines, and military
stores, together with the Hazuree Bagh, the noble winter palace of the
late Maharajah, which was commenced by Akbar, and completed by others
of the Mogul emperors. At an angle of the Maharannee's apartments,
close to the gate, is the magnificent tomb of Runjeet Singh, together
with those of the other members of his family. I visited this fine
marble mausoleum, which is built in the Arabesque style, and was
erected by Shore Singh, on the spot where Runjeet Singh, his son,
and his grandson, together with their wives and female slaves, were
consumed on the funeral pyre. This monument is just outside the lofty
gates of the Hazuree Bagh. It was while passing through the ruins of
these gates that Nou Nehal Singh was crushed to death, by the sudden
dislodgment of a ponderous stone, as he was proceeding to the Rāvee
to wash away his sins, immediately after the burning of his father's
corpse.
The Hazuree Bagh was, in ancient times, the residence of the Mogul
emperors. It is an immense pile, built of red granite, and consists of
three large quadrangles, surrounded by arched corridors, magazines,
and stores. From each of the four angles rises a lofty minaret, 150
feet in height; while the Western-side of the principal quadrangle
is occupied by the Mosque, of red sand-stone, built by the emperor,
Aurungzebe. This quadrangle, which is 500 paces in length, leads to
the garden court or Hazuree Bagh, which is likewise surrounded by
vaulted corridors, now in ruins. A pavilion of white marble stands in
the centre.
The fort, or citadel, is in the third quadrangle. It is surrounded by
numerous buildings, among which is the palace of the late Maharajah.
The appearance is striking and unique, as it has a winding staircase
rising above the highest platform.
The bazaars, which in all Eastern cities are the most animated parts
of the town, presented nothing of interest; and instead of the varied
display of costly oriental manufactures, in gold and embroidery, there
was little else but sweetmeats and eatables.
There are some fine buildings in the immediate vicinity of Lahore.
The principal is the tomb of the emperor, Jehangeer. It is of white
marble, and red sand-stone, and rises in the centre of a beautiful
garden. The Arabesques, above the arches of the piazza, which surround
the tomb, are executed with great skill, and are in a state of perfect
preservation, while the rest is going to decay. The tomb occupies
a square building, 66 paces each way, the piazza being 1,800 feet
square. I must not forget to mention the summer palace, or Shalemar.
It was the residence of the emperor, Shah Jehan in 1627, and bears the
inscription, "House of joy." It is constructed of white marble, in
the same style as the Shalemar, at Cashmere, and stands in the middle
of a lovely garden, tastefully laid out, with flowers, fountains,
shrubberies, magnificent trees, and orange groves.
On my visit to the house of the Maharannee's German physician, I was
introduced to Colonel Van Cortland, late of the Sikh service. In my
rambles, I went over the house of General Ventura, since the residence
of the Chief Commissioner, Sir Henry Lawrence. It is a spacious
building, and presents a more European character than any in the city.
In the gun-sheds, I saw only seven guns. The Infantry barracks were
tenantless. The few soldiers, too, whom I saw in the place, had a
mortified and disconsolate look.
Great alarm naturally prevailed in Lahore, in consequence of the
defeat of the Sikh army, the arrival of our victorious troops, and the
occupation of the citadel by an English garrison. The Governor-General,
anxious to allay the ferment, issued a proclamation, which had the
desired effect.[35]
On the 9th of March, the Governor-General signed the important treaty
between the British and Lahore governments.[36]
I was on duty at the Governor-General's tent, with a troop of my
regiment as a guard of honour, for the reception of the young Maharajah
of Lahore, who had arrived from the capital attended by his principal
Sirdars, and a numerous retinue, for the purpose of signing the treaty
between the Government of the Company and that of the Lahore Durbar.
Three royal salutes were fired from our 12-pounders, namely, one salute
on the arrival of the prince, another at the signing of the treaty, and
the third on his Highness' departure.
After the treaty was ratified and signed, the Governor-General made the
following speech:--
"For forty years it was the policy of Runjeet Singh to cultivate
friendly relations between the two Governments; and during the whole of
that period, the Sikh nation was independent and happy. Let the policy
of that able man towards the British Government, be the model for your
future imitation. The British Government in no respect provoked the
late war. It had no objects of aggrandizement to obtain by hostilities.
The proof of its sincerity is to be found in its moderation in the
hour of victory. A just quarrel, followed by a successful war, has not
changed the policy of the British Government. The British Government
does not desire to interfere in your internal affairs. I am ready and
anxious to withdraw every British soldier from Lahore. At the earnest
solicitation of the Sikh government, I have reluctantly consented to
leave a British force in garrison at Lahore, until time shall have been
afforded for the reorganization of the Sikh army, by whose assistance
the stipulations of the treaty may be more easily carried into effect.
In no case can I consent that the British troops shall remain in
garrison for a longer period than the end of this year. I state this
publicly, that all the world may know the truth, and the motives by
which I am actuated in this matter."
At the conclusion of this address, the young Maharajah, who had thus
been virtually recognised as the Sovereign of Lahore, under the
protection of the English, was re-conducted to his palace by British
regiments, under a royal salute.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 34: See Appendix XII.]
[Footnote 35: See Appendix XIII.]
[Footnote 36: See Appendix XIV.]
CHAPTER VIII.
Review of the Army--Eastern Mode of Adoption--Cashmere assigned
to Goolab Singh--Defeat of Affghan Cavalry--Major John Cameron
Campbell--Security of the North-west Frontier--Fertility of the
Punjaub--Infantry introduced into the East--Hyder Ali's Notion
of English Power--Runjeet's Craftiness--Improvement in the
Punjaub--Dhuleep Singh professes Christianity--Dr. Login--Dhuleep
baptized by the Rev. W.J. Jay--Dhuleep Singh's Sincerity.
ON the 10th of March, the whole army was reviewed by the
Governor-General, the Commander-in-Chief, the Governor of Scinde (the
late Lieutenant-General Sir Charles J. Napier, G.C.B.), the Maharajah
Dhuleep Singh, Goolab Singh, and many of the Sikh Sirdars. The troops
formed line in masses of brigades; the second Brigade of Cavalry,
being on the extreme left in open column of squadrons, at quarter
distance: there were about 22,000 men on the ground. The conqueror of
Scinde, having left behind his 16,500 men and fifty guns, had joined
the head-quarters of the army, and was present at this review. The
Sikh chiefs also were present, more humble than in former days. They,
poor men, with few exceptions, were only the forced actors in the late
drama. The Punts and Punchees[37] having decided upon fighting, the
chiefs and Sirdars were constrained to gird up their loins for action.
The Governor-General, Sir Henry (now Viscount Hardinge, G.C.B.), was
well aware that there were 20,000 Khalsa troops under arms in another
part of the Punjaub. Conversing with a field officer, and looking at
our European troops, the Governor-General remarked, "See those men,
there are only 3,200 fit for duty;" which observation was at the time
interpreted somewhat thus: "Out of 7,000 or 8,000 Europeans at first
employed in this army, see the reduced remnant; had I not made the
treaty, I could not at this season have continued the war."
The young and handsome Maharajah gazed upon the magnificent spectacle
before him, with a kind of childish indifference, little concerned
about the slice carved out by our swords from the dominions of his
putative father; he is ignorant of his paternity, neither does he know
whether he can legally call the Maharannee his mother. The Eastern
mode of adoption is a very easy mode of providing a successor, for
if a Rannee has no sons, others have, who may supply the place.
Child-stealing, moreover, is very common in the Punjaub. Report assigns
Jummoo as the place of his Highness' birth. The Rajah had a brother.
I must leave the unravelling of the mystery, however, to those of my
readers who feel an interest in tracing genealogies, with as much
likelihood of success, at least, as the Sikh chiefs who tried the
puzzle.
On the 10th of March I was on escort duty with my regiment,
from half-past two to six in the afternoon, accompanying the
Governor-General to and from a visit to the Maharajah, in the palace at
Lahore.
On the 12th of March, the army of the Sutlej was broken up, and our
kind-hearted Commander-in-chief bade it farewell.
Let us consider our position at the present time, with respect to our
late enemy. A treaty has been concluded: we garrison Lahore with our
troops, and form a government of Sikh chiefs, superintended by a
British officer, namely, Sir Henry Lawrence. We declare that we must
withdraw our force from Lahore by the end of the year. The Sikh chiefs
entreat us to remain, which we at last agree to, and enter into another
treaty to govern until Dhuleep Singh shall be of age, which will be in
September, 1854.[38] This period was fixed, because as the Company's
charter expires on the 30th of April, 1854, an act of indemnity would
otherwise have been required from Parliament.
We first of all take possession of the Jullundur Doab; assign to Goolab
Singh the rich and fertile valley of Cashmere,[39] whose productions
are those of the temperate zone. The Sikhs are to disband their present
army and organize a new one, which is not to exceed 32,000 men, 20,000
of which shall be infantry; and furthermore, we compel them to pay to
the British government 22 lakhs of rupees, or £220,000 sterling per
annum. Next, a deep conspiracy is discovered at Lahore, and two British
officers are murdered at Mooltan. The Sikhs, under Moolraj, Chutter
Singh and Shere Singh, raise large armies. The Maharannee is at the
bottom of this conspiracy. We send troops in December, 1848, and take
Mooltan in February, 1849. We fight at Ramnuggur, and fall into a trap.
At Chillianwallah, we take the bull by the horns, but at Goojerat, on
the 21st of February, 1849, with eighty-four guns against the enemy's
fifty-nine, we gain a victory complete in every point, the Sikhs being
battered by our overwhelming force of artillery for three hours. The
Affghan Horse, under the command of a son of Dost Mahomed Khan, of
Cabool, are routed after a noble charge, by a squadron of the 9th
Lancers, and a party of the Scinde Irregular Horse, under the command
of Captain J.C. Campbell,[40] of the Lancers, in which he was ably
supported by Lieutenant F.J. M'Farlane, of the same corps, a stalwarth
and powerful officer; and the whole army of the enemy having been put
to flight and pursued for many miles, we finally annex the Punjaub to
the British dominions.[41]
Now how would the leader of the British Anti-War Association have
acted? The Sikhs cross the Sutlej and attack us. Would that gentleman
have reasoned with them, or would he have attacked them? Whatever he
may make of Europe, we cannot at present rule India otherwise than by
the sword. India has to look to a possible invasion from the North,
but none from the South. It is true, Admiral Suffrien did, in 1783,
tell the King of France that the French might invade India from the
Burmese territory; and he was right. But in 1826, we secured ourselves
against such an event by Treaties. The Queen of England is ruler of the
Mauritius, and the Cape is subject to her sway. On our North-West lie
Scinde and the Punjaub, which two countries protect us against invasion
from Candahar direct; and from an attack by the circuitous route of
Cabool, we can always secure the Bolan and Khyber Passes; and those of
Dhera Ghazee Khan and Dhera Ismael Khan are in our hands whenever we
choose, for Mooltan would cover the operation.
Thus has the last Sikh campaign rendered our North-West frontier as
safe as we could desire. Time will make the conquest valuable, and it
must be our aim to conciliate a new people. Francklin (p. 66) says:
"The Punjaub yields to no part of India in fertility of soil; it
produces in the greatest abundance, sugar-cane, wheat, barley, rice,
pulse of all sorts, tobacco, and various fruits, and it is also well
supplied with cattle. The principal manufactures of this country are
swords, matchlocks, cotton-cloths, and silks, both fine and coarse."
This description was written in 1802: it is useful to compare the past
with the present. The Punjaub still (1854) supplies all the necessaries
of life, and the district between the Indus and the Jelum contains
salt-mines. In regard to commerce, as well as to manufactures, such
as those of cotton-cloths, various stuffs, curious carpets, etc., the
Sikhs are behind the other nations of India; yet, considering they are
a military people, they shew less contempt for the occupations and
amusements of civil life, and the peaceful cultivation of the soil,
than might have been expected.
There can be no doubt that this country will become very flourishing
under British rule. European art and science will be applied to the
improvement of trade and agriculture, and above all, afford that
greatest of incentives to industry, the certainty that, "what a man
soweth, that shall he also reap." The Sikhs were more anxious to
acquire other lands than to improve those which they already held;
besides, in the constant scenes of anarchy and warfare, which have
desolated this fine country, no man could ever feel certain that he
should gather all his produce. Francklin, speaking of the Sikh army, in
1802, says (p. 67): "It has been remarked, that the Sikhs are able to
collect from 50 to 60,000 horse; but to render this number effective,
those who do not take the field, or who remain at home to guard their
possessions, must be included."
The following is Francklin's statement, which comprehended the
districts from the Attock to Sirhind:
Cavalry.
The districts South of the Sutlej 15,000
The Doab, or country between the Sutlej
and the Beyah (Beas) 8,000
Between the Beyah and Rowee (Ravee) 11,000
Force of Buyheel Singh, Chief of Pattiala 12,000
The countries above Lahore, the inhabitants
of which are chiefly under the influence
of Runjeet Singh 11,000
The Force of Nizam-ud-deen Khan 5,000
Ditto of Roy Elias 1,300
Ditto of other Pathan Chiefs in pay of the
Sikhs 800
------
Grand total 64,100
The Chief of most consequence was Runjeet Singh. If we suppose that
two-thirds of this force might take the field, there would be 42,730
horsemen.
The above writer also says, that the repeated invasion of the Punjaub
by small armies, of late years, affords a convincing proof, "that
the national force of the Sikhs cannot be so formidable as has been
represented." "It was successfully invaded by the Maharatta armies of
Ambajee, Bala Row and Nana Furkiah, who drove the Sikhs repeatedly
before them." No mention is made of the Sikh artillery.
It is to be remarked of the Sikhs, as of other native states (indeed,
it is an old remark, and has been made by some of the best informed
natives themselves), that Hyder Ali Khan, and Tippoo Sultan, of
Mysore, Sindiah, Holcar, in fact, all the native Chiefs of India, were
victorious over their native enemies by means of large masses of horse.
Infantry of some description they had; but the regular battalions,
drilled by Europeans, were only introduced as a system about 60 years
ago, by French, German, and Italian officers.
The principal use of Infantry was to defend their forts. Seeing the
advantage of regular and well-disciplined Infantry, under the British
and French, the leading princes and chiefs adopted the same plan, and
at length resolved to have Brigades of Infantry; as, for example,
Sindiah's Brigades, under Duboignie, and the Nizam's, etc., etc.
Before this period and until the chiefs had regular corps, the British
marched over the country for hundreds of miles, the enemy flying
before them. But, in 1803, Sindiah brought many disciplined brigades
of infantry into the field, perhaps 8,000, 10,000, or even 12,000
infantry, and seventy, eighty, or one hundred guns, besides horse. Our
losses were sustained in taking the guns. Thorn, in his "History of the
Maharatta War, 1803," says; "the Maharatta armies in three of their
greatest battles were as follow:--
Infantry. Cavalry. Guns.
At Delhi 8,000 6,000 68
Assaye 10,500 30,000 100
Leswarree 7,000 4,500 72."
It will be seen that except at Assaye, they had more infantry than
cavalry. While the enemy mustered the above numbers, and always had
about one fourth of their guns of large calibre, the British only
brought seventeen, twenty-five, and thirty small guns into the field.
Runjeet Singh's views were different from those of the native princes.
Captain Meadows Taylor, in his "Life of Hyder Ali," says; "In December,
1782, just before his death, Hyder Ali Khan of Mysore, called for his
confidential adviser and said, 'What signifies the loss of Colonel
Baillie's detachment of 3,000 or 4,000 troops? The English can get more
by sea; unless I can build a navy to compete with the Feringhees, and
stop them from landing, I cannot destroy them. They come as fast as you
cut them down.'"
The Maharatta Chiefs thought differently. The power of the English,
whose ascendancy in India dates from about the year 1803, had
supplanted that of France. The French having rejected the application
for European troops, made by Tippoo Sultan in 1799, a brief pause
followed upon Napoleon's expedition to Egypt, but on the renewal of
the war with England in 1803, Napoleon, in his projected invasion of
India, engaged the assistance of the powerful Maharatta chiefs, who
entered warmly into the war, and Sindiah's troops were placed under
the direction of French officers sent out for the purpose.
M. Perron, in 1803, had 43,000 Infantry and a powerful Artillery,
with which he held Allygurh, Agra, and Delhi. He designed, moreover,
by degrees, to supersede Sindiah's authority, but Lord Lake's and
Sir Arthur Wellesley's battles defeated the scheme. The Maharattas,
or rather their troops under French officers, governed Delhi at this
time, the Emperor Shah Allum being a captive prince and blind. Runjeet
Singh, although a young man, knew all these facts, he therefore, caused
his troops to be disciplined by European officers, for the purpose of
fighting his battles against the Affghans, and other native enemies;
but he never desired to lead them against the English, nor did he
much like to entrust his European officers with commands in his wars.
General Avitabile had charge of Peshawur, as civil, not as military,
governor.
In 1825, when the British attacked Bhurtpore, the Rajah wished Runjeet
to aid him, but the crafty fox refused. Some time after, asking
Captain Wade (now Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Claudius M. Wade, C.B.) "what
the English would have done had he joined the Rajah:" Captain Wade
replied, "We should have attacked you first, and then have gone to
undertake the siege." "Indeed!" said Runjeet, "I thought so. I shall
not quarrel with the English; they are my friends."
Thus the Punjaub, which had been for centuries the tempting lure of
a succession of invading hordes, and a prey to anarchy, rapine, and
oppression, has passed, like its far-famed "Mountain of Light," into
the possession of Queen Victoria; and from the marvellous success which
has already crowned the efforts of the British Government to improve
this new domain, I have no doubt that it will soon shed as much lustre
on the British name, as this brilliant jewel over the royal brow.
When the Punjaub, paralysed and withered under the military authority
of Runjeet Singh, first became ours, it never entered into the
imagination of the most sanguine, to conceive the change which a few
short years of wise and enlightened rule would produce in the outward
face of the country. Whole tracts of forest and jungle have been
cleared and brought under cultivation; canals, hundreds of miles in
extent, and at an outlay of millions of rupees, are in course of
excavation; commerce and agriculture are encouraged, and every possible
facility is afforded to the native mind to develop the resources which
nature has placed within the reach of its inhabitants.
We cannot but feel that it is only a Christian power, which could
have exercised this happy influence; for Christianity has been in all
ages, and under all circumstances, the pioneer of enlightenment and
civilization. Circumstanced as the British government were, they could
not well make any direct efforts to establish Christianity among the
Sikhs, and indeed their usual caution and feeling rather lean to the
reverse. And yet without any such efforts or encouragement on their
part, and no one can tell exactly how, the first fruit of the Gospel
among the native sovereigns of India, is the young Maharajah, Dhuleep
Singh, the son and successor of the mighty Runjeet Singh.
As this event, so important and significant under any circumstances,
but doubly so under the present shaking and waning attachment of the
Sikh population to their own religious rites, is deeply interesting
to the British public, I will here give an extract from a speech
delivered by Archdeacon Pratt, in Calcutta:
"The baptism of Dhuleep Singh is an encouraging event, and although
perhaps the less said about it the better, for the young convert's own
mind, yet as so many false accounts have gone abroad regarding him,
it is well briefly to state the circumstances which led him to seek
baptism. His desire to become a Christian has generally been attributed
to the influence of Dr. Login, who has charge of the young prince.
But this is altogether a mistake. Dr. Login has acted the part of a
wise and consistent Christian, in the delicate and responsible charge
committed to him, but no overtures were made by him to induce the youth
to become a Christian. It is believed that an early disgust of his own
countrymen, was created in his mind by the horrible assassinations
which he witnessed as a child at the Court of Lahore; and the personal
kindness which he afterwards met with from Lord Dalhousie and the
officials, up to the time of his quitting the Punjaub, gave him a
favourable impression of the English.
"But the first impulse in his mind in favour of Christianity, was
occasioned by his Brahmin attendant reading the Scriptures to him,
during Dr. Login's absence in Calcutta.
"The Brahmin had learnt English in a missionary school, and like many
of his countrymen, was himself convinced of the truth of the Word of
God, but had not courage to stem the torrent of opposition, which
an open avowal of his convictions would have created. His reading,
however, awakened the young prince's mind to the value of the Bible;
and Dhuleep Singh wrote to Dr. Login that he must have a copy of the
Scriptures; and also, that he intended forthwith to break his caste.
From this last step he was wisely dissuaded, till he should be better
informed.
"The whole matter was made known to the Governor-General and to the
Court. It was determined, that if he finally desired to become a
Christian, no impediment should be placed in his way, when he was
perfectly prepared for the rite. The chaplain of the Station was
directed to give him the necessary instruction, should the prince
desire it; and his mind has been growing and maturing under the wise
superintendence of Dr. Login, and the instructions of his English
tutor and the chaplain; but no more progress in advance has been made
without his own desire. His attending divine service, both in private
and afterwards in public, in the Mussouree church, was of his own
seeking and urging.
"I have seen a good deal of the youth, and feel persuaded that he
has been led by a higher hand than human, and that the work is of
God. He is only a youth; but his character in every respect is a most
interesting one; more especially when we remember who he is, and the
darkness out of which he has come. If God keep him steadfast, and to
this we should direct our prayers, his conversion may have an important
influence on missionary prospects."
After a careful examination into his knowledge of those truths which
he professed to believe, the Maharajah was formally admitted into the
Christian church by baptism, on the 8th of March, 1853, by the Rev.
W.J. Jay, Chaplain of Futtyghur. At this interesting ceremony, which
took place in the Maharajah's own house at the station, were present
all the civil and military authorities, and the American missionaries,
as well as a number of his own attendants, on whom the solemnity of the
occasion appeared to make a deep impression.
The "Friend of India," in its notice of this event, remarks:--
"It will, of course, be observed, particularly in England, that
it would have been more advisable to postpone this irrevocable
renunciation of Hindooism, until matured age should have given the
young Maharajah the knowledge and experience necessary to enable him
to make a permanent decision; but according to Major Smyth's 'Reigning
Family of Lahore,' Dhuleep Singh was born in 1837, and he is therefore
already sixteen. A lad of this age in India is a man, with as great a
capacity for estimating the merits of different creeds, as he is ever
likely to possess. From the time that he was placed under the charge of
Dr. Login, his education has been most carefully provided for; and the
boy who, when rescued from Lahore, could not even read, is now almost
English in language, ideas, and feelings. His conduct, with reference
to the ceremonial salutes, and his visit to the Governor-General, are
sufficient proofs that his judgment is not beneath his acquirements,
and that he has been fairly rescued from those influences which warp
the minds of the _Porphyrogeniti_ of the East. Sixteen is the age
at which the Law Courts acknowledge the right of a native youth
to judge for himself; and this last act of the Maharajah has been
performed entirely of his own free will. He has been neither coaxed
nor frightened into Christianity. Indeed, the Government had every
motive for retaining him in his old creed. An Asiatic Christian prince,
with £40,000 a year, might excite an interest in England, which it has
hitherto been the policy of the home authorities to avoid, but they
doubtless felt that it was not for them to interpose obstacles in his
way. He was simply left to his own discretion; and that he has chosen
rightly will, we think, be allowed even by those who are not given
to 'Missionary fanaticism.' His conversion, will, at least, save the
palace of Futtyghur from becoming like that of Delhi, a place where
all evil naturally seeks shelter; and a native Christian noble, with
his vast wealth, may accomplish far more good than a hundred ordinary
converts.
"With the exception of 'Prester John,' in whom, despite Marco Polo,
our faith is exceedingly limited, and a Roman Catholic Ziogoon of
Japan, Dhuleep Singh is the first of his rank in Asia who has become
a Christian. His example may, perhaps, give confidence to many who
remain in Hindooism, rather from a vague dread of the consequences
of abandoning it, than from any belief in its tenets; and we may see
Christianity reverse its ordinary course, and descend from the highest
to the lowest ranks. We have little hope of such a result; but it
requires no religious belief to prove that it would be of the highest
advantage to themselves and the people. The mere fact that there then
would exist oaths by which they could be bound, and principles which
they would scruple to violate, would bind their subjects to them, with
a chain stronger than any which the ablest of their number have yet
been able to forge."
The editor of the "Oriental Christian Spectator," observes: "From the
persuasion which we have of the Christian judgment and prudence of Dr.
Login, whose instructions have been blessed to this great result, we
have every confidence that this conversion is of the most satisfactory
character.
"The Sikh Prince, in the path he has pursued, appears before us, as
no inappropriate specimen of his nation, and of what may be expected
from them, if only at the present juncture suitable opportunities
be presented. Their national discomfiture has been the overthrow
of that fanaticism, under the standard of which they hoped to find
themselves invariably the conquerors, and progressing rapidly to
universal dominion. It has disappointed them; its prestige is gone;
it has lost all hold upon them. If we neglect to meet adequately the
present crisis, they will become rapidly absorbed in Hindooism, or
Mahomedanism, and infusing a new and energetic element into those
decayed systems, may re-invigorate them, and prolong their existence
for a season. But if we go forward on a liberal and comprehensive scale
of action, to the improvement of the remarkable opportunities now
presented to us, there is hope that, as a nation, they may follow the
example of the young ex-Maharajah, whose profession of Christianity,
at the present moment, is calculated to exercise upon them a very
important influence."
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 37: See Appendix XV.]
[Footnote 38: See Appendix XVI.]
[Footnote 39: See Appendix XVII.]
[Footnote 40: For this gallant charge, Captain Campbell obtained
the brevet rank of Major, since which time he has, however, retired
from the army, by the sale of his commission, after a long period of
service.]
[Footnote 41: See Appendix XVIII.]
CHAPTER IX.
The Army of the Sutlej broken up--Set out on
a Tour--Dhool--Ferozepore--Grandeur of the
Himalayas--Misri-Wala--Ferozeshah--Moodkee--Bhaga
Poorana--Bussean--Phurewallee--Kotla
Mullair--Munsorepore--Samana--Goelah--The River
Cuggur--Pehoah--Khol--Kurnaul--Military Stations--Transport of
Artillery--Ali Merdan's Canal--English Church--Malaria--Sir
David Ochterlony--Gurounda--Minarets--Somalka--Paniput--Battles
of Paniput--Baber--Ibrahim Lodi--Ahmed Shah--Defeat of the
Maharattas--Nadir Shah--Capture of Delhi--Mahomed Shah--Troops
engaged--Native Armies--Sunput--Change in the Weather.
THE army of the Sutlej being broken up, the different corps took their
departure for the various stations assigned to them, my own regiment,
the 9th Lancers, being ordered to Meerut. I set out on the 14th of
March, 1846, and commenced a march of 704 miles, intending to ride
quietly to Allahabad, and thence proceed by steam to Calcutta. I had
obtained leave of absence to England for a period of two years, from
the day of embarkation, and four months to Calcutta, from the date of
leaving my regiment.
On the 14th, therefore, as I said, I bade "adieu" to my regiment, and
commenced my journey attended by my own servants fourteen in number,
two camels, and two three-bullock hackeries, my Khidmutgar having
engaged to supply me with my meals. On the first day I rode to Kankuch,
a distance of ten miles. On the 15th there was a violent storm of
wind, rain, thunder and lightning, from four to six o'clock in the
morning, which made it unadvisable for me to proceed, as my only tent,
a hill-tent, was completely saturated.
On the 16th, I rode to Dhool, about sixteen miles; through Lulleanee,
and left Kussoor on my right hand. The next day I made a longer
journey, and rode twenty miles to Ferozepore. On my way thither, I met
a train of 500 hackeries and 4,000 camels, laden with provisions for
the force which was to garrison Lahore. Ferozepore was distant about
ten miles from the bridge of boats, by which I crossed the Sutlej.
There were formerly two of these pontoons, each nearly 300 yards long,
the boats themselves being of the ordinary flat-bottomed sort, with
very broad ends, called "dandy boats," which are used in the navigation
both of the Indus and Ganges, as well as of the Sutlej. The two bridges
consisted respectively of fifty-nine and forty-seven such boats, but
Sir J. Littler sank the smaller of them. They are, or rather were, so
strong, that the heaviest weight might pass over them with the greatest
ease and security. It was interesting to watch the elephants; they put
down their proboscis, and then successively each of their fore-feet
with extreme caution, to try the strength of the bridge, and when they
had satisfied themselves that it would bear their weight, they crossed
without the least hesitation.
Ferozepore is one of our large military stations; it derives its
present improved state from our occupation; for it was formerly a
desolate and ruinous place, the houses deserted and dilapidated, and
the country round waste and uncultivated. Now all is animation and
progress. The dismal-looking town stands on a rising ground in an
immense plain, a couple of miles from the river. Like nearly all the
Indian towns, it is surrounded with walls, which were erected chiefly
as a protection to their cattle, against the predatory hordes that
infested the vicinity, the animals being driven out in the morning,
and brought home at night. It contains a very handsome tank, close to
an elegant pagoda surrounded with trees. The great detriment here, is
the want of water; there are plenty of ditches and a dry arm of the
Sutlej, and if the inhabitants would only dig twenty-five or thirty
feet for water, the whole face of things would be changed at once.
The cantonments are about three miles to the south of the town. They
are divided into streets, which cross at right angles. The officers'
bungalows are picturesquely situated in the midst of pretty gardens
which combine the flora of the eastern and the western hemispheres;
the barracks, both for the European and native regiments, are not
particularly good; the magazines and stores are built of stone and have
a very durable appearance.
But to the lover of nature, the great attraction is the distant range
of the snow-capped Himalaya mountains. Neither pen nor pencil can
describe their splendour amid the gorgeousness of an eastern sunset.
Earth and sky are covered with a veil of liquid gold; the clouds, as
they traverse the deep blue vault, gradually assume the most varied
and brilliant tints, and the majestic Himalayas, girdled round their
base with a robe of gold and crimson, rear their silvered crests in
line relief against the bright effulgence that surrounds them. How
different are the feelings inspired by gazing upon such a scene, and
those aroused by the din of battle, the sight of slaughter and death
which I had so recently witnessed!
"Aye, there they stand, as in creation's prime,
Above the mouldering wrecks of sin and time!
Man's fatal fall, which all beneath them cursed,
Hath left them standing as they stood at first:
Unchallenged, still they keep their place in heaven,
And wear the diadem their God hath given;
And change and death sweep on o'er sea and land,
And find, and leave them changeless: there they stand!"
On the 19th I journeyed to Misri-Wala, ten miles. On my arrival there,
I rode over to Ferozeshah, which is only about a mile and a half off,
as I was anxious to see the battle-field. It was a horrid sight. After
an interval of three months it was still covered with the unburied
bodies of the Sikhs, on whom hundreds of Pariah dogs and birds of prey
were feasting; dead camels, horses, and bullocks also seemed to invite
them to a plentiful repast. The odour was dreadful, even more so than
on my former visit.
20th. Proceeded to Moodkee, ten miles and a half, and pitched my tent
on the edge of the battle-field, close by the fort, which was then
occupied by a company of the 51st regiment of Native Infantry. Three
months had just elapsed since the battle, which was fought here on the
18th of December, the first of the four engagements between the army
of the Sutlej and the Sikhs. Within that short period no less than
1,449 of our troops had fallen, and 4,926 had been wounded, many of
whom have since died; while the destruction of the Sikhs is fearful to
contemplate. In round numbers they are said to have lost about 20,000
men.
On the 21st I went to Bhaga Poorana, a distance of fifteen miles. On
my route, I again met a train of 400 hackeries laden with stores for
the troops at Lahore. Next day I marched to Wudnee. On my arrival, I
examined the square brick-built fort; the battlements command a fine
view of the surrounding country. The eye wandered over a vast extent,
without hill or mountain to intercept its wide spread range. All nature
seemed to be at peace, and the Sutlej, which had so lately been stained
with the blood of the slain, now flowed down in a pure and silvery
current, bearing along with it health and refreshment from its rise in
the table land of Thibet, to its junction with the Indus at Mithunkote.
On the morning of the 23rd I made an early start, and was on the move
at a quarter to three for Bussean, fifteen miles and a half distant:
it lies midway between Lahore and Umritsur, and is about twenty miles
from each place. On the 24th I rode to Phurewallee, fourteen miles. On
the 25th to Kotla Mullair, ten miles. Here the Dewan, or steward, of
the Rajah of Nabah called upon me for a certificate that I had been
well treated on my way through his master's territories, a request with
which I willingly complied.
On reaching Munsorepore, a distance of sixteen miles, on the next day,
I found my tent pitched close to a mosque; yesterday it had been placed
near a Hindoo temple--and I was sadly disturbed at sunset by some
barbarous sounds on a horn, made by a Brahmin. On the 27th I started,
at two o'clock A.M., for Samana, a distance of nineteen miles, which I
was desirous to make that day. I was, however, no gainer by my early
start, for my guide lost his track in the dark, and I was delayed
more than half-an-hour before we found our way. The road, moreover,
was exceedingly heavy, neither more nor less than a bed of sand, in
consequence of which, part of my establishment did not come up till
two o'clock P.M. The Thanadar[42] of Samana furnished me, at his own
particular request, with four chokedars, or watchmen, for I had only
asked for one.
On the 28th, I rode to Goelah, a distance of twelve miles, and forded
the Guggur or Cuggur River, about half way on my journey. After passing
the towns of Bunnoor, Seyfabad, Pattiala, Jowhana, and Jomalpore,
the Guggur enters the country of the Bhatties at the town of Arwah,
formerly the capital of the district.[43]
About sixty miles south of the Sutlej, the Cuggur flows parallel with
it, till opposite to Loodianna, where it runs in a straight direction,
and is lost in the sands of the desert. It might easily be restored.
Mr. Thomas, whilst residing at Bhatneer, could perceive but little
vestige of what was called the ancient bed of the river. The natives
declared that it formerly extended as far as the Sutlej, which it
joined in the vicinity of Ferozepore; now the Sutlej runs south-west of
Loodianna.
There is another river which formerly ran from the Jumna to the Sutlej;
I understand that the Government intends to open its channel, which
would indeed prove an immense benefit.
29th March. Rode to Pehoah, sixteen miles. Travelling alone as I now
did, I found the appearance of the country very different to that which
it presented when I marched along this same route with the troops. Then
all was life and animation--the measured tread of the soldiery--the
tramp and neighing of the horses--the heavy step and snort of the
elephants and camels--the confused jargon of the immense rabble of
camp-followers--the motley sight--the picturesque dresses--the clouds
of dust; and, in the midst of all this apparent confusion, the loud,
peremptory orders putting all in motion, and keeping all in order,
presented an almost inconceivable contrast, to the calm repose of a
solitary traveller passing noiselessly along, with his small retinue of
twelve or fourteen attendants.
On the 30th, I rode to Khol, fourteen miles, and on the 31st to
Suggah, fourteen and a half miles. I have already spoken of these
several places, and shall therefore pass them without further mention.
April 1st. Rode to Kurnaul, ten miles. This town is about seventy-eight
miles north-west of Delhi. It appears that it was first made a military
station in 1806, when a corps of native infantry was quartered here. In
1807, it became the head-quarters of the third or north-west frontier
division; Saharunpore and Loodianna being dependent commands. A depôt
was also formed here; and in July, 1809, four large platform boats of
700 maunds (25 tons) were established at Khoonda Ghât, for the ferry
across the river Jumna. Meerut is seventy miles distant by the road;
the Cawnpore road being on the other side of the river. In 1831, H.M.
31st Foot, was sent to Kurnaul, where they encamped till the barracks
were built, they being the first European corps stationed there. In
1840, Kurnaul contained a troop of Horse Artillery, a light or horse
field-battery, having six guns each, one European regiment of Foot, two
regiments of Light Cavalry, and three regiments of Native Infantry,
being an establishment of about 5,000 men. It was for many years the
head-quarters of the Sirhind division.
A troop of Horse Artillery, on the Bengal system, musters 169 horses,
but on detachment the number has been as high as 230. A 6-pounder gun
and carriage, with ammunition and stores, loaded and packed ready for
service, weighs 23 cwt., not including the wheels, which weigh 238 lbs.
each. Each horse carries seven stone of harness, besides the man. The
horses are told off as follows, by regulation:
Horses. Total Horses.
6 Pieces of Ordnance 14 each. 84
6 Ammunition Carriages 8 " 48
4 Spare ditto 7 " 28
Staff of the troop . 9
----
169
Their actual distribution, however, is about as under; the four spare
waggons being drawn by bullocks.
Horses.
1 Staff-Sergeant. 1
6 Sergeants. 6
2 Trumpeters, 2 Rough-Riders, 2 Farriers,
1 Saddler, and 1 Native Doctor 8
6 Guns, at 13 each. 78
6 Waggons, at 12 each 72
Spare 4
----
169
Six horses to a gun, and four to a waggon, was the order laid down some
years ago as the draught power; but of late the weight of the carriages
has been so much increased as to equal that of the guns. On the line
of march, both guns and waggons have latterly been worked with teams
of eight horses, which, although not giving the horses daily relief,
answers extremely well, as I am assured by my informant, Major E.J.
Pratt, 9th Lancers, Assistant-Adjutant-General of the Cavalry in the
Sikh campaign of 1848-49. A 6-pounder takes into action, on its own
limber and waggon, 128 rounds in horse draught, besides 96 rounds on
its spare waggon, in bullock draught; making 224 rounds present in
troop-park.
The remaining stations were: Hansi, 84 miles distant from Kurnaul,
where, on the 1st of January, 1849, was the Hurrianah Light Infantry;
Loodianna, 120 miles from Kurnaul, containing a Company of Foot
Artillery, head-quarters and right wing of 34th Regiment of Native
Infantry, and the Sirmoor Rifle Battalion. Ferozepore, 70 miles
from Loodianna, to the West, where were stationed, a troop of Horse
Artillery, and the 32nd Native Infantry; and lastly, Subathoo in the
hills, where there was also, in the same year, a Detachment of the
Nusseeree Rifle Battalion.
All these stations had just supplied troops for the Punjaub, and were
consequently, at the period of which I am writing, very ill-garrisoned.
In the month of January 1840, there were above 13,000 men in the
Sirhind division.
At Kurnaul there is a canal, called Ali Merdan Khan's canal, running
from the Jumna, which is within three miles of Delhi, and, passing
close to the right flank of the old cantonments, near the house built
by the late Major-General Sir David Ochterlony; this officer likewise
erected a house at Loodianna, and another at Neemuch.
The barracks for the European Infantry are at right angles with the
old cantonments. A Church was also built here in 1836; a neat little
structure, with a singular tower, close to the parade ground. In 1828,
this station was considered very unhealthy, in consequence, it was
said, of malaria, generated by the grass growing on the banks of the
canal, yet from 1829 to 1836, it was as salubrious as Meerut. In proof
of this, it may be stated that H.M. 31st Foot, lost fewer men at
Kurnaul, than at Meerut, their next quarters. Now Meerut is reckoned
one of the healthiest military stations in the Bengal Presidency.
Whether the malaria which appeared at Kurnaul, in the autumn of 1842,
was owing to the clearing out of the great canal, which runs through
the city, or whether it was merely a passing evil, confined to a
particular quarter, is still an open question; so much is certain,
that it broke out among the European troops, and was confined to one
locality, precisely where their barracks were situated. Kurnaul has
now, unfortunately, ceased to be a military station.
The extensive cantonments, as well as numerous elegant bungalows and
villas, in the midst of parks and gardens, stretch in a semi-circle
of three miles around the town, and present a unique and extremely
picturesque _tout ensemble_. The cantonments are traversed in every
direction by good roads, shaded by avenues of trees.
At the time of my visit, in April 1846, the barracks were deserted; the
roofs, in many instances, had fallen in, the frame-work with the doors
and windows had been removed, and the compounds were overgrown with
weeds and jungle. The only exceptions are the houses built by Sir David
Ochterlony, both of which are the property of Brigadier-General Thomas
Palmer, commanding the Cawnpore division of the army. These two houses
are in fine preservation; one, called the banqueting-house, is a noble
building, situated in the midst of English park-like grounds, with
coach-houses, etc., in good taste and perfect keeping. The other, the
dwelling-house, is built somewhat after the Eastern style; the garden
surrounding it is most delightful, being filled with a luxuriance of
the richest shrubs and flowers I ever saw, its gallant owner being one
of the best botanists in India.
The town of Kurnaul is dirty and closely built. The houses are chiefly
of brick; and, like most of the old Indian towns, it has a dingy look,
and is surrounded by a high wall.
During the time of the Earl of Ellenborough's government, the station
was so sickly, that his lordship, ever alive to the well-being and
comfort of the army, peremptorily ordered it to be abandoned.
Being situated so near to the frontier, only fifty-three miles from
Umballa, it was the practice, during the Sikh campaign of 1845-46, for
reinforcements, marching up from Meerut, Delhi, and other stations, to
assemble at Kurnaul for the purpose of forming depôts, etc., and then
to march forward in a body.
Officers were frequently sent up by Dâk, at the expense of government
(at a cost, it is said, of about £20,000), to join their corps, from
every part of the Bengal presidency, particularly from Calcutta. They
were often detained here twelve or fourteen days, waiting for a convoy
for protection.
A re-mount depôt was established at Kurnaul, about nine years ago,
by Viscount Gough, which imparted some signs of re-animation to this
station, which, in my estimation, is one of the most pleasant quarters
in India. The head-quarters of the Sirhind division have been removed
to Umballa.
On the 3rd of April I struck my tent and rode to Gurounda, a distance
of twelve miles, in a dense jungle, through which a road had been
cut. After leaving Kurnaul, the distance was marked at every two
miles by the celebrated ancient minarets, which were erected by
Akbar the Great, from Delhi to Cashmere. These elegant mile-stones,
tapering from their circular pediments to a height of twenty feet, are,
notwithstanding their age, kept in a tolerable state of preservation
by the inhabitants, from a religious feeling. After a ride of six
miles, I came to a handsome bridge, which was built over the canal
by the emperor Humayoon. It is lofty, and arched; and looks all the
more picturesque from a remarkably large cotton-tree which grows close
beside it, and seems to have had its origin about the same time as the
bridge. Gurounda itself is an insignificant place, presenting nothing
of interest, except the ancient caravansary. It is large, and has lofty
turreted gates, which are in fair preservation.
On the 4th I rode to Somalka, twenty-two miles, having passed through
Paniput, the scene of two of the fiercest encounters which this country
ever witnessed. Paniput is about ten miles from Gurounda, and, like
the majority of the cities and towns in this part, a mass of ruins.
The road again lay through a tract of jungle, and the greater part
was ankle deep in sand. I pitched my tent in the area of a large and
once elegant serai; but now, alas! in a state of dilapidation. These
serais are public buildings, erected for the convenience of Eastern
travellers, where they may eat, drink, and repose, and then go on their
way with a thankful heart.
Paniput is a spot of too much celebrity to be silently passed over; for
both in a military and political point of view, it fills an important
place in the annals of India. It is about forty-eight miles from Delhi,
the capital of the emperor of Hindoostan. It was formerly surrounded
by a brick-wall, and at its greatest extent is little more than four
miles in circumference. Paniput is famous as the scene of two great
battles, which were attended with most decided effects upon the fate
of Hindoostan. The first took place in the year 1525, between the
Sultan--more usually called the Emperor Baber--and the Delhi Pathan
emperor, Ibrahim Lodi; the latter was slain, and his army totally
routed, which put an end to the Pathan dynasty of Lodi, and introduced
the Mogul empire of Timoor, of whom Baber was the great grandson.
The life of the Emperor Baber was written by himself, a beautiful
translation of which has been made by Mr. Erskine, formerly of Bombay.
This illustrious conqueror was king of Cabool, and equally famous as
a warrior, poet, and historian. At the battle of Paniput Baber's army
consisted of only 12,000 men, including followers; whereas Ibrahim
had 100,000. The former, however, had guns, the latter had none; and
we must conclude that the artillery greatly contributed to secure the
victory for Baber.
I must not omit the mention of Nadir Shah's invasion of India, in 1739,
which preceded the second great battle to which I have alluded. Nadir
Shah, having plundered Delhi of several millions sterling of property,
retired through the Khyber Pass, where he paid a lakh of rupees as a
security against plunder. Being assassinated by one of his attendants,
Ahmed Shah Abdallah seized a convoy of treasure on its way to Candahar,
and, raising the standard of rebellion, proclaimed himself king of
Affghanistan.
It appears, that about A.D. 1720, the Affghans conquered Persia, but
were expelled by Nadir Shah, who in turn subjugated their dominions;
and in 1739, after the capture of Delhi, annexed Affghanistan to the
Persian empire. Ahmed Shah Abdallah, in 1748, occupied the Punjaub
and invaded India, but being repulsed, renewed his attempt in the year
1751. In the declining state of their empire, the Moguls called in the
Maharattas, a sure sign of weakness in a Mahomedan government, when it
craves the aid of the Hindoos to assist in settling its disputes.
Ahmed Shah again invaded India, in 1756, when he took Delhi. He
invaded India for the fourth time in 1759, which brings us to the
second great battle of Paniput; which was fought on the 6th of
January, 1761, between the Maharattas and the army of Ahmed Shah. The
Maharatta cavalry, commanded by the Bhow, consisted of 55,000 troops,
in regular pay, with at least 15,000 predatory Maharatta cavalry,--the
Pindarries,--and 15,000 infantry, of whom 9,000 were disciplined
Sepoys, under the command of Ibrahim Khan Gardee, a Mussulman deserter
from the French service. He had besides 200 guns, numerous wall pieces,
or "zumbooruks," fired from the backs of camels, and a great supply of
rockets, the rocket being a favourite weapon with the Maharattas. This
army of 85,000 men, with its innumerable followers, made the number
within his lines amount to 300,000 men.[44]
Ahmed Shah, on the other hand, had about 40,000 Affghans and Persians,
13,000 Indian Horse, and a force of Indian Infantry, estimated at
38,000, of which the division, consisting of Rohilla Affghans,[45]
would be very efficient; but the great majority consisted of the usual
rabble of Indian foot soldiers. He had also thirty guns, of different
calibre, chiefly belonging to his Indian allies, and a number of wall
pieces.
Now, if we reckon the Maharatta force at 70,000 regular troops and 200
guns, and the Dooranees[46] at 44,000 regulars and thirty guns, there
will appear great odds against the Dooranees. The Dooranees estimated
the number of the army that crossed the Indus at 63,000 men; but
Mr. Elphinstone thinks this force is exaggerated, considering that
there were only 40,000 Affghans, and 2,000 horse and 2,000 infantry,
furnished by the Indian allies.
The camp followers were in overwhelming numbers.
The Shah pitched his camp eight miles from the enemy, and his small red
tent was placed at the head of the army, in order that he might see
every movement in the enemy's front. At night he surrounded his camp
with an abattis of felled trees. At one time flour sold in the Shah's
camp for two rupees, or 4_s._ a seer (2 lbs.), owing to the Maharattas
having intercepted the supplies.
The Maharattas, as usual, took the field after the Dusserah,[47] the
17th of October, in 1760; and three actions, of partial success, were
fought before the great battle. The two armies daily turned out in
battle array; but at length the Hindoostanee allies of Ahmed became
impatient and urged him to engage. Then it was that Ahmed Shah gave
them the memorable rebuke, "This is a matter of war with which you
are unacquainted. Military operations must not be precipitated. At a
proper time I will bring the affair to a successful termination."[48]
He was resolved to have no councils of war, and used to say to his
Hindoostanee allies, "Do you sleep; I will take care that no harm
befalls you."
Ahmed Shah was a cautious and vigilant general. Taking with him forty
or fifty horsemen, he used, in company with his son, Timoor Shah, to
visit daily every part of his army, and reconnoitre the enemy's camp.
At night, a body of 500 horse advanced as near as possible to the
enemy's position; remaining under arms till daybreak; whilst other
bodies went the rounds of the whole encampment. On the day of the great
battle, the Dooranees marched from their camp to the attack, when
objects were only just visible. The Maharatta army was drawn up facing
the east, a great mistake on their part, as they thus had the sun in
their eyes; whilst the Dooranees fronted the west.
The Maharattas entered the field with determined courage, each having
taken a betel-leaf in the presence of all his comrades, and sworn to
fight to the last extremity.
The Shah ordered his trumpets to sound to battle. Breast works of
sand had been thrown up, under cover of which the Nawab Vizier's
troops advanced; upon which the bildars, or pioneers, proceeded half
musket-shot in advance of the cover and threw up another; and in
this manner the troops progressed about two miles, until they were
within long musket-shot of the enemy. The Rohillas fired volleys of
rockets,[49] as many as 2,000 at a time, which not only terrified the
horses by their dreadful noise, but did so much execution, that the
Maharattas could not advance to charge them. The Mussulmans did not
make much use of their guns.
The Dooranees were men of great bodily strength, and their horses,
which were of the Toorkee breed,[50] were rendered hardy by constant
exercise.
Casi Rai Pundit, who was an eye-witness and attached to Ahmed Shah's
allies, says: "About noon, the Shah received advice that the Rohillas
and the Grand Vizier's division had the worst of the engagement,
upon which he sent for the Nesuckchees--a corps of horse, wearing a
peculiar dress and arms, and who were always employed in executing
the Shah's immediate commands--2,000 being assembled, he sent 500 of
them to his own camp to drive out all the armed people and fugitives
whom they should find there, that they might take part in the action;
the remaining 1,500 he ordered to meet the fugitives from the battle,
and to kill every man who should refuse to return to the charge. This
command they executed so effectually that, after killing a few, they
compelled 7,000 or 8,000 men to return to the field."
Meanwhile the Shah sent for the reserve corps, of these he despatched
4,000 to cover the right flank, and 10,000 to support the Grand Vizier,
with orders to charge the enemy sword in hand, in close order, and
at full gallop; at the same time he gave directions to Shah Pussund
Khan and Nujeeb-ud-Dowlah that as often as the Grand Vizier should
charge the enemy, those two chiefs should at the same time attack him
in flank. The advantage still inclined to the side of the Maharattas,
when Ahmed, after successfully rallying the fugitives, gave orders for
an advance of his own line, at the same time ordering the division on
his left, to take the enemy in flank. The manoeuvre was decisive, and
a terrible conflict ensued, especially in the centre, commanded by the
Bhow and Biswas Row. The latter was wounded and unhorsed, which being
reported to the Bhow he ordered him to be taken up, and placed upon his
elephant,[51] when the Bhow himself continued the action at the head
of his men. They fought fiercely on both sides with spears, swords,
battle-axes, and even daggers; when Biswas Row expired from his wounds.
Suddenly, as if by enchantment, the whole Maharatta army turned and
fled at full speed, leaving the battle-field covered with heaps of the
dead and dying.
The victors pursued the flying Maharattas with the utmost fury; and,
as they gave no quarter, the slaughter was terrific, the pursuit being
continued in every direction for fifteen or twenty miles. According
to Grant Duff, the whole number of the slain is said to have amounted
to 200,000 men, which must have included the losses in both armies,
as well as the followers; for the highest numbers given were 176,000
fighting men, which we find reduced to 114,000, including both sides.
Never was a defeat more complete. Grief, despondency, and despair
spread over the whole Maharatta people. The wreck of the army retired
beyond the river Nerbudda, evacuating all their acquisitions in
Hindoostan.[52]
The battle lasted about nine hours. Besides the loss in slain and
wounded, 40,000 were taken prisoners, and the plunder was enormous. In
front of the door of each tent, except that of the Shah and those of
his principal officers, an immense pile of heads was placed as a trophy.
Ibrahim Khan Gardee, the Mussulman General of the Maharattas, having,
on one occasion during the action, ordered his men and musketry to
cease firing, advanced with seven battalions of disciplined Sepoys,
to attack Doondy Khan and Hafiz Rahmut Khan's divisions with fixed
bayonets. The Rohillas received the charge with great resolution, and
fought hand to hand. About 8,000 Rohillas were killed or wounded; and
the attack told so severely upon them that a few only remained with
their chiefs. Their force originally consisted of 15,000 foot and 4,000
horse. In this action, however, six of the seven battalions of Ibrahim
Khan were entirely cut to pieces. This gallant general was covered with
wounds, and being taken prisoner, afterwards fell a sacrifice to Ahmed
Shah's vengeance, for fighting against his own faith.
Nearly all the great chiefs were either killed or wounded. Malhar Rao
Holcar, who was accused of too early a retreat, was wounded. Sindiah,
afterwards the founder of a great state, was lamed for life; and Nana
Furnavese, who long averted the downfall of the Peishwah's government,
narrowly escaped by flight.
The confederacy of the Mahomedan powers dissolved on the cessation of
these common dangers. Ahmed Shah returned to Cabool without attempting
to profit by his victory; nor did he ever afterwards take any share in
the affairs of India. This victory, however, put an end to the Mogul
empire.
"Most of the Maharatta conquests," says Mr. Elphinstone, "were
recovered at a subsequent period; but it was by independent chiefs,
with the aid of European officers and disciplined Sepoys."
The Mogul empire, which had now received its death-blow, had been in a
tottering state for more than half a century; for its decline commenced
with the death of Aurungzebe, in 1707. Having been viceroy in the
Deccan, which he left to proceed to Agra, for the purpose of dethroning
his father, Shah Jehan, he assumed the royal authority in 1661, with
the arrogant title of "Alumgeer," or "Conqueror of the World." From the
death of this crafty and cruel man, in 1707, till 1760, no less than
six emperors of Delhi had been dethroned, assassinated, or poisoned,
besides two children, who reigned only a few months. This proves the
state of the Delhi empire at that period; and it was this internal
weakness which allured Nadir Shah, in 1739, to advance to the capital
and plunder Delhi. Elphinstone[53] says, "The divided government would
have fallen an easy prey to the Maharattas, had not circumstances
procured it a respite from the encroachments of these invaders."
The Maharattas, whose early history is involved in much obscurity,
were a warlike race, inhabiting the mountain provinces as far as
Guzerat and the Nerbudda, a large tract of country on the west coast,
between Surat and Canara. In 1720, they were invited by the governor of
the Deccan, who aimed at the establishment of an independent monarchy
in India, to ravage the territories of the Mogul, and attack the city
of Delhi. This predatory race gladly undertook a task which offered
such a prospect of booty. They committed great ravages throughout
the country, and finally attacked the city of Delhi. Although they
sustained a defeat, they so far succeeded in spreading the terror
of their name, that the generals of the Mogul army, concluded
a dishonourable treaty with them. The Governor of the Deccan,
disappointed in his expectations, readily found cause for a quarrel
with the Court of Delhi, and induced the disaffected nobles, who were
disgusted at the treaty concluded with the Maharattas, to call in the
aid of Nadir Shah, the usurper of the throne of Persia.
Nadir Shah, one of the most distinguished, but at the same time most
atrocious, men recorded in history, was born in 1687. While General
of the Persian forces, he quitted the military service, and became
leader of a formidable band of robbers. His military talents, however,
were so distinguished, that the king of Persia, not only pardoned this
audacious step, but took him again into his service, and gradually
raised him to the office of Commander-in-Chief of the Persian forces,
with the title of Khan, being the highest dignity he could bestow.
By his intrigues, Nadir Shah soon succeeded in gaining the whole army,
and when the Shah of Persia concluded a peace with the Turks without
his advice, Nadir basely dethroned his sovereign, seized the regency
in the name of the infant prince, who was still in his cradle, and,
after a sanguinary victory over the Turks, he was, on the death of
his Ward, chosen king of Persia, in 1735. From that day he adopted
the name of Nadir Shah. His arms were everywhere victorious; but he
shed torrents of blood, and inflicted even upon his own subjects, the
most unheard-of cruelties. His soldiers, whom he had enriched with the
splendid spoils of many a victory, were so devoted to him, that none
of his disaffected subjects, durst place himself at their head. Even
the priests, who were incensed at his oppression and cruelty to their
own body, and at his attempt to establish the Soonie creed instead of
the Shiah form of Mahomedanism, which was the national religion, were
utterly powerless, and every conspiracy that was formed to hurl the
usurper from the throne, was crushed in its birth. His greatest, but
at the same time his most cruel, campaign, was that against the Great
Mogul, in 1739, of which we have already spoken.
Being invited by the Grand Vizier, and by those nobles who were
indignant at the ignominious treaty concluded by their sovereign with
the Maharattas, whom he had induced by a large bribe to retire from the
capital, and the promise of an annual tribute in money and treasure,
on condition of their not renewing their assault, or plundering the
territories of the Great Mogul, Nadir Shah, who was bent upon revenge
for the protection afforded to some of his Affghan enemies, lost no
time in obeying the summons. He placed himself at the head of his army,
and crossed the Indus before Mahomed Shah, the emperor of Delhi, had
even heard of his impending approach. Mahomed immediately collected
his army, and fortified his camp, near Paniput, but hearing of Nadir's
approach, he went out to meet him, and offered him battle in open
field. It was a bloody contest. Both sides fought with desperate
valour, but Mahomed Shah was beaten; 20,000 of his valiant men were
wounded or slain, and Mahomed, to stop the sanguinary strife, went with
his chief men, and offered himself and his treasures to appease the
conqueror.
Nadir received his fallen foe, with more compassion than might have
been expected. He promised to reinstate him in his dominions, on
condition that he should give up his treasures and jewels, and that his
nobles and people should pay an enormous sum, as some indemnity for
the expenses incurred in this inglorious war. The dejected sovereign,
glad to be reinstated in his kingly power, had neither the heart nor
the means to resist the dictates of the conqueror, and returned with
him to his capital. Little did he anticipate the horrible scenes about
to be enacted there, in levying the cruel exactions of Nadir, whereby
he lost thousands of his subjects, and his already shattered power
received a blow which prevented it from ever rallying again. Victor
by the power of arms, and by the treachery of Mahomed's nobles, Nadir
Shah, sacked and devastated the conquered empire, fired and destroyed
the city of Delhi, and slew 200,000 inhabitants. This fearful slaughter
was occasioned by a false report of the death of Nadir, which caused
the inhabitants to rise _en masse_, and fall upon the soldiery. Nadir
immediately gave orders for a general massacre, which were instantly
obeyed. The carnage commenced at sunrise, and lasted till noon, when
it was at length put a stop to at the earnest entreaty of the Emperor
of Delhi. Nadir Shah carried off the imperial treasures which had been
accumulated by the Mogul rulers for upwards of two centuries.
Thus the arrival of Nadir Shah, preserved for a short time longer the
existence of the Mogul Empire, by the restoration of Mahomed Shah
to the imperial dignity; otherwise it must have succumbed to the
Maharattas. When Ahmed Shah first invaded India in 1748, the Vizier of
the Emperor of Delhi had recourse, as I have already remarked, to the
humiliating expedient of calling in the Maharattas. The state of the
Mogul Empire in 1756, was much the same as that of Calcutta when it was
attacked by Suraj-ud-Dowlah, the Subahdar of Bengal, in June of the
same year. No mandate of the Emperor was obeyed: the Nawab of Oude, the
actual Vizier of the Empire, had raised the standard of independence:
the power of the Maharattas was at its zenith, and that of the Mogul
Empire at its lowest ebb.
Now the proper country of the Maharattas is the south of India. When
Aurungzebe left the Deccan about 1658, he appointed a deputy, who,
however, was unable to control the Maharattas. Even Aurungzebe himself
when he went in pursuit of Sevajee, the founder of the Maharatta
Empire, was often baffled by the wily chief who would suddenly retire
into his hills and mountain fastnesses.
On the decline of the Delhi power at the death of Aurungzebe, the
Maharattas began to extend their operations to the north of the
Nerbudda; they gradually threatened all parts of Hindoostan, and
even visited Calcutta. At that time, what is called the Maharatta
ditch was thrown up to protect the city against these invaders, an
ingenious device of the Calcutta factory, and well enough for a body
of merchants. The origin of the term "ditchers," as applied to them, is
derived from this Maharatta ditch; though it would be as difficult to
determine its locality, except on paper, as that of the Black Hole.
The number of elephants and camels with the two armies, is not stated.
Elphinstone says, "that the force ascribed to the Indian kings is
probably exaggerated. Porus, one of the princes who occupied the
Punjaub, is said to have had 200 elephants, 300 chariots, 4,000 horse,
and 30,000 efficient infantry, which, as observed by Sir Alexander
Burnes, is, substituting guns for chariots--exactly the establishment
of Runjeet Singh, who is master of the whole Punjaub, and several other
territories." Burnes must have referred to the year 1831, when he was
in the Punjaub; in 1848 Runjeet Singh's force was supposed to be 50,000
men, besides irregulars for garrisons. Neither Polybius nor Arrian's
history of Alexander's expedition, mentions the number of elephants or
cattle with any of the armies. Humboldt in his "Cosmos"[54] writes:
"According to the testimony of Polybius, when African and Indian
elephants were opposed to each other in fields of battle, the sight,
smell, and cries of the larger and stronger Indian elephants drove the
African ones to flight. The latter were probably never employed as
war elephants in such large numbers as in Asiatic expeditions, when
Chundragupta had assembled 9,000, the powerful King of the Prasii
6,000, and Akbar an equally large number. These armies must have been
much larger than those engaged at the battle of Paniput in 1761."
We read that the elephants were placed in the front of the army, and
that they often turned back and killed more friends than foes. Now
9,000 elephants in a single line, allowing each to take up 12 feet
would reach 20 miles, and 6,000 elephants would extend 13 miles and
1,120 yards. It is said there were 50,000 camels with the army of the
Indus[55] in 1838 and 1839.
It may be interesting to the reader, to see the following statement of
the native armies in the time of Akbar, in 1582, as given in the Ayeen
Akbaree, by Abul Fazel, Prime Minister:--
Province of Cavalry. Infantry. Elephants. Boats.
Agra 50,600 477,570 221 -
Allahabad 11,375 237,870 323 -
Bahar 11,415 149,350 - 100
Delhi 18,275 125,400 - -
Oude 1,340 31,900 - 23
Ajmere 8,000 38,000 - -
Bengal 1,100 142,920 1,100 -
-------- ---------- ------ ----
Total 102,105 1,203,010 1,644 123
Thus we find that the cavalry and infantry in the seven Soobahs of
Agra, Ajmere, Allahabad, Bahar, Bengal, Delhi, and Oude amounted to
1,305,115; and if to these we add two others, viz., Lahore and Mooltan,
the number of men will be increased to 1,965,116, or of cavalry alone,
to 170,370, for
Province of Cavalry. Infantry.
Lahore 54,480 426,086
Mooltan 13,785 165,650
------ --------
Total 68,265 591,736
Making about 2,000,000 of fighting men from Lahore to Bengal: and if we
estimate the population at that time (1582) at 35,000,000, there would
have been one soldier out of every seventeen inhabitants.[56]
At present the population of the
North Western Provinces is 23,199,668
Punjaub 1,750,000
Bahar and Bengal 24,000,000
----------
Total 48,949,668
According to Diodorus, Alexander heard that he was to be opposed on
the banks of the Ganges by 20,000 cavalry, 200,000 infantry, 2,000
chariots and 4,000 elephants. Megasthenes mentions Alexander's visit
to Sandrocottus, monarch of the Prasii, when encamped with an army of
400,000 men. When Aurungzebe died, in 1707, two of his sons took the
field with 300,000 men each, which appear to have been the largest
armies assembled within the last 150 years in India.
Sultan Baber, as I have before observed, in 1525, with 12,000 men and
guns, defeated Ibrahim Lodi, the emperor of Delhi, who had 100,000 men
and no guns. In the battle of Paniput, in 1761, when the Maharattas
strove for the ascendancy over the Mahomedans, there were not above
150,000 men on either side. The infantry in Akbar's time were very
indifferent soldiers. Elphinstone says:[57] "that it is mentioned in
the Akbarnama that the chiefs of Scinde employed Portuguese soldiers
in this war; and had also 200 natives dressed as Europeans." These
were, therefore, the first Sepoys in India. The same learned author
states,[58] under the year 1692, only about fifteen years prior to
the death of Aurungzebe, that: "In spite of all Aurungzebe's boasted
vigilance, the grossest abuses had crept into the military department.
Many officers only kept up half the number of their men, and others
filled their ranks with their menials and slaves."
Whatever credit, therefore, may be due to the statement of the number
of troops in each Province in 1582, it is evident that in the year
1692, we should, by the like reasoning, have to reduce the royal
standing army from 2,000,000 to 1,000,000 men. The cavalry was the
most efficient force. The infantry, though ten times more numerous,
yet we may reckon that not one-fourth were of much use in action. The
cavalry in Akbar's time amounted to 170,000 men, and the infantry to
about 1,800,000: but if 500,000 could take the field, it was probably
the maximum; wherefore, if we were even to allow 700,000 men for all
Hindoostan, from Cabool (for it had been made a Province) to Cape
Comorin, the force would not greatly exceed many of the Continental
armies. The East India Company's armies at one period numbered 302,797
men, including the royal regiments.[59]
Folard, and many other judicious writers observe, that in proportion
as infantry is bad, and the military art declines, the number of horse
increases in our modern armies; because, say they, "An able general at
the head of a good infantry, can do anything, and wants but a small
cavalry." It is certain that when the infantry is good, much may be
done with it; and if it is bad you must increase your cavalry to keep
the enemy at a distance, as you must have a great quantity of heavy
artillery for the same purpose.
I must now take leave of Paniput with the remark, that formerly a
treasury was established there, Kurnaul furnishing the necessary
guards.
About this time there was a considerable change in the weather. The
days for the most part were hot and oppressive, and towards noon even
sultry. On the 5th of April I rode to Sunput, about seventeen miles. On
the 6th I started, at half past two in the morning, in the midst of a
complete hurricane, and proceeded to Barah Duree, a Chokey, or Police
Station, near Alepore. The road was excessively sandy and fatiguing,
the distance being sixteen miles and a half. On the 7th I rode to
Delhi, eleven miles and a half, and encamped outside the walls of this
famous royal city of the Moguls, close to the Cashmere gate.
I had now travelled 313 miles and a half, since I quitted Lahore, a
distance which I accomplished in twenty-two marches.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 42: Thanadar, keeper of a public station. The word likewise
means commandant of a military post.]
[Footnote 43: Francklin's Life of George Thomas, p. 66.]
[Footnote 44: Grant Duff, in his History of the Maharattas, agrees with
Casi Rai in making the paid horse and infantry as in the text, and
estimates the predatory horse and followers at 200,000. Casi Rai makes
the whole number to have been 500,000. _Asiatic Researches_, vol. iii.
p. 123.]
[Footnote 45: Roh means a hill; the Rohillas are the Affghans, who
settled in Rohilkund on the return of Ahmed Shah to Cabool.]
[Footnote 46: The Dooranees were so called from Ahmed Shah Abdallah,
who assumed the name of Dooree Dooraun, "Pearl of the age," when
after seizing the sovereignty of Affghanistan, he was crowned king at
Candahar, in the year 1747.]
[Footnote 47: A day kept as a holiday by Hindoo Princes, when, if war
be intended, the campaign is opened.]
[Footnote 48:
Ἁμφἱ δἁρ ωμοισιν βἁλετο ξἱφος ἁργυρὁηλον,
----αὑτἁρ ἑπειτα σἁκος μἑγα τε στιβαρὁν τε.
_Homer's Iliad_, ii. 204, 205.]
[Footnote 49: The British used rockets on a small scale in 1817,
against the Fort of Hattrass; but they have never tried them against
troops.]
[Footnote 50: See Appendix XIX.]
[Footnote 51: Chiefs often ride on war elephants to be better seen by
their troops. An Indian queen has thus led her van in the battle field.
Should the elephant be struck down, or the chief fall wounded from his
elephant, the fortune of the day is generally decided.]
[Footnote 52: Hindoostan commences north of the Nerbudda; south of
that river the country is called the "South of India," and "The
Deccan."--See _Malcolm's Malwa_. vol. i. pp. 120, 121.]
[Footnote 53: Vol. ii. p. 598.]
[Footnote 54: Vol. ii. p. 540, note.]
[Footnote 55: The return of those lost was 30,000: one commanding
officer said 50,000. Lieutenant-Colonel Burlton discredits the amount,
but one of his own departmental officers gave in that number. The
Government bought fresh camels in the room of those which died or were
lost.]
[Footnote 56: The population of Great Britain and Ireland during the
late war, was about 18,000,000; out of which number 1,000,000 were
employed in the army, navy, marines, militia, volunteers and yeomanry.]
[Footnote 57: Vol. ii. p. 261.]
[Footnote 58: Vol. ii. p. 494.]
[Footnote 59: Captain Walter Badernach, p. 4, table 1, 1826.]
CHAPTER X.
Delhi--Mahmood of Ghuznee--Shah Jehan--Gates of Delhi--Mosques--The
Palace--Hall of Audience--Chapel of Aurungzebe--The Gardens--The Jumma
Musjeed--Khoonee Durwaza--Protestant Church--The Observatory--Tomb of
Zufder Jung--The Cootub Minar--Allah-ud-Deen--Gheias-ud-Deen--Mahomed
Togluk--Humayoon--Nizam-ud-Deen--The Cantonments--Mahomedan
College--Delhi--Produce of Delhi--Shah Allum II.--Lord Lake--Monsieur
Louis Bourgion--Sir David Ochterlony--Holcar--Lieutenant-Colonel
W. Burn--Mr. E. Thornton--Allahabad--Marquis Wellesley--Defence of
Delhi--Mahomedan Population--Colonel Ochterlony's good Generalship.
DELHI, or Dilli, in Sanscrit Indraprastha, an ancient Hindoo city,
founded by Delu, was, according to tradition, built more than 300
years before the Christian era. The Rajahs of Dilli, or Indraput, are
mentioned by the Mahomedan historians as early as A.D. 1008. In 1011
the city was taken and plundered by Sultan Mahmood, of Ghuznee, but
afterwards it was restored to the Rajah as a tributary.[60] It is
reported to have covered a space of twenty miles, and the ruins now
are very extensive. It is scarcely possible to conceive anything more
striking and picturesque than the first appearance of Delhi, situated
on its rocky mountain chain, with its mosques, monuments, palaces,
and tombs rising in perfect beauty amid the widely scattered ruins of
bye-gone days and former greatness, environed with verdant gardens,
corn-fields, palms and cypresses; while the silvery Jumna flowing in
the luxuriant valley imparts a bright relief to the whole scene. To
see the magic grandeur of the _tout ensemble_ the traveller should
ascend the lofty Cootub Minar which is about seven miles from the
city. The effect produced on the mind by this grand panorama is quite
indescribable.
In the year 1631, the Emperor Shah Jehan founded the city of New Delhi,
on the west bank of the Jumna, and named it Shahjehanabad, but it did
not long retain his name. It is about seven miles in circumference,
and is surrounded on three sides by a wall of brick and stone, in most
beautiful preservation, with, as far as I could judge, not a stone
displaced. The wall is furnished with embrasures, and has been more
strongly fortified by the English, who surrounded it with a moat. It
has seven gates built of freestone, each indicating by its name the
direction in which it lies; thus the Lahore gate points to the city of
Lahore; the Ajmere gate to the city of Ajmere. The other five gates are
named Agra, Turkoman, Delhi, Mohur, and Cashmere.
The modern city is built on two rocky eminences. It is divided into two
parts, the old and the new; the streets are inferior and narrow, except
two, the one leading from the palace to the Delhi gate, which is thirty
yards broad, and 1,900 yards long, with an aqueduct along the middle
of its whole extent, supplied with water from Ali Merdan Khan's canal,
and the other leading from the Lahore gate which is still wider and
handsomer, being forty yards in width and a mile in length.
Ali Merdan Khan, the Prime Minister, brought the above-named canal from
the Jumna, where that river approaches Kurnaul, to Delhi, a distance
of more than 100 miles; but it became choked up after the Persian
and Affghan invasions; in consequence of which, in 1810, the English
undertook to clear and repair it. It was not finished till 1820, and is
said to have cost £35,000. It furnishes the inhabitants of Delhi with
a supply of fresh water, the water of the Jumna being much impregnated
with salt below Kurnaul. And here I would mention, by the way, that
it is owing to this circumstance that the overflowing of the Jumna
does not improve the soil like the inundation of the Ganges and other
Hindoostanee rivers, the deposits of which are of a very fertilizing
nature. The restoration of this canal proved an immense benefit, the
country around having become scarcely habitable from the deleterious
effects of the water.
Delhi contains about forty mosques, and many splendid palaces and
residences of rich natives, surrounded with gardens, baths, and other
out-buildings. The palace of the Great Mogul, commenced by the Emperor
Shah Jehan in 1640, and finished in 1648, has two noble entrances,
flanked by massive towers, over the principal of which is the residence
of the officer commanding the palace guards, from whom it is necessary
to obtain leave for visiting the palace. The palace is all that now
remains to the king, of the glory and splendour of his ancestors. It
lies on the west bank of the Jumna on some low cliffs; it forms an
irregular quadrangle, enclosed by a wall of red sand-stone, between
thirty and forty feet high, and about a mile in circumference, with
forty-five small bulwarks and towers. Immediately below the wall is a
deep moat. A pretty garden extends from the eastern side of the wall to
the Jumna.
Passing through the massive portals which I have already named, a long,
dimly lighted vaulted passage and gateway, brought me into the first
court, which is 300 paces square, enclosed by walls, and traversed by
a canal. A large gate led me into another square, containing the hall
of audience, which is an open quadrangular terrace of white marble,
the façade of the hall being formed by a double row of twenty marble
columns, and the sides by eight, in the Arabic-Byzantine style. Here
stands the throne, which is also of white marble, ornamented, and, like
the hall, adorned with arabesques, Florentine Mosaic, and sculptures in
relievo. Here the Great Mogul used to give audiences to the ambassadors
and nobles of the empire, who, on these state occasions, always rode on
elephants. The docile animals marched in a particular order, and were
drawn up in array behind the barrier, which was sufficiently capacious
to admit 200 elephants.
Through another white marble court I entered the Khas, or chief hall
of audience, which is also of white marble, and the vaulted ceiling
supported by thirty-two white marble columns in double file. Here
stood the celebrated peacock throne. The throne itself was of gold,
covered with diamonds and precious stones, supported on either side by
a peacock, whose brilliant outspread tail glittered with jewels, while
above the throne was a parrot the size of life, cut out of a single
emerald, with wonderful skill. The value of the throne was estimated
at between six and seven millions sterling. We all know that Timoor
carried off the precious rubies, and that Nadir finished the work
of demolition by removing all the other jewels. It is now a simple
seat standing on a platform ornamented with gold, and a few worthless
jewels, while the canopy which hangs over it bears the following
inscription in Arabic: "If a paradise ever existed on earth, it is
here, it is here." Alas! for the man who seeks his paradise here below!
Close by this hall is the chapel of Aurungzebe: it is of white marble,
very small, but of the most exquisite workmanship. Altogether this
pile of building presents a combination of splendour and elegance,
with its gardens and fountains, mosques and columns, halls, balconies,
corridors and minarets, which awaken feelings of melancholy as we
recall to mind its former grandeur, of which the glory is now departed.
The gardens are said to have cost Shah Jehan a million sterling; it
would have been far too expensive to keep them up in their former
style, and they are now rather like a neat park in England than an
appendage to an Indian palace.
The Jumma Musjeed is a noble pile, built by the Emperor Shah Jehan,
and finished in 1656 at a cost of £100,000; it is raised upon an
equilateral foundation, composed of blocks of red sand-stone, about
30 feet above the level of the ground. It is said that the Emperor
employed several thousand men for six successive years in its
construction. It is, as the word Jumma or "gathering" denotes, the
place of worship where all the Mahomedans are expected to meet on
Fridays. This building is one of the finest and most perfect specimens
of the Arabic-Byzantine style, and is constructed of white marble and
red sand-stone, inlaid with arabesques. The massive portico, with an
elegant minaret on either side, leads into the marble hall under the
principal cupola. In the centre of this hall is a limpid fountain
for the ablutions of the worshippers; and the whole is lighted by
ever-burning lamps.
Quitting this mosque by the northern gate, I proceeded down the Dureeba
Street, in the neighbourhood of which are the principal bankers and
jewellers, and issued by the Khoonee Durwaza, or Bloody Gate, so named
from the scene that took place during the massacre of 200,000 of the
inhabitants by the tyrant Nadir Shah, into the Chandee Chowk, a place
where an officer is stationed to receive tolls and customs. Leaving on
my left a small mosque called the Roushen-ud-Dowlah, built in 1721,
and ornamented with gilt cupolas--where the despot sat unconcerned,
while the inhabitants were being slaughtered around him--I traversed
the whole length of the street, went out of the Lahore Gate, round the
outer wall of the City, and returned to the Cashmere Gate.
Close to this gate, and just inside it, is the Protestant Church,
called the Church of St. James. It was built by the late Colonel James
Skinner,[61] in 1837, at an expense of £12,000. It is a miniature
resemblance of St. Paul's Cathedral, and is certainly a very elegant
little place of Divine worship.
I also visited the Observatory, which was built in 1730 by Rajah Jey
Singh, of Ambheer, a favourite minister of Mahomed Shah, and a great
lover of astronomy. The troublous political events of this period,
prevented the completion of this noble work. It is now dilapidated,
and is surrounded by buildings, which have shared a similar fate, some
more, some less in ruin. I saw, however, enough of the general design,
and of the genius of its founder. The sun-dials and quadrants are on an
immense scale, and rest upon huge red sand-stone arches.
The fine tomb of Zufder Jung, which was built in 1754 at a cost of
£30,000, stands in the midst of an extensive garden. The King of
Lucknow caused a suite of apartments in one of the large summer-houses
of this garden, to be fitted up at a considerable cost for the
convenience of travellers. The Mausoleum, is like many of the
Delhi edifices, of white marble and red sand-stone, in alternate
perpendicular stripes. The cornices of the building are ornamented with
small towers and graceful minarets.
April 8th.--Being anxious to obtain a good panoramic view of the
city, I hired a horse and buggy, and went to the celebrated Cootub
Minar, which, as I said before, is situated about seven miles from
the gates of Delhi. This wonderful and gigantic monument stands in
the midst of ancient buildings and temples. Some, dating from the
times of the Hindoo dynasty, and dedicated to the service of Buddha,
indicate the great prosperity of that era, and the perfection which the
arts had attained. The richly sculptured friezes, delineating events
descriptive of their history and religion--combats--processions--and
ceremonies--are alike interesting and instructive.
The Cootub Minar is so called from Cuttub-ud-deen, "The Pole-Star
of religion," the favourite of the emperor Mahomed Gauree. He was
originally a slave, and was purchased by that monarch, in whose favour
he gradually rose from one office to another, till, on the death of
the sovereign, he ascended the throne with the title of Shums-ud-deen
Altumsh. He was the first Pathan, or Affghan sovereign. He erected
this noble minaret to commemorate his successes over the infidels.
It was commenced in 1214 and finished in 1228. It was repaired by
Sultan Feroze the Second in 1368, again by Sultan Secunder Ben Lodi in
1503; and, lastly, by the British Government, after the dome had been
shattered by an earthquake, in 1803. It is not certain whether the
original structure consisted of five stories, as at present, or of only
three; for the style of the two upper, does not by any means correspond
with the lower portions. It is the loftiest column in the world, being
250 feet (some say 265 feet) in height, with a diameter, at the base,
of about 40 feet. A spiral staircase, of 381 steps, leads to the
summit of the Cootub Minar, from which I enjoyed a glorious prospect.
The late Brigadier Smith, of the Engineers, in repairing the Cootub,
restored it, as far as his ingenuity went, to its original appearance.
There are various inscriptions, in Persian, on this building. One of
these says:--"The prophet, on whom be the mercy and peace of God, has
declared, 'he who erects a temple to the true God, on earth, shall
receive six such dwellings in Paradise.'"
Close to the Minar are the remains of an old mosque, to which it is
supposed to have belonged, the decorations of which are admirably
executed. But the most beautiful and interesting object, after the
Minar, is the square domed building on the south-east, erected as
a gateway; the lofty Saracenic arch of which, coupled with the
graceful and beautiful style of ornament, surpasses anything in the
neighbourhood. It was built in 1243, by Sultan Allah-ud-Deen, whose now
ruinous tomb is close at hand.
The poor emperor, who is now a pensioner upon the British Government,
passes some months every year in this vicinity, where he can ruminate
in silence on his fallen greatness.
Having spent a considerable time among these noble erections, which
immortalize their founders and the era that produced them, I returned
to my buggy, and drove a distance of eight miles, to the ancient and
long deserted city of Toglukabad, built by Gheias-ud-Deen Togluk
in 1321; it is remarkable for the rude and massive grandeur of its
fortifications.
In the midst of a small level plain close by, stand the tombs of
Gheias-ud-Deen and his son Mahomed Togluk. Near the river is a decayed
building, two stories high, deeply imbedded in the terraced roof of
which stands the famous pillar, Lath or Monolith, formed of a single
stone, which, according to the inscription upon it, as deciphered by
the late gifted Mr. James Prinsep, was one of eight similar monuments
erected at Allahabad, Hissar, and other places, somewhere about the
year B.C. 250, by a sovereign of all India, named Asoka, and was
removed from its original site, in the vicinity of Sadowra, by Shah
Feroze, to adorn his new residence.
Two miles further is the fort of Deenpunna, built by the emperor
Humayoon, in 1531, which contains a highly-ornamented mosque of a
peculiar style, built at the same time as the fort. A couple of miles
beyond this, is the mausoleum of the emperor Humayoon, son of Baber,
whose tomb is at Cabool. This magnificent pile was erected between
the years 1565 and 1571, at an expense of £150,000, by his son the
famous emperor Akbar. Besides the central dome it contains a number of
small chambers, in which are the tombs of members of the royal family,
amongst which are those of the Bunoo Begum, mother of the emperor
Akbar, and the emperor Alumgeer the Second, who was assassinated in
1756. There is a fine view from the top. Near this Mausoleum is a tomb
with a marble screen, to the memory of the poet and historian Ameer
Khosroo, who died in 1325. A walled tank, some fifty feet in depth,
was dug here by the saint, Nizam-ud-Deen. This is now a place of great
public resort for the beggars and idlers of the neighbourhood, who
exhibit various feats of diving headforemost, for any coin which the
traveller may throw to the bottom for the benefit of the diver.
All these interesting buildings have been so often described, as to
render any further account of them unnecessary; but they will long live
in my recollection as peculiarly striking and splendid. In them we may
read a sad but useful lesson, on the utter nothingness of this world,
and learn that the most magnificent creations of puny mortals, are in a
world's existence to be compared only to a passing shadow.
Their present imperial master is now a mere pensioner upon the bounty
of the British government,[62] and his sway is bounded by the walls
of his own palace. The semblance of royalty is all that remains to
him. I was told by the sentries at the Cashmere Gate, that as a mark
of respect, I must close my umbrella in passing through; no camels or
carts are allowed to enter by that particular gate.
At a short distance from the Cashmere Gate, lie the cantonments. Two
Native Infantry corps, and a Horse Field-battery are now stationed
here. There is also a large magazine for military stores. Close to the
cantonments is a bridge of boats across the Jumna, which is in constant
use.
Some years ago, there was a Madrissa or Mahomedan college in Delhi;
but it is now in disuse, and instead of it there is a college for the
instruction of natives in the English language. Mohun Lall, of Cabool
celebrity, was educated here.
Delhi is a place of great antiquity and importance, having been the
capital of one of the greatest of the Hindoo sovereigns, long before
the invasion of India by the followers of the Prophet. In 1011, as I
before remarked, it was taken by the Mahomedans, and became the seat of
the Affghan monarchs. In 1525, the Mogul dynasty was founded by Baber,
when he slew the last of the Affghan kings in battle; and as the
deliverer of his people ascended the vacant throne. Under the Mahomedan
sway, it became one of the most magnificent cities of Asia; and in
the time of the illustrious Aurungzebe, it contained a population of
upwards of two millions of inhabitants. According to Shakespear's
Statistics for 1848-49, Delhi contained 137,977 inhabitants at that
time. It continued under the Mahomedan power till the establishment of
the English in India. Since it has been under the British government,
it has recovered somewhat of its ancient importance, being one of the
principal channels of the Oriental trade with Britain and the Western
world.
Delhi is famous for its jewels, shawls, scarfs, medallions, and painted
drawings of noted kings, queens, and buildings. I would here venture
to offer a word of caution to the traveller, to beware of being duped,
for, in the purchase of these articles, there is a vast difference
both in the price and value of the materials; and he will often find
that what may be considered very good and cheap here, could have been
procured in London at a more moderate cost, and of better workmanship.
Ever since the disastrous invasion of Nadir Shah, the emperors of
Delhi had been either dethroned or assassinated; in 1761, Shah Allum
II. ascended the throne; he attacked the British possessions, but
was defeated; and having surrendered himself, remained under their
protection till 1771, when he repaired to Delhi under a Maharatta
escort. He ascended the throne, and became a puppet sovereign, the
Maharattas paying him insulting homage. He remained a prisoner in the
hands of the French officers who commanded the Maharatta army till
1804, when Lord Lake defeated the Maharattas, and entered the capital
on the 12th of September.[63]
M. Louis Bourgion, who commanded Sindiah's troops, had crossed the
Jumna on the night of the 10th of September, with sixteen battalions
of regular infantry, 13,000 in number, and 6,000 cavalry, making a
total of 19,000 men, and 70 guns. The British had about 7,000 men,
and 22 field-pieces. Victory, however, soon declared on the side of
the British. General Lake restored Shah Allum to his throne; but his
power was merely nominal. He had been deprived of his eye-sight by
the Rohilla chief, in 1788. It is not usual among the Mahomedans for a
blind sovereign to succeed to the throne; but Shah Allum had previously
been emperor for forty-two years. His death occurred in December 1806.
The present emperor is his grandson.
The late Major-General Sir David Ochterlony was the Resident at
Delhi, at the time when it was found necessary to undertake military
operations for its protection against the Maharatta chief, Holcar. He
had refused to join the confederation of Sindiah, and the Berar Rajah,
and now came forward, single-handed, to fight the English, who had
destroyed the armies of two chiefs more powerful than himself. Colonel
Ochterlony began to put the defences of the city in order, and planted
guns on the ramparts. Holcar, escaping the vigilance of General Lake,
appeared before the city of Delhi about the 2nd of October, 1804.
At this time there was only one corps of Native Infantry, the
rest being irregulars, not above 2,500 men altogether, at Delhi.
Lieut.-Colonel W. Burn, 2nd Battalion 14th Native Infantry,--now 29th
Bengal Native Infantry,--commanded the troops; and, when Holcar's army
appeared, Lieut.-Colonel Ochterlony made over the command of the city
to him. Holcar having erected batteries, the troops made sallies and
destroyed them; upon which he constructed others, but more distant.
At length the enemy, having made some gaps in the walls, determined
to storm the place; for which purpose they brought several ladders.
But the British having thrown them down, they did not attempt another
assault, but kept up an incessant fire from their guns. General Lake,
who had heard of the state of affairs at Delhi, marched towards that
city; whereupon Holcar began to retreat on the night of the 8th of
October.
Mr. E. Thornton, in his History of British India, intimates, that the
Resident did not consider that it was possible to defend the city, but
that Colonel Burn took a different and bolder view of the means of
defence. A certain Lieut.-General, still living, was then a subaltern
in the 14th Native Infantry, and present at the siege; from him, and
others, we know that Sir David Ochterlony did plan the defence, and
that Colonel Burn thanked him for his ability and advice. Mr. Thornton
might have seen Lieut.-Colonel Ochterlony's report to General Lake,
stating what he had done for the defence of the imperial city, as
well as Colonel Burn's letter of thanks and report of the siege. It
is singular, too, that Mr. Thornton was not aware that the _Resident_
was afterwards the celebrated Sir David Ochterlony, G.C.B., the pride
of the Bengal army; distinguished no less for his gallantry, than
for his political conduct; for he was, when he died, in August 1825,
the Governor-General's Agent for the North-west Provinces, an office
which has been changed into the designation of Lieut.-Governor of the
North-western Provinces.[64]
In 1806, Lieutenant-Colonel Ochterlony was removed from the post
of Resident at Delhi to the command of the fortress of Allahabad,
in consequence of an order from the Court of Directors, that no
military officer should be the Resident at any Native Court. He was,
however, granted the allowances of Adjutant-General of the army, as
he had, by being Resident, lost his promotion to the head of that
department. The Marquis Wellesley had appointed chiefly military men
as Residents, which, in a country like India, seems to have been the
best arrangement; for a divided authority in an unsettled country has
generally proved injurious.
I have thought it right to make the above digression, because Mr.
Thornton's omission might lead some to suppose that Colonel Ochterlony
had entertained erroneous military notions, and was deficient as a
military man. The defence of Delhi depended on two circumstances;
firstly, the walls of the city, and secondly, the prevention of an
outbreak among the Mahomedan population; for, the people having been
under British rule only one year, it was to be apprehended that the
disaffected would rise and join Holcar. It was, therefore, Colonel
Ochterlony's military skill, together with his knowledge of the native
character, his temper, and cool judgment that saved the city of Delhi.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 60: Ferishta, Rennel, Francklin, etc.]
[Footnote 61: Son of the late Colonel Hercules Skinner of the Bengal
Infantry. Colonel James Skinner, for many years commanded the 1st Local
Horse, then called Skinner's Horse.]
[Footnote 62: The East India Company allow him an annual pension of
£120,000.]
[Footnote 63: Thorn's History of the Maharatta War, p. 110.]
[Footnote 64: As Lieutenant, he accompanied the Bengal force under the
late Colonel Pearse, which marched to Madras in 1781, and was present
in the battles with Hyder Ali Khan. At the siege of Cuddalore, in 1783,
Sir David was wounded; as was also the late King of Sweden, Bernadotte,
then a sergeant in the French army.]
CHAPTER XI.
Ghazenuggur--Secundra--Allyghur--The Fort--The Church--Monuments--The
Gaol--Akbarabad--Meerun-ke-Serai--Kanoge--Tombs--Ancient
Coins--Language of Kanoge--Supposed Site of
Palibothra--Population of Benares--Streets of Benares--Singers
and Musicians--Productions of Kanoge--Poorah--Cawnpore--Court
Etiquette at Lucknow--Nawab of Oude--His Regal
Rank--Military Depôt at Cawnpore--Saddlery--Sirsole--Dâk
Bungalows--Arapore--Lohunga---Allahabad.
ON the morning of the 11th of April, I bade adieu to the far-famed city
of Delhi, after a most agreeable stay of only four days, during which,
however, I had made the most of my time.
Quitting the city from my encampment at the Cashmere gate, I set out
for Ghazenuggur, a distance of fourteen and a half miles. I passed over
the river Jumna, about five miles from Delhi, by the bridge of boats
of which I have already spoken. The bed of the river being unusually
broad at this time, these boats were exceedingly numerous. Half way
_en route_ to Ghazenuggur, or perhaps rather less, I crossed the river
Hindon by an iron bridge.
On the 12th, I rode to Secundra, a distance of twenty-three miles, the
scenery being very tame and uninteresting. On the 13th, I continued my
route as far as Koorjah, seventeen miles and one-eighth; and on the
14th, to Somnagunge, fourteen and a half miles.
On the 15th I reached Allyghur, or Coel, as the town is called. On my
arrival, I immediately visited the Great Mosque, with five cupolas,
and a large pillar close by it, called the Minar. It is in a ruinous
state, and a very poor resemblance of the renowned Cootub Minar, at
Delhi. I ascended as high as was practicable by the spiral staircase
in the interior, and counted eighty-one steps. An intelligent native,
who accompanied me, told me that the founder intended that it should
rival the beautiful column at Delhi; but some accident prevented its
completion.
I next visited the Fort of Allyghur, taken by Lord Lake, in 1803. It
is built of mud, faced with kankar, or limestone, of a square form,
and surrounded by a very deep and broad fosse filled with water, and
abounding in fish. Within the gates nothing now remains of this chief
stronghold of Sindiah but a few huts, and small bomb-proof magazines;
the fortress having been stormed by the British troops under Lord Lake
in 1803, and dismantled by Lord William Bentinck.
The church, built at the expence of a liberal and pious civilian, is
very small and neat; near it is a monument erected to the memory of
seven officers of H.M. 76th Foot, who were killed in action against
the army of Sindiah. At no great distance are two low pillars, each
encircled by a wall, in memory of two French officers, in the service
of Dowlut Row Sindiah; and, close by, a faithful Mussulman Khidmutgar,
or butler, lies interred beneath a flat stone. On one side of the
church is a European burial ground, nearly covered over with tombs and
pillars.
A few minutes' walk conducts the visitor to an enormously large gaol,
in which all the culprits in the district of Allyghur, about 700 in
number, were at this time confined.
The station appeared to be an exceedingly pleasant one; the bungalows
to the north are surrounded with fine tropical trees, which give it a
very cheerful appearance. During my stay here, my tent was pitched in
an ancient Mahomedan burying ground.
On the 16th of April, I rode to Akbarabad fourteen miles and a half.
The hot winds having now set in, and travelling in the day-time being
almost insupportable, I started at eleven o'clock the same night,
and arrived at Budwas, a distance of twenty miles at half-past-four
o'clock on the morning of the 17th. On the 18th I rode to Naia Serai,
twenty miles; and on Sunday, the 19th, to Korowlee, thirteen miles and
one-eighth; on the 20th, to Bowgong, sixteen miles; on the 21st, to
Chiberamow, twenty-one miles; on the 22nd, to Goorsaigunge, fourteen
miles.
On the 23rd I rode to Meerun-ke-Serai, a distance of fourteen miles.
On my arrival, I visited the ancient city of Kanoge, by diverging two
miles from the main road, to my left. An old man of ninety years of age
was my guide through the ruins, accompanied by his son apparently as
aged as himself. The father's name was Oodee Ram. Kanoge is abbreviated
from Kanyacubja.[65] It is a town of great antiquity and celebrity, in
the Province of Agra, having been the capital of a powerful kingdom, at
the time of the first invasion of the Mahomedans. It is situated on the
west of the river Ganges, in Lat. 27° 5´ north, and Long. 79° 52´ east.
The Ganges runs about two miles off, and, by means of a canal which
makes a bend towards the town, the sacred stream is brought close to
the citadel.
The town, at present, consists of only one street, but along an extent
of six miles, the fragments of small pieces of brick earth, and the
occasional vestiges of a building, point out the site of this ancient
capital of Hindoostan. I may mention a peculiarity in the Hindoo
buildings, that they are composed of very small bricks, worked in with
a great portion of cement, which is harder, and requires more force to
break it, than the bricks.
I here saw the tombs of two Mahomedan saints, who lie in state in two
Mausolea on an elevation covered with trees. From the terrace which
surrounds them I enjoyed a pleasant prospect over the plain, scattered
with the ruins of temples and tombs; little images broken into
fragments, are lying about in all directions under the trees. Ancient
coins of an irregular shape are frequently found among the ruins;
they are inscribed with Sanscrit characters, the original language of
India, and, sometimes have the figure of a Hindoo deity on one side.
We nowhere read of any one having ever collected these coins, much
less of having translated the inscriptions upon them. Surely it would
be worth the trouble to send some one to dig them up out of the heaps
of rubbish which cover them. Coins are the books of antiquity, for the
art of printing was not known even in Europe till about 400 years ago.
The coins found in the Tope at Munnikala in the Punjaub, have led to
the belief, that such structures as those at Kanoge were not raised by
the natives of the country. It is true that the search for coins in
that district has not always produced genuine ones, for the cupidity
of the natives has led them to sell modern copies of ancient coins to
Europeans not versed in the knowledge of these antique deposits; they
see that they are of Bactrian origin, but cannot distinguish the true
from the false coins. General Ventura, who opened the Tope, had the
advantage of a first discovery, for spurious ones could not have been
originally deposited there.
Kanoge, in the remotest times of Hindoo history, was a place of
great renown, and the capital of the powerful kingdom of Hindoostan,
which existed down to the period of the Mahomedan invasion, which is
about coeval with that of England by William the Conqueror. The name
Kanyacubja, has reference to a well-known story related in the Hindoo
mythological poems. The language of Kanoge appears to have formed the
ground-work of the modern Hindoostanee known also by the appellation
of Hindee or Hindivee, it is a graft on the Sanscrit; the Oordoo is a
mixture of Hindee and Persian. Oordoo means a camp, hence Oordoo is
the Camp or Court language of Delhi and Lucknow, where it is spoken
with the greatest purity. Kings formerly often lived in Camp with their
troops.
The Rajahs of Kanoge are mentioned by Ferishta as early as 1008. The
town was conquered, though not permanently retained, by Mahmood, of
Ghuznee, A.D. 1018. The late Lieutenant-Colonel W. Francklin, Bengal
army, in his "Enquiry into the Site of the Ancient Palibothra," calls
it "Kennouj, or Kanycacubja." The learned Mr. Maurice, in his Indian
Antiquities (p. 36), observes, of this city, that it was enclosed by
walls fifty coss, or one hundred miles, in circumference; and, in page
42 of the same work, states, on the authority of the Ayeen Akbaree,[66]
that, in the beginning of the sixth century, under the reign of
Maldeo, it contained 30,000 shops where betel-nut was sold, and 60,000
bands[67] of singers and musicians, who paid a tax to government. The
extent of the city might reasonably allow of a population of from two
to three millions of souls. If these positions be admissible, we surely
need not cavil at the extent of the city of Palibothra, as assigned
to it in the Hindoo records. Colonel Francklin writes of Bisnagur
(Beejanuggur), "of this city, Cæsar Frederic, a Venetian merchant,
who was there in 1567, says, 'that it had a circuit of ninety-four
miles, and that it contained within it a number of little hills and
pagodas.'" Major Rennel, the well-known Surveyor-general of India, in
his Dissertations, agrees with the Venetian, that these hills and
pagodas were within the boundaries. Of course, there were many temples
at Kanoge; and there seems to be no reason whatever for disbelieving
the fact of its having been one hundred miles in circumference, or of
there having been 4,000 souls to a square mile.
Now, let us take the city of Benares. The late Mr. James Prinsep,[68]
between the years 1824 and 1827, found the population to be 183,491;
or, 34,621 to the square mile. The census was taken under peculiar
difficulties. Benares, or Kasi, is the most sacred Hindoo city in
Hindoostan. In the late census, taken in 1848-49, the population was
allowed to stand the same as when taken in 1824-27. The lapse of more
than twenty years will give a great increase of population, even
supposing that there had been an over-calculation.
Let us test the point by English statistics. In Middlesex[69] they
quote 5,590--98 souls to a square mile. Now, if we say three millions
for Kanoge, it will give about 4,800 souls to a square mile. Then it
must be recollected, that the streets of Benares are so very narrow,
that if one person enters a street at one end on an elephant, and
another comes from the opposite end similarly mounted, neither can
pass, but one must back out, which implies that the streets are not
twenty feet wide. Besides which, the native houses in Benares are
several stories high. It is a fact, that a great portion of the
sickness of that city, as of others which I have seen, arises from the
circumstance that the sun's rays never penetrate the street. Therefore,
if Kanoge were peopled to anything like the extent even of Middlesex,
we may believe the number of inhabitants to have been as great as
suggested by Maurice. If the Venetian be correct, we may assert that,
if Beejanuggur extended ninety-four miles, Kanoge, the most ancient
Hindoo city of Hindoostan, was one hundred miles in circumference. It
is to be borne in mind, that the population of the world, at the period
referred to, was greater than in times before the Christian era. Lord
Lake had his head-quarters at Kanoge before his army took the field in
1803.
The late Lieut.-Colonel Thorn, in his Memoir of the War in India,
1803-6, says: "Kanoge, which modern writers suppose, though certainly
on very problematical grounds, to be the site of the celebrated
Palibothra;" but this will be noticed again when I speak of Allahabad,
which some deem to be the identical site of Palibothra.
The 60,000 bands of singers and musicians is a more puzzling problem:
because each band has never less than four persons; two girls and two
men. Now, 2,500,000 divided by 60,000, gives a "natch" or dancing
set to about every forty-two persons. It proves at least the musical
taste of the Hindoos, and their fondness for singing and dancing in
those days. We must, however, recollect that singing enters into their
religion, and forms a necessary part of their sacred festivals. Again,
if we take a brick house to contain six people, and a mud house four,
there would be a band for every eight or nine families.
Kanoge is celebrated for its attar of roses, rose-water, and
sweetmeats; of the last I purchased fifteen seers, or thirty lbs. for
my servants, thus giving two lbs. to each man.
On the 24th of April, I rode twenty-three miles to Poorah; on the 25th,
to Kullianpore, nineteen miles and three-quarters. My next stage
was to Cawnpore, a distance of seven miles, where I put up at the
Bungalow, next to the one I occupied when I was stationed at Cawnpore
with my regiment last year. The change from my tent to a Bungalow was
exceedingly agreeable, for latterly I had found it almost intolerable,
on account of the dust and heat.
Cawnpore is a large military station, situated on the right bank of the
Ganges, between Kanoge and Allahabad. The circumstance of its becoming
a military station, was the result of a treaty with the Nawab of Oude,
by which the British East India Company agreed to keep a Brigade
at Cawnpore for the defence of the Nawab's dominions. It is about
forty-nine miles from Lucknow, the capital of the King of Oude. About
the year 1818, the Governor-General, the late Marquis of Hastings,
suggested the title of King in lieu of that of Nawab. The Company, it
seems, had borrowed money from his Highness, as he was then called, to
pay the expences of the Nepaul war; and as the Nepaul frontier bordered
on Oude, there appeared to be some tangible reason for asking for a
part of the outlay. His Highness lent two "crores," or two millions
sterling: one of which was afterwards repaid, and the other was partly
absorbed in the kingly title.
The Nawab, as Vizier, had been the servant of the Emperor of Delhi;
and at the time of which I am treating two of the Emperor's sons were
living at Lucknow, and used to be supplied with money by the Nawab.
Now the court etiquette was such, that whenever his highness met their
royal highnesses, the princes of the blood of Delhi, his highness
was constrained to make his elephants kneel down, if so mounted;
which deportment was considered degrading in the presence of his
liege subjects at Lucknow, and called for a remedy. It was therefore,
intimated to the Nawab, that he and the Honourable Company might make
an amicable agreement, by the government of India conferring upon him
the title of Majesty.[70] The Nawab jumped at the proposal, and was
dubbed "King and mighty Sovereign." Besides these advantages, he was
not only raised in rank above the princes of the blood royal; but he
was also king as well as the great Mogul, whose style was "Shahun
Shah," or "King of Kings." The Emperor, however, was greatly incensed;
what now was to be done? He complained that his income of ten lakhs, or
£100,000, was not meet and sufficient to keep up his royal dignity;[71]
whereupon the Company, in order to conciliate his majesty, at once
raised his pension to £120,000 per annum. Money carries everything in
the East, as it does for the most part in the West--it can do anything
short of a miracle.
The investiture of the Nawab of Oude with regal dignity is, however,
by no means incongruous. Mooltan, for instance, we find from old
historians, covered an area of 3,273,932 beegahs, or 1,636,966 acres
of measured lands; and again those of Oude were 2,796,206 beegahs, or
1,398,103 acres. Now, as there was formerly a king of Mooltan, the size
of which is only 238,863 acres larger than Oude, there seems to be no
reason why its ruler should not bear the style and title of King of
Oude. Oude is estimated to be 250 miles in length, and 100 in breadth,
from which it appears that it is as large as Scotland and much larger
than Hanover.
His Majesty has disbanded his disorderly troops, and maintains two
corps of Infantry, disciplined and appointed by British officers,
stationed at Sultanpore and Seetapore. At Lucknow itself there is
a Horse Field-battery and three battalions of East India Company's
Sepoys. Visitors to Lucknow should go to the late General Martin's
palace and the Dil-Khoosha. The Residency is situated two-and-a-half
miles from the cantonments. There is a bridge over the Goomtee river,
and an iron bridge near Dil-Khoosha. In the neighbourhood of Lucknow
are many fine palaces, which well deserve two or three days' inspection.
At Cawnpore there are two companies of Artillery, a corps of Native
Cavalry, a European regiment of Infantry, three corps of Native
Infantry, and an Infantry recruiting depôt; whereas formerly, there
used to be a troop of Horse Artillery, a regiment of British Dragoons,
a corps of Queen's Foot, two companies of Artillery, a corps of
Golundaz, a regiment of Native Cavalry, and three regiments of Native
Infantry. The cantonments are of great length and very straggling; the
distance from the magazine to the end of the Native Artillery lines
being seven miles. Looking from the river, the regiments used to stand
thus:--The European Infantry on the left; next to which come the
European Foot Artillery, then the Native Infantry; next the Dragoons
and Native Cavalry, and, lastly, the Native Artillery. The civilians
live chiefly at Nawabgunge, about two or three miles to the left of
the cantonments. In the midst of the cantonments are the Church, the
Theatre, and the Assembly Rooms, the latter consisting of two rooms
parallel to each other and about 100 feet in length, where public
meetings are held. Besides the church here spoken of, a neat little
chapel was built close to their lines, for the use of the Dragoons,
when they were stationed here.
There is an hotel at Cawnpore, kept by a Mr. Duhan, pleasantly situated
on the banks of the river. It is a great convenience to travellers,
but, owing to the want of sufficient patronage, it will, probably,
be soon broken up. Not far from the hotel is the European burial
ground, crowded as usual with pillars and slabs, marking out the last
resting-place of beloved relatives and friends.
Cawnpore, although very hot and dusty, is, in my opinion, not an
unhealthy station; for, during my stay there, from the 28th of April,
1844, to the 17th of October, 1845, I found that, with common
prudence, a person might enjoy very tolerable health. There is a fine
race-course, which used to afford an exciting amusement during the
cold months. The officers' bungalows, pleasantly situated in large
compounds,[72] surrounded by walls, are very comfortable. The one which
I occupied, while stationed here, and for which I paid only £96 per
annum rent, was, perhaps, rather adapted for a general officer than
for a captain of Dragoons. The saddlery made at Cawnpore is celebrated
throughout India, as particularly good; and the Native Cavalry are
chiefly supplied with it. The extension of our frontier has, however,
done no small injury to Cawnpore, for it will never again enjoy the
large and important commerce which it used to possess. To continue my
route:--
On the 30th of April, 1846, I rode to Sirsole, fourteen miles, and put
up at the Dâk, or Stage Bungalow. These Dâk Bungalows are stationed
along all the principal roads in India, at a distance of about fifteen
or twenty miles apart, are a great comfort to the weary traveller; for,
as there are few hotels on the route, he thankfully avails himself
of such fare as these afford. Here he enjoys the luxury of a bath,
accommodation, and attendance, for the trifling sum of 2s. per diem.
The traveller must bring his own provisions, which the Dâk Khidmutgar
will prepare _à son goût_. These establishments are under the control
of the government post-masters. The word Dâk signifies post; and the
Inland Mail is transferred from one part of India to another not by
railway and mail coaches, but by such conveyances as are best adapted
for speed in different localities. Thus, in some districts camels are
used; in others, horses; and, in others again, mail-carts; while the
most ordinary method of transmission is by a runner, who carries the
letter-bags, generally at the end of a bamboo pole poised over his
shoulder, and shifts it upon those of another runner, who stands,
waiting in readiness, at a distance of ten or twelve miles, and who, in
his turn, transmits it to another, and so on, till the whole distance
is accomplished. These Dâk post runners keep on at a regular speed of
four or five miles an hour.
On the 1st of May I rode to Kullianpore, a distance of seventeen miles,
and the next day to Futtehpore, sixteen miles. I was on the point
of taking my customary ablution this morning, when my Bihishti, or
water-carrier, discovered a deadly cobra de capella, partly concealed
and asleep, under one of the earthen jars which I was just going to
use. I felt very thankful for my escape.
Futtehpore is an extensive Mahomedan city; it is in a lamentable state,
and the ruins of tombs, mosques, houses, and walls lie spread over a
very large space. It has been a civil station since 1826; and it also
contains a very large gaol.
On the third of May, I started for Arapore, a distance of sixteen
miles, and proceeded the next morning to Lohunga seventeen miles off.
I arrived at Kusseah on the 5th, after a ride of sixteen miles, and
having rested till five o'clock in the afternoon, I commenced a long
march, but halted for about half-an-hour at the Travellers' Bungalow
at Koela, fifteen miles, to allay a burning thirst with some tea, and
finally reached Berrill's Hotel at Allahabad at a quarter to one the
next morning, being a distance of twenty-nine miles.
Thus I rode the whole way from Lahore to Allahabad, a distance of at
least 704 miles in fifty-four days, including the nine days I halted.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 65: Kanya, a damsel, and cubja, a spinal curve.]
[Footnote 66: A work written by the command of Akbar. It contained a
statement of the revenues of all the districts and towns, the amount of
the troops, and the number under each commander.]
[Footnote 67: Tyfeeah, "a band," or set of Natch girls.]
[Footnote 68: Statistical Survey of Berar, p. 155, table xxx.
Statistics, North-west Provinces. By A. Shakespear, Assistant
Surveyor-General.]
[Footnote 69: Shakespear's Statistics, North-west Provinces of India,
table ii. p. 172.]
[Footnote 70: Vide Oude, Parliamentary Papers.]
[Footnote 71: See Appendix XX.]
[Footnote 72: From _Campaô_, a Portuguese word, signifying an enclosure
round a house, or bungalow.]
CHAPTER XII.
Allahabad--Pilgrimages--The River Jumna--Hurdwar--Akbar--Allum
II.--Fortifications--Inscriptions on Column--Military
Depôt--Lieut.-Colonel A. Abbott, C.B.--Colonel Kyd
discovers a Cave--Ancient Palibothra--Arrian's
Account--Megasthenes--Dr. Adams--Heeren--Chundragupta--Patna--The
Sacred Rivers--Bhaugulpore--The Mandara Hill--The
Chundun--Palibothra--Rajmahal--Antiquity of Kanoge--Allahabad--Extent
of Asiatic Cities--Mahomedan Invasion--Extent of Hindoostan.
THE hotel at which I took up my residence at Allahabad, was very
pleasantly situated: my rooms faced the Jumna, whose clear blue water
was most refreshing to the eye, the hotel standing on the right bank of
that noble stream.
Allahabad, which literally means the "Abode or City of God," is by
the Brahmins called Bhat Prayag, or by way of distinction it is
designated as "Prayaga," also "Praag," or "Prayagas," or "sacred
confluence of rivers."[73] The River Jumna takes its name from Yumna,
which in Sanscrit means, meeting, or confluence. Some of the religious
ceremonies enjoined upon the Hindoo pilgrims must be performed in a
vast subterranean cave, which is situated in the middle of the Fort--it
is supported by pillars, and is believed by the vulgar to extend under
ground as far as Benares, a distance of fifty-three miles, and to be
infested by snakes and poisonous reptiles--granting the cave really
to extend thus far, who could possibly live to go through to its
termination!
Allahabad is one of the most celebrated places of Hindoo pilgrimage,
and the deluded devotees come here by thousands to wash in the sister
streams to purify themselves, or to carry some of the precious water
to their distant homes. Nay, many annually drown themselves at this
celebrated junction of the Ganges and the Jumna; they are conducted
into the middle of the stream in a boat, and then sunk by having
earthen pots tied to their feet. This reckless sacrifice of life
would no doubt have sooner been put a stop to, had not the native
governments derived considerable advantage from it, for they used even
to levy a tax upon the pilgrims for the privilege of bathing in the
sacred stream. The debates in the East India house regarding the tax
levied at Juggernauth led to a change in the system; and it has since
been abolished.
Allahabad and Hurdwar are the two most noted places of pilgrimage. At
the latter city a fair is held annually where thousands of people go to
bathe, and although the river Ganges, is very shallow there, many lose
their lives. The great fair is held every twelfth year, when several
companies of sepoys are generally present both to keep the peace and
to prevent accidents. About thirty years since, innumerable lives were
lost by the sudden rush of pilgrims down the great ghât leading into
the river. Hence the troops have special charge to hinder any large
number of persons from congregating together.
Akbar was very partial to Allahabad and founded the modern city,
intending it as a stronghold to overawe the surrounding country, for
which it was extremely well adapted by its natural position. This
enterprising emperor also built Agra, which he styled Akbarabad.
Allahabad was taken in 1765, by the British army, under Sir Robert
Fletcher; soon after which (1766) the Nawab of Oude, to whom it
belonged, having been defeated at Buxar, and in subsequent battles,
assigned it by treaty to the East India company.
The Emperor of Delhi, Allum II., who was then a fugitive, had joined
the Nawab, and, together with him, made his peace with the British.
He was placed under their protection; and they agreed to allow him
twenty-six lakhs, or £260,000, per annum. Upon receiving in perpetuity
the revenues of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, it was agreed that the royal
share of those revenues, twenty-six lakhs of rupees, should be annually
paid to him by the Company; but when he accepted the aid of the
Maharattas to replace him on the throne of Delhi, he was informed that
the tribute of those provinces would be no longer granted to him. Mill,
vol. iii. p. 579, says:--"The discredit of this transaction belongs to
the Directors of the East India Company." It must however, be borne
in mind that the Government strongly advised the Emperor not to go to
Delhi.
The Emperor of Delhi resided, under the guardianship of the English,
in the Fort of Allahabad until the year 1771. In 1765, an imperial
grant was issued, constituting the East India Company Dewanny, or
receivers of revenue, of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, which grant gave
the Government the virtual sovereignty of these countries. The Dewanny
yielded about two millions sterling a year. The Emperor also confirmed
the English in all the titles conveyed to them by the Subahdar, or
Viceroy, of Bengal, whose successor is now Nawab only of Moorshedabad.
The city of Allahabad does not present a very striking appearance, as
there are only a few brick buildings without any kind of ornament. The
fort is placed at some distance, on a tongue of land, the one side
being washed by the blue waters of the Jumna, and the other nearly
approaching the dull yellow stream of the Ganges. It is lofty and
extensive, and completely commands the navigation of the two rivers.
Both the river fronts are defended by the old walls, with the addition
of some cannon and semi-circular bastions; the third side, near the
main land is regular and very strong; it has three ravelines, two
bastions, and a half-bastion, and stands higher than any ground in
front of it. The gateway is Grecian, and very elegant.
In the centre of the fort rises an ancient granite column, thirty-six
feet high, with Pali and Sanscrit inscriptions. The Sanscrit is almost
obliterated; it gives the genealogy of Akbar, and states that the
column was erected by him. The British have added a third inscription,
giving the date of its transfer to them in 1765, and its final cession
in 1801, together with the province. In the same line with the fort
is another building, which has been modernized and converted into
barracks for the garrison staff sergeants. The sums expended upon the
fortifications, up to 1803, were something quite enormous, and are said
to have amounted to more than twelve lakhs. They have now been rendered
quite impregnable against the attacks of a native enemy; and even by a
European force its capture would be a matter of no small difficulty.
Allahabad was at one time the grand military depôt of the upper
provinces. During the Sikh war of 1848-49, the principal commissary of
ordnance was located there, and most of the contents of the arsenal
in Fort William, Calcutta, were transferred to Allahabad.[74] The
present principal commissary is Lieut.-Colonel A. Abbott, C.B.,
of the Artillery, distinguished for his services at Bhurtpore, in
Affghanistan, and at Jellalabad. The following anecdote will serve to
exhibit his energy and promptitude under difficulties. In October,
1848, it was found that the store of musket-ball ammunition at
Ferozepore, etc., was damaged; upon which application was made to
Colonel Abbott for a fresh supply. By relays of bullocks, he managed
daily to send up 100,000 rounds, which reached Umballa, a distance of
529 miles, in fourteen days. He continued this until he was informed
that no more were required. This trait of zeal in the public service is
given, not only as an instance of the expeditious mode of forwarding
supplies, but as an act of justice to Lieutenant-Colonel Abbott, and
as shewing the importance of placing in such a post of difficulty, an
officer who has seen a great deal of hard service.
There is a place for the manufacture of gunpowder at Papamow, between
two and three miles from the cantonments; also another at Isharpore,
near Barrackpore. At these two depôts all the Company's gunpowder
is made, and a two-years' supply is generally kept in store. The
cantonments of Allahabad are about three miles from the fort, and
appear very comfortable.
I may here mention an interesting discovery made by Colonel Kyd, of
the Engineers, during the restoration of the fort. While forming the
glacis, he discovered a cave, which contained a number of images
belonging to the tribe of Serawagy, of the sect of the Jains, which
were soon after claimed by some persons, who asserted that they had
been deposited there by their ancestors, during the persecution of the
Hindoos by Aurungzebe in 1680. In the entrance of the cave is a sacred
tree, which is said to have flourished there from time immemorial, and
is held in great veneration by the Hindoos. There is also a tank of
water, which is in high repute among the pilgrims.
The English church is a very neat building, with a light and handsome
spire. The rides in the vicinity are numerous and pleasant; and the
roads, which extend in various directions for thirty miles, skirted
with trees of abundant foliage, are excellent. Indeed there is no
other station in the Bengal Presidency which contains so many good
roads. They are made by the prisoners, of whom, unhappily, there are
always a great number in the Allahabad gaol. It is said, that the
allowance of food is so liberal in the gaol, that some contrive to gain
admittance there, as into a comfortable asylum; however they are made
to work pretty hard, and the government sells the produce of their
labours. It has been remarked of Sydney, that if no convicts had been
sent thither, there never would have been a road two miles long. The
same may be said with equal truth of Allahabad.
The troops now stationed at Allahabad, are a Company of Native Foot
Artillery, two regiments of Native Infantry, and a depôt for H.M.
regiments of Foot, under the command of a Lieut.-Colonel. Formerly
there were two companies of European Artillery in the fort, of which
a general officer was always in command. In 1817, just before the
Maharatta war, a European Flank Battalion, composed of companies
of royal regiments, was quartered in the fortress. At this time a
circumstance occurred which created great alarm; for one evening,
whilst the officers of the Flankers were at mess, several of them were
suddenly taken ill. The cholera had been known in India in 1781 and
1783, but not since; so that it was concluded to be an attack of that
fearful and fatal contagion. Upon investigation, however, it appeared
that the cooking pots, which it was customary to have fresh tinned
every twenty or twenty-five days, were not clean. Many thought it was a
premeditated attempt at poisoning; hence it is necessary in India, more
particularly on the line of march, to "look before you cook."
Before quitting Allahabad, I must redeem my promise of laying before
the reader some statements confirmatory of my view, that the ancient
city of Palibothra was the site of Allahabad, and not, as some suppose,
Kanoge.
There are many theories in existence respecting the site of ancient
Palibothra. Some of them are so improbable as to be unworthy of notice;
but others, propounded by learned and ingenious writers, may fairly
claim consideration in this place. Before I enter upon the examination
of these it will be proper to state such information, with regard to
position and other circumstances, as we may gain from early historians.
In the first place we have the statement of Strabo (lib. xv.), that
Palibothra was situated at the confluence of the Ganges with another
river; but he does not mention the name. Arrian says:[75] "The
capital city of India is Palimbothra, in the confines of the Prasii
(or Prachi of Sanscrit writers) nigh the confluence of the two great
rivers, Erannoboas and Ganges. Erannoboas is reckoned the third river
throughout all India, and is inferior to none but the Indus and Ganges,
into the last of which it enters." He further states: "Of the two great
rivers of India, the Ganges and the Indus, Megasthenes assures us that
the first is by far the largest, for it arises great from its very
fountains, and receives many great rivers; namely Cainas, Erannoboas,
Cassoanes (Coosah?) Sonus,[76] Sitocatis and Solomatis. All these
are navigable; and, besides these, the Condochates, Sambus, Magones,
Agoranis, and Omalis."
To determine which is this said third river of India, we must premise
that the Berhampooter was not known to Alexander the Great, or his
successors, nor was it known in Europe until A.D. 1765.
Megasthenes states also "that the length of this city is eighty
furlongs, the breadth fifteen, that it is surrounded with a ditch
thirty cubits deep, and occupying six acres of ground, the walls being
defended with 570 towers and six gates."
Such is the evidence furnished on this subject by early writers, and
the question resulting from it is, which of the many rivers flowing
into the Ganges are we to consider the third river in India, at the
confluence of which Palibothra was situated? It does not appear that
Megasthenes has given the rivers in the order of their size; for he
omits all mention of some of the largest, and the first river he speaks
of, the Cainas, is certainly smaller than the fourth on his list, the
Sonus. The only rivers, of any consequence, entering the Ganges on the
right bank, are the Jumna and the Sone, of which the former is by far
the more considerable.
A very current opinion, entertained and supported by several
respectable writers, makes the modern Patna to be the site of the
ancient city. Thus Dr. A. Adams[77] says:--"Patna, the capital of
Bahar, built along the south bank of the Ganges, an extensive and
populous city, supposed to be the ancient Palibothra." Heeren[78] also
says: "Palibothra must be sought in, or near the modern town of Patna,
where its ancient appellation still survives in the name of a certain
district called Patalputhra." Major Rennel also in some places affirms
his opinion to be decidedly in favour of Patna, and in others speaks
doubtingly to the same purpose,--"S'il est vrai que Palibothra ait été
située où est aujourd'hui Patna, et les dernières découvertes rendent
cette opinion probable."
Now Patna is situated near the confluence of the Sonus with the Ganges,
in a very favourable position for a city of importance: and it appears
to be pretty certain that it is the site of a very ancient city, but
_not that of the city of Palibothra_. We must recollect that there is
an Upper and Lower Ganges, the latter of which would be below Patna.
Now, though the ancient kingdom of Maghada included Patna, it is not
probable that there was a capital so low down. Heeren declares that
the empire of the Prasii extended beyond the junction of the Jumna
with the Ganges, and we may infer from this that the said junction
was not much short of the limits of the empire. And, speaking of
particular towns, he names Ayodhya, Kanoge, and others. Also mentioning
Pataliputra (Patna) the same author says: "The scene of these fables
(Hitopadesah, or Pilpay) is laid in the city of Pataliputra, by no
means the most ancient in India."
Arrian tells us that Palibothra was in the confines of the Prasii. But
Pataliputra was the capital of King Chundragupta, who reigned long
before the kingdom of the Prasii was established. Heeren[79] says:
"Compare the accounts of Chundragupta given by Wilford in the 'Asiatic
Review, vol. v. p. 264.'" In the list of kings arranged by Sir William
Jones[80] the reign of Nauda is placed in 1602, and of Chundragupta in
1502 B.C.; the latter, therefore, must have lived 1200 years before
Sandrocottus. Will any one pretend that there was another Chundragupta?
Arrian tells us simply that the city of Palibothra is in the confines
of the Prasii: he does not say that it had been thus distinguished
as the capital of Chundragupta, which he would no doubt have done if
the fact had been so, and the very antiquity of Chundragupta destroys
the possibility of his capital being Palibothra, which was built so
many years after. We conclude, therefore, that Patna, as is generally
allowed, is the site of the ancient Pataliputra, the capital of
Chundragupta; and that it is _not_ the same as Palibothra, but a much
more ancient city.
It has been stated by some, that Pataliputra and Palibothra are one
and the same place, and that the latter name is simply a corruption of
the former. But Buchanan well remarks on this subject,[81] "This city
(Patna) is indeed allowed by the Pundits to be called Pataliputra; but
Pataliputra has no great resemblance to Palibothra; nor can Patali be
rationally considered as a word of the same origin as Pali, said to
be an ancient name of this country, and of its people and language."
There is no doubt that the use of the word Pali, in this connection, is
derived from the Pali language of the Buddhists, who have a temple at
Gya.
And further, as to the derivation of this name, we read that a Brahmin,
having married Bhoom Deo (the earth-god), had two sons, one of whom,
Bukshun, married Soormut, and had a son called Pootur (or son), who
married Patlee, the daughter of the king of the Singhaldees. In the
case of Hindoos, the men do not take their fathers' names. Supposing
that these joined their names, we have Pootur-patlee, which will not
answer, because the young man calls himself Patlee-pootur, taking
the wife's name, which is contrary to Hindoo usage. The story states
further, that Patlee-pootur planted his staff, and a beautiful city
sprang out of the ground, which in honour of his wife he called
Patleepoora, or Patleepooturpoora, a name truly royal in its length!
The pair died, leaving a son called Puttum, and a daughter named
Putnie, from whom the modern name Patna is said to have been derived.
In the absence of more definite evidence we may rest a strong
presumption on these traditions, and whatever part of them we may
accept or reject, they certainly contain some amount of historical
evidence to prove that Pataliputra must not be confounded with
Palibothra.
In the eleventh century a play is supposed to have been written,
the Mudra Rakshasha, the principal scenes in which are laid at
Pataliputra, the capital of Chundragupta. Buchanan[82] says, that
other traditions preserved in the Skund Poorana derive the name of
Patna from the Sanscrit word meaning _a cloth_; from the circumstance
of the goddess Parbuttee having dropt her mantle on the spot, in her
flight to Kylas (the sky).
So much with respect to the derivation of the names Patna and
Pataliputra. From what has been stated, it may be clearly seen that
Palibothra cannot be a corruption or modification of Pataliputra, and
that the modern name of Patna is traceable to a very remote period.
To proceed with the proof that Patna is not the ancient Palibothra:--An
opinion has been expressed by one who appears to be a competent judge,
Mr. E.C. Ravenshaw,[83] that the distance from Patna at which the Sone
now runs into the Ganges is so great that it cannot be said to be at
the point of confluence, and therefore does not answer to Arrian's
description as before quoted.
But a better argument is this,--that the river Sone has no particular
sanctity attached to it by the Hindoos; it does not convey sacred
water to the district of Patna, such as is supposed to flow in the
Ganges, and many other Indian rivers. We know that the most sacred
streams issue from the Himalaya mountains, the region of the gods and
of Brahma. The Ganges, the Indus, the Jumna, the Gograh, the Coosah,
the Gundruk, and others, come from that holy source; but the Sone and
the Nerbudda rise in the table-land of Omerkuntuc in Gundwana,--in
lat. 22°, 35´ N.; long. 82°, 15´ E.[84] Now it is very certain that
the Sone, lacking this sacred character, could not have been reckoned
as the third river in India; superior to many streams which take their
rise from the Himalaya, and inferior only to the Ganges and the Indus,
both of which are regarded with the deepest reverence.
Thus, with regard to Patna, we are led to the conclusion, that, while
there is great evidence to prove that it is a most ancient city, and
to identify it with the former Pataliputra, the capital of the Gupta
dynasty; yet it is quite as clear that it is not the site of Palibothra.
Another opinion, however, would place the ancient city further east,
and not far from Bhaugulpore.[85] The late Colonel Francklin took
a journey on purpose to examine this subject, and in his preface to
the second part of his researches respecting the site of Palibothra,
he writes:--"If then my assumption of the Mandara hill as the place
recorded in the Puranas,[86] where one of the sovereigns of Palibothra
was assassinated, be correct;--if the evidence afforded by the hills
which appear in the neighbourhood of the town, and through a very great
extent of what formerly constituted the Prasian kingdom, prior to the
expedition of Alexander the Great;--if these and other connecting
circumstances, as well local and historical, as traditional, be
conceded;--it will, I think, be also conceded to me, that they apply in
every instance throughout the discussion, as more naturally indicative
of the town of Bhaugulpore possessing the site of Palibothra, and the
metropolis of the Parsii (Prasii?) than either Rajmahal, Patna, Kanoge,
or Allahabad."
The argument drawn from the assassination of this king of Palibothra
on the Mandara hill, is really worth nothing. The circumstance that
this took place near Bhaugulpore no more proves the site of Palibothra
to have been there, than if the sovereign had been assassinated at
any other of the places named. For if kings travel, particularly
among enemies, and in times of anarchy, they are liable to be killed
anywhere. Our first Richard was assassinated in Normandy, and our first
Edward had a narrow escape in the Holy Land. Moreover, this murdered
king of Palibothra might have been taken to the Mandara hill as a
fitting place of execution; so that we can gather from this occurrence
no clue whatever, to the actual site of his capital city.
Again, there is no large river flowing into the Ganges at the point
where Bhaugulpore is situated. Colonel Francklin states that at
Dhurumgunge, five miles N.W. of Bhaugulpore he met with the river
Chundun, but the confluence of the Chundun with the Ganges is at
Champanuggur, thirteen miles from that town. He assumes this river to
have been the Erannoboas of the Greeks; and, because it is to be found
thirteen miles from Bhaugulpore and runs into the Ganges, he fixes the
Mandara hill as the site of Palibothra. At the end of his journal,
he adds, that, "in the words of Arrian, the Erannoboas was a river of
the third magnitude among the rivers in India." But here the Colonel
mistakes the meaning of his author; for Arrian says, not that it was
a river of the _third magnitude_, but the _third river_ throughout
all India. It is thus that historical authority is sometimes falsely
cited. The Chundun, even near its mouth, is only seven hundred yards
in breadth, and this will not constitute a third-rate river in India.
The Gograh, on the left bank, is in some places a mile broad, in many
places half-a-mile, and of greater depth even than the Ganges. The
Chundun is so inconsiderable, that we hear of no natives, except those
of Bhaugulpore, who speak of it at all; and to identify this with a
river said to be next in size to the Indus, is plainly absurd.
In a subsequent tour, the Colonel again visited Bhaugulpore, and about
four miles south-east of that town, he found a commanding eminence,
being 600 yards in circumference, and on which the site of bastions and
the outer ditch of a fortification are plainly to be discovered. "The
place," he says,[87] "is called by the natives Suffiegur; and here the
surface of the ground in the front, as well as the neighbouring grove
of mango trees, is overspread with a variety of stones of different
kinds, cornelians, agates, flints, and specimens of beautiful veined
stone, pieces of crystal and slabs of chalcedony; these evidently
indicating the remains of a building of a superior order, at a remote
period of time."
The Colonel again remarks--"In my humble opinion, I should assign it
as one of the summer palaces of the sovereigns of Palibothra." But
since, in that country, ruins are so numerous, and frequently of such
a splendid character, we cannot allow this circumstance to be of any
weight. Any other hill containing a few stones, and a few relics of
ancient fortifications, might, as far as Colonel Francklin has given
proof, have been the summer residence of the kings of Palibothra. There
are two very singular round towers near the town of Bhaugulpore, in the
direction indicated by the Colonel, which he may possibly have mistaken
for the summer palace of the king.
We cannot suppose that if Bhaugulpore had been the ancient Palibothra,
it would not have been revered as a sacred spot, even though it were
in ruins. Kanoge, for example, although no longer in existence, is
spoken of with veneration. But it does not appear that any particular
sanctity is attached by the natives to Bhaugulpore, nor that they
esteem it as more than a common city. And, if it had been what Colonel
Francklin claims for it, it would, of course, have been the capital
of the Prasii. But we have no evidence whatever that the kingdom of
the Prasii extended so far south; and supposing that it did, still
it is most improbable that their chief city would be placed at the
extremity of their dominions. If the Colonel's opinion were correct,
would not Abul Fazel, who wrote in 1582, or some Hindoo writer of prior
or subsequent date, have spoken of such a place? Would there not be
a pilgrimage to it, as there is now to Allahabad, and other sacred
places? Without doubt, such would have been the case; and therefore,
taking all these things into consideration, it appears to me that we
must reject Colonel Francklin's favourite theory, and that Bhaugulpore
could not have been Palibothra.
Another opinion places the site of the lost city at Benares. This is
no doubt also an ancient town; it was taken by the Sultan Mahmood of
Ghuznee in A.D. 1017, and a mosque with two elegant minarets existing
to this day, was built there by Aurungzebe to mortify the Hindoos.
The river Birnah runs between the military cantonments and the civil
station, across which a small stone bridge was thrown, about fifty
years ago, by the late Major-General J. Garstin. This river is situated
to the left of the city, where it enters the Ganges. It is a very
narrow and inconsiderable stream, and could not bring Benares within
the denomination of "a city with two large rivers;" so that we may
dismiss this opinion also, as quite improbable.
Rajmahal has likewise been mentioned, as the place where the ancient
city stood. But this is at a considerable distance below Patna, and it
is not likely that the limits of the Prasii extended so far in this
direction. A hundred years ago, Rajmahal was two or three miles inland;
and though, by the encroachment of the current upon the land, it is now
situated on the bank of the river, yet there is no other river near it,
it does not stand at the confluence of any stream with the Ganges, and
therefore does not answer to Arrian's description.
Of the opinions on this subject, which I deem erroneous, the only other
worthy of mention is that which makes Kanoge the site of Palibothra.
This is also a very ancient city, as is clear from the fact that
Vicramaditya,[88] who lived in the year B.C. 57, resided alternately
at Palibothra and at Kanoge. It is stated by Heeren[89] to have been
founded by one of the kings of Ayodhya (Oude) who made it his capital.
On the decline of Ayodhya, it rose in importance. Maurice[90] dates
its foundation in B.C. 1000. But while we may respect the antiquity of
Kanoge, we cannot assign to it the honour claimed for it. The rivers
Ramgonga and Gurrah, whose united waters flow into the Ganges near its
ruins, are very inconsiderable, and could not by any stretch of the
imagination be looked upon as constituting the _third_ river in India.
But now, having, as I hope, clearly shown the great improbability that
any of the opinions already quoted are correct, and having proved
also, how irreconcilable they are to the historical evidence which we
possess on this subject, I will mention my own opinion as to the site
of the ancient city of Palibothra. According to Arrian, as we have
seen, Palibothra is at the confluence of the Ganges and Erannoboas,
which Erannoboas is said to be the third river in India. Now the Ganges
is called the _first_, the Indus the _second_, and in respect of size,
no other river has so great a claim to be ranked the _third_, as the
Jumna. After the two streams just mentioned, the Jumna is certainly
the largest in the country. This river and the Ganges may be termed
twin-sisters, as their respective sources are within a few miles of
each other. Its length is 780 miles, according to Rennel, exceeding by
280 miles that of the Sone.
Coming down to the point at which the Jumna flows into the Ganges,
we find the city of Allahabad. And here I would place the site of
Palibothra. Its centrical position as to Hindoostan, marks it as being
most fitting and convenient for the capital of a kingdom. It is certain
also that it was inhabited by the Prasii, and it was most probably in
the very centre of their dominions.
The great sanctity of the confluence of the Ganges and the Jumna at
Allahabad, as an annual bathing-place, revered by all Hindoos, is
well known. The very fact of their being two great rivers, the first
and the third in magnitude, would give it a sacredness not attachable
to inferior rivers. The second river, the Indus, falls into no other
stream. It is joined by the Cabool river at Attock, and after receiving
the Punjaub rivers, empties itself into the sea. And the fact that the
two greatest rivers are not confluent, tends, no doubt, to add to the
high veneration with which the natives regard the confluence of the
first and third rivers.
Several of the streams flowing into the Ganges which have been adopted
by controversialists, are in reality very insignificant, and are
considered by the natives as quite unimportant. But the Jumna is
universally known and venerated throughout all India. When water is
taken from the Ganges, to a distance, it is invariably either from
Hurdwar, Allahabad, or Benares.
The late Maharajah Runjeet Singh always had water from a particular
spot, which was considered the best in the Punjaub. A strict Brahmin
of Benares, would present his guests with water drawn from the most
sacred parts of the Ganges, nor, however hot the weather, would he cool
the water with ice, for by so doing, he would mix two waters, the one
holy, the other profane: the water of the Ganges, and the water of
America.
No native would ever take the Ganges water from near the Chundun; no
Brahmin living in Calcutta would ever use it. Allahabad is held in such
reverence that a public tax was paid both to the Mahomedan government
of the Nawab of Oude, and to the British government, by pilgrims at
certain seasons of the year. There are different degrees of sanctity
ascribed to the sacred cities of India; all places are not of equal
sanctity, Benares is not so sacred as Kanoge, and neither is so sacred
as Allahabad. The waters of the Ganges at this confluence are accounted
of superior holiness, and special virtue is ascribed to them.
Here then, the description of Arrian, to which I have shown that
none of the before-mentioned opinions conformed, is fully answered,
and all probability points to Allahabad as the disputed site. The
central situation of the city, its position on the right bank of the
Ganges, the circumstance of its superior sacredness, and above all,
the fact that the Jumna is the third river in India, which no one,
who will compare the relative claims of the rivers, can deny; all
these together yield more than presumptive proof in its favour. We may
fairly conclude then, that the ancient Palibothra is at the junction
of the Ganges and the Jumna, and that there appears no just ground for
supposing that any other position on the right or left bank of the
Ganges can be assigned as its site.
It may now be of interest to state what is known respecting the size
of the city. Strabo informs us[91] that "its length is eighty stadia,
its breadth fifteen,[92] and its form oblong; that it is environed by
a wall of wood, in which are sundry holes to shoot through; also a
ditch, both for the defence of the city and the reception of all the
filth issuing from it; and that the people are called Prasii." In an
appendix to his work, Francklin gives additional notes, extracted from
a pamphlet which was printed, but not published, at Calcutta, wherein
he says: "For the extent of the city and suburbs of Palibothra, from
seventy-five to eighty miles have been assigned, by the Puranas, a
distance said to be impossible for a single city." And adds: "so
indeed it might, were we to compare the cities of Asia with those of
Europe." He next states, that in A.D. 1567, Cæsar Frederic, a Venetian
merchant, who was then at Beejanuggur (Bisnuggur), says that it had a
circuit of ninety-four miles. Major Rennel makes the city of Gour, the
ancient capital of Bengal, to be fifteen miles in length, extending
along the old banks of the Ganges, and from two to three miles in
breadth. Colonel Francklin (Appendix p. 59) quotes Babylon[93] as
extending over 365 furlongs, being the number of days in the year; or
forty-five miles and five furlongs. Herodotus allows the city to have
been 480 stadia, or sixty miles in circumference.[94] Colonel Francklin
makes Kanoge to have been 100 miles in circuit. London, the largest
city in Europe, has been estimated at twenty-five, but at present, with
the suburbs, it may be thirty miles round. Now it must be recollected,
that in estimating the size of European and Asiatic cities, several
distinguishing circumstances are to be borne in mind. For instance,
though in London there are numerous churches, they occupy but little
space, compared with pagodas, mosques, and mausolea; to which in an
Eastern city, much ground and many buildings are usually attached. In
Oriental cities too, there are many gardens and granaries, and the
stables and studs for elephants occupy a great deal of room. It is
calculated that the stabling for one elephant, occupies more space than
would afford accommodation for a carriage and four horses.
The Mahomedan invasion of India, which effected so great a change in
the character of the country, took place in the first quarter of the
eleventh century. The Mahomedan empire was founded there by the Ghorè
dynasty in 1157. I may fitly close my remarks on the site of this
ancient city, by glancing at the geographical extent and condition of
the country at this great era of a mighty change in Indian history. It
is said by Rennel and other writers, that according to the testimony of
the ancients, India, on the most enlarged scale, divided on the West
from Persia by the Arachosian Mountains, bounded on the East by China,
on the North by Tartary, and extending South to the Sunda Isles,
comprised an area of 40°, including a superficies almost as large as
Europe: a statement which appears preposterous. The Mahomedan writers
understood Hindoostan, under the sovereigns of Delhi, to include the
twelve Soobahs or Provinces into which it was sub-divided in 1582;
viz., Lahore, Mooltan, Scinde, Ajmere, Delhi, Agra, Allahabad, Bahar,
Oude, Bengal, Malwah, Guzerat; Cabool, and the country west of India,
was made a thirteenth Soobah, and again others were added: namely, the
Deccan, including Berar, Khandeish, and Ahmednuggur, and afterwards
Aurungabad.
According to the geography of the original Hindoos, Hindoostan is
bounded on the North by the Himalaya ridge of mountains, including
Cashmere, Nepaul, and Bootan; on the South by the Ocean; on the West by
the Indus; and on the East by Chittagong. With the exception of Bootan,
the primitive Brahminical religion and languages prevail in the above
boundaries; nor are they to be found beyond them, save in Assam and
Cassey, where Brahminical doctrines still prevail; but in Bootan the
people are Buddhists.
The modern name Hindoostan, is a Persian appellation, derived from
the word "Hindoo" (black), and "Sthan" (a place). The above limits
give 1,020,000 geographical miles. Elphinstone[95] says, "India is
bounded by the Himalaya mountains, the river Indus, and the sea. Its
length from Cashmere to Cape Comorin is about 1,900 British miles,[96]
and its breadth, from the mouth of the Indus to the mountains east of
the Berhampooter, is considerably above 1,500 British miles. In its
southern boundary it is limited by the Nerbudda."
According to the Hindoo calculation, India extends northward to the
thirty-fifth degree of latitude. Cabool, which was included by Akbar
in Hindoostan, is reckoned between the thirty-third and thirty-fifth
degrees of north latitude. But Hindoostan is bounded on the West by the
river Indus, which excludes Cabool and Scinde. Sylhet, and Chittagong
are to the East of the Berhampooter, near the mountains, and must be
included. The southern boundary is the sea.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 73: The late Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, Dr. Samuel
Butler, in his Ancient and Modern Geography, p. 267, called it also
Helabas. In India some speak of it as "Illahabas."]
[Footnote 74: There is a magazine at Chunar, which serves for Benares
and the stations immediately below it. The river from Chunar to
Allahabad is not suited for a speedy transmission by boats, because the
stream for about thirty miles below Allahabad is full of shoals.]
[Footnote 75: Rooke's Translation of Alexander's Expedition.]
[Footnote 76: Sanscrit, the Sone or Golden River.]
[Footnote 77: Ancient and Modern Geography, p. 522.]
[Footnote 78: P. 300.]
[Footnote 79: Page 3, note 1.]
[Footnote 80: Works, vol. i. p. 306.]
[Footnote 81: Vol. i. p. 26.]
[Footnote 82: Vol. i. p. 146.]
[Footnote 83: Journal of Asiatic Society. Vol. xiv. p. 137. Part I,
Nos. 157-162.]
[Footnote 84: Hamilton's Gazetteer, Rennel, &c.]
[Footnote 85: Wilford, Asiatic Researches. Vol. v. p. 272.]
[Footnote 86: Elphinstone, in his history of India, says: "There are
_eighteen_ Puranas composed by different authors between the 8th and
16th centuries." Col. Francklin should have proved his author, and
given his date.]
[Footnote 87: Part iv. p. 53.]
[Footnote 88: He was also Lord of Benares, and rebuilt Ayodhya.]
[Footnote 89: P. 295.]
[Footnote 90: Vol. i. p. 36.]
[Footnote 91: Lib. xv. p. 1028.]
[Footnote 92: The eighty stadia long by fifteen broad, would be equal
to twenty-three miles and three quarters in circuit.]
[Footnote 93: Diodorus Siculus, vol i. pp. 120, 121.]
[Footnote 94: Francklin (Appendix p. 62.) gives Beejapore as thirty-six
miles in circuit, and Nineveh as forty-seven miles. Diodorus Siculus
makes Nineveh to have been sixty miles and Babylon only forty-eight.]
[Footnote 95: Vol. i. p. 1.]
[Footnote 96: China has 1,200,000 square miles, and is said to be 1,400
by 1,600 miles.]
CHAPTER XIII.
Steamers on the Ganges--Native Pilots--Course of the River--Mr. Sims
proposes Shields to the Banks--Shoals--Tributary Streams--Rapids--The
Jumna--Mirzapore--Benares--Trimbuckjee Danglia--Chunar--Sultanpore.
THERE is a regular steam communication between Calcutta and Allahabad;
but as the steamers proceed no further than that city, it may not
be out of place to give the reader a few words on Steam Navigation,
at least so far as the Ganges is concerned. Until steamers were
introduced, the only way of proceeding by water from Calcutta to
Allahabad, and the intermediate stations, was by boats, the largest
of which are called budgerows and pinnaces. About twenty years ago,
the East India Company ordered four steamers to be built for the
navigation of the Ganges, much against the advice of many, who urged
the impossibility of using steam in consequence of the shifting
sands. They were accordingly built in England, and shipped in pieces
to Calcutta, where they were put together by able engineers. For many
years these government boats were the only steamers seen on the Ganges;
but latterly two Companies have been started, the one called "the India
General Steam Navigation Company," established in 1844, and the other,
"the Ganges Company." The control of the government steamers is under
the judicious management of Captain J.H. Johnston, R.N. The number of
boats on the Ganges belonging to government alone, is as follows:--ten
steamers, three accommodation, three cargo, and two troop-boats. On an
average, one steamer leaves Calcutta every ten or fourteen days, having
an accommodation-boat, or sometimes one or two cargo or troop-boats,
in tow. This is a striking and novel sight. Every one is aware that a
ship at sea will take another in tow, which is effected by the ship to
be towed sending out hawsers; but in very bad weather they disengage
themselves by casting off the towing-hawsers. Besides these hawsers
for joining one with the other, there is a plank of wood, twenty-five
feet in length, a foot in width, and six inches in thickness, placed
between two short masts, one at the bow of the accommodation, cargo or
troop-boat, the other at the stern of the steamer, to each of which it
is bound by chains. This plank serves as a mutual convenience to the
crews of the two vessels, without its being requisite to lower a boat;
besides, if it were not for this more solid material, accidents would
frequently happen by the vessel in tow running foul of her leader;
whereas, as it is, should the steamer touch ground unexpectedly, the
other sheers quietly alongside.
The steamers are of iron, and (I am now speaking only of those
belonging to government) are fitted up with two engines of thirty horse
power each, and carry sail. The fires are never wholly extinguished,
for although the steamers anchor at sunset, yet they are again under
steam at the first dawn of day. The fares and prices of the two
Companies correspond exactly with those of the government; the charges
for the whole trip from Calcutta to Allahabad, being for a first-class
cabin, 300 rupees, for a second, 250, and for a third, 200. The charges
for the downward passage are only two-thirds those of the upward.
The hours for meals are generally, breakfast at nine, luncheon twelve,
dinner four, and tea seven. Anything required between meals, is charged
extra. For supplying these, each passenger pays the Commander three
rupees per diem. Wines, spirits, etc., are extra, and charged for
according to the consumption.
The boats of the two private Companies are differently constructed from
those of the Government; for, like the steamers on the American rivers,
the steam and accommodation centre in one boat, but some of them, have
one or two cargo-boats in tow. The Ganges boats, it is said, draw too
much water. The Company's boats draw three feet, and their steamers
three-and-a-quarter feet each. Hindoo servants, who are forbidden by
caste to cook on board, are landed every evening, if practicable, as
soon as the steamer casts anchor. From the Mahomedan servants, one
of whom is allowed to each passenger, without cost for the trip, the
Commander receives a quarter of a rupee a-day, which each has to pay
for his food.
A native pilot is taken on board every twenty or twenty-five miles;
he is responsible in some measure, that the vessel does not touch
the bottom, or run upon a sand-bank. The poor men, who receive only a
scanty pittance for this trouble, are extremely careful; and it is very
rare indeed, for any serious accident or interruption to occur. The
steamers have a commander, a mate, and about twenty Lascars, or native
sailors, and the other boats about the same number. The cabins are
generally light and airy, though many of them abound with mosquitoes,
cockroaches and ants, and not unfrequently with rats. The dining-room
is spacious, being the whole width of the vessel, and would be very
comfortable if a punkah could be introduced. The cabins contain no
furniture save a bedstead, so that the traveller is required to furnish
it with a mattress, table, chair, chillumchee or wash-stand, and
mosquito curtains.
The river Ganges is called by the natives "Gunga Jee;" "Gung" signifies
_river_, and "Gunga" _the_ river; "Jee" denotes _sir_, _lord_,
_master_, _mistress_, and is used as a mark of religious respect, the
Ganges being pre-eminently the king of rivers--the sacred river. The
Hindoos swear by the waters of the Ganges, as we do on the Testament,
or the Mahomedans on the Koran. The Ganges has a very uncertain
channel, in consequence of its tortuous course; sometimes dashing
across from the right to the left bank, and forming a new bed. To
obviate this, various clever plans have been proposed; but I shall now
merely allude to that of Mr. Sims, Civil Engineer to the East India
Company, who was sent out some time back, to select and survey the
district which he should consider suitable for a railroad. The scheme
fell into abeyance, but is once more revived. A Board was appointed
in England, comprising a committee, secretary, engineer, etc.; two
of the official staff arrived in Calcutta in February, 1848, for the
purpose of collecting the unpaid capital, and the money is fast coming
in. Meantime, the Government has desired Mr. Sims to propose a plan
for controlling the freaks and sudden changes of this river, which is
at the same time one of the most beneficial in the world. The task is
a difficult one, and the expense enormous; however, the first sod has
been since turned up, and this is some earnest of its completion.
I collect from the Report, that Mr. Sims proposes to form extensive
shields at certain points of the banks. Just as in fencing, we guard
right and left where the thrust is expected, so the shields are to be
erected on the right and left, according as the river rushes in. Brunel
used shields in making the Thames tunnel, but they were above, while
Mr. Sims's shields are to be perpendicular to the river, and parallel
to the banks. Wherever a shoal may be forming, Mr. Sims proposes to
make a diversion by means of a channel, which is to be kept open by
bamboos and other material, so as to prevent the sand from filling
up the excavations. The expense of the operation is not clearly
ascertained; but the cost of each shield is £60,000! Until we know how
many of these shields are required, we can have no means of estimating
the total outlay.
Major Rowland Hill, late 70th Regt. Bengal Native Infantry, and
commanding 4th Irregular Cavalry, when at Sultanpore, Benares, tried
the following plan, in 1846. Placing several large boats with their
prows facing up the river, he cut through the sand-bank, upon which the
force of the current drove away the sand to the right and left of the
boats.
There are so many points along the Ganges which demand the attention
of the engineer, that nothing short of a careful examination of every
hundred yards, on both banks, can solve the problem. Thus, having
formed a shield in one locality, who can say where the next may be
required? or, again, whether the river driving with full force to a new
point, the evil may not break out at another? The natives never thought
of such schemes in days of yore. Being a sacred river, the Ganges could
do no wrong: if a man lost his boat, it was his destiny (_nuseeb_): the
will of God in anger for his sins! Æsop's fables have been translated
by a Brahmin; and an Englishman having read, to a Hindoo, the fable of
the waggoner's complaint to Jupiter, the man shook his head and laughed.
It would seem possible, that by carefully examining this river during
the dry season, from October to April, the channels might be found
out. In the Bhauguretty, and smaller Indian rivers, dredging machines
are used. The practicability of the plan could be ascertained, and
that, too, at no great cost, by buoying off the river, and placing it
in sections; this could be done by a native establishment, with some
Europeans as supervisors.
The steam-boats often run aground, although they have native pilots,
and are frequently not got off for several days. Sometimes, when the
river is low, steamers can only reach Sirsah, twenty-six miles below
Allahabad.
I must remind the reader, that the first rise of the river is caused
by the melting of the snows in the Himalaya mountains during the warm
weather, before the rainy season sets in, and that the rains afterwards
keep it up to the high-water mark, until the month of October. The
fall of rain in Assam, south-east of Calcutta, has been 240 inches in
a year. At Bombay, up to the middle of August, 1849, it was eighty-six
or eighty-seven inches; which is about the same quantity that falls in
Calcutta during the whole of the rainy season.
I must not omit to mention, that some years since, an attempt was
made to get a steamer up to Ghurrumkteesur Ghât, on the Ganges, about
thirty miles from Meerut. But it proved a failure, for the Ganges
from Allahabad to Cawnpore is shoaly, and above the latter place
more so than below it, in addition to which hinderance, there was
not a sufficient depth of water. By dint of great exertions, Captain
Templeton did get the steamer up to Cawnpore; but he first took the
precaution to unlade it. The steamers carry freight, as well as the
cargo-boats; they are also more capable of enduring bad weather, yet
during the rains of 1849, a gale blew so violently that the steamer
turned aside, nearly to her opposite gunwale. In the month of August,
the river is so rapid opposite Dinapore, that the steamers lose ground,
or fall below their starting-point, even in crossing from one side of
the river to the other. They go down the river at the rate of twelve or
fourteen miles an hour.
There are many rivers that fall into the Ganges below Allahabad. The
Ganges, I may remark, rises at Gangoutrie, in the Himalayas, that
enormous chain of snow-capped mountains, which extends from Cabool
along the north of Hindoostan to China. It flows for more than 1,200
miles through rich fields to the Bay of Bengal, which it enters by a
delta of about sixteen miles in extent. In its course, it receives
eleven tributary streams, none of which is smaller than the Thames.
Below Allahabad, there are on the left bank, the Goomtee, Birnah,
Koosee, Dewah, or Gograh, and the Great and Little Gundruk. On the
right, at and below Allahabad, the rivers Jumna and Sone, all of
which, except the latter, which rises near to the Nerbudda in the
Deccan, flow from the Himalaya mountains. As there is no large stream
which falls into the Ganges above Allahabad, it will easily be
understood, that its greatest width and depth must be below that place.
The next attempt was to steam up the Jumna, but meeting with a shoal at
Kulna, the steamer could proceed no further. The rocks which formerly
existed in this river, were blasted by the late Lieutenant-Colonel
Joseph Taylor, of the Engineers.
The question naturally arises, why the same remedy could not be applied
as at Gottenburg, in Sweden, where rapids have been passed by making
a canal outside; and why, in India, canals are never resorted to for
out-flanking an impediment in a river? This, however, is an enquiry to
which no satisfactory reply has ever yet been given.
The Nerbudda[97] offers similar difficulties, having rocks and rapids
interspersed at intervals, in quick succession. It has a course of 750
miles, rising at Omercote, and emptying itself below Baroda into the
sea. Attempts have been made to navigate the Nerbudda, from the centre
downwards, where there are no rocks.
Having referred to Gottenburg, I will quote a passage from the Travels
of the late Bishop James, of Calcutta[98]:--
"For the purpose of avoiding the falls or cataracts that for many
ages obstructed the communications of the country, a navigable canal
had been excavated in the solid rock of granite, which being near two
English miles in length, and carried to a depth, in one part, of 150
feet, was a scheme that few minds would have originated, and still
fewer even have ventured to put into execution. The great undertaking
was completed, after six years' labour, in the year 1830; and it
already pays, as we were informed, an interest of 42,000 rix-dollars
per annum, upon a capital of 358,988 rix-dollars, originally expended:
a return amounting to nearly 12 per cent., and sufficient to afford the
most unequivocal testimony both of its success and of its great public
utility."
This stupendous work was undertaken by a private Company unaided by
the Government. It was necessary to float the timber down the river
in order to save the great expense of land carriage. It is true that
in the American rivers they contrive to stop the boats short of the
rapids, unlade, and then re-ship the goods; but the Swedish plan is
preferable. As a commercial speculation, where, the interest of money
as in Sweden is two and two-and-a-half per cent., it was a great
result. The river Jumna abounds in shoals at certain places, but small
canals overcome such impediments; for instance, near Kulna. As the
railroad will, probably, not reach that portion of India for many
years to come, the Jumna would transport goods thither. The course is
estimated at 780 miles. It is fordable at times at Agra, and I believe
also at Delhi. It is time, however, that I should resume my narrative.
At noon on the 20th of May, 1846, my servants with the baggage left
Berrill's Hotel in a boat for the steamer "Megna," at Sirsah, the water
being too low to permit the steamer to proceed higher, than within
twenty-six miles of Allahabad, which, as I have before observed, is
frequently the case. I left the hotel about 3 P.M., in company with
the Commander of the "Soorma," accommodation boat, and reached that
vessel in tow of the "Megna," about 9 P.M., at Sirsah. Before leaving
the hotel I paid the Commander of the "Soorma" 217 rupees, 10 annas,
_i.e._ 166 rupees, 10 annas, for a cabin to Calcutta; and 51 rupees for
seventeen days' messing; being 3 rupees per diem, exclusive of wines,
beer, and other extras: or £21 15_s._
On the 23rd, at about 3 P.M., we anchored off Mirzapore, nearly ninety
miles from Allahabad. It is one of the largest inland trading towns
in Hindoostan, and the great mart for cotton. It is noted for its
manufacture of carpets, somewhat resembling those of Turkey, and used
all over India. I bought a very handsome bedside carpet, entirely
made of wool, and as soft as velvet, for only six shillings. Silk is
imported into Mirzapore from Bengal, and despatched to the west of
India for sale, particularly among the Maharattas, and the central
parts of Hindoostan. There are also fabrics of cotton manufacture,
plantations of indigo, etc.
The town has many handsome European houses and native dwellings, with
clusters of Hindoo temples, crowding the right bank of the Ganges, on
which it stands. The appearance from the river is very imposing. Close
to the main ghât stand two temples, the top of one of which is most
elaborately and beautifully carved. On the other side of the river,
which is here not very broad, stands the elegant residence of the Rajah
of Benares.
As the steamers stop here to take in coal, as well as to land and
receive passengers and goods, I took a stroll on shore. A traveller
intending to visit Bombay and the west of India, should take the
steamer as far as Mirzapore; this is better than going to Allahabad,
which lies too far north; besides which, the navigation is not so
pleasant, in consequence, as I have before observed of the shoaly state
of the river between Mirzapore and Allahabad.
Mirzapore may be termed central between Allahabad and Benares, the
distance from the former, by land, being forty-four miles, and from
the latter, thirty-three miles, but situated on the left bank of
the Ganges. There are six civilians at this station, and, at the
time of which I am writing, a wing of the Shekawattee Battalion--an
irregular Infantry corps--was quartered here and at Juanpore, on the
opposite side of the river. The Church Missionary Society have a
church and chapel here. A beautiful and magnificent Chowk, or Square,
was in course of construction; and on my return, in September, 1849,
when proceeding up the river, in the India General Steam Navigation
Company's steamer, "General Macleod," I had the pleasure of seeing
it completely finished. On this latter occasion, I again visited
this bustling and thriving place, in company with my friend and
fellow-countyman, Lord Frederick Montagu, at this time an officer
in the 24th Foot. And here I may be permitted to render a tribute
of thanks to Mr. Lord, a resident of Mirzapore, for the sumptuous
hospitality with which he received his lordship and myself, both of us
having been entire strangers to him previously.
The country around is pretty, and the officers' bungalows are most
pleasantly situated on the bank of the river, in the midst of large
compounds, or gardens, which are not exuberant with vegetation. The
population of Mirzapore is between 70,000 and 80,000, the people
are particularly industrious and active, and have great commercial
enterprise. On leaving Mirzapore, on Sunday, the 24th, we mustered
six in number, at the cuddy table, namely, Mrs. Lushington, Mr. T.A.
Lushington, civil service, since deceased, Mrs. Swayne, widow of Major
Swayne, killed during the rebellion at Cabool, in 1842, Captain G.R.
Siddons, 1st Bengal Light Cavalry, Mr. W.R. Baillie, of the Bengal
Secretariat, and myself.
On the 24th of May, at eight o'clock in the evening, we anchored off
Benares, forty-nine miles from Mirzapore, having passed Chunar at about
two o'clock. Chunar was acquired by the East India Company in 1775,
along with the Zumindary of Benares. The fort is erected on a freestone
rock several hundred feet in height, and is built of red Chunar-stone
(limestone), and fortified after the Indian manner, with walls and
towers. It is of considerable strength, and lies on the right bank of
the Ganges, which runs close under the very walls and bastions of the
fort, thus rendering it secure against the attacks of any native army.
On the left, or opposite bank, the water is not very deep. The troops
in the garrison are two Companies of European Artillery Invalids, and
two of European Infantry Invalids, one European Veteran Company, and a
detachment of the Shekawattee Battalion. It also contains a military
magazine, which supplies Benares and the other adjacent stations with
ammunition, arms, stores, etc. It was formerly used as a kind of
state prison, and amongst the names of the compulsory inmates were
Trimbuckjee Danglia, a fearful murderer, and the treacherous minister
of the ex-Peishwah; and also Hadjee Khan Kakur, who was instrumental in
Dost Mahomed's escape, soon after the fall of Ghuznee and Cabool.
There is much treachery in the character of some of the high Hindoos;
but the most infamous scheme to destroy an adversary was executed by
Sevajee, the founder of the Maharatta Empire. He invited a certain
Nawab, under the pretext that he had some urgent and friendly business
with him, and requested him to give him a meeting unaccompanied by his
suite, or any other person, stipulating that he himself would also be
unattended. The Nawab agreed to the proposition. He arrived at the
place of rendezvous, at the time appointed. He came unattended, and
saw no person but Sevajee, who immediately went up and embraced him
with the ardour of a friend; but he had iron claws about his arms. He
clasped the Nawab and held him so tight that he could not resist, and
then drawing his dagger, stabbed him to the heart. But Sevajee himself
did not long go unpunished, for soon after he was seized by the emperor
of Delhi and thrown into prison. Cunning and crafty, he determined on a
plan of escape. He pretended to become very charitable, and daily gave
away large baskets filled with food and sweetmeats. At length he bribed
a man to personate him, and having made him lie down in his bed, he
crept into one of the baskets, which was accordingly lowered from the
window; thus he effected his escape from Delhi, and reached the Deccan
or South of India in safety.
The cantonments for invalids at Chunar, are situated outside the fort.
The houses are all built of stone, and are generally two stories high;
the residence belonging to the stone-cutter, which stands near the
crowded cemetry, is a handsome structure. This last resting-place for
the dead, is situated on the slope of the hill, which is crowned by
the fort; the white monuments contrasting forcibly with the red stone
fortress. The Major-General commanding the Division used to reside
in the fort, up to the early part of this century, and in 1807, the
chaplain, the Rev. Daniel Corrie, afterwards Archdeacon of Calcutta,
and lately Bishop of Madras, lived here. There is now a resident
chaplain, and some missionaries.
The fortress, as I observed above, fell into the power of the English,
in 1775. They had been repulsed in an attempt to assault it by night,
but it surrendered shortly after, without a siege. It was formerly
a place of great importance, but Allahabad being more north, has
superseded it as a military depôt.
In the hills near Chunar, which run parallel to the right bank of the
Ganges, and are clothed with heath and brushwood, are to be found
some of the largest snakes in India; many of them, it is said, being
eighteen feet in length and half the thickness of a man's thigh, but
they are not venomous like the cobra de capella, and the short, thin,
green snake. The difference between the bite of the snake and the sting
of a scorpion, is contained in the following Oriental distich:--
"He that's bitten by a serpent sleeps:
But he that's bitten by a scorpion weeps."
Sultanpore, about four miles from Chunar, is prettily situated; a
regiment of Native Cavalry was formerly stationed here.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 97: "Narmada," Sanscrit, "rendering soft," Colebrooke, Wilks,
etc.]
[Footnote 98: See Appendix XXI.]
CHAPTER XIV.
Benares--Bathing in the Ganges--Water-carrying by
Women--Extent and Population of Benares--Attempted
Tax--Mosque of Aurungzebe--Observatory of Rajah Jey
Singh--Bazaars--Jewellery--Cultivation of Sugar--Secrole--Murder of
Mr. Cherry--State Prisoners--The Maharannee of Lahore.
WE anchored off the ancient and sacred city of Benares, at eight
o'clock in the evening. The Sanscrit name of the district of Benares
is Varanase, from "Vara" and "Nashi" ("two streams"); it is in the
Province of Allahabad, and was ceded to the East India Company by
Asophud-Dowlah, the Nawab of Oude, in 1775. Its national appellation
was "Kasi," or "the Splendid." It is built upon the left bank of the
Ganges, along which it stretches in a semi-circle for six or seven
miles. On the outer side of the curve, which is the most elevated,
stands the holy city of Benares. Generally speaking, the banks of every
river are higher on the side where its course is convex, and they are
always high alternately, if the river has a winding course, high on the
convex side, and low on the concave of the curve which it forms.
It is customary with the natives to build on rising spots of ground,
because such localities are more healthy, and can be easily drained.
Benares is seen to great advantage from Ramnuggur, on the opposite bank
of the Ganges. Its appearance is strikingly grand and picturesque; the
ground is covered with buildings even to the water's edge, and some of
the ghâts, which are constructed of large blocks of red chunar-stone,
have a flight of thirty or forty steps leading down to the river. Here
a most animated scene generally presents itself. Men and women, boys
and girls, may be seen bathing early in the morning, and evening, and,
during the cold season, also in the middle of the day; for the cold
does not deter even the gentler sex from adventuring into the river.
Hither, too, resort the girls and young women of Benares, to fetch
water from the sacred stream. Their figures are elegant and their
stature erect. They all carry two or three water-pots on their heads,
each successive pot being smaller than the one beneath it. Having
dipped them into the stream, and filled them with water, they replace
them upon their heads, and return homewards. This habit of carrying
their gharahs, or jars, filled with water, from their early youth, may
account, in a great measure, for their graceful carriage. They balance
their pitchers so equally as not even to require any assistance from
the hand. The sight of these women, with their water-pots, powerfully
recalls to mind passages in Holy Writ;[99] and many of them refer
to periods of so ancient a date, that we cannot avoid coming to the
conclusion that the Hindoos are a people of great antiquity.
As I ascended into the city, I found the streets so exceedingly
narrow that it was difficult to penetrate them, even on horseback.
The houses are crowded close to each other, with turrets rising from
their terraced roofs. They are built of stone, and some of them are
six stories high. The windows are always extremely small, to keep
the apartments cool, as the natives suppose, as well as to prevent
their neighbours from looking in, for the opposite sides of the street
approach very closely to each other, and, in some places, are united by
galleries. The natives in eastern countries generally sleep on their
flat roofs, in the verandah, or even in front of their dwellings. Here,
again, the Bible illustrates the practice of sleeping on the roofs.
According to an old Brahminical legend, Benares was originally built of
fine gold; but, owing to the depravity of its inhabitants, the gold was
converted into stone; and as they degenerated more and more, the houses
were transformed into brick and mud.
The number of stone and brick houses, from one to six stories high, was
estimated in the year 1815 to be upwards of 12,000, and the mud houses
above 16,000. I find by Shakespear's version of the Statistics of the
North-Western Provinces[100] that the Hindoos of the city of Benares
amounted to 147,082 persons, and the Mahomedans to 36,409, making a
total of 183,491, giving 34,621 inhabitants to a square mile, which is
the largest amount of population of any city.
Benares, as I have already observed, is a very crowded city. In
speaking of Kanoge, I stated that, according to Mr. Maurice,[101] it
was supposed to have been a hundred miles in circumference, with a
population of 2,500,000 or 3,000,000. Taking the former number to be
correct, there would have been 4,000 souls to every square mile. A
country is considered to be well peopled which has 100 inhabitants to
every square mile. Certainly, neither London, nor any city in Europe,
can have an amount of population equal to one-fourth of Benares. The
late Mr. James Prinsep took the census, between the years 1824 and
1827, and it is not called in question now. Recollecting, also, that
there are many six-storied houses, not only along the banks, but rising
in tiers, closely behind one another, with only a few feet space
between them, the European traveller will not be so much surprised at
the immense mass of habitations thus congregated together. In 1815,
Benares was computed to contain 8,000 houses, occupied by the families
of the Brahmins, who receive charitable contributions, and subsist
chiefly on the daily offerings of the wealthy inhabitants and pilgrims,
although many of them possess private property of their own.
In 1803, the supposed population of the city and suburbs of Benares
amounted to 582,000, exclusive of the attendants of the three Mogul
princes, who were reported to be 3,000, making an aggregate of 585,000
souls. At that time the Mahomedans were considered to be one to every
ten Hindoos. The above return gives 36,409 Mahomedans to 147,082
Hindoos, or a total of 183,491 in the city of Benares, making the
Hindoos to exceed the Mahomedans in the ratio of about four to one.
Mr. Prinsep took a census in 1824, and gave the returns at 181,482. It
is probably now 200,000. Mr. Prinsep's census gives six as the average
number of inhabitants to a chowk (yard or court), whether in the city
or in the rural outskirts, seven to a pucka (brick) house, and four and
a half to a kucha (mud) house.
In the year 1809, the Government resolved to impose a tax on all
the houses in the city; upon which thousands of Brahmins and other
inhabitants quitted it, and great excitement and uproar prevailed.
A serious riot would inevitably have taken place, had not Mr. W.W.
Bird, the late Deputy Governor of Bengal, an able and excellent
officer, hurried to the spot and promptly quelled the disturbance. The
inhabitants hereupon petitioned the Government; and vowed that if the
tax were persisted in, they would represent the matter at Calcutta.
The authorities, who had not displayed much judgment in the imposition
of the tax, had the good sense at once to abolish the obnoxious
impost; but in consequence of the _émeute_, the Government considered
it prudent to have a European corps at hand, in the event of any
future disturbance; and a royal regiment was accordingly stationed at
Ghazepore.
Notwithstanding its dense, close, and crooked streets, taken as a
whole, there are few cities that can carry off the palm from Benares,
with its gilded pagodas, its temples, and its mosques, their slender
minarets, rising in majestic grace amid countless domes and cupolas,
all standing out in bold relief, among the varied forms and foliage
of groves of mangoes, tamarinds, and plantains, the sombre cypress,
and the beauteous palm, beneath the deep blue canopy of heaven, and
lighted up by the glorious effulgence of an Eastern sun.
The most celebrated of these mosques is that built by the Emperor
Aurungzebe. In order to mortify the Hindoos, he destroyed their most
renowned temple, that of Vishnu, and not only raised his mosque upon
its site, but, as if to heighten the indignity, caused the materials
of their sacred edifice to be used in the construction of this rival
temple, which was to celebrate the triumph of the Koran over the laws
of Menu. What a contrast to the liberal spirit evinced by Akbar, in the
exercise of his power. That great emperor, at the solicitation of his
Brahmin prime minister, rescinded a caput tax, which had been imposed
upon all his Hindoo subjects. History and experience teach us by many a
lesson, how much we lose by harshly opposing the prejudices of others;
and how much we gain by the adoption of conciliatory measures--provided
no principle be involved--but alas! how slow we all are to learn this
important lesson.
This mosque rises in the centre of the noble range of temples, ghâts,
and edifices, that run along the left bank of the sacred Ganges. As
seen from the river, it presents a most striking appearance. It stands
at an elevation of eighty feet above the level of the Ganges, while its
graceful minarets, tapering as they rise, tower to a height of 147 feet
from their foundation. It is the most conspicuous edifice in the city,
being visible for many miles round. The precise date of its erection is
not known, but as the emperor died in 1707, we may assign 150 years ago
as the period.
I ascended one of the two lofty minarets which flank the principal
cupola. It had lately been restored to its original state by the
British government, under the able superintendence of Mr. James
Prinsep, British Resident at Benares. This was a most critical
undertaking; for the minars were more than a foot out of the
perpendicular. I enjoyed an extensive and magnificent view of the city
and adjacent country, which for ten miles round is held sacred by
the Hindoos. Indeed so highly is it venerated, that pilgrims resort
to it from all parts of India, and those who, from age, or other
circumstances, are unable to perform the lengthened journey themselves,
send willing proxies, to whom they pay considerable sums. Many come
there to wash away their sins; and not a few to die within its
hallowed precincts.
Looking down from this dizzy height, upon the almost miniature world
below, such a strange sensation came over me, that I could well
conceive the propensity of certain minds to precipitate themselves
from a lofty elevation. Several melancholy instances of this kind are
said to have occurred here; a few perhaps from impulse, others from
despair, and some from mere foolhardiness, with a view of immortalizing
their names. Among the last, I was told, was a Fakeer, or devotee, who,
whether by accident or design, contrived his fall so cleverly that
it was broken by his being caught midway by the matting of a roof,
and he alighted almost unscathed upon the floor. The people of course
considered this as a miracle; and the Fakeer would doubtless have been
idolized by them, had not his cupidity exceeded his love of notoriety,
and induced him to make his escape with sundry articles belonging to
the good Samaritan who had poured oil and wine into his bruises.
The city of Benares has long been known as the ancient seat of
Brahminical learning; and to this day it retains its fame. The arts
and sciences still flourish; and the schools and colleges for the
training of the priests are yet celebrated, while the laws of Menu
continue to be expounded in Sanscrit. But with all his erudition and
research, the learned Brahmin is sunk in the most abject ignorance;
and with all his wisdom, he degrades the nobler faculties of his mind,
by bowing down to worship the most disgusting of monster-idols. Here,
as elsewhere in our Indian possessions, the germs of Christianity
have been sown under the fostering care of various British Protestant
Missionary Societies, especially of the Church Missionary Society.
Benares already boasts of fifteen missionary schools, one of them
being founded by a wealthy Hindoo. All these schools are more or less
frequented by Hindoo children; and the public preaching of the Gospel
has been the means of making many of the natives acquainted with the
superiority of the Christian religion.
Next to the mosque of Aurungzebe, the most conspicuous object in the
city is the celebrated observatory of Rajah Jey Singh, of Jeypore,
so renowned as an astronomer. He was likewise the builder of the
observatory at Delhi. Here, too, everything is in character with the
mind of its great designer, the instruments, etc., being on a grand
scale. It is built of large blocks of red sand-stone; and, from its
elevated position, commands an extensive prospect over the river and
the surrounding country.
Benares is so well known, that I shall not attempt to give any further
description of its numerous interesting buildings, nor of the strange
sights and scenes which greet you at every turn.
Benares formerly possessed a mint for the coinage of rupees. It was
under the direction of the late Mr. James Prinsep, who was the last
mint-master. This gentleman was the youngest brother of a family, whose
eminent services and varied talents, have identified them with the
history of India. Mr. James Prinsep was a good Sanscrit scholar, and
deciphered the Sanscrit inscription upon the stone pillar in the fort
of Allahabad, as I said before, and which had baffled all previous
attempts. In short his was a mind to grasp all things. When the mint
at Benares was broken up, Mr. Prinsep was appointed assay-master at
Calcutta, and so highly was he esteemed, both as a public servant,
and as the liberal patron of everything good and noble, that upon
his early death, in 1840, his fellow-citizens erected a splendid
landing-place to his memory, one of the first objects of interest which
attracts the eye of the traveller on sailing up the Hoogly. It is
called Prinsep's Ghât.
I cannot take leave of Benares without saying a word or two about its
bazaars, which are most attractive, not only from possessing the usual
display of an Oriental mart and rendezvous of the most varied ranks,
tribes, and costumes, but also from the extreme beauty and costliness
of the native manufactures. Foremost among these, are the jewellery,
and the exquisite works in gold and silver. These are made of the pure
metal; and though they may not have the same strength and brilliancy
as the alloyed, they are more intrinsically valuable, and are held
in greater esteem by the natives. Many of these works are elaborate
and highly finished. I was particularly struck with the ingenuity
and delicacy displayed in the manufacture of a vine leaf, serving
the purpose of a tea-ladle; every portion of which was so finely and
minutely cut, as to leave only the slender fibres. The value of the
labour bestowed upon this little article, was at least a hundred and
fifty per cent. upon the cost of the original material. The price of
the silver might be four shillings, and the cost of the labour about
six. Precious stones, and especially the diamonds from the mines of
Bundelkund, form an extensive article in the trade in jewellery which
is carried on here, and are much sought after. The beautiful muslins
and Benares scarfs, of red and gold, are the admiration and envy both
of native and European ladies. The bazaars, too, abound in vessels of
various metals, especially copper; and in manufactures in peacocks'
feathers, and ingenious toys gaily painted, the colours of which are
very durable, and in no danger of being effaced.
The district of Benares is also famous for its growth and manufacture
of sugar; indeed, about half the quantity of sugar imported from
Calcutta is raised in this neighbourhood. Thus this sacred city
presents attractions to those who admire it on account of its
antiquity, or sanctity; the richness of its manufactures, or the
lucrativeness of its commerce.
The Rajah of Benares has a palace at Ramnuggur, on the right bank of
the Ganges, about four miles from the city. It has been the residence
of the Rajahs ever since the flight of Cheyte Singh from the city, in
1781.
The cantonments which are situated at Secrole, about four miles from
the river, contain the second company fifth battalion, with No. 4 Light
Field-battery, and third company fifth battalion, Foot Artillery,
48th and 65th Regts. Native Infantry; and 3rd Infantry Recruit depôt.
The church is a very good one. There is likewise a large theatre,
and a fine racket-court. The Society at Secrole is very agreeable;
independently of the military, it is the station of five or six
civilians, a chaplain, and eleven missionaries. The station is large
and very healthy; many of the residences are well built, and surrounded
by pleasant compounds and gardens; the best are those belonging to the
civilians, which, being situated across the Birnah, are united to it by
a bridge.
Benares is the scene of the treacherous murder of Mr. Cherry, the
British Resident, and three other gentlemen, in January, 1799, which
being well known, I will only briefly allude to. Upon the death of
Asoph-ud-Dowlah, Nawab of Oude, in 1797, he was succeeded in the
government by his illegitimate son, Mirza Ali; but being much disliked
he was deposed, and his uncle, Saadut Ali, placed upon the throne.
Mirza was at first permitted to reside at Benares; but as he was
suspected of hatching a conspiracy, the Marquis Wellesley determined
upon his removal, under strict surveillance, to Calcutta. Mirza Ali
was exceedingly indignant at the proposed change, and remonstrated
with the government. But as his application did not meet with a
favourable reply, he waited upon the British Resident; his bearing
and language were so intemperate, that the Resident admonished him
to be more careful, which so exasperated Mirza, that he rushed upon
Mr. Cherry sword in hand. This was a signal for his attendants to
follow his example. They made a general rush, and cruelly murdered
him upon the spot. This assassination was followed by that of three
other Englishmen; the murderers then made a similar attempt upon Mr.
Davis, the Judge; but he made a desperate resistance to save himself,
and his family. Armed with a short spear, he stood at the top of the
narrow winding staircase, on the roof of his house; like all circular
stairs, it only admitted a single person at a time. The first man who
came to the top was speared, and his dead body blocked up the passage,
and impeded the attack of those behind him. Mr. Davis succeeded in
warding off the blows, till the arrival of a body of Native Cavalry,
upon which Mirza and his attendants took to flight. The regiment was
at that time stationed at Sultanpore, seven miles distant. Saadut Ali,
notwithstanding the danger to which the suspected conspiracy against
his throne exposed him, was too imbecile to use any efforts in aiding
the British to capture the assassins, who successfully eluded the
vigilance of the government for some months. Mirza Ali even succeeded
in collecting a considerable number of adventurers; but upon some
offence they abandoned him, and he took refuge in the court of a petty
Rajah, who, however, refused to harbour him, and delivered him up to
the British government.
Amid the many strange vicissitudes of Indian history, it is by no means
unusual to find deposed sovereigns, and other persons of rank, residing
at Benares as state prisoners. Among these I would particularize Bajee
Row, the late Peishwah, who, after many changes of fortune, surrendered
to the English, in 1818. He agreed to abdicate the throne, and to
abandon the Deccan, on condition of his retaining all his treasures,
and receiving an annual pension from the British government of eight
lakhs of rupees, or £80,000 sterling. I visited his palace, and found
that the ex-Peishwah still retained some semblance of royalty, in the
person of one or two Sepoys, who were on duty at his gate. He died at
Benares, in 1851.
In February 1836, the deposed Rajah of Coorg came to Benares. He had
been attacked, in 1834, by a division of the Madras army, and his
capital, Mercara, taken. In March 1840, his Highness the ex-Rajah of
Sattarah was sent to Benares, on the plea of having attempted to tamper
with the loyalty of the British Sepoys. He has since died. Therefore,
though Benares is not "a refuge for the destitute," unless he be a high
caste Brahmin, it may nevertheless be called the "Asylum of deposed
Rajahs." Nor must I omit the name of the Maharannee, the mother of the
ex-Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, of Lahore, who in 1848 was sent from the
Punjaub to Benares, for causing a disaffection towards the British.
After residing here for a short time, her Highness was conveyed to
the more secure fort, as the officials thought, of Chunar, but from
whence she effected her escape, early in 1849, in the disguise of one
of her attendants, not being recognised by the sentries at the gates.
She is supposed to have reached Nepaul; but how she was received by
the Goorkhas--how she likes the country--where her Highness intends
to live--and by what funds supported--must be left to the imagination
of the reader. Certain it is, that the East India Government ought
not to regret the absence of so expensive a pensioner. She exerted
too powerful a control over the Maharajah, her son, to be allowed to
remain at Lahore with impunity. Her Highness, like many clever women,
is somewhat dangerous, particularly as being the mother of the King of
Lahore. But there is now no King of Lahore. The revenues of the Punjaub
belong to the East India Company, the territorial supremacy, however,
is vested in the crown; the Company being only the Trustees.
The life and adventures of this Queen-mother would form a most
extraordinary and amusing volume. So varied have been her
vicissitudes, that, while her intrigues and romantic amours might be
the subject of a novel, the history of the cruelties and murders which
have marked her steps since the death of her husband, Runjeet Singh,
would furnish matter for a tragedy.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 99: See Appendix XXII.]
[Footnote 100: 1848, p. 155, table xxx.]
[Footnote 101: Indian Antiquities, p. 36.]
CHAPTER XV.
Ghazepore--The Opium Trade--Marquis Cornwallis's
Mausoleum--Sand-banks--Buxar--Cossim-Ali-Khan--Sir
Hector Munro--Battle of Buxar--Nawab of Oude--Emperor of
Delhi--Revelgunge--The Sonus--The Ganges and Jumna--The Indus--The
Berhampooter--Arrian--Dr. Alexander Adam--Dinapore--Captain
Strachan--Bankipore--H.M. 16th Lancers--Deegah--Grain
Golah--Earl of Munster--Patna--Buildings of Patna--Population
of Benares--Magistrates--E. I. Company's Charter--Products of
Patna--Walter Reinhard--Snowy Mountains--Tirhoot--Juggernauth--Gyah
Proper--Cave of Nugur-jenee--Sir Charles
Wilkins--Futwa--Phoolbarea--Bar--Beggars.
ON the 25th of May we left Benares for Ghazepore. After steaming
rapidly along the low banks we came to Saidpore, which is distinguished
for a temple crowded with sacred monkeys; and lower down, also on the
left bank, passed Chochukpore, where there are two handsome temples.
At seven o'clock in the evening, we anchored off Ghazepore, the "Rose
Garden of India." It is a large and populous city, celebrated for its
fragrant rose-water, the cultivation of the poppy, and the manufacture
of opium. The commercial agent and his deputy reside here. At this
season of the year the people were employed in collecting the juice
which exudes from the poppy; it is kept in vessels, and when dry and
solid, is cut into cakes, a process which requires great care. The
Bahar or Patna opium sells at a higher price than that of Benares; the
value of each chest being about 300 rupees or £30 sterling. The opium
trade is an important monopoly in the hands of the government. It meets
with a ready sale in China, although by the laws of the Empire it is
a contraband article, and its importation stringently prohibited. In
the autumn of 1836 it was generally, and confidently believed that the
opium trade was about to be legalized in China; and advices to that
effect reached Calcutta prior to the commencement of the sales for
the season of 1837. This caused much higher prices to be paid by the
usual purchasers than formerly, indeed, much above the sum which the
capitalists, both of China and Calcutta, considered prudent, even had
the legalization been certain. To the great dismay of the merchants, it
was afterwards ascertained that so far from authorizing, the Chinese
government had determined to put a total stop to the importation of
opium; meanwhile the stock in Calcutta had been accumulating. What was
to be done? The above report had been circulated and credited, and
the opium growers had got rid of their stock. The sales of 1837 were
expected to yield 25,851,386 rupees; but certain influential merchants
represented that the higher prices could not be realized without great
loss and distress. The mode of payment was a deposit, a certain sum in
so many days, and the remainder in some given days after; but several
buyers had not even paid their deposits. After considerable demur it
was agreed that rather more than three lakhs should be taken off, so
that the total sales only yielded 22,789,986 Company's rupees (or at
the exchange of two shillings the rupee, £2,278,998) which was the
largest sum ever known to be realized. Soon after this the war broke
out in China, when the amount of sales decreased, both in the prices
and in the number of chests; but in 1841 it again rose, even during the
war.
Much has been mooted about the monopoly of the opium trade; but when it
is recollected that the land revenue is only about two-thirds of the
revenue of India, and that it is by the sole privilege of the sale of
this article, and that of salt, aided by that of the abkarry, or sale
of spirits, that the expenses of the country can be paid, we should
pause before we judge too harshly. If the people of England denounce
the opium trade, let them shut up their gin-palaces before they condemn
the growth and sale of opium. The people in China drink shamshoo,
which is even more deleterious. It is said that if the trade in opium
were thrown open, there would be an unlimited quantity manufactured,
which is prevented by its being in the hands of the Government. Opium
is eaten by many of the natives of Hindoostan, both Mahomedans and
Hindoos; and I may add, that lawyers and other professional men, nay,
even ladies, indulge in it. In China they smoke it, and it is whispered
that even the Emperor is addicted to it. Now, supposing the population
of China to be 360,000,000 souls, of which 125,000,000 are male adults,
there would not be above half an ounce yearly to each. In 1837-38,
there were 17,244 chests exported from Calcutta; if to this we add the
Malwa opium, of which 40,000 chests are now yearly sent to China,
still only half an ounce would be the maximum of each person. Many, no
doubt, commit excesses; but is not the same done in gin-palaces?
Most of the troops formerly stationed in the cantonments of Ghazepore
have been withdrawn to Benares. In 1805, on the raising of the 7th
and 8th Regiments of Light Cavalry, they were quartered in these
cantonments; but when the disturbances broke out at Benares, in 1809,
in consequence of the house-tax, a royal regiment of Infantry was
stationed at Ghazepore, which is about forty miles from Benares;
indeed, so late as the year 1838, the 44th Foot were located here, the
cavalry lines having been converted into barracks for the Europeans.
The East India Company have a branch stud at Ghazepore, for the breed
of horses, the head-quarters being at Buxar, lower down the river.
There is a magnificent mausoleum erected to the memory of the late
Marquis Cornwallis, K.G., who died here October 5th, 1805, whilst on a
visit to the Upper Provinces, a few months after his second arrival in
India. He had been Governor-General of India from the year 1786 to the
end of 1792. In 1805, his Lordship returned in his original capacity
of Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief, bent upon changing most of
the measures adopted by his predecessor, the Marquis Wellesley, when
his own plans were frustrated, by the mighty conqueror, Death, who
shows us how futile and insignificant are the vastest designs of man.
_L'homme propose, et Dieu dispose._
The mausoleum is a most costly building; and Bishop Heber laments
that so much money should have been lavished upon such an unmeaning
structure; indeed, he is very severe upon the subject, arguing that
a church might have been erected at but a little more cost, with a
monument to Lord Cornwallis placed within its walls.
The commander of our steamer having taken in three hundred maunds, or
nearly eleven tons, of coal, we got under weigh at half-past six on
the morning of the 26th of May. At two o'clock in the afternoon our
progress was arrested by the boat sticking fast on a sand-bank. We
remained in this awkward position till nine the following morning.
During that day and the 27th we were constantly on and off sand-banks,
making very little progress. About six hours after leaving Ghazepore
we were off Buxar, one of the Government stud stations, having passed
the palace of Cossim Ali Khan, once a fine building, as its ruins
indicate, lying on the very verge of the village.
Buxar is a small town, in the province of Bahar, in the district of
Shahabad, and is built on the south-east side of the Ganges. The fort
of Buxar, though of inconsiderable size, commands the river; but no
attention is now paid to keep it in repair.
On the 22nd of October, 1764, a celebrated victory was gained here
by the British forces, under Major (afterwards General Sir Hector)
Munro, over the united armies of Sujah-ud-Dowlah, of Oude, and Cossim
Ali Khan, of Moorshedabad. Major Munro had no cavalry, but taking up
a strong position with his right, close to the river, he allowed the
enemy, who had crossed over to Buxar by a bridge of boats, from the
Oude side of the river, to commence the attack. A native historian
says, "It was not an army, but rather a nation." The battle was of
short continuance; the allies were defeated; the power of the Nawab
of Oude destroyed; and the Emperor thrown on the protection of the
English.
The British army consisted of 856 Europeans, and 6,215 Sepoys, making
a total of 7,071, of whom eighty-seven Europeans, and 712 Sepoys were
killed and wounded. The combined troops were computed at 40,000, of
whom 2,000 are supposed to have been slain in the battle. Their flight
was so rapid, that hurrying to cross a small but deep river beyond
Buxar, many were drowned, or slaughtered in the attempt. The plunder
in the enemy's camp was very great, as they left their tents standing;
and their whole train of artillery, consisting of 133 pieces of various
sizes, fell into the hands of the English. Cossim made his escape to
the Rohillas, and the Emperor of Delhi signed a treaty of peace, highly
advantageous to the British government, which became henceforth supreme
in Bengal.
The Fort now comprises a station for several detachments of European
Artillery and Infantry Invalids; as also a portion of a Native Infantry
corps. The superintendent of the stud department has his head-quarters
on the other side of the river, at a village called Kurruntadhee; there
are several hundred horses and colts in the stables here. At Ghazepore,
as I have already remarked, there is a branch, and another at Poosah,
at the junction of the little Gundruk with the Ganges, which was
formerly the only stud in the central Provinces.
After passing Revelgunge, a very long town, extending for more
than a mile along the left bank of the river, and at a distance of
twenty-eight miles above Dinapore, we came to the spot where the river
Sone flows into the Ganges, seventeen miles from Revelgunge.
The Sone river, called by the Greeks "Sonus," has, with the Nerbudda,
its source in the table-land of Omerkuntuc (Omercote), in the Province
of Gundwana, 22° 53´ N. Lat. and 82° 15´ E. Long. It rises on the
east side, and flows through Pindarah, when, being joined by numerous
other streams from the north-eastern side of this mountain domain, it
proceeds in a northerly direction through Sohajepore and Bogulkund,
whence, turning eastward, it pursues its course to the Ganges, which
it joins in the Province of Bahar, after having performed a winding
course of about 500 miles. Near its source, this river is said to be
designated by the natives "the Sonabudda," to distinguish it from the
Nerbudda, by which, conjointly with the Ganges, the southern point of
Hindoostan is insulated.[102]
Under the head of Omerkuntuc, we find it styled "a celebrated place of
Hindoo pilgrimage, in the Province of Gundwana." There is no peculiar
sanctity attached to this river; the sanctity, such as it is, belongs
to Omerkuntuc. In Hindoo mythology, Gunga, or the Ganges, is described
as the eldest daughter of the great mountain, Himavata, and is called
"Gunga," on account of her flowing through "Gung," the earth. In the
Hindoo Pantheon, Himalaya is deified, and described as the father of
the Ganges. The Jumna and the Ganges have their sources in the Himalaya
mountains, at Jumnoutrie and Gangoutrie peaks; at no great distance
from each other. The Jumna enters Hindoostan Proper, in the Province
of Delhi, and proceeds south, nearly in a line with the Ganges, at a
distance of from fifty to seventy miles apart from each other, until
they gradually join at Allahabad. Its length, including its windings,
may be estimated at 780 miles. The Ganges and the Jumna may be
designated "Sister Rivers."
The Indus, too, takes its rise in the Himalayas, as do all the five
rivers of the Punjaub, and likewise all the rivers that enter the
Ganges on the left bank. The Berhampooter also rises in the same
mountains, and after a course of several hundred miles, enters the
Ganges near the sea. There are other rivers coming from the Himalayas;
but they are, comparatively speaking, insignificant. The three greatest
rivers are--
1. The Ganges, having a course of 1,500 miles.
2. The Indus, " about 1,000 "
3. The Jumna, " 780 "
It is believed that the Berhampooter was not known in the time of
Arrian. To return, _en passant_, to the subject of Palibothra, Arrian
says the Erannoboas was the _third_ river of India, which will be
the present Jumna. It has been shown that the length of the Sone is
only 500 miles. I think that those learned gentlemen who advocate the
Sone, as being the Erannoboas of the Greeks, are in error, first,
because Arrian distinctly mentions the Erannoboas and the Sonus as
two of the six rivers which flow into the Ganges. Now the Sone cannot
be the Erannoboas by any ingenuity whatever; for it is clearly called
the Sonus. Secondly, it is said that the ancient name of Patna was
Pataliputra, making an approach to the word Palibothra, which,
however, proves nothing. Thirdly, it is more probable that the Jumna
is the Erannoboas, because, having found the Sone to be the Sonus,
we require the third river in India to meet the Ganges; whereas the
Sone, not being so large as the Jumna, cannot be admitted even as
the fourth river of Hindoostan; besides, we expect to find a sacred
stream to represent such a river as the Erannoboas. Dr. Alexander Adam,
in his "Summary of Ancient and Modern Geography," says, "The Sone
(Sone-budda) joins the Ganges twenty-two miles above Patna." Patna is
seven miles from Dinapore, and Dinapore is now five miles from the
Sone; consequently, the Sone is about twelve miles from Patna, and not
twenty-two. But to proceed--
On the 29th of May, we anchored off Dinapore, at five o'clock in the
afternoon, having experienced rather stormy weather for the three
preceding nights. Dinapore is a considerable town, on the right bank
of the Ganges, and is situated in a kind of bay, formed by the river.
The cantonments are large, and the area comprised by the barracks and
lines of both Queen's and Company's troops, is unusually extensive and
imposing. The European barracks face the river, upon the immediate
bank of which are the wards or quarters for the officers, opposite
to those of the men. At right angles with these two ranges, are two
others, likewise for the officers, the four ranges forming a large
oblong. Beyond these, higher up the river, and close adjoining, is
a smaller oblong, formed of three ranges (one being the back of the
large oblong), and the fourth range, the bungalows facing the river.
The lines for the two corps of Native Infantry are on the left,
looking from the river front. The main guard is on the right of the
cantonments, near the town. There are also some bungalows for the
officers, in rear of the right, and nigh to these is a bridge over a
nullah.
Dinapore has long been a considerable cantonment, a large force having
been stationed here in 1786. The extension of the British dominion
northwards, gradually diminished the importance of this military
station; and under the rule of the Marquis Wellesley, it was intended
to do away with the whole of the cantonments, and to erect barracks on
the other side of the river. In consequence of this resolve, all the
buildings, those occupied by the Europeans, as well as those belonging
to the natives, were put up for sale, and purchased at a very low price
by an officer named Harriott. Government, however, soon after repented
of the step it had taken, and was very anxious to cancel the bargain;
but the fortunate purchaser demurred. At last, however, Mr. Harriott
re-sold to the Company a part of the cantonments at a higher rate than
what he had originally paid for the whole. The Government were forced
to rent from him whatever further accommodation was needed; and to this
day, a descendant of that gentleman receives a monthly rent of no less
than 2,000 rupees, or £200 sterling, for the buildings now occupied
by the troops. Besides this, a considerable sum is realized from the
numerous merchants and others, who rent various buildings included in
the first purchase. Thus Governments, like individuals, will sometimes
make mistakes.
Dinapore is the head-quarters of a Division of the army, and is capable
of being put into a tolerable state of defence. At present there are a
light field-battery of Artillery, a royal regiment of Foot, and three
corps of Native Infantry stationed here. The church is a very neat
building, and stands in the centre of the large oblong. It contains a
tablet to two officers of the 62nd Foot, who were unfortunately drowned
in company with a great portion of the right wing of the regiment, in
a storm which capsized their boats, near Bhaugulpore, on the 10th of
July, 1842.
The 39th Foot being quartered here, I called upon Captain Strachan,
of this fine corps, under whom I had acted as Adjutant, in 1844, to a
detachment of recruits, consisting of my own corps (the 9th Lancers),
the 3rd Buffs, 29th, 50th and 62nd Regiments of Foot.
Beyond the cantonments, and half way to Bankipore are many good houses,
some of them being occupied by officers, and others by merchants.
The view from the river is extremely pleasing, numerous budgerows,
and boats of all descriptions, constantly ply up and down the river,
and give great animation to the scene. Dinapore is one of the steam
stations; and the vessels coming up and down, stop here to take in
coals and wood.
Dinapore is also a place of some trade, and is celebrated for its
leather, linen, light hats, and paintings. I bought an excellent pair
of boots here, for a couple of rupees--quite equal to some I had
purchased at Calcutta for eight.
Having taken in 800 maunds of coals (one maund is 80lbs.), and 200
maunds of wood, there having been a scarcity of the former, we started
at five o'clock, on the morning of the 30th of May. During the day we
passed H.M. 16th Lancers, in country boats, who had been seven days
accomplishing what we had done in seven hours; the poor fellows made no
hesitation in complaining of the miserable manner in which they were
proceeding to Calcutta. It is a pity that the government should have
subjected a set of gallant men, to such unnecessary inconvenience and
discomfort, when so many steamers were at the time available for their
transport. It is only in the hour of need that a soldier's services
are duly appreciated, and thus with the 16th: no other Aliwal was in
prospect, or perhaps they would have fared better, and many a brave
soldier's life might have been spared from an inglorious death on the
river.
At a short distance from Dinapore is Deegah, which with Bankipore,
almost unites Patna and Dinapore. Bankipore is called a suburb of
Patna; and, as the opium agent for Benares resides at Ghazepore, so
the agent for the Bahar opium resides at Bankipore. Here is a great
grain Golah, or circular stone building something like a bee-hive.
It is black from age, and the effects of the climate. This novel and
somewhat absurd building was erected by Governor Hastings. In the year
1770 a terrible famine raged in Bengal and Bahar, and carried off
thousands. The Bengal government, in order to secure the inhabitants of
Patna and its neighbourhood from starvation, in the event of another
similar visitation, built this Golah, for the purpose of containing
rice, which is grown very extensively at Patna. But, large as was the
building, it was discovered that it would not hold a day's consumption
for the people of the extensive Province in which it is situated.
For, supposing that there were only two millions of souls, each would
require 2lbs. per diem, or about 1,800 tons of grain for the whole
population, which was far beyond the capacity of the building. The
engineer too contrived to make the entrance door to open _inwards_;
and at the top, an aperture surrounded by a parapet; hence it was
self-evident that when this granary was filled, or even if the grain
were raised but a few feet above the floor, the door could not be
opened; besides which, there was also a further danger that the
contents would ferment and explode the building. This first and last
attempt to build on such vague calculations, cost between £12,000 and
£15,000. It is now used as a store-house for arms, and other purposes.
Outside this Golah, are two winding staircases, one of which the late
Earl of Munster ascended on horseback for a wager; another gentleman,
a civilian, did more, for he rode down also. The walls at the bottom
of the granary are enormously thick, namely, twenty-one feet, but they
have given way.
There is a large range of buildings for the manufacture of opium;
making it into cakes, and packing them in boxes. The latter is a
very delicate process. Thus some of the opium of the year 1848 was
deteriorated, because the agent had used fresh planks, of a bad
description of wood, for the cases. The price of opium has fallen much
of late. In the year 1820-21, the Bahar (Patna) opium sold for 4,303
sicca rupees, or 4,589 Company's rupees; and the Benares opium for
4,276 sicca rupees, or 4,531 Company's rupees per chest. But at that
time the amount and value of sales was less, and of course the quantity
also. When the market returned to its usual state, Bahar opium sold
for 1,960 sicca rupees, and Benares for 1,860: but the sales produced
more revenue. Before the above period, in 1819-20, the Bahar opium sold
for only 2,463 sicca rupees, and Benares for 2,435. At the sales, the
buyers paid a deposit of ten per cent.: thirty per cent. in ten days,
and the remainder in one month.
Our next station was Patna, which almost joins Bankipore. It is a large
city in the Province of Bahar, of which it is the capital, in Latitude
25° 37´ N., and Longitude 85° 15´ E. It is situated on the south
side of the Ganges, which is here very deep, and in the rainy season
sometimes five miles across.
Patna is a city of great antiquity, and is supposed by some to be the
site of the ancient Palibothra. Among them are Rennel, Lord Valentia,
Colebrooke and Tennant. By the modern Mahomedans, Patna is named
Azimabad, which signifies "The Great City"; by the Hindoos it is called
"Sri Nugur." The town of Patna is one continued street, running along
the right bank of the river, to the length of four miles by one in
breadth. It is surrounded by a fortified wall, in bad condition. The
citadel is small, and is now used as a store-house. The contrast
between the lofty houses of Benares and this city is very striking;
here they are, generally speaking, only one or two stories in height.
The residences of the Europeans, chiefly of the civil service, are
built of brick, and are very handsome, and extend as far as Bankipore;
but the rest of the dwellings are rather mean, and for the most part
constructed of mud. There are likewise a few elegant mosques and
temples. There was formerly a college of Jews here, and also a Roman
Catholic College. The latter was of very early date, probably as
remote as the fourth or fifth century; for it is stated in the Asiatic
Researches, "That there was, in the fourth century a Christian College
at Sirhind, near the Sutlej." From this College, missionaries were sent
to the town of Bettiah, ninety miles NNW. of Patna.
The town is very prosperous and populous. Taking the population of
the city of Benares at something above 183,000, Patna can scarcely
have more than 130,000 souls. Among the inhabitants are several Nawabs
and native noblemen, whose income is as low as from 1,000 to 500
rupees a month. Many of them have been thus reduced in their worldly
circumstances, in consequence of the British having gained the
ascendancy over the former Mahomedan governments. Poor nobility are,
however, by no means confined to Patna or to any part of India, but may
be found in Poland and Germany; nay, on the Continent generally, and
even in favoured England.
There are two Nawabs at Bareilly and at Meerut, holding the offices
of Sudder Ameens or magistrates, on salaries of from 700 to 1,000
rupees monthly; and in the Bengal Presidency, there are five Pundits,
and several Baboos in the same position, besides forty-two Baboos,
one Pundit, and several learned Mahomedans (Moolvees), who are deputy
collectors. These are uncovenanted appointments, and are, in addition
to the civil servants on the establishment. From the printed lists,
it would appear that they are almost as numerous as the covenanted
appointments, for there are no less than 402 of the former, and 476 of
the latter. The uncovenanted appointments are divided as follows:--
Europeans. Mahom. Hindoos. Total.
The Deputy Magistrates are 67 6 8 81
Sudder Ameens 20 89 37 146
Deputy Collectors 61 45 69 175
--- --- --- ---
148 140 114 402
In the North-Western Provinces, the Mahomedans are less than one-sixth,
or 3,747,022, out of a population of 23,199,668 souls, so that the
Hindoos have not their share of the loaves and fishes. The Chairman
of the East India Company animadverted upon this subject a few years
since. The Hindoos are usually the most studious, and have often been
employed in some of the most responsible and critical posts. Chundoo
Lall, a Brahmin, was Prime Minister at the Court of Hyderabad, the
Nizam's capital, for many years; and a Hindoo was Prime Minister to
the Emperor Akbar. Possibly the Government of India may be desirous of
conciliating the Mahomedans, who were for so many years the rulers of
Hindoostan. The vacancies in the above appointments are most eagerly
sought for; and innumerable are the expectants for preferment. This
spirit of emulation has certainly improved the minds of the higher
classes, who now study English and the Company's regulations to good
purpose. In Calcutta a native has been a Commissioner in the Court of
Requests for many years. The subject of the extension of the system of
employing natives in high civil offices of responsibility, will very
probably be discussed at the end of the East India Company's Charter
in 1854; for the question is one of great importance, and immediately
connected with the scheme of native education.
Patna is not a large manufacturing town; but there are many cotton and
linen factories in the neighbourhood, where chintzes, and various kinds
of cotton diaper and damask, are made. There are also manufactories
of flannels, and a sort of canvas for sails and other purposes. Linen
can be procured in the neighbourhood, and is sent to the metropolis.
In fact, almost every article, whether Asiatic or European, may be
purchased in the bazaars.
The finest saltpetre and opium are produced in the vicinity; and
immense quantities of wheat, sugar, and indigo, are grown here.
Provisions are very cheap in Bahar, for instance, gram, a kind of
vetch for horses, used to sell at 100 seers, or 200 lbs. for a rupee;
but from 1805 to a late period, one or more native cavalry corps have
been stationed at Ghazepore, which has raised the market, and the same
quantity now costs three rupees. The establishment of the stud, and
its branches at Kurruntadhee, Ghazepore, and Buxar, has likewise had
an influence upon the price of grain. The opium and saltpetre trade
is here, as elsewhere, monopolized by the Government, and exported in
immense quantities to Calcutta. But a very considerable trade in all
other articles is carried on by merchants from every country. It has
always been a place of much commercial importance; and, at a very early
period, there were English, French, Dutch, and Danish factories. Patna
is the first station at which the East India Company established a
factory. This was in the year 1620.
We still see the remains of the old British factory, where the fearful
massacre of two hundred prisoners was perpetrated, in 1763, by the
German adventurer Summer, pronounced by the natives Somroo, but whose
real name was Walter Reinhard, then in the service of Mir Cossim. Much
as this atrocious event must be condemned, the English had themselves
to blame in the first instance; for the soldiers, who had been
stationed at the factory for its protection, scaled the walls of the
town, wantonly attacked the inhabitants, and plundered their houses.
The native garrison immediately turned out, and succeeded in taking the
English soldiers prisoners of war. They were confined in the factory;
but the Nawab Cossim, incensed at the various indignities which he had
received from the British Government, commissioned Somroo to kill all
his prisoners, two hundred in number. This charge the German executed
with the greatest barbarity. The prisoners were just seated at dinner,
in the hall of the factory, when the myrmidons of Somroo fired upon
them from the doors and windows, and butchered them all in cold blood.
In revenge for this atrocity, Major Adams stormed the city and captured
it. Since that period, Patna has owned the British sway; and it is
now the residence of the Provincial Court of Appeal and other civil
establishments. A monument to the memory of these wretched victims was
erected in the European burial ground, but without any inscription.
The road from Patna to Dinapore is excellent, and marked by
mile-stones. The snowy mountains are visible on a clear evening, during
the rainy season. I am told that the Himalayas, too, command the most
extensive view of the plains during the same period of the year, when
the rains prevent the dust from rising into the air.
Nearly opposite Patna, is the district of Tirhoot, famous for the
cultivation of indigo and sugar-cane; but the latter suffers greatly
from the destructive rats which abound there. Tirhoot is near the
Nepaul frontier.
About fifty-five miles south of Patna, in Lat. 24° 49´ N., and Long.
85° 5´ E., in the Province of Bahar, lies the city of Gaya, or Gyah.
This ancient city is one of the most holy places of Hindoo pilgrimage,
being held by tradition to have been the residence of Buddha, the
great prophet and legislator of the nations east of the Ganges; and
it is usually termed "Buddha Gyah." The temple is of course had in
great veneration. The following extract from an inscription on one
of the stones, will shew the estimation in which it was held: "This
place is renowned, and it is celebrated by the name of Bhood Gaya. The
forefathers of him who shall perform the ceremony of the Sraddha at
this place, shall obtain salvation. A crime of a hundred-fold shall
undoubtedly be expiated from a sight thereof; of a thousand-fold from
a touch thereof; and of a hundred thousand-fold from worshipping
thereof." The frightful image of the idol is placed in the temple, and
is open to the worship of all pilgrims. A vow of sanctity is often
taken here by women, and especially by widows, not unlike the Roman
Catholic vow of celibacy; for they shave their heads, and promise to
renounce the world. The Bengal government was wont to derive a net
annual revenue of £15,000, collected from the pilgrims, a sum even
exceeding that gathered from the pilgrims at the famous Juggernauth,
being levied at a fixed ratio according to the magnitude of the sins
which the individual had come to expiate, and, therefore, of the
ceremonies which he was to perform.
The town is divided into two parts, one of which, more holy than the
other, is the residence of the Brahmins and their families, called
"Gyah Proper"; the other inhabited by the merchants and tradesmen, is
called "Sahibgunge." The town lies inland at some distance from the
river.
About fourteen miles to the north of Gyah, is a hill, or rather rock,
in which a remarkable cavern has been excavated, called "Nugur-jenee"
("Nugur" a town, and "Jenee" the Jains). Being unable to visit it,
I will give the account of it as communicated to me by our Captain.
The cave, it seems, is about two-thirds distant from the summit of
the hill; and the entrance, which is about six feet and a half high,
by two and a half wide, leads to a chamber of an oval form, having
a vaulted roof: this room is forty-four feet in length, eighteen in
breadth, and ten in height in the centre. The whole cavity is dug out
of the solid granite rock; altogether the excavation extends full a
hundred feet. It was probably made for the purposes of worship by
the Buddhists, whose religion differs from that of the Brahmins, and
who were subjected to great persecutions on account of their tenets.
We know that this was the case with the early Christians, who, in
consequence of the ruthless tyranny of their heathen oppressors, were
compelled to take refuge in the caves of the earth. The cavern at
Gyah has two inscriptions, which have been translated by the late Sir
Charles Wilkins, and published in the first volume of the "Asiatic
Researches." From these inscriptions, it would appear that it is a
place of great antiquity, but no dates are given.
Passing Futwa, which lies near the confluence of the Pompon and the
Ganges, and is noted for the manufacture of its table linen, and
for the remains of an extensive saltpetre manufactory, we reached
Phoolbarea, and sometime after the little town of Bar. The whole place
swarms with beggars, many of whom afforded no little amusement to our
passengers, by their anxiety to pick up the coppers, which they threw
from the steamer to the water's edge.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 102: Vide Major Rennel.]
CHAPTER XVI.
Monghyr--Wells of Seetacoond--The Fort of Monghyr--Storms on the
Ganges--Cossim Ali Khan--Monghyr the Birmingham of India--Employment
of Women--The Gaol--A Sacred Bathing-place--Bhaugulpore--Its
Population--Hill Rangers--The Bheels--Mr. Cleveland--Lieut.-Colonel
Tod--Colonel Francklin--Colgong--The Jungheera Rocks--The
Fakeers--The Rajmahal Hills--Sickreegullee--Boatmen of the
Ganges--Rajmahal--Ruins of Gour--The Bhauguretty--Soottee--The
Sunderbunds--Bogwangola--Jungepore.
AFTER a very stormy night, we reached Monghyr, and at eight on the
morning of the 31st of May, cast anchor before this once celebrated
fortress. It is about fifty-seven miles from Bar, and 436 from
Calcutta. Monghyr is a town in the Province of Bahar, beautifully
situated on the south bank of the Ganges. It was formerly a place of
great importance, and is still celebrated for the cultivation of grain,
and the manufacture of opium. A large portion of the district around,
is hilly and unproductive, but the cultivated lands are extremely
fertile, and yield rich returns. Some fifty years ago, the government
tried the plan of granting certain waste lands, to the invalid officers
and native Sepoys, and the experiment has succeeded beyond all
expectation, some of the reclaimed lands being the best in the place.
In the immediate vicinity, and about a mile from the fort, are some
famous wells; they are called by the natives, "Seetacoond," and are
highly venerated by the Hindoos. Seetacoond is a common appellation for
hot springs among them: Koond in Sanscrit means a spring, hence the
meaning would be the "spring of Seeta," which Seeta was the wife of
Ram. Only one of these wells, however, is really a hot spring, for in
the second well, the water is cold, and in the third chalybeate. They
are all situated about half-a-mile from the Ganges, twenty paces apart
from each other, in a plain backed by hills, and in the midst of rocks.
The hot spring is considerable, and the air-bubbles rise in great
quantities, the temperature varying from 90° to 140°. The water is much
used on voyages to Europe, or on the sea, on account of its extreme
purity; indeed it is asserted that it keeps for ever without becoming
putrid. The renowned goddess Seeta pledges herself for its eternal
purity. It certainly is very good, and people going to England, viâ
the Cape, would do well to provide themselves with a few dozen large
bottles, and fill them at this spring, for the water on board a ship is
often extremely bad.
The Fort of Monghyr is very large and situated on a rising ground. The
fortifications were formerly quite in the Indian style, encompassed
with a lofty wall flanked with towers and surrounded by a dry ditch,
except on the river side. But the government found it too expensive to
keep these fortifications in repair, and have suffered them to fall
almost into complete decay; and at present, the fort alone would be
able to stand a siege. The view from the fort is one of the finest in
India. The river, in the rainy season, forms quite a large expanse of
water, and the Ganges becomes a rapid stream. Sometimes the violence
of the torrent is so impetuous, that it undermines the banks of the
river and uproots the largest trees. During the hurricanes, which are
frequent here at certain seasons, the Ganges assumes the appearance of
the sea; and the water dashes over the boats with such violence, that
the men are frequently washed overboard; numerous boats are capsized in
an instant, and men and goods swept down the engulphing stream. These
storms are always accompanied by thunder, lightning, and fierce winds,
against which it is impossible to make head. There is a protruding
rock here, which juts out boldly into the stream, and withstands the
whole force of the water. This morning the river presented a melancholy
spectacle, from the numerous wrecks of vessels which had perished
during last night's storm.
From a brass plate that was discovered in the immediate vicinity of
the fort, in 1781, it would seem to have been a place of importance
before the Christian era, and to have been subject to the Hindoo kings
of Bengal, who resided at Gour. There is, however, no mention made
of Monghyr by the Mahomedan historians, till the beginning of the
sixteenth century, when the kings of Bahar disputed its possession
with the kings of Bengal. Cossim Ali Khan, whom the British raised
to the throne of Moorshedabad, in supercession of Mir Jaffier,
having previously created him Nawab, on dethroning Suraj-ud-Dowlah
(ludicrously called Sir Roger Dowler), in 1757, after throwing off
all allegiance to the British government, repaired to Monghyr to take
up his residence there. He added considerably to the strength of the
fortifications, and endeavoured to discipline the natives for its
defence. But the English took it after a siege of nine days, and made
it a military station. At the time that the government of Bengal raised
Cossim Ali Khan to the throne, it recommended him to keep troops like
the British Sepoys; to drill and arm them after the English fashion,
and to make them wear red coats, in fact, entirely to doff the Oriental
costume and training. Cossim took this advice, but turned the weapons
against those who had placed them in his hands; and for several years
he fought many battles against his quondam counsellors. Had Cossim
Ali Khan's plan, to lay siege to Kathmandoo (Kath, _wood_, the wooden
city), succeeded, the British would have been spared the trouble of the
Nepaul war of 1814-16; but at that time, there was no shadow of coming
events in that direction.
In 1766, a strong brigade of six battalions, and some artillery, used
to be in quarters at Monghyr; in short, one-third of the Bengal army
was stationed here, while at Patna and Allahabad there were other
brigades. It is now a station only for invalids, being a very healthy
spot. The Commandant occupies the old palace, the former residence of
the Sultan Soojah. It is extremely handsome; and is surrounded by fine
gardens, tanks and plantations. The houses of the staff-officers are
also convenient.
Monghyr is the Birmingham of India, for the natives excel in the
manufacture of guns, pistols and rifles; many of them marked with the
names of Manton, Egg, and other celebrated gun-makers. I have seen
one or two of them fired off, and perhaps safely with light charges.
A sporting engineer belonging to our steamer, bought a Manton for
£1 4_s._, and fired several times successively. These guns are very
cleverly made; and a novice could not possibly detect that they had not
been manufactured by those whose names they bear. Forks and knives,
cork-screws, hammers, and other articles of hardware of very good
descriptions, are also made here. Fans, table-mats, straw hats and
bonnets, necklaces and bracelets, made of a wood resembling jet, etc.;
everything in fact may be purchased, very good, and at reasonable cost.
In our visit to the bazaars, indeed all over the place, we were beset
by beggars, who are excessively numerous, and in the most piteous and
abject condition. All the hard work, it seems, is done by the women.
I am told that they work much better than the men, and get but badly
paid. About twenty brought the fuel required for our steamer, and put
it on board, while the men were looking idly on.
The consumption of coals daily, on board our steamer, averages 400
maunds; but when the current is strong, 500 maunds are expended. Three
maunds of wood are only equal to one maund of coals.
I really felt quite mortified at seeing the gentler sex engaged in
such masculine work; one of them especially looked quite incapable of
undergoing the toil. It is the custom for the men to sit lounging at
home, or roaming about begging alms of strangers, while the women work
in the open air--a strange perversity of our nature, and one which
tends to shew the barbarous state of these people; wherever heathenism
or infidelity prevails, woman is degraded. Christianity alone, restores
her to her proper sphere.
I visited the gaol, which is a large building, and contains, as one of
the chained men informed me, "a hundred as good as himself." I likewise
went to the burying-ground, which is crowded with monuments, but they
cannot last long--a few more monsoons will assuredly destroy them.
There is a chaplain at Monghyr and two missionaries, besides several
civilians.
Monghyr is considered a sacred bathing-place; and during the season the
throng is immense. There the pilgrims, men, women and children, meet to
unite in the worship of the Ganges, by bathing in its hallowed stream,
and by pouring out water as libations to the sun and moon, or to the
spirits of their departed friends. Sir J. Chardin observed a similar
custom in Mingrelia and Georgia, as also in other Eastern countries. He
says: "The people, before sitting down to a feast, go out abroad, and
with eyes turned up to heaven, pour out a cup of wine on the ground as
a libation." This idolatrous practice we likewise find prevalent among
the Jews, who, when reproved by Jeremiah, persisted in continuing, not
only to burn incense to the queen of heaven, but to pour out their
drink-offerings unto her.[103]
We had a fine view of the Kurruckpore hills; and at six o'clock the
same day anchored off Bhaugulpore, having passed Sooltangunge, on
the right bank of the river. There is an indigo factory and house at
Sooltangunge, very prettily situated; the lofty rocks of Jehangeera,
crowned with a Mahomedan tomb, are in a most singular position.
Bhaugulpore is a town in the Province of Bahar, situated about
two miles from the main branch of the Ganges. A nullah runs past
Bhaugulpore; it separates a strip of land from the Ganges, into which
it afterwards flows. The Ganges is extremely broad here; and in the
rainy season, when the waters are much swollen, is full eight miles
across. It is pleasantly situated; and commands a distant view of
Mount Mandar, an insulated conical hill, and noted place of Hindoo
pilgrimage. There are two very peculiar round towers about a mile
north-west of the town, which the Rajah of Jeynugur considers so holy,
that he has erected a building to shelter his subjects who frequent
them from the burning rays of the sun.
At the entrance of the town is a noble banyan tree, which Lord Valentia
also mentions in his travels. This tree is found in most parts of
India; but perhaps the largest are to be met with towards the South.
Humboldt, in his Cosmos,[104] speaking of the banyan, or Indian
fig-tree, says, "The Indian fig-tree, that takes root by its branches,
and whose stem has a diameter of twenty-eight feet; and which, as
Onesicritus remarked with much truth to nature, forms 'a leafy canopy,
similar to a tent supported by numerous pillars.'"
The population of Bhaugulpore is a mixture of Mahomedans and Hindoos.
The majority are Mahomedans, who had a college, which existed in 1815,
though in a state of great decay.
I must remark that many cities in India, such as Delhi, Benares,
Allahabad, and Bhaugulpore, exhibit a mixture of Hindoo and Mahomedan
buildings. The former, as having been the seat of the Hindoo and
Mahomedan governments, is easily accounted for. At Benares, as I
stated, the Mussulman emperor erected the mosque, to insult its
inhabitants, who were Hindoos. In the cases of Allahabad, Bhaugulpore,
and other cities, we must refer the fact to different circumstances.
At Bhaugulpore there is a corps called the "Hill-rangers": it was
raised in 1792, and is composed of men who reside in the hills near the
District, and sends detachments to Monghyr, Purneah, Bootan frontier,
and to Titalyah. Mr. Cleveland, of the Bengal Civil Service, who
died in 1784, early recognised the fact, that the wild hill tribes
could only be kept in subjection by a system of strict justice and
moderation. He went among them, and brought over their chiefs to a
sense of the necessity of promoting peace among their people. In order
to create a feeling of unanimity, and to put a stop to the quarrels
in which they were continually embroiled with the Lowlanders, he
disciplined a party of these men, who were subsequently formed into a
corps, denominated the Paharees, or "Hill-rangers." In their mountain
homes, these men are not far removed from the savage; they live by
the chase, and never go unarmed. They are extremely hospitable and
honest, and are remarkable for their probity, as servants. With this
naturally good foundation, it will readily be conceived that they make
good soldiers. They are kept in a state of admirable discipline; and
in place of devastating the country, and plundering their neighbours,
they now protect the district from the marauders, and both person
and property are secure. The character of these tribes bears a close
resemblance to that of the Bheels and Nairs, the latter being peculiar
to the Madras Presidency.
The Bheels are considered to be the Aborigines of central India; a
bold, daring set of banditti, possessing nevertheless, many virtues.
Truth, honesty, and fidelity are their distinguishing features. They
are born warriors and despise the tillers of the soil. In 1817,
Lieut.-Colonel James Tod offered some of these Bheels four rupees,
or eight shillings, a month, if they would cultivate the soil; but
they indignantly refused, "because their forefathers had never done
so before them." In 1840, two Bheel corps were formed; one at Malwa,
and the other at Mewar. The Bheels are a decidedly distinct race, and
are divided into numerous tribes: they are Hindoos by religion, but
some few of them have become followers of the prophet. They have been
deprived of the fairest portions of their land by the Rajahs, and are
now confined to the uncultivated tracts of their mountains.
Thus Mr. Cleveland's laudable efforts have been more successful than
might have been expected, and the people in the neighbourhood of
Bhaugulpore, instead of being in a state of continual strife, are
now living very peaceably. Mr. Cleveland's former residence, a large
handsome building, is situated immediately on the banks of the Ganges,
and a monument to his memory has been erected in the burial-ground.
There are several other very good houses, this being a civil station.
A Branch of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society has been
flourishing for the last ten years, and the Botanical Gardens are
worth visiting. There is a resident chaplain who divides his duties
between this place and Monghyr. I may remark, by the way, that all the
chaplains are military; and, as in the Navy, are entitled to prize
money in war time.
The late Colonel Francklin endeavoured to make Bhaugulpore the site
of the ancient Palibothra, because he supposed the Chundun to be the
Erannoboas of the Greeks. This subject has, however, been so fully
discussed, that it is to be hoped that the mind of the reader has been
duly impressed with the conviction that Allahabad is the veritable
site, as being the spot where the junction of those two mighty rivers,
the Ganges and the Jumna, occurs.
Bhaugulpore is noted for its silk manufacture, particularly for a
very light material much used in dishabille, as well as for screens,
punkahs, etc. The trade has latterly been much promoted by the facility
of exportation by the Calcutta steamers, for this is one of the
Company's stations.
On the 1st of June, we started at daybreak, and arrived at Colgong at
half-past-seven A.M., having passed three singular and romantic looking
rocks, rising to a height of about sixty feet from the bed of the
river, and covered with verdure, among which some fanatics have built a
few sheds.
We left Colgong at eight, A.M. on the same day. Seven miles below
Colgong, the river takes a singular turn, round a hill covered with
wood, and where some rocks, with carvings of Hindoo deities, jut out
boldly into the stream. These rocks are very dangerous, because in
descending the river, you must hug the right bank, so as to keep them
on your left hand, for just below the rocks, which rise in the middle
of the river, there is a strong back-water. The captain's object
is to prevent his boat from getting into this back-water, and thus
being carried and lost upon, these rocks. There is moreover a kind
of whirlpool near the spot, so that we may call it the "Scylla and
Charybdis" of the Ganges. Boats ascending the river keep to the left,
where the stream is not rapid; but in descending, the boatmen, in order
to meet and overcome this back-water, must pull very hard, and for a
sixteen-oared boat at least twelve or fourteen of the crew must row.
The back-water is probably caused by the tendency of the water to run
to the rocks, in consequence of the turn in the river to the right, the
rocks being on the left.
The Jungheera rocks, lower down the river, are very picturesque. A
Fakeer resides in a small dwelling, on one of these rocks. The natives
furnish him with food; but he sometimes makes an excursion on shore,
and supplies himself. The Fakeer pleasantly sleeps in the midst of the
howling storm, none the worse for the wind and rain; neither has he any
fear of being blown out of his cabin, or of his house being washed down
the stream; a few monkeys keep him company, and possibly some fairy
queen may visit this presiding deity of the stream, and soothe, what to
a stranger, would appear a wretched existence.
Just before passing Peerpointee, on the right bank, the river Koosee
flows into the Ganges, and above Sickreegullee, or the dangerous pass,
so called from the difficulty I have named, which the steamers and
boats have in rounding it, we reached the place where the Teryagullee
hills end, and those of Rajmahal commence. They are crowded with fine
forest trees, shrubs, and other verdure, most pleasing for the eye
to rest upon, after the tameness of the first part of our voyage.
The hills abound in game; and the sportsman would be rewarded with a
variety not frequently met with.
The Rajmahal hills, are intersected by a line which runs as far south
as Balasore, traversing the districts of Nagore and Bishunpore, and
the mountain chain between Kimore and the Ganges. Extensive coal-beds
have recently been discovered along this line of demarcation, and
have greatly enhanced the value and importance of the whole district.
This mountain-chain is broken by numerous valleys, defiles, and
wide-spreading plains, many of which are very fertile, and well
cultivated, especially those which lie at the base of the mountains.
The highest part of these ridges may be estimated at 4,000 feet, and
some of the plains run along at an elevation of more than 2,000 feet
above the level of the Ganges.
This chain is for the most part covered with lofty timber trees, and
various kinds of woods, which are much used by the natives in building
and in cabinet manufactures. These hills are clothed from the base
to the summit, and the trees grow in tiers or terraces, down into
the plain of the Ganges. In the northern rear of this chain, run the
Rajmahal hills, which are divided from the Kimore range by the narrow
valley of the Sone. The mountain-chain runs so close to the Ganges,
between Bhaugulpore and the Rajmahal hills, as scarcely to admit of
a causeway along the banks of the river. The government has wisely
met this difficulty, by constructing a good road between Rajmahal and
Colgong, which crosses the narrow defile of Sickreegullee.
We anchored off Rajmahal at a quarter to six in the evening of the
1st of June; and having to take in coal, we waited for the night. As
usual, whenever an opportunity occurred, I hastened on shore for a
stroll. Rajmahal is in the Province of Bengal, and about seventy miles
from Berhampore. The Province of Bengal terminates a little below
Sickreegullee, a village cultivated by invalided Sepoys, who have
redeemed the land from the wilderness of former times. At Teryagullee,
on the borders of the district, is the pass of Sickreegullee, which,
during the Hindoo and Mahomedan dynasties, was the commanding entrance
from Bahar into Bengal, and was strongly fortified. It runs up a narrow
winding road, where the traveller will see a ruined gateway and fort,
to tell of days gone by. He will also find a great deal of waste land,
and mountainous tracts of country. The people are a wild race, quite
distinct from those of the plains. They are low in stature, but stout
and well proportioned, many being under four feet ten inches high, and
many more under five feet three inches, than above that standard. The
women are small indeed. They have flat noses, and lips thicker than
those of the Lowlanders. They do not venerate the cow like the Hindoos,
and have no knowledge of letters, or of any kind of written characters.
They subsist principally on maize--the Indian corn. Nearly all the
laborious work is done by the women; and a man is rich in proportion
to the number of his wives, and who are indeed so many labourers, or,
I may say, domestic slaves. These mountaineers have a great regard for
the truth, and an utter abhorrence of lying, which ranks them far above
their brothers of the plains, where lying is joined to the other vices.
Their traffic is in bedsteads, wood, planks, charcoal, cotton, honey,
plantains, and sweet potatoes, which they barter for tobacco, rice,
salt, cloth, iron arrow-heads, hatchets, crooks, and iron implements.
Their weapons are the bow and arrow; but some few among them possess
swords and matchlocks. Their domestic animals are hogs, goats, fowls,
dogs, and cats.
It was among these wild races that Mr. Augustus Cleveland, the judge
and magistrate of the district, made a permanent settlement about the
year 1780. Unfortunately he died at the early age of twenty-nine, in
the year 1784, as I have before observed. A monument, in the form
of a pagoda, was erected by the Zumindars, or landholders of the
neighbourhood, to commemorate his exemplary conduct, and another was
put up at the expense of the Government, in honour of a man, who,
though young, had done so much to benefit his fellow-creatures.
The Ganges flows close under the ruins of an old palace, on the brink
of its right bank. Previous to the year 1638, it was the residence of
Sultan Soojah, the brother of Aurungzebe, but scarcely any vestiges of
the building now remain. The Ganges, about 1639, wholly quitted the
vicinity of Gour, and approached the rocky bank of Rajmahal, where
it still holds its course. The force of the current, on the right or
Rajmahal side, is so great in the rainy season, that I am told an
officer, who was sailing in a twelve-oared budgerow against the stream,
which came rushing down like a torrent, actually had the sides of his
boat split. The Dandees (not fops, but the boatmen of the Ganges), in
sailing up the river used to call out, "Allah! Allah!" _i.e._ "God!
God!" on entering that strong water, just as the native boatmen are
wont to do in crossing the surf at Madras. On the left bank the river
is smooth and always safe. The ruins of the palace still extend over
a large space of ground. Close to the margin of the river are three
arches supported by pillars of the colour of black marble. No doubt the
Ganges has washed away much; and, probably, many slabs of beautiful
marble, like that with which the ball-room of Government House, in
Calcutta, is paved, now lie submerged under the stream. It is supposed
that the Ganges, in rushing over these ruins, causes the sound of water
running over rocks, which is the effect produced in this place.
The ruins of the palace are quite overspread with low jungle,
abounding, as I was informed, with snakes and other reptiles. Broken
gateways of beautiful architecture, mosques, and a large hall of
audience--as it is reported to have been--still indicate the former
importance and grandeur of this place.
In the absence of Hindoo historical dates, we must content ourselves
with traditions, till we come to the Mahomedan writers. We are told
that Rajmahal was anciently the seat of the Hindoo sovereigns, in whose
time it bore the name of Raj Ghur. Its first mention by Mussulman
historians, is in 1576; and again in 1592, when, in the reign of the
Emperor Akbar, Rajah Maun Singh, governor of Bengal and Bahar, made it
his capital, gave it the name of Rajmahal, and fortified it with walls
and bulwarks. In 1608, Islam Khan, the Mogul governor, transferred the
seat of government to Dacca, in consequence of the invasion of the
Portuguese. In 1639, Sultan Soojah, the brother of Aurungzebe, again
made it the royal residence, and lavished vast treasures in restoring
the fortifications, and erecting the palace, of which I have just
spoken.
On the expulsion of this sovereign from his dominions, the Mogul
governor again moved the seat of government to Dacca. Since this period
the ancient capital of Bengal has rapidly declined, not only from the
withdrawal of the government; but in consequence, also, of the frequent
ravages committed by those two irresistible elements, fire and water.
In recent times, Rajmahal was sought as a place of refuge by the
unhappy Suraj-ud-Dowlah, who concealed himself in an out-building in
a lone garden; but he was discovered, and betrayed to his enemies
by a wretched Fakeer, whom he had treated with great barbarity on
a former occasion, having ordered his ears and nose to be cut off.
Suraj-ud-Dowlah was seized, and carried to Moorshedabad, where he was
murdered with wanton cruelty.
Not many years ago, Rajmahal was a military station; but now no
European resides here. There is a small Christian burial-ground, which
has been walled in by some liberal and kind-hearted persons. In it is
the last resting-place of many an unfortunate European, who has died
near the town in his way up or down the river.
On the 2nd of June, we again proceeded at daybreak, and about noon
cast anchor nearly opposite to the ancient city of Gour, and close to
a village called Lall Dobree. Gour was built about 2,000 years ago,
and is the ancient name of the capital of Bengal Proper: it is a few
miles to the south of the town of Malda. The name of Gour is said
to be derived from Gur or Goor, which, in the Sanscrit and modern
languages of India, signifies raw sugar; and, from the Sanscrit term
for manufactured sugar (sarcara) are derived the Persian, Greek, Latin,
and many of the European names for the same article.
The ruins of Gour extend fifteen miles along the old banks of the
Ganges, and are from two to three miles in breadth, which would give
a circuit of thirty-four or thirty-five miles. Several villages
now occupy part of the ground on which the ancient Gour stood; the
remainder is either covered with thick forests, the resort of tigers
and beasts of prey, or else has been converted into arable land, the
soil of which contains much brick-dust. The city of Gour is nearly
central to the populous parts of Bengal and Bahar, and not far from
the junction of the principal rivers which form the excellent inland
navigation. It is now about four miles from the Ganges; and this
river, with a slip of land of a few miles in width, separates it from
Rajmahal. The freak of the Ganges, in 1639, in parting from its old
bed and rushing over to Rajmahal, proves that very strong shields,
or river-bank defences, will be required to protect the banks of the
Ganges.
The ruins of this city of former days have supplied the materials
for building the more recent towns of Rajmahal, Moorshedabad, Dacca,
and Malda. Enough, however, still remains to prove its former
magnificence--broken palaces, mosques, mausolea, and temples, testify
to its ancient splendour. Major Rennel says, that Gour is supposed to
be the Gangia Regia of Ptolemy.
On re-visiting Gour, in September, 1849, I called at one of Lord
Glenelg's indigo factories, the superintendent of which, Mr. R.B.
M'Intosh, showed me some old coins, which had been found by his
workmen at different periods; some slabs of marble, too, taken from a
large Mahomedan temple, had been converted by the same gentleman into a
handsome outer doorway to his house.
At a little before sunset, we changed the Ganges for the Bhauguretty
river.
On the 3rd of June we were early off Sootee, on the right bank, and
210 miles from Calcutta. In 1757, when Suraj-ud-Dowlah, the Subahdar
of Bengal, apprehended an attack from the English, and believed that
their ships of war could proceed up the eastern branch of the Ganges
to the northern point of the Cossimbazar island, and thence down the
Bhauguretty to Moorshedabad, he commanded immense piles to be driven
into the river at Sootee. By this act, the river has been rendered
unnavigable for any vessels beyond boats, and even for these it is
navigable only during the rainy season. The Subahdar remembered that
Chandernagore, a French settlement, had been attacked on the 14th of
March of the same year, and captured, by Admiral Watson and Colonel
Clive, with line of battle ships, which cast anchor before it.
The river at times is not less than six miles broad at Sootee; during
the rains, the steamers proceed down the Hoogly to Calcutta. At other
seasons they go _viâ_ the Bhauguretty and the Sunderbunds, or "the
beautiful wilderness," where sportsmen may enjoy themselves by killing
"a royal Bengal tiger," ten or twelve feet in length, from the head
to the tip of the tail. The Sunderbunds consist of that part of the
Delta of the Ganges, which is near the sea, and are in extent equal to
the Principality of Wales. Salt is made here; and here also is found a
boundless stock of timber, for boat building and other purposes.
About forty miles to the south of Mohungunge, at the head of the
Bhauguretty, stands Bogwangola, a large inland trading town, eight
miles N.E. of Moorshedabad. It is a great mart for grain. The town has
a very poor appearance, being constructed entirely of bamboos, mats,
and thatch; it has often been removed on account of the encroachment
of the Ganges. It has more resemblance to a temporary fair, or an
encampment, than to a town. The designation of town in Hindoostan, does
not so much depend upon the nature of the buildings (for villages
contain brick houses), as upon the rank of the public officer who
superintends the general duties of the place, his rank depending on
the extent of his charge. Bogwangola is a very stirring town; and the
landing-place is always crowded with country boats of all sizes, and
even with budgerows.
At about ten o'clock in the morning, we passed Jungepore, the site
of one of the Company's principal silk factories, a portion of which
is now conducted by private individuals; for since the loss of the
Company's trading charter, their factories here and at other places,
have been dismantled. Up to 1833, the East India Company, as is
well known, held the monopoly of the trade in India and China; but
the Government at home considering such a constitution of affairs
incompatible with the position of a supreme legislative body, as well
as injurious to the commercial and manufacturing interests, passed
an act for the abolition of this monopoly, on the removal of what is
commonly termed "the last charter of the East India Company, on the
25th of August, 1833." This act, as was expected, has already produced
a vast change in the commercial relations of India. By throwing open
the trade to private merchants, a greater stimulus has been given to
individual enterprise and energy; and the market prices have been
considerably lowered.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 103: Jer. xliv. 17.]
[Footnote 104: Vol. ii. p. 524.]
CHAPTER XVII.
Moorshedabad--Cossimbazar--"Eina Mahal"--The Nawab Cowar Krishnath
Roy--"Snake-boats"--Population of Moorshedabad--Berhampore--Ivory
and Silk Manufactures--Kulna--The Tidal-bore--English Factory at
Kulna--Hoogly--Chinsurah--Chandernagore--Ishapore--Barrackpore
--Serampore--Dum-Dum--Garden Reach--Calcutta.
AT four o'clock on the afternoon of the 4th of June, we lay off
Moorshedabad, a large, unwalled town, in the Province of Bengal, of
which it was the capital from 1704 until our conquests transferred that
distinction to Calcutta, in 1757.
In 1704, when Moorshed Coole Khan transferred the seat of government
to this place, he changed its name of Mukhsooabad to Moorshedabad. It
extends for eight miles along both sides of the most sacred branch of
the Ganges, called Bhauguretty, or Cossimbazar, at a distance of about
120 miles above Calcutta. It is an excessively shabby-looking town;
the houses are ill built, and have a mean appearance, most of them
being only one story high. Some are of brick with tile roofs, others
of mud; others again mere straw huts, all jumbled together without
the slightest attention to regularity. The streets, too, like most of
those in the East, are narrow and crooked, and seem to bid defiance to
cleanliness and order. A redeeming point is the number of fine trees,
which impart a picturesque character to this heterogeneous mass of
buildings. Close to the brink of the river, however, there are some
tolerable houses, mosques and temples, but these, too, are inferior to
those of other cities.
The most conspicuous and handsome building in the city, is the
palace of the Nawab. It is quite a magnificent place, and is called
"Eina Mahal." It was planned and built under the superintendence of
Lieutenant-General Duncan M'Leod, of the Bengal Engineers. It is a most
chaste and elegant structure, built in the European style, of pure
white marble of dazzling brightness. It almost rivals the Government
House, at Calcutta. The General took a correct model of it to England
for the inspection of the public, who must have admired it greatly, and
commended the taste and ingenuity of the architect.
There are also some fine remains of the old palace, built by Aliverdi
Khan, about 1750, constructed in the Hindoo style, with the rich black
marbles and pillars that once graced the city of Gour.
Cossimbazar, a little town about one mile south of the city, and which,
properly speaking, is the port of Moorshedabad, is a place of immense
traffic, and great inland trade. Until the days of free trade, there
was a silk factory at Cossimbazar, and the late Hon. Andrew Ramsay,
uncle of the Marquis of Dalhousie, was the commercial Resident for many
years.
Moorshedabad is still the residence of the Nawab of Bengal, who
inhabits the Palace which I have described above. The present Nawab,
Cowar Krishnath Roy, has been instructed in the English language.
He is about thirty years of age; an English education has greatly
improved him, and though he has not altogether divested himself of
his Mahomedan habits, still those who are personally acquainted with
him, inform me, that his manners are those of a well-bred European,
and that he is intelligent, and very fond of reading. He sometimes
goes to Calcutta, and may be seen there on the course, in his barouche
and four, driven by an English coachman. My gentle readers must not be
surprised to learn that the young prince has more than one wife; but
they may be forgiven for being astonished at being told that European
ladies have married Nawabs.
The Prince has many boats, built on the Burmese model, of great length,
with short paddles. They are called "snake boats," and shoot along with
the rapidity of an arrow. I have seen one of them keep pace with a
steamer for several miles. They are generally rowed by twenty men. The
Nawab's state barge is very handsome, it is richly painted and gilded,
and draped with canopies and carpets of the richest combination of
colours, which produce a gorgeous and pleasing effect. It is only used
on grand occasions, and is attended by a band of music which follows in
another boat.
Moorshedabad is now the residence of the British Civil Establishment,
and the head-quarters of a Circuit Court, comprising six of the
neighbouring districts. The mint is now under the control of the
British.
The population of Moorshedabad has been given at 600,000, nay even at
700,000 persons; but taking Delhi and its suburbs, by the returns,
to be 160,279 persons, and recollecting that Benares contains only
183,491, we can scarcely allow more than 200,000 inhabitants. The
number of houses, of every kind, was returned, in 1814, at about
30,000; and, according to the computation usual in Bengal, of eleven
individuals to every two houses, the population at that time was
165,000. The trade, and especially the inland traffic is very brisk;
the staple commodities are silk and indigo; the former is manufactured
in the vicinity of the city, into the most beautiful silks and
taffetas. The silk goods manufactured here are considered to be of very
superior quality. The trade is greatly promoted by facilities of steam
and river navigation. This is especially the case during the rainy
season, when the river is crowded with boats, bringing and fetching
the merchandise. From October to May, the trade is very slack, for at
that season the Bhauguretty is almost dry. At its junction with the
Jellinghee further down, these two branches of the Ganges form the
Hoogly, which runs to Calcutta.
The indigo trade is extremely lucrative; large supplies are sent to
Calcutta, whence they are shipped to England, and thence to other
parts of Europe. It has long formed an important branch in the East
Indian trade, as the Indian indigo is highly prized on account of its
superior colour. This beautiful dye, which was not known in Europe till
the beginning of the 17th century, when it was first introduced by the
Dutch, seems to have been in use more than 2,000 years ago, as we infer
from a passage in Pliny.
Six miles from Moorshedabad is Berhampore, on the east bank of the
Bhauguretty. It contains very fine barracks for European troops, with
an upper story, at the extremities of a magnificent parade ground. The
quarters of the officers are much like those at Dinapore, of which
I have made mention. Berhampore was formerly the head-quarters of a
Division of the army: the commandant's house, pleasantly situated on
the bank of the river, is now occupied by an indigo planter. There is a
chaplain here and two missionaries, one of whom, however, is a Roman
Catholic. A few civilians also reside here; but the place is generally
very dull, and much disliked.
Formerly, there used to be a European regiment, a corps of Native
Infantry, and a brigade of guns: also recruits, recently arrived from
England, were generally stationed here, although a sad mortality
was the invariable result, on account of the numerous marshes and
superabundant foliage which surround the place; its situation being
scarcely above the level of the river at certain periods of the year.
At present the only troops stationed here are--a detachment of Native
Foot Artillery, and the 14th Regiment Native Infantry; for owing to the
demand for Europeans in our extended North-Western frontier, a regiment
of our countrymen can hardly be expected to remain here, except as a
temporary measure. When I revisited Berhampore, in August, 1849, I was
informed, that the authorities had given orders that a portion of the
barracks should be put in readiness, for one of the three regiments
which had recently landed at Calcutta from England, the European
barracks having been unoccupied for the last seven or eight years. The
arrival of three regiments at Calcutta, in addition to those already
stationed there, called for some little ingenuity in their disposal;
the monsoon not being over, so as to allow of a march, and some hundred
recruits in addition, being daily expected to land.
Provisions are very cheap here. Berhampore is noted for its ivory and
silk manufactures, specimens of which were brought on board for sale.
It is likewise one of the coal depôts for the river steamers, as well
as one of the principal stations for embarking goods. The coal depôts
are Mirzapore, Benares, Ghazepore, Dinapore, Bar, Monghyr, Colgong,
Rajmahal, Berhampore, and Kutwa. There is a great deal of communication
between this place and Calcutta, which is only 161 miles distant by the
river route, the intercourse being now carried on with great regularity
and speed.
Leaving Berhampore we reached Kulna, which is situated on the right
bank, sixty-four miles from Calcutta. It is a very inconsiderable place.
The native boatmen, on reaching Kulna on their downward course, "rig
out anchors," as it is called; that is to say, they have a frame-work,
which they fill with stones, the weight of which chiefly acts as an
anchor. These primitive anchors are used by the budgerows, and all the
native boats, with the exception of the pinnace, which has its regular
iron anchor. On nearing the Hoogly, the boatmen meet the bore, or tide,
coming up with great violence against the stream. The banks being
extremely narrow here, cause such a swell, that as it crosses from bank
to bank, or dashes alongside, it upsets all the boats that come within
its influence. By keeping in the middle of the stream, with the prow
straight to the bore, a boat may remain safe from an upset.
We made but a short stay at Kulna, and were soon on our way to Hoogly,
which is situated on the west side of the river of the same name, or
more properly speaking, the Bhauguretty. It is twenty-eight miles from
Fort William. Hoogly, like several of the large towns on the Ganges,
was for a time the capital of Bengal. It is supposed to have been
founded by the Portuguese, about the year 1538. They fortified and
greatly improved the city, which soon became so important a mart of
commerce, as to excite the jealousy of Shah Jehan, who took it after
a siege of three months. During this siege, it is said that more than
5,000 of the Portuguese were killed or taken prisoners, and the most
beautiful of the girls were sent to Agra, to grace the imperial harem.
Shah Jehan now made it the principal port, and gave permission to the
Dutch and English to build some factories, which soon became very
prosperous.
The English, whose factory was situated in the town, had a body of
about twenty soldiers to protect their property; but some disputes
having arisen with the imperial government, the British quietly
procured a detachment of 400 soldiers, who were landed from some
men-of-war which came from Madras. The Nawab was alarmed at these
proceedings, and brought up a large military reinforcement. A conflict
ensued, in which Admiral Nicholson opened a cannonade from his
men-of-war, fired the city, and, unfortunately, burnt not only 500
native houses, but destroyed the factory, which contained goods to the
amount of about £300,000 sterling. The governor was terrified, and
offered to indemnify the English for all the damage which they had
sustained; but the Nawab not only refused to give his assent to this,
but was so incensed that he issued orders for the confiscation of all
the English factories and property. He was at that time at Dacca, and
dispatched a body of men to expel the British from Hoogly. Just before
their arrival, however, the English had withdrawn to Calcutta with all
their property. The Nawab soon after relented, and requested their
return, which they refused, but obtained permission to establish the
factory at Calcutta.
After continued intestine disputes and constant jarring with the
English, the latter took possession of Hoogly in 1757. Since that time
various political changes were effected in the local government; but,
in 1765, the East India Company were appointed, by the Emperor of
Delhi, to be his dewans or collectors of revenues for Bengal, Bahar,
and Orissa, on the condition of his receiving from them an indemnity of
nine lakhs of rupees, or £90,000 per annum.
Ever since that time the importance of Hoogly has declined. The British
government made Calcutta the chief port; in consequence of which all
the trade has been concentrated there.
The French, Dutch, Portuguese and Danes, had formerly each a factory
here.
In going down the river the tide and the bore are first felt. A mile
beyond Hoogly, is Chinsurah, once the principal Dutch settlement in
the East Indies; it is also on the right bank of the river, about
twenty-four miles above Calcutta. The Dutch had a factory here as early
as 1656. More wary than the English, the Dutch, on receiving permission
from Shah Jehan to establish a factory, built it at Chinsurah, about
a couple of miles from Hoogly; and, as they employed natives as well
as Dutch, they soon formed a considerable settlement. In consequence
of the rebellion which broke out in Bengal in 1696, the various
European factories sought and obtained permission from the Nawab to
fortify their several establishments. The fortifications constructed
by the Dutch were of a very superior character; and, being on the most
amicable terms with the government, they quietly aided the authorities
in re-capturing Hoogly, which had fallen into the hands of the rebels.
This procured them great favour from the government, which granted
them fresh privileges. In 1769, however, Chinsurah was blockaded by
the Nawab's forces, to compel payment of arrears of duties. It was
subsequently taken by the British, to whom it now belongs.
The appearance of the town, as might be expected from the national
character of the Dutch, is extremely neat. The houses, generally
speaking, are white, and have Venetians and pretty green verandahs
running round them. Some barracks have been erected of late years for
European troops. In August, 1849, the 87th Royal Irish Fusiliers were
sent here, as there was no room for them at the time, either at Fort
William or at Dum-Dum.
Proceeding three miles further, we came to Chandernagore, the principal
French settlement in Bengal, on the right bank of the river. Its
situation is far preferable to Calcutta in every respect. Like the
old Dutch settlement, it forms a striking contrast to the Hindoo and
Mahomedan cities. The houses look beautifully clean and white, with
green Venetians, and a sort of colonnade in front. The roofs are flat,
and the inmates frequently resort there in the cool of the day. The
town is surrounded by gardens, and groves of trees. The factory was
established a few years later than that of the Dutch, and like it was
fortified. It was extremely flourishing; and the fort contained a
garrison of about 300 soldiers, and a good train of artillery. At this
time, 1757, Admiral Watson and Colonel Clive took it from the French
by force of arms, having brought three or four sixty-four and sixty
gun-ships before the place, though nothing beyond a large gun-boat can
now approach the town.
The French are allowed to have a certain number of chests of opium,
at the average of the sales. Should the opium afterwards fall in
price, they may return it; but should it advance the profit is theirs.
The French Consul does not reside here, but at Calcutta. The local
government is carried on by nineteen functionaries; and the stranger
generally meets with much hospitality and courtesy.
Three miles further down the river is Ishapore, the site of the
government gunpowder works; and about five miles lower still, is
Barrackpore, a military station, fifteen miles from Calcutta, with
a good road between them. It is the head-quarters of the Presidency
Division. At present it contains five regiments of Native Infantry;
having formerly six quartered here. The cantonments are on the left
bank of the Hoogly, and directly opposite to Serampore. The artillery
belonging to this division is stationed at Dum-Dum, about seven miles
from Calcutta.
The Governor-General has a country residence here, in the midst of
a park and grounds, which are laid out, with much taste, in walks,
drives, and gardens. The view from the park is very beautiful, as it
comprises a most magnificent reach in the river. It formerly contained
a menagerie, abounding in tigers and wild animals of all kinds, snakes,
birds, etc.; but this is no longer kept up. There is a fine mausoleum
in the park, erected by Lord Minto, while Governor-General, in memory
of the officers who fell in Java and the Mauritius. The Marquis
Wellesley intended to build a palace at Barrackpore, which was to
rival his splendid residence at Calcutta; but he was deterred by the
home-government. Lord Auckland established a Native school here, and
left funds for its endowment. There is also a neat church.
In 1824, Barrackpore was the scene of a mutiny in the Native Infantry
corps stationed there, who refused to march to the Burmese territory,
in consequence of a deficiency of draught cattle. At the hour of
parade, the 47th Regt. Native Infantry refused to turn out. The
European officers tried every art and stratagem to overcome the mutiny,
which spread to two other corps. Two regiments which were stationed
at Calcutta were instantly summoned. The mutineers were drawn up on
parade, and some guns placed in their rear. The officers again made
every attempt to reduce them to obedience; but the men remaining
obdurate, the guns were opened, and made a sad havoc among them. The
ringleaders were put to death; others too were killed; and not a few
were drowned in trying to escape by swimming across the river.
Serampore, which lies opposite to Barrackpore, was for many years a
Danish settlement; the Danes having established a factory here, about
the same time when the English, French and Dutch founded theirs, higher
up the river. During the war between England and Denmark, in 1807,
Serampore was taken by the Company, who subsequently restored it to
its former possessors. On the 22nd of February, 1845, a treaty or deed
of sale was signed between the Danish and British East India Company's
governments, by which Serampore was conveyed to the latter power for
the sum of £125,000; the returns for many years previously had not met
the expenses, and it was merely held for commercial purposes. It still
carries on an unimportant trade both with Europe and China.
Serampore was long celebrated as a missionary station, when the Danish
colony flourished here; for no missionaries were allowed to reside
in any part of the Bengal Presidency, except at Serampore. At that
time no missionary dared venture to open his lips, or even to shew
his face in Calcutta; whereas now there are above fifty missionaries,
including those at Bishop's college, Howrah and Dum-Dum; whilst at
Serampore there are only three, and one of these is a Roman Catholic.
In the whole of the Bengal Presidency, there are one hundred and
sixty-three, whose mission it is to teach the Christian religion. Of
this number, however, including the Bishop, only seventy belong to
the Ecclesiastical establishment, the other ninety-three being Roman
Catholics, Armenians, and Greeks. The period of which I am speaking,
is January, 1853. Forty-six years earlier, there were only ten
missionaries in Bengal.
Serampore presents a similar appearance to Chandernagore, in regard
to the extreme neatness and simplicity of the buildings. In both,
the houses are white, with flat roofs, and furnished with verandahs
and Venetian blinds. The church is very handsome. The town is not
fortified; but a battery is drawn up near the flagstaff.
Midway between Barrackpore and Calcutta, we passed Dum-Dum. The
mess-house belonging to the artillery, is considered the finest and
largest in India. At present there is only one company of European and
three companies of Native Artillery quartered here; this scientific and
most efficient branch of the service being much needed on our lately
extended frontier. There is here a remarkably fine cannon-foundery,
where twelve brass guns may be bored at the same time. The iron guns
are brought from Europe. All the arrangements, machinery and works, are
of the first order. The Elephant Battery is most ingenious, and these
noble animals perform their work with admirable precision and effect.
The young officer, on his arrival from England, receives here a course
of instruction not exceeding a twelvemonth in duration, before he joins
his regiment. The apartments of the officers are very handsome and
comfortable.
There is a monument at Dum-Dum, to the memory of the late Colonel T.D.
Pearse, who died here in 1789.
After quitting Dum-Dum, we passed the cannon foundery, which is at
Cossipore, about half a mile from the town. It is pleasantly situated
on the banks; and there are many fine houses belonging to the merchants
of the city, who come here to enjoy some little relaxation, after the
fatigues and anxieties inseparable from money-getting.
On the 8th of June, 1846, at ten o'clock in the morning, we
anchored off Garden Reach, Calcutta, where I bade adieu to the
accommodation-boat, "Soorma," and its civil commander and officers, and
by noon was domiciled in Spence's hotel.
During my short stay at Calcutta, I received much kindness and
hospitality from the arch-deacon (now Bishop of Madras), and Mrs.
Dealtry, Professor and Mrs. Weidemann, Mr. and Mrs. Murray Gladstone,
and Mr. William Abbott. I must reserve till the next chapter the fruits
of my four several visits to this city, on my passage to and from
Europe.
CHAPTER XVIII.
Project of a Railway to Calcutta--Calcutta, a Six Months' Trip from
England--The Strand Road--The Mint--Professor Weidemann--The Strand
Mills--The General Post Office--Custom House--Auditor General's
Office--Military Board--The Commissariat--The Ice House--Metcalfe
Hall--The Public Library--Bank of Bengal--The Oriental Bank--Indian
Failures--Chandpaul Ghât--Baboo Ghât--Docks of Howrah--Prinsep's
Ghât--Kidderpore Ghât--Fort William--Mir Jaffier--Arsenal--Chowringhee
Road--Ochterlony Monument--Government House--Entertainments
at Government House--Policy of Marquis Wellesley--Hotels
at Calcutta--Theatricals--The Town Hall--Concerts--Fancy
Fairs--The Mayor's Court--Newspapers--Merchants--Agency
Business--Railways--Asiatic Society--Martinière Charity--College
of Fort William--Haileybury College--Military Seminary at
Addiscombe--Colleges--Schools--Mesmeric Hospital--Chloroform--Sailors'
Home--Alms Houses--Masonic Lodges--Botanical Garden--Charter of
1834--Lunatic Asylums--Law Courts--Police Office--Provident Funds.
THE stupendous project of bringing Calcutta within seven or eight
days of London, by means of the Euphrates valley railway route, will
probably not take place in our days; but, incredible as it may seem,
we yet hope we may look forward to its being carried out in those
of our children. Some persons may possibly smile, and say, "It is
the scheme of a visionary;" but who, let me ask, in the days of Job
Charnock,--only 120 years ago, when he founded Calcutta--would have
dreamt that that wretched, swampy village would have been converted
into a city of palaces, and still less, that instead of a tedious
sea-voyage of six or seven months from the mother country, it would be
brought within the brief limits of forty-five or fifty days! Again let
me ask, who only a few years ago would have conceived the possibility
of a mode of communication whereby intelligence may be transmitted,
not only by land but by sea, with the rapidity of lightning. Nay, that
4,000 miles of electric wire have already reached Calcutta, soon to
connect every large town in India with the port of Bombay; while at the
same time the submarine telegraph is in progress from Suez to Trieste,
and before the expiration of 1855, will enable us to hear from our
friends in any part of India in eleven or twelve days.
Calcutta is so well worth a visit, that notwithstanding the numerous
and able descriptions which have been given of it by various writers,
I would strongly advise all who have it in their power, to become
personally acquainted with it. This can now be done in so brief a space
of time, and with so much ease and comfort, that many persons will be
glad to avail themselves of the opportunities now offered, and desire
to know the readiest way to accomplish this object. I shall therefore
note down a few data, as to the best mode of spending a pleasant and
profitable six months in visiting the chief cities of India.
Persons who do not like the long sea-voyage of ninety or a hundred
days, round by the Cape of Good Hope, in the ordinary sailing vessels,
may reach Calcutta from England by the overland route in fifty days or
under; and in two months may see the great city, as well as a part of
the interior. Thus, suppose the traveller arrives at Calcutta on the
6th of November, he may leave it again by the steamer on the 8th of
February. Let him leave London on the 20th of September of any year,
and he may reach it again on the 25th of March following. Say that he
arrives at Calcutta on the 6th of November, in fourteen days he can see
all that is worth visiting in Calcutta, and as a river steamer leaves
about the 20th of every month, he may go up the country on that day,
and in twenty days more he will reach Allahabad, which will be the 10th
of December. If he prefer it, he may travel Dâk to Bombay. Arriving
at the Western Presidency about the middle of January, he may take
another steamer and visit part of Scinde. Again, suppose a traveller
proceeds north-west, let him leave Allahabad on the 15th or 16th of
November for Lucknow, Agra, and Delhi, and even for Simla.
My calculation would be about as follows:--
To Lucknow (Dâk), 128 miles, requiring 3 days.
" stay at 2 "
" Agra 200 miles, requiring 4 "
" stay at 4 "
" Delhi 112 miles, requiring 2 "
" stay at 6 "
" Kurnaul 78 miles, requiring 1 "
" stay at 1 "
" Umballa 50 miles, requiring 1 "
" Foot of hills 1 "
" Subathoo 1 "
" stay at 1 "
" Simla 23 miles, requiring 1 "
" stay at 3 "
" Kotgurh on the Sutlej 5 "
" stay at 2 "
Back to foot of hills 7 "
To Ferozepore 2 "
" Lahore 1 "
" stay at 3 "
" Ferozepore 1 "
" Kurnaul 3 "
" Meerut 1 "
" Cawnpore 4 "
" Allahabad 2 "
" Calcutta by steam 11 "
--
January 28th. 73 "
Thus the traveller may return on the 8th of February, and reach
London on the 25th of March; a trip of six months. The longer journey
would cost him about £500, and the shorter one from £280 to £300. In
this manner he would see two Presidencies, and the best part of the
North-Western Provinces, including Lahore.
Calcutta lies on the left or east bank of the Hoogly, or as the natives
call it, Bhauguretty, or the "True Ganges," as being the chief of the
ten branches which empty themselves into the sea, through their several
estuaries in the Sunderbunds. It is distant about 100 miles from the
Indian Ocean, in Long. 84° 22´ E., Lat. 22° 23´ N.
A magnificent line of buildings extends for six miles along the bank
of the river, from Fort William on the south point, to Chitpore at the
northern extremity. The princely residence of the Governor-General
stands in the verdant square of the Esplanade, and is flanked on either
side by the Chowringhee road, which is two miles in length.
The city is divided into two districts, the north-eastern part being
inhabited by the Europeans, and the eastern by the natives. The
streets are, for the most part, narrow, and the houses lofty; the lower
part is appropriated to the bazaars, and the upper to the dwellings.
I propose describing Calcutta as viewed from the river. Beginning
from the right, the spectator will run a line down all the way to
the left of what is called the "Strand Road," or "Course," though
Calcutta extends beyond the Strand Road. On the extreme right of this
line is the Mint, which was planned and erected by Lieutenant-Colonel
W.N. Forbes, Bengal Engineers, the present Mint-master. It is a very
handsome building, one story high, supported on pillars, and was
completed in the year 1830. The Mint is divided into five offices,
viz., the Bullion, English, Mechanical, Assay, and Mint Committees,
each of which departments gives employment to many persons. Deducting
Sundays and holidays, 95 days, there will remain 270 working days.
The standard of the Bengal money is silver. Gold is sometimes coined,
but the most considerable part of the currency is silver. The silver
is first melted, and then run through a mould and made into long bars;
next it is passed under rollers, and flattened, until it is of the
thickness of the coin required, say a rupee; it is then cut into round
pieces of the size of a rupee, and afterwards stamped and milled by one
and the same machine. All these processes are effected by the steam
engine. Next comes the weighing of the rupees, when if any be found
light, they are re-melted and re-formed into bars.
Old rupees defaced, or those of native coinage, are sent down by
the steamers from the Upper Provinces to Calcutta, to be re-coined.
Accounts are carried on with their sub-divisions in rupees, annas,
and pies; twelve pies make one anna, and sixteen annas make one
rupee. The silver coins made at the Mint are rupees, half-rupees, and
quarter-rupees, the copper are pice, double pice, and pies.
In the beginning of 1848, Lieutenant-Colonel Forbes, at the request
of Her Majesty's Government, was ordered by the Court of Directors to
proceed to England, and form part of a Royal Commission to inquire
into the working of the London Mint. The Colonel was allowed to draw
his Indian salary during his absence, and the expenses of his passage,
home and back, were defrayed by Her Majesty's Government. The late
Right Honourable R.L. Sheil, the Master of the Mint, on behalf of the
Government, paid his acknowledgments for the valuable assistance which
the Colonel had rendered, previous to his return to India, in June,
1849.
The Calcutta Mint is said to be more extensive than the Royal Mint.
Madras has a mint, and so has Bombay; the former, however, does not
appear to be much needed, as the circulation does not extend very far,
and Calcutta could supply the demand.
On the occasion of my visit to the Mint, on the 27th of June, 1846, I
was accompanied by my friend, the late Professor Weidemann, and his
accomplished lady; and had the benefit of being conducted by some of
the _employés_, who were desired to explain such parts as were new to
me. In the smelting-room, the crucible is capable of containing at one
time, silver enough to make 13,000 rupees; and when necessary, 250,000
can be coined in one day. Between 300 and 400 natives, and about
twenty-five Europeans are attached to this scientific building, the
machinery and fittings-up of which are admirable, more so, I am told,
than the Mint in the Metropolis of Great Britain.
On the left of the Mint, is a large five-storied building, called the
Strand Mills, belonging to Muttyloll Seal, a rich native. Here any
person may have his wheat, or other corn, converted into flour on
moderate terms. These mills are worked by steam. The Cossipore mills,
situated near the foundry, of which I have made some mention, are
similar to these.
To the left of the Strand Mills is another large building, called the
Bonded Warehouse. The association was incorporated by act, of March,
1837, and consists of six Directors and a Secretary. The warehouse
occupies a large oblong, the smallest front being towards the river.
Some merchants at the time objected to the scheme, because having
warehouses ("godowns," from the Malay word "gadong") of their own,
which were usually rented on lease, they would suffer a pecuniary loss
by joining the association until their leases had expired. Moreover it
was an advantage to them to have their godowns near their offices.
Next to the Bonded Warehouse, stands the Marine Board Office. The
river, or west front, is not very conspicuous, but it runs far back
eastward. The marine superintendent is a Captain in the Indian navy.
The other departments under its roof, are the master-attendant's and
pilots' courts. The members of the latter court are merchants and
branch pilots, usually two of each, who discuss such matters as the
loss of a ship, the stranding of a vessel, etc.
The General Post Office is the next building. The post is a very
important office all over India, particularly during a war, for it is
then that every one looks to the arrival of news, and the post-office
is literally besieged. Though India does not yet boast of railways,
still the post usually travels between five and six miles an hour. An
"express" to Bombay has been sent in the dry season from Calcutta in
seven days, a distance of 1,300 miles. Besides the Postmaster-General,
and Deputy Postmaster-General, there are twenty-seven European clerks,
and a very great number of native writers.
The office of the Board of Customs, salt and opium, is of great
moment, for as it includes the Abkarry or spirit department, it has
the control over a revenue yielding five or six crores (£5,000,000 or
£6,000,000) yearly. The Board consists of three members, a secretary,
deputy-secretary, thirty-four European clerks, and a large number of
natives. The Custom-house, though not on a line with the last-named
building, may as well be introduced here. The establishment consists
of a collector, deputy-collector, and 136 European clerks, etc.,
independent of a vast multitude of native writers. No ships can
leave Calcutta to go to sea, without first procuring a Custom-house
clearance; nor can a vessel discharge her cargo without the
custom-house "permit." The importance of this establishment is obvious
in a city like Calcutta, not only as regards the merchants, European
and native, but thousands of private individuals; for a person cannot
even ship or unship a parcel, by the monthly steamer, without a pass
from the Custom-house, as I can very well testify.
To the right of the Marine Board is situated the Military
Auditor-General's office, though not seen from the river front. When
it is stated that the pay of the Army, Ordnance, Commissariat, and
Pensioners is audited and checked here to an annual amount of several
crores,[105] or millions of money, the importance of this office will
be understood; and such is the opinion of the Court of Directors, for
the appointment of Military Auditor-General must be confirmed by them.
There is a Military Auditor-General, Deputy Military Auditor-General,
and first and second Assistants holding commissions in the Company's
army, besides twenty-six uncovenanted clerks, and a great many native
writers.
With regard to an officer's pay and allowances, if he be retrenched,
it is thus effected. The Paymaster of his regiment or Circle receives
the retrenchment from the Military Auditor-General's Office, signed
by the chief or his deputy. If the officer thinks his charge is not
according to the regulations, he writes down his reasons on the back
of the paper--if the objection be lengthy, the officer appends a sheet
of paper--and sends it back through the Paymaster to the Military
Auditor-General's office: who, should he agree, will write in red
ink "Passed." If the drawer still demurs, he requests that it may
be laid before the Governor-General in council, when the Military
Auditor-General is usually called upon to explain. An appeal lies
to the Court of Directors; but this is a step which is very rarely
resorted to.
The Military Board is near the river side. It is composed of a
paid Member, the Commandant of Artillery (ex-officio), the Chief
Engineer (ex-officio), and the Commissary-General (ex-officio). There
is a secretary and two assistant secretaries, besides forty-three
clerks and several native writers, who are employed in the six
departments--General and Miscellaneous; Public Works, Roads and
Canals; Draftsmen's; Ordnance; Commissariat; and Stud. The arms and
accoutrements of a corps which are indented for by the commanding
officer, are checked by this board. All Ordnance stores for practice,
or service ammunition of the Artillery, or for corps; all estimates and
charges for fortifications or military buildings, for civil buildings,
roads and canals; in fact every item entering into the operations of
war, or required in time of peace, is indented for and checked at this
office. Indents are annually forwarded to the Court of Directors so as
to keep the arsenals and magazines filled. Sometimes the Court clip the
indents. During the Affghan war the Board sent up twelve 9-pounders
instead of six 18-pounders, because it is said 9 × 12 = 108 and 18 × 6
= 108, being the ratio as to calibre, however 18-pounders will breach
when 9-pounders will not. The paid member is an exception to Virgil's
adage: _non omnia possumus omnes_.
The new plan which has lately been very judiciously introduced into her
Majesty's army, for the education of the officers, which requires them
to have some knowledge of mathematics and "that symbolical language, by
which alone the laws can be fully decyphered by which God has thought
good to govern the universe,"[106] leads me to remark how necessary
and important it is that the officers should possess some amount of
scientific learning. Thus, the member of this Military board, for
instance, has an estimate sent him for erecting a building. The amount
of pressure on the foundation, its superficial extent, etc., call for a
considerable amount of scientific knowledge.
The Commissariat Department embraces the supplies for armies in
the field; for instance, to find 25,000 or 30,000 camels for a
campaign, etc. It is said that when the Commander-in-Chief took
the field, in October, 1848, the government, not having previously
given sufficiently early notice to the Commissariat, were obliged
to buy grain at war prices, showing the penny-wise and pound-foolish
system of a government, which spent £12,000,000 in the Burmese war,
and £7,000,000 in the Affghan war. On the 1st of May, 1838, the
Commissariat expenses for the year were, 3,800,000 rupees, or £380,000;
before this, they had been £440,000.
The Company's Dispensary is not far from Government House. The reader
may form some idea of the quantities of medicine consumed, when he
is informed that £50,000 worth is annually sent out to Calcutta from
England. The depôts up the country are supplied from this dispensary.
Near to the dispensary is the Ice-house. Ice was first introduced
into Calcutta by a Mr. Tudor, of America, a person of enterprising
spirit. Previous to this experiment, the good people of this luxurious
city, used to cool their wines, beer, water, etc., by the application
of saltpetre, but which practice is now discontinued. There was a
person called an _abdar_, whose sole business it was to cool such
drink as was required, and who conducted the process in a room built
for the purpose; a bottle of wine could be cooled in ten or twelve
minutes; but the consumption of saltpetre was great and expensive; the
best white, costing three and a half, to four rupees for eighty-two
pounds. Most persons still keep an _abdar_, who now cools the wine
with ice. At its first introduction into India, ice was sold at four
annas (sixpence) for a seer (two pounds), but now it is to be had for
threepence.
Most of the steamers plying between Calcutta and Suez, take in a supply
of ice for the outward and return passengers. At Madras--called the
Benighted City--the benefit of Mr. Tudor's exertions have also been
felt, for it, too, has now an ice-house. This invaluable article may
likewise be procured at Bombay.
The Public Library, or Metcalfe Hall, is in a line beyond the
ice-house, and separated from it by a street. It is a very handsome
building, and has received its name in honour of the late able and
talented Lord Metcalfe. The foundation-stone was laid by Brother J.
Grant, the Provincial Grand Master of Bengal, assisted by Brother
James Burnes, K.H., Provincial Grand Master of Western India, those
masons holding office, and by a convocation of the craft, with masonic
honours, on the 19th of December, 1840, in presence of the late Earl
of Auckland, G.C.B., Governor-General of India, and a large assemblage
of visitors.
The late Lord Metcalfe (then Sir Charles) had, as acting
Governor-General, given liberty to the press of India, on the 15th
of September, 1835; and there is a metal plate in the Hall, with an
inscription to this effect. The funds for the erection of the building
were raised chiefly by public subscription, and the valuable piece of
ground on which it stands, was the munificent grant of Lord Auckland,
as Governor of Bengal. The building was designed by the late Mr.
C.K. Robinson, a magistrate of Calcutta, and a gentleman of great
architectural taste and judgment. It was built by Messrs. Burn and Co.,
and cost about 68,000 Company's rupees, of which sum 16,390 rupees were
contributed for the Library, and the balance by the Agricultural and
Horticultural Society, and other bodies, who had originally intended
to do honour to Sir Charles for the emancipation of the press, and for
his public and private virtues. Owing to the alterations, the expenses
exceeded the estimate, upon which Sir E. Ryan, the Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court of Calcutta, liberally gave upwards of £400 sterling
towards paying the balance.
The Public Library owes its origin to Mr. J.H. Stocqueler, at one time
editor of the "Englishman" newspaper, who, in August, 1835, circulated
an address among the principal inhabitants of Calcutta, urging the
necessity of this establishment. The nucleus of the Library was formed
by donations from private individuals, and by the transfer, from the
library of the College of Fort William, of a valuable collection
of books, consisting of 4,675 volumes. This transfer was made by
the Governor-General, Lord Metcalfe (then Sir Charles), on certain
conditions, one of which was, that an establishment should be provided
for the reception and care of the books, subject to the approbation of
the Honourable Court of Directors, who sanctioned the measure in their
letter of the 14th of August, 1839.
It appears, that in 1846 there were 6,821 sets of works, and 15,408
volumes, of which 423 volumes were on East India affairs, and 362
Oriental and Hebrew. There are works in Greek, Latin, French, German,
Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese. In fact there are books upon the
arts and sciences, and upon almost every subject, in all languages.
There are more than ninety proprietors. The subscribers are divided
into three classes, enjoying different privileges, as to the number of
books to be taken away at any one time. There are three curators, a
librarian, two sub-librarians, and an establishment of about ten native
servants.
The Agricultural and Horticultural Society here hold their meetings.
The building is a great ornament to the city, and is very conspicuous,
both in coming up and going down the river. The reading-room is most
convenient; newspapers and periodicals are, of course, always found on
the table. There are fresh arrivals of books by every steamer; and of
some works, more than one copy. The public who are non-subscribers,
are permitted to go there and read; but unfortunately books are
occasionally lost.
The Bank of Bengal is the next building in order. It has a capital of
£1,000,000 sterling; and the Government has many shares in the Bank.
At the time of its formation, there was no Bank; the houses of
agents and merchants being _quasi_ bankers: _i.e._, persons for the
convenience of procuring money when wanted, lodged with their agents,
sums varying from £300 or £400, to the amount of even £10,000. The
insolvency of the great house of Messrs. Palmer and Co., in January,
1830, the first of a series of failures of the leading houses, to the
extent of many millions sterling, induced many persons to seek for a
more sure plan of deposit.
In the Bank of Bengal, persons can have shares, and obtain a fair
annual per centage; or they may have money in deposit for a year, or
even a less period; or, if they like, they may have it in deposit with
interest. No account is opened for a less sum than 500 rupees; nor are
ordinary depositors allowed to draw out less sums than fifty rupees
at a time. There are three directors, who are civil servants of the
Government.
On the failure of the Agency houses, it was thought necessary to
establish another Bank, called the "Union Bank." This establishment was
not conducted on banking principles. Loans were made to carry on indigo
factories. To recover these advances, the factories became mortgaged.
Still the persons who had them, thought that it was necessary to work
these factories, instead of adopting the wise course of a favourable
sale. The directors also made advances to the Agency houses, which
led to the negotiation of bank post-bills, at ten months' sight.
The ruin of the Bank became inevitable, if both the factories were
unprofitable, and the houses failed. The upshot was that indigo fell
to low prices, and as a consequence, the houses found their sales of
produce decline below par. The failure took place in the year 1848, and
all the Indian world, and the merchants in Great Britain, well know
the result. The insolvency of this Bank pulled down, in the crash, all
the shareholders, and ruined many widows and orphans, who were living
on the interest of their money, which was lodged there, and which was
their only income and source of maintenance.
There was another ruinous system, which had lasted for several years.
It was thought desirable to give the usual dividends, and having no
profits, they actually took from their capital to pay these dividends.
A case of this description was brought before the Privy Council, in
July, 1849, when Lords Brougham and Campbell declared the practice to
be illegal.
Of late years, several branch Banks have been formed, namely, the
Agra and United Service, having a capital of 63,64,500 rupees; the
North-Western Bank of India, the Delhi, and the Simla, having a capital
of 22,05,600 rupees.
The Oriental Bank Corporation has a capital of £2,000,000 sterling:
it was incorporated by Royal Charter in 1851. This bank does an
immense deal of business, and is more liberal in its transactions than
any other bank in India. It has its head office at Bombay. Now the
capital of the Bengal Bank is, as I have already remarked, £1,000,000;
and it has a charter, so that in case of failure, no one is liable
to any loss, beyond the amount of his share. The Union Bank had no
charter. The failure of the Union has caused the shareholders not to
pay (besides the loss of their capital) _pro rata_; but a list of the
wealthiest shareholders having been made out, one person was assessed
£20,000, another £10,000, another £5,000, and others £1,000, and so on,
even though the unlucky wight had only one unfortunate share. Thus,
under these circumstances, the Bishop of Calcutta, as trustee of the
Cathedral, for which his Lordship had subscribed a large sum, was
compelled to pay a very considerable amount.
Some of the minor Banks are desirous to procure charters, and to be
only liable for double the amount of their shares. These repositories
advance money to officers in the civil and military services, on
the security of two persons, or other satisfactory pledge. Suppose
an officer borrows 4,000 rupees at ten per cent., to be paid in two
years, by instalments of so much per month. If he fail to do this,
the Bank immediately calls upon the Securities. Thus the Securities
sign a paper, to pay so much per month, should the borrower fail to
do so! They generally agree, however, that the sum in question shall
be deducted by the Paymaster; but in the event of the death of the
borrower, before he has refunded the loan, and without having any
property, the Securities are liable for the remaining balance, and have
to pay the Bank.
To return to the subject of the Houses of Agency. Of the forty-five
houses which failed in Great Britain in 1847 and 1848[107] eighteen
exhibited balance-sheets, which either actually exceeded, or nearly
approached the aggregate of their liabilities, of which only six houses
have either paid, or made arrangements to pay, twenty shillings in
the pound. Of another house, a bill broker proved, that it had assets
nearly triple the amount of its liabilities, the suspension being
caused by temporary difficulties, which produced a complete panic.
One London house connected with India, showed a schedule of assets
amounting to £200,000 beyond their liabilities, still nothing had been
paid in July, 1849. Another house has paid 2_s._ 6_d._ in the pound;
a third, 2_s._; a fourth, 1_s._ 6_d._; a fifth, 1_s._; and a sixth
expects to pay 4_d._ in the pound!
We next arrive at the Chandpaul Ghât, which is nearly in a line with
the Bank of Bengal. It is very old, and is the usual landing-place of
the Governor-General.
In succession come the Steam-engine House and the Baboo Ghât, the
latter having been built in the time of Lord William Bentinck,
Governor-General, by a wealthy native.
We have now described the buildings which run from the extreme right,
beginning with the Mint. The Strand extends beyond the Mint, and is
not used as a drive, for, strictly speaking, the drive, or Course,
begins a little beyond Baboo Ghât, and reaches as far as the Water gate
of Fort William. This road may be three-fourths of a mile in length,
and a hundred feet in width. From the Course, there is a fine view
of the river and shipping, all the way down to Garden Reach. There
is generally a breeze in the hot weather, and during the rains it is
pretty considerable. The plan usually adopted is to drive gently down
the road to the south, and then to return quickly, as the wind is at
your back. Thus you best enjoy "the eating of the air," as it is called
by the natives.
Besides the view of the river and the shipping, the docks and mills
of Howrah give an appearance of great activity, both in ship-building
and in commerce. Some years ago, it was proposed to have a steam ferry
bridge thrown over the Hoogly at this place; and the plan was so far
acted upon, that the bridge was actually sent out from England; but
it was sold, and proved to be one of the many abortive schemes for
the improvement of Calcutta, which fall to the ground for the want
of public spirit. It was said, and perhaps truly, that the plan was
opposed by the Dingee-walas, or native boatmen.
Opposite the Water gate at Fort William is a cenotaph, with a dome in
the Oriental style, erected by Lord Ellenborough to the memory of the
British soldiers who were killed in action at Maharajpore and Punniar,
in December, 1843. The drive extends down to Hastings' Bridge, so named
after Warren Hastings, the first and once celebrated Governor-General
of India. This would extend the drive to the distance of about a mile
and a half. Between the two bridges is Prinsep's Ghât, built in honour
of James Prinsep, the talented Oriental scholar, of whom I have before
made mention.
Beyond the second bridge, are the Kidderpore Docks, and lower still
is Garden Reach, a road of about a mile and a half in length.
There are some handsome houses at Garden Reach, arranged something
in the character of country-seats in the suburbs of London. Here
the Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company have a
yard, containing marine stores, coals, and other requisites. The
superintendent resides close by, in a very neat and classic building.
Fort William, which next demands our attention, was projected by
Lord Clive soon after the Battle of Plassey, in 1757; but it was not
finished till the year 1773. It mounts 619 guns, and is said to have
cost, from first to last, £2,000,000 sterling, half of which sum
was paid by Mir Jaffier, whom the British seated on the throne of
Moorshedabad, after the Battle of Plassey. No doubt he was prompted to
this generous act, by his gratitude to his benefactors.
Mir Jaffier was a General, in the service of the former Nawab
Suraj-ud-Dowlah, who in the preceding year, 1756, took Calcutta and
put 146 Europeans into the English prison, since designated by every
schoolboy, "the black hole of Calcutta," where 123 were found to have
died the next morning from suffocation. Lord Clive played a deep game,
but the cruelty of Suraj-ud-Dowlah merited dethronement. He was killed
by the son of Mir Jaffier, when taken prisoner, and although it is not
proved that the father was implicated, still we know that in Eastern
countries, dethronement and death are often contemporaneous.
A Queen's Regiment of Infantry has barracks in the fort. At one time
the Artillery, now quartered at Dum-Dum, used to be stationed here,
except during the cold, or practice season. The Church is an octagonal
building in the centre of the Fort near the Government house. The Fort
has several gateways, the principal of which is the Water gate. The
quarters for the Staff officers of the Fort are in two ranges, where
reside, the principal Commissary of Ordnance, the chief Engineer, the
Fort and Town Majors, and the officer commanding the Queen's Corps.
Facing the river, on the west side, is a three-storied barrack; a range
called the South Barracks, and opposite, or towards the north,--being
part of the Staff Row,--is another range, which together form three
sides of a square. To the south of this square is the Rampart Range,
running south and east, with bomb-proofs. The Arsenal is in front of
the North or Staff range.
Some writers have asserted that the Fort would contain 15,000 men; it
is surrounded by a dry ditch, but is furnished with two sluices, so
that it can be laid under water, if needful, in a few minutes, as it
is not many yards from the river. No batteries could effect anything
from the other side of the water. A bombardment might destroy the Royal
Barracks; but the Fort could only be attacked from the land-side.
During the Burmese war, or rather before the British troops landed at
Rangoon in 1824, the Burmese threatened to march to Calcutta; upon
which the merchants took the alarm, and sent a memorial to government
to have their cash and papers lodged in the Fort; certain it is that
some of the built-up embrasures were opened. Though the Fort was safe,
it is possible that 20,000 Burmese troops might have done some mischief
to the lieges of Calcutta.
The Arsenal of Fort William contains a large supply of arms, and vast
quantities of stores and ammunition. It is now more of a receiving
depôt than formerly. During the second Sikh war of 1848-49, the Fort
of Allahabad was the grand depôt, as explained under the head of
Allahabad. There are hundreds of iron and brass guns in the Fort, the
former garnishing the sides of the roads as if to prove to the natives,
"these are the guns taken at Plassey and Seringapatam; these from the
Maharattas and Sikhs." Constant exposure to the rain, and all weathers,
has caused many of the guns to become "honey-combed," which renders a
gun quite unfit for service.
At a short distance from the river, in the back ground to the east, is
the Chowringhee Road running north and south; to begin north, or from
the right: it is nearly on a line with Cossitollah Street, the northern
part of the city, which I will describe afterwards. The best houses are
those in the centre and left. Before reaching the Racket-court, the
visitor comes to Theatre-street, where, on the north-west angle, stood
"Old Drury," which, I am told, was in its glory from 1807 to 1814. The
Earl of Minto, father of the present Earl, was then Governor-General,
and so great a patron of the drama, that he allowed the performers,
who were in the services, to wear his ambassadorial and other dresses
on the stage; and Mr. H.H. Wilson, M.A., F.R.S., Sanscrit Professor of
Oxford, found time, amid his duties of Assay-master of the Mint, to
take part in the performances, and was, it is said, a good actor.
Between the river and the Chowringhee Road, is the Ochterlony Monument,
which was raised by subscription, among the officers and admirers of
Major-General Sir David Ochterlony, of whose services I have spoken,
when treating of Delhi. Sir David arrived in India in the year 1775,
and died in 1825. Doorjun Lall, the uncle of the present Rajah, who
was a mere boy at his father's death, in the year 1825, usurped the
Guddee[108] from his nephew; upon which Sir David, who was then
Governor-General's Agent, and as such had the power of putting the
troops in motion, assembled an army in the neighbourhood of Muttra.
The Government in Calcutta, however, hearing of this, ordered the
troops to be countermanded. Sir David (called the "Hero of Malown," for
his gallant service in the Nepaul war, in 1814-16, when he accepted
from the Government of that country the ratified treaty, which he had
taken the field to obtain), was therefore constrained to order the
troops back to their several stations. He conceived, as there were two
parties in the city of Bhurtpore, that if a force suddenly marched
to the place, the party in favour of the injured young Rajah would
join the British, and open the city gates. The Government of India,
however, did not, for various reasons, approve of the measure. The
season of the year was certainly an objection against the marching of
troops. They[109] were at that time also "greatly embarrassed by the
continual difficulties and heavy disbursements of the war with Ava,"
which had lasted sixteen months, from April, 1824, to August, 1825;
and, "influenced also by the spirit of the injunctions from home, which
so decidedly deprecated interference with the internal affairs of the
native principalities, the Governor-General was averse to take part
in the adjustment of the succession to Bhurtpore, and disallowed the
existence of any obligation to uphold the claims of the minor Rajah."
However, the majority of the members of Council were of opinion,[110]
"that interference might become indispensable for the protection
of tranquillity in Hindoostan." The Governor-General's sentiments
prevailed: the force was countermanded, and an order sent to Sir David
"to retract the hostile declarations which had been published by him."
The consequence of this expressed disapprobation of his conduct, was
Sir David's resignation. He was at that time sixty-eight years of age,
fifty of which he had passed in the uncongenial climate of India.
The mortification, caused by reversing of his arrangements, doubtless
accelerated his death, for he died almost immediately after, on the
15th of July, 1825. When his decease was reported to Government,
a General Order was issued on the 28th of July, in the Political
department, of which the following are extracts:--
"The Right Hon. the Governor-General has learnt, with great sorrow,
the demise of Major-General Sir David Ochterlony, Resident in Malwa
and Rajputana.... On the eminent military services of Major-General
Sir David Ochterlony it would be superfluous to dilate.... With the
name of Ochterlony, are associated many of the proudest recollections
of the Bengal army.... The Governor-General is pleased to direct, that
minute-guns, to the number of sixty-eight, corresponding with his age,
be fired this evening, at sunset, from the ramparts of Fort William."
Sir David was the first Indian officer who obtained the Grand Cross of
the Bath; an honour so highly prized, that Sir John Malcolm accepted it
in preference to a baronetcy, which Lady Malcolm coveted for her son.
The following remark, made by Sir John at a party at Mhow, in 1819, on
returning thanks, was communicated to me by a friend who was present:--
"Gentlemen,--I preferred the military to the civil honour; and you will
agree with me that I studied the honour of my profession."
Sir David, moreover, was made a baronet. He was, it is believed, an
American.
The monument erected to his memory is situated to the east of
Government House. Mr. C. K. Robinson, the same who built Metcalfe
Hall, and well known for his great taste in civil architecture, was
requested to draw a design for the column. He sketched two plans; and
the one, which now forms such a conspicuous ornament among the public
erections of Calcutta, was selected, as being in the Moslem style, to
indicate the preference which Sir David always shewed to the followers
of the prophet, over the other native population. Subscriptions were
received from all classes in the Bengal Presidency--civil, military,
and mercantile--amounting to nearly 40,000 rupees or £4,000. A
wealthy Calcutta firm, as it was then considered, were appointed the
treasurers; but the building had made only a very little progress when
the firm failed, and £2,700 was lost. The committee requested the
subscribers to repair the deficiency; but many refused, alleging that
the committee were the responsible party, as they might have deposited
the money in the Bank of Bengal. The committee excused themselves on
the plea that their object was to get as much interest as possible;
for, had they vested it in the Bank, they must have deposited a part
for a fixed time, while the remainder would have been a floating
capital without interest.
The builder had contracted to erect the monument for £3,300, without
the platform or the rail around it. A fresh subscription was opened,
and £1,000 collected; but the committee had not benefited by their
recent experience. They placed this £1,000 with another Calcutta
firm, and lost a portion of it by a second failure! Mr. Parker, the
public-spirited contractor, however, agreed to finish the column on
receiving an assignment of the dividend of both houses.
The monument has a pedestal and a railing. In ascending, I counted 190
steps to the first projecting balcony, and twenty-five steps further
led me to the summit. The best view from the top is about sunrise; and
especially in the rainy season, when the dust has been laid by the
previous rain, and the whole city lies before you, with the Hoogly
stretching out right and left.
On the occasion of Her Majesty's birthday, in May 1840, the Court
of Directors ordered fireworks, to the amount of £2,000, when the
Ochterlony monument was illuminated with variegated lamps, to keep in
countenance the Government house, where all the _élite_ of Calcutta
were assembled. The pyrotechnist, on the occasion, was Colonel Richard
Powney, the Commissary of Ordnance in Fort William, whose subsequent
fêtes, in honour of many other events, are well known.
Government house was built during the vice-royalty of the Marquis
Wellesley, at a cost of £130,000 sterling. It is a fine palace, but
the basement is too low, to be in keeping with the superstructure. It
has a centre, and four extending wings; so that, looking at it north,
south, east, or west, you see the centre flanked by two wings. Above
the centre, is a dome, with Britannia standing on a pedestal, armed
with the trident. There are two entrances, one towards the north, and
another towards the south, the grand entrance to the north, being by
a magnificent flight of stone steps. Below, is a covered way for
carriages, and an ingress, through the lower hall, to the stairs
leading to the second floor, in the centre of which is the dining-room.
The wings are appropriated to the private apartments and bedrooms.
The third story is likewise used on state occasions, the centre part
containing the magnificent ball-room. All the staircases are of stone.
The rooms below comprise the military secretaries' offices, and the
official apartments of the aides-de-camp. It is here that the visitor
goes to enter his name and residence in a book, and this is denominated
a call.
There are three gateways to Government House; that to the south is
small and private. In front of the palace is a large verdant square,
which in this hot climate is peculiarly refreshing to the eye,
especially just after the grass has been cut and rolled. The front
rooms of Spence's Hotel command a view of this square, and their
occupants experience much pleasure in looking upon this green spot.
With regard to parties at Government House, the Governor-General has,
what is called, a general list of all persons eligible to the _entrée_,
not to the Queen's Palace _entrée_, but to the ball and supper, given
in honour of Her Majesty's birthday, or other state occasions. Those in
the two services are invited by public notice in the following manner:--
"The Governor-General requests the honour of the company of the
officers of the Civil Service, and of Her Majesty's and the Honourable
Company's army and navy, at a ball and supper in honour of Her
Majesty's birthday."
A dinner was given in 1848, by Lord Dalhousie, on the 24th of May,
and a ball on the 26th. At the former were invited all the heads of
departments. At the ordinary dinners, which generally take place once
a week, gentlemen and ladies are invited according to a list, and dine
in turn. Merchants receive the honour of an invitation, and others
of a certain class. The οἱ πολλοι only attend the great balls and
suppers, when it is possible for an officer to be seated at supper
next to his own coach-maker. Not that any of this class are poor,
for many have realized ample fortunes. During the government of Lord
Auckland, the Misses Eden, his lordship's sisters, introduced weekly
_soirées_ at which from 150 to 200 persons were present. His lordship
was Governor-General from 1836 to 1842. These parties, I am told, were
the most agreeable ever known in Calcutta; for once a week a person
met not only his Calcutta friends, but many also from Europe and Upper
India. People of all shades of colour were collected here, from the
fair blonde of the North, to the Armenian, and even Mahomedan. At
first there was a _soirée_ without dancing every alternate week, but
the introduction of music, and the presence of fair maidens and young
bachelors soon led to the tripping of the light fantastic toe. If not a
dancer, the visitor could sit down and converse with some lady, or he
might cut in for a game of whist with Lord Auckland. On these occasions
the Governor's band was always present, to infuse an equal harmonious
temper into men's minds. At dinner parties, a guest might, if so
disposed, play at billiards; or he might ask one of the Misses Eden to
entreat Mrs. A. or Miss B. to sing; "such a charming creature, and the
finest vocalist ever heard!"--always excepting Jenny Lind.
While Lord Metcalfe was Governor-General, he gave splendid concerts
in the dancing-room, which is eighty feet long, at which all the
professional talent of Calcutta was employed. Lord Auckland, who was
decidedly popular as Governor-General, had, occasionally, private
theatricals and concerts, his parties were numerous, and without any
ostentation or show.
Ideas of grandeur only befit lofty minds. When the Marquis Wellesley
sent home an account of the project of a building fit for the residence
of the Governor-General of British India, his honourable masters were
alarmed at the expense. The reader must look back to that period,
when those gigantic measures of the Marquis had not yet prostrated
the Maharattas; and he must suppose, as was the case, the Bengal
Presidency to have had its northern limit at Futtyghur. If he will
now take the map, and look for Peshawur, and cast his eye south-east
towards Calcutta, he will find Futtyghur nearly central. He must also
recollect that Bundelkund did not then belong to the Company, and that
both the Madras and Bombay Presidencies were much smaller than they are
at present. Besides, the East India Directors, having determined on not
making any territorial acquisitions, could not understand the object
of this immense palace. It was a mystery and a political device. But
now the East India Company hold a greater extent of country than did
Aurungzebe, the emperor, on his death, in 1707; for his successor had
certainly very little power in the Deccan or south of India, nor was
the Punjaub in a settled state.
We next come to the Racket Court, which is situated nearly at the end
of the left of the Chowringhee Road. There are two courts, a wall
dividing the north from the south court. The entrance fee is 100
rupees, with a monthly subscription of eight rupees.
I must next mention the Hotels, of which Spence's is decidedly the
best. It is situated to the west of Government House, and close to
the west gate. It is a long range of buildings, running north and
south, having another range inside, running east and west. The latter
rooms are preferable, having northern and southern aspects. The hotel
can accommodate about 100 persons. A lady and gentleman, occupying a
sitting and bed-room, with a separate table, pay 250 rupees, or £25 per
month; for each additional room, 100 rupees, or £10. Single gentlemen,
who chiefly occupy the range running north and south, having an aspect
east and west, pay 100 rupees for board and lodging; that is to say,
they have only one room each, and must take their meals at the _table
d'hôte_. In both cases, married or single persons, pay separately for
their wines, beer, spirits, soda-water, etc. The proprietors are very
civil persons. The only improvement which suggested itself to me,
during my frequent stay there, was the appointment of Europeans to
superintend the native servants.
The Auckland Hotel, kept by Messrs. Wilson, is opposite the north-east
angle of Government House. This, also, is much frequented. Indeed, I
was assured that the _table d'hôte_ excels Spence's in its _cuisine_.
The terms are similar to Spence's.
There are other hotels on a smaller scale, and of less repute. Spence's
Hotel was the first ever established in Calcutta, and is an immense
concern; for the rent of the buildings alone swallows up £300 a month.
Adjoining, and belonging to the hotel, is a large shop, containing
ices, creams, and confectionary of all sorts, which is generally a
great and favourite lounge for fresh arrivals. In the evening, numbers
of carriages may be seen there at the door, waiting to take up their
owners, who have gone in to quench their thirst, and recruit their
strength, after the heat of the day.
About the year 1812, a theatre was built by some amateurs. Towards the
end of 1813, a society of gentlemen bought the theatre, which stood on
the south side of the street, near the Racket Court, called Theatre
Street, the name it now bears. The manager was Mr. H.H. Wilson, whom
I have had occasion to mention; and the secretary, Mr. W. Linton,
organist of the old Cathedral, now St. John's Church.
Lord Minto took great pleasure in theatricals, and, as I have observed,
gave his diplomatic wardrobe for the use of the performers. Sometimes
the officers acted at Barrackpore, where there was a small theatre, and
at which Lord Minto was generally present. The Marquis of Hastings, who
came out in October, 1813, as Lord Minto's successor, also patronised
theatricals.
When the theatre was burnt, in 1835, the Sans Souci, under the
management of Mr. Stocqueler, was got up near Wilson's Hotel. A theatre
was afterwards built in Park Street, which continued for some time;
but within the last few years, a play can only be got up now and then.
The Roman Catholic Archbishop has since purchased it for a College, or
Seminary for students. This put a termination to the theatricals in
Calcutta.
The Town Hall was raised out of the surplus of a lottery; the
undertaking originated in a resolution of the British inhabitants of
Calcutta, in 1804. The object of the lotteries was the improvement
of the city; and twelve per cent. being deducted from all prizes,
gave a surplus of about £7,000 per annum. From this fund the Town
Hall was built, and is therefore public, _i.e._ government property.
It is situated in Esplanade Row, in a line west from the West gate
of Government house. It was built under the superintendence of the
late Major-General Garstin, of the Engineers, and was finished about
the year 1809, at an expense of £70,000. The members of the Lottery
Committee formed the Town Hall Committee, and all applications for its
use were sent to the secretary. Public meetings were held here and the
lottery drawn, until about the year 1841, when Lord Auckland put a stop
to these gambling concerns, in distinct compliance with the act of
Parliament, which had long before been passed in England.
The length of the Town Hall, from north to south is, inside, 120
feet, its breadth 50 feet, and the height of the lower rooms about
twenty-four feet, and the upper thirty-six feet. It is said to exceed
the Government House in height. Large dinner-parties are frequently
given here in the long room, which is also appropriated to public
meetings.
There are also lesser rooms, where smaller parties and meetings are
convened. The long upper room is used for balls, concerts, etc. When
it was first resolved, in 1812, to have a ball in the upper rooms of
the Town Hall, doubts were entertained, as to whether the beams were so
situated, to render dancing safe; as the walls rested upon the beams;
arches were therefore introduced to support the ceiling, and about 200
coolies were ludicrously made to jump up and down, in imitation of
dancing, to test the capabilities of the beams and walls. The report
being favourable, dancing was decided on, and as this pastime has now
been going on for forty years, it is pretty evident, that the ladies
may safely rely on the proof of long experience, that no danger need be
apprehended from this quarter. Meetings of every kind are held here; at
one time, before regular actresses came out to India, the ladies of the
civil and military services, used to act private theatricals at the
Town Hall; these are among the things that were.
In 1844 a magnificent public dinner was given here to Lord
Ellenborough, prior to his return to England. Meetings have likewise
been held here to decide upon testimonials of public approbation,
in honour of Lords Auckland, Ellenborough, and Hardinge, of Sir
Harry Smith, the hero of Aliwal, and Sir John H. Littler, late
Deputy-Governor of Bengal, on his arrival in Calcutta as member of
Council.
Local and charitable meetings also take place here; concerts too used
to be given at the Town Hall, for many years, but latterly they have
not been on the same scale as heretofore; in former times a concert
used to yield £200 and even £300 a night; single tickets sold at
16_s._, double at 24_s._, and family tickets at 32_s._ each, whereas
now, owing perhaps in some measure to the absence of musical talent in
Calcutta, the same tickets fetch respectively 8_s._ or 10_s._, 14_s._
or 16_s._, 22_s._ or 24_s._ In August, 1848, a club was formed, called
the "Calcutta Glee Club," and which in October following gave its first
concert at the Town Hall, to about 250 friends, all the tickets being
free. In January, 1849, the club gave a grand concert in the great
room, when 800 tickets are said to have been distributed. During the
season of 1849-50 the members had four grand concerts. This club is a
great addition to the amusements of Calcutta society. Mr. S. Harraden,
the organist of the old church, a gentleman of great talent, is the
musical conductor of this Glee Club.
Mr. George Thompson, alias "Grievance Thompson," on his arrival from
England with the late Dwarkanath Tagore, used to make speeches in the
Town Hall, recommending to the natives of India "steam navigation." He
was considered an eloquent and amusing speaker.
The upper part of the Hall, on ascending the long staircases, is
ornamented with large pictures, of Lord Lake and his son, Lord
Metcalfe, Mr. W.W. Bird, and Dwarkanath Tagore. In the room to the
south, are the portraits of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, and of her
Royal Consort, the Prince Albert. In the Hall below, is a very fine
marble statue of the late Marquis Cornwallis, and in the vestibule, a
marble statue of Warren Hastings; on a raised pedestal, facing Warren
Hastings, within the distance of about 100 feet, is a bronze statue of
Lord William C. Bentinck.
Fancy Fairs are also frequently held in the Town Hall, on which
occasions ladies occupy stalls, for the sale of articles made by
themselves and other kind persons, for the benefit of different
charities and schools.
The Town Hall is certainly a very handsome building; but it is of the
Doric order, which looks too heavy a style for the purposes for which
it is intended.
The long building called the Supreme Court is in a line with the Town
Hall, and about 150 yards from it, in the direction of the river. The
Court was established in 1773, with judges appointed by the Crown. It
is a dark and dreary-looking building, in which much money is lost and
gained. Originally, there was a chief judge and three puisne judges;
but now there is only a chief judge and two puisnes, from which it is
to be inferred, that litigation was more prevalent in those days than
it is at present. The celebrated Sir Elijah Impey was the first Chief
Justice. He was also, in 1781, appointed by Warren Hastings judge of
the "Sudder Dewanny Adawlut," or the Company's Chief Native Court of
Appeal, with a salary of £6,000 per annum; a step which put an end to
the disputes between the Supreme Court and the East India Company. Sir
Elijah, however, was recalled by the House of Commons in the following
year. At present, there are nineteen barristers admitted to the Supreme
Court.
When the Company had merely a factory at Calcutta, and lived under the
sufferance of the Nawab, this Court was called "the Mayor's Court";
for in the year 1726 a charter was granted, enabling the Company to
establish a Mayor's Court in each of the three Presidencies, Calcutta,
Madras, and Bombay; also to hold Courts of Quarter Session, to
determine all penal causes, save those of high treason.
An Advocate-General and a Standing Counsel are appointed by the
Company. Owing to a defect in not having a jury in civil causes, the
Judges are both judge and jury. In commercial cases, I am told, they
often lament that there are not juries composed of commercial men;
just as if the remedy were not in their own hands! There are 254 grand
jurors; but including the civilians, there would be at least 270, of
whom forty-three are natives. The petty jury list contains 1,586 names,
and of these 533 are natives. It is to be presumed that civil juries
could be easily formed. The next charter will very probably alter the
present law, which is so contrary to the British constitution.
There are fifty-five attorneys; formerly there were only forty, when
they were facetiously called "the forty thieves." The Supreme Court
includes a "Common Law Court," an "Ecclesiastical Court," a "Court of
Equity" (Chancery), and a "Vice-Admiralty Court."
When, in 1835, the Government cancelled the Sicca rupee, and coined
a new one, called the "Company's rupee," which is six and two-thirds
per cent. of less value than the Sicca rupee, and above two per cent.
below the value of the old Sonaut; the Chamber of Commerce addressed
a memorial on this subject, setting forth the fact that, while all
merchants, shopkeepers, and traders, made their charges in Company's
rupees, the attorneys and barristers of the Supreme Court adhered to
the Sicca rupee charge. To this memorial no answer was given; but it is
to be hoped, that the time is near at hand when this outrageous custom
will be put a stop to, and when lawyers will be content to receive the
same reductions that others have agreed to.
There are four daily Newspapers published at Calcutta; viz., the
"Bengal Hurkaru," the "Englishman," the "Morning Chronicle," and the
"Citizen;" the two former take the lead. There is also a talented
weekly paper, called the "Friend of India," published at Serampore,
sixteen miles distant. When Sir Charles (afterwards Lord) Metcalfe,
on the 15th of September, 1835, emancipated the press from the old
censorship, many persons thought it a bold measure. The step might have
been dangerous thirty years ago; but it is now proved to be extremely
useful that measures and systems should be discussed.
About 1821, the "Calcutta Journal," ably conducted by Mr. J.S.
Buckingham, was prosecuted by the Civil and Military Secretaries to
Government, when the learned editor was obliged to withdraw from India.
For many years there was a meeting at the Town Hall, on the anniversary
of the 15th of September, to commemorate the "freedom of the press," at
which one of the judges usually presided. The remedy for an abuse of
privilege is simple; for if an editor publishes a libellous paragraph,
an action with all its consequences follows. It must be admitted,
that during the commercial distress in 1847-48, and the failure of
many mercantile houses, the press was of important service. Likewise
during the Affghan war, in 1841-42, when, in consequence of the great
distance--more than 1,000 miles from the seat of war--and the serious
interruption to all commercial intercourse under the Bengal Presidency,
the newspapers published many private communications of much interest
from officers, whereas the Government only received intelligence from
official sources.
In the Upper Provinces, the "Delhi Gazette," and the "Mofussilite,"
enjoy about an equal share of patronage. At Lahore, the "Chronicle"
has been established, under the auspices of Mr. Cope, for many years
the able editor of the "Delhi Gazette," and which bids fair to rival
the other two. One of the Subalterns of the army (now Major H.B.
Edwardes, C.B.), attracted notice a few years since, by some excellent
letters written in the Delhi paper, called "Brahminee Bull." In fact
the letters from civilians, officers in the army, merchants, indigo
planters, and others, often constitute the life and soul of the
Metropolitan papers. There is a great deal of talent in the services,
and it is well that it should be called forth, and find a legitimate
field for its exercise. The merits of a trial in the Supreme Court are
sometimes discussed; and in 1849, the press certainly was in a great
measure the cause of the appointment of the commission to inquire into
the misconduct of the Calcutta police; and which at once led to the
removal of a magistrate, who was proved to be indebted £40,000 to an
influential native.
In these public journals, various improvements in the civil
administration of the Provinces are often suggested; the best means
for the safe navigation of the Ganges, etc. Then there are cases of
cure from cholera, or the bites of snakes; letters on the state of
Great Britain and our colonies; dissertations on the native languages;
poetical effusions, etc. In short, many articles in these papers have
led, as it would seem at the East India House, to the formation of an
office for the collection of Indian statistics, so long a desideratum,
and without which the Court of Directors could not state the number of
acres in the North-western Provinces out of cultivation, which is now
known to be 9,816,749.
In Calcutta, there are twelve printing presses; besides the daily
papers, there are six weekly; also two daily, two tri-weekly, two
bi-weekly, four weekly, and five monthly native newspapers. Besides,
the presses publish periodicals, Army Lists, the Calcutta Review,
etc., so that the lieges of Calcutta have ample means of reading, and
becoming acquainted with the state of affairs in the political and
social world.
The liberty of the press in India has not been abused. In a case,
for instance, which occurred in October, 1849, when a barrister
stated,--that if the evidence of a certain examination as to the
conduct of a civil servant were published, it would prejudice the
case,--the press refrained from the publication. In fact, as regards
publication, it is cried down only by those whose conduct is bad; for
such shun the light of truth, as a bat does the light of day.
At present there are about seventy European merchants in Calcutta, if
we deduct the fallen houses. Forty years ago there were only six or
seven. Large fortunes were made in what are called "the good old days;"
but the merchant traded, for the most part, with borrowed capital.
It will be obvious to any person, that if a merchant gave 8, 10, and
at times of pressure 12 per cent., he must have made immense profits
to repay the money borrowed, and realize, besides, what a merchant
considers a fair profit, namely, 12 per cent. per annum. It was a
ruinous system; for, when it was found prudent to speculate, it was
evident that the profit, say upon half the usual outlay, would do
little more than pay the borrower; whereas, by trading with your own
capital, you would acquire smaller profit, but it would be all your
own. When the Houses failed, in the years 1829-33, for eight or ten
crores of rupees, or, in English money, for eight or ten millions
sterling, the shock was dreadful. Though the smaller Houses were left
in possession of the field, they could not take up the business of the
bankrupt firms without pecuniary aid, and that would be by borrowing.
The result would appear to have been this: the small Houses could not
raise the necessary funds, but some old firms sent out a merchant to
form a new House. Thus the late Capt. Cockerell, R.N. (a connexion of
Cockerell and Co., London), established a business on the ruins of
Palmer and Co.
It was the Agency business which destroyed many Houses; because,
while there were a few wealthy servants of government who had lent
money, there were a great many civilians and officers in debt, who
had borrowed money from the Agents. In fact, it might happen that a
House had advanced more money than it had borrowed. The system was
mischievous in another way; for the Agents, to make certain that the
lives of the borrowers were insured, paid the insurance themselves, and
charged it as an item of account with interest: but, _cui bono!_ they
failed, and could not come upon the insurance office till the death of
the persons so insured.
Now in the army we reckon the deaths, except in time of war, at three
per cent. in Bengal, and at Madras and Bombay nearly four per cent. per
annum. Now, if they had a hundred of such constituents, as they were
erroneously called, they would not soon recover their advances.
Again, there was another system devised in Calcutta, namely, that of
compromise. One civilian, for instance, who owed 300,000 rupees, or
£30,000, compromised for £7,000, which he borrowed from a friend. Some
made three and four lakhs of rupees, £30,000 or £40,000, in three or
four years. Some have wound up in fifteen or twenty years; that is,
on the last dividend being paid; say one anna in a hundred rupees, or
three half-pence in £10! or the infinitesimal least portion. Those who
had lent the Houses money, were losers, minus these dividends; _i.e._
some Houses paid 8, 10, 15, 25, and even 33 per cent.
Now, those who lent money, got, say 8 per cent., at a time when the
Company's paper yielded only 4 or 5 per cent., and the Bengal bank 10
(6 per cent. was the last dividend paid in 1849). Many a man risked his
whole fortune in the effort to obtain 3 or 4 per cent., with the chance
of losing all; and he not only lost his all, and ruined himself and his
family, but, in many cases, took refuge in drink, to drown care.
The failure of the great Houses produced a host of small ones; nearly
ten times the number there were forty years ago. On the 1st of
January, 1849, there were, deducting defuncts (forty insolvent firms
in liquidation), about seventy European merchants, thirteen Armenian
merchants and agents, and four Greek firms. Forty years since there
were only six English houses, namely, Alexander and Co., Colvin and
Co., Downie, Cruttenden, and Co., Fairlie and Co., Mackintosh and Co.,
and Palmer and Co. There are now above sixty commercial brokers, the
system of brokers or middlemen being of modern date.
The Chamber of Commerce, consisting of a President, Vice-President,
nineteen members, and a Secretary, was established in April, 1834.
The duty of this chamber is to discuss any subject connected with
commerce. Thus, in the year 1842, the merchants sent in a memorial
to Sir Lawrence Peel, chief justice, complaining that the barristers
and attorneys still charged sicca rupees while all the rest of the
community were taking Company's rupees, or six and two-thirds per
cent. less. Any matter connected with port-dues and pilots, is also
considered by this committee, which is a very useful board.
The Calcutta Trade Association, established in July, 1830, is for the
purpose of regulating matters of trade, and to represent to Government
any grievance injurious to it.
The Indian establishment of the East India Railway Company arrived in
Calcutta in November, 1847. The act for the formation of the Company
guaranteeing 5 per cent., has been passed by Parliament, and a Staff of
Engineers are at work in laying down the projected line of railway.
The great undertaking of a railroad from Calcutta to Delhi, a distance
of more than 900 miles, and afterwards to the Sutlej will require
some years for its completion. The government will thus be able to
move troops, with great rapidity, to any desired spot, at any moment,
and incalculable will be the advantages which India must reap on its
accomplishment. I must refer the reader to a very sensible letter,
written by Lieut.-Colonel Pitt Kennedy, military secretary to the
late Sir Charles Napier, at that time Commander-in-Chief, in which
he briefly points out the comparatively slow progress which Sir
Charles made daily _en route_ from Calcutta to the Upper Provinces,
although, as he says, every facility practicable was afforded. He
distinctly shows what a saving a railroad would effect, in the cost
of the transport of goods from one station to another, and as clearly
determines how the traveller may accomplish in weeks, what he now does
in months, and in hours, what now occupies days.
The Asiatic Society was instituted in the year 1784. It comprises five
scientific sections, as follow:
Section I., Oriental Literature and Philology;
Section II., Natural History;
Section III., Geology and Mineralogy;
Section IV., Meteorology and Physics;
Section V., Geography and Indian Statistics.
The Society meet on the first Wednesday evening in every month, to
discuss the various subjects and papers submitted to their notice. The
rooms are at the corner of Park-street, Chowringhee. Each member pays
sixteen rupees a quarter, or sixty-four rupees a year.
The late Major-General Claud Martine, who was born at Lyons, in France,
and died at Lucknow in September, 1800, left by will the sum of 350,000
Sicca rupees, or about £35,000 sterling, to the town of Calcutta, to
put out at interest in government paper, on the best security; and the
principal and interest to be placed under the protection of Government,
or the supreme Court, in order that they might devise an Institution
the most necessary for the public good of the town of Calcutta, or
establish a school to educate a certain number of children of either
sex, to a certain age, after which the boys were to be apprenticed to
some profession, and the girls married when of proper age; "and," as
the will runs, "every year a premium of a few rupees, or other thing,
and a medal be given to the most deserving or virtuous boy and girl."
This was to be done on the anniversary of the General's death, when a
sermon was to be preached, the prizes distributed, and a dinner given
to the children. This money was most improperly allowed to remain in
the hands of a House of Agency; but at length, after a lapse of more
than thirty years, on the 22nd of October, 1832, the Advocate-General,
having moved the Court against the Agents, the Supreme Court at
Calcutta passed a decree, and directed a school to be established,
to be called "La Martinière," (agreeably to the twenty-fourth clause
of the General's will), and appointed 165,293 Sicca rupees, or about
£16,530, for the cost of the building.
The Court nominated Mr. J.P. Parker to be the builder, and Captain
George Hutchinson, of the Bengal Engineers, to superintend its
erection, receiving six per cent. for his trouble. This arrangement
left a large residue, invested in Government Securities. The children
were to be selected from amongst the poor Christian population of
Calcutta. The girls were to be not under four, nor above twelve
years of age, so that there should be twenty girls at the least:
well-conducted girls, moreover, were to be permitted to remain until
they were sixteen years old, if not before apprenticed or married. The
boys were to be not under four, nor above ten years of age, so that
there should be at least thirty boys.
The Governors of the Martinière Charity met at the Government House
in August, 1835, when it was decided that the religious instruction
given to the children of the school should be in conformity with the
principles held in common by the English, Scotch, Roman, Greek, and
Armenian Churches; but the School was not to be placed under any
particular denomination of Christians! There is a library attached,
consisting of 4,142 volumes, and a large collection of philosophical
instruments, etc.
The Principal of the College is Mr. Henry Woodrow, M.A., Fellow of
Caius College, Cambridge.
On the 31st of August, 1848, the Institution contained 100 foundation
scholars, 32 boarders, 42 day scholars, and 1 day boarder, making
a total of 175 boys; which, with the 70 girls, made a total of 245
children. There were in December, 1849, 270 children on the books
of the School. The funds of the Institution now amount to 1,575,000
Company's rupees, or £157,500, which is more than four times the sum
originally left by General Martine.
The College of Fort William was established by the late Marquis
Wellesley in the year 1802, with various Professors appointed for
Arabic, Persian, Hindoostanee, Sanscrit, and Bengalee. The Writers
intended for the Civil Service used to reside in the long range called
"Writers' Buildings," situated in Tank Square, not far from the north
of Government House.
Examinations were formerly held half-yearly, in the presence of the
Governor-General. The Professors read their report on the number
of terms kept by each student, and their individual proficiency;
the students of each class being severally numbered 1, 2, 3, etc.,
according to the report. The Governor-General then addressed the
students, particularly noticing those who had distinguished themselves
in the various classes; after which the medals and prizes were
distributed.
Among the eminent men who passed at these examinations were the late
Lord Metcalfe, Sir Richard Jenkins, G.C.B., Director of the East India
Company, and W.B. Bayley, Esq., also a Director. At that time all the
Writers for the Bengal, Madras, and Bombay Presidencies passed at this
College; but this system was afterwards given up, and only the Bengal
Writers enter the Calcutta College.[111]
On the establishment of the Haileybury College, in England, about the
year 1805, for the education of Writers, the Calcutta College became
nothing more than a school for the study of the Oriental languages, for
the Bengal Writers, on their arrival in Calcutta. The Marquis Wellesley
had proposed to the Court of Directors that there should be a Provost;
in fact, that it should be placed on the footing of a college in
England, with Professors for all languages. The Court of Directors and
the Board of Control appear to have thought, and with good judgment, as
to general education, that a college in England would be preferable.
As far as the Oriental languages are concerned, the young student may
learn the rudiments in England; and, in a few cases, bright examples
have occurred in the persons of some Writers, who, in a very few
months after their arrival, have passed in three languages. These
exceptions are the cases of young men of considerable talent. It is
said by the natives, that it requires seven years, to master the Arabic
language, and twelve to acquire a perfect knowledge of the Sanscrit.
Admitting that a profound acquaintance with the Sanscrit, or Arabic,
may not be requisite, though the latter is so intimately connected with
the Persian, and the former with the Hindoo languages of Hindee and
Bengalee, still, great advantages result in those cases where students
desire to possess a perfect knowledge of the minor languages.
At present the system in Bengal is this:--The Writers are divided
into two classes; one for the Bengal Presidency, and the other for
the North-west provinces. For the former, Bengalee and Hindee are the
languages studied; and for the latter, Persian and Oordoo. Each Writer
must pass in two languages before he can be reported "qualified for
the public service." There are now two examiners; one of whom is a
subaltern in the 42nd Regiment Bengal Native Infantry. The examinations
are held in the College rooms, at Writers' Buildings; but, unlike the
examinations of our English universities, they are private and not
public. There are at times from twenty to twenty-five, or even more
students, in Calcutta, some of whom are allowed, if they have relations
or friends in the civil service, in the Mofussil (country), to go into
the interior to study.
The usual course is to examine the students monthly; and a report of
their proficiency is made quarterly, and published in the "Gazette."
The "Gazette" also gives the names of those young men who have
obtained prizes; for several read for "honours." It will be evident
that the expenses of a college, which is to embrace the European and
other languages, as well as other studies, such as general history,
mathematics, and geography, would be very considerable. In England,
besides, professors can easily be procured; whereas, in India, it is
impossible to obtain them without great trouble and expense. The latter
consideration weighed with the Court of Directors; and, while they
acknowledged the validity of the Marquis's arguments on the necessity
of giving a superior education to young men, who, in their progressive
rise in the service, would have hundreds, or thousands under them;
who would become heads of great departments in the government, and,
possibly, members of the Council, still acted wisely in giving
that education in England; and this, among other, for the following
reasons:--
Because the young men are brought up in a more congenial climate,
and do not leave England before they are nineteen or twenty years of
age, when they are better able to endure the change of climate; they
arrive in India when they have acquired a certain amount of practical
knowledge of the world; at a period when young men begin to see the
folly of indulging in the expensive habits of youth; and, moreover,
have before them the sad warning of Writers getting into debt, who
might have quitted the service on a pension of £1,000 a-year, had they
not involved themselves in debt in their early career. In fact, they
arrive as young men, and not as boys.
It is evident, therefore, that Haileybury is far superior to any
College which could be established in India.
Except in a few cases of very talented Writers, it is all lost time to
study the Oriental languages in England, beyond the mere grammar and
ground-work. To teach a civilian a few words and phrases, in order to
enable him to ask some necessary questions and give a few orders, is
all that is requisite. It is far better to devote their minds to the
study of the history and political economy of the country, in which
they are to reside, and to assist in governing. Let them study the
laws of England as to crimes, and the civil laws as to obedience and
allegiance; the law of contracts; the mode of recovering debts due to
the Government, and to individuals. Let them well digest the principal
regulations of the government under which they are to serve; and the
customs, manners, prejudices and religion of the natives, both Hindoos
and Mahomedans. These are ample subjects for the employment of the
Writer's mind whilst in England; for as to the Oriental languages,
there is great danger of acquiring a bad pronunciation, a point which
is of the utmost importance in the colloquial languages, such as Oordoo
and Persian.
At the East India Military Seminary, at Addiscombe, the students are
taught mathematics and classics, fortification and artillery, military
drawing and surveying, landscape drawing, geology and mineralogy,
chemistry and French.
It is an important consideration, whether cadets who can now, as in
the Royal Army, enter the service at sixteen years of age, should not
rather leave England at the age of eighteen; for it is a well-known
fact, that recruits for the army are more healthy, and bear the climate
of India better, when they arrive at the age of eighteen, nineteen or
twenty years. Formerly, indeed, direct cadets were sent out to India at
the early age of fifteen years, and Marlow cadets at fifteen and a half.
Bishop's College was founded in 1820, by "The Incorporated Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts," at the instance
of Bishop Middleton. This institution is essentially a religious
foundation, and is under the management of a Principal, the Rev. W.
Kay, B.D., Lincoln College, Oxford, and three Professors.
Bishop's College is open for the admission of all students of moderate
qualifications, who shall conform to its religious ordinances, and its
academical instruction and discipline. It has a library of about 6,000
volumes, besides a large and varied collection of manuscripts, chiefly
Oriental; namely, Syriac, Zend, Pehlevi, Arabic, Persian, Tibetan
and Sanscrit. Among the latter are parts of the first two Vedas, and
several Puranas. The Universities of Oxford and Cambridge send copies
of all works printed at their presses, to Bishop's College.
The students are required to attend divine service twice daily, after
the form of the Common Prayer of the United Church of England and
Ireland, in the beautiful little chapel of the College. They have their
meals in common, in the hall, which is a spacious and elegant room,
adorned with the portraits of the Founder, Bishop Middleton, and of a
former distinguished Principal, the late Rev. W.H. Mill, D.D., Trinity
College, Cambridge, a man for whom I entertained the greatest respect,
as well for his varied and gigantic literary attainments, as for his
quiet and unassuming manners.
The students, with the exception of the natives, wear an academical
dress; and, with the sanction of their parents or guardians, are
expected to embrace the profession of schoolmasters, catechists or
missionaries. The usual period of study is five years, after which
they are employed at a fixed stipend as catechists, until of age for
ordination, when they become missionaries.
There are native teachers for Arabic and Persian, Sanscrit and
Bengalee, Cingalese and Tamul. At the College press, translations are
made into the Oriental languages of the Holy Scriptures and of the
Liturgy, under a revision of the College Syndicate, which consists
of seven members. There were, in 1849, seventeen persons studying at
the College, who, as soon as they become qualified, will be sent as
catechists or missionaries to different parts of India. Two of the
chaplains of the Bengal establishment have been ordained from this
College.
The Madrissa, or Mahomedan College, is situated in Wellesley Square,
Cullinga. Natives are here instructed in the Arabic, the language in
which the laws of the Mahomedan Government are written; and the object
is to preserve a correct knowledge of that language.
There is another Mahomedan College at Hoogly, about twenty miles from
Calcutta, called the College of Mahomed Mohsin, established in August,
1836.
The Hindoo College was established in 1816. It consists of a Principal,
a Lecturer on Mathematics, a Professor of Natural and Experimental
Philosophy and Civil Engineering, a Surveying Master, and an Assistant
Professor of Literature, besides several assistants in the respective
departments.
The Sanscrit College consists of eleven Pundits, three English
teachers, who are natives, two secretaries, and a librarian. The object
of this Institution is to preserve a correct acquaintance with this
original and learned Hindoo language, in which the Hindoo sacred books
and laws are written.
The Schools in Calcutta are numerous. The Free School is a charitable
institution, and its object is not only to educate, but also to
apprentice the children, when they have arrived at a suitable age.
Parents, whose children are not eligible on the score of poverty, may
have them educated in this School, on the monthly payment of a sum,
not exceeding ten rupees, or £1 sterling. On the 1st of January, 1849,
there were 400 children in this Institution.
The Lower Orphan School, Alipore, is divided into two departments, a
boys' and a girls'.
St. Paul's School, Chowringhee, was established in 1845. It is under
a Committee of Management, of which the Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of
Calcutta is the President.
St. James' School, was established by the Society for Promoting
Christian Knowledge. This benevolent Institution, founded in 1809,
admits children of both sexes, and is under the control of three
Trustees. The Parental Academic Institution was founded in March, 1823.
The Free Church Institution, originally established in August, 1830,
under the name of "the General Assembly's Institution," and now
supported by the Free Church of Scotland, consists of a College, a
Normal and Preparatory School. The number of pupils is about 1,100. In
immediate connexion with the Free Church Institution are three Branch
Schools, mustering 550 pupils. The General Assembly's Institution,
situated in Cornwallis Square, has about 500 pupils.
The Bhowanipore Christian Institution was established by the Church
Missionary Society, and contains 475 scholars.
The Indian Free School, situated in Cornwallis Street, was instituted
in 1839. Each scholar pays a fee of two rupees, or 4_s._ a month.
The Anglo-Indian School was established in 1829; the boys pay one and
two rupees, or 2_s._ and 4_s._ per mensem.
The Patriotic College was established in 1846. The terms are from one
and a half to three rupees monthly, and the course of education is the
same as that adopted in the Hindoo college, with slight modifications.
The Normal Institution has two schools, the one Normal and the other
Model. In the former the students are divided into two classes,
stipendiary and free, the first of whom receive from Government 12
rupees or £1. 4_s._ per month.
There is a Baptist Mission School, a European Female Orphan Asylum,
and a Ladies' Baptist Missionary Society. In all, there are seventeen
Public Seminaries for the instruction of boys, exclusive of the
military Upper and Lower Orphan Schools at Kidderpore, and ten private
schools for girls, besides two public schools. The military Upper and
Lower Orphan Schools at Kidderpore are supported, partly by Government,
but chiefly by the subscriptions of the officers of the Bengal army;
the Upper Schools are for the children of officers, and the Lower for
those of the non-commissioned officers and privates. There are 114
boys and 116 girls, or a total of 230 children. Fifteen of the boys
are at St. Paul's school and fifty-seven of the girls at Kidderpore
House. Some of the boys are sent to the regimental bands, and others
are apprenticed to trades. Each girl, on her marriage, receives 1,500
rupees, or £150, as a marriage portion.
There is a Roman Catholic Cathedral Free School for boys and girls, and
a Roman Catholic Seminary, established about the year 1829, for young
ladies and boys under ten years of age.
The Armenian Philanthropic School, founded by the Armenian community in
April, 1821, numbers sixty-seven pupils.
The Medical College comprises two classes of students, namely, one
class who are taught in English, and another in Hindoostanee; the
number of the former is 109, and of the latter 128. A few years
since four of the students of the college were taken to England by
Dr. Goodeve, one of the Professors, where they all passed the London
examination with great credit; one of them took the degree of M.D.
and was made F.R.C.S., a second became M.R.C.S. and is now Assistant
Demonstrator of Anatomy in the college. The object is to furnish a
superior class, in room of the former unscientific, native surgeons.
When they have passed the usual course, the students are called
Sub-Assistant Surgeons, and are sent to corps and to civil stations.
The General Hospital, situated to the south of the race-course, is for
the admission of European soldiers, whose case requires more detailed
treatment than they can have in Fort William. European seamen of
merchant vessels requiring amputations, and patients from the native
troops at Barrackpore, doing duty in Calcutta, are eligible for this
hospital.
The Native Hospital is a most useful institution; besides which there
is also a good Native Hospital at Howrah, and a Seaman's Hospital,
supported by the mercantile community of Calcutta.
In the year 1847 the Government formed an Experimental Mesmeric
Hospital, which was to be tried for a year; Dr. J. Esdaile was
appointed surgeon in charge. There is no doubt that some of the medical
profession at Calcutta did not like the new hospital, for it was
utterly foreign to the ideas of most people in India. At the end of
the year a Report was given in, and a committee appointed to determine
upon its merits; but their decision being unfavourable to the renewal
of the hospital for a further term, the experiment was given up. Upon
this the natives of rank and influence sent a memorial to Government,
who replied, that as the Hospital was chiefly for the benefit of the
natives, the Government would allow Dr. Esdaile's services for the
institution, on condition that the natives should subscribe to it.
In June, 1848, a meeting took place to consider the matter; when
several European and native gentlemen gave donations, and offered
monthly subscriptions, for the formation of the hospital. At the
request of the Committee, the Government furnished the necessary
instruments for operations.
Dr. Esdaile had previously published a work on the subject of
Mesmerism; and had, while civil surgeon of Hoogly, privately, and at
his own expense, formed a ward in his hospital for mesmeric operations.
A report was published of his cases; and the result was highly
satisfactory.
The new hospital was opened in August, 1848, since which time people
have come from great distances to undergo a "painless operation."
If Dr. Elliotson, who is considered, by many, to be one of the most
accomplished medical men in Europe, and, luckily, a man of property,
lost many of his patients in consequence of his advocacy of the new
theory, Dr. Esdaile surely was a bold man to propose Mesmerism in
Calcutta, where there are so many "ditch" jobs carried on. Had a
Governor-General undergone an operation, under its mild influence,
Mesmerism would have been the order of the day; for then all the
members of council and secretaries of government would have become
converts, as a matter of course.
The objections of the medical members who drew up the unfavourable
report, were most singular. Some thought Mesmerism would affect the
nervous system; others said that as it had only been tried on natives,
they doubted whether Europeans could be influenced by it. Latterly,
however, there has been a reaction. It is known that ether and
chloroform have been extensively used in England, France, and America;
indeed, in one large hospital in London, all surgical operations are
effected under the influence of chloroform. Both ether and chloroform
may become safe means in process of time; but as yet it cannot be
denied that many fatal results have occurred. With a large army on
active service, one or the other of the remedies will, doubtless,
often be resorted to, after an action. But the mesmeric process would
not always answer in such cases, as it frequently requires time. Some
patients are altogether incapable of being affected in one day.
As to Europeans, the answer is simply this; if one manipulator be not
sufficient, two, three, or more operators must be called in. At Madras,
a short time ago, it was proposed to place a lady about to be confined,
under the influence of ether, when her husband objected, because it is
written in the Bible (Gen. iii. 16) "I will greatly multiply thy sorrow
and thy conception; in sorrow thou shalt bring forth children." Upon
the same principle a man ought to object to another person's taking
medicine to alleviate pain. Such an unchristian perversion of doctrine
was never before resorted to; as if it could be displeasing to God,
that his creatures should use any means to mitigate the sufferings of
humanity.
The Eye Infirmary was established about thirty years since. It is a
very useful hospital, for many of the natives suffer from cataract.
About twenty years ago it was proposed to establish an Eye infirmary
at Meerut, and there certainly appears to be an opening for a second.
About two-thirds of the Bengal army is now stationed in the Upper
Provinces; and, if one such infirmary be required for the city of
Calcutta, it is to be presumed that another would be necessary in a
position so distant as 900 miles. The population of the North-Western
provinces is, as I have stated, 23,199,668, not including some 60,000
soldiers.
The Sailors' Home was instituted in 1837. Captain T.E. Rogers, I.N.,
Superintendent of Marine, is President, and the American, Danish, and
French Consuls, are Vice-Presidents. The object is to suppress the
system of crimping. Before this "Home" was established, seamen, when
ill, were obliged to go where they could, and thus they fell into the
hands of crimps, who cheated them out of their money, and injured their
health and morals. Now both officers and men can go to the "Home," and
obtain comfortable board and lodging at reasonable rates. By another
admirable rule of the institution, they may deposit their earnings with
the Superintendent, during their stay in Calcutta. The Superintendent
is also at liberty to provide dinners for parties coming on shore on
leave, at fixed rates, on a day's notice being given. "Drunkenness,
profane swearing, and inordinate conduct, will be in every way
discountenanced; and orderly, sober, and industrious habits encouraged.
Medical attendance when required."
The Government make an allowance of 1,100 rupees (£110) yearly for
house-rent. On the 31st of January, 1849, it appears from the Report,
that "the 'Home' had clothed and maintained, free of expense to the men
themselves, eighty shipwrecked and distressed seamen, who, but for the
'Sailors' Home,' would have been destitute."
In the year 1848, the number of inmates was 687. The men on the whole
behaved well.
The Calcutta Alms Houses, were erected by the munificence of Lady
William Bentinck, about the year 1835.
There are eight Masonic Lodges in Calcutta, and about 1,700 free
and accepted Masons. As a Master Mason (Scientific Lodge, No. 105),
adhering to the obligations I have entered into, never to reveal any
masonic secrets, which have been entrusted to my keeping, I would
cautiously shun the present occasion of doing so. Although as a soldier
I might be led to expatiate, still I will pass over the allegorical
and symbolical science of masonry, only remarking that I never knew a
mason who was a bad or troublesome soldier: but, on the contrary, the
more perfect the mason, the more noble the soldier.
The Botanical Garden was established about sixty years since, under the
superintendence of the late General Kyd, of the Bengal Engineers. In
1794, the late Dr. Roxburgh, of the Madras Medical Establishment, was
nominated Superintendent; since that gentleman's retirement, it has
been under a Bengal medical officer. The object is to collect trees,
plants, and flowers from the different parts of India and adjacent
countries, from the Malayan Archipelago, China, Mauritius, Africa,
Europe and America. The Garden is situated on the other, or right bank
of the river, opposite Garden Reach, and not far from Bishop's College.
It is a very favourite resort in the cold season, when parties are made
up to visit the Garden, and spend the day there. There is a branch
garden at Saharunpore near the hills, under the Himalaya Mountains.
With the renewal of the charter, in 1834, it was thought necessary to
appoint a Law Commission, and the President, a legal gentleman who
was sent out from England, has a seat in the Council of India. Two
members were at the same time appointed, one from Madras, and another
from Bombay; together with a secretary. The present President is Mr.
Peacock, who appears to be left alone to work out acts for India,
the two members having gone. How long this office may continue, it
is impossible to say: the next charter will probably introduce a new
system. The members were gentlemen of the Civil Service; and if the
system of law education at Haileybury should be improved, it may become
possible to find one, out of eight or nine hundred civilians, competent
to be President.
The Council of Education consists of a President and nine members,
three of whom are natives. All Colleges and schools, supported
or assisted by the Government with any allowance, are under the
superintendence of the Council of Education. This Council directs
the course of education for all colleges and schools where English
is taught, excepting Bishop's College, and the Medical (strictly so
called) College, and selects the works or books to be read. This
supervision or control extends to the out-stations, and indeed to all
the schools under the Bengal Presidency.
The European Lunatic Asylum, is near the General Hospital. At Benares,
there is a similar one for unfortunate natives.
The Small Cause Court, is a Court for the recovery of debts due by
Europeans to natives, or by natives to Europeans; in fact any person
may be a plaintiff.
The maximum amount of claim or debt, sued for in this court, is 500
rupees or £50 sterling. The amount of decrees probably extends to five
or six lakhs of rupees (£50,000 or £60,000) per annum. Poor people can
sue in _forma pauperis_, when the judges dispense with the cost of
fees. The Act is somewhat similar to the English Small Cause, or County
Courts.
Military Courts of Request, are held at every station in the army. All
European as well as Native Officers, Non-commissioned Officers and
Sepoys are subject to them, except such European and non-commissioned
officers as are holding staff appointments away from their regiments.
There is a European Court and a Native Court, in which sums of 400 and
200 rupees (£40 and £20) or under, can be respectively sued for. In
certain cases, however, in the Native Courts, sums to any amount may be
investigated.
The Police Office, is presided over by a Chief Magistrate and two other
Magistrates, one of whom is a Native. The Chief Magistrate superintends
the River Police; the Senior Magistrate, the Second or Southern
Division; and the Junior Magistrate, the First or Northern Division
of Calcutta. There is also a Superintendent of Police. The Native
Policemen amount to about 1,900, besides a body of Mounted Police who
patrol at night. On my second arrival at Calcutta, in August, 1849, I
found the police in a much more efficient state than when I left for
England, in July, 1846, both as regards number and general usefulness.
The Bengal Civil Fund, entitles the civil servants of the Government to
obtain their pension of £1,000 per annum, by paying 4 per cent. out of
their salaries. To become entitled to this pension, a civilian must pay
up 50,000 rupees (£5,000); it is taken by seniority.
The Bengal Civil Service Annuity Fund, is to grant pensions to the
widows and orphans of deceased civil servants, securing to the widow
£300 a year, and so much for each child; if she marries, she forfeits
the pension for herself, but the children are kept on the Fund. If the
widow has a private income of less than £100 a year, she gets the £300;
but if above £100 and under £400, the sum is made up to £400 per annum.
The object of the Bengal Military Fund, is to grant pensions to the
widows of officers, after the following scale:
If in India, In England
per mensen. per annum.
Rupees Annas Pies. £. _s._ _d._
A Colonel's widow draws 238 6 5 342 3 9
A Lieut.-Colonel's 190 11 6 273 15 0
A Major's 143 0 7 205 6 3
A Captain's 95 5 9 136 17 6
A Lieutenant's 71 3 1 102 3 9
An Ensign's 56 9 8 81 5 0
Children are allowed so much a year; boys up to a certain age, but
girls may be kept on the Fund till they are married. A sick officer,
provided he does not possess 5,000 rupees (£500), will obtain 1,200
rupees (£120) passage money. Subalterns when sick, if they do not
possess £50 per annum above their pay, will be allowed £50 passage
money.
Lord Clive's Fund, established in 1776, is now paid by the Court of
Directors, and amounts to half an officer's pay, if not possessing as
follow:
A Colonel £4,000
A Lieut.-Colonel 3,000
A Major 2,500
A Captain 2,000
A Lieutenant 1,000
A Surgeon 2,000
An Ensign 750
The object of the Queen's Military Fund, which was raised in 1820, and
revised in 1827, is to pay the passage home of widows and children of
the Royal Service:
A Field Officer's Widow is allowed 2,000 rupees, or £200
A Captain's and Subaltern's 1,500 " 150
The allowance for each child
Not exceeding three, is 500 rupees, or £50
Exceeding three 300 " 30
A certain sum is also granted to enable widows and children, on
landing, to reach their homes, which is called "travelling expenses."
Officers, if so disposed, may pay so much monthly: that is to say,
Rupees £ _s._
Commander-in-Chief 30 or 3 0
General Officer 20 " 2 0
Adjutant-General 12 " 1 4
Deputy ditto 10 " 1 0
Ditto Assistant ditto 8 " 16
Brigade-Major 6 " 12
Lieutenant-Colonel, if commanding 10 " 1 0
Ditto, if not 8 " 16
Major, if commanding 8 " 16
Do. if not 6 " 12
Captain, Paymaster, or Surgeon 4 " 8
Lieutenant, or Assistant Surgeon 2 " 4
Cornet, Second Lieutenant, or Ensign 1 " 2
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 105: A Crore is 100 lakhs, or 10,000,000 rupees.]
[Footnote 106: Vide "A Discourse on the Studies of the University of
Cambridge," by Professor Sedgwick, M.A., F.R.S., etc., Vice-Master of
Trinity College, Cambridge.]
[Footnote 107: Atlas for India, July, 1849.]
[Footnote 108: "Guddee" means a "cushion." Let the reader place a
cushion for the back, and one on each side, and he will have the Hindoo
"Guddee" or throne.]
[Footnote 109: Wilson's Mill's History of India, vol. ix. p. 185.]
[Footnote 110: Ibid, vol. ix. p. 186.]
[Footnote 111: Whilst correcting the press this College has been
abolished, and is replaced by a Board of Examiners at Calcutta,
consisting of a president, and as many members as the Government may
think fit to appoint.]
APPENDIX.
I.
[Page 39.]
THE TREATY WITH LAHORE OF 1809.
_Treaty between the British Government and the Rajah of Lahore_, (25th
of April, 1809.)
WHEREAS certain differences which had arisen between the British
Government and the Rajah of Lahore have been happily and amicably
adjusted; and both parties being anxious to maintain relations of
perfect amity and concord, the following articles of treaty, which
shall be binding on the heirs and successors of the two parties, have
been concluded by the Rajah Runjeet Singh in person, and by the agency
of C.T. Metcalfe, Esquire, on the part of the British Government.
Article 1.--Perpetual friendship shall subsist between the British
Government and the State of Lahore: the latter shall be considered,
with respect to the former, to be on the footing of the most favoured
powers, and the British Government will have no concern with the
territories and subjects of the Rajah to the northward of the river
Sutlej.
Article 2.--The Rajah will never maintain in the territory which he
occupies on the left bank of the river Sutlej, more troops than are
necessary for the internal duties of that territory, nor commit or
suffer any incroachments on the possessions or rights of the Chiefs in
its vicinity.
Article 3.--In the event of a violation of any of the preceding
articles, or of a departure from the rules of friendship, this treaty
shall be considered null and void.
Article 4.--This treaty, consisting of four articles, having been
settled and concluded at Umritsur, on the 25th day of April, 1809, Mr.
C.T. Metcalfe has delivered to the Rajah of Lahore a copy of the same
in English and Persian, under his seal and signature; and the Rajah
has delivered another copy of the same under his seal and signature,
and Mr. C.T. Metcalfe engages to procure within the space of two
months, a copy of the same duly ratified by the Right Honourable the
Governor-General in Council, on the receipt of which by the Rajah,
the present treaty shall be considered complete and binding on both
parties, and the copy of it now delivered to the Rajah shall be
returned.
II.
[Page 39.]
SIR DAVID OCHTERLONY'S PROCLAMATION OF 1809.
_Precept or "Ittillah Nameh," under the Seal of General St. Leger, and
under the Seal and Signature of Colonel Ochterlony; written on the 9th
of February, 1809, corresponding to the 23d Zee Hijeh, 1223, Hijree._
THE British army having encamped near the frontiers of the Maharajah
Runjeet Singh, it has been thought proper to signify the pleasure of
the British Government, by means of this precept, in order to make
all the Chiefs of the Maharajah acquainted with the sentiments of the
British Government, which have solely for their object and aim to
confirm the friendship with the Maharajah, and to prevent any injury
to his country, the preservation of friendship between the two States,
depending on particular conditions which are hereby detailed.
The Thânnahs in the fortress of Khur'r, Khanpore, and other places on
this side of the river Sutlej, which have been placed in the hands of
the dependents of the Maharajah, shall be razed, and the same places
restored to their ancient possessors.
The force of cavalry and infantry which may have crossed to this side
of the Sutlej must be recalled to the other side, to the country of the
Maharajah.
The troops stationed at the Ghât of Philour must march thence, and
depart to the other side of the river as described, and in future the
troops of the Maharajah shall never advance into the country of the
Chiefs situated on this side of the river, who have called in for their
security and protection Thânnahs of the British Government; but if in
the manner that the British have placed Thânnahs of moderate number
on this side of the Sutlej, if in like manner a small force by way of
Thânnah be stationed at the Ghât of Philour, it will not be objected to.
If the Maharajah persevere in the fulfilment of the above stipulations,
which he so repeatedly professed to do in the presence of Mr. Metcalfe,
such fulfilment will confirm the mutual friendship. In case of
non-compliance with these stipulations, then shall it be plain that the
Maharajah has no regard for the friendship of the British, but, on the
contrary, resolves on enmity. In such case the victorious British army
shall commence every mode of defence.
The communication of this precept is solely with the view of publishing
the sentiments of the British, and to know those of the Maharajah. The
British are confident that the Maharajah will consider the contents
of this precept as abounding to his real advantage, and as affording a
conspicuous proof of their friendship; that with their capacity for war
they are also intent on peace.
III.
[Page 61.]
I MUST here observe, that in having so very large an Artillery, General
Thomas proved his appreciation of powerful batteries, an experience
which he had probably acquired on board a man-of-war, as everything,
in a naval action, depends upon the quick application of a powerful
broadside of, say thirty, forty, or sixty guns. General Thomas had
twelve guns to every thousand men. In Europe, the largest number ever
used, was by the Russians, in 1807, namely seven guns to every thousand
men. Hyder Ali Khan and Tippoo Sultan always used a great number of
guns of a large calibre; in like manner the Maharatta chiefs, Sindiah
and Holcar brought eighty and a hundred guns into the field of battle.
Except very recently, we have had fewer guns than the Sikhs; the battle
of Goojerat (Feb. 21, 1849) being the only one in which we appear to
have been superior to the enemy in this respect.
IV.
[Page 62.]
THE TREATY WITH LAHORE OF 1806.
_Treaty of Friendship and Unity between the Honourable East India
Company and the Sirdars Runjeet Singh and Futteh Singh._ (1st of
January, 1806.)
SIRDAR Runjeet Singh and Sirdar Futteh Singh have consented to the
following articles of agreement concluded by Lieutenant-Colonel John
Malcolm, under the special authority of the Right Honourable Lord Lake,
himself duly authorized by the Honourable Sir George Hilaro Barlow,
Bart., Governor-General, and Sirdar Futteh Singh, as principal on the
part of himself, and plenipotentiary on the part of Runjeet Singh:--
Article 1.--Sirdar Runjeet Singh and Sirdar Futteh Singh Aloowalla,
hereby agree that they will cause Jeswunt Rao Holcar to remove with his
army to the distance of thirty coss from Umritsur immediately, and will
never hereafter hold any further connection with him, or aid or assist
him with troops, or in any other manner whatever; and they further
agree that they will not in any way molest such of Jeswunt Rao Holcar's
followers or troops as are desirous of returning to their homes in the
Deccan, but, on the contrary, will render them every assistance in
their power for carrying such intention into execution.
Article 2.--The British Government hereby agrees, that in case a
pacification should not be effected between that Government and
Jeswunt Rao Holcar, the British army shall move from its present
encampment, on the banks of the river Beeah, as soon as Jeswunt Rao
Holcar aforesaid shall have marched his army to the distance of thirty
coss from Umritsur; and that in any treaty which may hereafter be
concluded between the British Government and Jeswunt Rao Holcar, it
shall be stipulated that, immediately after the conclusion of the said
treaty, Holcar shall evacuate the territories of the Sikhs, and march
towards his own, and that he shall in no way whatever injure or destroy
such parts of the Sikh country as may lie in his route. The British
Government further agrees that, as long as the said Chieftains, Runjeet
Singh and Futteh Singh, abstain from holding any friendly connection
with the enemies of that Government, or from committing any act of
hostility on their own parts against the said Government, the British
armies shall never enter the territories of the said Chieftains,
nor will the British Government form any plans for the seizure or
sequestration of their possessions or property.
Dated 1st of January, 1806.
V.
[Page 65.]
PROCLAMATION OF PROTECTION TO CIS SUTLEJ STATES AGAINST LAHORE. Of 1809.
_Translation of an "Ittilah Nameh," addressed to the Chiefs of the
Country of Malwa and Sirhind, on this side of the river Sutlej._ (3rd
of May, 1809.)
IT is clearer than the sun and better proved than the existence of
yesterday, that the marching of a detachment of British troops to this
side of the river Sutlej was entirely at the application and earnest
entreaty of the several Chiefs, and originated solely from friendly
considerations in the British Government, to preserve them in their
possessions and independence. A treaty having been concluded, on the
25th of April, 1809, between Mr. Metcalfe on the part of the British
Government, and Maharajah Runjeet Singh, agreeably to the orders of the
Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council, I have the pleasure
of publishing, for the satisfaction of the Chiefs of the country
of Malwa and Sirhind, the pleasure and resolution of the British
Government, as contained in the seven following articles:--
Article 1.--The country of the Chiefs of Malwa and Sirhind having
entered under the British protection, they shall in future be secured
from the authority and influence of Maharajah Runjeet Singh,
conformably to the terms of the treaty.
Article 2.--All the country of the Chiefs thus taken under protection
shall be exempted from all pecuniary tribute to the British Government.
Article 3.--The Chiefs shall remain in the full exercise of the same
rights and authority in their own possessions which they enjoyed before
they were received under the British protection.
Article 4.--Should a British force, on purposes of general welfare,
be required to march through the country of the said Chiefs, it
is necessary and incumbent that every Chief shall, within his own
possessions, assist and furnish, to the full of his power, such force
with supplies of Grain and other necessaries which may be demanded.
Article 5.--Should an enemy approach from any quarter, for the purpose
of conquering this country, friendship and mutual interest require that
the Chiefs join the British army with all their force, and, exerting
themselves in expelling the enemy, act under discipline and proper
obedience.
Article 6.--All European articles brought by merchants from the eastern
districts, for the use of the army, shall be allowed to pass, by the
Thânnahdars and Sayerdars of the several Chiefs, without molestation
and the demand of duty.
Article 7.--All horses purchased for the use of cavalry regiments,
whether in the district of Sirhind or elsewhere, the bringers of which
being provided with sealed "Rahdaries" from the Resident at Delhi, or
officer commanding at Sirhind, shall be allowed to pass through the
country of the said Chiefs without molestation or the demand of duty.
VI.
[Page 67.]
PROCLAMATION OF PROTECTION TO CIS SUTLEJ STATES AGAINST ONE ANOTHER OF
1811.
_For the Information and Assurance of the Protected Chiefs of the
Plains between the Sutlej and the Jumna._ (22nd of August, 1811.)
ON the 3rd of May, 1809, an "Ittilah Nameh," comprised of seven
articles, was issued by the orders of the British Government,
purporting that the country of the Sirdars of Sirhind and Malwa having
come under their protection, Rajah Runjeet Singh, agreeably to treaty,
had no concern with the possessions of the above Sirdars: That the
British Government had no intention of claiming Peishkushs or Nuzerana,
and that they should continue in the full control and enjoyment of
their respective possessions. The publication of the above "Ittilah
Nameh" was intended to afford every confidence to the Sirdars, that
the protection of the country was the sole object, that they had no
intention of control, and that those having possessions should remain
in full and complete enjoyment thereof.
Whereas several Zumindars and other subjects of the Chiefs of this
country have preferred complaints to the officers of the British
Government, who, having in view the tenor of the above "Ittilah Nameh,"
have not attended, and will not in future pay attention to them;--for
instance, on the 15th of June, 1811, Delawur Ali Khan of Samana
complained to the Resident of Delhi against the officers of Rajah
Sahib Singh, for jewels and other property said to have been seized by
them, who, in reply, observed, that the "Cusba of Samana being in the
Ameeldary of Rajah Sahib Singh, his complaint should be made to him;"
and also, on the 12th of July, 1811, Dussowndha Singh and Goormook
Singh complained to Colonel Ochterlony, Agent to the Governor-General,
against Sirdar Churrut Singh, for their shares of property, etc.; and
in reply it was written on the back of their urzee, "that since during
the period of three years, no claim was preferred against Churrut Singh
by any of his brothers, nor even the name of any co-partner mentioned;
and since it was advertised in the 'Ittilah Nameh' delivered to the
Sirdars, that every Chief should remain in the quiet and full enjoyment
of his domains, the petition could not be attended to,"--the insertion
of these answers to complaints is intended as examples, and also that
it may be impressed on the minds of every Zumindar and other subject,
that the attainment of justice is to be expected from their respective
Chiefs only, that they may not, in the smallest degree swerve from
the observance of subordination.--It is, therefore, highly incumbent
upon the Rajahs and other Sirdars of this side of the river Sutlej,
that they explain this to their respective subjects, and court their
confidence, that it may be clear to them, that complaints to the
officers of the British Government will be of no avail, and that they
consider their respective Sirdars as the source of justice, and that,
of their free will and accord, they observe uniform obedience.
And whereas, according to the first Proclamation, it is not the
intention of the British Government to interfere in the possessions of
the Sirdars of this country, it is nevertheless, for the purpose of
ameliorating the condition of the community, particularly necessary
to give general information, that several Sirdars have, since the
incursion of Rajah Runjeet Singh, wrested the estates of others, and
deprived them of their lawful possessions, and that in the restoration
they have used delays, until detachments of the British army have
been sent to effect restitution, as in the case of the Rannee of
Terah, the Sikhs of Cholian, the Talookas of Carowley and Chehloundy,
and the village of Cheeba; and the reason of such delays and evasions
can only be attributed to the temporary enjoyment of the revenues,
and subjecting the owners to irremediable losses:--It is, therefore,
by order of the British Government, hereby proclaimed, that if any
one of the Sirdars or others has forcibly taken possession of the
estates of others, or otherwise injured the lawful owners, it is
necessary that, before the occurrence of any complaint, the proprietor
should be satisfied, and by no means to defer the restoration of
the property,--in which, however, should delays be made, and the
interference of the British authority become requisite, the revenues of
the estate from the date of ejection of the lawful proprietor, together
with whatever other losses the inhabitants of that place may sustain
from the march of troops, shall without scruple be demanded from the
offending party; and for disobedience of the present orders, a penalty,
according to the circumstances of the case and of the offender, shall
be levied, agreeably to the decision of the British Government.
VII.
[Page 69.]
INDUS NAVIGATION TREATY OF 1832.
_Articles of Convention established between the Honourable the East
India Company, and his Highness the Maharajah Runjeet Singh, the Ruler
of the Punjaub, for the opening of the Navigation of the rivers Indus
and Sutlej._ (Originally drafted 26th of December, 1832.)
BY the grace of God, the relations of firm alliance and indissoluble
ties of friendship existing between the Honourable the East India
Company and his Highness the Maharajah Runjeet Singh, founded on
the auspicious treaty formerly concluded by Sir T.C. Metcalfe,
Bart., and since confirmed in the written pledge of sincere amity
presented by the Right Honourable Lord W.C. Bentinck, G.C.B. and
G.C.H., Governor-General of British India, at the meeting at Rooper,
are, like the sun, clear and manifest to the whole world, and will
continue unimpaired, and increase in strength from generation to
generation:--By virtue of these firmly established bonds of friendship,
since the opening of the navigation of the rivers Indus proper (_i.e._
Indus below the confluence of the Punjaub) and Sutlej, (a measure
deemed expedient by both States, with a view to promote the general
interests of commerce),--has lately been effected through the agency
of Captain C.M. Wade, Political Agent at Loodianna, deputed by the
Right Honourable the Governor-General for that purpose. The following
Articles, explanatory of the conditions by which the said navigation is
to be regulated, as concerns the nomination of officers, the mode of
collecting the duties, and the protection of the trade by that route,
have been framed, in order that the officers of the two States employed
in their execution may act accordingly:--
Article 1.--The provisions of the existing treaty relative to the
right bank of the river Sutlej and all its stipulations, together with
the contents of the friendly pledge already mentioned, shall remain
binding, and a strict regard to preserve the relations of friendship
between the two States shall be the ruling principle of action. In
accordance with that treaty, the Honourable Company has not, nor will
have any concern with the right bank of the river Sutlej.
Article 2.--The tariff which is to be established for the line of
navigation in question is intended to apply exclusively to the passage
of merchandise by that route, and not to interfere with the transit
duties levied on goods proceeding from one hank of the river to the
other, nor with the places fixed for their collection: they are to
remain as heretofore.
Article 3.--Merchants frequenting the same route, while within the
limits of the Maharajah's Government, are required to show a due regard
to his authority, as is done by merchants generally, and not to commit
any acts offensive to the civil and religious institutions of the Sikhs.
Article 4.--Any one purposing to go the said route will intimate his
intention to the Agent of either State, and apply for a passport,
agreeably to a form to be laid down; having obtained which, he may
proceed on his journey. The merchants coming from Umritsur, and
other parts on the right bank of the river Sutlej, are to intimate
their intentions to the agent of the Maharajah, at Hurrekee, or
other appointed places, and obtain a passport through him; and
merchants coming from Hindoostan, or other parts on the left bank of
the river Sutlej, will intimate their intentions to the Honourable
Company's Agent and obtain a passport through him. As foreigners, and
Hindoostanees, and Sirdars of the protected Sikh States and elsewhere,
are not in the habit of crossing the Sutlej without a passport from the
Maharajah's officers, it is expected that such persons will hereafter
also conform to the same rule, and not cross without the usual
passports.
Article 5.--A tariff shall be established exhibiting the rate of duties
leviable on each description of merchandise, which, after having been
approved by both Governments, is to be the standard by which the
superintendents and collectors of customs are to be guided.
Article 6.--Merchants are invited to adopt the new route with perfect
confidence: no one shall be suffered to molest them or unnecessarily
impede their progress, care being taken that they are only detained
for the collection of the duties, in the manner stipulated, at the
established stations.
Article 7.--The officers who are to be entrusted with the collection of
the duties, and examination of the goods on the right bank of the river
shall be stationed at Mithenkote and Hurrekee; at no other places but
these two, shall boats in transit on the river be liable to examination
or stoppage. When the persons in charge of boats stop of their own
accord to take in or give out cargo, the goods will be liable to the
local transit duty of the Maharajah's Government, previously to their
being landed, as provided in Article 2. The superintendent stationed at
Mithenkote having examined the cargo, will levy the established duty,
and grant a passport, with a written account of the cargo and freight.
On the arrival of the boat at Hurrekee, the superintendent of that
station will compare the passport with the cargo; and whatever goods
are found in excess will be liable to the payment of the established
duty, while the rest, having already paid duty at Mithenkote, will pass
on free. The same rule shall be observed in respect to merchandise
conveyed from Hurrekee by the way of the rivers towards Scinde, that
whatever may be fixed as the share of duties on the right bank of the
river Sutlej, in right of the Maharajah's own dominions and of those
in allegiance to him, the Maharajah's officers will collect it at the
places appointed. With regard to the security and safety of merchants
who may adopt this route, the Maharajah's officers shall afford them
every protection in their power; and merchants, on halting for the
night on either bank of the Sutlej, are required, with reference to
the treaty of friendship which exists between the two States, to give
notice, and to show their passports to the Thânnahdar, or officers in
authority at the place, and request protection for themselves: if,
notwithstanding this precaution, loss should at any time occur, a
strict enquiry will be made, and reclamation sought from those who are
blamable. The Articles of the present treaty for opening the navigation
of the rivers above mentioned having, agreeably to subsisting
relations, been approved by the Right Honourable the Governor-General,
shall be carried into execution accordingly.
Dated Lahore the 26th of December, 1832.
[Page 69.]
SUPPLEMENTARY INDUS NAVIGATION TREATY OF 1834.
_Draft of a Supplementary Treaty between the British Government and
Maharajah Runjeet Singh for establishing a Toll on the Indus._ (29th
of November, 1834.)
IN conformity with the subsisting relations of friendship, as
established and confirmed by former treaties, between the Honourable
the East India Company and his Highness Maharajah Runjeet Singh; and
whereas in the 5th Article of the treaty concluded at Lahore on the
26th day of December, 1832, it was stipulated that a moderate scale
of duties should be fixed by the two Governments in concert, to be
levied on all merchandise on transit up and down the rivers Indus and
Sutlej; the said Governments being now of opinion that, owing to the
inexperience of the people of these countries in such matters, the
mode of levying duties then proposed (_viz._ on the value and quantity
of goods) could not fail to give rise to mutual misunderstandings and
reclamations, have, with a view to prevent these results, determined
to substitute a toll, which shall be levied on all boats, with whatever
merchandise laden. The following articles have therefore been adopted
as supplementary to the former treaty; and in conformity with them,
each Government engages that the toll shall be levied, and its amount
neither be increased nor diminished except by mutual consent.
Article 1.--A toll of 570 Rupees shall be levied on all boats laden
with merchandise in transit on the rivers Indus and Sutlej, between the
sea and Rooper, without reference to their size, or to the weight or
value of their cargo; the above toll to be divided among the different
States in proportion to the extent of territory which they possess on
the banks of these rivers.
Article 2.--The portion of the above toll appertaining to the Lahore
Chief in right of his territory on both banks of these rivers,
as determined in the subjoined scale shall be levied opposite to
Mithenkote on boats coming from the sea towards Rooper, and in the
vicinity of Hurrekee Puttun on boats going from Rooper towards the sea,
and at no other place:--
In right of territory on the In right of territory on the
right bank of the rivers left bank of the rivers Indus
Indus and Sutlej, 155 and Sutlej, the Maharajah's
Rupees 4 annas. share, of 67
Rupees 15 annas. 9 pies.
Article 3.--In order to facilitate the realization of the toll due
to the different States, as well as for the speedy and satisfactory
adjustment of any disputes which may arise connected with the safety
of the navigation and the welfare of the trade by the new route, a
British officer will reside opposite to Mithenkote, and a native agent
on the part of the British Government, opposite to Hurrekee Puttun.
These officers will be subject to the orders of the British Agent
at Loodianna; and the Agents who may be appointed to reside at those
places on the part of the other States concerned in the navigation,
_viz._ Bhawulpore and Scinde, together with those of Lahore, will
co-operate with them in the execution of their duties.
Article 4.--In order to guard against imposition on the part of
merchants in making false complaints of being plundered of their
property which formed no part of their cargoes, they are required,
when taking out their passports, to produce an invoice of their cargo,
which, being duly authenticated, a copy of it will be annexed to their
passports; and wherever their boats may be brought to for the night,
they are required to give immediate notice to the Thânnahdars or
officers of the place, and to request protection for themselves, at the
same time showing the passports they may have received at Mithenkote or
Hurrekee, as the case may be.
Article 5.--Such parts of the 5th, 7th, 9th, and 10th Articles of the
Treaty of the 26th of December, 1832, as have reference to the fixing a
duty on the value and quantity of merchandise, and to the mode of its
collection are hereby rescinded, and the foregoing articles substituted
in their place, agreeably to which, and the conditions of the preamble,
the toll will be levied.
N.B.--A distribution of the shares due to the British protected States
and the feudatories of the Maharajah on the left bank of the Sutlej
will be determined hereafter.
VIII.
[Page 80.]
DECLARATION OF WAR OF 1845.
_Proclamation by the Governor-General of India._
Camp Lushkuree Khan ke Serai,
December 13th, 1845.
THE British Government has ever been on terms of friendship with that
of the Punjaub.
In the year 1809, a treaty of amity and concord was concluded between
the British Government, and the late Maharajah Runjeet Singh, the
conditions of which have always been faithfully observed by the British
Government, and were scrupulously fulfilled by the late Maharajah.
The same friendly relations have been maintained with the successors
of Maharajah Runjeet Singh by the British Government up to the present
time.
Since the death of the late Maharajah Shere Singh, the disorganized
state of the Lahore Government has made it incumbent on the
Governor-General in Council to adopt precautionary measures for the
protection of the British frontier: the nature of these measures and
the cause of their adoption, were, at the time, fully explained to the
Lahore Durbar.
Notwithstanding the disorganized state of the Lahore Government during
the last two years, and many most unfriendly proceedings on the part of
the Durbar, the Governor-General in Council has continued to evince his
desire to maintain the relations of amity and concord which had so long
existed between the two States, for the mutual interests and happiness
of both. He has shown, on every occasion, the utmost forbearance, from
consideration to the helpless state of the infant Maharajah, Dhuleep
Singh, whom the British Government had recognised as the successor to
the late Maharajah Shere Singh.
The Governor-General in Council sincerely desired to see a strong Sikh
Government re-established in the Punjaub, able to control its army,
and to protect its subjects; he had not, up to the present moment,
abandoned the hope of seeing that important object effected by the
patriotic efforts of the Chiefs and people of that country.
The Sikh army recently marched from Lahore towards the British
frontier, as it was alleged, by the orders of the Durbar, for the
purpose of invading the British territory.
The Governor-General's Agent, by direction of the Governor-General,
demanded an explanation of this movement, and no reply being
returned within a reasonable time, the demand was repeated. The
Governor-General, unwilling to believe in the hostile intentions of
the Sikh Government, to which no provocation had been given, refrained
from taking any measures which might have a tendency to embarrass the
Government of the Maharajah, or to induce collision between the two
States.
When no reply was given to the repeated demand for explanation,
while active military preparations were continued at Lahore, the
Governor-General considered it necessary to order the advance of troops
towards the frontier, to reinforce the frontier posts.
The Sikh army has now, without a shadow of provocation, invaded the
British territories.
The Governor-General must therefore take measures for effectually
protecting the British provinces, for vindicating the authority of the
British Government, and for punishing the violators of treaties and the
disturbers of the public peace.
The Governor-General hereby declares the possessions of Maharajah
Dhuleep Singh, on the left or British bank of the Sutlej, confiscated
and annexed to the British territories.
The Governor-General will respect the existing rights of all
Jaghirdars, Zumindars, and tenants in the said possessions, who, by the
course they now pursue, evince their fidelity to the British Government.
The Governor-General hereby calls upon all the Chiefs and Sirdars in
the protected territories to co-operate cordially with the British
Government for the punishment of the common enemy, and for the
maintenance of order in these States. Those of the Chiefs who show
alacrity and fidelity in the discharge of this duty, which they owe
to the protecting power, will find their interests promoted thereby;
and those who take a contrary course will be treated as enemies to the
British Government, and will be punished accordingly.
The inhabitants of all the territories on the left bank of the Sutlej
are hereby directed to abide peaceably in their respective villages,
where they will receive efficient protection by the British Government.
All parties of men found in armed bands, who can give no satisfactory
account of their proceedings, will be treated as disturbers of the
public peace.
All subjects of the British Government, and those who possess estates
on both sides of the river Sutlej, who by their faithful adherence
to the British Government, may be liable to sustain loss, shall be
indemnified and secured in all their just rights and privileges.
On the other hand, all subjects of the British Government who shall
continue in the service of the Lahore State, and who disobey the
Proclamation by not immediately returning to their allegiance, will be
liable to have their property on this side the Sutlej confiscated, and
themselves declared to be aliens and enemies of the British Government.
IX.
[Page 107]
SERVICES OF CAPTAIN HUMBLEY,
Rifle Brigade.
CAPTAIN HUMBLEY served with the 95th (Rifle Brigade) at the siege of
Copenhagen, in 1807, and was engaged in some skirmishes near that city,
and in the action of Kioge; he was also present at the surrender of
Copenhagen, and of the whole of the Danish navy. In 1808, he landed
with a detachment in Portugal, and was present at the battles of Roleia
and Vimiera, the advance from Lisbon into Spain, the subsequent retreat
from Salamanca, the action of Calcavellas, and the battle of Corunna.
He served on the Walcheren expedition, in 1809, commanded an advanced
outpost before Flushing, on the night of the 31st of July, when he
surprised, and took prisoners, an outlying picquet of the enemy; on
the following day, while under the fortifications of Flushing, he was
severely wounded in the forehead by a musket-ball, which lodged and was
extracted, and the head trepanned.
Captain Humbley joined the army in the Peninsula in March, 1810, and
served there until the end of that war in 1814, with the exception of
four months in 1812.
On the passage to Spain, December the 5th, 1812, he was present at
the capture, after a running fight of several miles, of a large,
well-armed, American merchant ship.
Captain Humbley was present at the defence of Cadiz and Fort Matagorda,
debarked at Tarifa, and was present at the battles of Barrosa,
Salamanca, and Vittoria, and, in the last engagement, was severely
wounded in the left arm. He took part in the action at Vera Bridge,
storming the heights of Vera, and in the battles of the Pyrenees, where
he was wounded near the left eye. He was present at the crossing of
the Bidassoa, at the battles of Nivelle, Nive, and Orthes, in which
last he was severely wounded in the right thigh; he was also in the
action of Tarbes, and the battle of Toulouse, besides several minor
engagements, skirmishes, and affairs of outposts.
Captain Humbley served also in the campaign of 1815, and was severely
wounded at the battle of Waterloo, by a musket-ball in each shoulder.
The two balls having lodged, one was extracted two days afterwards, but
the other still remains lodged under the scapula in the left shoulder.
Captain Humbley has received the War Medal and Twelve Clasps.
X.
[Page 115.]
A MONUMENT, by R. Westmacott, Junr., R.A., F.R.S., is about to be
erected at Shrewsbury, to the memory of Colonel Cureton. The gallant
Colonel will be represented at full length, lying on his back, with his
hands clasped. The following is the inscription:
SACRED TO THE MEMORY
OF
COLONEL G.R. CURETON,
C.B., AND A.D.C., TO THE QUEEN,
ADJUTANT-GENERAL OF H.M. FORCES IN INDIA,
AND LATE LIEUT.-COLONEL COMMANDING THE 16TH LANCERS WHO
FELL IN AN ENGAGEMENT WITH THE SIKH TROOPS AT
RAMNUGGUR, ON THE 22ND OF NOVEMBER, 1848,
WHEN COMMANDING THE CAVALRY OF THE BRITISH ARMY
UNDER GENERAL LORD GOUGH, G.C.B.,
THIS MONUMENT IS ERECTED BY HIS COMRADES AND BROTHER
OFFICERS IN INDIA. BY WHOM HE WAS HELD, AS A
SOLDIER, IN UNIVERSAL ADMIRATION AND
RESPECT; AND IN LOVE AND ESTEEM
AS A FRIEND.
XI.
[Page 180.]
OFFICIAL DESPATCHES.
_From the Governor-General of India to the Secret Committee of the
East India Company, dated Camp, Ferozepore, Dec. 31st, 1845._
THE Sikh army, in large numbers, commenced crossing the Sutlej on
the 11th, and, after investing Ferozepore on one side, took up an
entrenched position at the village of Ferozeshah, about ten miles in
advance of Ferozepore, and about the same distance from the village of
Moodkee.
In this camp the enemy had placed 108 pieces of cannon, some of
large calibre, with a force exceeding 50,000 men, for the purpose
of intercepting the approach of the British force moving up from
Umballa, to the relief of Ferozepore, which had been thus treacherously
attacked, without provocation or declaration of hostilities.
I had ordered, on the 8th inst., that portion of our army posted at
Umballa for defensive purposes, to move up on the 11th; and, after a
rapid march of 150 miles, it reached Moodkee on the 18th, where, on the
evening of the same day, it repulsed an attack of the Sikh army, and
captured seventeen guns. On the following day the army was concentrated
at Moodkee, and, on the 21st, moved by its left on Ferozepore; and
having, on the march, formed its junction, at half-past one o'clock,
with 5,000 men and twenty-one guns, under Major-Gen. Sir John Littler,
which had moved from Ferozepore that morning, the Commander-in-Chief
formed the army in order of battle, and attacked the enemy's entrenched
camp, and, on that evening and the following morning, captured
severity pieces of artillery, taking possession of the enemy's camp,
with a large quantity of ammunition and warlike stores.
These successful and energetic operations have been followed by the
retreat of the Sikh army to the other side of the Sutlej; the British
army being now encamped between Ferozepore and the fords of the Sutlej.
You will not fail to observe that these important and brilliant
successes have been achieved by that portion of our army posted at and
in advance of Umballa for defensive purposes, and that our forces from
Meerut and other stations from the rear, ordered to move up at the same
time, are in reserve, and will reach this neighbourhood between the 5th
and the 9th of January.
I have the honour to inclose two reports from the Commander-in-Chief,
detailing the admirable manner in which these important duties have
been performed.
The Commander-in-Chief has successfully accomplished every object I had
directed him to effect for the relief of Ferozepore, and the protection
of the British States. No accident or failure has occurred during: the
complicated operations of a combined movement; and our army, whether
for defence or attack, has shewn, as heretofore, that its power is
irresistible.
_From General Sir Hugh Gough, Bart., G.C.B., the Commander-in-Chief of
the Army in India, to the Governor-General of India._
Head Quarters, Army of the Sutlej,
Camp, Moodkee, Dec. 19th, 1845.
Right Hon. Sir,
IT would be a superfluous form in me to address to you a narrative of
the campaign which has opened against the Sikhs, and the successful
action of yesterday, since you have in person shared the fatigues and
dangers of our army, and witnessed its efforts and privations, but that
my position at its head renders this my duty; and it is necessary,
from that position, I should place these events on record, for the
information of all Europe, as well as of all India.
You, Sir, know, but others have to be told, that the sudden and
unprovoked aggression of the Sikhs, by crossing the Sutlej with the
great proportion of their army, with the avowed intention of attacking
Ferozepore in time of profound peace, rendered indispensable, on our
side, a series of difficult combinations for the protection of our
frontier station, so unjustifiably and so unexpectedly menaced.
From the advanced and salient situation of Ferozepore, and its vicinity
to the Sikh capital, its defence against a sudden attack became a
difficult operation. It was always possible for the Sikh government
to throw a formidable force upon it before one sufficiently numerous
could on our side be collected to support it; but when, upon the
11th instant, it became known at Umballa, where I had established my
head-quarters, that this invasion had actually taken place, the efforts
to repel it followed each other in rapid succession; notwithstanding
I had the fullest confidence in Major-General Sir John Littler,
commanding at Ferozepore, and in the devotedness and gallantry of the
troops occupying it.
The troops from the different stations in the Sirhind division were
directed to move by forced marches upon Bussean, where, by a most
judicious arrangement, you had directed supplies to be collected,
within a wonderfully short space of time.
The main portion of the force at Loodianna was withdrawn, and a
garrison thrown into the little fortress there. From this central
position, already alluded to, both Loodianna and Ferozepore could be
supported, and the safety of both places might be considered to be
brought, in some measure, within the scope of the contingencies of a
general action to be fought for their relief. All this is soon related;
but most harassing have been the marches of the troops in completing
this concentration. When their march had been further prolonged to
this place, they had moved over a distance of upward of 150 miles in
six days, along roads of heavy sand; their perpetual labour allowing
them scarcely time to cook their food, even when they received it, and
hardly an hour for repose, before they were called upon for renewed
exertions.
When our leading corps reached Wudnee, a small jaghire of the late
Maharajah Shere Singh, its garrison shut the gates of the fort
against them; and, as our battering guns were far in the rear, it was
determined to reserve it for future chastisement, and we remained
content with compelling the village to furnish supplies (it could,
however, provide little, except for our overworked cattle), under pain
of enduring a cannonade and assault; this it did, without the necessity
of firing a shot.
When we reached Wudnee, it was evident that the force before Ferozepore
felt the influence of our movements, as we heard that a very large
portion of that force had been detached to oppose our further advance;
their feeling parties retired on the morning of the 18th before our
Cavalry picquets, near the village and fort of Moodkee.
Soon after mid-day, the division under Major-General Sir Harry Smith,
a brigade of that under Major-General Sir J. M'Caskill, and another of
that under Major-General Gilbert, with five troops of Horse artillery,
and two light field batteries, under Lieutenant Colonel Brooke, of
the Horse Artillery (brigadier in command of the Artillery force),
and the Cavalry division, consisting of H.M. 3rd Light Dragoons, the
body-guard, 4th and 5th Light Cavalry, and 9th Irregular Cavalry, took
up their encamping ground in front of Moodkee.
The troops were in a state of great exhaustion, principally from the
want of water, which was not procurable on the road, when, about three
P.M., information was received that the Sikh army was advancing; and
the troops had scarcely time to get under arms, and move to their
positions, when the fact was ascertained.
I immediately pushed forward the Horse Artillery and Cavalry, directing
the Infantry, accompanied by the field batteries, to move forward in
support. We had not proceeded beyond two miles when we found the enemy
in position. They were said to consist of 15,000 to 20,000 Infantry,
about the same force of Cavalry, and forty guns. They evidently had
either just taken up this position, or were advancing in order of
battle against us.
To resist their attack, and to cover the formation of the Infantry,
I advanced the Cavalry under Brigadiers White, Gough, and Mactier,
rapidly to the front, in columns of squadrons, and occupied the plain.
They were speedily followed by the five troops of Horse Artillery,
under Brigadier Brooke who took up a forward position, having the
Cavalry then on his flanks.
The country is a dead flat, covered at short intervals with a low, but
in some places, thick jhow jungle, and dotted with sandy hillocks.
The enemy screened their Infantry and Artillery behind this jungle,
and such undulations as the ground afforded; and whilst our twelve
battalions formed from echelon of brigade into line, opened a very
severe cannonade upon our advancing troops, which was vigorously
replied to by the battery of Horse Artillery under Brigadier Brooke,
which was soon joined by the two light field batteries. The rapid
and well-directed fire of our artillery appeared soon to paralyse
that of the enemy; and as it was necessary to complete our infantry
dispositions without advancing the Artillery too near to the jungle,
I directed the Cavalry under Brigadiers White and Gough, to make a
flank movement on the enemy's left, with a view of threatening and
turning that flank if possible. With praiseworthy gallantry, the 3rd
Light Dragoons, with the 2nd brigade of Cavalry, consisting of the
body guard and 5th Light Cavalry, with a portion of the 4th Lancers,
turned the left of the Sikh army, and, sweeping along the whole rear of
its Infantry and guns, silenced for a time the latter, and put their
numerous cavalry to flight. Whilst this movement was taking place on
the enemy's left, I directed the remainder of the 4th Lancers, the 9th
Irregular Cavalry, under Brigadier Mactier, with a light field battery,
to threaten their right. This manoeuvre was also successful. Had not
the Infantry and guns of the enemy been screened by the jungle, these
brilliant charges of the Cavalry would have been productive of greater
effect.
When the Infantry advanced to the attack, Brigadier Brooke rapidly
pushed on his Horse Artillery close to the jungle, and the cannonade
was resumed on both sides. The Infantry under Major-Generals Sir Harry
Smith, Gilbert, and Sir John M'Caskill, attacked in echelon of lines
the enemy's Infantry, almost invisible amongst wood and the approaching
darkness of night. The opposition of the enemy was such as might have
been expected from troops who had everything at stake, and who had long
vaunted of being irresistible. Their ample and extended line, from
their great superiority of numbers, far outflanked ours; but this was
counter-acted by the flank movements of our Cavalry. The attack of the
Infantry now commenced, and the roll of fire from this powerful arm
soon convinced the Sikh army that they had met with a foe they little
expected; and their whole force was driven from position after position
with great slaughter, and the loss of seventeen pieces of artillery,
some of them of heavy calibre; our infantry using that never failing
weapon, the bayonet, whenever the enemy stood. Night only saved them
from worse disaster; for this stout conflict was maintained during an
hour and a half of dim starlight, amidst a cloud of dust from the sandy
plain, which yet more obscured every object.
I regret to say, this gallant and successful attack was attended with
considerable loss; the force bivouacked upon the field for some hours,
and only returned to its encampment after ascertaining that it had no
enemy before it, and that night prevented the possibility of a regular
advance in pursuit.
H. Gough, General,
Commander-in-Chief.
_From His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief to the Right Hon. the
Governor-General of India, dated Camp, Ferozeshah, December 22nd,
1845._
Right Honourable Sir,
I have again to congratulate you on the success of our arms. A grand
battle has been fought against the Sikh army at this place, and, by the
blessing of Divine providence, victory has been won, by the valour of
our troops, against odds and under circumstances which will render this
action one of the most memorable in the page of Indian history.
After the combat of the 18th at Moodkee, information was received the
following day, that the enemy, increased in numbers, were moving on to
attack us. A line of defence was taken up in advance of our encampment,
and dispositions made to repel assault; but the day wore away without
their appearing, and at night we had the satisfaction of being
reinforced by H.M. 29th Foot, and the East India Company's 1st European
Light Infantry, with our small division of heavy guns.
I must here allude to a circumstance most favourable to our efforts in
the field. On this evening, in addition to the valuable counsel with
which you had in every emergency before favoured me, you were pleased
yet further to strengthen my hands, by kindly offering your services as
second in command in my army. I need hardly say with how much pleasure
the offer was accepted.
On the morning of the 21st, the offensive was resumed; our columns of
all arms debouched four miles on the road to Ferozeshah, where it was
known that the enemy, posted in great force, and with a most formidable
artillery, had remained since the action of the 18th, incessantly
employed in entrenching his position. Instead of advancing to the
direct attack of their formidable works, our force manoeuvred to their
right: the second and fourth divisions of infantry, in front, supported
by the first division and cavalry in second line, continued to defile
for some time out of cannon-shot between the Sikhs and Ferozepore. The
desired effect was not long delayed, a cloud of dust was seen on the
left, and according to the instructions sent him on the preceding
evening, Major-General Sir John Littler, with his division, availing
himself of the offered opportunity, was discovered in full march to
unite his force with mine. The junction was soon effected; and thus
was accomplished one of the great objects of all our harassing marches
and privations, in the relief of this division of our army from the
blockade of the numerous forces by which it was surrounded.
Dispositions were now made for a united attack on the enemy's
entrenched camp. We found it to be a parallelogram, of about a mile
in length, and half a mile in breadth, including within its area the
strong village of Ferozeshah; the shorter sides looking towards the
Sutlej and Moodkee, and the longer towards Ferozepore and the open
country. We moved against the last-named face, the ground in front of
which was like the Sikh position in Moodkee, covered with low jungle.
The divisions of Major-general Sir John Littler, Brigadier Wallace (who
had succeeded Major-general Sir John M'Caskill), and Major-general
Gilbert, deployed into line, having in the centre our whole force of
artillery, with the exception of three troops of horse artillery, one
on either flank and one in support, to be moved as occasion required.
Major-general Sir Harry Smith's division, and our small cavalry force,
moved in second line, having a brigade in reserve to cover each wing.
I should here observe, that I committed the charge and direction of the
left wing to Lieutenant-general Sir Henry Hardinge, while I personally
conducted the right.
A very heavy cannonade was opened by the enemy, who had dispersed over
their position upwards of one hundred guns, more than forty of which
were of battering calibre; these kept up a heavy and well-directed
fire, which the practice of our far less numerous artillery, of much
lighter metal, checked in some degree, but could not silence; finally,
in the face of a storm of shot and shell, our infantry advanced and
carried these formidable intrenchments; they threw themselves upon
their guns, and with matchless gallantry wrested them from the enemy;
but, when the batteries were partially within our grasp, our soldiery
had to face such a fire of musketry from the Sikh infantry, arrayed
behind their guns, that, in spite of the most heroic efforts, a portion
only of the entrenchment could be carried. Night fell while the
conflict was everywhere raging.
Although I now brought up Major-general Sir Harry Smith's division,
and he captured and long retained another point of the position,
and her Majesty's 3rd Light Dragoons charged and took some of the
most formidable batteries, yet the enemy remained in possession of
a considerable portion of the great quadrangle, whilst our troops,
intermingled with theirs, kept possession of the remainder, and finally
bivouacked upon it, exhausted by their gallant efforts, greatly reduced
in numbers, and suffering extremely from thirst, yet animated by an
indomitable spirit. In this state of things the long night wore away.
Near the middle of it, one of their heavy guns was advanced and
played with deadly effect upon our troops. Lieut.-general Sir Henry
Hardinge immediately formed H.M. 80th Foot and the 1st European Light
Infantry. They were led to the attack by their commanding officers, and
animated in their exertions by Lieut.-col. Wood (aide-de-camp to the
Lieut.-general), who was wounded in the outset. The 80th captured the
gun, and the enemy, dismayed by this counter-check, did not venture to
press on further. During the whole night, however, they continued to
harass our troops by fire of artillery, wherever moonlight discovered
our position.
But with daylight of the 22nd came retribution. Our infantry formed
line, supported on both flanks by horse artillery, whilst a fire was
opened from our centre by such of our heavy guns as remained effective,
aided by a flight of rockets. A masked battery played with great effect
upon this point, dismounting our pieces and blowing up our tumbrils. At
this moment Lieutenant-general Sir Henry Hardinge placed himself at the
head of the left, whilst I rode at the head of the right wing.
Our line advanced, and, unchecked by the enemy's fire, drove them
rapidly out of the village of Ferozeshah and their encampment; then,
changing front to its left, on its centre, our force continued to
sweep the camp, bearing down all opposition, and dislodged the enemy
from their whole position. The line then halted, as if on a day of
manoeuvre, receiving its two leaders, as they rode along its front,
with a gratifying cheer, and displaying the captured standards of the
Khalsa army. We had taken upwards of seventy-three pieces of cannon,
and were masters of the whole field.
The force assumed a position on the ground which it had won, but even
here its labours were not to cease. In the course of two hours, Sirdar
Tej Singh, who had commanded in the last great battle, brought up
from the vicinity of Ferozepore fresh battalions and a large field of
artillery, supported by 30,000 Ghorepurras, hitherto encamped near the
river. He drove in our cavalry parties, and made strenuous efforts
to regain the position at Ferozeshah; this attempt was defeated; but
its failure had scarcely become manifest, when the Sirdar renewed the
contest with more troops and a large artillery. He commenced by a
combination against our left flank; and when this was frustrated, made
such a demonstration against the captured village, as compelled us to
change our whole front to the right. His guns during this manoeuvre,
maintained an incessant fire, whilst our artillery ammunition being
completely expended in these protracted combats, we were unable to
answer him with a single shot.
I now directed our almost exhausted cavalry to threaten both flanks at
once, preparing the infantry to advance in support, which apparently
caused him suddenly to cease his fire, and to abandon the field.
For twenty-four hours not a Sikh has appeared in our front. The remains
of the Khalsa army are said to be in full retreat across the Sutlej,
at Nuggurputhur and Tella, or marching up its left bank towards
Hurrekeeputhur, in the greatest confusion and dismay. Of their chiefs,
Bahadur Singh is killed; Lall Singh said to be wounded; Mehtab Singh,
Adjoodhia Pershad, and Tej Singh, the late governor of Peshawur, have
fled with precipitation. Their camp is the scene of the most awful
carnage, and they have abandoned large stores of grain, camp equipage,
and ammunition.
Thus has apparently terminated this unprovoked and criminal invasion of
the peaceful provinces under British protection.
On the conclusion of such a narrative as I have given, it is surely
superfluous in me to say that I am, and shall be to the last moment
of my existence, proud of the army which I had the honour to command
on the 21st and 22nd instant. To their gallant exertions I owe the
satisfaction of seeing such a victory achieved, and the glory of having
my own name associated with it.
The loss of this army has been heavy; how could a hope be formed
that it should be otherwise? Within thirty hours this force stormed
an intrenched camp, fought a general action, and sustained two
considerable combats with the enemy. Within four days it has dislodged
from their positions, on the left bank of the Sutlej, 60,000 Sikh
soldiers, supported by upwards of 150 pieces of cannon, 108 of which
the enemy acknowledge to have lost, and ninety-one of which are in our
possession.
In addition to our losses in the battle, the captured camp was found to
be everywhere protected by charged mines, by the successive springing
of which many brave officers and men have been destroyed.
I have the honour to be, etc.,
H. Gough, General,
Commander-in-Chief, East Indies.
_Extract from a Despatch of His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief to
the Right Hon. the Governor-General, dated Feb. 1, 1846._
Head Quarters, Army of the Sutlej.
Meanwhile the Upper Sutlej has become the scene of very interesting
operations.
It is a strange feature of this war, that the enemy, pressed for
supplies on his own bank, has been striving to draw them from his
jaghire estates on this side of the river. In the town and fort of
Dhurmkote, which were filled with grain, he had in the second week
of January a small garrison of mercenaries--Rohillas, Eusufzies,
and Affghans. Major-General Sir Harry Smith was on the 18th sent
against this place with a single brigade of his division and a light
field battery. He easily effected its reduction, the troops within
surrendering at discretion after a few cannon shots. But whilst he was
yet in march, I received information of a more serious character. There
remained little cause to doubt that Sirdar Runjoor Sing Mujetheea had
crossed from Philour, at the head of a numerous force of all arms,
and established himself in a position at Baran Hara, between the old
and the new courses of the Sutlej: not only threatening the city of
Loodianna with plunder and devastation, but indicating a determination
to intersect the line of our communications at Bussean and Rackote.
The safety of the rich and populous town of Loodianna had been, in
some measure, provided for by the presence of three battalions of
Native Infantry, under Brigadier Godby, and the gradual advance of our
reinforcements, amongst which was included her Majesty's 53rd regiment,
and the position of the Shekawattee brigade, near Bussean, gave
breathing time to us in that direction.
But on receipt of intelligence which could be relied on, of the
movements of Runjoor Singh and his apparent views, Major-general Sir
Harry Smith, with the brigade at Dhurmkote, and Brigadier Cureton's
cavalry, was directed to advance by Jugraon towards Loodianna, and his
second brigade, under Brigadier Wheeler, moved on to support him.
Then commenced a series of very delicate combinations, the momentous
character of which can only be comprehended by reflecting on the task
which had devolved on this army of guarding the frontier from Rooper
down to Mundote.
The Major-General, breaking up from Jugraon, moved towards Loodianna,
when the Sirdar, relying on the vast superiority of his forces, assumed
the initiative, and endeavoured to intercept his progress by marching
in a line parallel to him, and opening upon his troops a furious
cannonade. The Major-General continued coolly to manoeuvre; and when
the Sikh Sirdar, bending round one wing of his army, enveloped his
flank, he extricated himself by retiring with the steadiness of a
field-day by echelon of battalions, and effected his communication with
Loodianna, but not without severe loss.
Reinforced by Brigadier Godby, he felt himself to be strong; but his
manoeuvres had thrown him out of communication with Brigadier Wheeler;
and a portion of his baggage had fallen into the hands of the enemy.
The Sikh Sirdar took up an entrenched position at Buddiwal, supporting
himself on its fort, but, threatened on either flank by General Smith
and Brigadier Wheeler, finally decamped and moved down to the Sutlej.
The British troops made good their junction, and occupied the abandoned
position of Buddiwal; the Shekawattee brigade and her Majesty's 53rd
regiment also added to the strength of the Major-General, and he
prepared to attack the Sikh Sirdar on his new ground. But on the 26th,
Runjoor Singh was reinforced from the right bank with 4,000 regular
troops, 12 pieces of artillery, and a large force of cavalry.
Emboldened by this accession of strength, he ventured on the measure of
advancing towards Jugraon apparently with the view of intercepting our
communications by that route.
It is my gratifying duty to announce, that this presumption has been
rebuked by a splendid victory obtained over him. He has not only been
repulsed by the Major-General, but his camp at Aliwal carried by
storm, the whole of his cannons and munitions of war captured, and his
army driven headlong across the Sutlej, even on the right bank of which
he found no refuge from the fire of our artillery.
I have now the honour to forward the Major-General's report, which has
just reached me. It is so ample and luminous, that I might perhaps
have spared some of the details into which admiration of the General's
conduct, and of the brave army confided to him in these operations, has
led me.
* * * * *
Camp, Field of the Battle of Aliwal,
January 30, 1846.
To the Adjutant-General of the Army.
Sir,
MY despatch to his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief, of the 23rd
instant, will have put his Excellency in possession of the position
of the force under my command after having formed a junction with
the troops at Loodianna, hemmed in by a formidable body of the Sikh
army under Runjoor Sing and the Rajah of Ladwa. The enemy strongly
entrenched himself around the little fort of Buddiwal by breastworks
and "abattis," which he precipitately abandoned on the night of the
22nd instant (retiring, as it were, upon the ford of Tulwun), having
ordered all the boats which were opposite Philour, to that ghât. This
movement he effected during the night, and, by a considerable détour,
placed himself at a distance of ten miles, and consequently out of
my reach. I could, therefore, only push forward my cavalry so soon
as I had ascertained he had marched during the night, and I occupied
immediately his vacated position. It appeared subsequently he had no
intention of re-crossing the Sutlej, but moved down to the Ghât of
Tulwun (being cut off from that of Philour by the position my force
occupied after its relief of Loodianna), for the purpose of protecting
the passage of a very considerable reinforcement of twelve guns and
4,000 of the Regular or Aicen troops, called Avitabile's battalion,
entrenching himself strongly in a semi-circle, his flanks resting
on the river, his position covered with from forty to fifty guns
(generally of large calibre), howitzers, and mortars. The reinforcement
crossed during the night of the 27th instant, and encamped to the right
of the main army.
Meanwhile his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief, with that foresight
and judgment which marks the able general, had reinforced me by a
considerable addition to my cavalry, some guns, and the 2nd brigade
of my own division under Brigadier Wheeler, C.B. This reinforcement
reached me on the 26th, and I had intended the next morning to move
upon the enemy in his entrenchments; but the troops required one day's
rest after the long marches Brigadier Wheeler had made.
I have now the honour to lay before you the operations of my united
forces on the morning of the eventful 28th of January, for his
Excellency's information. The body of troops under my command having
been increased, it became necessary so to organize and brigade them
as to render them manageable in action. The cavalry under the command
of Brigadier Cureton, and horse artillery under Major Lawrenson, were
put into two brigades; the one under Brigadier Mac Dowell, C.B., and
the other under Brigadier Stedman. The 1st division as it stood, two
brigades; her Majesty's 53rd and 30th Native Infantry, under Brigadier
Wilson of the latter corps; the 36th Native Infantry and Nusseree
battalion, under Brigadier Godby; and the Shekawattee brigade, under
Major Forster. The Sirmoor battalion I attached to Brigadier Wheeler's
brigade of the 1st division, the 42nd Native Infantry having been left
at head-quarters.
At daylight on the 28th my order of advance was, the Cavalry in front,
in contiguous columns of squadrons of regiments; two troops of Horse
Artillery in the interval of brigades; the Infantry in contiguous
columns of brigades at intervals of deploying distance; Artillery in
the intervals, followed by two eight-inch howitzers on travelling
carriages, brought into the field from the fort of Loodianna by the
indefatigable exertions of Lieutenant-Colonel Lane, Horse Artillery;
Brigadier Godby's brigade, which I had marched out from Loodianna the
previous evening, on the right; the Shekawattee Infantry on the left;
the 4th Irregular Cavalry and the Shekawattee Cavalry considerably to
the right, for the purpose of sweeping the banks of the wet nullah on
my right, and preventing any of the enemy's horse attempting an inroad
towards Loodianna, or any attempt upon the baggage assembled round the
Fort of Buddiwal.
In this order the troops moved forward towards the enemy, a distance
of six miles, the advance conducted by Captain Waugh, 16th Lancers,
the Deputy Assistant Quartermaster of Cavalry; Major Bradford of the
1st Cavalry, and Lieutenant Strachey, of the Engineers, who had been
jointly employed in the conduct of patrols up to the enemy's position,
and for the purpose of reporting upon the facility and points of
approach. Previously to the march of the troops, it had been intimated
to me by Major Mackeson, that the information by spies led to the
belief that the enemy would move somewhere at daylight, either on
Jugraon, my position of Buddiwal, or Loodianna. On a near approach to
his outposts this rumour was confirmed by a spy, who had just left his
camp, saying the Sikh army was actually in march towards Jugraon. My
advance was steady, my troops well in hand, and if he had anticipated
me on the Jugraon road, I could have fallen upon his centre with
advantage.
From the tops of the houses of the village of Poorcin, I had a distant
view of the enemy. He was in motion, and appeared directly opposite
my front on a ridge, of which the village of Aliwal may be regarded
as the centre. His left appeared still to occupy its ground in the
circular entrenchment; his right was brought forward and occupied the
ridge. I immediately deployed the cavalry into line, and moved on. As
I neared the enemy, the ground became most favourable for the troops
to manoeuvre, being open and hard grass land. I ordered the Cavalry
to take ground to the right and left by brigades, thus displaying the
heads of the Infantry columns, and as they reached the hard ground I
directed them to deploy into line. Brigadier Godby's brigade was in
direct echellon to the rear of the right; the Shekawattee Infantry in
like manner to the rear of my left; the cavalry in direct echelon on,
and well to the rear of both flanks of the Infantry; the Artillery
massed on the right, and centre, and left. After deployment I observed
the enemy's left to out-flank me, I therefore broke into open columns
and took ground to my right: when I had gained sufficient ground, the
troops wheeled into line; there was no dust, the sun shone brightly.
The manoeuvres were performed with the celerity and precision of the
most correct field-day. The glistening of the bayonets and swords
of this order of battle was most imposing, and the line advanced.
Scarcely had it moved forward 150 yards, when at ten o'clock the
enemy opened a fierce cannonade from his whole line. At first his
balls fell short, but quickly reached us. Thus upon him, and capable
of better ascertaining his position, I was compelled to halt the line,
though under fire, for a few moments, until I ascertained that by
bringing up my right and carrying the village of Aliwal, I could with
great effect precipitate myself upon his left and centre. I therefore
quickly brought up Brigadier Godby's brigade, and with it and the 1st
brigade under Brigadier Hicks, made a rapid and noble charge, carried
the village, and two guns of large calibre. The line I ordered to
advance,--her Majesty's 31st Foot and the Native regiments contending
for the front, and the battle became general. The enemy had a numerous
body of Cavalry on the heights to his left, and I ordered Brigadier
Cureton to bring up the right brigade of cavalry, who, in the most
gallant manner, dashed in among them, and drove them back upon their
Infantry. Meanwhile a second gallant charge to my right was made by the
Light Cavalry and the body-guard. The Shekawattee brigade was moved
well to the right, in support of Brigadier Cureton. When I observed
the enemy's encampment, and saw it was full of Infantry, I immediately
brought upon it Brigadier Godby's brigade, by changing front, and
taking the enemy's Infantry _en reverse_. They drove them before them,
and took some guns without a check.
Whilst these operations were going on upon the right, and the enemy's
left flank was thus driven back. I occasionally observed the brigade
under Brigadier Wheeler, an officer in whom I have the greatest
confidence, charging and carrying guns and everything before it, again
connecting his line and moving on in a manner which ably displayed
the coolness of the Brigadier and the gallantry of his irresistible
brigade--her Majesty's 50th Foot, the 48th Native Infantry, and the
Sirmoor battalion, although the loss was, I regret to say, severe in
the 50th. Upon the left, Brigadier Wilson, with her Majesty's 53rd
and 30th Native Infantry, equalled in celerity and regularity their
comrades on the right; and this brigade was opposed to the "Aieen"
troops, called Avitabile's, when the fight was fiercely raging.
The enemy, well driven back on his left and centre, endeavoured to hold
his right to cover the passage of the river, and he strongly occupied
the village of Bhoondee. I directed a squadron of the 16th Lancers,
under Major Smith and Captain Pearson, to charge a body to the right
of the village, which they did in the most gallant and determined
style, bearing everything before them, as a squadron under Captain
Bere had previously done, going through a square of infantry, wheeling
about and re-entering the square in the most intrepid manner with the
deadly lance. This charge was accompanied by the 3rd Light Cavalry,
under Major Angelo, and as gallantly sustained. The largest gun upon
the field and seven others were then captured, while the 53rd regiment
carried the village by the bayonet, and the 30th Native Infantry
wheeled round to the rear in a most spirited manner. Lieutenant-Colonel
Alexander's and Captain Turton's troops of Horse Artillery, under Major
Lawrenson, almost dashed among the flying infantry, committing great
havoc, until about 800 or 1,000 men rallied under the high bank of a
nullah, and opened a heavy, but ineffectual fire from below the bank.
I immediately directed the 30th Native Infantry to charge them, which
they were able to do upon their left flank, while in a line in rear
of the village. This native corps nobly obeyed my orders, and rushed
among the Avitabile troops, driving them from under the bank, and
exposing them once more to the deadly fire of twelve guns within three
hundred yards. The destruction was very great, as may be supposed, by
guns served as these were. Her Majesty's 53rd Regiment moved forward
in support of the 30th Native Infantry, by the right of the village.
The battle was won, our troops advancing with the most perfect order
to the common focus, the passage of the river. The enemy, completely
hemmed in, were flying from our fire, and precipitating themselves in
disordered masses into the ford and boats, in the utmost confusion
and consternation. Our 8-inch howitzers soon began to play upon their
boats, when the "debris" of the Sikh army appeared upon the opposite
and high bank of the river, flying in every direction, although a sort
of line was attempted to countenance their retreat, until all our guns
commenced a furious cannonade, when they quickly receded. Nine guns
were on the verge of the river by the ford. It appears as if they had
been unlimbered to cover the ford. These, being loaded, were fired
once upon our advance. Two others were sticking in the river; one of
them we got out. Two were seen to sink in the quick-sands; two were
dragged to the opposite bank and abandoned. These, and the one in the
middle of the river, were gallantly spiked by Lieutenant Holmes, of the
11th Irregular Cavalry, and Gunner Scott, of the 1st Troop 2nd Brigade
Horse Artillery, who rode into the stream, and crossed for the purpose,
covered by our guns and light infantry.
Thus ended the battle of Aliwal, one of the most glorious victories
ever achieved in India. By the united efforts of her Majesty's and the
Hon. Company's troops, every gun the enemy had fell into our hands,
as I infer from his never opening one upon us from the opposite bank
of the river, which is high and favourable for the purpose: fifty-two
guns are now in the Ordnance Park, two sunk in the bed of the Sutlej,
and two were spiked on the opposite bank--making a total of fifty-six
pieces of cannon captured or destroyed.[112] Many jinjalls which were
attached to Avitabile's corps, and which aided in the defence of the
village of Bhoondee, have also been taken. The whole army of the enemy
has been driven headlong over the difficult ford of a broad river;
his camp, baggage, stores of ammunition, and of grain--his all, in
fact--wrested from him by the repeated charges of cavalry and infantry,
aided by the guns of Alexander, Turton, Lane, Mill, Boileau, and of
the Shekawattee brigade, and by the eight-inch howitzers, our guns
literally being constantly ahead of everything. The determined bravery
of all was as conspicuous as noble. I am unwont to praise when praise
is not merited; and I here most avowedly express my firm opinion and
conviction, that no troops in any battle on record ever behaved more
nobly. British and native (no distinction) cavalry all vying with her
Majesty's 16th Lancers, and striving to head in the repeated charges.
Our guns and gunners, officers and men, may be equalled, but cannot
be excelled, by any artillery in the world. Throughout the day no
hesitation, a bold and intrepid advance; and thus it is that our loss
is comparatively small, though I deeply regret to say severe. The enemy
fought with much resolution; they maintained frequent rencontres with
our cavalry hand to hand. In one charge of infantry upon her Majesty's
16th Lancers, they threw away their muskets, and came on with their
swords and targets against the lance.
Having thus done justice, and justice alone, to the gallant troops his
Excellency entrusted to my command, I would gladly, if the limits of a
despatch (already too much lengthened, I fear), permitted me, do that
justice to individuals all deserve. This cannot be....
The Fort of Goongrana has, subsequently to the battle, been evacuated,
and I yesterday evening blew up the fort of Buddiwal. I shall now blow
up that of Noorpore. A portion of the peasantry, viz., the Sikhs,
appear less friendly to us, while the Mussulmans rejoice in being under
our government.
I have, etc.,
(Signed) H.G. Smith,
Maj.-Gen. commanding.
Camp, Field of Battle of Aliwal, 30th January, 1846.
True copy (Signed) P. Grant, Major,
Dep. Adj.-Gen. of the army.
TO THE RIGHT HON. THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF INDIA.
Head-quarters, Army of the Sutlej,
Camp Kussoor, Feb. 13.
Right Hon. Sir,
This is the fourth despatch which I have had the honour of addressing
to you since the opening of the campaign. Thanks to Almighty God, whose
hand I desire to acknowledge in all our successes, the occasion of my
writing now is to announce a fourth and most glorious and decisive
victory!
My last communication detailed the movements of the Sikhs, and our
counter-manoeuvres, since the great day of Ferozeshah. Defeated on the
Upper Sutlej, the enemy continued to occupy his position on the right
bank, and formidable _tête de pont_ and entrenchments on the left bank
of the river, in front of the main body of our army. But on the 10th
instant, all that he held of British territory, which was comprised in
the ground on which one of his camps stood, was stormed from his grasp,
and his audacity was again signally punished by a blow, sudden, heavy,
and overwhelming. It is my gratifying duty to detail the measures which
have led to this glorious result.
The enemy's works had been repeatedly reconnoitred during the time
of my head-quarters being fixed at Nihalkee, by myself, by my
departmental staff, and my engineer and artillery officers. Our
observations, coupled with the reports of spies, convinced us that
there had devolved on us the arduous task of attacking, in a position
covered with formidable entrenchments, not fewer than 30,000 men,
the best of the Khalsa troops, with seventy pieces of cannon, united
by a good bridge to a reserve on the opposite bank, on which the
enemy had a considerable camp and some artillery, commanding and
flanking his field-works on our side. Major-General Sir Harry Smith's
division having rejoined me on the evening of the 8th, and part of my
siege-train having come up with me, I resolved, on the morning of the
10th, to dispose our mortars and battering guns on the alluvial land,
within good range of the enemy's works. To enable us to do this, it
was necessary first to drive in the enemy's pickets at the post of
observation in front of Koodeewalla, and at the little Sobraon. It
was directed that this should be done during the night of the 9th;
but the execution of this part of the plan was deferred, owing to
misconceptions and casual circumstances, until near daybreak. The
delay was of little importance, as the event showed that the Sikhs
had followed our example in occupying the two posts in force by day
only. Of both, therefore, possession was taken without opposition. The
battering and disposed field-artillery was then put in position in
an extended semi-circle, embracing within its fire the works of the
Sikhs. It had been intended that the cannonade should have commenced at
daybreak; but so heavy a mist hung over the plain and river, that it
became necessary to wait until the rays of the sun had penetrated it,
and cleared the atmosphere. Meanwhile, on the margin of the Sutlej, on
our left, two brigades of Major-General Sir R. Dick's division, under
his personal command, stood ready to commence the assault against the
enemy's extreme right. His 7th brigade, in which was the 10th Foot,
reinforced by the 53rd Foot, and led by Brigadier Stacey, was to head
the attack, supported, at 200 yards' distance, by the 6th brigade,
under Brigadier Wilkinson. In reserve, was the 5th brigade, under
Brigadier the Hon. T. Ashburnham, which was to move forward from the
entrenched village of Koodeewalla, leaving, if necessary, a regiment
for its defence. In the centre, Major-General Gilbert's division was
deployed for support or attack; its right wing resting on, and in the
village of the little Sobraon. Major-General Sir Harry Smith's was
formed near the village of Guttah, with its right thrown up towards the
Sutlej. Brigadier Cureton's cavalry, threatened, by feigned attacks,
the ford of Hurrekee and the enemy's horse, under Rajah Lall Singh
Misr, on the opposite bank. Brigadier Campbell, taking an intermediate
position in the rear, between Major-General Gilbert's right and
Major-General Sir Harry Smith's left, protected both. Major-General Sir
Joseph Thackwell, under whom was Brigadier Scott, held in reserve on
our left, ready to act as circumstances might demand, the rest of the
Cavalry.
Our batteries of 9-pounders, enlarged into twelves, opened near the
little Sobraon, with a brigade of howitzers, formed from the light
field-batteries and troops of Horse-artillery, shortly after daybreak.
But it was half-past six before the whole of our artillery fire
was developed. It was the most spirited and well-directed. I cannot
speak in terms too high of the judicious disposition of the guns,
their admirable practice, or the activity with which the cannonade
was sustained; but notwithstanding the formidable calibre of our iron
guns, mortars, and howitzers, and the admirable way in which they were
served, and aided by a rocket-battery, it would have been visionary to
expect that they could, within any limited time, silence the fire of
seventy pieces, behind well constructed batteries of earth, plank, and
fascines; or dislodge troops covered either by redoubts or epaulements,
or within a treble-line of trenches. The effect of the cannonade was,
as has since proved by an inspection of the camp, most severely felt by
the enemy; but it soon became evident that the issue of this struggle
must be brought to the arbitrament of musketry and the bayonet.
At nine o'clock, Brigadier Stacey's brigade, supported on either flank
by Captains Horsford's and Fordyce's batteries, and Lieut.-Colonel
Lane's troop of Horse-artillery, moved to the attack in admirable
order. The Infantry and guns aided each other correlatively. The former
marched steadily on in line, which they halted only to correct when
necessary. The latter took up successive positions at the gallop, until
at length they were within three hundred yards of the heavy batteries
of the Sikhs; but, notwithstanding the regularity and coolness, and
scientific character of this assault, which Brigadier Wilkinson well
supported, so hot was the fire of cannon, musketry, and zumbooruks kept
up by the Khalsa troops, that it seemed for some moments impossible
that the entrenchments could be won under it; but soon, persevering
gallantly, we triumphed; and the whole army had the satisfaction to
see the gallant Brigadier Stacey's soldiers driving the Sikhs in
confusion within the area of their encampment. The 10th Foot, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Franks, now for the first time brought into serious
contact with the enemy, greatly distinguished themselves. This regiment
never fired a shot till it got within the works of the enemy. The onset
of her Majesty's 53rd Foot was as gallant and effective. The 43rd and
59th N.I. brigaded with them, emulated both in cool determination.
At the moment of this first success, I directed Brigadier the Hon. T.
Ashburnham's brigade to move on in support; and Major-General Gilbert's
and Sir Harry Smith's divisions to throw out their light troops to
threaten their works, aided by artillery. As these attacks of the
centre and right commenced, the fire of our heavy guns had first to be
directed to the right, and then gradually to cease; but at one time
the thunder of 120 pieces of ordnance reverberated in this mighty
combat through the valley of the Sutlej; and as it was soon seen that
the weight of the whole force within the Sikh camp was likely to be
thrown upon the two brigades that had passed its trenches, it became
necessary to convert into close and serious attacks the demonstrations
with skirmishers and artillery of the centre and right; and the battle
raged with inconceivable fury from right to left. The Sikhs, even
when at particular points their entrenchments were mastered with the
bayonet, strove to regain them by the fiercest conflict, sword in
hand. Nor was it until the cavalry of the left, under Major-General
Sir Joseph Thackwell, had moved forward, and ridden through the
openings of the entrenchments made by our sappers, in single file, and
re-formed as they passed them; and the 3rd Dragoons, whom no obstacle
usually held formidable by horse appears to check, had on this day,
as at Ferozeshah, galloped over and cut down the obstinate defenders
of batteries and field-works, and until the full weight of three
divisions of Infantry, with every Field-artillery gun which could be
sent to their aid, had been cast into the scale, that victory finally
declared for the British. The fire of the Sikhs first slackened and
then nearly ceased; and the victors then pressing them on every side,
precipitated them in masses over the bridge, and into the Sutlej, which
a sudden rise of seven inches had rendered hardly fordable. In their
efforts to reach the right bank, through the deepened water, they
suffered from our Horse-artillery a terrible carnage. Hundreds fell
under this cannonade; hundreds upon hundreds were drowned in attempting
the perilous passage. Their awful slaughter, confusion, and dismay,
were such as would have excited compassion in the hearts of their
generous conquerors, if the Khalsa troops had not, in the early part
of the action, sullied their gallantry by slaughtering and barbarously
mangling every wounded soldier whom, in the vicissitudes of attack, the
fortune of war left at their mercy. I must pause in this narrative,
especially to notice the determined hardihood and bravery with which
our battalions of Ghoorkhas, the Sirmoor and Nusseree, met the Sikhs
wherever they were opposed to them. Soldiers of small stature, but
indomitable spirit, they vied in ardent courage in the charge with the
Grenadiers of our own nation; and armed with the short weapon of their
mountains, were a terror to the Sikhs throughout this great combat.
Sixty-seven pieces of cannon, upwards of two hundred camel-swivels
(zumbooruks), numerous standards, and vast munitions of war, captured
by our troops, are the pledges and trophies of our victory. The battle
was over by eleven in the morning, and in the forenoon I caused our
engineers to burn a part and to sink a part of the vaunted bridge of
the Khalsa army, across which they had boastfully come once more to
defy us, and to threaten India with ruin and devastation.
The loss of the enemy has been immense; an estimate of it must be
formed with a due allowance for the spirit of exaggeration which
pervades all statements of Asiatics, where their interest leads them
to magnify numbers; but our own observation on the river banks and in
the enemy's camp combine, with the reports brought to our intelligence
department, to convince me that the Khalsa casualties were between
8,000 and 10,000 men killed and wounded in action, and drowned
in the passage of the river. Amongst the slain, are Sirdars Sham
Singh, Attareewalla, Generals Gholab Singh, Koopta, and Heera Singh,
Topee, Sirdar Kishen Singh, son of the late Jemadar Kooshall Singh,
Generals Mobaruck Ally, and Illahee Buksh, and Shah Newaz Khan, son of
Futteh-ood-deen Khan, of Kussoor. The body of Sham Singh was sought for
in the captured camp by his followers; and, respecting the gallantry
with which he is reported to have devoted himself to death rather than
accompany the army in its flight, I forbade his people being molested
in their search, which was finally successful.
The consequences of this great action have yet to be fully developed.
It has at least, in God's providence, once more expelled the Sikhs from
our territory, and planted our standards on the soil of the Punjaub.
After occupying their entrenched position for nearly a month, the
Khalsa army had, perhaps, mistaken the caution which had induced us to
wait for the necessary material, for timidity. But they must now deeply
feel, that the blow which has fallen on them from the British arm, has
only been the heavier for being long delayed.
I have, etc.,
(Signed) H. Gough, General,
Commander-in-Chief, East Indies.
XII.
[Page 184.]
The monument erected to the memory of Sir Robert Dick, at the church of
Tullymet, Perthshire, by his brother officers, is of white marble; the
main features being a sculptured representation of the veteran soldier,
who has just received the deadly shot, whilst animating, by his
dauntless example, Her Majesty's 80th Regiment. In the upper portion
of the monument is a group of war trophies; and, surrounded by laurel,
are inscribed the names of the several battles in which this gallant
officer had participated.
SACRED TO THE MEMORY
OF
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR ROBERT HENRY DICK,
K.C.B., K.C.H.,
WHO, AFTER DISTINGUISHED SERVICES IN THE PENINSULA,
IN THE COMMAND OF A LIGHT BATTALION,
AT WATERLOO, WITH THE 42ND ROYAL HIGHLAND REGIMENT, FELL
MORTALLY WOUNDED, WHILST LEADING THE THIRD DIVISION OF
THE ARMY OF THE SUTLEJ TO THE ATTACK ON THE
SIKH ENTRENCHED CAMP, AT SOBRAON,
ON THE
10TH OF FEBRUARY, 1846.
* * * * *
THE OFFICERS WHO HAD THE HONOUR OF SERVING UNDER HIM IN
HIS LAST BATTLE, AND OTHERS, HIS FRIENDS, IN HER
MAJESTY'S AND THE HONOURABLE EAST INDIA
COMPANY'S SERVICE, IN BENGAL,
HAVE CAUSED THIS MONUMENT TO BE PLACED IN
HIS PARISH CHURCH,
IN TESTIMONY OF THEIR RESPECT AND AFFECTION FOR A
GENEROUS, COURTEOUS, AND CONSIDERATE
COMMANDER,
A GALLANT AND DEVOTED SOLDIER.
XIII.
[Page 194.]
PROCLAMATION OF PEACE.
Foreign Department, Camp, Lahore, Feb. 22nd, 1846.
The British Army has this day occupied the gateway of the citadel
of Lahore the Badshahee Mosque, and the Hazuree Bagh. The remaining
part of the citadel is the residence of his highness, the Maharajah,
and also that of the families of the late Maharajah Runjeet Singh,
for so many years the faithful ally of the British Government. In
consideration of these circumstances, no troops will be posted within
the precincts of the palace-gate.
The army of the Sutlej has now brought its operations in the field to a
close, by the dispersion of the Sikh army, and the military occupation
of Lahore, preceded by a series of the most triumphant successes ever
recorded in the military history of India. The British Government,
trusting to the faith of treaties, and to long subsisting friendship
between the two states, had limited military preparations to the
defence of its own frontier.
Compelled suddenly to assume the offensive, by the unprovoked
invasion of its territories, the British army, under the command
of its distinguished leader, has, in sixty days, defeated the Sikh
forces in four general actions; has captured 220 pieces of field
artillery; and is now at the capital, dictating to the Lahore Durbar
the terms of a treaty, the conditions of which will tend to secure
the British provinces from the repetition of a similar outrage. The
Governor-General being determined, however, to mark with reprobation
the perfidious character of the war, has required and will exact, that
every remaining piece of Sikh artillery which has been pointed against
the British army during the campaign shall be surrendered. The Sikh
army, whose insubordinate conduct is one of the chief causes of the
anarchy and misrule which have brought the Sikh state to the brink of
destruction, is about to be disbanded.
The soldiers of the army of the Sutlej have not only proved their
superior prowess in battle, but have, on every occasion, with
subordination and patience, endured the fatigues and privations
inseparable from a state of active operations in the field. The native
troops of this army have also proved that a faithful attachment to
their colours, and to the Company's service, is an honourable feature
in the character of the British sepoy. The Governor-General has
repeatedly expressed, on his own part and on that of the Government of
India, admiration and gratitude for the important services which the
army has rendered. The Governor-General is now pleased to resolve, as a
testimony of the approbation of the Government of India of the bravery,
discipline, and soldier-like bearing of the army of the Sutlej, that
all the generals, officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates,
shall receive a gratuity of twelve months' batta.
Every regiment which, in obedience to its orders, may have remained
in posts and forts between Loodianna and Ferozepore, and was not
present in action--as in the case of the troops ordered to remain
at Moodkee to protect the wounded, and those left in the forts of
Ferozepore and Loodianna--shall receive the gratuity of twelve
months' batta. Obedience to orders is the first duty of a soldier;
and the Governor-General, in affirming the principle, can never admit
that absence caused by the performance of indispensable duties, on
which the success of the operations in the field greatly depended,
ought to disqualify any soldier placed in these circumstances, from
participating in the gratuity given for the general good conduct of
the army in the field. All regiments and individuals ordered to the
frontier, and forming part of the army of the Sutlej, which may have
reached Loodianna or Bussean before the date of this order, will be
included as entitled to the gratuity.
By order of the Right Hon. the Governor-General of India,
F. Currie,
Secretary to the Government of India
with the Governor-General.
XIV.
[Page 194.]
FIRST TREATY WITH LAHORE OF 1846.
_Treaty between the British Government and the State of Lahore,
concluded at Lahore, on the 9th of March, 1846._
WHEREAS the treaty of amity and concord, which was concluded between
the British Government and the late Maharajah Runjeet Singh, the Ruler
of Lahore, in 1809, was broken by the unprovoked aggression on the
British provinces, of the Sikh army, in December last: And whereas,
on that occasion, by the Proclamation dated the 13th of December, the
territories then in the occupation of the Maharajah of Lahore, on the
left or British bank of the river Sutlej, were confiscated and annexed
to the British provinces; and, since that time, hostile operations have
been prosecuted by the two Governments, the one against the other,
which have resulted in the occupation of Lahore by the British troops:
And whereas it has been determined that, upon certain conditions, peace
shall be re-established between the two Governments, the following
treaty of peace between the Honourable English East India Company,
and Maharajah Dhuleep Singh Bahadoor, and his children, heirs and
successors, has been concluded, on the part of the Honourable Company,
by Frederick Currie, Esq., and Brevet Major Henry Montgomery Lawrence,
by virtue of full powers to that effect vested in them by the Right
Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge, G.C.B., one of Her Britannic Majesty's
most Honourable Privy Council, Governor-General, appointed by the
Honourable Company to direct and control all their affairs in the East
Indies; and, on the part of his Highness the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh,
by Bhaee Ram Singh, Rajah Lall Singh, Sirdar Tej Singh, Sirdar Chutter
Singh Attareewalla, Sirdar Runjoor Singh Mujetheea, Dewan Deena Nath,
and Fakeer Noor-ood-deen, vested with full power and authority on the
part of his Highness.
Article 1.--There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the
British Government, on the one part, and Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, his
heirs and successors, on the other.
Article 2.--The Maharajah of Lahore renounces for himself, his heirs
and successors, all claim to, or connection with, the territories lying
to the south of the river Sutlej, and engages never to have any concern
with those territories, or the inhabitants thereof.
Article 3.--The Maharajah cedes to the Honourable Company, in perpetual
sovereignty, all his forts, territories, and rights, in the Doab, or
country, hill and plain, situate between the rivers Beas and Sutlej.
Article 4.--The British Government having demanded from the Lahore
State as indemnification for the expenses of the war, in addition to
the cession of territory described in Article 3, payment of one and a
half crores of rupees; and the Lahore Government being unable to pay
the whole of this sum at this time, or to give security satisfactory to
the British Government for its eventual payment; the Maharajah cedes
to the Honourable Company, in perpetual sovereignty, as equivalent for
one crore of rupees, all his forts, territories, rights, and interests,
in the hill countries which are situate between the rivers Beas and
Indus, including the provinces of Cashmere and Hazarah.
Article 5.--The Maharajah will pay to the British Government the sum of
fifty lacs of rupees on or before the ratification of this treaty.
Article 6.--The Maharajah engages to disband the mutinous troops of
the Lahore army, taking from them their arms; and his Highness agrees
to reorganize the regular, or Aieen, or regiments of infantry, upon
the system, and according to the regulations as to pay and allowances,
observed in the time of the late Maharajah Runjeet Singh. The Maharajah
further engages to pay up all arrears to the soldiers that are
discharged under the provisions of this article.
Article 7.--The regular army of the Lahore State shall henceforth be
limited to 25 battalions of infantry, consisting of 800 bayonets each,
with 12,000 cavalry: this number at no time to be exceeded without the
concurrence of the British Government. Should it be necessary at any
time, for any special cause, that this force should be increased, the
cause shall be fully explained to the British Government; and when the
special necessity shall have passed, the regular troops shall be again
reduced to the standard specified in the former clause of this article.
Article 8.--The Maharajah will surrender to the British Government all
the guns, thirty-six in number, which have been pointed against the
British troops, and which, having been placed on the right bank of the
river Sutlej, were not captured at the battle of Sobraon.
Article 9.--The control of the rivers Beas and Sutlej, with the
continuations of the latter river, commonly called the Garrah and
Punjnud, to the confluence of the Indus at Mithenkote, and the control
of the Indus from Mithenkote to the borders of Beloochistan, shall, in
respect to tolls and ferries, rest with the British Government. The
provisions of this article shall not interfere with the passage of
boats belonging to the Lahore Government on the said rivers, for the
purposes of traffic, or the conveyance of passengers up and down their
course. Regarding the ferries between the two countries respectively,
at the several ghâts of the said rivers, it is agreed that the British
Government, after defraying all the expenses of management and
establishments, shall account to the Lahore Government for one half
of the net profits of the ferry collections. The provisions of this
article have no reference to the ferries on that part of the river
Sutlej which forms the boundary of Bhawulpore and Lahore respectively.
Article 10.--If the British Government should, at any time, desire to
pass troops through the territories of his Highness the Maharajah,
for the protection of the British territories, or those of their
allies, the British troops shall, on such special occasions, due
notice being given, be allowed to pass through the Lahore territories.
In such case the officers of the Lahore State will afford facilities
in providing supplies, and boats for the passage of rivers; and the
British Government will pay the full price of all such provisions and
boats, and will make fair compensation for all private property that
may be endamaged. The British Government will moreover observe all due
consideration to the religious feelings of the inhabitants of those
tracts through which the army may pass.
Article 11.--The Maharajah engages never to take, or retain, in his
service, any British subject, nor the subject of any European or
American State without the consent of the British Government.
Article 12.--In consideration of the services rendered by Rajah Goolab
Singh of Jummoo to the Lahore State, towards procuring the restoration
of the relations of amity between the Lahore and British Governments,
the Maharajah hereby agrees to recognise the independent sovereignty of
Rajah Goolab Singh, in such territories and districts in the hills as
may be made over to the said Rajah Goolab Singh by separate agreement
between himself and the British Government, with the dependencies
thereof, which may have been in the Rajah's possession since the time
of the late Maharajah Khurruk Singh: and the British Government, in
consideration of the good conduct of Rajah Goolab Singh, also agrees to
recognise his independence in such territories, and to admit him to the
privileges of a separate treaty with the British Government.
Article 13.--In the event of any dispute or difference arising between
the Lahore State and Rajah Goolab Singh, the same shall be referred
to the arbitration of the British Government; and by its decision the
Maharajah engages to abide.
Article 14.--The limits of the Lahore territories shall not be, at any
time changed, without the concurrence of the British Government.
Article 15.--The British Government will not exercise any interference
in the internal administration of the Lahore State; but in all cases
or questions which may be referred to the British Government, the
Governor-General will give the aid of his advice and good offices for
the furtherance of the interests of the Lahore Government.
Article 16.--The subjects of either State shall, on visiting the
territories of the other, be on the footing of the subjects of the most
favoured nation.
This treaty, consisting of sixteen articles, has been this day settled
by Frederick Currie, Esq., and Brevet Major Henry Montgomery Lawrence,
acting under the directions of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge,
G.C.B., Governor-General, on the part of the British Government; and
by Bhaee Bam Singh, Rajah Lall Singh, Sirdar Tej Singh, Sirdar Chutter
Singh Attareewalla, Sirdar Runjoor Singh Mujetheea, Dewan Deena Nath,
and Fakeer Noor-ood-deen, on the part of Maharajah Dhuleep Singh; and
the said treaty has been this day ratified by the seal of the Right
Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge, G.C.B., Governor-General, and by that of
his Highness Dhuleep Singh.
Done at Lahore, this 9th day of March, in the year of our Lord 1846,
corresponding with the 10th day of Rubbeeool-awul, 1262, Hijree, and
ratified on the same day.
[Page 194.]
SUPPLEMENTARY ARTICLES TO THE FIRST TREATY WITH LAHORE OF 1846.
_Articles of Agreement concluded between the British Government and
the Lahore Durbar, on the 11th of March, 1846._
WHEREAS the Lahore Government has solicited the Governor-General to
leave a British force at Lahore for the protection of the Maharajah's
person and of the capital, till the reorganization of the Lahore army,
according to the provisions of Article 6 of the Treaty of Lahore, dated
the 9th instant: And whereas the Governor-General has, on certain
conditions, consented to the measure: And whereas it is expedient that
certain matters concerning the territories ceded by articles 3 and 4 of
the aforesaid treaty should be specifically determined; the following
eight articles of agreement have this day been concluded between the
afore-mentioned contracting parties.
Article 1.--The British Government shall leave at Lahore, till the
close of the current year, A.D. 1846, such force as shall seem to the
Governor-General adequate for the purpose of protecting the person of
the Maharajah, and the inhabitants of the city of Lahore, during the
reorganization of the Sikh army, in accordance with the provisions of
article 6 of the treaty of Lahore; that force to be withdrawn at any
convenient time before the expiration of the year, if the object to be
fulfilled shall, in the opinion of the Durbar, have been obtained; but
the force shall not be detained at Lahore beyond the expiration of the
current year.
Article 2.--The Lahore Government agrees that the force left at Lahore
for the purpose specified in the foregoing article, shall be placed in
full possession of the fort and the city of Lahore, and that the Lahore
troops shall be removed from within the city. The Lahore Government
engages to furnish convenient quarters for the officers and men of the
said force, and to pay to the British Government all the extra expenses
in regard to the said force, which may be incurred by the British
Government, in consequence of them troops being employed away from
their own cantonments, and in a foreign territory.
Article 3.--The Lahore Government engages to apply itself immediately
and earnestly to the reorganization of its army, according to the
prescribed conditions, and to communicate fully with the British
authorities left at Lahore, as to the progress of such reorganization,
and as to the location of the troops.
Article 4.--If the Lahore Government fails in the performance of the
conditions of the foregoing article, the British government shall be
at liberty to withdraw the force from Lahore, at any time before the
expiration of the period specified in Article 1.
Article 5.--The British Government agrees to respect the _bonâ fide_
rights of those Jaghirdars within the territories ceded by Articles 3
and 4 of the Treaty of Lahore, dated the 9th instant, who were attached
to the families of the late Maharajah Runjeet Singh, Khurruk Singh and
Shere Singh; and the British Government wall maintain these Jaghirdars
in their _bonâ fide_ possessions, during their lives.
Article 6.--The Lahore Government shall receive the assistance of the
British local authorities in recovering the arrears of revenue justly
due to the Lahore Government from their Kardars and managers in the
territories ceded by the provisions of Articles 3 and 4 of the Treaty
of Lahore, to the close of the Khureef harvest of the current year,
viz. 1902, of the Sumbut Bikramajeet.
Article 7.--The Lahore Government shall be at liberty to remove from
the forts in the territories specified in the foregoing article, all
treasures and state property with the exception of guns. Should,
however, the British Government desire to retain any part of the said
property, they shall be at liberty to do so, paying for the same at a
fair valuation; and the British officers shall give their assistance
to the Lahore Government in disposing on the spot of such part of the
aforesaid property as the Lahore Government may not wish to remove, and
the British officers may not desire to retain.
Article 8.--Commissioners shall be immediately appointed by the two
Governments, to settle and lay down the boundary between the two
States, as defined by Article 4 of the Treaty of Lahore, dated March
the 9th, 1846.
XV.
[Page 198.]
PUNCHEESS or Punchayets were a jury or assembly of five persons. These
assemblies, which were of very ancient origin, obtained, both in the
military and civil services of the Sikhs. In the former, five men who
had distinguished themselves by their valour, were selected from every
battalion or company, and to them were referred for decision, all
affairs which brought the army into contact with the Government. In the
latter, every tribe had its Punt. The system was also generally adopted
in every trade and calling. The decision of the Punchees was definitive.
XVI.
[Page 200.]
TREATY WITH GOOLAB SINGH OF 1846.
_Treaty between the British Government and Maharajah Goolab Singh,
concluded at Umritsur on March 16th, 1846._
TREATY between the British Government on the one part, and Maharajah
Goolab Singh of Jummoo on the other, concluded on the part of the
British Government, by Frederick Currie, Esq., and Brevet Major Henry
Montgomery Lawrence, acting under the orders of the Right Honourable
Sir Henry Hardinge, G.C.B., one of Her Britannic Majesty's most
Honourable Privy Council, Governor-General, appointed by the Honourable
Company to direct and control all their affairs in the East Indies, and
by Maharajah Goolab Singh in person.
Article 1.--The British Government transfers and makes over, for
ever, in independent possession, to Maharajah Goolab Singh, and the
heirs male of his body, all the hilly or mountainous country, with its
dependencies, situated to the eastward of the river Indus, and westward
of the river Ravee, including Chumba and excluding Lahool, being part
of the territory ceded to the British Government by the Lahore State,
according to the provisions of Article 4 of the Treaty of Lahore, dated
March the 9th, 1846.
Article 2.--The eastern boundary of the tract transferred by the
foregoing Article to Maharajah Goolab Singh shall be laid down by
commissioners appointed by the British Government and Maharajah Goolab
Singh respectively, for that purpose, and shall be defined in a
separate engagement, after survey.
Article 3.--In consideration of the transfer made to him and his heirs
by the provisions of the foregoing Articles, Maharajah Goolab Singh
will pay to the British Government the sum of seventy-five lakhs of
rupees (Nanukshahee), fifty lakhs to be paid on ratification of this
treaty, and twenty-five lakhs on or before the 1st of October of the
current year, A.D. 1846.
Article 4.--The limits of the territories of Maharajah Goolab Singh
shall not be at any time changed without the concurrence of the British
Government.
Article 5.--Maharajah Goolab Singh will refer to the arbitration of the
British Government any disputes or questions that may arise between
himself and the Government of Lahore, or any other neighbouring State,
and will abide by the decision of the British Government.
Article 6.--Maharajah Goolab Singh engages for himself and heirs,
to join, with the whole of his military force, the British troops,
when employed within the hills, or in the territories adjoining his
possessions. Article 7.--Maharajah Goolab Singh engages never to
take, or retain, in his service any British subject, nor the subject
of any European or American State, without the consent of the British
Government.
Article 8.--Maharajah Goolab Singh engages to respect, in regard to
the territory transferred to him, the provisions of Articles 5, 6, and
7, of the separate engagement between the British Government and the
Lahore Durbar, dated March the 11th, 1846.
Article 9.--The British Government will give its aid to Maharajah
Goolab Singh, in protecting his territories from external enemies.
Article 10.--Maharajah Goolab Singh acknowledges the supremacy of the
British Government, and will, in token of such supremacy, present
annually to the British Government one horse, twelve perfect shawl
goats of approved breed (six male and six female), and three pairs of
Cashmere shawls.
This treaty, consisting of ten articles, has been this day settled by
Frederick Currie, Esq., and Brevet Major Henry Montgomery Lawrence,
acting under the directions of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge,
G.C.B., Governor-General, on the part of the British Government, and
by Maharajah Goolab Singh in person; and the said treaty has been this
day ratified by the seal of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge,
G.C.B., Governor-General.
Done at Umritsur, this 16th day of March, in the year of our Lord 1846,
corresponding with the 17th day of Rubbeeool-awul, 1262, Hijree.
XVII.
[Page 200.]
SECOND TREATY WITH LAHORE OF 1846.
Foreign Department, Camp, Bhyrowal Ghât, on the
left Bank of the Beas, the 22nd of December, 1846.
THE late Governor of Cashmere on the part of the Lahore State, Sheik
Imam Ooddeen, having resisted by force of arms the occupation of the
province of Cashmere by Maharajah Goolab Singh, the Lahore Government
was called upon to coerce their subject, and to make over the province
to the representative of the British Government, in fulfilment of the
conditions of the treaty of Lahore, dated the 9th of March, 1846.
A British force was employed to support and aid, if necessary, the
combined forces of the Lahore State and Maharajah Goolab Singh in the
above operations.
Sheik Imam Ooddeen intimated to the British Government that he was
acting under orders received from the Lahore Durbar in the course
he was pursuing; and stated that the insurrection was instigated by
written instructions received by him from the Vizier Rajah Lall Singh.
Sheik Imam Ooddeen surrendered to the British Agent on a guarantee
from that officer, that if the Sheik could, as he asserted, prove
that his acts were in accordance with his instructions, and that the
opposition was instigated by the Lahore minister, the Durbar should not
be permitted to inflict upon him, either in his person or his property,
any penalty on account of his conduct on this occasion. The British
Agent pledged his Government to a full and impartial investigation of
the matter.
A public inquiry was instituted into the facts adduced by Sheik Imam
Ooddeen, and it was fully established that Rajah Lall Singh did
secretly instigate the Sheik to oppose the occupation by Maharajah
Goolab Singh of the province of Cashmere.
The Governor-General immediately demanded that the ministers and Chiefs
of the Lahore State should depose and exile to the British provinces
the Vizier Rajah Lall Singh.
* * * * *
His Lordship consented to accept the deposition of Rajah Lall Singh
as an atonement for the attempt to infringe the treaty by the secret
intrigues and machinations of the Vizier. It was not proved that the
other members of the Durbar had cognizance of the Vizier's proceedings;
and the conduct of the Sirdars, and of the Sikh army in the late
operations for quelling the Cashmere insurrection, and removing the
obstacles to the fulfilment of the treaty, proved that the criminality
of the Vizier was not participated in by the Sikh nation.
The Ministers and Chiefs unanimously decreed, and carried into
immediate effect, the deposition of the Vizier.
After a few days' deliberations, relative to the means of forming
a Government at Lahore, the remaining members of the Durbar, in
concert with all the Sirdars and Chiefs of the State, solicited the
interference and aid of the British Government for the maintenance of
an administration, and the protection of the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh
during the minority of his Highness.
This solicitation by the Durbar and Chiefs has led to the temporary
modification of the relations between the British Government and that
of Lahore, established by the treaty of the 9th of March of the present
year.
The terms and conditions of this modification are set forth in the
following Articles of Agreement.
_Articles of Agreement concluded between the British Government and
the Lahore Durbar, on 16th of December, 1846._
Whereas the Lahore Durbar and the principal Chiefs and Sirdars of the
State have, in express terms, communicated to the British Government
their anxious desire that the Governor-General should give his aid
and his assistance to maintain the administration of the Lahore State
during the minority of Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, and have declared this
measure to be indispensable for the maintenance of the government: And
whereas the Governor-General has, under certain conditions, consented
to give the aid and assistance solicited, the following articles of
agreement, in modification of the articles of agreement executed at
Lahore on the 11th of March last, have been concluded, on the part of
the British Government, by Frederick Currie, Esq., Secretary to the
Government of India, and Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Montgomery Lawrence,
C.B., Agent to the Governor-General, North-West Frontier, by virtue
of full power to that effect vested in them by the Right Honourable
Viscount Hardinge, G.C.B., Governor-General, and on the part of his
Highness Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, by Sirdar Tej Singh, Sirdar Shere
Singh, Dewan Deena Nath, Fakeer Noor-ood-deen, Raee Kishen Chund,
Sirdar Runjoor Singh Mujetheea, Sirdar Utter Singh Kaleewalla, Bhaee
Nidhan Singh, Sirdar Kan Singh Mujetheea, Sirdar Shumshere Singh,
Sirdar Lall Singh Morarea, Sirdar Kher Singh Sindhanwalla, Sirdar Urjun
Singh Rungmungleea, acting with the unanimous consent and concurrence
of the Chiefs and Sirdars of the State assembled at Lahore.
Article 1.--All and every part of the treaty of peace between the
British Government and the state of Lahore, bearing date the 9th day
of March, 1846, except in so far as it may be temporarily modified
in respect to clause 15 of the said treaty by this engagement, shall
remain binding upon the two Governments.
Article 2.--A British officer, with an efficient establishment of
assistants, shall be appointed by the Governor-General to remain at
Lahore, which officer shall have full authority to direct and control
all matters in every department of the State.
Article 3.--Every attention shall be paid in conducting the
Administration to the feelings of the people, to preserving the
national institutions and customs, and to maintain the just rights of
all classes.
Article 4.--Changes in the mode and details of administration shall
not be made, except when found necessary for effecting the objects set
forth in the foregoing clause, and for securing the just dues of the
Lahore Government. These details shall be conducted by native officers,
as at present, who shall be appointed and superintended by a Council
of Regency, composed of leading Chiefs and Sirdars, acting under the
control and guidance of the British Resident.
Article 5.--The following persons shall in the first instance
constitute the Council of Regency, _viz._--Sirdar Tej Singh, Sirdar
Shere Singh Attareewalla, Dewan Deena Nath, Fakeer Noor-ood-deen,
Sirdar Runjoor Singh Mujetheea, Bhaee Nidhan Singh, Sirdar Utter Singh
Kaleewalla, Sirdar Shumshere Singh Sindhanwalla; and no change shall be
made in the persons thus nominated, without the consent of the British
Resident, acting under the orders of the Governor-General.
Article 6.--The administration of the country shall be conducted by
this Council of Regency in such manner as may be determined on by
themselves in consultation with the British Resident, who shall have
full authority to direct and control the duties of every department.
Article 7.--A British force, of such strength and numbers, and in such
positions, as the Governor-General may think fit, shall remain at
Lahore for the protection of the Maharajah, and the preservation of the
peace of the country.
Article 8.--The Governor-General shall be at liberty to occupy with
British soldiers any fort or military post in the Lahore territories,
the occupation of which may be deemed necessary by the British
Government for the security of the capital, or for maintaining the
peace of the country.
Article 9.--The Lahore State shall pay to the British Government
twenty-two lakhs of new Nanukshahee rupees, of full tale and weight,
per annum, for the maintenance of this force, and to meet the expenses
incurred by the British Government, such sum to be paid by two
instalments, or 13 lakhs and 20,000 in May or June, and 8 lakhs and
80,000 in November or December of each year.
Article 10.--Inasmuch as it is fitting that her Highness the
Maharannee, the mother of Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, should have a proper
provision made for the maintenance of herself and dependents, the sum
of one lakh and 50,000 rupees shall be set apart annually for that
purpose, and shall be at her Highness's disposal.
Article 11.--The provisions of this engagement shall have effect during
the minority of his Highness Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, and shall cease
and terminate on his Highness attaining the full age of 16 years, or on
the 4th September of the year 1854; but it shall be competent to the
Governor-General to cause the arrangement to cease, at any period prior
to the coming of age of his Highness, at which the Governor-General
and the Lahore Durbar may be satisfied that the interposition of
the British Government is no longer necessary for maintaining the
government of his Highness the Maharajah.
This agreement, consisting of eleven articles, was settled and executed
at Lahore, by the officers and Chiefs and Sirdars above named, on the
16th day of December, 1846.
XVIII.
[Page 201.]
NOTIFICATION.
Foreign Department, Camp, Ferozepore.
March, 30.
THE Governor-General is pleased to direct, that the accompanying
Proclamation, by which the Punjaub is declared to be a portion of the
British Empire in India, be published for general information, and that
a royal salute be fired at every principal station of the army, on the
receipt thereof.
By order of the Right Honourable, the Governor-General
of India.
P. Melvill,
Under Secretary to the Government of India,
with the Governor-General.
PROCLAMATION OF THE GOVERNOR GENERAL.
Head Quarters, Ferozepore,
March 29, 1849.
FOR many years, in the time of Maharajah Runjeet Singh, peace and
friendship prevailed between the British nation and the Sikhs. When
Runjeet Singh was dead, and his wisdom no longer guided the counsels
of the state, the Sirdars and Khalsa army, without provocation and
without cause, suddenly invaded the British territories. Their army
was again and again defeated. They were driven with slaughter and in
shame from the country they had invaded, and, at the gates of Lahore,
the Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, tendered to the Governor-General the
submission of himself and his chiefs, and solicited the clemency of the
British Government. The Governor-General extended the clemency of his
Government to the State of Lahore, he generously spared the kingdom
which he had acquired a just right to subvert; and the Maharajah having
been replaced on the throne, treaties of friendship were formed between
the States.
The British have faithfully kept their word, and have scrupulously
observed every obligation which the treaties imposed upon them. But
the Sikh people and their chiefs have, on their part, grossly and
faithlessly violated the promises by which they were bound. Of their
annual tribute no portion whatever has at any time been paid, and
large loans advanced to them by the Government of India have never
been repaid. The control of the British Government, to which they
voluntarily submitted themselves, has been resisted by arms. Peace has
been cast aside. British officers have been murdered when acting for
the State; others engaged in the like employment have treacherously
been thrown into captivity. Finally, the whole of the State and the
whole Sikh people, joined by many of the Sirdars in the Punjaub who
signed the treaties, and led by a member of the Regency itself, have
risen in arms against us, and have waged a fierce and bloody war for
the proclaimed purpose of destroying the British and their power.
The Government of India formerly declared that it required no further
conquest and it proved by its acts the sincerity of its professions.
The Government of India has no desire for conquest now; but it is
bound in its duty to provide fully for its own security, and to guard
the interests of those committed to its charge. To that end, and as the
only sure mode of protecting the State from the perpetual recurrence
of unprovoked and wasting wars, the Governor-General is compelled
to resolve upon the entire subjection of a people whom their own
Government has long been unable to control, and whom (as events have
now shown) no punishment can deter from violence, no act of friendship
can conciliate to peace. Wherefore the Governor-General of India has
declared, and hereby proclaims, that the kingdom of the Punjaub is
at an end; and that all the territories of Maharajah Dhuleep Singh,
are now and henceforth a portion of the British empire in India. His
Highness the Maharajah shall be treated with consideration and with
honour.
The few chiefs who have not engaged in hostilities against the British
shall retain their property and their rank. The British Government
shall leave to all the people, whether Mussulman, Hindoo or Sikh, the
free exercise of their own religions, but it will not permit any man to
interfere with others in the observance of such forms and customs as
their respective religions may either enjoin or permit.
The jaghires and all the property of Sirdars, and others who have been
in arms against the British, shall be confiscated to the State. The
defences of every fortified place in the Punjaub which is not occupied
by British troops shall be totally destroyed, and effectual measures
shall be taken to deprive the people of the means of renewing either
tumult or war.
The Governor-General calls upon all the inhabitants of the Punjaub,
Sirdars, and people, to submit themselves peaceably to the authority of
the British Government, which has hereby been proclaimed.
Over those who shall live as obedient and peaceful subjects of the
State, the British Government will rule with mildness and beneficence.
But if resistance to constituted authority shall again be attempted,
if violence and turbulence be renewed, the Governor-General warns the
people of the Punjaub that the time for leniency will then have passed
away, and that their offence will be punished with prompt and most
rigorous severity.
By order of the Right Honourable the Governor-General
of India.
H.M. Elliott,
Secretary to the Government of India,
with the Governor-General.
XIX.
[Page 241.]
AFTER SHAH SOOJAH of Cabool had lost his throne, the number of Northern
horses formerly sent to India became greatly reduced. Hence studs were
formed by the East India Company in Bengal. Some of the stud horses
have English, some Arab blood. The losses in the Sikh campaign of
1845-46 were 1,300 horses killed and wounded. Now the animal re-mount
is equal to about one twentieth of the full complement of Horse
Artillery, Dragoons, Light Cavalry, and Field Batteries; so, supposing
the complement to be 10,000 horses, the re-mounts yearly are 500.
Some time since an officer was sent to Sydney, New South Wales, to
procure horses. Many of these horses have heavy shoulders; but it is
certain that good and serviceable ones may be bred in New South Wales.
A mixture of English and Arab blood is required; and the stud should
be there and not in India. Some persons, however, are of opinion that
it is best to breed them in the climate in which they are to live.
Lord William Bentinck nearly destroyed the central stud at Buxar and
Kurruntadhee. The Cape has been tried; but the horses though strong are
under size.
XX.
[Page 294.]
ONE hundred and twenty thousand pounds seems to be a large sum even
as the annual revenue of an Emperor of Delhi, but it must be borne in
mind that the Emperor's family, including his seraglio, suite, and
dependents, amounted, at least, to 4,000 persons. Just now there is a
political difficulty respecting the succession to the throne of Delhi.
When Shah Allum died in 1806, he was succeeded by his eldest son,
Akbar, although he endeavoured to secure the throne for his third son,
Wulli Ahud; but this was refused by the British Government. The present
Emperor (1854), desires that his younger son, Prince Jewan Bukht,
should succeed him, and has actually invested him with the imperial
dignity without waiting for the sanction of the East India Company.
Generally speaking, younger sons are more obedient to their fathers;
for the eldest often sticks upon his rights, and this doubtless is the
case in the family of the Emperor of Delhi.
XXI.
[Page 344.]
THIS extract is from the pen of my lamented friend the late Right
Reverend Dr. James, Lord Bishop of Calcutta, in his most interesting
work, entitled "Journal of a Tour through Germany, Sweden, Russia,
and Poland," 1813-1814, third edition 1819, vol. i., pp. 5-6. Poor
Dr. James was for some years, and up to the period of his leaving
England for India, Vicar of Silsoe, in Bedfordshire, where I resided
with my father during my holidays--for I am speaking now of more
than twenty years ago, at a period when I was at the school of my
most esteemed friend and much valued correspondent, the Rev. John
Fell, M.A., Huntingdon--I can remember distinctly Dr. James's kind and
excellent advice to me, and the undissembled pleasure which shone in
his countenance every time I met him. How very brief was his term of
usefulness in his far distant diocese, for he only reached it to die
there!
XXII.
[Page 355.]
THERE are many customs observed in India which are mentioned in the
Old and New Testaments, to wit:--the custom above named of _drawing
water_, "Behold, I stand here by the well of water; and the daughters
of the men of the city come out to draw water." Gen. xxiv. 13. "And the
damsel was very fair to look upon; and she went down to the well, and
filled her pitcher, and came up," verse 16; and in verse 15 we read,
"with her pitcher upon her shoulder."--Again "_trough for watering
cattle_." In India there are troughs made of brick and mortar, and
sometimes also of earth, whither the camels and horses are taken to
drink water.--_Cakes_, "And make cakes upon the hearth" Gen. xviii. 6.
These cakes are placed upon an iron plate and turned often.--_Milch
Camels,_ "Thirty milch camels with their colts," Gen. xxxii. 15.
The milk of camels is drunk by the natives of India when in a weak
state of health; it is more nutritious than asses' milk, and is very
fattening.--_Earrings_, "And all their ear-rings which were in their
ears," Gen. xxxv. 4. Men as well as women in India wear ear-rings,
nay even many of the native officers of the Sepoy corps.--_Wheat in a
mortar_, "Though thou shouldest bray a fool in a mortar among wheat
with a pestle," Prov. xxvii. 22. Wheat is frequently brayed in a
mortar to clear it from the chaff.--_Not new wine into old bottles_,
Our Saviour said, "Neither do men put new wine into old bottles; else
the bottles break, and the wine runneth out, and the bottles perish:
but they put new wine into new bottles: and both are preserved," Matt.
ix. 17. Sir J. Chardin, a well-known traveller in India says; compare
Joshua ix. 4. "The Arabs and all those who live a wandering life,
still keep their milk, water, and other liquors in leathern bottles
(_mashks_) which are generally made of goats' skins." In India water
is put into sheeps' skins. "These natives never go a journey without
a small leathern bottle of water hanging by their side like a scrip;
when these bottles are old, and much used, they mend them, either by
sewing on a piece, or by gathering up the broken place, in the manner
of a purse." The Bombay Column which went to Affghanistan and Cabool,
in 1839, had each man a little keg of wood, painted white, large enough
to contain a quart of water; and it is to be regretted that the troops
in the Sikh campaign of 1845-6 were not similarly supplied, for they
suffered much from want of water. Surgeon Taylor in his report of
killed and wounded, in H.M. 29th regiment, with the army of the Sutlej,
in 1845-46, says; "during the three days they remained exposed to
the powerful heat of the sun by day, and the very disproportionately
cold air of the night, many of them suffered from the most agonizing
thirst; only a very small quantity of water could be got, and that was
very putrid. The excessive thirst of the men, and the impossibility of
obtaining water may be judged of by the fact, that on the morning of
the 22nd, men of this and other regiments were literally seen to drink
their own urine."
_Grinding grain_, "Two women shall be grinding at the mill; the one
shall be taken and the other left," Matt. xxiv. 41. Dr. E. Clarke says;
"The two women, seated on the ground, held between them two round flat
stones. In the centre of the upper stone was a cavity for pouring in
the corn, and by the side of this, an upright wooden handle, for moving
the stone. As the operation began, one of the women, with her right
hand, pushed this handle to the woman opposite, who again sent it to
her companion; thus communicating a rotary and very rapid motion to the
upper stone, the left hand being all the while employed in supplying
fresh corn, as fast as the bran and flour escaped from the sides of the
machine."
The above are large stones, called in India chakkis, sometimes a
smaller kind is used by one woman who turns the chakki round with her
right hand, from left to right, in the same rotary motion; the women
may be heard at this work in the villages before daybreak, singing
their monotonous songs to while away the time. They also form an
important appendage to a cavalry corps, having to grind all the corn
required for the horses.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 112: Eleven guns since ascertained to be sunk in the river,
total sixty-seven; thirty odd jinjalls fell into our hands.]
J. WERTHEIMER AND CO., PRINTERS, FINSBURY CIRCUS.
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