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Title: Memoirs of the Reign of King George the Second (Vol. 3 of 3)
Author: Walpole, Horace
Language: English
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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
This is Volume 3 of 3. The first volume can be found in Project
The List of Illustrations has been copied from Volume I. This list
describes six illustrations, two in each volume.
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
A superscript is denoted by ^x or ^{xx}, for example M^R.
Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been
placed at the end of each chapter.
Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.
MEMOIRS
OF THE REIGN OF
KING GEORGE THE SECOND.
VOL. III.
[Illustration: M^R. PITT.
London: Henry Colburn 1846.]
MEMOIRS
OF THE REIGN OF
KING GEORGE THE SECOND.
BY
HORACE WALPOLE,
YOUNGEST SON OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE, EARL OF ORFORD.
EDITED, FROM THE ORIGINAL MSS.
WITH A PREFACE AND NOTES,
BY THE LATE
LORD HOLLAND.
Second Edition, Revised.
_WITH THE ORIGINAL MOTTOES._
VOL. III.
LONDON:
HENRY COLBURN, PUBLISHER,
GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET.
1847.
CONTENTS
OF
THE THIRD VOLUME.
CHAPTER I.
A. D. PAGE
1757. Dismissal and Resignation of Ministers 1
Efforts to form a new Administration 2
Parliamentary Inquiries into the Loss of Minorca 4
Mr. Pitt’s Power and Popularity 5
Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Fox _ib._
The Inquiries into the Loss of Minorca 7
No Ministry formed 11
The Militia Bill passes _ib._
Great success of the King of Prussia 12
Various Plans for forming an Administration 14
Vote of a Million 16
Bill regulating payment of Seamen’s Wages 19
Duke of Newcastle’s irresolution 21
Rupture of Negotiation between Pitt and Newcastle 22
Duke of Newcastle’s Projects and Difficulties _ib._
CHAPTER II.
1757. Prince of Wales interferes to facilitate arrangements 25
Lord Waldegrave appointed First Lord of the Treasury 26
Resignation of the Duke of Newcastle’s friends 27
Author’s advice to Fox 28
Lord Waldegrave’s projected Ministry abandoned--The
King’s reluctant acquiescence 30
The new Ministry settled 31
Charge on the Public 32
Lord Waldegrave has the Garter 34
King of Prussia defeated by Daun 36
Battle of Hastenbecke _ib._
King overwhelmed with the misfortunes of Hanover 37
Leicester House 38
Disturbances on the Militia Bill 40
France 42
Expedition to Rochfort 44
Officers employed on Expedition to Rochfort 45
CHAPTER III.
1757. Isle of Aix 50
Council of War 51
Conway proposes an Attack on Fouras 53
Attack on Fouras fails 56
Affairs in the East Indies 57
Victory of the Prussians over the Russians _ib._
Convention of Closter Seven 58
The King disavows the Convention of Closter Seven 59
The Duke’s return 60
Duke’s reception at Court, and conduct thereupon 61
The Duke resigns 64
Affairs of Ireland 65
State of Parties in Ireland 68
Inquiry into Miscarriages at Rochfort 75
Court-Martial 78
Lord Mansfield of Cabinet 79
Victories of the King of Prussia 80
Sir John Ligonier made Viscount and Marshal 81
Death of Princess Caroline 82
CHAPTER IV.
1758. Mr. Pitt 84
Five great men 85
Lord Granville _ib._
Sir Robert Walpole 86
Lord Mansfield _ib._
Duke of Cumberland _ib._
Mr. Pitt _ib._
Five great men compared 87
Parliament _ib._
Speech of Mr. Pitt 88
King of Prussia takes Breslau 90
General Clive’s Victory _ib._
Military Appointments 91
Affairs of Ireland _ib._
Picture of some of the Manners of the Age 97
King’s Munificence 100
Affair of the Habeas Corpus 101
Mr. Pratt brings in a Bill 103
Anecdotes on the Navy Bill 106
CHAPTER V.
1758. Death of Archbishop Hutton 107
Affair of Lord Tyrawley 108
New Treaty with Prussia 110
Sequel of the Habeas Corpus 112
Habeas Corpus Bill in Lords 116
Judges’ Opinions on Habeas Corpus Bill 118
Habeas Corpus Bill dropped 121
Leicester House _ib._
Operations of the King of Prussia 122
Expedition to St. Maloes 124
Passage of the Rhine by Prince Ferdinand, and his
Victory at Crevelt 127
Defeats of Prince Ysenberg and M. Chevert 128
CHAPTER VI.
1758. History of Dr. Hensey 130
Election of a Pope 131
Rezzonico elected Pope 133
Taking of Cherbourg _ib._
Cape Breton taken _ib._
Other Events in America 134
Affair at St. Cas 135
Battle of Custrin, and relief of Dresden 138
Disputes with Holland 139
Assassination of the King of Portugal 141
Portugal 143
The English Army in Germany 147
Defeat at Hochkirchen 148
Sieges of Neiss, Cosel, and Dresden raised 149
Parliament meets _ib._
Addresses of Thanks 150
Army voted 151
Affair of Dr. Shebbear 152
Pitt’s behaviour to Conway 154
Pitt’s conduct in Ministry 156
Lord Arran 157
Disgrace of the Cardinal de Bernis 158
Conclusion _ib._
Author’s own Character 159
CHAPTER VII.
1759. Author’s motives for continuing the Work 164
A memorable era 165
Election of Chancellor of Oxford 166
Exchange of Prisoners 167
Death of Princess of Orange 168
Capture of Goree 169
Expeditions to West Indies _ib._
Mr. Pitt’s Character and Ministry 172
Estimates of the year 176
Duty upon Dry Goods 177
Mr. Pitt’s speech on Taxes 178
Mr. Pitt’s sensibility to censure 179
Mr. Pitt’s complaisance to Lord Hardwicke _ib._
Jealousies in Ministry 181
Message on Militia 184
Threats of Invasion from France 185
Havre de Grace bombarded 186
CHAPTER VIII.
1759. Campaign in Germany 188
Battle of Minden 190
Reports of Battle of Minden 191
Lord Granby and Lord G. Sackville 192
Reflections on Lord G. Sackville 193
Lord G. Sackville returns to England 198
Correspondence of French General 199
King of Prussia’s Campaign 200
Battle of Cunnersdorf 201
Prussians defeated 203
King of Prussia saves Berlin and retrieves his Affairs 204
Spain and Naples _ib._
Charles III. of Spain sets aside his eldest son 206
Reasons for setting aside Duke of Calabria examine 207
King of Spain 208
Death of Lady Elizabeth 211
Boscawen defeats the French Flee _ib._
Conquests in America _ib._
Lord G. Sackville 212
CHAPTER IX.
1759. Marshal D’Estrées 216
French worsted in East Indies 217
Wolfe’s Embarrassments _ib._
Conquest of Quebec, and death of Wolfe 219
Perfidy and cruelty of French Government 223
Bankruptcy of France _ib._
Thurot sails 224
Parliament _ib._
Mr. Pitt’s speech 225
Lord Temple resigns the Privy Seal 228
Lord Temple resumes the Privy Seal _ib._
Monument to Wolfe, and Thanks to Officers 229
Admiral Saunders 230
Hawke attacks and destroys Conflans’ Fleet 231
Debates on Extraordinary Commissions 233
Army Estimate 234
Proposals for Peace ineffectual 236
Heir-Apparent’s Court 237
Victorious Officers rewarded _ib._
Warburton made Bishop 239
Ireland _ib._
Tumults in Dublin 241
Irish Parliament 245
CHAPTER X.
1760. War in Germany 247
Prince Ferdinand’s detachment to King of Prussia 248
Value of contemporary Memoir 249
Lord Bath’s Letter 250
Macklyn’s _Love à la Mode_ 250
Lord G. Sackville demands a Court-Martial 251
Earl Ferrers murders his Steward 258
Smollett punished for a Libel 259
Thurot’s Expedition to Ireland 262
Thurot’s death 265
Debate on Trial of Member of House of Commons _ib._
Court-Martial on Lord G. Sackville 266
Sentence of Court-Martial 273
Trial of Earl Ferrers 274
Execution of Earl Ferrers 278
Qualification Bill 279
Militia Bills 280
CHAPTER XI.
1760. General Murray beaten at Quebec 284
French retreat from Quebec _ib._
General Amherst takes Montreal 288
Successes in East Indies 289
Campaign in Germany 290
Prussians defeated, and General Fouquet taken 291
King of Prussia before Dresden 292
Is obliged to raise the siege _ib._
King of Prussia defeats Laudohn 294
Daun compelled to raise the Siege of Schweidnitz, and
retreats 295
Allies take Berlin _ib._
Abandon it 296
King of Prussia beats Daun at Torgau 297
Campaign in Germany _ib._
Duke of Cumberland 300
Earl of Clanrickard _ib._
George the Second dies 302
His Character, and Will 303
Anecdote of George the First’s Will 308
APPENDIX 313
INDEX OF NAMES 319
INDEX OF MATTERS 342
ILLUSTRATIONS.
VOL. I.
GEORGE II. _Frontispiece_.
MR. PELHAM p. 378
VOL. II.
MR. FOX _Frontispiece_.
DUKE OF BEDFORD 270
VOL. III.
MR. PITT _Frontispiece_.
DUKE OF NEWCASTLE 182
MEMOIRS
OF THE REIGN OF
KING GEORGE THE SECOND.
CHAPTER I.
Dismissal and Resignation of Ministers--Parliamentary
Inquiries into the loss of Minorca--Mr. Pitt’s Power and
Popularity--Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Fox--Mr. Pitt’s conduct
on the Inquiries--Passing of the Militia Bill--Great success of
the King of Prussia--Various Plans for an Administration--Vote
for a Million--Bill for regulating the payment of the Wages
of Seamen--Duke of Newcastle’s irresolution--Rupture of the
negotiation between him and Pitt--His Projects and Difficulties.
April 5th.--Lord Holderness went to Lord Temple to notify to him his
dismission. Legge prevailed on Pitt and the rest not to resign, but
to be turned out. The Duke of Devonshire had offered Legge to remain;
but though he was never tardy at abandoning his friends for a richer
prospect, nobody was more steady when it would hurt him to desert.
The next night, Mr. Pitt was discarded: and then George Grenville and
the others resigned. Charles Townshend alone took time to consider:
the income of his place was large, and he did not love Pitt. After
an uncertainty of near three weeks, he resigned; but by a letter to
the Duke of Devonshire avoided as much as possible to have it thought
that he quitted from attachment to Pitt. Resigning with him, and not
for him, Townshend thought entitled him to be restored with Pitt, yet
would not subject him to the King’s displeasure.
All men were curious to see the new Administration. None was formed.
Lord Egremont had consented to accept the Seals of Secretary of
State, but soon desired to be excused. He had miscarried with Lord
Granville, had not succeeded better by assiduous court to Newcastle,
and now attaching himself to Fox, had his hopes soon blasted with
this blossom of an Administration. Doddington, who had gone in
and out too often to lose any reputation by one more promotion or
disgrace, was ready to take anything. Sir George Lee, who could not
give up the hopes of being Prime Minister, though never thought of
but when he could not be so, prepared to accept the Chancellorship
of the Exchequer; and Lord Winchelsea, uniform in detesting the
Grenvilles, immediately entered upon his old office, the Admiralty,
with a motley board, composed of Boscawen, (one of the last set,)
Rowley, (of the foregoing,) Moyston, his own nephew, Lord Carysfort,
and young Sandys. Elliot was offered to remain, but refused; and W.
Gerard Hamilton was designed for the seventh.
Yet an Admiralty did not make an Administration. No man of abilities
or reputation would enlist--even Sir Thomas Robinson refused to take
the Seals again. Yet the Duke embarked with satisfaction, telling
Mr. Conway, the King could not be in a worse situation than he had
been--“Yes, Sir,” said Conway, “but he will, if Mr. Pitt gets the
better.” And Fox, to gratify at least some of his views in this
revolution, procured a grant for himself and his two sons of the
reversion of Doddington’s place of Clerk of the Pells in Ireland. The
King had forbidden the Duke, who negotiated this business, to mention
the Peerage for Lady Caroline, which he would never grant; but he
would give him Doddington’s place for his child--“Say children, Sir,”
replied the Duke. “With all my heart,” said the King; “it is the
same thing to me.” He cared not how many reversions he granted from
his successor. Still it was impossible for Fox himself to accept any
ministerial post till the inquiries were at an end; the whole tempest
would have been directed at his head.
Indeed many had such intentions: at a meeting of Pitt’s friends and
the Tories, it was agreed to push the scrutiny into the military
part with great vehemence. Charles Townshend accepted the office of
manager: and George, on moving for more papers, made severe remarks
on the want of miners at Minorca; which Fox excused, saying, it was
hoped that the Minorchese, who had assisted in digging the mines,
would have contributed to their defence. To keep miners there on
the establishment had been thought too expensive. “Are they more
expensive to the Government,” replied Townshend, “than sinecures?”
alluding to Fox’s new reversion. Pitt, at the meeting I have
mentioned, promised his support, but feared he should not be able to
speak five minutes for his cough. He was aware that Newcastle had
left too little power to Fox in their joint Administration, for it to
be possible with any degree of decency to brand the one, and slide
over the errors of the other, with whom Pitt wished to unite. Yet the
temper of the nation left him master to take whatever resolution he
pleased. The rashness of throwing Government into imminent confusion
at such a juncture, struck both the enemies and friends of Fox. His
ambition was glaring; his interestedness, not even specious. Pitt had
acted during his short reign with a haughty reserve, that, if it had
kept off dependents and attachments, at least had left him all the
air of patriot privacy; and having luckily from the King’s dislike
of him, and from the shortness of the time, been dipped but in few
ungracious businesses, he came back to the mob scarce
“---- shorn of his beams.”
The stocks fell; the Common Council voted the Freedom of the City
both to Pitt and Legge;[1] Sir John Barnard alone gave a negative.
Allen of Bath procured them the same honour from thence; and for some
weeks it rained gold boxes: Chester, Worcester, Norwich, Bedford,
Salisbury, Yarmouth, Tewkesbury, Newcastle-on-Tyne, Stirling, and
other populous and chief towns following the example. Exeter, with
singular affectation, sent boxes of heart of oak. On the other hand,
a paper was affixed to the gate of St. James’s, with these words, “A
Secretary of State much wanted; honesty not necessary; no principles
will be treated with.”
Such venom was not likely to bias Newcastle to Mr. Fox. It was the
King’s wish that they should unite; and many messages passed; but in
vain. It was pretended that the Duke had promised his Majesty never
to join Pitt, unless by command. The King said, he would abdicate
sooner than give him such command; and complaining bitterly of his
ingratitude; imputing to him a refusal made by Lord Duplin to be
made Chancellor of the Exchequer; and his leaving his Majesty at
the mercy of Mr. Pitt, by not uniting with Fox. His Grace, who
scrupled not to wipe out one imputation by deserving another,
wrote a penitential letter, and sent it by Munchausen, lamenting
his disgrace, after so many years of service, and hoping, when the
inquiries should be at an end, that he might again have admission
to the closet, where he should be ready to protest and promise
whatever his Majesty expected. He had scarcely written this letter,
but he laboured anew to obstruct the junction of his friends with
Fox. In general, they outran his intentions: Lord Lincoln hated Fox;
the little tools feared him. Murray and Hume Campbell and Arundel
sincerely wished to bring them together.
The Princess, who looked on any settlement in which Fox was concerned
as an establishment of the Duke’s power, frowned on the new
revolution; and though Fox made very humble overtures to Leicester
House, they were flatly rejected. Pitt grew less and less austere to
Newcastle; and now, when this vain man was arrived at the period of
detected misgovernment with regard to his country, of ingratitude and
disobedience to his master, of caprice, duplicity, and irresolution
towards all factions; when under prosecution by Parliament, and
frowned on by his sovereign; at this instant were the hopes, the
vows of all men addressed to him! The outcast of the Ministry, the
scorn of the Court, the jest of the people, was the arbiter of
Britain: her King, her patriots, her factions, waited to see into
what scale he would fling his influence!
In the meantime, the inquiries began, April 19th. I shall give but
a summary account of them: it would be ridiculous to enter into the
detail of a pantomime, from which nothing was intended, expected,
or produced. The Townshends pretended to be managers against the
Ministers: Hume Campbell and Lord Royston acted with spirit and
sense for their friends: Ellis was agent for Fox. The latter himself
meddled a little, pointing out where inconveniences might arrive to
Government from probing intelligence too nicely. The examination
began with reading all the papers in order; intelligence, letters,
orders, &c. But no kind of check had been held over the offices from
whence the materials came. The clerks had been left at liberty to
omit, abridge, secrete, what they pleased. No questions were asked,
no proofs of authenticity demanded, no witnesses examined; and, for
fear of discovering our channels of intelligence, no names were
inserted in the extracts. And as the offices had been suffered to
curtail at their discretion, so they had had as impartial liberty to
send as much useless and perplexing lumber as they could amass. The
very dates of the letters filled three and twenty sheets of paper!
All this was read over in a hurry, yet was so tiresome, that before
half a day was wasted, the House was almost empty. Yet three or four
hundred men were supposed to extract a judgment from so crude and
slovenly a process!
Pitt, it was expected, would take advantage of illness, and not
appear. But he refined on that old finesse; and pretending to
wave the care of a broken constitution, when his country demanded
his service, and as a pledge of his sincerity in the scrutiny, he
came to the discussion in all the studied apparatus of a theatric
valetudinarian. The weather was unseasonably warm; yet he was dressed
in an old coat and waistcoat of beaver laced with gold: over that, a
red surtout, the right arm lined with fur, and appendent with many
black ribands, to indicate his inability of drawing it over his
right arm, which hung in a crape sling, but which, in the warmth of
speaking, he drew out with unlucky activity, and brandished as usual.
On his legs were riding stockings. In short, no aspiring Cardinal
ever coughed for the Tiara with more specious debility. This mummery
was covered over with candour: he acquiesced in every softening term
proposed by the advocates of the late criminals: his justice shrunk
behind apprehensions of personality: moderation was the sole virtue
of a censor. The loss of Minorca he avowed he meant to charge on the
whole Government--for the whole Government could not be punished.
On the second day, indeed, he trespassed a little upon all these
gentle virtues, and threatened to _secede_, and publish to the world
the iniquity of the majority: but recollecting how much more useful
to him the majority might be than the world, he recomposed himself,
and was content that the majority should be responsible for whatever
defects the public might find in the judgment given by the House.
George Townshend proposed several resolutions: the drift of all was
to show that the Administration had chosen to believe a threatened
invasion on Great Britain, rather than a design on Minorca. These
motions were contested, modified, balanced, by appendent questions
proposed by the Courtiers. Henley, the Attorney-General, scrupled
not in the very outset to propose approbation. Pitt said he should
prefer printing the examination, and leaving the public to judge
for themselves. Hume Campbell pleaded that such procedure in the
House of Commons would be abdicating their share of Government. The
Ministerial party endeavoured, though with ostentatious decency,
to load the late Admiral; but in general their arguments tended to
nothing but to prove that _Minorca had been lost by the common course
of office_. The questions of the Opposition were corrected till all
sting was taken out of them; and still others were coupled to them,
that made the votes of the House seem a mere set of questions and
answers, in which the whole advantage remained to the respondent.
These things passed not without divisions, but as the majority felt
itself a majority, it was not modest; it stated roundly in favour of
its principals. Yet on the last day of the Committee, the Courtiers
moving a resolution, that no greater force could have been sent
to the Mediterranean under Mr. Byng, Triumph itself blushed at so
palpable a falsehood, and the victorious majority shrunk to 78, many
retiring, and many of the more independent sort joining the minority.
By this might be seen what Mr. Pitt had in his power, had he exerted
himself. The alarm, however, was so great, that a conclusive vote of
acquittal, nay, of approbation, which it had been determined should
be proposed by Lord Granby and Lord George Cavendish, was dropped
with evident marks of dismay; and the late Cabinet, to their great
disappointment, were forced to sit down contented, without receiving
the thanks of the House of Commons for the loss of Minorca.
The conclusion of the inquiries, however, from which at least it had
been supposed a new Administration would arise, facilitated nothing.
No approbation given pointed out nobody as deserving power again:
nobody being stigmatized, nobody seemed excluded. Pitt had declined
triumph, consequently had gained none. A field of negotiation was
still open, till three men who knew, hated, and could not trust one
another, might settle some such plan of agreement as would still
leave those who should unite the hopes and the prospect of betraying
or overpowering their new allies.
In the meantime, as if to show how long a great nation can carry
on itself without any Government, there were no Ministers, even in
the midst of a formidable war, but those baby politicians, the Duke
of Devonshire and Lord Holderness: the former with much importance
declaring, that he would retain the Treasury but till some new
system should be completed: yet he was delighted with the plaything
of power, and wished his holidays might be protracted. For the King
himself, his very office seemed annihilated. While the three factions
were caballing, he had not even an option. Whatever Administration
should be settled, he was to receive when presented to him. Lord
Mansfield held the Seals of the Exchequer _pro tempore_; and the
House of Commons was so devoid of a Minister, that the office of
proposing the Ways and Means devolved on Nugent, one of the Lords of
the Treasury.
The House of Lords were employed on the militia. Lord Hardwicke
opposed, but would not divide against it. The Duke of Bedford and
Lord Temple joined to support it; and it passed at last by 64 to 48.
While this ridiculous scene was acting at home, our foreign affairs
wore a more respectable aspect. Count Rantzau, the Danish Minister,
mentioned to Lady Yarmouth, on the part of France, a neutrality
for Hanover. She discreetly refused to meddle in it. He then, in
concert with the Minister of the Empress-Queen, proposed it in
form, but the terms[2] were so humiliating, that the King rejected
them with dignity and scorn. In truth, as Elector, his situation
deserved compassion. At this instant, the French had seized in their
own name the county of Bentheim, a purchase his Majesty had made
himself: the rest of his territories they pretended to hold for the
Empress-Queen. Under this depression, news came of a great victory
obtained by the King of Prussia over the Austrians. He had planned
his measures with such intelligence, that he previously ventured
to send the King word, that he should make four attacks at once on
the quarters of the enemy, and expected to find them unprepared. He
confirmed his designs by success, carried every attack, possessed
himself of their magazines, and when he dispatched the courier, was
within thirty miles of Prague, hoping to be master of Bohemia by the
15th of the month, and to be able to detach a body of twenty-five
thousand men to support the Duke of Cumberland. The Austrian Generals
disagreed; their Foot behaved ill: in general, their troops thought
the Prussians irresistible.
The Hero-King, who dared to prophesy, because he left so little to
chance, pursued his blow; Marshal Brown retiring to the other side
of Prague. The King of Prussia with a strong Army on one side,
Marshal Schwerin at the head of another from behind, fell on Brown
at once, forced his camp, and took it with all his tents, baggage,
and 250 pieces of cannon. Prince Charles, Brown, and Lucchesi, were
wounded, and shut up in Prague. The King of Prussia lost little in
numbers, exceedingly in one man, Marshal Schwerin, who making his
attack before his second line was formed, and seeing his first line
repulsed, seized a pair of colours, and fell with them in his hand.
The glory of the day, that thus remained indubitably with the King,
did not recompense him for the loss of such a servant.
The primate of Ireland, who suspected that he should have little part
in the Bedford Administration, had stayed in England to negotiate
between Newcastle and Pitt, hoping that if Fox was entirely set aside
here, the Duke of Bedford might in pique resign his new empire before
he took possession of it; at least, would not be countenanced in any
depression of him (the Primate). Lord George Sackville laboured in
the same cause; and about the second week in May an interview was
brought about between Pitt and Lord Hardwicke--as the latter said,
_by chance_. Pitt insisted that Newcastle should not interfere in
the House of Commons, nor with the province of Secretary of State;
that is, with neither domestic nor foreign affairs, but should
confine himself to the Treasury; yet there too Pitt pretended to
place George Grenville as Chancellor of the Exchequer, with Potter
and James Grenville. Legge, whom he meant to remove, having conceived
insuperable aversion to him since harnessed with himself in the
trammels of popularity, he named for the head of the Admiralty, with
a Peerage. For Lord Temple he demanded the Garter and some Post in
the Cabinet. The terms were lofty; yet considering his interest in
the people, and his experience of Newcastle’s engrossing chicanery,
he was justifiable in endeavouring to clip the wings of so volatile
a constitution.
The death of the Duke of Grafton, who had so often transacted
Newcastle’s variations, arrived now to facilitate his
re-establishment. The Duke of Devonshire was charmed with the
bubbles of the Chamberlain’s office, and in three days accepted
the White Stick and Golden Key, leaving the Treasury open. Yet
in a week more the treaty between Newcastle and Pitt was broken
off. Newcastle had negotiated for support, not for a master. Lord
Hardwicke, notwithstanding his predilection for Pitt, owned that Fox
was the more practicable: and George Grenville, finding that the
coalition was impeded by what was demanded for him, desired to wave
the Exchequer. But Pitt, not apt to bend to difficulties, replied
to this concession, that it became Mr. Grenville to make it, but he
himself should not relax.
During this parley, the King demanded support from the two Houses.
Lord Waldegrave moved the Address, and a million was proposed. Lord
Temple would have reduced it to 300,000_l._ Lord Holderness pleaded
his Majesty’s noble refusal of a neutrality for Hanover, and the
claim he had to assistance. Lord Temple would have restricted the
money to English purposes. The Duke of Bedford supported the Motion
of the Court, reflected on Pitt’s all-sufficience, and the Address
passed without a division. In the other House it occasioned a good
Debate, though no division. Nugent expatiated on the King’s merit to
Britain: that he had said, “While Europe is in danger, Hanover shall
not be safe.”
Pitt dropped several artful sentences, hostile to those that had
been or might be Ministers, convertible into excuses for himself,
if he should again become a Minister. He said, he should not oppose
the gross sum upon any foot but on the gift being offered without
an iota of restriction: that indeed he had predicted his own fate
when he acted on the restrictive plan: that he would support whoever
had contributed to set this Government going again: that everybody
was free to speak his sentiments on this measure, for no man could
tell who would be Minister, who would be trusted with this million:
that if it was to be confined to Great Britain and America, he would
consent to give a million: but now this might be dispensed to the
troops of Hanover, though we had already given them 200,000_l._ He
had heard of his own all-sufficience; he knew our insufficience.
This might be the plan of a few great Lords who did not mind tossing
in one or two hundred thousand pounds more: but the people had lost
all confidence, seeing how surreptitiously their money was taken and
given.
He would not ask a question on the victory, the news of which were
arrived that morning--he did not wish to relax, because the King of
Prussia was successful. That King, who saw all, did all, knew all,
did everything, was everything! If you would deal with such great
masses, and not take little things, and think they would make a great
one, there might still be hopes--don’t go on subsidizing little
Princes here and there, and fancy that all together they will make
a King of Prussia. That Prince had never asked a subsidy, at least
while he had had any part in the Administration; yet had raised the
spirits of everybody, who hoped for a decent end of the war; for
they were offensive operations that must bring about a peace. For
the King, he said, though his Majesty did not serve so absolutely
for nothing as the King of Prussia did, nor were the coffers of
Hanover so exhausted but they might stop a gap till next winter,
yet their Majesties had gone hand in hand together: but he dreaded
the war being transferred to Flanders--_he had rather feed it in
Germany_. If the King’s Hanoverian ministers had been negligent in
their preparations, this victory would not repair their remissness:
the Duke’s authority must fetch up their negligence.
He hoped the Ministers would not go to market this summer for German
Princes, with whom we should find ourselves hampered next winter.
Had any illumination broken in upon that poor piddling plan, which
carried the approbation of a whole nation along with it? The King of
Prussia with 170,000 men was worth giving one or two hundred thousand
pounds to--but don’t let a _conciliabulum_ of Ministers, when they
happen to dine together, settle another subsidiary plan, at once
minute and extravagant. Were he Minister, he would have deprecated
this measure, nay, would have said more against it, than he would say
in the House of Commons. He added some hints on his own popularity,
and on the independence of the country gentlemen who favoured him.
Fox took up some of Pitt’s expressions: if a _conciliabulum_ might
not decide our measures, he hoped at least _one_ man should not
dictate them. With regard to independence, he supposed every man
there was independent--but who were these particularly applauded
for their independence? Were they those, who, two years ago, lay
under the irremissible crime of being Tories? or, who this year
had the unknown merit of being so? These and other taunts drew on
some warmth. Conway, too, offended Pitt by vindicating the Duke of
Devonshire, whom Pitt had seemed to censure as concerned in what he
called _this surreptitious vote of credit_. Lord George Sackville
naturally closed with Pitt, when Conway seemed to debate with
Fox:--Charles Townshend and Lord Egmont had another squabble; and
at last the million was voted. In one of the Debates at this time,
Pitt talked much on Ximenes, who, he afterwards owned to Fox, was his
favourite character.
Another Bill, brought in by George Grenville on a good-natured
principle, called out the passions and feelings of men at this
extraordinary crisis. It was the custom in the Navy not to pay
punctually the wages of the seamen, but to keep back some part, lest
the natural profuseness of that wandering people should disperse them
as often as they were masters of a little sum. Grenville proposed
more frequent terms of payment. The superiors of that class in the
House of Commons, who, according to the nature of mankind, liked
that others should endure what they had endured, and who are apt to
attribute their own proficience to an education under which they had
begun with suffering, had opposed this compassionate reformation;
and indeed the profession were but too well founded in the advantages
resulting from the established hardships! Fox divided against the
Bill, though without speaking; and it was carried in that House by
above 60 to 42.
When it came to the Lords, it was warmly opposed by Lord Winchelsea.
The Duke of Bedford, too honest to be always biassed by faction,
supported it against his friends, as he had the Militia Bill. Lord
Denbigh, a man whose parts were better than his character, spoke
out in very plain terms: he said, he should be for measures, not
men: good measures he would support, whoever proposed them, be his
name William, Holles, or even _Harry_--and observing all the Bishops
withdrawn but two, he supposed, he said, they were gone to dinner--he
hoped they would not return to vote! The Dukes of Newcastle and
Devonshire, Lord Hardwicke, and many others had retired, which gave
but too fair a handle for that satire on the Bench. The Bill was
rejected by 23 to 18.
The _inter-ministerium_ (if I may be permitted to use a new word on a
new occasion; and truly as there never was such a being as the Duke
of Newcastle, one may be allowed to describe him, his actions, and
their consequences in a novel language,) had now lasted seven weeks.
On the last rupture of the treaty with Pitt, his Grace thought he
had determined to take the sole burthen of the State upon himself.
He even sent his Majesty word that he would be at Kensington on the
24th, and would declare his final resolution--but he put the King
off; he had fixed on nothing--and while he prevented any other man
from having power, his own idea of being Minister was in a manner
answered. Lord Lincoln, Lady Catherine Pelham, and Lord Ashburnham,
the private chorus, that had not the less part in the drama for
being cyphers, earnestly dissuaded him from coming in again without
an union with Leicester House. To advise him to be governed by his
fears, was governing him. He reverted to another interview with Pitt
at Lord Royston’s, where Lord Hardwicke was present.
Pitt, the more he foresaw incompliance on the Duke’s part, knew
how much more grace he should wear (if forced to come to public
explanation), by stipulating some advantages to his country, asked
if they meant to send abroad any part of the new granted million,
as Lord Granville and Fox had declared for doing. Newcastle said,
he was not bound by their declarations--“and you, Mr. Pitt, you are
not bound against sending any of it, are you?” Pitt replied he was;
“and you, my lord, though you are not _bound_ to send any more money
abroad, are not you inclined to it?” Newcastle would not explain.
Lord Hardwicke proposed to wave this point _ad referendum_; knowing
how easily they should settle the nation’s concerns, if they could
agree upon their own. They then passed to the article of Chancellor
of the Exchequer. Pitt urged that he had had it before for one of
his friends; Newcastle, that it would mark his having no power at
the Treasury. Neither would yield. Even on the first Lord of the
Admiralty, Newcastle haggled, pretending the King would not be
brought to dismiss Lord Winchelsea.
They parted in discontent; though the Duke, in all his messages by
the Primate, Lord George Sackville, and others, had promised how
reasonable he would be. This was exactly the manner in which he had
formerly treated Fox, departing from his own concessions before he
had time to ratify them. Lord Hardwicke behaved more uniformly;
declared he would not take the Seals again; desired nobody should
be displaced for him; if the Presidentship of the Council, or the
Privy Seal should be vacant, he would gladly accept either: for Lord
Anson he peremptorily insisted on the Treasurership of the Navy. Pitt
now found his error; by facilitating Newcastle’s escape from the
inquiries, he remained at the mercy of that Duke, not the Duke at his.
May 27th.--The Duke of Newcastle did go to Kensington, and after a
long audience, promised to be sole Minister, permitting Fox to be
Paymaster, but with no power. Sir Thomas Robinson was to be Secretary
of State, Sir George Lee, Chancellor of the Exchequer. Hume Campbell
modestly asked the Treasurership of the Navy[3] under this Ministry,
in addition to his office of Lord Register--and probably would have
had it, or something equivalent: Newcastle’s greatest want now was
of men who would take anything to support him. Lord Egmont was much
solicited to be of the band; but he, the great opposer of the Duke
of Cumberland and Fox, would have stipulated for more power to the
latter, and did insist on a Peerage for himself, which would have
destroyed his whole utility: it was not in the placid House of Lords
that Newcastle expected to be worried. The Duke of Dorset was to be
displaced (for Lord George Sackville had been designed for Pitt’s
Secretary at War), Lord Gower was to be Master of the Horse, and
Lord Hardwicke Privy Seal. The Duke of Newcastle was to retire to
Claremont for two or three days, and take a final inspiration from
his oracles.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] A card was published representing Pitt and Legge, like Don
Quixote and Sancho Panza, in a triumphal car, with this motto,
---- Et sibi Consul
Ne placeat, serves curru portatur eodem.--JUV.
[2] Vienna, June 4.--Marshal Daun has detached from his Army a
regiment of Hussars and some light troops, in order to cover the
western side of Bohemia from the incursions of the Prussians. The
Empress Queen has communicated to several of the Courts with whom
she is in friendship, the conditions that were proposed for bringing
about a neutrality in favour of the Electorate of Hanover. According
to the overtures made on this occasion, the King of Great Britain,
in quality of Elector of Hanover, would have been considered as a
party not concerned in the present war, in consequence of which
neither his troops nor those of his Allies were to act against those
of the Empress Queen and her Allies. He would likewise have engaged
not to assist the King of Prussia either with troops or money.
The passage through that part of his Electorate which lies on the
left of the Aller was to have been granted to the troops of her
Imperial Majesty and her Allies, they paying for provisions, forage,
and waggons; besides which, they were to be allowed to establish
magazines and hospitals in such places as should be assigned them in
the Electorate. The town of Hamelen was to be given up as a security,
either into the hands of the Empress or of some of her Allies, or
to the guarantees of the Convention, which were proposed to be the
Empress of Russia and the King of Denmark. Besides all this, it was
to be stipulated in this Convention, that the Hanoverian troops
should be quartered in such places only as should be agreed upon, and
their number not augmented. (_Extract from printed journal._)
[3] When he found another designation of that office, he demanded
that Lord Edgecumbe should be removed, and the Duchy of Lancaster
given to himself for life--yet he had said on the inquiries, on which
he pretended to date his new merit, that it would be ungrateful in
any man not to defend Newcastle; in him it would be infamous.
CHAPTER II.
The Duke of Newcastle’s difficulties in forming a new
Government--Prince of Wales interferes to facilitate
arrangements--Lord Waldegrave appointed first Lord of the
Treasury--Resignation of the Duke of Newcastle’s friends--The
Author’s advice to Fox--The King reluctantly acquiesces in
the abandonment of Lord Waldegrave’s projected Ministry--The
new Ministry settled--Charge on the Public--Lord Waldegrave
has the Garter--King of Prussia repulsed by Daun--Battle of
Hastenbecke--Duke of Cumberland defeated--The King overwhelmed
with the misfortunes of Hanover--Proceedings at Leicester
House--Disturbances on the Militia Bill--France--Expedition to
Rochfort.
June 3rd.--His Grace returned to Kensington, but still fluctuating;
and begged to defer declaring his last resolution till the Tuesday
following: this was on the Friday. Preposterous as this suspense
of Government was, it occasioned no disturbance, scarce a murmur.
The people, hating Fox, neglected by Pitt, and despising Newcastle,
waited with patience to see which of them was to be their master.
The next day was the Birthday of the Prince of Wales. His Royal
Highness was told, that it would have a gracious air with the people,
if he took upon himself to facilitate measures for his grandfather’s
ease; that he must command Pitt to give up the point of George
Grenville being Chancellor of the Exchequer. Pitt, who had heard
how much he was loaded by the other factions with the accusation
of impracticable haughtiness, yielded; and had a conference at the
Prince’s drawing-room with Newcastle and Lord Bute, who acted as
mediator. Newcastle persisted that the King _would_ retain Lord
Winchelsea; and to balance the authority that he saw must fall to
Pitt, said to him, “But you will not act with Fox.”--Pitt replied,
“My lord, I never said so--but does your Grace say you would? When
you have said you will, I will consult my friends.” Newcastle, not
the most intelligible even when he was explicit, took care not to
be understood sooner than he was determined; and the conversation
ended abruptly:--however, on the 7th, though not agreed with Pitt, he
went to Kensington, and declared to the King, that he could not come
in, unless Mr. Pitt’s whole plan was accepted. The King reproached
him bitterly with all his shifts and evasions, and falsehoods; and
demanded his assistance for Fox, if he would not himself undertake
the service. He waved any such promise, and the King dismissed him in
wrath.
Fox now took the merit of venturing all to support his Majesty,
and declared he would accept the Ministry--but it seemed almost
impossible to form one, if Pitt was not to be of it, and Newcastle
withheld his assistance. It was difficult even to know whom they
should place at the head of the Treasury. In this distress the King
(probably by the suggestion of Mr. Fox,) sent for Lord Waldegrave,
and commanded him to accept that high and dangerous post. The public
was not more astonished at that designation, than the Earl himself.
Though no man knew the secrets of Government better, no man knew the
manœuvre of business less. He was no speaker in Parliament, had no
interest there, and though universally beloved and respected where
known, was by no means familiarized to the eyes of the nation. He
declined as long as modesty became him; engaged with spirit, the
moment he felt the abandoned state in which his master and benefactor
stood.
A trifling incident showed the ridiculous light in which the
new establishment appeared: it was the 8th of June when Fox’s
Administration was notified: the House of Commons was very thin;
Ellis came with an air of mysterious importance, and desired the
House to adjourn to the 13th following. Lord George Sackville and
George Townshend opposed this in joke, the latter saying that a Bill
of great consequence relating to Milbourn-port was to be considered
that day; yet if Ellis would say that a Ministry was to be formed
during the proposed recess, he would consent to it. Ellis would say
nothing; the House divided, Ellis with ten more against fifty-seven;
and thus Fox lost a question even before he was Minister.
The next day Lord Holderness went to Kensington and resigned the
Seals, as a declaration of the Newcastle squadron against Fox. The
King received him with the cool scorn he deserved.[4] Lord Rockingham
and many others[5] notified their intention of resigning upon the
same foot. Newcastle took pains to promote these resignations, and
told Lord Northumberland that they caught like wildfire. The latter
replied artfully, “I have great obligations to your Grace, but
should think I repaid them very ill by resigning, as it would be
contributing to make your Grace distress his Majesty.” Indeed, to the
King and others, the Duke solemnly forswore any knowledge of that
measure; and while he enjoined or inculcated it to his friends, he
prohibited it to Lord Lincoln and the Duke of Leeds, his relations,
that he might tell the King that his own family had stood by his
Majesty--a silly finesse, and blown up even by himself, he bragging
to Lord Waldegrave of the display of his power in that measure, the
very instant after he had denied it with oaths.
One resignation was made on the other hand; Sir George Lee quitted
the Princess, not brooking the influence of Pitt with her, and
finding himself a cypher at that Court, since Lord Bute had become
more than Minister there. Sir George had even once determined to make
such a remonstrance to her on her conduct, as the Fathers of the
Church had formerly assumed the impertinent familiarity of making to
Princes, in ages when insolence was reckoned a primitive virtue.
Horace Walpole saw the precipice on which Fox stood, and wished to
save him from it. He saw, too, an opening for delivering the nation
from that disgraceful man (Newcastle), who had so long perplexed
all its Councils, and been a principal cause of its misfortunes. He
sounded Lord George Sackville, and thinking him not ill-disposed to
Fox, and by no means amicable to Newcastle, he proposed his plan to
the former. It was, that the King should send _carte blanche_ to
Pitt, to place the Duke of Dorset at the head of the Treasury, with
Lord George for Secretary at War, and, by dissolving the Parliament,
dissipate at once Newcastle’s influence. Fox, who feared a popular
election, disapproved the latter part, and did not relish Lord George
in the War Office--too sharp-sighted, and who, to the desertion of
Fox, had added a refusal of making Calcraft agent to his regiment.
However, he permitted Walpole to propose all this to Lord George,
adding that he would take Paymaster (which seemed to be his nearest
wish), under Pitt, or would even act under him without an employment,
with the sole privilege reserved of abusing Newcastle as much as he
pleased.
Lord George Sackville owned he should have liked the plan, but was
now too far engaged. He confessed he had taken his part, as the
contest lay between Leicester House and the Duke; and the rather,
as he had long observed that the Duke loved none but men totally
detached from all other connexions, and had even been less kind to
Conway since his marriage; and, as an insurmountable objection, said,
that Lord Bute, who was of scrupulous honour, would now reckon their
party bound by these resignations. Thus this plan failed, though the
King, whose aversion was diverted from Pitt to Newcastle, would have
consented to anything, that might make the treacheries of the latter
fall on his own head.
Fox’s junto met two or three times: Lord Granville would have infused
his jovial intrepidity into them: Bedford wanted no inspired ardour;
but Fox himself desponded, and Bedford reproached him with it.
June 11th.--Lord Mansfield went to Kensington with the Exchequer
Seals, which Fox was to receive. The King asked the former his
opinion; Lord Mansfield told him fairly it could not do for Fox;
then, said the King, “Let them make an Administration.” Fox and Lord
Waldegrave both told him the impossibilities they found, yet would
proceed if his Majesty insisted. He said, “No, he did not desire his
friends should suffer for him: he found he was to be prisoner for
the rest of his life: he hoped, whatever he might be made to do, his
friends would not impute to him, for he should not be a free agent:
he had not thought that he had so many of Newcastle’s _footmen_[6]
about him: soon, he supposed, he should not be able to make a Page of
the Back-stairs. For Hanover, he must give it up, it cost an hundred
and twenty thousand pounds a month for forage alone: he found he must
lose his Electoral dominions for an English quarrel: while at the
same time he lost all authority in England!”
Leicester House took advantage of these difficulties: they engaged
Lord Chesterfield to negotiate between Newcastle and Pitt. The Earl,
who had lived for some time retired from business, undertook the
Embassy. It seemed a marvellous office for him, who had long broken
with the latter, and had even, in very cutting terms, acquainted the
world with his reasons for breaking with the former. But it seems he
had still stronger prejudices to the Duke of Cumberland: he undertook
the employ[7] with cheerfulness and success.
On the 15th, the King wrote a note to Lord Hardwicke, desiring him,
in consideration of the state of affairs both at home and abroad, to
hasten some Administration that might not be changed again in five
months. He mentioned his promise of the Pay-Office to Fox, and his
obligations to Lord Winchelsea. Lord Hardwicke promised to wait on
his Majesty on the 17th with some plan; but the next day desired a
day longer.
At last, after an interval of above eleven weeks, the Ministry was
settled, and kissed hands on the 29th. The Duke of Newcastle returned
to the Treasury, with Legge for his Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Pitt and Lord Holderness were Secretaries of State. Lord Temple had
the Privy Seal in the room of Lord Gower, who was made Master of
the Horse, the Duke of Dorset being set aside, but with a pension
of 3000_l._ a-year, added to his Wardenship of the Cinque Ports. On
Lord George Sackville the King put a flat negative. Fox accepted
the Pay-Office, professing great content, and that he should offend
neither in thought, word, nor deed. Both Newcastle and Pitt acted
wisely in permitting him to enjoy this place: he was tied up from
giving them any trouble--and while serving for interest under Pitt,
how much did it exalt the latter! Yet the latter, too, took care to
deserve his share of reproach.
Adjusting their list with Lord Hardwicke, Pitt said, he missed a very
respectable name there, which he hoped would be placed greatly--it
was Lord Anson’s--and he was restored to the Admiralty--whether with
more opprobrium to himself, who returned to that Board with Pitt’s
set, abandoning his own, who had been disgraced with him; or to
Pitt, who restored so incapable an object to a trust so wretchedly
executed, I am in doubt to determine. Who did act with honour and
noble spirit, was Lord Winchelsea; he refused a pension, disdaining
to accept any emolument, when his associates were excluded. At that
Board he always acted with capacity, everywhere with firmness; and
was the only man who, in all these changes, acquired credit, both by
his rise and by his fall.
Lord Cholmondeley got a pension to make way for Potter: Lord Thomond
had Lord Bateman’s White Stick, who, the Duke of Newcastle said
arrogantly enough, should not carry his messages. Tennison was
removed with a pension from the Buck-Hounds, ceding them to Lord
Bateman. Pitt insisted that Pratt, a favourite lawyer at the bar of
the House of Commons, should be Attorney-General. Sir Robert Henley,
who could not decently be disgraced without any reason, was so lucky
to find that that reason (and certainly there could be no other) was
sufficient to promote him: he was made Lord Keeper. The Seals had
been offered to Murray, and to the Master of the Rolls, who refused
them, and to Willes, who proposed to be bribed by a Peerage, to be at
the head of his profession, but could not obtain it. Henley, however,
who saw it was the mode of the times to be paid by one favour for
receiving another, demanded a Tellership of the Exchequer for his
son, which was granted, with a pension of 1500_l._ a-year till it
should drop; and, as if heaping rewards on him would disguise his
slender pretensions, Lord Hardwicke told him he must be Speaker of
the House of Lords too, for Westminster-Hall would never forgive
him (Lord Hardwicke) if he suffered those offices to be disjoined.
Sandys and his son were both laid aside. Hardwicke himself took no
employment; the Seals, which it was plain from his not resuming them,
he had not resigned from mere friendship to Newcastle, were too great
a fatigue; and no other of the great offices was vacant.
It was no small mischief flowing from these disgraceful revolutions,
the additional charge entailed on the public. Here were new pensions,
of 3000_l._ a-year to Dorset, near as much to Cholmondeley, 1500_l._
to Henley, 1200_l._ to Tennison; besides others more secret. Yet all
this profusion of grants and concessions could not satisfy everybody.
The Townshends were furious: George, at any amnesty for Fox; Charles,
at not being promoted himself. Lord Halifax, who demanded to be
Secretary of State for the West Indies, a theatre on which Pitt
meditated to shine himself, threw up on being refused; but, having
outlived his income, was forced to re-accept, what, unless he had
persisted, he had done more wisely to retain. The Duke of Bedford was
warm against the new system, but was soon composed. The City, too,
was indignant at the re-establishment of Lord Anson: but when the
chiefs are accorded, the mob of a faction are little regarded. Men
could not but smile observing Pitt return to Court, the moment he
had been made free of so many cities for quitting it, exactly as he
accepted an employment there before old Marlborough was scarce cold,
who had left him 10,000_l._ as a reward for his patriotism.
The King gave the Garter to Lord Waldegrave, an almost unprecedented
favour, as it was given alone--but he deserved it--and this act of
royalty, almost the only flower of the Crown unviolated, gave the
King double satisfaction, for he had before given hopes of it to Lord
Holderness, who being, like Lord Harrington, the mere creature of
his Majesty’s bounty, had, like Lord Harrington, been the first to
insult his master with an offensive resignation.
I here close the scene on these Court squabbles; and perhaps have
described them too minutely. Passages, in which one has been
conversant, often appear too interesting. I can only say, that I have
preferred offending in this extreme to the contrary. Nothing is more
easy than to pass over what is too diffuse--but, as many men love
these details, their curiosity would be unsatisfied with abridgments.
Probably these anecdotes will amuse for some years, till they are
lost in the mass of books, and when the affairs of this little spot,
which we call Britain, shall appear of no more importance than our
island itself in a geographic picture. To be read for a few years is
immortality enough for such a writer as me!
A greater field was now opened. That formidable confederacy of
France, Austria, Russia, and Sweden, seemed determined to enclose
and crush the King of Prussia. The Duke of Cumberland, with the
forlorn Hanoverian army, was a slight barrier against such alarming
advances. Coloredo, the Austrian Minister at London, was ordered
to retire without taking leave; and as a further earnest of their
hostile intentions to England, Ostend and Nieuport were resigned
into the hands of France. Count Daun, the Austrian Fabius, was sent
with 45,000 men to raise the siege of Prague. The King of Prussia,
too impetuous to await their cautious approach, flew with about
30,000 men to meet them; and finding Daun strongly entrenched on a
hill, thought ardour and his name sufficient to dislodge them. He
returned seven times to the attack after as many repulses, performed
actions of extravagant bravery himself; and when forced at last, by
an impregnable situation, by superior numbers, and by equal valour,
to abandon his purpose, he crowned the splendour of the enterprise by
modestly confessing how unadvisedly he had undertaken it. He raised
the siege of Prague, and retired to Leutmeritz. Daun had the good
sense to know that his country was not to be saved by the rules of
romance. Rashness might immortalize a Monarch whose crown and life
were at stake, and were at the same time less objects than his glory:
a subject would be unpardonable, and of all subjects an Austrian had
the least chance of pardon, who should suffer his fame to weigh one
moment against his duty.
The French in the meantime advanced in such formidable numbers,
that the Duke of Cumberland was obliged to retire and leave Hanover
at their mercy. However, they came up with him at Hastenbecke, and
a battle ensued. The Duke never showed himself so able a General,
and though exceedingly inferior in force, disputed his ground till
the French, who had great difficulty to carry up their men to the
charge, despaired of the victory. But fresh squadrons pouring in upon
him, and more approaching, his Royal Highness, apprehensive of being
enclosed, resigned the success, though not the glory, of the day to
D’Etrées, who was happy to find his enemy take a step that he was
deliberating whether it would not be prudent for him to take himself.
The Hanoverian statesmen, in the wildness of their despair for the
destruction of their country and of their fortunes, not caring whom
they charged, accused _that_ Prince of timidity, whom all England
had all his life accused of rash and German appetite for fighting;
and the French with no less injustice decried their own victorious
General, till Madame Pompadour and the Courtiers took advantage to
supplant him; and Richelieu was sent to become those laurels which
had been earned by the best officer in their service.
The King almost sunk under this weight of misfortunes. That country,
which with so much patriotism and so little prudence he had made
the point in which his whole policy centred--that country now felt
all the bitterness of desolation! Hanover, which so long had tasted
the felicity of being conjoined to England, was now ravaged in an
English quarrel. And unless we will suppose that his Majesty hoped
to hire out his Electoral troops to his Crown in a contest which he
flattered himself would never be agitated in Germany, one cannot
conceive why with such improvident facility he had permitted the
Chancellor and Newcastle to bound into a war with France; a war
undertaken from some provocation, with no preparation; and discussed
with no more solidity, than the mob, whom it was made to captivate,
could have employed. The French had aimed at and proceeded to invade
our settlements. We returned hostilities with as slight a force as
if we had only sent a herald to denounce war. We then seized their
ships--and did nothing more; yes, we engaged some German mercenaries,
as if the Duke of Newcastle had thought that the Rhine and the Ohio
were the same river. Had we, like the French, waved expressions
of war, till we had mustered a mighty force in America, where our
superiority is exceedingly great; had we increased our Navy before we
seized theirs; had we at least imitated their arts as well as their
invasions, we might have dictated in the new world, and lived without
hostilities in the old. No wonder the King was overwhelmed with the
explosion of such calamities and blunders--still he had deserved
compassion; had he not shown that, whatever his reflection suggested,
his heart had no generous feelings--But of this anon.
The Court at Leicester House was very differently employed during
these serious transactions. Hanover was lost; in North America our
affairs went ill; England itself was in no flourishing condition.
How did the Princess occupy the heir of all these domains? She was
not Spartan enough to buckle on his armour with her own hands, and
send him to save or reconquer what he was to govern. The light of
the Gospel has emancipated mothers from such robust sensations. The
Prince was instructed to commit the care of the temporal concerns of
his subjects to Providence; and therefore, instead of sending men,
arms, ammunition to the invaded frontiers of our colonies,[8] with
more patriarchal vigilance his Royal Highness sent them an hundred
pounds’ worth of Leland’s polemic writings against the Deists. The
Princess herself bestowed an annuity of one hundred pounds on a young
Scotch[9] clergyman, who having been persecuted by the kirk for
writing a tragedy called Douglas, threw himself and his piece on the
protection of the Earl of Bute.
I have said our affairs in North America went ill; it is very
true. About this time came letters from the Earl of Loudun, the
Commander-in-Chief there, who said, he found the French were 21,000
strong; he had not so many; could not attack Louisbourg; should
return to Halifax. Admiral Holbourn, one of the sternest condemners
of Byng, wrote at the same time, that he having but seventeen
ships, and the French nineteen, he dared not attack them. These
disappointments gave great disgust. Lord Loudun had been selected
by the Duke and Fox for this command, and our expectations had been
raised high of what he would perform. Here was another summer lost!
Pitt expressed himself with great vehemence against the Earl--and we
naturally have too lofty ideas of our naval strength to suppose that
seventeen of our ships are not a match for any nineteen others.
At home there were great disturbances on the new Militia Bill. Lord
Hardwicke and the Lords, meaning to defeat it, had clogged it with
impracticabilities, absurdities, and hardships; particularly by
obliging every poor man to pay ten pounds, or find a substitute, or
go for a soldier; and yet he would be liable to serve again at the
end of three years. This was a tax of above three pounds a year.
Nor was any fund provided for the expenses of carrying the Act into
execution. These objections gave sufficient handle to the disaffected
to decry the system. The Tory gentlemen in particular, apprehending
that the Whigs would acquire influence in their counties by the
articles of clothing, &c., used their utmost endeavours to prepossess
the country against the Bill. They inculcated into the people a
belief that they would be trepanned to Gibraltar, like the two
Somersetshire regiments that I formerly mentioned; and that whoever
should give in his name, would to all intents and purposes become a
soldier for life.
This misrepresentation had too fatal effect. The peasants became
refractory beyond measure; riots were raised in several counties,
as Surrey, Kent, Leicester, Hertford, Bedford, Nottingham, and York
shires. The lists were forced by violence from the magistrates; Lord
Robert Sutton was in danger of his life at Nottingham; the Duke of
Bedford’s house, near Bedford, was threatened to be demolished, as
he had been the first to advertise for a meeting. The Blues were
ordered down to his defence; and it was worth observation, that the
standing Army was employed to impose upon the people a constitutional
force. His Grace threatened to carry the act into execution with a
high hand, but on the day of the meeting he adjourned it to December,
when he knew he should be in Ireland. The Duke of Dorset was attacked
at Knowle, but saved by a young officer, who sallied out, and seized
two-and-twenty of the rioters. The Speaker himself was insulted at
Guildford, and menaced in his own house at Ember-court, and could
not disperse the insurrection but by promising no further steps
should be taken till the next session of Parliament. But the greatest
indecencies were committed by the family of Townshend. George, the
author of the Militia, was on very ill terms with his father, who
was as wrong-headed as his son, and more mad. They wrote abusive
pamphlets against one another; and the father, attended by a parson
and a few low people, began a mob on the day the meeting for the
Militia was to be held, and pasted up one of his own libels on the
doors of four churches nearest to his seat.
Under these difficulties, Mr. Pitt began to exert his new-acquired
power, and to give symptoms of more vigorous government. France,
notwithstanding her imposing airs, and our feeble and spiritless
conduct, had carried no great point against us. Her finances were
in disorder, her marine not respectable, the flower of her armies
transported to Germany. Their King threw a damp on all operations.
Melancholic, apprehensive of assassination, desirous of resigning
his Crown, averse to the war from principles of humanity, perplexed
by factions, and still resigned to the influence of his mistress,
every measure was confirmed by him with reluctance or obtained by
intrigues; yet they had imprinted such terrors of invasion upon us,
that Mr. Pitt, concluding their own coasts might be ill-provided,
while they menaced ours, determined to strike a hardy stroke, that
should at once invert the system of fear, and restore our reputation
by carrying the war into the quarters of the enemy.
There was a young Scot, by name Clarke, ill-favoured in his person,
with a cast in his eyes, of intellects not very sound, but quick,
bold, adventurous. At the siege of Berg-op-zoom, being pursued into
a house where the enemies fired at him through a door, he opened it
and told them he was related to Marshal Lowendahl, who would reward
them for saving him. Being conducted to the Marshal, with the same
readiness he avowed the deceit, urging that he had no other method
of saving his life. Lowendahl was pleased with the man, and gave
him money. Not rising in England to his expectation, he attempted
to advance himself in Ireland under the Duke of Devonshire; where
miscarrying too, he imputed his disappointment to Mr. Conway, who
equally incapable of disserving any man, or of enduring a false
imputation, took Clarke to task, and convinced him of his error.
Clarke, in the interval of some of these adventures, had rambled
into France, and passing through Rochfort, observed a bank to which
there was no ditch, and one part of the fortification left quite
open. The adjacent country, called Little Holland, was flat, and cut
with dykes, but which he persuaded himself were easily passable.
Four years had passed since he made these remarks, and that in a
time of profound peace. He did not pretend to know the strength of
the garrison, nor what troops were stationed on the coast since the
declaration of war--and unfortunately a plan of the place procured
by the late Lord Albemarle from the King’s closet, since Clarke’s
survey, differed from his description. Yet communicating these
observations to Mr. Pitt, the latter was captivated with the idea.
The man and the project struck his notions of performing some action
of _éclat_, that might revive our sinking affairs, and throw a lustre
on the dawn of his own Administration.
Rochfort lies ten miles from the sea. Of late years, we had dealt
exceeding scantily in intelligence. No measures were, possibly
could not in time be, taken to obtain better information of the
dispositions in and near the place. Pitt indeed was a Minister
to execute daringly; there wanted some men of deeper cast to
deliberate wisely. He would not lose time on taking advice; the
secret might evaporate; and its fairest chance for success lay in
the improbability that the French should suspect an attempt on one
of the most important and strongest towns in France. But did not
that very improbability intimate, that they, so provident about
their frontier towns, could not have neglected Rochfort, one of
their principal naval magazines? Objections to a genius are but
spurs. The Cabinet Council was called. Pitt proposed his conception
of surprising Rochfort, and of burning the ships that lay in the
river leading to it. The procrastinators in the Cabinet had but
too lately felt his fire, to oppose what they saw was a favourite
plan. It was determined to be executed forthwith; and the execution
offered to Lord George Sackville, who, too sagacious not to feel
the impracticability, excused himself, pleading the averseness of
the Duke to him, and therefore that he should not be supported. The
excuse was flimsy. The persons who offered him the command, would
have supported him the more for his disfavour with the Duke. Lord
George was still more blameable in talking of the design to several
persons after he had refused to undertake it; and yet though a large
number were acquainted with it, the secret was kept from the public
with uncommon fidelity.
Sir John Mordaunt and General Conway, then encamped in Dorsetshire,
were summoned to town, and acquainted by the Cabinet Council with
the service on which they were to be sent. They should take ten
old battalions, a strong Fleet should be ready in a fortnight to
convoy them; they were to attempt Rochfort, or any other place on
the coast to which they should find an opening. The Generals felt
the difficulty of the commission, saw the crowd of impediments that
must arise, and the ignorance of those that foresaw none. Conway,
as he told me himself, was satisfied he had given such indisputable
proofs of his courage, that it could not be imputed to fear, if he
discovered repugnance to the service--whatever might be imputed to
him, he was determined honestly to speak his opinion. He asked if
they would venture ten of our best battalions on so rash a hazard? If
they should perish, would it not draw the French hither, where we had
few other veteran troops? He asked, on being told the ramparts were
to be scaled, if their height was known? Ligonier, who was present,
replied, No; but they never were above twenty-five feet; and they
should have ladders high enough. Pitt said, in case they failed, they
might go to Bourdeaux. Lord Anson informed him how far that city
lay up the river--and it _was_ information, for he knew not. Was it
probable, Conway asked, that a place of that high importance should
be neglected? and he showed them the contradictions in their own
reasoning, for they pretended that it was a measure calculated to
disembarrass the Duke, by drawing off the troops of France to its own
coast, and yet all the hope of the enterprise depended on the French
being taken unprepared. Pitt was too sanguine to desist for a little
confutation. The instructions were drawn, the transports prepared.
At first, Conway had been designed to command alone, but the King
said he was too young, and insisted on joining Mordaunt with him.
Mordaunt had been remarkable for alertness and bravery, but was much
broken both in spirit and constitution, and fallen into a nervous
disorder, which had made him entreat last year not to be sent to
America, lest it should affect his head, and bring on disorders too
familiar to his family. But though he and Conway had ill conceit of
the service in question, they had both too much honour to decline
it. When their representations failed, all they could was to demand
specific orders; and not obtaining them, they drew up queries, which
if the Ministry could not answer, the Generals hoped they should be
justified in not performing what they foresaw impracticable. But
neither in this did they receive satisfaction.
FOOTNOTES:
[4] It was but seven months since Pitt had insisted on the dismission
of Lord Holderness, who now resigned against Pitt’s rival, who had
been his own associate at that time!
[5] Fox kissing hands was to be the signal.
[6] He used this expression again soon after. Making Lord Orford
Lord Lieutenant of Norfolk, he told him, he was of a family that had
always stood by him; hoped _he_ would too, and not behave like _those
footmen of the Duke of Newcastle_.
[7] [Sic in MS.] E.
[8] This sarcasm is most unmerited and absurd. The Prince had no
means of sending _men_, _arms_, and _ammunition_, nor was it any part
of his duty to do so. Even if it had been, a regard for religion and
literature, and some liberality in rewarding genius, are surely not
incompatible with a due attention to public affairs.--E.
[9] John Home.
CHAPTER III.
Expedition to surprise Rochfort--Officers employed--The Fleet
off the Isle of Oleron--Council of War--Difficulties of the
Enterprise--Conway proposes an Attack on Fouras--Failure of the
Expedition--Affairs in the East Indies--Victory of the Prussians
over the Russians--Convention of Closter Seven--The King disavows
it--The Duke of Cumberland’s return--His reception at Court,
and subsequent conduct--Resigns all his Employments--Affairs
of Ireland--State of Parties--Inquiry into the Miscarriages
at Rochfort--Court-Martial--Lord Mansfield becomes a Cabinet
Minister--Victories of the King of Prussia--Sir John Ligonier
made a Field-Marshal and a Viscount--Death of Princess Caroline.
The measure was settled in July; but it was the 8th of September
before the Fleet sailed. The French, though they did not learn the
specific spot of destination, had ample time for preparation; and
having a chain of garrisons along the coast, and being never totally
destitute of supernumerary troops, hoped to be able to draw together
a sufficient body wherever the storm should fall. As the event
occasioned much discourse, I shall be excusable for detailing it; yet
I shall do it with brevity; and, as much proceeded from the personal
characters of the commanders, I shall describe them shortly, and
with the more satisfaction, as their faults flowed from no want of
courage; on the contrary, they possessed amongst them most of the
various shades of that qualification. Mordaunt, as I have said, had
a sort of alacrity in daring, but from ill health was grown more
indifferent to it. He affected not Mr. Pitt, and from not loving the
projector, was more careless than he should have been of the success
of the project, presuming, unfortunately for himself, that if it
should appear impracticable, the original mover would bear the blame.
Conway, secure of his own intrepidity, and of no ostentation, could
not help foreseeing that from the superiority of his talents to
those of Mordaunt, the good conduct of the expedition would be
expected from him. The more answerable he thought himself, the more
he guarded against objections. Cold in his deportment, and with a
dignity of soul that kept him too much above familiarity, he missed
that affection from his brother officers, which his unsullied
virtues and humanity deserved; for he wanted the extrinsic of merit.
Added to these little failings, he had a natural indecision in his
temper, weighing with too much minuteness and too much fluctuation
whatever depended on his own judgment. Cornwallis was a man of a
very different complexion: as cool as Conway, and as brave, he was
indifferent to everything but to being in the right. He held fame
cheap, and smiled at reproach. General Howard was one of those
sort of characters who are only to be distinguished by having no
peculiarity of character. Under these was Wolfe, a young officer who
had contracted reputation from his intelligence of discipline, and
from the perfection to which he had brought his own regiment. The
world could not expect more from him than he thought himself capable
of performing. He looked on danger as the favourable moment that
would call forth his talents.
Sir Edward Hawke commanded the fleet--a man of steady courage, of
fair appearance, and who even did not want a plausible kind of sense;
but he was really weak, and childishly abandoned to the guidance of
a Scotch secretary. The next was Knowles, a vain man, of more parade
than real bravery. Howe, brother of the Lord of that name, was the
third on the naval list. He was undaunted as a rock, and as silent;
the characteristics of his whole race. He and Wolfe soon contracted
a friendship like the union of a cannon and gunpowder.
September 20th.--The Fleet appeared off the isle of Oleron; but it
was the 23rd before they got in. Knowles, the Vice-Admiral, with his
division, was ordered to attack the little isle of Aix. Howe, who led
this detachment, sailed up with a steady magnanimity without firing
till within pistol-shot of the fort. Greaves followed, and Keppel
pressed forward to get in between them: Knowles kept a little more
distant. Howe began a dreadful fire, and in less than two hours the
garrison surrendered. Conway pressed them to proceed immediately on
some further enterprise, and proposed directly to go and consult Sir
Edward Hawke, who lay more out at sea. Knowles replied, that he was
so fatigued that he could not go till next morning; when he reposed
himself till ten. When Conway got him to Sir Edward Hawke’s ship,
they found Sir Edward had sent Broderick with their only pilot to
see where they could land--and these men did not return till noon.
Mordaunt appeared incapable of forming any opinion, and said he was
ready to take any officer’s advice.
In this dilemma they called a Council of War. In their deliberation,
it appeared that Clarke, and Thierri, a French Pilot, had not seen
Rochfort in three years and half: it was longer since the latter was
there: that the nature of the road of Basques, the country, the state
of the troops and garrison, were entirely unknown to them: that the
expedition had been projected on the sole footing of a surprise, a
view now entirely vanished, for our troops had lain near two months
in the Isle of Wight, and many letters and neutral vessels had been
intercepted, which spoke the alarm spread along the coast: that no
man of war could lie within two miles of the landing to assist that
or secure a retreat; and that if the wind came to the west, as was
usual at that season, all communication with the Fleet would be cut
off; a point recommended to them to guard against by the express
instructions of Marshal Ligonier: that there were sand-hills on the
shore equivalent to an entrenchment, from behind which a small body
of men might prevent a descent of 2000 men, the most the boats could
contain at a time; and that even more troops than were sufficient
for that purpose had been seen by the captains who went to sound and
reconnoitre the coast: and what was even more discouraging than all
these impediments, the chief engineer declared that they had not
brought artillery sufficient for a regular attack.
As to Rochfort, many difficulties were foreseen from the state of the
place; and considering how long the fleet had lain off the coast,
it was highly probable that not only the approach was guarded in a
manner to have our troops cut to pieces, as they must have landed in
small divisions; but that a strong garrison must have been thrown
into the place, if not provided with one before. Bonville, a French
volunteer, declared there were sluices with which they could flow
the place all round; and he and the pilot of the Neptune had seen
the ditch full of water. The dock-men were numerous, and five ships
lay in the river, whose crews amounted to near 3000 men; besides the
Militia of the country. We should have been two days marching to the
place, and could have carried up to it but 7400 men. The nights were
as light as day; and a letter found in a Priest’s house at Aix, dated
from Rochfort on the 18th, spoke expressly of the precautions the
Governor had taken.
No reasonable man could hope to surmount all these difficulties.
Those, who had carried the same opinion from home with them, were not
likely to find the objections weaker when mustered together on the
spot. Both land and sea concurred in voting the surprisal of Rochfort
impracticable, and then would have returned to England; but Conway,
who the evening before had proposed to make themselves masters of
Fouras, a little fort on the shore, where, when once established,
they might examine what further damage could be done to the enemy,
persuaded the Council that it was necessary to do something before
they retired. To that they all agreed except Cornwallis, who had seen
no attainable object, or none worth attaining, from the beginning to
the end of the plan. Yet, that he might not stand single in a vote
for retreating, he was induced to acquiesce:--however, Sir Edward
Hawke’s secretary, who took the minutes of the deliberation, inserted
Cornwallis’s real opinion into their votes, and without reading them
to the Council, sent them to the English Admiralty, by whom they
were shown to the King; and what Cornwallis’s associates had advised
him to depart from, lest it might turn to his prejudice, was, after
their return, construed into the only sensible opinion.
Conway renewed his proposal of an attack on Fouras, as, when once
entrenched there, they might with more preparation march to Rochfort;
or at least from thence hope to burn the five ships and the magazines
on the Charente. Nobody approved the scheme. In these discussions
three or four days were wasted. Conway perpetually pressed for some
action--at last Mordaunt said carelessly, “Ay, let us go stretch
our legs on the Isle of Oleron.” Conway said, a feigned diversion
towards the Isle of Rhée would be more advisable; it would draw the
French troops, who by this time must be alarmed, to that side; and
then some surprise might be practicable. To this the rest would not
agree. Conway then offered to make a real attack on the Isle of
Oleron: they disputed on it till two in the morning; and though the
first proposal had come from the others, he could not obtain their
acquiescence. They wasted time even in dining; Sir Edward Hawke’s
table lasted till late in the evening. Conway’s[10] importunity at
last prevailed for an attack on Fouras; and all the Generals, to
show that want of spirit had not operated in their Councils, resolved
to be present. The first division embarked, but being moonlight, and
the nights clear, and the wind turning against them, Howe himself
told them it was not safe at that time; and Wolfe pronounced it
would be bloody work. They were ordered back from their boats. Yet
Conway persisting for an attempt on Fouras, Mordaunt offered to
undertake it, if Conway would take the advice solely on himself.
Conway, eager for the danger, was averse to being the author of
it. Mordaunt then artfully desired him to relinquish proposing it.
Neither to that would he yield. Mordaunt solicited him with strange
earnestness, either to abandon the project, or to undertake it as his
own; Mordaunt offering to share the danger of the execution, not
of the opinion. Conway at last said, if Mordaunt would call Wolfe
and any other man, and they would advise him to advise the attack
he would; or if they advised him to desist from proposing it, he
would; but either Mordaunt declined--in truth, it was a contest to be
pitied rather than blamed: both saw the rashness of the project, to
which they were willing to sacrifice themselves and their soldiers.
Mordaunt, from esteem of Conway’s abilities, hoped to be excused if
he executed what the latter advised--and the latter was too happy
in not being commanding officer, to take that charge upon himself
in a hopeless bravado. Conway then proposed to submit to the same
alternative from the opinions of Cornwallis and Howard; to which
the General acquiesced; and they, as he foresaw, concurring with
him, Conway submitted, but desired they would observe, he acquiesced
against his opinion--and it was determined to return, Sir Edward
Hawke having often pressed the Generals to come to some resolution,
the bad season approaching so near that he could not venture to keep
the great ships much longer at sea. Wolfe and Howe had borne the
dilatoriness of the chief commanders with indignation; yet seeing the
minute lost, made no objection to a retreat; and the Fleet arrived at
Portsmouth October 3rd--in the meantime, many important events had
happened.
In the East Indies, the fleet under Admiral Watson retrieved the
damages inflicted on our settlements by a new Nabob, of which we
had received notice in the preceding June. That Viceroy had seized
Cossimbuzar and Calcutta; the cruelties exercised on the factory in
the latter place, where 170 persons were crammed into a dungeon, and
stifled in the most shocking torments of heat, will not bear to be
described to a good-natured reader. Watson was seconded by Captain
Clive, one of those extraordinary men, whose great soul broke out
under all the disadvantages of an ugly and contemptible person.
In the north of Germany, affairs had taken a favourable turn for the
King of Prussia. Lehwald, one of his Generals, defeated a mighty
army of Russians, who, in the most barbarian style, were pouring
into Prussia. The Germans, whatever they pretended, were not cheaply
conquerors. But the consequences of the battle were decisive; the
Muscovites disappeared from the campaign for the rest of the summer.
The Duke of Cumberland, after the battle of Hastenbecke, had retired
with his army towards Stade, and was followed by the French. The
Duchies of Bremen and Verden were at the eve of falling into their
hands, and the King expected that they would be given back to Sweden.
The Hanoverian Ministry did not doubt but the Duke’s high spirit
would venture the Army being cut to pieces rather than surrender them
prisoners, and they complained of the scanty assistance afforded
by England. Lady Yarmouth even said to Lord Hertford, “_Que peut
on faire, my Lord! le Ministere Anglois ne nous a voulu donner que
quelque tonneaux de farine_.” The truth was, the King, to avoid
expense, had neglected to raise the Militia of Hanover, though
they had implored it, and might have given a decisive turn to the
battle in his favour. Both the Sovereign and his German Council were
determined at all events to save the Duchies and the troops, and
the most positive orders were dispatched to the Duke in consequence
of those resolutions. Yet, not trusting to what conditions his
son, however obedient, might obtain, his Majesty prevailed on his
son-in-law, the King of Denmark, to interpose his good offices,
and accordingly, on the 7th of September, Count Lynar, Governor of
Oldenburg, arrived in the Duke’s camp as mediator, and a passport
being demanded for him from Marshal Richelieu, the latter sent it
with an escort of a hundred horse, and by the next day a convention
was obtained and signed, by which Stade and the district round it was
left to the Hanoverians, with permission to the rest of those troops
to repass the Elbe, observing a strict neutrality. The troops of
Hesse, Brunswick, Saxe-Gotha, &c., in the King’s pay, were to retire
to their several countries.
When the news of this suspension of arms arrived at Kensington, it
occasioned the greatest surprise, the greatest clamour--for even the
Monarch acted surprise! The Foreign Ministers acquainted those of
England that it was concluded, or certainly would be. The English
with great truth disavowed all knowledge, and protested entire
disbelief of it. They not only had not been entrusted with the
secret, but saw their master affect equal indignation, and encouraged
by that dissimulation, ventured to insist on his permitting them to
write to foreign Courts that he disavowed the transaction. Even this
he granted. He went further: he told Dabreu, the Spanish Minister,
that he would show him the rough draft of a letter which he had
prepared to send to his son, with a positive command to fight. It was
true, he had written such a letter; it is no less true that he never
sent it.
As the Dictator of the Convention disavowed it, as the father
disclaimed the son, it was natural for those who suffered by the
act, and for those who hated the actor, to break out against both.
The King of Prussia said we had undone him, without mending our own
situation. The Princess of Wales, Lord Hardwicke, and Legge threw the
strongest reflections on the Duke; the last, indeed, with appearance
of reason, being extremely hampered, as Chancellor of the Exchequer,
by this transaction. How should he be able, he said, next winter
to propose the Hessian troops, whose hands were now tied up from
assisting us? or must he wave the subsidy to them, when they were
starving in our cause? The others went further; they called his Royal
Highness’s Generalship in question; he was brave indeed, but that was
all; he had wasted a good Army; had beaten the French, and did not
know it.
But the most indecent in personal invectives was Baron Munchausen,
the Hanoverian Minister in England--a man reckoned one of their
ablest heads, and who had hitherto always comported himself with
civility and inoffensively. He went so far as to call for a Council
to examine the Duke’s behaviour; and Lord Hardwicke, to extend the
insult, or to divide it amongst many, desired the whole Cabinet
Council, not merely the junto, might meet: the affair was too
serious. Thither Munchausen brought copies of his own letters to the
Duke, to prove that his Royal Highness had acted without authority.
Mr. Pitt observed, that they proved the direct contrary; and he, who
certainly had never managed the Duke, nor stood on any good terms
with him, acted a part nobly honest: when the King told him that he
had given his son no _orders_ for this treaty, Pitt replied with
firmness, “But _full powers_, Sir; very _full powers_.”
Yet this sincerity in a foe could infuse none into a father. Two
messengers were dispatched to recall the Duke, and, October 12th,
he arrived at Kensington. It was in the evening, and he retired to
his own apartment, where Mr. Fox and his servants were attending.
He thanked Mr. Fox for being there, and said, “You see me well both
in body and mind. I have written orders in my pocket for everything
I did.” (He afterwards said, his orders had been so strong, that he
had not expected to obtain such good conditions.) He then dismissed
Fox, saying, he would send for him again. (The shortness of this
interview, he afterwards told Mr. Fox, had proceeded from his
determination of seeing nobody alone who could be supposed to advise
him, till he had taken the step he meditated.) At nine, the hour
the King punctually goes to play in the apartment of the Princess
Emily, the Duke went to her. The King, who was there, had ordered
the Princess not to leave them alone, received him with extreme
coldness; and when his Royal Highness went afterwards into the other
room where the King was at cards, his Majesty said aloud, “Here is
my son, who has ruined me and disgraced himself,”--and unless this
was speaking to him, spoke not a word. At eleven, when the cards were
over, the Duke went down to Lady Yarmouth, and told her the King had
left him but one favour to ask, which he was come to solicit by her
interposition, as he wished to make it as little disagreeable to the
King as possible--it was to desire leave to resign everything, the
post of Captain-General, and his regiment. The Countess was in great
concern at the request, and said, “Pray, Sir, don’t determine this at
once.” He replied, “He begged her pardon; he was not come for advice;
he had had time to think, and was determined.” “Then, Sir,” said she,
“I have nothing left but to obey.”
The King received the notification with as much real agitation as he
had counterfeited before. The next morning he ordered the Cabinet
Council to wait on the Duke, and pay their respects to him. Lord
Holderness went in first, and kissed his hand, but was not spoken
to. Pitt followed; and of him his Royal Highness took most notice,
speaking to him at different reprisals with kindness, to mark his
satisfaction with Pitt’s behaviour. He said a little to the Duke of
Newcastle, Lord Granville, and Lord Anson. Lord Hardwicke was out
of town. The Duke of Devonshire was sent to the Duke in private, to
persuade him not to resign. He was inflexible. Devonshire was sent
again to ask from the King as a favour that he would at least retain
his regiment; he need not do the duty; but his Majesty should not
think himself safe in any other hands; yet even this counterfeit of
confidence was an aggravation of the cruelty. The Duke learned that
this solicitude about the regiment proceeded solely from the King’s
averseness to give it to Prince Edward; as would be expected, and he
was not softened by such duplicity. He even determined never to be
employed under his father again, telling Fox, that no collusion about
the treaty should be imputed to him, by his resuming his command. To
Conway he said, he could not, did not hope that the King would do
what was necessary to justify him, it was therefore necessary to do
all he could to justify himself. The next day, the Duke visited the
Princess, and beginning to mention his resolution of resigning, she
rung the bell, and asked him if he would not see the children.
When the King found his son’s resentment inflexible, he thought of
nothing but making it as little uncomfortable to himself as possible:
provided the interior face of the palace was not discomposed, he
cared little about justifying himself or making any reparation to
his son; who, he thought, might as easily forget in the ceremonies
of the drawing-room what he had suffered, as his Majesty drowned all
sensibility in the parade of that narrow sphere. He insisted that the
Duke should appear as usual at Court, and come to him in a morning.
The Duke acquiesced, saying, he should always show the utmost respect
to the King as his father, but never could serve him more. When these
_essential_ forms were adjusted, the Duke sent for Munchausen, and
said, “Mr. Privy-councillor, I hear the King has sent for opinions
of Hanoverian Generals on my conduct; here are the opinions of the
Hessian Generals, and of the Duke of Wolfenbuttle. As the King has
ordered the former to be deposited among the Archives of Hanover, I
hope he will do me the justice to let these be registered with them.
Take them, and bring them back to me to-morrow.” Munchausen returned
with them the next day, and with a message from the King that his
Majesty had been better informed, and thought better of his Royal
Highness than he had done; and then Munchausen falling prostrate to
kiss the lappet of his coat, the Duke with dignity and anger checked
him, and said, “Mr. Privy-councillor, confine yourself to that
office; and take care what you say, even though the words you repeat
should be my father’s; I have all possible deference for him, but I
know how to punish anybody else that presumes to speak improperly of
me.”
On the 15th, the Duke resigned all his commands.
I have dwelt minutely on the circumstances of this history,
having learned from the best authorities, and being sure that few
transactions deserve more to be remembered. A young Prince, warm,
greedy of military glory, yet resigning all his passions to the
interested dictates of a father’s pleasure, and then loaded with
the imputation of having acted basely without authority: hurt with
unmerited disgrace, yet never breaking out into the least unguarded
expression; preserving dignity under oppression, and the utmost
tenderness of duty under the utmost delicacy of honour--this an
uncommon picture--for the sake of human nature, I hope the conduct
of the father is uncommon too! When the Duke could tear himself
from his favourite passion, the Army, one may judge how sharply
he must have been wounded. When afterwards the King, perfidiously
enough, broke that famous convention, mankind were so equitable as to
impute it to the same unworthy politics, not to the disapprobation
he had pretended to feel on its being made. In a former part of
this history, I have said with regard to his eldest, that the King
might have been an honest man, if he had never hated his father, or
had ever loved his son--what double force has this truth, when it
is again applied to him on his treachery to the best son that ever
lived! Considering with what freedom I have spoken of the Duke’s
faults in other parts of this work, I may be believed in the just
praise bestowed on him here.
We must now turn our eyes to Ireland, which Mr. Conway had left in a
state of perfect tranquillity. The imprudence of the new Governors
opened the wounds afresh. The Duke of Bedford set out for that
Kingdom on the 20th of September, determined as he thought to observe
a strict neutrality between the factions, and rigid uprightness in
the conduct of his Administration. He began with exacting strict
attendance on their posts from persons in employment, and with
refusing leave of absence to officers and chaplains of regiments;
and considering, too, how his new dominions had been loaded of late
years to smooth the difficulties of the English Government, his
Grace commenced his reign with strong declamations against Irish
pensions. He had two difficulties to encounter before these fair
views could be carried into execution: his own Court were far from
being so disinterested as their master, and his new subjects were
as little desirous of a reign of virtue. Nor had the Duke himself
the art of reconciling them to it by his manner, which was shy,
untractable, ungracious, ungenerous. The Duchess pleased universally;
she had all her life been practising the part of a Queen; dignity
and dissimulation were natural to her. The Irish were charmed with a
woman who seemed to depart from her state from mere affability. But
the person who influenced them both was the Secretary Rigby. He had
ingratiated himself with the Duchess, and had acquired an absolute
ascendant over her husband, who, with all his impetuosity, was
governed by his favourite in a style that approached to domineering.
Rigby had an advantageous and manly person, recommended by a
spirited jollity that was very pleasing, though sometimes roughened
into brutality: of most insinuating good-breeding when he wished
to be agreeable. His passions were turbulent and overbearing; his
courage bold and fond of exerting itself. His parts strong and
quick, but totally uncultivated; and so much had he trusted to
unaffected common sense, that he could never afterwards acquire the
necessary temperament of art in his public speaking. He had been a
pupil of Winnington, and owed the chief errors of his life to that
man’s maxims, perniciously witty. Winnington had unluckily lived
when all virtue had been set to notorious sale, and in ridicule of
false pretences had affected an honesty in avowing whatever was
dishonourable. Rigby, whose heart was naturally good, grew to think
it sensible to laugh at the shackles of morality; and having early
encumbered his fortune by gaming, he found his patron’s maxims but
too well adapted to retrieve his desperate fortunes. He placed
his honour in steady addiction to whatever faction he was united
with: and from the gaiety of his temper, having indulged himself in
profuse drinking, (for in private few men were more temperate,) he
was often hurried beyond the bounds of that interest which he meant
should govern all his actions, and which his generous extravagance
for ever combated. In short, he was a man who was seldom loved or
hated with moderation; yet he himself, though a violent opponent, was
never a bitter enemy. His amiable qualities were all natural; his
faults acquired, or fatally linked to him by the chain of some other
failings.
In a Court of such a complexion as I have described, no wonder the
reign of virtue was violated in the outset. The Queen-Dowager of
Prussia, the King’s sister, was lately dead: during the parsimonious
barbarity of her husband, a pension of 800_l._ a year, on Ireland,
had been privately transmitted to her; and she retained it to
her death. The Duke of Bedford was persuaded to ask this for the
Duchess’s sister, Lady Betty Waldegrave, and obtained it. His
impartiality was as ill-observed as his maxims of frugality. Rigby,
sacrificing to what he concluded Mr. Fox’s inclination, hurried the
Lord-Lieutenant into flagrant partiality to Lord Kildare. The Primate
was neglected; but he knew how to make himself of consequence. The
prostitution of his opponents had raised his character, and he
omitted no address to conciliate popularity. Malone had at length
accepted the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer; and being the
last renegade, was the most obnoxious. Being regarded as Minister
in the House of Commons, the storm was intended to fall on him,
for Rigby was not known as a man of business; and till Lord George
Sackville affected the active part of power, and after him Mr.
Conway, the Lord-Lieutenant’s secretary had been no character in
Parliament.
The factions existing were, the Primate’s, Lord Kildare’s, those
attached to the Speaker Ponsonby, and who in truth were a defection
from Kildare; and a flying squadron of patriots, the smallest body
of the four, and composed as is usual, of the discontented--that
is, of those who had been too insignificant to be bought off, or
whose demands had been too high--and of a few well-meaning men.
Lord Kildare had still the greatest number of dependents, though
inferior to those of the Primate and Ponsonby, if united; a
point[11] now eagerly pursued by the Archbishop, while at the same
time he underhand inflamed the patriots against the Castle: and
had sufficient success. The Session no sooner opened, than French,
a lawyer, proposed a trifling amendment to the Address, but with
indirect reflections on Malone, whom they endeavoured to make rise,
and take the Minister upon him; but he avoided it, and suffered the
amendment. The next day, one Upton, a warm and obstinate Patriot,
formerly a friend of Malone, moved for the list of Pensions, on which
Lady Betty Waldegrave’s name must have appeared. Malone at last rose,
and said, the Motion was premature, for the list would be given
in with the Estimates. Upton, not being content with this answer,
Malone moved to adjourn, the other threatening to renew his Motion
at their next meeting. And when he did repeat it, it was rejected
but by a majority of five; an advantage so slender, that the Castle
did not venture to stem a torrent of violent resolutions, which the
House passed a few days afterwards against pensions, absentees,
and other grievances, of which they demanded redress, desiring the
Lord-Lieutenant to transmit them to his Majesty in their very words.
This heat was led by one Perry, a bold, troublesome, and corrupt
lawyer, who had been vexatious to Mr. Conway, and between whom and
Rigby there soon passed such warm altercations, that they were with
difficulty prevented from going greater lengths.
The Duke, in answer to their resolutions, told them they were couched
in such extraordinary terms, and aimed so high, that he should take
time to consider whether he would transmit them to England; and this
answer Rigby moved to have entered in the Journals, but desisted, on
finding great opposition. Both the Duke and he acted with incredible
intemperance; and intending to establish their authority by the
weight of power, his Grace sent to England for assistance, and
demanded to be invested with a latitude of rewards and punishments.
The absentees were sent over to strengthen his party in the House
of Commons; but the English Council meeting upon his other demand,
and not being composed of many of his friends, Mr. Pitt wrote him
a civil excuse, with a refusal of full powers; if his Grace would
name whom he wished to displace or prefer, he should be supported;
on the whole, he was advised to compose the heats that had arisen.
The Primate no doubt had early intelligence from Lord George of the
little attention paid to the Lord Lieutenant’s remonstrance; but
being disposed to govern the Castle rather than overturn them, he
retired to his country seat at Leixlip, declaring his disapprobation
of the violence of the Commons; and the next day sent two of his
creatures to the Duke to disavow any connexions with the Speaker, and
to profess his aversion to disturbing the Government; in elections
only against Lord Kildare and Malone he proposed to interfere. On
the other hand, Lord Kildare protested that if the Primate was left
of the Regency, he would not be of it. A menace most indifferent to
the Prelate, who could forgive anything but exclusion from power, and
who on his former disgrace had much resented the part his brother had
acted in consenting to his being laid aside; and when it was notified
to him, he broke out, “Now will my wise brother write me four sides
to tell me it is all for the better.”
The dissimulation of the Primate was soon detected: the Duke of
Bedford, to oblige him, had preferred Cunningham in rank, who,
however, voted against the Court in the strongest questions. Yet
continuing to frequent the assemblies at the Castle, the Duke took
him aside, reproached him with his behaviour, and told him, the bread
he eat was the King’s. The young man replied honestly, he had such
obligations to the Primate and Lord George, that though he should
be reduced to his pristine indigence, he would act in all things
as they ordered him. Some days afterwards, the Opposition calling
in question the great powers exercised by the Privy Council of
Ireland, and Malone sitting silent, the Solicitor-General, a friend
of the Primate, said, that, as an officer of the Crown, he could
not sit still and see the prerogative attacked, without marking his
disapprobation. He was joined by all the Primate’s friends, and the
motion for abridging those powers was rejected by 140 to 40. This
more civil way of displaying to the Castle the Primate’s interest in
the House was not calculated to inspire them with less awe of his
strength.
Lord Kildare (who had no talents for governing, and yet would not
unite with anybody that had,) declined Mr. Fox’s advice of joining
with the Speaker, by which he might have balanced the efforts of
the Primate. The Earl thought of repelling the war by carrying it
into the quarters of the enemy, and the Castle weakly concurred in
this silly project. They determined to move for an inquiry into the
conduct of the Commissioners of the Revenue for the last twenty
years, in which the principal retrospect would involve the partizans
of the House of Dorset. The execution of the measure was delegated
to Sir Archibald Atcheson, a man so insignificant, that, having
acquainted the House that he had a Motion of consequence to propose
on the following Monday, he was so little regarded, that when the
day came, the House was remarkably empty. The Courtiers opposed the
question, till Rigby rose and said, a Motion from so respectable
a person must be of consequence; the gentleman, he supposed, had
some mismanagement to lay open. A secret Committee was immediately
proposed and elected by ballot, when, to the great confusion of
the Ministers, they carried but three out of thirty-one; the other
twenty-eight were all elected from the creatures of the Primate
and Speaker. The Castle had no more success in the popularity they
expected from this inquisition, than they had in the choice of the
inquisitors. The Lord-Lieutenant, too, increased the offence by
his ungracious reception of the Commissioners of the Revenue, who
waiting on him to disculpate themselves, as they feared they had been
misrepresented to his Grace, he answered them dryly, if anything was
wrong, he supposed it would come out; if innocent, they would clear
themselves.
These transactions, which reached to the end of the year, I have
chosen to throw together, as they would be little intelligible, if
broken into the precise order in which they happened. I shall use
the same method on the sequel of the expedition to Rochfort.
As soon as the Fleet was returned, Sir John Mordaunt was ordered to
town to give an account of his conduct; and Mr. Pitt inserted in the
Gazette his letter to the General and Admiral, empowering them to
stay out longer if they should find it necessary. This did not allay
the ill-humour in the City, where they coupled the fruitlessness
of the expedition with the Hanoverian neutrality; and concluded
that both flowed from the same attention to the preservation of the
favourite Electorate. The Ministers affected to distinguish the
_naval_ commanders. The Generals were coldly received, particularly
by the King, though he did speak to Conway, who, however, was so
sensible of the injustice done to him, that, if he had not been
overpersuaded by his friends, who foresaw that his resignation would
be represented as a dismission, he would have immediately quitted his
post in the King’s Bed-chamber.
His Majesty had at first been indifferent to the plan; then ridiculed
it to all who came near him. Now, being in a humour of heroism and
criticism, he took it up in the bitterest terms, and did the Generals
the honour of treating them as ill as his own son, the Duke, seizing
every opportunity of casting reflections on the one and the others;
and on the news of the King of Prussia’s success, the Monarch said,
“Yes, people may beat, if they do not always retreat; but there
are so many cowards, I am almost afraid of growing one myself.”
Pitt, though really more hurt, and apt enough to take any step to
illustrate his own measures, behaved with greater decency. He pressed
no violent resolutions against the officers; he prevented the City
from addressing against them; and only took the more sensible, though
not less severe style of punishing the miscarriage, by raising Wolfe
at once over the heads of a great number of officers.[12]
Sir John Mordaunt finding no notice taken of him in any shape, went
to Mr. Pitt, and told him he had waited a week to see what would be
done on his affair: he found he was in disgrace, but found it only by
neglect and silence. He entreated Mr. Pitt to ask the King to permit
an inquiry on it. Pitt told him, this had been thought of; owned they
did blame the first Council of War; but this was always the case when
officers went prejudiced against a measure.
Accordingly, November 1st, a Commission of Inquiry was directed,
composed of the Duke of Marlborough, Lord George Sackville, and
General Waldegrave: a Court that could not be called unprecedented,
for one of the very same nature had been held in the foregoing year,
but most unconstitutional and dangerous; nay, absurd, for they had
neither power to acquit nor condemn. As the Ministers selected whom
they pleased, if the criminal was to be saved, a favourable report
from this Board would exclude a legal trial; if to be condemned,
was not such a preparatory inquisition likely to influence future
judgment? The present Board was indeed artfully constituted. Two of
the Commissioners were attached to Fox; if their majority acquitted,
the odium would fall on Mr. Pitt’s antagonist--and to them he had
joined Lord George Sackville, as much devoted to himself, and more
than a balance to the other two in abilities. But another step Pitt
took, still more novel, and as pernicious for the precedent. He sent
Mr. Blair of the Secretary’s office to the Lord Mayor of London, to
inform the City that an inquiry was appointed. What right the City of
London had to such notification above all other towns in the kingdom
could not well be told. What use they will make of such admission
into the executive part of Government can easily be conceived; and
what confusion may follow from incorporating the mob of London
with the other parts of the Legislature, where they are already
represented, and where they have no title to be more than represented.
The inquiry began on the 12th. The Generals, and Knowles, and
Broderick, utterly disavowing Sir Edward Hawke’s minutes, Lord George
took them to pieces severely, and censured Hay, the composer of them.
The Duke of Marlborough asked many questions, with appearance of
thinking ill of the conduct of the Generals. Waldegrave took no part
at all. Sir John Mordaunt defended himself weakly; Conway most ably;
exposed Clarke; and at last producing his own narrative, it silenced
all further inquiry; yet the resolutions of the Court, which were
not explicit, seemed to say, that they thought more might have been
performed; or at least that there had not been sufficient reasons for
desisting from the attempt. The report of these opinions was made to
the King on the 21st, who, on the 30th, ordered a Court-Martial on
Sir John Mordaunt alone.
The Duke of Cumberland[13] espoused the cause of the Generals,
wished them to make it a common cause, and to pin down their whole
defence to the impracticability of the measure. To this Conway could
not consent. He had too much endeavoured to explore whether it was
practicable or not, to submit to involve himself in the remissness
of those for whose sake he now suffered. Yet the delicacy with which
he avoided whatever might set their failings in a strong light,
the management he used invariably for Sir John Mordaunt, for whom
he drew up every paper he could want, the obstinacy with which he
persisted to sink material articles of his own defence, rather than
charge his colleagues, at the same time that no worthy mind was ever
so wounded with disgrace, these and every instance of his behaviour
made the solidity of his virtue appear most amiable and interesting;
and it was still heightened by not meeting with an equal degree of
tenderness from those in whose protection it was exerted.
The Court-Martial began its session on the 14th of December, and
finished on the 18th; though it was opened again for one day to hear
Sir Edward Hawke’s evidence, who had been at sea. Lord Tyrawley was
President. Mr. Pitt appeared before them, as he said, to authenticate
his own orders, but took the opportunity of making an imperious
speech, and defended Clarke and Thierri, the pilot; who, he affirmed,
had supported their information, though sifted in so extraordinary
a manner. General Cholmondeley interrupted him, reminding him that
he only came thither to authenticate. Pitt replied with haughtiness;
and being asked, who had sifted Clarke and the pilot, he said, the
military men; and often spoke of Mordaunt and Conway by name. There
have been times when a Minister, in less odour of popularity, would
have been impeached for presuming to awe a legal Court of Justice;
but as it did Mr. Pitt no harm, neither did it produce any good to
the cause he favoured. The whole Court treated the expedition as rash
and childish; and acquitted the General with honour. Sir Edward Hawke
reflecting on Thierri as an ignorant _Fanfaron_, General Cholmondeley
asked if there were two Thierris? Surely, he said, this ignorant
_Fanfaron_ could not be the one so applauded by Mr. Pitt!
Thus ended the chimera of taking Rochfort. The public, however,
were entertained for part of the following winter with a literary
controversy, which it produced between General Conway and Mr. Potter.
Mr. Doddington, too, flung in one or two bitter pamphlets against Mr.
Pitt.
I have dwelt so long on the singular events of this year, that I
shall hasten to the conclusion of this book, touching briefly the
other most material passages, the chief of which, relating to the
victories of the King of Prussia, will be found at large in other
histories, and demand a more exalted pen than mine, sullied with the
faults and follies of my countrymen, and though suited perhaps to the
trifling province of catching ridicules, unequal to the lofty compass
of history.
Lord Mansfield was called to the _conciliabulum_, or essence of the
Council; an honour not only uncommon and due to his high abilities,
but set off with his being proposed by Lord Hardwicke himself, who
wished, he said, to get repose for three months in the country: Lord
Mansfield would amply supply his place. It was about this time that
this great Chief Justice set himself to take information against
libels, and would sift, he said, what was the real liberty of the
press. The occasions of the times had called him off from principles
that favoured an arbitrary King--he still leaned towards an arbitrary
Government.
At the end of October came news that our Fleet under Holbourn,
blocking up a French squadron at Louisbourg, had been dispersed by a
great storm, in which the Nassau was lost, the Eagle was driven home,
and ten ships were dismasted.
The year concluded with a torrent of glory for the King of Prussia.
On the 5th of November, he defeated the combined Imperial and French
Armies at Rosbach; and though the Austrians took Schweidnitz, and
beat the Prince of Bevern, the King repaired that disadvantage by a
complete victory over their best Army, commanded by Prince Charles
and Count Daun, at Lissa: a single month intervening between this
and his success at Rosbach. His uncle’s efforts were neither exerted
nor crowned with equal honour. The decline of the arms of France in
the empire encouraged the King to break the convention of Closter
Seven. The Hanoverians were reassembled, and Prince Ferdinand of
Brunswick, a general of repute, appointed to command them. Some
trifling infractions of the neutrality on the part of the French
were pretexted to cover this notorious breach of faith--a monument
to future politicians, in how short a space of time a treaty may be
commanded, concluded, disavowed, made advantage of, and violated!
During these transactions, the unfortunate Queen of Poland died
suddenly at Dresden; a witness of calamities to which she had not
contributed, and which she had in vain remained there to temper.
In England, Sir John Ligonier, to whom the supreme command of the
British armies was entrusted, was created a Viscount of Ireland, and
a Marshal, with his seniors, Sir Robert Rich and Lord Molesworth.
Lord George Sackville succeeded as Lieutenant-General of the
Ordnance; and by that employment escaped the unwelcome command in
America, which he could not with any grace have otherwise avoided.
Colley Cibber, that good-humoured and honest veteran, so unworthily
aspersed by Pope, and whose Memoirs, with one or two of his
comedies, will secure his fame, in spite of all the abuse of his
contemporaries, dying about this time at a very great age, the Duke
of Devonshire bestowed the laurel on Mr. Whitehead, a man of a
placid genius. His Grace had first designed it for Gray,[14] then
for Mason, but was told that both would decline it. In truth, it
was not Cibber’s silly odes that disgraced the employment, but an
annual panegyric venally extorted for whatever King, and with or
without occasion, that debased the office. Gray, crowned with the
noblest wreaths of Parnassus, could not stoop to be dubbed poet by
a Lord Chamberlain; and Mason, though he had not then displayed all
the powers of his genius, had too much sense and spirit to owe his
literary fame to anything but his own merit.
On the 28th of December died the King’s third daughter, Princess
Caroline. She had been the favourite of the Queen, who preferred
her understanding to those of all her other daughters, and whose
partiality she returned with duty, gratitude, affection, and concern.
Being in ill health at the time of her mother’s death, the Queen told
her she would follow her in less than a year. The Princess received
the notice as a prophecy; and though she lived many years after it
had proved a vain one, she quitted the world, and persevered in the
closest retreat, and in constant and religious preparation for the
grave; a moment she so eagerly desired, that when something was once
proposed to her, to which she was averse, she said, “I would not
do it to die!” To this impression of melancholy had contributed the
loss of Lord Hervey,[15] for whom she had conceived an unalterable
passion, constantly marked afterwards by all kind and generous
offices to his children. For many years she was totally an invalid,
and shut herself up in two chambers in the inner part of St. James’s,
from whence she could not see a single object. In this monastic
retirement, with no company but of the King, the Duke, Princess
Emily, and a few of the most intimate of the Court, she led, not an
unblameable life only, but a meritorious one: her whole income was
dispensed between generosity and charity; and, till her death by
shutting up the current discovered the source, the jails of London
did not suspect that the best support of their wretched inhabitants
was issued from the Palace.
From the last Sunday to the Wednesday on which she died, she declined
seeing her family; and when the mortification began, and the pain
ceased, she said, “I feared I should not have died of this!”
Finished August 8th, 1759.
FOOTNOTES:
[10] He himself took a cutter and twenty marines and went to survey
the coast. A battery fired on them; and one of the rowers said,
“Sir, we are in great danger.” He replied, coolly, “Pho, they can’t
hurt us;” and turning to young Fitzroy (Charles, afterwards Lord
Southampton, from whom I received this relation), he said, “Now,
if they would not say I was boyish, I would land with these twenty
marines, to show them we can.” I have already mentioned his gallant
behaviour at Fontenoy, at Laffelt, and at Culloden, at the first of
which battles he was taken prisoner; but I cannot help repeating an
unsuspected, because disinterested testimonial in his favour. When
this miscarriage at Rochfort made so much noise, and the courage of
the Generals was questioned, Lord Chesterfield said to Mr. Fox these
words: “I am sure Conway is brave; I remember when I was praising
George Stanhope (a young man of remarkable spirit, brother of Earl
Stanhope), he replied, ‘Faith, my Lord, I believe I have as much
courage as other people; indeed, I don’t pretend to be like Harry
Conway, who walks up to the mouth of a cannon with as much coolness
and grace, as if he was going to dance a minuet.’”
[11] Lord George Sackville, who was privy to this negotiation, and
who hated the Speaker on former injuries, said, “Ponsonby is a dirty
fellow; we have nothing to do but rub his nose against a Devonshire.”
[12] The conduct of one of his friends was not quite so judicious;
Potter, then ill at Bath, sent the Mayor of the place an account
of a private letter he had received from Mr. Pitt, lamenting his
disappointment, _which had broken his heart_. This letter was left
for public perusal in a bookseller’s shop, till getting into the Bath
Journal, Potter thought proper to advertise that this had been done
contrary to his intention.
[13] The Duke was much diverted on hearing that Pitt, who had drawn
the plan for the Militia, urged against the Generals that there had
been no force on the coast of France, but twenty thousand of the
Militia!
[14] It appears by Mr. Gray’s Letters, published with his Life by Mr.
Mason in 1795, that the laurel was actually offered to Mr. Gray, and
was refused by him.
[15] Eldest son of John Earl of Bristol, and Lord Privy Seal: a great
favourite of Queen Caroline, and a principal object of Pope’s satire.
1758.
_Punch._ Who is that?
_Luckless._ That is an orator, Master Punch.
_Punch._ An orator!--what’s that?
_Luck._ Why, an orator is--egad, I can’t tell what: he is a
man that nobody dares dispute with.
FIELDING’S _Pleasures of the Town_.
CHAPTER IV.
Mr. Pitt’s political Influence at the commencement of the year
1758--Five Great Men--Opening of Parliament, and Speech of Mr.
Pitt--Clive’s Victories in India--Military Appointments--Affairs
of Ireland--Disinterested conduct of Mr. Conway--Dr. Clayton,
Bishop of Clogher--Picture of the Manners of the Age--The King’s
Munificence--Affair of the Habeas Corpus--Attorney-General Pratt
brings in a Bill for extending it--Anecdotes of the Navy Bill.
Pitt was now arrived at undisturbed possession of that influence in
affairs at which his ambition had aimed, and which his presumption
had made him flatter himself he could exert like those men of
superior genius, whose talents have been called forth by some crisis
to retrieve a sinking nation. He had said the last year to the Duke
of Devonshire, “My Lord, I am sure I can save this country, and
nobody else can.” It were ingratitude to him to say that he did not
give such a reverberation to our stagnating Councils, as exceedingly
altered the appearance of our fortune. He warded off the evil hour
that seemed approaching; he infused vigour into our arms; he taught
the nation to speak again as England used to speak to Foreign
Powers; and so far from dreading invasions from France, he affected
to turn us into invaders. Indeed, those efforts were so puny, so
ill-concerted, so ineffectual to any essential purpose, that France
looked down with scorn on such boyish flippancies, which Pitt deemed
heroic, which Europe thought ridiculous, and which humanity saw were
only wasteful of lives, and precedents of a more barbarous warfare
than France had hitherto been authorized to carry on. In fact, Pitt
had neither all the talents he supposed in himself, nor which he
seemed to possess from the vacancy of great men around him. Thinly,
very thinly, were great men sown in my remembrance: I can pretend to
have seen but five; the Duke of Cumberland, Sir Robert Walpole, Lord
Granville, Lord Mansfield, and Pitt. I have expatiated on all their
characters separately; and yet I am inclined to say a few words more
in the light of comparison. It is by setting the same characters in
different oppositions and points of view, that nearer acquaintance
with them may be struck out.
Lord Granville was most a genius of the five: he conceived, knew,
expressed whatever he pleased. The state of Europe and the state of
literature were equally familiar to him. His eloquence was rapid,
and flowed from a source of wit, grandeur, and knowledge. So far
from premeditated, he allowed no reflection to chasten it. It was
entertaining, it was sublime, it was hyperbole, it was ridiculous,
according as the profusion of ideas crowded from him. He embraced
systems like a legislator, but was capable of none of the detail
of a magistrate. Sir Robert Walpole was much the reverse: he knew
mankind, not their writings; he consulted their interests, not their
systems; he intended their happiness, not their grandeur. Whatever
was beyond common sense, he disregarded. Lord Mansfield, without
the elevation of Lord Granville, had great powers of eloquence. It
was a most accurate understanding, and yet capable of shining in
whatever it was applied to. He was as free from vice as Pitt, more
unaffected, and formed to convince, even where Pitt had dazzled. The
Duke of Cumberland had most expressive sense, but with that connexion
between his sense and sensibility, that you must mortify his pride
before you could call out the radiance of his understanding. Being
placed at the head of armies without the shortest apprenticeship, no
wonder he miscarried: it is cruel to have no other master than one’s
own faults. Pitt’s was an unfinished greatness: considering how much
of it depended on his words, one may almost call his an artificial
greatness; but his passion for fame and the grandeur of his ideas
compensated for his defects. He aspired to redeem the honour of his
country, and to place it in a point of giving law to nations. His
ambition was to be the most illustrious man of the first country
in Europe; and he thought that the eminence of glory could not be
sullied by the steps to it being passed irregularly. He wished
to aggrandize Britain in general, but thought not of obliging or
benefiting individuals.
Lord Granville you loved till you knew him; Sir Robert Walpole, the
more you knew him: you would have loved the Duke, if you had not
feared him. Pitt liked the dignity of despotism; Lord Mansfield the
reality: yet the latter would have served the cause of power, without
sharing it: Pitt would have set the world free, if he might not
command it. Lord Granville would have preferred doing right, if he
had not thought it more convenient to do wrong: Sir Robert Walpole
meant to serve mankind, though he knew how little they deserved it;
and this principle is at once the most meritorious in oneself and to
the world. I beg pardon for this digression.
The Parliament had opened on the first of December in the last
year; and, as if to notify honestly, that Germany would not be
proscribed by Mr. Pitt, the King’s Speech talked openly of the
defence of his Majesty’s dominions of Britain and _elsewhere_. By
that little word _elsewhere_, Hanover was incorporated into the very
language of Parliament. Lord Westmoreland, in the Lords, spoke with
applause against re-echoing Addresses, and universal submission to
a Minister. In the Commons, Mr. Fox was absent on the death of his
favourite nephew, Lord Digby; and _elsewhere_ passed as if a phrase
of course, like the town of Berwick-upon-Tweed. Yet on the 14th,
when Lord Barrington, on delivering the estimate of the Army, had
complaisantly reverberated the word _elsewhere_, Mr. Pitt himself
said, he did not agree with his Lordship in that term; he meant the
Army for our immediate selves. He had never been against continental
measures when practicable; but would not now send a drop of our blood
to the Elbe, to be lost in that ocean of gore. Other parts of this
speech, admired almost beyond any of his orations, were so fine, and
so bombast, that I must just mention a few, though I do not intend
to fatigue the reader with more speeches: those I have given are
sufficient to illustrate our oratory.
Sir John Philipps had spoken dully, Beckford wildly, dropping this
expression, “He did not know in what hands we were.” Lord George
Sackville had made the apology of Lord Loudun, whose idle conduct
in America was much censured; yet where Lord George wished to have
him remain, lest, on a change of commanders, he himself should
be named. Pitt said, “In what hands were we?--in those of a most
gracious King:” on whom he made a panegyric, and of which the least
part was not his Majesty’s goodness to him since he last took the
Seals. How the King had listened even to him, though least in
Administration--though least, he hoped to continue in it with honour:
and he spoke of the great concord among the Ministers. But nothing
could be well till the Army was subjected to the civil power: they
were to obey, not to reason. Those sent on the late expedition had
laughed at it even at table--nay, so had some of the Cabinet. He
warmed himself on this topic, though he knew, he said, he ought not,
as the commander was actually under trial. On Lord Loudun he kept no
measures at all, but loaded him with all the asperity peculiar to his
style--he had scarce any hopes now, though the people paid such an
army in America: not only nothing was done--nothing was attempted. We
had lost all the waters; we had not a boat on them now. Every door
there was open to France. Though Lord George had excused, he could
not; he would not condemn, yet he believed against Lord Loudun, who
might have recovered our affairs if he had not loitered from the 9th
of July to the 5th of August, inquiring whether or no the French were
superior: indeed, for himself, our ill success had hurt his quiet
and tainted his health. He then burst out into an Eastern panegyric.
There he found Watson, Pococke, and Clive:--what astonishing success
had Watson had with only three ships, which had been laid up for
some time on land! He did not stay to careen this, and condemn that,
but at once sailed into the body of the Ganges. He was supported by
Clive, that man, not born for a desk; _that heaven-born General_,
whose magnanimity, resolution, determination, and execution would
charm a King of Prussia; and whose presence of mind astonished the
Indies!
These heroes soon added new wreaths to those with which Mr. Pitt had
crowned them. The King of Prussia took Breslau, and made prisoners
an Army of Generals and ten thousand men: and the letters of the
following month brought accounts of such victories and riches
acquired by Clive as astonished Europe as much as the Indies.
Discovering that the Nabob who ruled in that quarter was encouraged
by the French to break his alliance with us, and was actually on the
march to attack our settlements, Clive bribed his first Minister,
who, expediting his treachery in a more summary way than is usual in
this part of the world, murdered his master; and then Clive, at the
head of only three thousand men, and with a bravery that deserved a
better foundation than the assassination of an enemy, attacked and
defeated an army of thirty-five thousand. The new Nabob, established
by Clive’s influence, made immense presents to our fleet and East
India Company. Clive’s share amounted to above 200,000_l._ Admiral
Watson, to whom the Red Riband was destined, died of a fever two days
after the engagement.
General Abercrombie was sent to command in America; a man who
signalized himself neither before nor after his advancement. Five
new Brigadier-Generals and three Colonels, with rank only in our
colonies, were appointed to serve under him. Amherst had a separate
command, with Wolfe for second. These officers were all selected by
Pitt, who contented himself with always speaking of the affair of
Rochfort as _res intentata_, and with keeping the commanders on that
expedition unemployed; though Conway, in the most earnest terms, and
by every interest he could use, begged to serve in any quality, and
in any part of the world. He was refused: and even when the English
staff was carried in to the King by Ligonier, his Majesty struck out
the names of Mordaunt, Conway, and Cornwallis. Ligonier represented
Conway’s eagerness for employment, and that his case was different
from Mordaunt’s--he had tried to do something. “Yes,” said the King,
“_après diné la moutarde_.” However, he said he would think of
Conway, though not then.
In Ireland, affairs grew to a crisis. The Opposition were inflamed
with resentment at the Secret Committee set up by the Duke of
Bedford, the management of which they had wrested from him. As the
season, too, approached for the departure of the Lord Lieutenant, the
Primate had no time to lose for recovering his place in the Regency.
Every reason of policy and decency made it more eligible to him
to obtain that situation by gentle means than by violence. He and
Ponsonby offered terms to the Duke of Bedford, who, though confessing
their superiority in the House of Commons, refused to unite with
them. In truth, he had involved himself so much with Lord Kildare,
and was so unwilling to disoblige Fox by disobliging that Lord,
that he knew not how to extricate himself. If Kildare would have
softened towards the Primate, the accommodation would soon have been
completed; but he would not desert himself; and he knew his party
would desert him if once reconciled to the Prelate. More, the Black
Rod, was dispatched to England to consult Mr. Fox; the Duke hoping in
the meantime to be able to govern independently of either party.
The first step he took towards the system only tended to make it more
impracticable. A Judge’s place falling vacant, the Lord Lieutenant,
to demonstrate his impartiality, offered the nomination to the
Chancellor, who recommended Malone’s greatest enemy, a creature of
the Primate, and one formerly employed by Lord George Sackville to
write pamphlets on their side. His preferment, thus obtained, was
no obligation to the Primate: Malone resented it strongly, and soon
took an opportunity of exerting his resentment. The Secret Committee
got enlarged powers, intending to turn them against the Duke of
Bedford’s Treasury; and the party in general hurried to hostilities.
The Lord Lieutenant’s secretary was a place of great profit, if
in the hands of an intelligent and interested man. He had fees
from every new commission in the army; and his selling regiments
and subordinate ranks had long passed as a matter scarce to be
disavowed. If he had great power over his patron, and none over
himself, Bishoprics and every other preferment in the gift or at
the recommendation of the Lord Lieutenant were marketable at the
secretary’s apartments in the Castle. But it was on the death of
a King that the secretaryship was largely lucrative. He touched
for every renewal of commission and patent. With some of these
advantages, Mr. Conway had been a sufferer by the employment. The
table and equipage are very expensive for the year of the Lord
Lieutenant’s residence in Ireland. It is the second, the fallow[16]
year, that indemnifies both the master and the servant; and the Duke
of Devonshire quitted before their second year.
Mr. Conway had disdained the least gratification for his interest;
and as often as the Duke of Devonshire offered him the nomination
of regiments and commissions, he constantly recommended neglected
officers, who deserved the station, and were too indigent to reward
the service, for which Conway scorned to be rewarded. The great
age of the King, joined to the other inducements I have mentioned,
had been the principal object that had shone in Rigby’s eyes when
he carried the Duke of Bedford to Ireland; but that prospect the
Opposition now cut off; and while their patriotism was only sharpened
by popularity, it happily served to disburthen poor officers from so
heavy a tribute. They proposed a question, which, by the ill-humour
of Malone, was carried without a negative, that the Lord Lieutenant’s
secretary ought to have no fees for commissions; that the loss
ought to be made up to him in some other way. The King, when this
resolution came to England, ordered the secretary’s salary to be
2500_l._ a year. The blow was heavy, and had its effect.
The Primate, having demonstrated his power, showed he was not
implacable. Lord Fane, of whose integrity the Duke of Bedford had
the greatest opinion--and with some reason, for it was like his own,
founded on a partial degree of sense, and easily misled to very
contrary purposes--was then in Ireland. To him the Primate sent Lord
Hilsborough’s uncle, Mr. Hill, with new offers of accommodation.
Lord Fane carried them; but at first the Duke of Bedford was deaf.
Lord Fane went again; the Duchess and Rigby were present, and to
disguise their inclinations to the treaty, affected to receive him
with the same coldness as the Duke did; by which stale art the
Duke thought them of his opinion, till they had time to make him
of theirs; and then the negotiation was easily carried on, and the
Primate restored to his usual power in the Government, where, when
once reinstated, he became the sole arbiter of affairs. He avoided
interfering with Rigby’s traffic; he assured the Duchess of the
homage of her subjects, and secured her return to them; and he had
too much insinuation not to charm the Duke himself, who departed to
England, smiling and self-satisfied, though sold by one[17] man and
vanquished by another! Offers were made to Lord Kildare of being
included in this treaty, which he refused, quitting his part of the
Regency, but professing to avoid future hostilities. The Primate and
the Speaker were left Lords Justices; the third place, Lord Kildare’s
[one must have lived in England and seen the abandoned behaviour
of _our_ patriots before one could believe it], was filled by Lord
Shannon; that very Mr. Boyle, for whom Lord Kildare had commenced all
these disturbances, and whose opposition to the Primate had first
introduced _virtue_, and consequently prostitution, into Ireland.
Malone, too, kept his place, and Sir Richard Cox[18] was made a
Commissioner of the Revenue.
Before I quit the affairs of that country, I must mention a
spiritual business that made some noise there. Dr. Clayton, Bishop
of Clogher, had already distinguished himself as a man of parts and
a freethinker. His Essay on Spirit, which seemed to accord with
Clarke’s esoteric doctrine, had more the address of an heresiarch
than the plain-dealing simplicity of a Christian pastor. He now
published a vindication of the Testament, which seemed calculated
for doing anything with the Testament rather than supporting it. Yet
the man was believed sincere in his opinions--and so a man ought
to be who thinks it worth his while to expose himself by exploding
any common prejudices. He even aspired to sufferings for his zeal
in propagating counterband metaphysics among illiterate Irish. But
the Bishops, his brethren, taking the alarm, and intending a meeting
with their _orthodox_ Primate, in order to prepare an application to
the Crown for a royal visitation, Clayton died suddenly of a panic,
though possessed of a good private estate, and ambitious of martyrdom!
This little flame was soon extinguished; in fact, there were no
religious combustibles in the temper of the times. Popery and
Protestantism seemed at a stand. The modes of Christianity were
exhausted, and could not furnish novelty enough to fix attention.
Linzendorffe plied his Moravians with nudities, yet made few
enthusiasts. Whitfield and the Methodists made more money than
disturbances; his largest crop of proselytes lay among servant-maids;
and his warmest devotees went to Bedlam without going to war.
Bower, whom some thought they had detected as a Jesuit, and who at
most was but detected as an impostor, had laid open the practices
of the Catholics, and detailed the establishments of the Jesuits
in the very heart of London, without occasioning either alarm or
murmur against those fathers. His History of the Popes, one of the
ablest performances we have, was decried, because, to recommend a
work of truth and utility, he had embroidered his own story with
some marvellous legends. Yet, uninflammable as the times were,
they carried a great mixture of superstition. Masquerades had been
abolished, because there had been an earthquake at Lisbon; and when
the last jubilee-masquerade was exhibited at Ranelagh, the ale-houses
and roads to Chelsea were crowded with drunken people, who assembled
to denounce the judgments of God on persons of fashion, whose
greatest sin was dressing themselves ridiculously.
A more inconvenient reformation, and not a more sensible one, was set
on foot by societies of tradesmen, who denounced to the magistrate
all bakers that baked or sold bread on Sundays. Alum, and the variety
of spurious ingredients with which bread, and indeed all wares,
were adulterated all the week round, gave not half so much offence
as the vent of the chief necessary of life on the seventh day.
Indecent prints were prohibited: the Chief-Justice Mansfield caused
to be seized at an auction a well-known tale, called “The Woman of
Pleasure,” a work that simplified novels to their original intention.
Some of the elders, too, of our own Church, seeing what harvests were
brought into the tabernacles of Whitfield and Wesley by familiarizing
God’s word to the vulgar, and by elevating vulgar language, had
the discretion to apply the same call to their own lost sheep, and
tinkled back their old women by sounding the brass of the Methodists.
One Ashton, a quaint and fashionable preacher of the Orthodox,
talked to the people in a phrase compounded of cant and politics: he
reproved them for not coming to church, where “_God keeps a day, but
sees little company_;” and informed them that “_our ancestors loved
powder and ball, and so did our Generals; but the latter loved them
for their hair and hands_.” Yet to do justice to better principles,
the age had made some estimable improvements. Prize-fighting, in
which we had horribly resembled the most barbarous and most polite
nations, was suppressed by the Legislature. Hogarth had undertaken
the cause of humanity, and painted satires on all species of cruelty.
From France and Italy, we had adopted hospitals for foundlings; and
from the dictates of nature, all manner of hospitals. Our stage grew
chaste; indecency dared not to show its face in a modern comedy,
though it still remained in possession of the old ones; and what is
remarkable, having been tolerated when women went to the theatre in
masks, preserved its hold, now they went without them.
About this time, Lord Bute[19] obtained by the means of Pitt the
place of Commissioner of Excise for Scott, the late Preceptor, to
whom it had been promised. It was even wrested from a young Pelham,
to whom Newcastle had actually given it. Lord Bute thought this
service to Scott necessary, and had insisted warmly--otherwise Pitt
shunned all interfering in the disposal of employments.
The King, on the death of Princess Caroline, had voluntarily promised
to continue her allowance to Princess Emily, who handsomely engaged
to pay the same pensions and the same grants to the prisons that her
sister Caroline had done. She had even desired to impart a large
portion of it to her sister Mary of Hesse; but the King, while the
vapour of munificence lasted, said he should take care of Mary. In
a month’s time, the Duke of Newcastle was sent in form to notify to
Princess Emily that the King retracted his promise, and should not
continue to her the allowance of Princess Caroline.
An affair was now opened, which having once been deemed the most
important point to English liberty, would seem to demand large
discussion. But having been so much agitated formerly, and so well
explained in our parliamentary books, and now ending without any
alteration--rather without any improvement, of the ancient system, I
would willingly be very brief in relating what passed. That I mention
it at all with any detail, when hastening to the conclusion of my
work, is only to mark how much the modes of thinking change, and that
fundamentals themselves can make no impression, if apprehensions of
arbitrary power are not in fashion. If a passion for freedom is not
in vogue, patriots may sound the alarm till they are weary.
The Act of Habeas Corpus, by which prisoners may insist on being
brought to trial within a limited time, is the corner-stone of our
liberty. The power of pressing, and some other cases, seemed to clash
with this invaluable privilege, or that with the utility of pressing;
for if soldiers or mariners, impressed and carried to any distant
quarters or ports, might demand their _habeas corpus_, and claim
to be brought to the capital to have it examined whether they were
properly subject to the violence laid on them, sudden emergencies
would be deprived of their service, and a thousand accidents might
happen to facilitate their total escape, though ever so fit for
the intended destination of them. It was a doubt, too, whether all
the twelve Judges could or were obliged to grant the writ in time
of vacation. These doubts, which many prudent men thought it best
to leave in suspense or overwhelm in silence, others, if warmer,
not worse-intentioned, held necessary to be ascertained the moment
they had come into question: and they had come into question, and
a man, too apt to decide peremptorily when his decisions could
strengthen prerogative, had affected to pronounce against that
universal immunity from uncertain detention of their persons, which
the English, with so much reason, think their birthright. This was
the Chief Justice Mansfield. He had a bitter antagonist in the
Attorney-General Pratt, who had not only entered into employment on a
popular foot, but personally hated the Chief Justice, and was himself
steady, warm, sullen,[20] stained with no reproach, and an uniform
Whig. He declared himself with impetuosity for the utmost latitude
of the Habeas Corpus; and it reflected no small honour on him, that
the first advocate of the Crown should appear the firmest champion
against prerogative. Nor should we deem less highly of him, because
private motives spurred him on to the contest--alas! how cold would
public virtue be, if it never glowed but with public heat! So seldom,
too, it is that any considerations can bias a man to run counter to
the colour of his office and the interests of his profession, that
the world should not be too scrupulous about accepting the service as
a merit, but should honour it at least for the sake of the precedent.
Pratt prepared a Bill for explaining and extending the Habeas Corpus,
and ascertaining its full operation. It was brought into the House
of Commons, where Pitt and the Speaker supported it with firmness,
and the majority cheerfully promoted it. Yet even in that House it
met with avowed foes. The authority of Lord Mansfield had weight with
some; the influence of Lord Hardwicke with more; and the lawyers,
who easily overlooked the essence of a thing on which there was
enough said in their books to enchant them with sounds and cavils,
laid themselves out in such a profusion of jargon, that nothing
but the nonsense they talked prevented all the world from seeing
how much they contradicted both themselves and one another. They
made the plainest thing in the world, _the right to freedom_, the
most obscure; and yet while any hope of their becoming intelligible
remained, men listened to know through what genealogy of terms this
blessing had been derived to them: a common error that I willingly
censure, as if precedents brought in support of, did not weaken
liberty. Can ages of ancestors submitting to tyranny impeach my
freedom? Have I not a right to be free the moment I have the power
of being so? If we hold our liberties but by Magna Charta, we hold
them by an extorted piece of parchment. If the Crown had a right to
enslave us before, it has a right still, for then that struggle was
Rebellion; and what right can Rebellion give? Magna Charta was but
the King’s confession of his usurpation; as taking up arms against
oppression is only doing justice on the oppressor. I have ever found
that such grave personages as affect to authenticate our liberties
by history and precedent, are no better than those foppish tools the
Heralds, who hoard long rolls of nobility, but are ready to forge a
pedigree for the first pretender to birth.
The Bill passed easily, though tediously, through the Commons. Before
I proceed to its fate among the Lords, I must touch upon the other
events of the season.
The campaign was opened on our part with great success. Prince
Ferdinand and that gallant boy, his nephew, drove the French out of
Hanover, by a plan, like that of Turenne in Alsace, of attacking
them in four different quarters at once. The Count de Clermont, who
had succeeded Richelieu, behaved with a politeness that sufficiently
indicated how much the French were humbled;--he gave a pass to a
Courier, to come and acquaint the King that he was again master of
his dominions. But the virtuous humanity of the Duc de Randan must
not be confounded with the humiliation of his countrymen: Governor
of Hanover, he had treated the conquered with amiable lenity; and
when he was obliged to quit his post, and had full time to destroy
his magazines, he nobly abandoned them to the magistrates, and
marched himself the last out of the city, to prevent his troops from
committing any revengeful outrage.
George Grenville took advantage of the triumphant situation of his
connexion, and renewed his Navy Bill, which had been thrown out the
last year. And here Mr. Pitt had an opportunity of showing that if
he had submitted to unite with the very men he had persecuted, the
depression fell to them. The Duke of Newcastle, Lord Hardwicke, and
Lord Anson were all obliged to vote for this very Bill, which they
had rejected last year. Some pretended that this shifting conduct
was but a compromise, and that their intention of flinging out the
new Habeas Corpus was to be overlooked, in consideration of their
facilitating the Navy Bill; a bargain about laws, not the more
incredible for its being shameful; and considering for what trifling
acts Mr. Pitt has stickled, while he acquiesced in the loss of such
an invaluable Bill, his patriotism will lie under the suspicion of
being more specious than real. Lord Winchelsea, Lord Lyttelton, Lord
Marchmont, and the adherents of the Duke and Fox, still opposed
the Navy Bill; but it was carried on the first division by 74 to
14. At the third reading, Lord Bath spoke upon it,--a speech so
miscellaneous and rambling, that it resembled his ancient orations,
except that in this he much commended Sir Robert Walpole. Lord
Denbigh attacked Lord Marchmont, and said, he remembered when that
Lord had been connected with a man of very different principles.
Lord Marchmont, thinking Lord Bolingbroke was the person alluded to,
treated his memory with great severity--though, by the way, Lord
Bolingbroke had died in friendship with him. Lord Denbigh, without
rising, said aloud, “He mistakes; I meant Sir William Windham.”
Marchmont was disconcerted. The other, after the debate, went up to
Lord Hardwicke, and said, “Sir William Windham put me under Lord
Marchmont in politics; and one day, in warm conversation, the latter
clapped his hand on my knee, and said, ‘Young man, remember I tell
you, this country will never be in a better situation while one of
this family is on the Throne.’” The Bill passed.
FOOTNOTES:
[16] It seems by this passage, that in George the Second’s reign,
the Lord Lieutenants of Ireland absented themselves, as a matter of
course, the second year of their Viceroyalty.--E.
[17] When they returned from Ireland, the Duke of Newcastle, who was
leaning from Pitt, was impatient to see Rigby. The latter went to
dine at Claremont. The Duke showed him the gardens and improvements;
and in the expansion of the folly of his heart, forgetting that it
was himself and not Rigby that was in transports of satisfaction, he
said, “Well! is not this better than going about and abusing me?”
In the following summer, Newcastle carried this disposition to the
Bedfords still further: at the Commencement at Cambridge he affected
to take extreme notice of Lord Tavistock, a modest, but plain lad,
cried up his beauty and the goodness of his coffee, and recommended
him to the University for successor to himself.
[18] See the First Volume of these Memoirs.
[19] The power of that Scotch favourite was so great at Leicester
House, that the Prince of Wales went three times to Agis, a new
tragedy written by John Home, and so indifferent a one, that nobody
else could bear to go to it twice. Sir Henry Erskine wrote a patriot
prologue to it. The Prince, from an affectation of popularity,
generally went to the play on Saturdays, the opera-night.
[20] Why the Author has chosen, in this just and spirited passage, to
introduce the word “sullen,” I am at a loss to discover; and believe
those who had the happiness to know the late Lord Camden will be as
much so.--E.
CHAPTER V.
Death of Archbishop Hutton--Affair of Lord Tyrawley--New
Treaty with Prussia--Sequel of the Habeas Corpus Extension
Question--The Bill debated in the Lords--Lord Mansfield’s
Speech--The Bill dropped--Affairs at Leicester House--Operations
of the King of Prussia--Expedition to St. Maloes under the Duke
of Marlborough--Its failure--Passage of the Rhine by Prince
Ferdinand, and his Victory at Crevelt--Defeats of Prince Ysenberg
and M. Chevert.
March 20th died Dr. Hutton, Archbishop of Canterbury, after short
possession of his see. The Duke of Newcastle had great inclination to
give it to Dr. Hay Drummond, Bishop of St. Asaph, a gentleman, a man
of parts, and of the world; but Lord Hardwicke’s influence carried it
for Secker, who certainly did not want parts or worldliness.
Lord George Sackville was now rising to a principal figure. His
abilities in the House of Commons and his interest with Pitt gave him
great weight in Government, and everything seemed to promise him the
first rank in the Army, where, since the depression of Conway, he
stood without a rival. The Duke, who hated him, was removed; Marshal
Ligonier was very old, and was governed by him; and by his seat in
the Ordnance, and his own address, he began to balance Fox in the
direction of the Duke of Marlborough. But his imperious temper was
not to be restrained; and at this very period he wantonly started an
enemy, under whose lash he had reason afterwards to wish he had not
fallen.
A considerable officer was Lord Tyrawley, too old to give jealousy
to Lord George, and who having been neglected by the Duke of
Newcastle, had treated the latter with a contempt which, besides
his attaching himself to Fox, had assured an entire stop to his own
further advancement. Lord Tyrawley had a thorough knowledge of the
world, though less of his own country than of others. He had long
been Minister in Portugal, where he grew into such favour, that the
late King, to keep him there, would have appointed him his general.
He had a great deal of humour, and occasional good breeding, but not
to the prejudice of his natural temper, which was imperiously blunt,
haughty, and contemptuous, with an undaunted portion of spirit.
Accustomed to the despotism of Portugal, Muscovy, and the Army, he
had little reverence for Parliaments, and always spoke of them as the
French do of the long-robe. He even affected not to know where the
House of Commons was. He was just returned from Gibraltar, where
he had ordered great additions to the works, with no more economy
than Governors are apt to do, who think themselves above being
responsible. Lord George Sackville caught at this dissipation, and
privately instigated Sir John Philipps to censure the expense. To
their great surprise Lord Tyrawley demanded to be heard at the bar of
the House in his own defence. A day was named. Lord Tyrawley drew up
a memorial, which he proposed to read to the House; and which in the
meantime he did read to everybody else. It was conceived in bitter
terms against Lord George, and attacked him roundly on having avoided
all foreign command. This alarmed. Lord George got the day of hearing
adjourned for near a fortnight; but Lord Tyrawley was not a man to
recede from his point; and Lord George having underhand procured the
report of Skinner, who surveyed the works at Gibraltar to be brought
before the House, without mentioning what it was, Mr. Fox laid open
the unhandsome darkness of this conduct, and Lord Tyrawley himself
appeared at the bar. As the hearing was before the Committee, high
words were avoided, which must have ensued had the Speaker, who was
not wont to suffer disrespect to the House, been in the chair; for
Lord Tyrawley made good by his behaviour all that had been taken for
vapour before he appeared there. He treated the House with great
freedom, their forms with still greater; and leaning on the bar
(though he was allowed a chair), he browbeat Skinner his censor, who
stood on his left hand, with such arrogant humour, that the very
lawyers thought themselves outdone in their own style of worrying
a culprit. He read his memorial, which was well drawn and somewhat
softened, with great art and frankness, and assumed more merit to
himself than he had been charged with blame. Such tough game tempted
few hunters. Lord George was glad to wave the sport; and the House
dismissed the affair with perfect satisfaction in the innocence of a
man who dared to do wrong more than they dared to censure him.
Hitherto the King of Prussia had lain quiet. Suspicions had even been
entertained that he was meditating or concluding a separate peace.
At last a new subsidiary treaty was concluded with him, and Colonel
Yorke was dispatched from the Hague to fix that essential man.
Luckily, Kniphausen was on the road, with his assent to the treaty,
before Yorke arrived; otherwise the vainglory of Lord Hardwicke
could not have imagined a more impolitic step for his country or his
son. Every attempt of our sending men of parts to circumvent him
had succeeded ill. The King of Prussia was so far a little genius,
that he dreaded trying himself against talents. For this reason, he
used Legge and Sir Charles Williams in the most ungracious manner.
Lord Hyndford, Mr. Villiers, and Mitchell, were the men that suited
him--and had he known him, he would not have feared Yorke. But the
King made Mitchell introduce him, would talk to him on no business,
and entertained him with nothing but a panegyric on Mitchell.
The treaty was laid before the Houses, and approved. Lord Denbigh
commended it, and said, he was glad the Elector of Hanover was
included in it, that he might not desert the King of England. He
entered a claim against any Hanoverian neutrality, and rejoiced
that we had another General; censuring the Duke for the convention
of Closter Seven. This unjust bitterness was received with marks of
approbation by the Duke of Newcastle, Lord Lincoln, and Lord Temple,
and was ill retorted by Lord Sandwich. Lord Lyttelton spoke well,
distinguishing between the two parts of the Administration, and too
ridiculously ascribing whatever had been done well to the Duke of
Newcastle. Lord Temple answered him with vehement abuse, and applied
to him a passage out of Tully, which Lord Lyttelton had formerly
inscribed on a temple at Stowe; the gentle conclusion of it was to
call him “Hominem detestabilem, imbecillum, caducum.” Lord Lyttelton,
as usual, replied with firmness, but with too little asperity,
considering how unrelenting towards him was the malice of that
faction.
The grant of money for the treaty was followed by the Ways and Means
for the year. The new taxes were laid on houses and windows, and on
places; a poor tribute to popularity offered by Legge.
The Bill for explaining and extending the Act of Habeas Corpus was
now got into the House of Lords, where it produced a new scene, and
showed how the feelings of men differ from their professions. The
constitution, as settled at present, is in a King elected by the
voice of the people, without any right of succession, in opposition
to an arbitrary family, and tied down from acts of violence against
the liberty of individuals by that peculiar fundamental law, the
act of Habeas Corpus. The House of Lords is the next branch of the
Legislature. It is composed of the ancient Peerage, who have expelled
their ancient Kings for the innovations of the latter, and of modern
Peers, created under the new establishment by the favour of the
Prince, or selected from the sages of the Law for their integrity,
wisdom, and knowledge of the true rights of their country. In this
House, too, sit the Bishops, who cannot be too tender of those laws,
which secure the exercise of their holy religion. In this House sit
the Cavendishes and Russels, renowned for their vigorous defence
of the Habeas Corpus; and with them the Duke of Newcastle, the
ring-leader of the mob of Whigs on the accession of the present
family. The third estate is the House of Commons.
Let us, before we pass to the discussion of the Bill, anticipate the
behaviour of all these persons and bodies of men, all engaged by
common interest and common honour to support the charter, for which
they had violated other inferior ties; but almost all swayed by
private and separate interests to abandon the cause. The King talked
openly at his Levee against the Bill; and it was understood to be
offensive to him to vote for the extension of it. He was King; he did
not desire to reduce the prerogative lower than it had been delivered
to him. The Lords were become so much more considerable than they
had been before the Revolution, that they were in no danger from the
Crown; and when they do not fear it, they will always be ready to
uphold it. They look on themselves as distinct from the rest of the
nation; and at best, leave the people to be taken care of by their
representatives, the Commons. As jealous of, and as fond of their
privileges, as the King of his prerogative, they are attentive to
maintain them, and deem the rights of the people rather encroachments
than a common interest. Added to this general description, they
were, at the time I write of, a tame, subservient, incapable set
of men, governed entirely by the Duke of Newcastle, and the two
lawyers, Hardwicke and Mansfield. Those lawyers were instances of
the discrimination that ought to be made between the spirit of the
laws and the profession of them. Nobody better read in them, nobody
more warm to enforce them, nobody less actuated by the essence of
them. If either of them ever took the side of liberty, or the side of
mildness, I am willing to be thought to asperse them. The conduct of
the Prelates had for so many years been so uniformly supple, that no
man expected anything from them but complaisance for the Court--and
they deceived no man! The Hierarchy behaved so nobly in the reign of
James the Second, and has behaved so poorly ever since, that they
seem to know no medium between a mitre and a crown of martyrdom. If
the clergy are not called to the latter, they never deviate from the
pursuit of the former. One would think their motto was, _Canterbury
or Smithfield_.
The heir of the house of Russel was silent, and at last acquiesced
in rejection of the Bill. His compeer, the Duke of Devonshire, who
did not love Murray, and who had set out with approving the Bill,
became even an emissary to procure votes against it. He wrote to Lord
Hertford, to press him to come to town and oppose it; and begged
him, if he had any scruples, to come to him for the clearing of them.
A Cavendish soliciting against the Habeas Corpus was a phenomenon;
_that_ Cavendish supposing himself qualified for a casuist was the
height of burlesque. For the other Whig Duke, Newcastle, he was the
most pardonable of all. There had not been an hour of his life that
laid him under the least obligation of acting consistently. The House
of Commons maintained their character.
If this survey appears severe, let the motives be considered and
weighed. The Bill rejected was of the most national concern; if
rejected conscientiously, the grounds were those of convenience
preferred to those of immutable right--and with what arms do
tyrants _begin_ to combat liberty but with those of necessity and
convenience? But in the present case I cannot allow conscience to the
House of Lords. The House of Commons,[21] almost to a man, approved
the Bill. Five hundred men are probably as conscientious as two
hundred. But it was evidently an affair of faction; and was rejected
in compliment to Lord Mansfield, to mark whom it had been designed,
and to gratify the private pique and public authority of the family
of Yorke, the head of which always considered what was the law,
never on what grounds a law had been made.
On May 9th, the Bill was read by the Lords. Lord Hardwicke, after
chicaning upon it, rather than attacking it openly, proposed to ask
the opinions of the Judges. Lord Temple answered him with spirit,
and reproached his Peers with being so long governed by one Law
Lord, now by two. He read the strong introduction of the Earl of
Devonshire to the conference with the Commons on the former Bill,
and concluded with showing how improper it was to take the opinions
of the Judges, which must be biassed, as the new Bill inflicted
penalties on them if they refused the writ. This drew on more
altercation between them, and much haughtiness from Lord Hardwicke,
who urged that it was an improper time to press the Bill, when civil
authority wanted the utmost support: an argument that suits the worst
times and the worst Ministers; and never advanced with less truth,
for no man living could say in what instance civil authority had
wanted assistance. Lord Granville spoke for the Bill; but discovering
afterwards how unwelcome it was at St. James’s, he attended it no
more. Lord Mansfield opposed the Bill, and was seconded by the Duke
of Newcastle, who, though approaching to seventy, still appeared in
the full vigour of his nonsense.
Lord Chief Justice Willes, in the name of his brethren, desired time
to consider the question till next term, as he himself was ill, and
three of the order were obliged to attend for three days at the Old
Bailey. But Lord Hardwicke, who the last year would have detained
Admirals under sailing orders of the utmost consequence, affected to
see danger in this delay, in which by the nature of the thing there
could be no danger but in not giving it sufficient deliberation,
and was urgent that the Judges should have but two days to consider
the point: so little decency did that man observe in pursuing the
dictates of his passions. But in this, as in the former case, the
House, with all its complaisance, declined acquiescence, and allowed
the Judges above a fortnight. It was not expected that Lord Hardwicke
would have taken up the point so strongly, as Lord Mansfield, whom he
did not love, was aimed at by the Bill; but Charles Yorke, his son,
who resented that Pratt was preferred to him for Attorney-General,
had declared against the Bill, even without consulting his father.
The calling upon the Judges for their solemn opinions was one of
those dramatic exhibitions which had twice before been played off by
the Ministry with success. No man supposed that Lord Hardwicke or
Lord Mansfield wished, wanted, or would be directed by the sentiments
of the rest, the subordinate part of the order: but the Bill was
to be thrown out, and the world to be amused by the gravity of the
oracles that were to pronounce against it. The plan, I believe,
in this, as in the former cases, was Lord Mansfield’s. In his own
and Stone’s affair, the decorum of the Cabinet Council had made
prodigious impression. The Admirals, who were rather struck with awe
than inspired it, had served to give a sort of colour to the fate of
Mr. Byng--but in the present instance this decoration of the theatre
did not terminate so advantageously. The Cabinet Council had said
little, but it was with dignity: the Admirals less, but that was
the very thing desired. When the Judges came, they were to talk, to
talk on law, and to _explain_ that law by _jargon_. The field was
so spacious and so inviting, that they ran into all the subtleties,
distinctions, chicaneries, and absurdities of their profession. They
contradicted one another, and no two of them but differed on some
particular case. They exposed themselves and their instigators, who
at last could not build upon any decision of those sages.
They began with Noel, the youngest Judge, a pompous man, of little
solidity. Wilmot, whose manner was like Lord Mansfield’s, and very
rapid and full of fire, spoke warmly against the Bill, though
the intimate friend of Pratt and Legge. So did Legge’s brother,
the Judge, and Adams, another friend of Pratt. Wilmot and Noel
differed in some points of not much moment. The former spoke with
great applause, though too diffusely. Bathurst was strong against
Wilmot; Smyth with him. Foster could not attend, being hindered
by the illness of his wife; but he was zealous for the Bill, and
published a large pamphlet in support of it. The rest were discordant
and inconclusive; and so little was gained by the delivery of
their opinions, that Lord Temple now pleaded for the Bill on the
disagreement of the Judges; and moved a long question, the purport of
which was, that an affidavit of confinement ought to be a probable
cause for the Judges to grant the writ. Lord Lyttelton saying, that
in any other place that question would be a defamatory libel on
the Judges, Lord Temple started up and said, “This is impertinence
I will not bear.”--This occasioned much confusion. Lord Lyttelton
explained himself handsomely, saying he had applied words to words,
not to persons: he was sorry if he had given offence; he had meant
less offence to Lord Temple than to anybody: he revered the manes of
their former friendship; he hoped the ashes were not extinguished
past return. To all this Lord Temple said nothing; and when the
House insisted on their giving their words that it should proceed no
further, Lord Temple sullenly endeavoured to avoid it by shifting
the asking of pardon on Lord Lyttelton. The latter engaged with
frankness to drop it--always the most sensible way when words have
passed in public, which are sure of being prevented from further
discussion. Lord Lyttelton was known to want no spirit: Lord Temple
had been miserably deficient.
The fate of the Bill, which could not be procured by the sanction
of the Judges, Lord Mansfield was forced to take on himself. He
spoke for two hours and half: his voice and manner, composed of
harmonious solemnity, were the least graces of his speech. I am not
averse to own that I never heard so much argument, so much sense,
so much oratory united. His deviations into the abstruse minutiæ of
the Law served but as a foil to the luminous parts of the oration.
Perhaps it was the only speech that, in my time at least, had real
effect; that is, convinced many persons. Nor did I ever know how
true a votary I was to liberty till I found that I was not one of
the number staggered by that speech. I took as many notes of it as I
possibly could; and prolix as they would be, I would give them to the
reader, if it would not be injustice to Lord Mansfield to curtail and
mangle, as I should by the want of connexion, so beautiful a thread
of argumentation.
Lord Temple made a feeble answer--yet the force of truth was still
so great, that notwithstanding the visible operation of Lord
Mansfield’s speech, they would not venture directly to reject the
Bill. Lord Hardwicke agreed that all the Judges ought to have equal
power in granting the writ, and said that he would move to order
the Judges to bring in such a Bill against the next session. Lord
Temple’s friends seemed glad to catch at this proposal; and the Bill
was heard of no more![22]
The complexion of the rest of the year was military. Even the softest
penetralia of the Court were threatened with storms. The Princess
began to perceive an alteration in the ardour of Lord Bute, which
grew less assiduous about her and increased towards her son. The Earl
had attained such an ascendant over the Prince, that he became more
remiss to the mother: and no doubt it was an easier function to lead
the understanding of a youth, than to keep up to the spirit required
by an experienced woman. The Prince even dropped hints against women
interfering in politics. These clouds, however, did not burst; and
the creatures of the Princess vindicated her from any breach with
Lord Bute with as much earnestness as if their union had been to her
honour.
The King of Prussia opened one of his ablest campaigns. The same
enemies still crowded upon him, though much of their vigour was
abated by the extraordinary efforts they had made to overwhelm him:
yet obliging him to make head against so many Armies, his fall
at last seemed inevitable. Sweden, involved in domestic broils,
rather kept up his attention, and divided his forces, than hurt
him actively. The unwieldy numbers of Muscovites again advanced.
The Czarina, inflexible in resentments, which she did not attend
enough to the operations of government to enforce properly, had
thought herself betrayed. Apraxin was recalled; the great Chancellor
Bestucheff, inclined to England, was disgraced, and new Generals
commissioned to execute her vengeance. The Empress-Queen had drained
her own and her husband’s dominions to collect a decisive force: yet
the vivacity of the King of Prussia, instead of entrenching wholly on
the defensive, though he disposed various Armies to keep the Russians
at bay and to cover Saxony, led him to a hardy step: after besieging
and taking Schweidnitz in thirteen days, he instantaneously appeared
in Moravia, the short road to Vienna. Daun had thought him preparing
to attack Bohemia, when, to his surprise, he heard the King had
opened the siege of Olmutz. On this theatre the alert Monarch and the
cautious Marshal displayed all the resources of their art, and by the
opposition of their characters, and the balance of their talents,
showed each other in every light that could create admiration.
But this is a theme, beyond my flight:--suffice it to say, that
Daun repaired his oversight by cutting off the King’s convoys, and
reducing him to raise the siege; and the King converted this check
into new matter of glory, by suddenly starting from Daun, getting a
march of two days, and piercing into Bohemia, where he made himself
master of Konigsgratz, while Daun did not suspect that he had driven
him from a siege to a conquest. In fact, it was not Daun alone that
rescued Olmutz and saved Vienna: the Russians were pouring upon
Brandenburgh, not more formidable by their designs than by their
dreadful manner of executing them. Savage cruelty and devastation
attended their march. They besieged Custrin with unspeakable fury,
and reduced the brave Governor to defend a mountain of ashes and a
few ruinous walls--the next step was Berlin. But I am advanced too
far into the year, and must look back to other operations.
Mr. Pitt, no less enterprising than Frederick, but a little less
informed, and a good deal less disposed to listen to information,
determined to strike some mighty stroke on his part, that might
combine his name with the glory of that King, and cement and justify
their harmony. Unfortunately, his mind was not purged of its vision
of Rochfort, and he again chose the coast of France for the scene
of his romance. A strong fleet was equipped of eighteen ships of
the line, thirteen frigates, three sloops, four fire-ships, and two
bomb-ketches, and carrying an Army of fourteen thousand landmen and
six thousand marines. The Duke of Marlborough, on whom Lord George
Sackville could not avoid attending, was appointed General. Commodore
Howe was destined to lead the Fleet: on which Sir Edward Hawke struck
his flag; but being persuaded to resume it, accompanied Lord Anson,
who took the command himself. The mode of volunteers, which the
Duke had always discouraged, now revived: Sir James Lowther, master
of 40,000_l._ a year, Lord Downe, Sir John Armitage, and others,
embarked with the expedition. Lord Granby at the same time came into
the service, and was appointed Colonel of the Blues; and George
Townshend, now there was no more question of the Duke, returned
to the Army, and was restored on the foot of his former rank. The
armament sailed on the first of June. Lord Anson, with the larger
ships, kept out at sea; Howe led the transports, which for some
days were kept back by contrary winds, but anchored on the fifth in
Cancalle-bay, near St. Maloes. The troops landed without opposition;
when the Commanders (as in former expeditions) seeming dispatched,
so scanty was their intelligence, to _discover_ the coast of France,
rather than to master it, soon perceived that the town was so
strongly situated, and approachable only by a narrow causeway, that,
after burning a parcel[23] of small vessels, they returned to their
ships; and the French learned that they were not to be conquered by
every Duke of Marlborough.
The Duke himself was personally brave, and was eager to land on the
first possibility; but he had neither experience nor information,
nor probability on his side adequate to such a bravado. However, it
was well for him that his miscarriage happened under the auspices
of Pitt, not of Fox. Here, it was said, his Grace and his troops
remarked that Lord George Sackville was not among the first to court
danger: and Howe, who never made friendship but at the mouth of a
cannon, had conceived and expressed a strong aversion to him.[24] It
is certain that both the Duke and Lord George were so sick of naval
expeditions, that, after parading before Granvelle and Cherbourg,
they returned with the Fleet to St. Helen’s, and set out for the
Army in Germany, where the Duke took the command of the English
forces. General Blighe had been fetched from Ireland on that intent,
but was obliged to cede to the superior influence of Marlborough;[25]
and more cruelly was appointed to resume the thread of our silly
expeditions, from which Mr. Pitt and the mob still expected I don’t
know what of glory. Blighe was an elderly man, of no talents, brave,
but in every other shape unfit for the destined service, supposing
there was such a thing as fitness for that service. The armament
sailed again, and Prince Edward embarked with them: and that some
utility might at least be pretended from this vain expense, Prince
Ferdinand, to flatter Pitt, wrote letter after letter to declare the
great benefits he reaped from our expeditions, by which the attention
and troops of France were divided: an affirmation of so little truth,
that the Duke of Marlborough, in the hurry of their retreat, having
left his silver tea-spoons behind him, the Duc d’Aiguillon, politely
to mark contempt, sent them home by a cartel-ship.
But Prince Ferdinand who thus complimented the English Ministry on
the wisdom of these idle measures, showed it was not from want of
knowing how to perform realities. Having pushed the French beyond the
Rhine, he passed it himself at Herven in sight of their whole Army,
and soon eclipsed the glory of that passage by defeating them at
Crevelt, where they lost seven thousand men, and the Duc de Gisors,
the only son of Marshal Belleisle, an amiable and accomplished young
man. The King had Knyphausen thank the King of Prussia for giving
him so able a General. The Princess Gouvernante wrote to Prince
Ferdinand to complain of his passing over part of the territories of
the States. He replied, “He was sorry; it had been over a very small
part, and he should not have violated even that, had he had the same
Dutch guides that led the French to Hanover in the preceding year.”
The French were commanded by the Count de Clermont, a Prince of
the Blood of no estimation: their discipline was so bad, that
two-and-fifty officers went to amuse themselves at Paris without
leave of the Court. D’Etrées, their best General, had been recalled
by the intrigues of Madame Pompadour and her faction, whose interest
was displayed in a remarkable instance. At a meeting of the Marshals
of France, D’Etrées complained of a libel written against him, which
he produced. Maillebois, attached to the mistress, said, “It would be
right for the honour of the corps to have it inquired into; and the
more so, because he believed the charge was well-grounded, as he had
been informed by his son, who wrote the pamphlet.” The declaration
was frank: Maillebois was banished, and his son chastised but gently;
and indemnification was soon procured for both.
The victory of Crevelt did not draw on the consequences that were
expected. Contades, the fourth commander despatched into Germany by
the fluctuating councils at Versailles, found employment for Prince
Ferdinand without risking another battle; and the Duc de Broglio
and the Prince de Soubise attacked and cut to pieces seven thousand
Hessians under the Prince of Ysenberg; and would, it was feared,
intercept the English troops under the Duke of Marlborough, who
landed at Embden. This became more probable, as Monsieur Chevert
formed a plan to burn one of Prince Ferdinand’s bridges and to seize
his magazines, and cut off Baron Imhoff, who was posted to secure
the passage of the Rhine. But Imhoff, who soon perceived his own
desperate situation, destroyed this well-concerted scheme, which
failed by its very approach to success; for Imhoff would not stay
to be surrounded, but with his little force attacked Chevert (who
commanded twelve thousand men) and dispersed them in less than half
an hour, taking eleven pieces of cannon, their baggage, and a great
number of prisoners. Chevert was one of the ablest officers in the
French service; Imhoff, a man of so little capacity, that the talents
of his life seemed to have been reserved for this sole occasion. The
junction with the English was made, and Prince Ferdinand repassed the
Rhine unmolested.
FOOTNOTES:
[21] Mr. Fox, who did not love Pratt, and paid court to Lord
Mansfield, was one of the very few who gave negatives to the passing
of the Bill.
[22] Till the year 1816, when this just and necessary measure passed
with little notice, and no reference to the Judges.--E.
[23] The King said to Lord Waldegrave, “I never had any opinion of
it; we shall brag of having burnt their ships, and they, of having
driven us away.”
[24] They agreed so ill, that one day Lord George putting several
questions to Howe, and receiving no answer, said, “Mr. Howe, don’t
you hear me? I have asked you several questions.” Howe replied, “I
don’t love questions.”
[25] The King would have hindered Lord George from going to Germany;
but he preferred it to expeditions, and would go; and did, even
without kissing the King’s hand.
CHAPTER VI.
History of Dr. Hensey--Election of a Pope--Cardinal Cavalchini
excluded--Rezzonico elected--Taking of Cherbourg, and
Cape Breton--Other Events in America--Disastrous Affair
at St. Cas--The King of Prussia defeats the Russians at
Custrin--Disputes with Holland--Assassination of the King
of Portugal--Attributed to the Jesuits--The Court of
Lisbon--Discovery of the Criminals--Their Punishment--The
English Army in Germany--Prince Ferdinand and Lord George
Sackville--Defeat of the King of Prussia at Hochkirchen--Meeting
of Parliament--Addresses and Votes of Thanks--Army voted--Affair
of Dr. Shebbeare--Pitt’s behaviour to Conway--Disgrace of
Cardinal de Bernis--Character of the Author--His Impartiality.
During these operations, the Parliament of England rose; and
nothing worth notice happened but the conviction of Dr. Hensey, a
poor physician, who had been taken up in the preceding year for a
treasonable correspondence. It appeared that he was a pensioner of
France, who gave him but an hundred a year, and thought it too much;
threatening, in answer to his repeated solicitations of invasion,
that they would withdraw their allowance, unless he found means of
giving them more material intelligence. The threat had such effect,
that he gave them the first notice of the design on Rochfort. How he
obtained it I know not; but his close connexion with D’Abreu, the
Spanish Resident, whose physician he was, and who visited him often
in prison, and obtained his pardon on the very morning that he was
going to execution, made it probable that he was only a tool of that
Minister, known to wish ill to England.
The election of a Pope drew a momentary attention to Rome, which did
not use to be forgotten because Europe was embroiled. Benedict XIV.
was dead. Thirty-four Cardinals wished to raise Cardinal Cavalchini
to the Tiara: but he was disagreeable to the Court of France, which
endeavoured to deal with the Holy Ghost in the more decent way of
intrigue, to prevent his exaltation. Lanti, who had several benefices
in France, was admonished not to vote for him; but Lanti was his
intimate friend, and had the promise of being Secretary of State.
France applied, too, to the Cardinal of York, on whom they had lately
bestowed rich Abbeys: but his obstinacy always found out some virtue
to justify itself; and when they pressed his father to dissuade him
from voting for Cavalchini, young Stuart replied, “He had rather
lose his head than violate his conscience.” For twenty-four hours,
Cavalchini’s party was inflexible. The French Cardinals endeavoured
to get the nomination put off till the arrival of the German Cardinal
Roolt, who was supposed to have the secret of the Court of Vienna:
but all was in vain. The declaration was fixed; when the Cardinal de
Luynes, finding no temperate measures would have any effect, produced
a formal exclusion of Cavalchini. It occasioned great amazement and
disgust. Of late years, no such step had been practised. The friends
of Cavalchini let him for one night enjoy the dream of empire: it
was not till next morning that his friend Lanti went to his cell and
announced the fatal veto. However he received the stroke in private,
his public answer was sensible: he thanked the Court of France for
saving him from the tremendous station of being God’s Vicar upon
earth. The ostensible reason of his exclusion was his attachment to
the King of Sardinia; the true one, his being devoted to the Jesuits.
In the critical situation of religious affairs in France, it was not
thought proper to throw the weight of the Court of Rome into the
scale of those fathers, and to suffer at the head of the Church a man
who had written strongly in favour of the canonization of Cardinal
Bellarmine. It was said, that the same exclusion would have been
urged against Cardinal Durini, had he appeared on the lists before
Cavalchini. Durini’s crime was of a less public nature, but not a
more remissible one: when Nuncio in France, he had refused to visit
Madame Pompadour.
Rezzonico, a simple Venetian bigot, not at all less addicted to the
Jesuits than Cavalchini, ascended the Papal Chair. The revolution of
affairs was singular; the state of Venice had been on the point, just
when the late Pope died, of incurring the penalty of excommunication
for disobedience to the Holy See.
The English Fleet had again sailed from St. Helen’s to attack the
French coast. Prince Edward went on board Mr. Howe’s ship, and
General Blighe led the land forces. They soon anchored before
Cherbourg, landed, and the next day without opposition entered
the town. There they destroyed the bason formed at great expense,
burned some small vessels, and brought away the brass cannon and
mortars, which were reposed for some days in Hyde Park, to the high
amusement of the populace, and then with equal ostentation drawn
through the City and deposited at the Tower. But the news of a much
more considerable conquest arrived at the same time: Cape Breton
was again fallen under the power of England. Admiral Boscawen and
General Amherst, with a Fleet of one hundred and fifty sail and
fourteen thousand men, had appeared before Louisbourg on the 2nd of
June, and by the end of July made themselves masters of the place,
after destroying or taking five men-of-war that lay to cover it. The
bravery of the English and the want of spirit in the French never
appeared in greater opposition: the former making their attacks on
spots which the French deemed impregnable, threw them into utter
dismay; and dictated very quick and unjustifiable submission.
Boscawen’s rough courage was fully known before; Amherst was a cool,
sensible man, whose conduct, now first experienced in command,
shone to great advantage; and the activity of spirit in Wolfe, who
accompanied him, contributed signally to the reduction of the place.
The colours taken there were carried with great parade to St. Paul’s.
The other operations in America were not equally successful. Lord
Howe was killed in a skirmish, in which he gained the advantage,
as the Army was marching against Ticonderoga; before which place
Abercrombie was defeated with the loss of two thousand men, and
from whence he made a precipitate retreat. Colonel Bradstreet,
however, took Fort Frontenac; and General Forbes, Fort Duquesne. The
French, indeed, behaved ill everywhere. The ambitious plans of their
Government, their perfidious breach of treaties, and their airs of
superiority, were not at all supported by genius in their Ministers,
conduct in their officers, or bravery in their troops. The most
remarkable advantage they obtained against us was in an affair, in
which, though the bravery of our officers and troops was gallant and
firm beyond expectation, yet there certainly appeared neither genius
in the Ministers who directed, nor conduct in the Commanders who were
entrusted with the execution--if I may use the term execution--of an
affair, in which there was neither plan nor common sense. This was
the unhappy action at St. Cas.
The Fleet, after leaving Cherbourg, hovered about the coast of
France; and at last the troops were landed on the other side of St.
Maloes, in the bay St. Lunaire. The new Lord Howe contented himself
with setting them on shore; and the weather proving very tempestuous,
he left them there, with directions to come to him at St. Cas by
land. What he left them there to do, or why General Blighe suffered
himself to be left there, no man living could ever tell or guess.
The troops, as if landed on some new-discovered coast of America,
roved about the country for some days, even without artillery, till
they heard that the Duc d’Aiguillon, with a considerable force, was
within a few miles. A retreat to the ships was immediately ordered.
The French advanced, but keeping at a distance till their prey
was sure. Our troops were to descend the rocks; among which they
were no sooner embarrassed, than the French appeared on the rising
grounds above them; and before the Grenadier Guards, who made the
last stand to cover the embarkation, could get on board, the French
fell on them in a hollow way, and made a dreadful slaughter. Yet
the intrepidity of the soldiers and of the young officers of the
Guards was displayed in the most heroic manner--but in vain: many of
the latter fell. General Dury was shot, and fell into the sea. Sir
John Armitage, a young volunteer of fortune, was lost, and several
officers of quality and figure were made prisoners. The folly of
this exploit, the inhumanity of exposing gallant men to carnage
for no end imaginable but to satisfy the obstinate ostentation of
a Minister, who was as much determined to do something as he was
really determined to do well, was contrasted, with great severity,
on our nation, by the tender attentions, politeness, and good-nature
of the Duc d’Aiguillon, who spared his victims the moment he dared
to spare, and comforted and relieved the prisoners and wounded, as
if he had been their own Commander. Such was the conclusion of Mr.
Pitt’s invasions of France, the idleness or fruitlessness of which
took off from the judgment of his other attempts and successes;
though, while this country exists in independence, not even his own
ambition, which prompted his attempts, can detract from the merit of
his undertaking, retrieving, re-establishing, the affairs of Britain.
General Blighe, the passive tool in this Quixotism, was the only
sufferer after their return. He was so ill received, that he found
it necessary to resign his regiment and government, and saw himself
undone by being sent, when a veteran officer of Horse, to command
a naval expedition. He had been actuated, during the course of
these enterprises, by a young Lord Fitz-morrice and the adventurer
Clarke, who diverted himself from the ships with the difficulties his
comrades found in re-embarking. But he was on the point of falling
under the punishment due to his arrogance: depending on his interest
in the General, he had broken the arrest under which he had been
put, for some misdemeanour, by Cunningham, his commanding officer;
the same Cunningham, whose handsome behaviour at Minorca I have
mentioned: at his return from thence he had been preferred by the
Duke, who told him he had been misinformed of his character, and was
sorry he had not sooner known his merit. At their return from St.
Cas, Cunningham insisted on bringing Clarke before a Court-Martial.
The Princess unwisely countenanced the latter, who had made himself
odious to the Army, and who escaped; Cunningham being suddenly
ordered on the expedition to Martinico and Guadaloupe, at the latter
of which places he unfortunately died, when his services were in the
fairest train of being rewarded.
We left the King of Prussia in apprehension of seeing his own
dominions become the theatre of war. To detail his actions would
destroy the idea of their rapidity. He had flown from the siege of
Olmutz to invade Bohemia, attacking his enemies everywhere, while his
Generals could scarce preserve themselves on the defensive. Dohna was
watching the Russians rather than opposing them: Manteuffel could
scarce make a firmer stand even against the Swedes. Prince Henry was
threatened as he covered Dresden. The King, always present where the
nearest danger pressed, appeared before the ruined walls of Custrin,
gave battle to the Russians, and after a bloody contention from nine
in the morning till seven at night, obliged that savage and undaunted
people to retire. Above twenty thousand had fallen,[26] yet slaughter
seemed to inspire them with fierceness rather than with dismay; when
obliged at last to avoid a butchery which they had tempted rather
than repelled, they retired in good order, and even claimed the
honour of the day. The trifling loss suffered by the King’s troops,
and the consequences of the victory, which delivered him from those
barbarians for that campaign, contented a Prince who had been forced
into a hero, and who knew that many such successes were necessary
before he could lay aside the sword. He left Dohna to adjust the
controversy of victory, and marched to the relief of his brother. He
accomplished it by joining him, and Daun retired. The Swedes marched
back with precipitation on the defeat of the Muscovites.
About this time we were on the point of a rupture with Holland.
That country was sunk in power and reputation, laboured with
debts and factions, was influenced by no genius, and had lost all
military spirit. In such a situation, no wonder they were not
desirous of again beholding the Armies of their neighbour King on
the frontiers of Flanders; the only spot where those universal
aspirers, the French, know how to shine. Animated by no zeal of a
common cause, the Dutch, who were determined not to engage on our
side, thought the second step of prudence was to profit of our
calamities. The States winked commercially at supplies furnished
by their merchants to the French colonies, and a little more than
commercially, transported,[27] not only their commodities, but
military stores. Our privateers, as apt to infringe treaties as the
wisest Burgomaster, and who distinguished between friendship and
enmity by no rule but that which constituted contraband goods, made
very free with the ships of our friends employed by our enemies.
Those friends complained with as little modesty as if they had
acted like friends: we replied with firmness, and advised them to
avoid giving provocation. They grew more violent, without growing
more impartial. Their ships were condemned as legal captures. Their
merchants presented remonstrance after remonstrance to the Princess
Gouvernante, pressing her to proceed to more open declarations. She,
who knew that clamour was not power but in its own country, told them
she would not declare, unless they would augment their forces.
The Dutch endeavoured to draw Spain and Denmark, who had suffered in
the same manner from the same causes, though in a less degree, into
an association against what they called our piracies. The Princess
was dying: it was apprehended that her death would let loose all the
interested fury of the Dutch traders. The Duke of Newcastle ordered
Mr. Yorke to make strong promises of satisfaction to Holland: this
was without communicating with Mr. Pitt; who receiving duplicates of
complaints, empowered Mr. Yorke to give assurances of much fainter
complexion. Mr. Yorke answered, that was now too late; he had been
commissioned to give, and had accordingly given encouragement to hope
for fuller redress. Pitt, with becoming warmth, expostulated with
Newcastle, and bade him get out of the scrape as he could. More of
this dispute will appear hereafter.
While Europe was attending to the scenes of blood exhibited by most
of its formidable powers, its attention was called off by an event
very foreign to those struggles. An attempt of assassination was
made on the person of the King of Portugal. One night, as he was
returning in his chaise, with very few attendants, from an affair of
gallantry, he was attacked and shot through the arm: the assassins
thought their work completed. The King was not wounded mortally, and
recovered in a few weeks. The Court’s ignorance of the murderers,
and of the cause of the blow, prompted them to endeavour to conceal
the fact. Their Ministers in foreign Courts were ordered to give out
that the King had had a fall in his palace, had hurt his arm, and
that during his incapacity of signing papers, the Queen would assume
the reins of Government. A tale too ill-concerted, not to divulge the
secret, supposing the assassination of a King could have remained
a secret. Yet the notoriety of the fact led the public to no light
into it. Revenge was undoubtedly the groundwork: but whether the
revenge of an injured husband, of a dishonoured house, or of more
holy murderers, all the curiosity of the public could not ascertain.
The lady, supposed in question, was of illustrious blood--yet,
jealous and vindictive as Portuguese and Spaniards are, they seldom
carry their delicacy of honour so high as to think the wound
irreparable, if given by their Sovereign. But there was another order
of men, on whose ideas the generality reasoned differently: an order
not so scrupulous about receiving affronts, or of returning injuries,
where more essential interests than their honour is concerned. These
were the Jesuits: they had long assumed dominion over Paraguay, and
had established an economy of government there, which, while it
ensured their authority by endearing them to the governed, almost
made amends, by the felicity they established among the people
of that province, for the numberless mischiefs they have brought
on other countries. In short, the Jesuits alone indemnified the
Americans of that region for the loss of their liberty, and atoned
for some of the cruelties exercised by European conquerors. But the
good fathers were not content with dispensing blessings as proxies
for others: the Paraguayans must own their sceptre as well as their
beneficence.
I do not pretend to pierce the mysterious veil thrown over the
transactions of that country, nor to assert the tale of their
actually crowning one of their order. It is sufficient to say that
the Court of Lisbon had entertained the strongest jealousy of
their proceedings; had determined to break the charm by which they
excluded their own Sovereign from interfering in his own domain;
and had actually engaged that upright Pontiff, Benedict XIV.,
to discountenance their ambitious proceedings. The fathers even
apprehended severe decrees from the Vatican. At that crisis the life
of the King of Portugal was attempted--no wonder the Jesuits were
suspected.
The Court of Lisbon, which in its confusion had formed so improbable
a story to account for the disappearance of the King, did not act by
any means, in its subsequent proceedings, with equal inconsideration.
The consequences of this affair ran into the following year; but
being totally unconnected with every transaction that I propose to
relate, I shall throw the whole of this Portuguese history into
this place. The first Minister was Carvalho,[28] a bold, politic
man, who hated the Jesuits. For some months the Court observed a
total silence: nobody was apprehended, no suspicion discovered. Till
Carvalho had got a clue that led to the darkest recesses of the
mystery, it was affected to forget or treat the whole as an accident
of a private nature. How he wound himself into the secret I do not
pretend to say: there were many accounts, probably mere conjectures:
it is an anecdote never likely to be known. The first notification to
the public that the conspiracy was discovered, was made by seizing at
the same instant, at a ball, the whole families of Tavora and Aveiro,
houses of the first rank and noblest birth in Portugal, and the
chiefs of which were possessed of the greatest posts and employments
about the King. To them, till assembled in the snare, the King wore
a face of the most unsuspecting favour.
The Marchioness of Tavora was a woman of fierce and lofty spirit;
one of the married young ladies, the person beloved by the King.
And hence the whole dark plot was unravelled; and the two different
conjectures of the public on the cause of the assassination appeared
to have been both true, for they were combined together. The Jesuits
had worked on the pride and jealousy of the injured husband and his
house, till those rash noblemen thought to revenge themselves, while
they only acted the revenge of the Jesuits. Enough was confessed to
establish the guilt of both the one and the other. How far the plot
was spread, and how far its views extended, perhaps the conspirators
themselves knew not: whatever they discovered beyond their actual
guilt, and the participation of the Jesuits, was locked up in the
penetralia of the palace. The public learned enough in knowing
the latter; perhaps too much in seeing the dreadful executions of
several of the principal conspirators, and in _not_ seeing some
justice done on the most guilty, the instigators of the crime. The
old Marchioness was beheaded, and died with as heroic spirit as if
she suffered for her country. Her husband and son-in-law suffered
the most exquisite torments. A hapless youth, her son, shared her
fate, with others of his house. One of the actual assassins, a hired
bravo, or servant, was put to extreme torture. All the Jesuits and
their effects were seized, and their persons imprisoned, while leave
was demanded from Rome to punish them in a more exemplary manner. But
there the strong sense of Benedict was no longer on the throne--and
an absolute Prince, wounded by the practices of priests, did not
dare to proceed to extremities. The dress of religion guarded men,
the more guilty for violating the duties of their profession. As
the Pope’s permission to inflict capital punishments could not be
obtained, the Court of Lisbon took upon itself to embark the whole
order of Jesuits, and sent them to Rome to the patron of their
crimes; reserving only a few of the most guilty, whose fate is still
a secret.[29]
I cannot quit this subject without taking notice of the manifesto
issued by the Court on the detection of the conspiracy. The spirit
of despotic government never defined itself with so much truth, or
with less modesty, than in that singular piece: I say nothing of
the ridiculous bombast in which it is clothed; but the following
maxims of an arbitrary Court ought to be inscribed in our seats
of Legislature and of Law, by the side of the humane rules of our
Government, that we might know how justly to value the one, and
avoid whatever tends to approach it to the other. “Whereas,” says
the Portuguese manifesto, “all presumptions of the law are held for
so many every way unquestionable truths, and for so many full and
uncontrovertible proofs, and lay the person who has them against
him, under the incumbency of producing other contrary proofs of such
strength and efficacy, as may conclusively destroy them, &c.;” and
the next paragraph adds, “Whereas, the law presumes, that he who
has been once bad, will be always bad in crimes of the same species
with that he has already committed, &c.” Could one imagine that two
assertions, so repugnant to all ideas of justice, were produced
as instances of condescension and moderation? and yet, in the
beginning of the first of these paragraphs, it is maintained, that
the presumptions of the law, which condemn the ringleaders or heads
of the said conspiracy to be punished thereby with all the rigours
of the law, would amply suffice, without the proofs which the Court
had obtained. Are Lisbon and London so distant as these notions, and
our establishment of juries, and the methods by which the latter are
bound to proceed?
While our Army in Germany lay on the defensive, the fatal distempers
incident to a camp raged there, and in particular carried off the
Duke of Marlborough. The command of the English devolved on Lord
George Sackville, between whom and Prince Ferdinand there was by no
means any cordiality. Both liked to govern, neither was disposed to
be governed. Prince Ferdinand had gained an ascendant over the Duke
of Marlborough, and Lord George had lost it; sufficient groundwork
for their enmity. Lord Granby, the next in rank to Lord George,
was an honest, open-hearted young man, of undaunted spirit, and
no capacity; and if he wanted any other recommendation to Prince
Ferdinand besides these ductile qualities, he drank as profusely as
a German. Lord George’s haughtiness lost this young man, as he had
the Duke of Marlborough; Prince Ferdinand knew better how to bend in
order to domineer.
In the mean time the King of Prussia, who had performed such shining
actions in this campaign, was again reminded by Marshal Daun, that
the solid glory of generalship, if not the brilliancy, might be
disputed with him. As the King lay in the strong camp of Bautzen,
extending to Hochkirchen, covering, as he thought, Misnia, Lusatia,
and Brandenburgh, preserving a communication with his brother,
and at hand to throw succours into Silesia, Daun, marching in the
dead of the night, surprised his right wing, and the first notice
of the attack was given in the heart of the Prussian camp. There
fell Marshal Keith; and Prince Francis of Brunswick, mounting his
horse on the first alarm, lost his head by a cannon ball. In this
critical moment the King possessed himself, that is, coolness and
ardour: he flew to the thick of the contest, and after leading on
his troops four times to the most desperate service, retreated in
good order. He lost 7000 men, but scarce any ground or reputation.
Surprised in the night, he behaved with as much conduct as if he
had made the assault, and retired from the conflict as if only from
a disappointment. Twice now had he been defeated by Marshal Daun;
both times he appeared greater from his activity and resources. It
was still more extraordinary when, after his loss at Hochkirchen, he
acted in the style of conqueror. He prevented Daun from penetrating
into Silesia, and hastened into that province himself, where Neiss
and Cosel were besieged by the Austrian Generals Harsch and Deville.
On the King’s approach, both sieges were instantly raised. Daun, the
check and illustrator of Frederick’s glory, who, by beating the King,
had only precipitated his succour of his own dominions, had no choice
left, but to attack Dresden. He led a great army to besiege it, but
Schmettau, the Governor, having burned the suburbs and retired into
the city, before Daun could begin any regular operations against
the place, the King of Prussia was returned from his successes in
Silesia, and concluded the campaign with obliging his conqueror to
abandon Dresden. After this the several Armies went into winter
quarters.
Nov. 23rd the Parliament met. Pitt opened the business of the
session with art, seeming to avoid all ostentation of power, while
he assumed everything to himself but the disposition of the money.
That load he left on the Treasury, and vast, he said, it would be:
heaps of millions must be raised,--thus affecting to heighten rather
than disguise the expense and the difficulties of our situation;
we could not make the same war as the French, or as our ancestors
did, for the same money. He painted the distress of France, and
coloured high what had been done by ourselves. He called on any who
disapproved the measures taken or taking, to speak out, to discuss
them, or to propose others _then_; not to lie in wait in hopes of
distresses, and then find fault; though, for himself, he hoped he
should never be judged by events. If there were any secret Austrians
in the House, instead of dispersing pamphlets, he invited them to
speak out. This was particularly levelled at Doddington, who had
just published severe reflections on Pitt and the Prussian cause,
in a piece called, “Examination of a Letter, attributed to General
Blighe.” The Addresses of both Houses were couched in strong terms of
panegyric. Prince Ferdinand was commended by name; and Sir Richard
Grosvenor, a young converted Tory, who seconded the Address, called
Mr. Pitt a blazing star. Other thanks were moved and voted to Admiral
Boscawen and General Amherst, for the conquest of Cape Breton, of
which Sir John Philips said, he hoped no Ministry would ever rob
us. Beckford re-echoed this, and spoke on the superiority we had
now attained: all the Duke of Marlborough’s battles had given us no
real superiority. Pitt replied, it was too early to decide on what
we would or would not restore. The Duke of Marlborough had acquired
superiority; the peace of Utrecht gave it away. And then (whether
equity or flattery dictated the declaration) he protested, that at
the peace he would not give up an iota of our Allies for any British
consideration. This, it was pretended, was to satisfy the Landgrave
of Hesse, who was afraid of being abandoned. The Duke of Newcastle
had early presented an Address from the University of Cambridge, in
which that reverend body were by no means penurious of compliments
on the Hanoverian victory. It was even resented at Court that the
city of London had been more reserved--so much were times changed! a
few years before, it was thought lucky if the city did not pass some
censure even on success, if it came from that quarter. The victory
of Dettingen had been stigmatised as an escape. The prisoners now
brought from Louisburg raised the numbers of that nation captive
here to twenty-four thousand; and the King of France, to increase
the burthen of our expense, withdrew his allowance to them. Admiral
Osborn, too, received the thanks of the Commons, for the activity
with which he had guarded the Mediterranean, and by preventing
succours, contributed to the conquest of Cape Breton. He was a man of
singular modesty and bravery, and had lost an eye by the palsy during
the hardship of his service; but being allied to Admiral Byng, not
the least notice was taken of him by the King.
An army of near 95,000 British troops, and near 7000 foreigners,
were voted, and above twelve millions of money raised for the
service of the ensuing year; an enormous sum to be furnished by a
country no larger than and so indebted as England, but exceeded by
the great benefits to which it contributed. I mention these things
in gross, and very cursorily; they will be found at large in all
our common histories. Were I master of them, I should touch on them
with reluctance. The system of money, the great engine on which
all modern affairs turn, is become of so complicated a nature, and
labours with such ungracious intricacies, that no beauties of style,
scarce any clearness of expression, can reconcile it to a reader of
common indolence. How such systems would have perplexed the elegance
of Roman or Greek historians! what eloquent periods could they
have formed, encumbered with three per-cents, discounts, premiums,
South-sea annuities, and East India bonds!
Nov. 28th, Dr. Shebbear, author of several letters to the people of
England, having been tried for many treasonable expressions in the
sixth of them, was sentenced by the King’s Bench to stand in the
pillory, to be imprisoned for three years, and then to find security
of 1000_l._ for his good behaviour for seven years following--the
latter part of the sentence importing in effect perpetual
imprisonment, for both the fortune and character of the man were at
the lowest ebb. Though he had been the most open champion of the
Jacobite cause, though his libel tended to point out the mischiefs
entailed on this country by union with Hanover,[30] and though the
bitterest parts of the work were a satire on King William and King
George the First, his venom by no means flowed from principle. He
had long declared that he would write himself into a place or the
pillory, the latter of which proved his fate, as Mr. Pelham, the
purchaser of opponents, was dead, and as Shebbear’s pen, though
not without force, could not find the way to be hired by the Duke
of Newcastle. The most remarkable part of this trial was the Chief
Justice Mansfield laying down for law, that satires even on dead
Kings were punishable. Whatever obsolete statutes may pronounce, can
any thing be more foreign to the genius of English constitution, nay,
to the practice even of arbitrary countries? Why are tyrants sacred,
when once dead? Adieu! veracity and history, if the King’s Bench is
to appreciate your expressions! If the dead are not to be censured,
it is only pronouncing history a libel, and the annals of Britain
shall grow as civil things as the sermons at St. James’s.
It was a misfortune that Shebbear had gone such enormous lengths,
that the warmest friends to the liberty of the press could scarce
lament the handle taken to restrain its licentiousness. On the 5th
of December the man stood in the pillory, having a footman holding
an umbrella to keep off the rain. The mob received him with three
huzzas: he had had the confidence to disperse printed bills,
_inviting the friends of the liberty of the press and of old England
to be at Charing Cross by twelve o’clock of that day, to see the
British champion_. Colonel Robert Brudenel, a hot-headed and foolish
young officer, threatened the sheriff for the indulgence allowed to
Shebbear, and the King’s Bench afterwards actually punished him.
Insignificant as the man, and scandalous as his cause was, such
periods are often critical to liberty. The Court victorious, the
Minister popular, an arbitrary magistrate, a worthless criminal,
officers undiscerning and ready to act any violence when their master
is affronted--how little was wanted to roll the machine of Power to
any eminence!
The miscarriages at St. Maloes and St. Cas, and the slender
advantages accruing even from success at Cherbourg, had a little
opened Mr. Pitt’s eyes. He could not help seeing that the slaughter
at St. Cas was not very preferable to the bloodless return from
Rochfort. He recollected that Conway had offered to be as rash as
Blighe, though having at the same time thrown judgment into his
plan. If Blighe was punished for exposing his troops, and Mordaunt
and Conway for bringing back theirs in safety, the implication
was that Mr. Pitt would pardon nothing but victory. These or some
such reflections made him change his behaviour to Conway. Both the
brothers being in waiting at Kensington, Pitt took Lord Hertford
aside, and told him he knew the nicety of the subject on which he was
going to speak; that a new expedition being projected to the West
Indies, and Hobson appointed to the command, he (Pitt) desired to
explain to his Lordship, that no opposition from him had prevented
Mr. Conway from being employed on it, as the latter had so earnestly
solicited to be. The case had stood thus: one day finding the Duke
of Newcastle, Marshal Ligonier, and the King’s Ministers, consulting
who should command the expedition, he (Pitt) had said, “Perhaps my
presence lays you under difficulties, but I object to nobody; pray
consider who is most proper, and I shall be for him.” That he then
retired to the other end of the room, while a list was formed of
Conway, Cornwallis, Lord Albemarle, Hobson, and Moyston, which Lord
Ligonier immediately carried to the King, who chose Hobson. Pitt
added to Lord Hertford, “He was sorry things had gone so far; he
now thought of Mr. Conway as he had done formerly, though he could
not give up his private opinion about Rochfort, yet he should be
concerned if Mr. Conway was not employed.”
On these overtures Conway visited Pitt, neglecting nothing that might
procure him to be sent on action. He was soon after commissioned to
settle with the French a cartel for the exchange of prisoners, put
upon the staff, and the following summer commanded in the lines at
Chatham--but it went no farther: Pitt, unapt to forget or to forgive,
seemed to have made these acknowledgments and reparations to his own
character, not to Conway’s; and while Pitt would lend no hand to
restore him to service, the Duke of Newcastle, supposing Conway more
attached to the Duke of Cumberland than to him, was glad to keep him
down, and to let the obstructions be imputed to Pitt. It was natural
they should: Pitt took on himself the province of war and foreign
operations: the whole domestic he left to Newcastle, and, except from
foreign Ministers, would receive neither visits nor court. He lived
in the same recluse manner as when a valetudinary patriot, indulging
his own unsociable humour, and acquiring popularity, while he kept
off friends and attachments. Yet some symptoms now and then appeared
of deeper designs. Munchausen having presented an ample bill of
extraordinaries for forage, &c., Pitt affected to be much offended at
its exorbitance, said the whole should be laid before the House, and
the members should be summoned to examine and consider the estimates.
On this pretence he sent circular letters to the Tories, whom the
Treasury never used to invite to any parliamentary attendance.
Nothing could be more artful than this step. Pitt knew himself not
agreeable to the Whigs, the whole body of which were cantoned out in
attachments to the Dukes of Newcastle, Devonshire, and Bedford, and
to Fox. The Scotch were devoted to Argyle, or looked up to Lord Bute.
The Tories had no leader. This summons captivated them, and at the
same time tied up their civil gratitude from exercising any rigour
on the Hanoverian accounts. Nay, whatever was demanded, was granted
or allowed with such inconsiderate facility, that Lord Mansfield,
to stigmatise Pitt’s measures and profusion, and the Parliament’s
condescension, called it _The South-sea year_.
At the end of the year died Lord Arran, an inoffensive old man, the
last male of the illustrious House of Ormond. He was Chancellor of
Oxford, and much respected by the Jacobites, who had scarce any
partizans left in whom they might venerate even a noble name. Sir
George Lee died at the same time.
In France happened a sudden revolution, as soon forgotten as it had
been unforeseen. The Cardinal de Bernis was the new Prime Minister.
He had an easy talent for trifling poetry; it was his whole merit
and his whole fortune. Madame Pompadour was pleased with some of his
incense offered to her, and first sent him to Venice, then to the
Hague, where he distinguished himself by an intriguing vivacity.
These qualifications and his attachment to her seemed solid enough to
the mistress to fit the Abbé-Comte de Bernis for the government of
France, where even these superficial talents were not outshined, so
exhausted in that country was the vein of genius. Bernis was made a
Cardinal, and amassed benefices to the amount of 14,000_l._ a year;
but was scarce settled in that exalted station before he received a
_lettre de cachet_ as he was going to bed, ordering him to retire
to his Bishopric by ten the next morning. The cause of this rapid
fall was imputed to his own folly. He who had scrupled to receive no
benefits from the mistress, nay, whose flatteries had obtained the
greatest, and whose conscience had stooped to owe to her interest the
first dignity in the church, grew at once conscientiously ungrateful,
and arrogantly absurd, refusing to wait on her in her apartment,
and to communicate in the dignity of the purple with a woman of so
unsanctimonious a character. The world laughed at his impertinent
pretences, and she punished them. Lord Granville, hearing the swift
progress of this meteor, said, “Soh! his ministry has been almost as
short as mine!”
At this stage I shall make a pause in my work, uncertain whether
ever to be resumed, though I am rather inclined to prolong it to the
conclusion of the war. I warn my readers, however, not to expect as
much intelligence and information in any subsequent pages of these
Memoirs as may have appeared in the preceding. During the former
period I lived in the centre of business, was intimately connected
with many of the chief actors, was eager in politics, indefatigable
in heaping up knowledge and materials for my work. Now, detached
from those busy scenes, with many political connexions dropped or
dissolved, indifferent to events, and indolent, I shall have fewer
opportunities of informing myself of others. And here perhaps it may
not be improper, or unwelcome to the reader, if I say some words on
the author of these Memoirs: the frankness of the manner will prove
it flows from no vain glory; yet to take off all such appearance, and
to avoid a nauseous egotism, I shall make use of the third person.
Horace Walpole, without the least tincture of ambition, had
a propensity to faction, and looked on the mischief of civil
disturbances as a lively amusement. Indignation at the persecution
raised against his father, and prejudices contracted by himself,
conspired with his natural impetuosity of temper to nourish this
passion. But coming into the world when the world was growing
weary of faction, and some of the objects dying or being removed,
against whom his warmth had been principally directed, maturity of
reason and sparks of virtue extinguished this culpable ardour.
Balanced for a few years between right and wrong, happily for him
virtue preponderated early enough to leave him some merit in the
option. Arts, books, painting, architecture, antiquities, and those
amiable employments of a tranquil life, to which in the warmest of
his political hours he had been fondly addicted, assumed an entire
empire over him. The circumstances too of the times contributed to
make him withdraw from the scene of business. With Newcastle he had
determined never to connect: Fox’s behaviour on the case of Mr. Byng
had rooted out his esteem, and the coldness discovered by Fox on
Walpole’s refusing to concur in all his politics, had in a manner
dissolved their friendship. Of Pitt he retained the best opinion; but
the wanton exposure of so many lives at the affair of St. Cas, and in
those other visionary attempts on the coast of France, had painted
Pitt on his mind as a man whose thirst of glory was inconsistent with
humanity; and being himself strongly tinctured with tenderness, he
avoided any further intercourse with a Minister, who was Great with
so little reluctance.
Thus without disgrace, disappointment, or personal disgust, Walpole,
at the age of forty-one,[31] abandoned the theatre of affairs; and
retaining neither resentment to warp, nor friendship to bias him,
he thinks himself qualified to give some account of transactions,
which few men have known better, and of which scarce any can speak
with equal impartiality. He has not falsified a circumstance to load
any man; he has not denied a wrong act to excuse himself. Yet lest
even this unreserve should not be thought sufficient, lest some
secret motive should be supposed to have influenced his opinions,
at least his narrative, he will lay open to the reader his nearest
sentiments. Severity in some of the characters will be the most
striking objection. His dislike to a few persons probably sharpened
his eyes to their faults, but he hopes never blinded him to their
virtues--lest it should have done, especially in so inflammable a
nature, he admonishes the reader of his greatest prejudices, as
far as they could have risen from any provocation. From the Duke
of Cumberland, Mr. Pelham, and Lord Hardwicke, he had received
trifling offence. To the two last he avows he had strong aversion.
From Mr. Fox, as I have said, he had felt coldness and ingratitude.
By his uncle and the Duke of Devonshire he had been injured--by the
former basely betrayed; yet of none of these has he omitted to speak
with praise when he could find occasion. Of Lord Hardwicke had he
known a virtue, he would have told it: for now, when his passions
are subsided, when affection and veneration for truth and justice
preponderate above all other considerations, would he sacrifice
the integrity of these Memoirs, his favourite labour, to a little
revenge that he shall never taste? No; let his narration be measured
by this standard, and it will be found that the unamiableness of
the characters he blames imprinted those dislikes, as well as
private distaste to some of them. The King, the Duke of Newcastle,
and others, who do not appear in these writings with any signal
advantage, never gave him the most distant cause of dissatisfaction.
How far his own character may have concurred towards forming his
opinions may be calculated from the following picture, impartial as
far as a man can know himself.
Walpole had a warm conception, vehement attachments, strong
aversions; with an apparent contradiction in his temper--for he
had numerous caprices, and invincible perseverance. His principles
tended to republicanism, but without any of its austerity; his love
of faction was unmixed with any aspiring. He had great sense of
honour, but not great enough, for he had too much weakness to resist
doing wrong, though too much sensibility not to feel it in others.
He had a great measure of pride, equally apt to resent neglect,
and scorning to stoop to any meanness or flattery. A boundless
friend; a bitter, but a placable enemy. His humour was satiric,
though accompanied with a most compassionate heart. Indiscreet and
abandoned to his passions, it seemed as if he despised or could bear
no constraint; yet this want of government of himself was the more
blameable, as nobody had greater command of resolution whenever he
made a point of it. This appeared in his person: naturally very
delicate, and educated with too fond a tenderness, by unrelaxed
temperance and braving all inclemency of weathers, he formed and
enjoyed the finest and unabated health. One virtue he possessed in a
singular degree--disinterestedness and contempt of money--if one may
call that a virtue, which really was a passion. In short, such was
his promptness to dislike superiors, such his humanity to inferiors,
that, considering how few men are of so firm a texture as not to be
influenced by their situation, he thinks, if he may be allowed to
judge of himself, that had either extreme of fortune been his lot, he
should have made a good prince, but not a very honest slave.
Finished Oct. 27, 1759.
FOOTNOTES:
[26] It was said, “no people ever took so much killing.”
[27] They were permitted to trade to the French colonies, a privilege
denied to them in time of peace.
[28] Marquis of Pombal.
[29] Malagrida, the chief criminal, was executed long afterwards, but
under the clumsy pretence of being condemned by the Inquisition.
[30] The motto was with some humour taken from the Revelations: “And
I looked, and behold a pale horse [alluding to the white horse in the
arms of Hanover] and his name that sat on him was Death, and Hell
followed.” Ch. 6, v. 8.
[31] At the end of 1758.
1759.
Verbis restituit rem.
CHAPTER VII.
The Author’s motives for continuing this Work in the year 1759--A
memorable era--Election of Chancellor of Oxford--Exchange
of Prisoners--Death of the Princess of Orange--Capture
of Goree--Expeditions to West Indies--Generals Wolfe and
Townshend--Mr. Pitt’s character and ministry--Estimates of
the year--Mr. Pitt’s speech on Taxes--Jealousies in the
Ministry--Royal Message respecting the Militia--Threats of
Invasion from France--Havre de Grace bombarded.
The conclusion of the reign which furnished the preceding Memoirs
arrived so soon after the period where I quitted my narration,
and was terminated by such a scene of glory, that it would be
unpardonable to break off the thread in the most interesting moment
of our annals. The particular events will be detailed by many
writers, more accurately perhaps, and more circumstantially: but
as I am accustomed to relate our story with exact fidelity to the
impressions it made on me, the picture of so memorable an era drawn
by an eyewitness must, with all its faults and prejudices, be more
striking to future readers, than the cold and critical detail which
men less partial may hereafter retrace and digest on a regular plan.
These volumes, however, having swelled to a bulk far beyond my first
intention, I shall endeavour to restrain this sketch to as compact
dimensions as perspicuity will admit of. Descriptions of battles
and victories I have always avoided, as not coming within the scope
of my purpose, and from my ignorance in military transactions. Even
the glorious campaigns which will be the chief subjects of the two
years I am going to write of, will be but slightly touched: their
consequences alone are my object. Intrigues of the Cabinet, or of
Parliament, scarce existed at that period. All men were, or seemed
to be, transported with the success of their country, and content
with an Administration which outwent their warmest wishes, or made
their jealousy ashamed to show itself. Few new characters appeared
on the stage. One episode[32] indeed there was, in which less heroic
affections were concerned; but having given rise to no memorable
catastrophe, nor disturbed the shining order of events, it will not
demand a long narration, though it will diversify the story, and, by
the intermixture of human passions, serve to convince posterity that
such a display of immortal actions as illustrate the following pages
is not the exhibition of a fabulous age.
The winter of this great year was not memorable. I shall briefly
skim the events of it. The Chancellorship of Oxford was vacant
by the death of Lord Arran.[33] The candidates were the Earls of
Westmoreland[34] and Lichfield,[35] and Trevor, Bishop of Durham.
The last, who had the appearance of a Court-candidate, was yet
Tory enough not to make him despair of success. Lord Lichfield’s
education, principles, and connexions were still more favourable
to _his_ hopes. He lived in the neighbourhood, was unalterably
good-humoured, and if he did not make the figure that his youth had
promised, the Jacobites could not reproach him, as he had drowned
his parts in the jovial promotion of their cause--but of late he had
warped a little from what they thought loyalty. Lord Westmoreland
was an aged man, of gravity and dignity, married to a Cavendish, and
formerly so attached to the House of Hanover, that he commanded the
very body of troops which King George I. had been obliged to send to
Oxford to teach the University the only kind of passive obedience
which they did not approve. But having fallen into the intimacy of
Lord Chesterfield and Lord Cobham during the Opposition to Sir Robert
Walpole, his regiment[36] was taken from him, and his resentment,
which was not so versatile as theirs, had led him to imbibe all the
nonsensical tenets of the Jacobites. They wanted a representative,
and he was a comely one. The choice accordingly fell on him, after
Lord Lichfield, who divided the Tories, had flung his interest into
that scale to prevent the election of the Bishop.
The cloud which had hung over General Conway since the disappointment
at Rochfort began to disperse. He was commissioned to meet at Sluys
Monsieur de Bareil, who commanded in French Flanders, and to settle
a cartel for the exchange of prisoners. The distresses of France
had obliged that Crown to withdraw their allowance from their
prisoners here, who were so numerous as to make that scanty stipend
an object: it seemed none to the generosity of this country to
replace it--private and voluntary subscriptions[37] were even made
for their relief. The cartel was immediately and satisfactorily
settled: yet as Mr. Pitt could not digest the smallest deviation from
his plans, the essence of which was rashness, and as he wisely was
desirous of inspiring the most romantic valour into our officers and
troops, nothing could prevail on him to trust another enterprise to
Mr. Conway, who panted for an opportunity of encountering the rudest
dangers that Mr. Pitt could chalk out. But Conway was still crossed;
and even Moyston, who pleaded ignorance of his profession, to excuse
himself from being employed on the West Indian expeditions, was, by
the favour of Newcastle, whose creature he then was, preferred to
Conway for service in Germany.
On the 12th of January died Anne, Princess-Royal of England and
Dowager of Orange, the King’s eldest daughter, and Gouvernante of the
Republic during the minority of her son, in the fiftieth year of her
age. She left no children but the young Stadtholder,[38] of eleven
years of age, and the Princess Caroline. Her last offices had been
employed in preventing a rupture between Great Britain and Holland,
which was ready to break out on the many captures we had made of
their vessels carrying supplies to the French settlements.
The first conquest that opened the year was the capture of Goree by
Commodore Keppel.[39] That island had indeed surrendered on the 29th
of December preceding; but the account did not arrive till the 27th
of this month. An expedition of far higher importance was at that
time on the point of departing. The war was to be carried into the
heart and to the capital of the French empire in America; and so
weakened was the force of that Monarchy on that side of the globe,
by their encroachments, in which they had drawn upon themselves such
extensive vengeance, that this was not attempted to be made a secret
expedition. Quebec was the object, and was avowed to be so. Another
fleet had sailed in November, to attempt the reduction of Martinico
and Guadaloupe, under the direction of General Hopson and Commodore
Moore. The former was old and infirm: brave, but neither able nor
experienced: Moore has been mentioned before. On Martinico the
attempt miscarried. Moore was blamed by some for want of activity;
but his subservience to the Ministry on the affair of Admiral Byng
had secured such favour to him, that, in the Extraordinary Gazette
published on this disappointment, Moore was treated with great
lenity, and the blame made to bear hard on Hopson, who, however,
survived long enough to expire in the arms of victory; for, on
the failure at Martinico, the troops embarked with alacrity for
Guadaloupe, and carried that island by dint of bravery. Basseterre,
the capital, was reduced to a heap of ashes by the artillery from
the Fleet; and Hopson died in possession of the ruins. The remainder
of the island was subdued by General Barrington,[40] who succeeded
to the command, and Colonel Clavering. Moyston,[41] as I have said,
had been named for this service, but professed he knew nothing of
his trade: yet, on a promotion of general officers, before which the
King, as usual, made a promotion of Hanoverians in the same line,
by which some Major-Generals were now put over the head of General
Waldegrave, who had commanded them in the last campaign; Moyston,
of the same rank with Waldegrave, offered to serve under the new
Hanoverian Lieutenants-General, if he might be sent to Germany; which
well-timed flattery obtained his suit. On his waving Martinico, Pitt
carried a list of names to the King, who selected Hopson--a choice
not consonant to Mr. Pitt’s practice, who, considering that our
ancient officers had grown old on a very small portion of experience,
which by no means compensated for the decay of fire and vigour, chose
to trust his plans to the alertness and hopes of younger men.
This appeared particularly in the nomination of Wolfe for the
enterprise on Quebec. Ambition, activity, industry, passion for the
service, were conspicuous in Wolfe. He seemed to breathe for nothing
but fame, and lost no moments in qualifying himself to compass his
object. He had studied for his purpose, and wrote well. Presumption
on himself was necessary to such a character; and he had it. He was
formed to execute the designs of such a master as Pitt, till risen
to an eminence, whence he might choose to thwart his master. To
Wolfe was associated George Townshend,[42] whose proud, and sullen,
and contemptuous temper never suffered him to wait for thwarting
his superiors till risen to a level with them. He saw everything
in an ill-natured and ridiculous light--a sure prevention of ever
being seen himself in a great or favourable one. The haughtiness
of the Duke of Cumberland, the talents or blemishes of Fox, the
ardour of Wolfe, the virtue of Conway, all were alike the objects
of Townshend’s spleen and contradiction--but Wolfe was not a man to
wave his pre-eminence from fear of caricatures. He felt his superior
knowledge and power, and had spirit enough to make Townshend sensible
at least of the latter--a confidence in himself that was fortunate
for his country: but we must pass to the other events of the year
which preceded the decision of that attempt.
Mr. Pitt, on entering upon Administration, had found the nation at
the lowest ebb in point of power and reputation. His predecessors,
now his coadjutors, wanted genius, spirit, and system. The Fleet had
many able officers; but the Army, which, since the resignation of
the Duke of Cumberland, had lost sight of discipline, was destitute
of Generals in whom either the nation or the soldiery had any
confidence. France, who meaned to be feared, was feared heartily;
and the heavy debt of the nation, which was above fourscore millions,
served as an excuse to those who understood nothing but little
temporary expedients to preach up our impossibility of making an
effectual stand. They were willing to trust that France would be so
good as to ruin us by inches.
Pitt had roused us from this ignoble lethargy: he had asserted
that our resources were still prodigious--he found them so in the
intrepidity of our troops and navies--but he went farther, and
perhaps too far. He staked our revenues with as little management as
he played with the lives of the subjects; and as if we could never
have another war to wage, or as if he meant, which was impracticable,
that his Administration should decide which alone should exist as
a nation, Britain or France, he lavished the last treasures of
this country with a prodigality beyond example and beyond excuse;
yet even that profusion was not so blameable as his negligence.
Ignorant of the whole circle of finance, and consequently averse
from corresponding with financiers, a plain set of men, who are
never to be paid with words instead of figures, he kept aloof from
all details, drew magnificent plans, and left others to find the
magnificent means. Disdaining, too, to descend into the operations
of an office which he did not fill, he affected to throw on the
Treasury the execution of measures which he dictated, but for
which he thus held himself not responsible. The conduct was artful,
new, and grand; and to him proved most advantageous. Secluded from
all eyes, his orders were received as oracles; and their success,
of consequence, was imputed to his inspiration. Misfortunes and
miscarriages fell to the account of the more human agents: corruption
and waste were charged on the subordinate priests. They indeed were
charmed with this dispensation.
As Mr. Pitt neither granted suits nor received them, Newcastle
revelled in a boundless power of appointing agents, commissaries,
victuallers, and the whole train of leeches, and even paid his court
to Pitt by heaping extravagance on extravagance; for the more money
was thrown away, the greater idea Pitt conceived of his system’s
grandeur. But none flattered this ostentatious prodigality like the
Germans. From the King of Prussia[43] and Prince Ferdinand to the
lowest victualler in the camp, all made advantage of English easiness
and dissipation. As the Minister was proud of such pensioners,
they were not coy in begging his alms. Fox, too, was not wanting
to himself during this harvest, to which his office of Paymaster
opened so commodious an inlet. Depressed, annihilated as a statesman,
he sat silent, indemnifying himself by every opportunity of gain
which his rival’s want of economy threw in his way. The larger and
more numerous are subsidies, the more troops are in commission, the
more are on service abroad, the ampler means has the Paymaster of
enriching himself. An unfortunate campaign, or an unpopular peace
might shake the Minister’s establishment--but till this vision of
expensive glory should be dissipated, Fox was determined to take no
part. But thence, from that inattention on one hand, and rapacity on
the other, started up those prodigious private fortunes which we have
seen suddenly come forth--and thence we remained with a debt of an
hundred and forty millions!
The admirers of Mr. Pitt extol the reverberation he gave to our
councils, the despondence he banished, the spirit he infused,
the conquests he made, the security he affixed to our trade and
plantations, the humiliation of France, the glory of Britain
carried, under his Administration, to a pitch at which it never had
arrived--and all this is exactly true. When they add, that all this
could not be purchased too dearly, and that there was no option
between this conduct and tame submission to the yoke of France--even
this is just in a degree; but a material objection still remains,
not depreciating a grain from this bill of merits, which must be
gratefully acknowledged by whoever calls himself Englishman--yet
very derogatory from Mr. Pitt’s character, as virtually trusted with
the revenues, the property of his country. A few plain words will
explain my meaning, and comprehend the force of the question. All
this was done--but might have been done for many millions less--the
next war will state this objection more fully.
Posterity, this is an impartial picture. I am neither dazzled by the
blaze of the times in which I have lived, nor, if there are spots in
the sun, do I deny that I see them. It is a man I am describing, and
one, whose greatness will bear to have his blemishes fairly delivered
to you--not from a love of censure in me, but of truth; and because
it is history I am writing, not romance. I pursue my subject.
The estimates of the year will show how our expenses increased. When
the Ways and Means were to be voted, the disposition of Mr. Pitt,
which I have mentioned, appeared; and some other passions. He had
taken umbrage at Legge from the time the latter had been associated
with him in the testimonials of popularity which they had received
together from many counties and corporations, or he might have
discovered some of Legge’s subterraneous intrigues. The new-intended
tax to answer part of the supplies granted, was destined to fall on
sugar. Pitt, who rarely condescended to make use of any instrument
for acquiring popularity, was less reserved on this head with regard
to Beckford, who was a noisy, good-humoured flatterer, bombast, as
became the priest of such an idol, and vulgar and absurd, as was
requisite to captivate any idol’s devotees, the mob. On that class in
the City, Beckford had much influence. He was pompous in his expense,
or rather in his expressions, but he knew his interest, and was
attentive to it. His fortune lay chiefly in Jamaica--a tax on sugar
touched his vitals. Accompanied by fifty West-Indian merchants, he
applied to Legge to divert the new duty; but the measure was taken.
He was obliged to have recourse to Pitt, who professed being little
in the secret of money-matters; promised the affair should have
farther consideration, and that himself would be open to conviction
on what he should hear in the debate.
The chiefs of the City had already been acquainted with the tax,
and approved it; but Pitt obliged Newcastle and Legge to depart
from their plan, though at so late a day, and to shift the new
duty upon dry goods in general. Yet when the debate came on, Pitt
reproved Legge for having been so dilatory with the taxes; and made
an extravagant panegyric on Beckford, who, he said, had done more to
support Government than any Minister in England; launched out on his
principles, disinterestedness, knowledge of trade, and solidity;
and professed he thought him another Sir Josiah Child. The House,
who looked on Beckford as a wild, incoherent, superficial buffoon,
of whose rhapsodies they were weary, laughed and groaned. Pitt was
offended, and repeated his encomium, as the House did their sense of
it. He added, that he thought a tax on wine or linens preferable to
that on dry goods (which included sugar as part): he wished either
had been proposed sooner: now he must _sequi deteriora_--yet why
did he talk of his being consulted? _Accident, jumble, and twenty
circumstances, had placed him in an odd gap of government--but only
for a time--he only desired to be an instrument of government, and
the drudge of office._ He wished for no power; he had seen what
effect it had had on his predecessors!
But the most remarkable part of his speech on that and a following
day, at least what was much recollected a few years afterwards,[44]
was the commendation he bestowed upon _excise_, upon Sir Robert
Walpole’s plan for it,[45] and upon that Minister. He concluded with
declaring, that he should like a tax on hops better than on any
commodity that had been mentioned. This, too, was very ill received
by the House. Legge, as usual, kissed the rod with much humility--yet
many, who knew he deserved to be crushed, did not approve the violent
manner in which it was done.
On the Corn Bill, Sir John Philipps reproached Pitt with
Hanoverizing. Soame Jenyns, a humorous poet, had indirectly done
the same in a simile to ridicule the Tories, whom Pitt was leading
towards the Court, and who had already gone so far as to agree to his
most extravagant demands for Germany. Pitt was grievously hurt; and
it required all the intercession and protection of Lord Hardwicke to
save Jenyns from being turned out of the Board of Trade. Pitt was no
less complaisant to Lord Hardwicke on a point of higher importance.
Lord Denbigh[46] acquainted the House of Lords, that he should move
to ask the Judges for their new Act of Habeas Corpus, (which Lord
Hardwicke had promised to prepare,) and said he did not doubt but
that Lord would second his motion. The Judges were accordingly
summoned--but Lord Denbigh told them he had dropped his design. As he
professed attachment to Pitt, the inference was obvious.
The Archbishop of Canterbury, who could be obsequious, too, and who
was showing great management for the Methodists, so far as to enter
into their superstitious prosecution of the bakers for baking on
Sundays, was not rigid even on that or still more solemn days, when
he looked towards Court. On the general fast he acquainted the King
by the Lord Chamberlain, that he had provided a preacher for his
Majesty, who would have all proper regard to necessary brevity--but
the man happened to preach half an hour--double the time to which the
King was accustomed; who complaining that the Archbishop had deceived
him, the flattery came to light. The Prelate was not less attentive
to paying his court in a point of greater moment. The King, persuaded
that his indulgence to and toleration of the Catholics would secure
him from their plotting, was constantly averse to every proposition
of rigour towards them. Representations of Justices of Peace against
their chapels in private houses were always quashed. Of late it had
appeared in print, by concurrent testimonies of opposite parties on
the controversy with Bower,[47] that a regular mission of Jesuits
was established in London. They had attempted or suggested the
assassination of the King of Portugal; they were detected and decried
in France--Catholic kingdoms--in London no notice was taken of them.
The Primate was too much occupied on forcing Protestant bakers to
church, and in providing laconic preachers for his master!
Newcastle had now been long enough connected with Pitt to grow
jealous of him once more. On a fine speech in the House of Lords,
for the importation of Irish cattle, made by the Duke of Bedford,
Newcastle commended him extravagantly; and soon after, a connexion
between them recommenced by the intervention of Fox and the Duke of
Bedford’s creatures. The consequences, however, did not soon appear,
except in mutual diffidences of Newcastle and Pitt, the former of
whom suspected the latter of designing to break on some popular
topic; an opportunity which therefore the new connexion determined
not to throw in his way, apprehending the power of his popularity.
The jealousy, however, frequently broke out: the instances, trifling
as they were, I shall sometimes briefly mention, as several of them
led to higher matters.
The Privy Council sitting to hear the case argued of the captures
made on the Dutch; Pitt, sensible of the clamour that would be
raised, if the prizes were restored, went officiously early to the
House of Commons, to mark, by his not being at Council, his taking
no part in the decision. Newcastle went thither; but perceiving the
politic absence of Pitt, his Grace pretended the chamber was too
hot, and retired too. This was followed by the affair of the Judges:
on a proposal the last year to exempt them from the new tax on
employments, it had been agreed rather to increase their salaries.
Legge had promised a Bill for that purpose; and John Campbell,[48]
of Calder, a staunch revolutionist, said he would add a motion to
convert their commissions during good behaviour into patents for
life. Then followed the Debate on the Habeas Corpus, on which, though
the opinions of the Judges were divided, they certainly were not very
favourable to Mr. Pitt and the friends of the extension. Now when the
time was arrived for fixing those salaries, Pitt told Newcastle that
the increase had been made to reward the complaisance of the Judges
on the Bill of Habeas Corpus, _and that it was the largest fee that
ever was given_. This terrified the Duke so much, that he prevailed
on Campbell to drop his intended Motion. The King, too, disapproved
it; wishing, when he could, to leave the prerogative as ample as he
found it. The Treasury, however, having advanced the salaries,
were censured by Lord Denbigh and Lord Temple. Yet when it came
before the House, Pitt, though he warmly opposed it in private, did
not attend; but his friends, George Grenville and Beckford, attacked
the Motion, and a Mr. Coventry told many entertaining stories of the
Judges and their rapaciousness on the circuit, and of casual presents
that they had converted into standing usages. Charles Yorke defended
both the Judges and the measure--the latter with more success than
the former: yet as the stories were neither flagrant nor of very
recent date, the best apology for the Judges was, that so little
could be objected to them. The additional salary was voted by 169
to 39; which occasioned Charles Townshend to say, _that the book of
Judges had been saved by the book of Numbers_.
[Illustration: DUKE OF NEWCASTLE.
London, Henry Colburn, 1846.]
Legge, who officially made the Motion, did not escape Pitt’s anger;
but he was protected by Newcastle, to whom he had newly attached
himself. The first interview passed with such privacy, that they
met at Lord Dupplin’s without candles. Yet Newcastle discovered it
to Pitt, and others to Lord Bute, which completed the ruin of Legge
with both. Lord Bute immediately showed his resentment by excluding
Oswald, though a Scot, from the Treasury, because recommended
by Legge; and even to Pitt, Lord Bute made use of the name of
the Prince of Wales to fortify the exclusion. Legge, however,
was indemnified by obtaining the vacant post for his friend Lord
North.[49]
These were the most remarkable, and not very interesting events
of that session, which concluded with a Message from the King to
desire to be enabled to march the Militia out of their several
counties on the apprehension of an invasion from France. Notice
of such an intention had been received so early as February last.
Fifty thousand men were said to be destined for that service, which
formerly had been a plan of Marshal Belleisle in the last war,
had been communicated to the King of Prussia, and approved of by
him. Pitt made a pompous speech on delivery of the Message, and
distinguished between the various kinds of fear: this, he said, was a
magnanimous fear. The Address in return was still more lofty. Vyner
and Cooke added an Address, that his Majesty would quicken such
Lords Lieutenant as were dilatory with their Militias--there were
several of them; the measure was far from being generally popular.
When they did come to march, several country gentlemen would have
excused themselves on the season of hay harvest. Pitt answered, that
if any such objection were made, he would, move the next session to
have the Bill repealed--a dreadful threat to his Tory friends, who,
by the silent _douceurs_ of commissions in the Militia, were weaned
from their opposition, without a sudden transition to ministerial
employment.
The invasion, though it ended in smoke, was very seriously projected,
and hung over us for great part of the summer; nor was it radically
baffled till the winter following. Immense preparations were made
along their coasts of flat-bottomed boats. They even notified their
design to the Dutch; but at the same time informing the States, that
they did not intend to disturb the established succession, but to
punish England for her attempts on their coasts the last year. This
notification had the least serious air in the whole transaction, but
accorded with those weak councils, which knew not how to conduct
any of their operations. We were defenceless at home, and could
not assemble above twelve thousand men. Our towns were crowded
with French prisoners. They were removed up into the country, and
committed to the guard of the Militia. The Earl of Orford,[50] with
the Militia of Norfolk, was garrisoned at Portsmouth, whence they
addressed the King with offers and promises of service--a zeal
somewhat unconstitutional, and indicating how far from impossible it
might be to divert this national force to the same purposes as are
always reasonably apprehended from a standing Army. In the present
case the apprehension was the more pregnant, as the officers of the
Militia were chiefly Tory gentlemen.
To ward off or dissipate the invasion, Admiral Rodney[51] was
dispatched to the French coast; and arriving off Havre de Grace, he
with two bomb-ketches set fire to the town in two or three places,
though the fire from the forts was very warm. He threw so prodigious
a number of bombs into the place, that he almost melted his own
mortars; but the flat-bottomed boats, which were not finished,
proved to be out of his reach; and he returned with having done but
inconsiderable damage. About the same time advice being received that
Monsieur Thurot, with 1500 men under his command, had escaped out
of Dunkirk, another battalion was flung into Dover Castle, and two
more were ordered into the lines at Chatham--but Thurot was not then
sailed.
FOOTNOTES:
[32] The story of Lord George Sackville.
[33] The late Earl of Arran was only brother of the last Duke of
Ormond, and had been elected Chancellor of Oxford, on the forfeiture
of his brother, to show the devotion of the University to that
family, and to the Jacobite cause.
[34] John Fane, Earl of Westmoreland, married Mary, only daughter of
Lord Henry Cavendish, a younger son of the first Duke of Devonshire.
[35] George Henry Lee, third Earl of Lichfield, married Diana,
daughter of Sir Thomas Frankland; a very remarkable union--for she
was fourth in descent from Oliver Cromwell, as her Lord was from King
Charles the First. They had no issue.
[36] He was not even permitted to sell his regiment, though he had
paid 8,000_l._ for it.
[37] 1740_l._ were collected for them in London alone. The Romans
dragged Princes in triumph after their cars--the English taxed
themselves to support their prisoners.
[38] Father of the late King of the Netherlands.--E.
[39] Augustus Keppel, second son of William Anne, Earl of Albemarle.
This was the same Keppel who had interested himself to save Admiral
Byng, and who was so much more known in the succeeding reign from his
own trial and quarrel with Sir Hugh Palisser.
[40] John, younger brother of the Lord Viscount Barrington.
[41] John, younger brother of Sir Roger Moyston, and Groom of the
Bed-chamber to the King.
[42] George, eldest son of the Viscount Townshend, whom he succeeded
in the title, afterwards Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.--A.
Our Author, who had no objection to satirical jokes, should have been
more indulgent to a man whose chief offence was his success in them.
A love of fun may be mischievous, but is rather a proof of levity
than of sullenness, pride, or a contemptuous temper.--E.
[43] The King of Prussia melted the gold coin which we furnished for
our subsidy, and recoined it with much more alloy.
[44] On the cider-tax in the following reign.
[45] Sir Robert Walpole had brought in a Bill on general excise,
but so virulent was the opposition made to it by his enemies, that,
though he carried it, he had been in danger of his life, and was
persuaded by his friends, against his own opinion, to drop it. Almost
all his chief opponents lived to recant their opposition to that
plan, as Mr. Pitt did on this occasion; which was the handsomer, as
he had lost his cornetcy of horse, and his uncle Lord Cobham his
regiment, for their opposition on that occasion.
[46] Basil Fielding, Earl of Denbigh, much better known in the
following reign.
[47] Archibald Bower, author of the History of the Popes, was much
exposed in print by Dr. Douglas, and a warm controversy was stirred
up on that occasion.
[48] This Mr. Campbell, who had estates both in Scotland and Wales,
had been one of the Lords of the Treasury during the Administration
of Sir Robert Walpole, and died very aged since the year 1770.
[49] Frederick, Lord North, afterwards Prime Minister, eldest son of
Francis, Earl of Guildford, who married to his second wife the widow
of Lord Lewisham, elder brother of Mr. Legge.
[50] George Walpole, third Earl of Orford, grandson of Sir Robert
Walpole. Lord Orford, whose intellects were never very sound,
and which were afterwards much disordered, showed at no time a
disposition to tread in the principles of his grandfather and family.
He lived almost always in the country, and was chiefly influenced
in politics, when he did take any part in them, by George Lord
Townshend, who had deviated still more from the Whig principles of
_his_ grandfather; being poisoned by his mother, the celebrated
Ethelreda, Lady Townshend. That lady had been very affected. She
had a great deal of wit, which was seldom delicate, and had turned
Jacobite on some disregard from the Duke of Cumberland. One day that
she was very severe on the Royal Family, Margaret Cecil, Lady Brown,
said to her, “Lady Townshend, it was very well, while you was only
_affected_; but now you are _disaffected_, it is intolerable.” A
famous _bon mot_ of Lady Townshend on the Royal Family was occasioned
by seeing them often at Ranelagh: she said, “This is the cheapest
family to see, and the dearest to keep, that ever was.”
[51] Afterwards Sir George Brydges Rodney; much more known in the
years 1780 and 1781.
CHAPTER VIII.
Opening of the Campaign in Germany under Prince Ferdinand
of Brunswick--Reports of the Battle of Minden--Lord Granby
and Lord George Sackville--Reflections on the latter--His
Lordship’s conduct at the Battle of Minden--He returns to
England--Correspondence of French Generals--King of Prussia’s
Campaign--His Army defeated at Cunnersdorf--He saves Berlin and
retrieves his Affairs--Spain and Naples--Charles III. of Spain
sets aside his eldest son in the succession, in consequence
of weakness of intellect--Admiral Boscawen defeats the French
Fleet--Conquests in America--Lord George Sackville--Death of the
Bishop of Worcester.
Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick had opened the campaign with less
success than reputation, having been obliged to retreat after
attempting to dislodge the French from Bergen. It was this and some
parallel occasions in which the French stood their ground, that
intituled Prince Ferdinand most deservedly to the character of a
consummate General. Retreats before a victorious Army, and prosperous
campaigns against a superior Army, these were his titles--the
incapacity of the hostile Generals, and the shameful behaviour of
their troops, rendered his subsequent achievements less brilliant,
without proving that he would not have succeeded against abler
antagonists. It is a little more problematic whether he could not
have served us better, had he had no interests to serve but ours. As
we were strictly connected with the King of Prussia, co-operating
with him was serving the common cause. The question is, whether
Prince Ferdinand never lost sight of the interests of Great Britain,
when a motion, a diversion that might shield that Monarch, clashed
with an obvious plan of activity for driving the French out of the
territories that more immediately affected our cause.
The advantage of employing so able a German General balanced some
signal inconveniences attending that nomination. The sums which were
never refused to him, and for which, not being a Briton, he could not
be called to account, will perhaps outweigh the glory he procured to
our arms, the benefits that resulted from his success, or the share
which he made us take in saving the King of Prussia from destruction.
Should the last-named Prince prove oftener our enemy than our Ally,
we must comfort ourselves with having guarded the Protestant religion
in Germany--for the Protestantism of its chief, it was too ridiculous
to be made, as it was, even a serious object by the mob! Atheistic
odes were the psalms which that Protestant confessor sung by the
waters of Babylon!
After the check at Bergen, Prince Ferdinand, though retreating,
disputed his ground by garrisoning the chief towns on his march. Yet
they were all taken by the French, particularly Munster and Minden.
Hanover seemed again on the point of becoming their prey. Nothing was
left, but to hazard a battle; on which the Prince determined, and the
news of which arrived here, when such an event was least expected,
except by the King, who, on receiving General Yorke’s[52] courier,
owned that he had had Prince Ferdinand’s plan in his pocket for ten
days, without communicating it to a single person. This testimony
was given immediately, before the slightest particulars were known,
except that the general result of the action was complete success.
Yet, however the event was coincident with the design, however
determined the Prince was to provoke an engagement, it is rather
clear that he was surprised, though not by his own fault, as came out
afterwards.
Colonel Ligonier[53] followed General Yorke’s courier, but had been
dispatched so early from the field of battle, that he scarce knew
any of the circumstances, except the great loss on the French side,
the large number of prisoners, with the capture of their cannon and
baggage.
Three days afterwards arrived Colonel Fitzroy,[54] Aide-de-camp to
Prince Ferdinand, with confirmation of the victory; not so ample as
in the first intelligence, but decisive, and attended immediately by
essential advantages. Contades had passed the river in the night,
ordering the bridges to be destroyed. Minden, with its garrison,
surrendered the next day. The loss on our side had not been
inconsiderable, and had fallen chiefly on the English, who had also
the greatest share in the honour of the day. The Generals Kingsley
and Waldegrave had particularly distinguished themselves.
With Fitzroy came over the Duke of Richmond; and they, particularly
the latter, disclosed a passage, which soon threw the nation into a
flame. Lord George Sackville,[55] by his weight with Mr. Pitt,[56]
and in Parliament, had insisted on going to Germany, and had gone
without the King’s approbation, and even without waiting on his
Majesty. Lord Granby was next to Lord George in command, and so
popular, that when he set out for the Army, fifty-two young officers
had solicited to be his Aides-de-camp. Between these two Lords a
coolness soon ensued, and divided the Army, if it can be called
_division_, where almost every heart sided with Lord Granby. He
was open, honest, affable, and of such unbounded good-nature and
generosity, that it was impossible to say which principle actuated
him in the distribution of the prodigious sums that he spent and
flung away.
Lord George Sackville was haughty, reserved but to a few, and those
chiefly Scotch; and with no pre-eminence over his rival, but what
his rank in command gave him, and his great talents, in which there
could not be the smallest competition; and yet with those superior
talents, Lord George never had the art of conciliating affection. He
had thwarted Prince Ferdinand, and disgusted him, in the preceding
campaign; and was now in the Army against the Prince’s inclination.
The latter, with equal haughtiness, but with far more art and
address, could not fail of fomenting a breach that tended so much to
mortify Lord George, and to promote his own views. Lord Granby was
tractable, unsuspicious, and not likely to pry into or control the
amazing impositions of the German agents, which Lord George had too
honestly, too indiscreetly, or too insultingly, let Prince Ferdinand
see had not escaped his observation, instead of remonstrating
or withstanding such dissipation, as he should have done, at
home--though it is questionable whether his representations would
have been listened to by Mr. Pitt, who cared not what he lavished on
whoever would carry on his glorious sketches, or rather adventurous
darings--a prodigality unhappily copied in the next reign, throughout
the American war, by men who imitated Mr. Pitt in nothing else, and
who had none of his genius, ambition, patriotism, activity, nor even
his lofty ideas.[57]
This was the state of things before the battle of Minden; but being
little or not at all known in England, it was with equal surprise
and indignation that the people heard Lord George Sackville, who
had always stood in high estimation for courage, more covertly at
first, soon openly accused of cowardice, and of having thrown away
the moment of completing the total destruction of the French Army.
Prince Ferdinand had passed this reproach on him, indirectly and
artfully indeed, but, when combined with the circumstances of the
battle, not to be misunderstood. In the orders which he gave out
the next day, he expressed concern that Lord Granby had not had the
command of the Cavalry on the right wing, which, if led by him, his
Highness did not doubt would have given a more decisive lustre to
the day. More mysterious, yet still more pointed, was a paragraph
in the same orders, requiring that, _for the future_, his commands,
delivered by his Aides-de-camp, should be more exactly obeyed.
Inquiry soon led to the particular fact alluded to. During the
battle, the Prince sent Ligonier, one of his Aides-de-camp, to Lord
George, with orders to bring up the Cavalry; Fitzroy immediately
after, with orders for Lord George to march with only the British
Cavalry, and to the left. Lord George, as Fitzroy, who arrived
suddenly after Ligonier, said, received the order with some
confusion, and replied, “This cannot be so; would he have me break
the line?” Fitzroy, young, brave, and impetuous, urged the command.
Lord George desired he would not be in a hurry. “I am out of breath
with galloping,” said Fitzroy, “which makes me speak quick; but my
orders are positive. The French are in disorder; here is a glorious
opportunity for the English to distinguish themselves.” Lord
George still hesitated, saying, it was impossible the Prince could
mean to break the line. Fitzroy stuck to the Prince’s orders. Lord
George asked which way the Cavalry was to march, and who was to be
their guide? “I!” said Fitzroy, bravely. Lord George pretending the
different orders puzzled him, desired to be conducted to the Prince
for explanation; in the meantime dispatched Smith, his favourite,
with orders to lead on the British Cavalry; from whence, he pleaded,
no delay could happen. Smith whispered Lord George, to convince him
of the necessity of obeying. Lord George persisted on being carried
to the Prince, who at Fitzroy’s report was much astonished. Even when
Lord George did march, he twice sent orders to Lord Granby to halt,
who was posting on with less attention to the rules of a march, but
with more ardour for engaging. Before they arrived, the battle was
gained. Lord George defended himself on the seeming contradiction of
the orders; on the short space of time that was lost, at most eight
minutes; on obstructions from a wood on his march; and on his own
alertness, he having been one of the first on horseback on hearing
the French cannonade; the Prince of Anhalt having neglected to send
to Prince Ferdinand information of the approach of the French, which
he had learnt from four deserters.
That the whole affair turned on very few minutes, is certain.
Whether, if employed, they would have been of great consequence,
cannot now be determined. Enough was evident to prove that Lord
George, at best, was too critically and minutely cool in such a
moment of importance. Indeed, more was proved. Previous to the
arrival of Ligonier, he had lost time in affecting not to understand
a message delivered to him by a German Aide-de-camp. Colonel Sloper,
too, (who had been obliged to him,) remarking his confusion, said to
Ligonier, “For God’s sake, repeat your orders to that man, that he
may not pretend not to understand them--but you see the condition he
is in!” Had Lord George’s courage been less problematic, one might
suspect that his hatred to Prince Ferdinand had made him willing,
by an affected delay, to balk the Prince of part of his glory;[58]
but some late occasions had already discovered that his Lordship
was no hero. The late Duke of Marlborough[59] had remarked it in
their joint expedition to the coast of France; and the little spirit
he had shown in Ireland, under the most grievous abuse, was now
recollected, and concurred to corroborate the present imputation.
His real constitution, I believe, was this: he had a high and bold
spirit, till danger came extraordinarily near. Then his judgment
was fascinated--yet even then he seems not to have lost a certain
presence of mind. His quickness in distinguishing a trifling
contradiction in a message delivered by two boys in not precisely
the same terms, showed that all his senses were not lost; but if
that dexterity served his fears, it cut up his fortune by the roots,
annihilated his character, and gratified the utmost spleen and
vengeance of his enemy. I question if a fuller victory had been more
acceptable to Prince Ferdinand.
That disappointment alone had not provoked his Highness, seemed to
appear from the choice he made of Lord Granby for the particular
object of his compliment. Though the next officer to Lord George
in the Cavalry, Lord Granby had only marked a great readiness to
lead them to the charge; but had had no opportunity of otherwise
distinguishing himself. For Lord George, whether unconscious of
having failed in his duty; or whether, which is more probable, to
carry on the semblance of having done it, he did not scruple to mix
with the general officers at Prince Ferdinand’s table after the
battle. “_Voilà cet homme_,” said the Prince to those nearest to
him, “_autant à son aise comme s’il avoit fait des merveilles_!” No
more passed then. The next day’s orders informed Lord George that the
Prince’s silence was no indemnity. His Highness knew the English; and
left it to them to execute the rest.
Lord George Sackville felt the stroke. He saw Germany and the Army
were no longer a situation for him. He wrote for leave to resign his
command, and to return. Both were granted. Ere he could arrive, both
the Court and the nation were prepared to receive him with little
less abhorrence and abuse than had led the way to the fate of Admiral
Byng.
A promotion of Lieutenants-General was immediately made, in order
to include and hasten the rank to General Waldegrave,[60] to whom
the success of the battle had in great measure been owing. The six
English regiments, who sustained the whole effort of the French, had
begun the engagement with less promise of valour. At first they began
to give way. Waldegrave, affecting not to perceive that their motion
tended towards a retreat, cried out, “Wheel to the right!”--they
did, and recovered the day. Waldegrave was a man who united much
frankness with steady attention to his interest. His parts were
never taken notice of but on this occasion: but such an occasion is
immortality.
Seventy thousand men routed by 35,000 was indeed a shining victory.
The defeat of the French was attended with scarce less rancour
between their Generals than happened between ours. The Marshals
Contades and Broglio threw the blame on each other: but the former
never recovered any share of estimation. His papers, which fell
into our hands soon after the battle, were artfully published. They
included his correspondence with Marshal Belleisle, who directed the
operations of the war, and gave orders for the conduct of it with a
barbarity that spoke very plainly how little France was influenced by
any sentiments of humanity or good faith in pursuit of her views.[61]
The Germans were treated in those despatches with the most marked
contempt; the Princes suspected by them, despotically; and even their
friends, the Electors of Cologne and Palatine, were to be made feel
the misery of being connected with a too powerful and arrogant Ally.
They were to be plundered under the observance of the most insulting
ceremonial. But what shocked Europe most, were repeated commands
to reduce the most fertile provinces of Germany to a desert: the
pretence, to shorten the war. Had their meditated invasions of this
country succeeded, one may judge what would have been the secret
instructions to their Generals!
We must now turn to the King of Prussia. The efforts he had made
in the preceding campaigns to withstand so many enemies were again
to be renewed. The Russians were ready to burst on Silesia, and
were not a nation with whom he could temporize, as he could with
Marshal Daun, by stratagems, shifting situations, and the other
resources of a politic general. Count Dohna, who was opposed to
them, had endeavoured to ward off the blow by such expedients: but
his master determined in his own mind that the Russian storm should
be encountered by a shock like their own. He disgraced Dohna, and
substituted Wedel in his place, with absolute command to risk a
battle. Wedel accordingly engaged seventy thousand Russians with less
than half their number, and was defeated. The towns of Crossen and
Francfort-on-the-Oder fell into the hands of the conquerors.
The King, to vindicate his own measure, and indeed from the necessity
of making a decisive effort, hastened with ten thousand men to the
shattered remains of Wedel’s army; while Marshal Daun, who knew that
the Russians wanted nothing but a body of cavalry, despatched twelve
thousand horse to them under General Laudohn, who was accompanied,
too, by eight thousand foot. This supply made the Russian force
amount to above fourscore thousand men, already blooded with victory
and barbarity. The King, with all the recruits he could collect,
had not assembled above fifty thousand men--enough to sacrifice
to despair! It was near the village of Cunnersdorf that he once
more tried what the most intrepid rashness could perform. Even the
advantage of situation was against him; yet nothing stopped his
impetuosity. His Generals had no option: his troops were animated
by revenge, by the dangers that threatened their country, and by
the example of their King, who was so far entitled to lavish the
blood of his soldiers, as he was prodigal of his own. Such motives
and such fury bore down all before them. The Russian entrenchments
were forced; seventy pieces of their cannon were taken; posts after
posts were carried, and prodigious slaughter made of their bravest
battalions. The King, confident of success, and impatient to notify
it, despatched a courier to the Queen with these words: “Madam, we
have beaten the Russians from their entrenchments; in two hours
expect to hear of a glorious victory.” Unless he concluded that the
expeditious divulging of his success could check the progress of his
other enemies, or encourage his people to withstand the tempest that
was ready to break upon them, this anticipation of his good fortune
was childish, and more like the juvenile ardour of an unpractised
hero, than of a man accustomed both to victory and reverses, and who
was now fighting for dearer objects than glory.
The promised two hours never arrived. Soltikoff, the Russian General,
collected the remains of his right wing, and, with supplies drawn
from his centre, reinforced his left, which he observed to be the
most entire, and posted it on a rising ground to advantage. The King,
flushed with success, and now engaged in honour to make it complete,
resolved to drive the Russians from that last post too. The fatigue
of his troops, the representations of his Generals, the advantages
already gained, nothing could dissuade him from pushing his fortune
to the utmost. The command for attack was given, and was obeyed with
alacrity by the Prussians, though almost spent by the heat of the
day, and the efforts they had exerted. At that moment the Austrian
cavalry, so judiciously furnished by Daun, and as ably put in motion
by Laudohn, rushed upon the enfeebled victors, broke their ranks,
drove them back in disorder, and ravished from them in few moments
the fruit of their glorious ardour and intrepidity.
A total defeat of the Prussians ensued, notwithstanding the undaunted
valour of their monarch, who could not recover by despair what he had
let slip out of his hands by presumption. Yet, to that intemperance
in action succeeded the coolest prudence and judgment. He had acted
as in despair at the head of fifty thousand men; he took measures for
re-establishing his Army, when he knew not whether he had an Army
left. All his Generals were killed or wounded, all his cannon taken,
the flower of his troops slaughtered or dispersed: yet, in those
circumstances he made so able a retreat, so assiduously reassembled
the remains of his Army, and chose his ground in so masterly a
manner, that the Russians not only did not venture to make any
attempt on Berlin, but drew no advantages from so complete a victory.
Even Marshal Daun, who had selected the very moment for deciding
the King’s ruin, improved the conjuncture with far less capacity
than the vanquished Prince, who seemed to have no resource left. The
Marshal, instead of being born, as men conjectured, to weary out the
fertility of that monarch’s genius, seemed at last but the proper
touchstone for proving the extent of his abilities. In a second note
to his Queen, his Majesty ordered her to remove from Berlin with
the Royal Family; the archives to be transported to Potsdam. The
capital, he added, might make conditions with the enemy. This was
the first thought--yet he not only saved Berlin; but though Marshal
Daun joined Soltikoff, and though the King received two more defeats
during the course of the campaign, yet by the dexterous manœuvres of
his brother, Prince Henry, whose military talents the King professed
to prefer to his own, and who drew the Marshal towards Saxony by
a daring and celebrated march, by the retreat of the Russians, to
which the King forced them, and by the too deliberate councils of the
Austrian chief, who continued to act in a defensive style even after
he had reduced the King to the last gasp, that Prince was still saved
to baffle the reasonings of the speculative, and to terminate his
glorious career in a manner worthy of its progress.
While the war seemed drawing towards a conclusion in the North, it
looked as if fate was opening a new source of calamities to mankind.
Ferdinand King of Spain died; a Prince of no abilities, and lately of
disordered intellects. His want of issue had formerly been imputed
to drugs administered to him by the practices of his mother-in-law,
Elizabeth Farnese, the politic Queen-dowager. Men of a suspicious
cast might attribute his frenzy to the same cause; but a more
pregnant reason might be assigned. His father, who certainly was far
from being afflicted with any bodily debility, had been equally
disturbed in his understanding. Ferdinand’s Queen,[62] who had great
ascendant over him, had kept his madness within bounds. On her death
nobody had any influence with him. His disorder, thus left to itself,
increased, and put an end to his life about a year after the decease
of his Queen.
The Queen-dowager, though not absolute directress of affairs during
the life of her son-in-law, had yet, from her intrigues, bribes,
and dependents, and still more from the visible and approaching
prospect of her own son’s succession, acquired much authority,
though not enough to throw the kingdom, as she wished, into direct
connexion with France. The probability of the weight she would
have with her son Don Carlos; the power his own Queen, who was a
daughter of Saxony, was known to have with him; and the subjection in
which we had held him while only King of Naples--all these motives
concurred to lead him into French measures. Naples, by the peace of
Aix-la-Chapelle, had been destined to his brother the Duke of Parma.
Don Carlos, indeed, had never given his consent to that disposition:
he was less inclined to conform to it when the forces of Spain
enabled him to dispute it. Accordingly, on obtaining the Spanish
Crown, he destined that of Naples to one of his younger sons.
The eldest, called Duke of Calabria, and heir-apparent of Spain,
inherited the weakness of mind of his grandfather and uncle. Him,
therefore, it was determined totally to set aside. Solemnity was used
in proceeding to that rejection. The young Prince, then thirteen,
was formally examined by physicians. One[63] of them was so honest
as to refuse to sign his persuasion of the Prince’s incapacity,
though at length he too yielded. The case was novel and striking.
Just, undoubtedly, to the people who were to be governed: but many
favourers of hereditary right--that is, men who think that no want
of talents or virtues ought to exclude a Prince from exercising
that office which requires the noblest share of both, and hold that
mankind, like land, ought to be the property of birth--will not be
pleased with the reasons which the Neapolitan physicians were of
opinion disqualified the Prince for the throne of Spain.
“He was short, his joints were contracted, he stooped, looked down,
squinted, was sometimes indifferent to things convenient for him,
at others too warm and impetuous. His passions not restrained by
reason; he had an obstinate aversion to sweetmeats; was disturbed by
all sorts of noise; pain or pleasure made no lasting impressions
on him; he was utterly unacquainted with good-breeding; had not the
least idea of the mysteries of their holy religion; loved childish
amusements, the most boisterous the best; and was continually
shifting from one thing to another.”
If these defects were disqualifications, hard would be the fate of
most sovereigns! how seldom would an eldest son succeed his father!
Would not one think that the faculty of physic at Naples had rather
been describing a Monarch than dispossessing him? One thing is
evident--it must have been a King who selected _such_ criterions for
judging whether his son was capable of governing a great nation. “Ask
him,” we must suppose, said his Neapolitan Majesty, “whether he loves
sweetmeats! if he does not, he is unworthy of filling the Throne of
his ancestors.” The Prince’s ignorance of good-breeding and of his
religion seems rather imputable to his parents and preceptors than
to him. If it were the mysteries of the Roman Catholic faith which
he was incapable of comprehending, I should suspect the Prince was a
sensible lad. Perhaps the honest physician thought as I do--at least,
I do not doubt but, if permitted, he would have asked the Prince
other questions.
Voltaire, who, I do not know why, thinks Princes are always to be
mentioned with strict decorum, could hardly persuade any man to
refrain from laughing at this absurd catalogue of royal deficiencies.
The Prince really was an idiot; nor was it likely that a father would
wish to disinherit his own child, especially who was not old enough
to have given him jealousy, unless the incapacity had been glaring
and hopeless--but one would think the whole Cabinet of Naples had
been idiots likewise, when they could find no better colours to
dress up a notorious fact. Indeed, the Spanish as well as Portuguese
statesmen have been wofully defective in composition in this age, as
often as they have attempted to lay the grounds of their proceedings
before the rest of Europe. The most barbarous periods of monkish
ignorance and despotism produced nothing more despicable than several
manifestos of those Crowns.
The Prince was set aside in consequence of the decision of the
physicians.[64] The second son was carried to Spain and declared
Prince of Asturias. To the third was actually resigned the Crown
of Naples, though too young to have it known whether he was more
fit to reign than his eldest brother--but a baby is never thought
disqualified. The tranquillity, however, of that child’s reign
depended so much on preserving the friendship of England, that the
new King of Spain was not impatient to hurry into French councils.
His wife too had prepossessed him with apprehensions of being
governed by his mother. The Crown of Naples, which he had owed
entirely to her intrigues, could not induce him to put that of Spain
under her direction. She could not even obtain to see him alone--a
mortifying return from a darling son, who had been absent from her
thirty years! But if the new Queen in that instance showed her
influence, she lost it in every other. The King was extremely weak,
but unmeasurably obstinate. The Crown of Spain, or probably some
Spanish Minister, infused into him higher thoughts of himself. He
grew jealous of his wife’s ascendant, sent away a Neapolitan Duchess
who governed her, and took a resolution of deciding everything by his
own judgment. He could not have chosen a worse counsellor.[66] The
disgraces that soon attended his measures made the true Spaniards
wish that the Neapolitan doctors had been consulted on more cases
than one.
The death of King Ferdinand was followed (September 4) by that of the
Lady Elizabeth of England, second daughter of Frederic, Prince of
Wales, in her eighteenth year. She had the quickest parts of any of
his children, but was extremely deformed and homely. She died at Kew,
of an inflammation in her bowels, having been ill but two days.
The beginning of the same month was distinguished by a torrent of
prosperous news. The French fleet had sailed from Toulon. Admiral
Boscawen[67] was refitting his squadron at Gibraltar, an inaction
of which they hoped to profit, but the alertness of our commander
demolished their hopes. On notice of their approach, he sailed out,
and came up with the French off Cape Lagos, in Portugal. They made
a running fight, but could not escape the vigilance and bravery of
Boscawen. Two of their largest ships were taken; two others forced on
shore and burnt; in one of which was the Commander, who was wounded
in both legs, and expired soon after. The action passed on the 18th
of August.
At the same time we learnt the conquest of Niagara by Sir William
Johnson, the provincial hero. The account was carried to General
Amherst on the very day on which he took possession of Ticonderoga
and Crown Point, abandoned by the French. It had been the plan to
attack all the strong posts of the French at once. Amherst[68] had
the command in chief; and, by the river St. Lawrence, was to fall on
Quebec on one side, while the expedition under Wolfe and Saunders
was to undertake the siege on the other. The conduct of that against
Niagara was committed to General Prideaux, who was killed in the
trenches by the bursting of a cohorn. Sir William Johnson, on whom
the command devolved, took the place, after beating an army of French
and Indians sent to relieve it.
Amid such a tide of success Lord George Sackville arrived in
London. He immediately wrote to Lord Holderness to demand a
Court-Martial. The demand was evaded for the present. He was told,
the officers necessary were employed abroad. Lord Ligonier, the
Commander-in-Chief, and Lord Barrington, Secretary at War, were more
explicit, and informed him, that if he desired a Court-Martial, he
must seek it in Germany. This was followed by a message, delivered by
the latter, acquainting Lord George, that not only the command of his
regiment would be taken from him, but that he would be dismissed from
his rank of General, and from his post of Lieutenant-General of the
Ordnance; and Lord Barrington asked civilly if his Lordship chose to
receive that notification then from his mouth, or in writing! Lord
George preferred the latter. “That,” replied Lord Barrington, “will
be easy; for I know but one precedent, that of the late Lord Cobham.
I will send your Lordship the same.” Lord George smiled, and replied,
“I hope your Lordship will send me a copy of Lord Cobham’s answer,
too.”
This behaviour of the Court was not very intelligible, many even
thought it had been concerted, as the gentlest way of letting Lord
George escape. Certain it is, that their avoiding to call him to a
trial made him presume on his cause, and resolve to try to correct
the severity of his fortune. On the other hand, the punishment
seemed too rigid to a man untried, uncondemned, who asked a trial,
and against whom no complaint was preferred in form. He had even, a
fortnight after his disgrace, written to Prince Ferdinand to know
his charge. The latter protested he had no complaint against him,
nor had written a word in his disfavour, _till_ on hearing the
discourses in the camp. Tenderness to so old a servant as the Duke of
Dorset, perhaps, made the King willing to avoid the last severity,
which, should Lord George be condemned, would be difficult to avoid.
The officers of the Fleet, who had seen an example made in their
profession, would exclaim against partiality to a land officer, the
greatness of whose birth would be the obvious cause of such lenity.
Mr. Pitt, too, was of no sanguinary complexion, though a rigid
exactor of obedience. From the first moment of Lord George’s
disgrace, Mr. Pitt warmly adopted the sentiments of Prince Ferdinand,
whom he was determined heartily to support. Though he went to visit
Lord George in form, he by no means meant to protect him. He would
not, he said, condemn any man unheard. But he was sworn to the German
cause, and to the heroes whose success reflected such lustre on his
own Administration, and concurred so much to give it stability. When
Fitzroy returned to the Army, Mr. Pitt charged him with the strongest
assurances to Prince Ferdinand (as Fitzroy told Mr. Conway): “Tell
him,” said Mr. Pitt, “he shall have what reinforcements, what
ammunition, he pleases--tell him I will stand or fall with him.”
Hearing, too, that Lord Mansfield connected with Lord George, and the
Law intended to support him, “The Law,” said Pitt, “have nothing to
do with that question.” Lord Granby succeeded Lord George Sackville
in the Ordnance, and General Waldegrave in the regiment. Lord George
published a short address, intreating the nation to suspend their
opinion till he could have an opportunity of clearing himself.
In this month of September died Dr. Madox, Bishop of Worcester, a
man who, from very low beginnings, and with no visible address, had
raised himself to great height in the Church; and which at that
time was singular, he never pushed his fortune through the Duke of
Newcastle. He had higher merit--assiduously promoting regulations to
prevent the destructive vices of the common people. He was succeeded
by Johnson of Gloucester, who has been much mentioned in these
Memoirs on a particular occasion.[69]
FOOTNOTES:
[52] Joseph Yorke, third son of Philip first Earl of Hardwicke, and
Minister in Holland; afterwards, in 1788, created Lord Dover.
[53] Nephew of Marshal Lord Ligonier, whom he succeeded in the title.
[54] Charles, only brother of Augustus Henry, Duke of Grafton;
afterwards created Baron of Southampton.
[55] Third son of Lionel Sackville, first Duke of Dorset.
[56] He had, however, already offended Mr. Pitt. The latter had
offered to him the command of the expedition to St. Cas. Lord George
replied, “_he was tired of buccaneering_.” It was to avoid that
service that he had insisted on going to Germany--but Pitt did not
forget the sarcasm on his expeditions.
[57] From this passage, as well as others, it is clear that our
author revised his work many years after he wrote it. To this
chapter, in a copy fairly transcribed, he has subjoined Oct. 28th,
1763; but in the same copy the concluding sentence of the paragraph
in text does not occur.
[58] Some went so far as to suppose, that Lord George, concluding the
Prince would be beaten, had a mind to have the honour of saving the
Cavalry--but I know nothing to confirm that opinion.
[59] Charles Spencer, second Duke of Marlborough. He died between the
expedition to St. Cas and the battle of Minden.
[60] John, younger brother of James, Earl of Waldegrave (the author
of the Memoirs), whom he succeeded in the title in 1763, died Oct.
15, 1784.
[61] Lord Chesterfield wrote and published a letter to expose that
infamous conduct.
[62] Barbara, a Princess of Portugal.--E.
[63] His name was Serras. He urged, “That the Prince was not an
incurable changeling; and that age, strengthening his constitution,
might strengthen his intellects.”
[64] The rejected Prince lived several years after at Naples, but
never attained any degree of understanding. He was allowed to take
the air in his coach constantly and publicly, and every body could
perceive his insensibility. The next Prince, become Prince of
Asturias,[65] was violent and brutal. The third, King of Naples,
was not void of symptoms of the malady of his family, though it was
doubtful whether his intellects were weak or deranged. Like his
father, he was indefatigable in hunting, and passed many more hours
of every day with his dogs than with his Ministers--such a sinecure
is royalty! Had the eldest Prince been capable of passing his whole
time in hunting, he might have been King.
[65] And afterwards Charles IV. of Spain. He never renounced his
right to the kingdom of Naples; and though he acquiesced in his
brother’s possession of it, always disputed his title, which, as it
was in violation of the law of primogeniture, was never distinctly
admitted by any government of Spain till the revolution of 1820.--E.
[66] Our author treats Charles III. with undue severity. He was no
hero or statesman, but yet not devoid of good qualities. Probity,
justice, consistency, and humanity, were among his virtues. On his
accession to the Crown of Spain he submitted to great inconvenience,
from a principle of honesty--he deemed it wrong to divert any portion
of the treasure of Naples from the service of that kingdom; and he
adhered so religiously to his scruple, that he not only left the
public funds untouched, but divested himself of all private wealth,
even to pictures, gems, and rings, considering them as the property
of the people whose resources had enabled him to purchase them. He
engaged, indeed, in two wars--one manifestly unjust, and both perhaps
unnecessary; but he protected literature and the arts of peace.
Though a bigoted Catholic, he suppressed the Jesuits, abolished,
or at least discountenanced, torture, and mitigated religious
persecution by his neglect and dislike of the Inquisition. In short,
few absolute Kings, and none of his race and country, have been more
free from the reproach of extravagance, injustice, or inhumanity. His
reign was less oppressive and less inglorious than any under which
Spain languished during the long suspension or evasion of her ancient
free institutions.--E.
[67] Edward Boscawen was second son of Hugh, the first Viscount
Falmouth.
[68] Jeffery Amherst, afterwards Knight of the Bath, and made a Peer
and Commander-in-Chief in the next reign.
[69] The affair of Lord Ravensworth and Fawcet.
CHAPTER IX.
Influence of Madame de Pompadour in the Councils of
France--French reverses--Wolfe’s Embarrassments--His Conquest
of Quebec--His death--Perfidy and cruelty of the French
Government--Bankruptcy of France--Meeting of Parliament--Mr.
Pitt’s speech--Lord Temple resigns the Privy Seal, and then
resumes it--Monument raised to Wolfe, and Thanks conferred on
the Officers engaged in the Expedition--Admiral Saunders--Sir
Edward Hawke attacks the French Fleet under Conflans, which
he destroys--Debates on extraordinary Commissions--Proposals
for Peace--Court of the Heir-Apparent--Victorious Officers
rewarded--Warburton made a Bishop--Ireland--Tumults in
Dublin--Irish Parliament.
Prince Ferdinand reaped as little advantage from his success at
Minden as the enemies had from the defeat of the King of Prussia.
The French Army was still superior. Contades had so entirely lost
his credit, that Marshal D’Etrées, against his own inclination, was
sent to share the command, and at least warded off any new disgrace
to his country. Yet so sunk were both their Councils and Commanders
in the estimation of the public, and so much of the national shame
was attributed to the influence of Madame de Pompadour, that a
description of their situation and of the supposed cause was fixed
upon the walls of Versailles, in these words,--
“Bateaux plats à vendre,
Soldats à louer,
Ministres à pendre,
Generaux à louer,
O France, le sexe femelle
Fit toujours ton destin,
Ton bonheur vint d’une Pucelle,
Ton malheur vient d’une catin.”
But the measure of their disgraces was not yet complete. They were
foiled in the East Indies, as in all other parts. Lally, their
General, a man of great parts and impetuosity, but with both the high
and the low talents of an adventurer, was forced to raise the siege,
which he had undertaken, of Madras, and resigned his command in
indignation at the cowardice of his countrymen. Admiral Pococke twice
beat their Fleet. Their invasions on the Ohio cost them the second
empire which they had so artfully and so silently been founding at
the other end of the world.
The joy on those successes, however, was damped by a desponding
letter received from General Wolfe before Quebec, on the 14th of
October. He had found the enterprise infinitely more difficult
than he had conceived, the country strong from every circumstance
of situation: the French had a superior Army, had called in every
Canadian capable of bearing arms: twenty-two ship-loads of provisions
had escaped Admiral Durell, and got into the town; Amherst was not
come up: and, above all, Montcalm, the French General, had shown that
he understood the natural strength of the country, had posted himself
in the most advantageous situation, and was not to be drawn from it
by any stratagem which Wolfe, assisted by the steady co-operation of
our Fleet, could put in practice. Wolfe, himself, was languishing
with the stone, and a complication of disorders, which fatigue and
disappointment had brought upon him. Townshend[70] and other officers
had crossed him in his plans, but he had not yielded. Himself had
been one of the warmest censurers of the miscarried expedition to
Rochfort; and he had received this high command upon the assurance
that no dangers or difficulties should discourage him. His Army
wasted before his eyes by sickness; the season advanced fast which
must put an end to his attempts: he had no choice remaining but in
variety of difficulties. In the most artful terms that could be
framed he left the nation uncertain whether he meaned to prepare an
excuse for desisting, or to claim the melancholy merit of having
sacrificed himself without a prospect of success.
Three days after, an express arrived that Quebec was taken--a
conquest heightened by the preceding gloom and despair. The rapidity
with which our arms had prevailed in every quarter of the globe
made us presume that Canada could not fail of being added to our
acquisitions; and however arduously won, it would have sunk in value,
if the transient cloud that overcast the dawn of this glory had not
made it burst forth with redoubled lustre. The incidents of dramatic
fiction could not be conducted with more address to lead an audience
from despondency to sudden exultation, than accident prepared
to excite the passions of a whole people. They despaired--they
triumphed--and they wept--for Wolfe had fallen in the hour of
victory! Joy, grief, curiosity, astonishment, were painted in every
countenance: the more they inquired, the higher their admiration
rose. Not an incident but was heroic and affecting!
Wolfe, between persuasion of the impracticability, unwillingness to
leave any attempt untried that could be proposed, and worn out with
the anxiety of mind and body, had determined to make one last effort
above the town. He embarked his forces at one in the morning, and
passed the French sentinels in silence, that were posted along the
shore. The current carried them beyond the destined spot. They found
themselves at the foot of a precipice, esteemed so impracticable,
that only a slight guard of one hundred and fifty men defended it.
Had there been a path, the night was too dark to discover it. The
troops, whom nothing could discourage, for these difficulties could
not, pulled themselves and one another up by stumps and boughs of
trees. The guard, hearing a rustling, fired down the precipice
at random, as our men did up into the air: but, terrified by the
strangeness of the attempt, the French picquet fled--all but the
Captain, who, though wounded, would not accept quarter, but fired
at one of our officers at the head of five hundred men. This, as
he staked but a single life, was thought such an unfair war, that,
instead of honouring his desperate valour, our men, to punish him,
cut off his croix de St. Louis before they sent him to the hospital.
Two of our officers, however, signed a certificate of his courage,
lest the French should punish him as corrupted; our enterprise,
unless facilitated by corruption, being deemed impossible to have
taken place.
Day-break discovered our forces in possession of the eminence.
Montcalm could not credit it when reported to him; but it was too
late to doubt when nothing but a battle could save the town. Even
then he held our attempt so desperate, that, being shown the position
of the English, he said, “_Oui, je les vois où ils ne doivent pas
être_.” Forced to quit his entrenchments, he said, “_S’il faut donc
combattre, je vais les écraser_.” He prepared for engagement, after
lining the bushes with detachments of Indians. Our men, according to
orders, reserved their fire with a patience and tranquillity equal
to the resolution they had exerted in clambering the precipice--but
when they gave it, it took place with such terrible slaughter of
the enemy, that half an hour decided the day. The French fled
precipitately; and Montcalm, endeavouring to rally them, was killed
on the spot. General Monckton[71] was wounded early, and obliged to
retire.
The fall of Wolfe was noble indeed. He received a wound in the head,
but covered it from his soldiers with his handkerchief. A second ball
struck him in the belly: that too he dissembled. A third hitting him
in the breast, he sunk under the anguish, and was carried behind the
ranks. Yet, fast as life ebbed out, his whole anxiety centred on the
fortune of the day. He begged to be borne nearer to the action; but
his sight being dimmed by the approach of death, he entreated to be
told what they who supported him saw: he was answered that the enemy
gave ground. He eagerly repeated the question, heard the enemy was
totally routed, cried “I am satisfied”--and expired.
In five days the town capitulated. Wolfe dead, and Monckton disabled,
General Townshend signed the articles. He, and his friends for him,
even attempted to ravish the honour of the conquest from Wolfe.
Townshend’s first letter said nothing in praise of him. In one to
the Speaker of the House of Commons he went so far as indirectly
to assume the glory of the last effort. The words were these, “We
determined on the 13th of September to do what we ought to have done
in the beginning: but in military operations it is never too late
to reform.” In other more private dispatches Townshend was still
more explicit. These he ordered to be shown to the Prince of Wales,
the Duke of Newcastle, and Mr. Pitt. From the first he received
great assurances of countenance--but the passion of gratitude with
which the nation was transported towards Wolfe’s memory overbore all
attempts to lessen his fame. It was not by surviving him that he
could be eclipsed.
Monsieur de Vaudreuil, Governor of the province, had appeared at the
close of the engagement, but, seeing his countrymen defeated, retired
to Montreal. Had he fallen into our hands, our men were determined
to scalp him, he having been the chief and blackest author of the
cruelties exercised on our countrymen. Some of his letters were
taken, in which he explicitly and basely said, that “Peace was the
best time for making war on the English.” Such perfidy, and such
barbarism as was contained in the dispatches of Marshal Belleisle,
mentioned before, affix a stain on a nation which it requires an
age of generous heroism to wash out. The cruelties exercised in the
Palatinate by Louis XIV. conjured up that storm which overwhelmed
the end of his reign, and enjoined the humiliating proposal of
obliging him to concur in dethroning his own grandson. When ambition
is inhuman, and tyranny insolent, they double the bitterness of a
reverse of fortune by having given a precedent of wanton indignities.
The repeated misfortunes of France, and the efforts they had made
without effect to bring the war to some tolerable conclusion, reduced
them at last to a state of bankruptcy; a kind of evidence which even
their future historians will not be able to parry. Defeated Armies
frequently claim the victory, but no nation ever sung _Te Deum_ on
becoming insolvent. Three arrêts were published by the Court of
France in October, suspending for a year the payment of the orders
upon the general receipts of the finances, and allowing five per
cent. on the respective sums as an indemnification. The second, of
the same tenour with respect to the hills of the general farms; and
the third suspending the reimbursement of capitals, as well in regard
to the treasury as to the redemption-fund.
This stoppage[72] gave rise to a stroke of humour in the English
newspapers, which, in the list of bankrupts, inserted these words,
“_Louis le Petit_, of the City of Paris, peace-breaker, dealer, and
chapman.”
Monsieur Thurot, in the meanwhile, who had escaped our Fleet, arrived
at Gottenburgh; it was then supposed with an intention of taking
some Swedish forces on board, and invading some part of Scotland
or Ireland. Mr. Pitt thinking too little attention was paid in
Ireland to this project, wrote to the Duke of Bedford to notify
the suspicions entertained here on that head. The Duke too rashly
communicated that intelligence to the Irish parliament, and his son,
the Marquis of Tavistock, moved them to arm. The consequence was,
that the bankers there took the alarm, and stopped payment.
The English Parliament met October 13th. Beckford, by a high-flown
encomium on Mr. Pitt, paved the way for that Minister to open on his
own and our situation, which he did with great address, seeming to
waive any merit, but stating our success in a manner that excluded
all others from a share in it. He disclaimed particular praise,
and professed his determination of keeping united with the rest
of the Ministers. Fidelity and diligence were all he could boast,
though his bad health perhaps had caused him to relax somewhat of
his application. Not a week, he said, had passed in the summer but
had been a crisis, in which he had not known whether he should be
torn in pieces, or commended, as he was now by Mr. Beckford. That
the more a man was versed in business, the more he found the hand
of Providence everywhere. That success had given us unanimity, not
unanimity success. That for himself, however, he could not have
dared, as he had done, but in these times. Other Ministers had hoped
as well, but had not been circumstanced (not so popular) to dare as
much. (This was handsome to them, yet appropriated the whole merit to
himself.) He thought the stone almost rolled to the top of the hill,
but it might roll back with dreadful repercussion. A weak moment in
the field, or in council, might overturn all; for there was no such
thing as chance; _it was the unaccountable name of Nothing_. All was
Providence, whose favour was to be merited by virtue. Our Allies must
be supported: if one wheel stopped, all might. He had unlearned his
juvenile errors, and thought no longer that England could do all by
itself; (This was an indirect apology for having embraced the German
system; and what followed on the invasion was perhaps an artful
method of soliciting more troops, which once voted, might be sent
abroad)--_who had never been subject to a panic, was not likely to be
terrified now_.
He stated Prince Ferdinand’s Army as containing but 60,000 effective
men: France, the next year, would have an hundred thousand--was
Prince Ferdinand, therefore, as strong as we wished him? He did wish
10,000 more could be found for him; believed France meaned to invade
us, though he should not look on the attempt as dangerous if she did.
He balanced his attention between the landed and the monied interest;
said, he did not prefer the monied men and the eighty millions in the
Funds to the landed interest, though he thought our complaisance for
the former ought to increase as public credit became more delicate.
He ended with a mention of peace. Anybody, he said, could advise him
in war: who could draw such a peace as would please everybody? He
would snatch at the first moment of peace; though he wished he could
leave off at the war. This conclusion seemed to come from his heart,
and perhaps escaped him without design. Though no man knew so well
how to say what he pleased, no man ever knew so little what he was
going to say.[73]
Lord Buckingham moved the Address in the Lords, and flung in much
panegyric on George Townshend; whose friends were now reduced to
compose and publish in his name a letter in praise of Wolfe. The
Ministers had proposed that the Address of the Commons should be
moved by Charles Townshend, the nearness of whose connection would
exclude him from being profuse on his brother: but he refused, on
finding how little incense was intended to be offered to their name.
The unanimity in the Government which Mr. Pitt had advertised was far
from solid. It was not the fault of one man’s vanity that it was not
dissolved. Lord Temple, taking advantage of the adoration which the
nation paid to Mr. Pitt, asked--considering the moment, it may be
said demanded--the Garter; and being refused, abruptly resigned the
Privy Seal. The insult, in effect, was to the nation: it was saying,
“I will have that I will, or here end your victories; Mr. Pitt shall
serve you no more.” It was sacrificing largely to friendship and
gratitude that Mr. Pitt did not reckon himself deeply insulted too.
An ascendant so notified could not be endured by many men. What if
Antony had said to Cæsar, “Abandon the conquest of Gaul, if I am not
allowed to wear a chaplet of laurel!”
Two days afterwards, the King commissioned the Duke of Devonshire to
persuade Lord Temple to resume his place: some civil hints towards a
promise of the Garter were added. Lord Temple finding his resignation
received by the world with due indignation, was not obdurate, and
kissed hands again for the Privy Seal. He pretended to Lord Hertford,
that finding himself ill-treated by the King, he had asked for the
Garter as an indication of returning favour; that his suit being
rejected, he had begged an audience, in which he hoped he had effaced
his Majesty’s ill impressions; and in which audience the King had
three times pressed him to reconsider his resolution of retiring:
that he had entreated Mr. Pitt to resent nothing on his account; and
had insisted on his brothers retaining their places, and continuing
to support the Government, as he should himself: that he was then
going out of town the most contented man in England. This passed
before his resumption of the Seal. To others he denied having asked
the Garter. He obtained it shortly after this violence.
On the 21st, Mr. Pitt moved the House of Commons to order a monument
for General Wolfe; and, in a low and plaintive voice, pronounced a
kind of funeral oration. It was, perhaps, the worst harangue he ever
uttered. His eloquence was too native not to suffer by being crowded
into a ready-prepared mould. The parallels which he drew from Greek
and Roman story did but flatten the pathetic of the topic. Mr. Pitt
himself had done more for Britain than any orator for Rome. Our three
last campaigns had over-run more world than they conquered in a
century--and for the Grecians, their story were a pretty theme if the
town of St. Albans were waging war with that of Brentford. The horror
of the night, the precipice scaled by Wolfe, the empire he with a
handful of men added to England, and the glorious catastrophe of
contentedly terminating life where his fame began--ancient story may
be ransacked, and ostentatious philosophy thrown into the account,
before an episode can be found to rank with Wolfe’s.
Beckford commended General Townshend, and hoped some thanks would
be given to those who completed the conquest. Sir William Williams
enlarged on the praise of Wolfe. Lord North, in a more manly style,
said it was a proof of Mr. Pitt’s abilities, that they sat there
securely discerning rewards, while the French Fleet was sailed from
Brest. For Wolfe he had paid his debt of expectation. Pitt then
moved, in general words, for thanks to the Generals and Admirals;
mentioned them all, particularly Admiral Saunders, whose merit, he
said, had equalled those who have beaten Armadas--“May I anticipate?”
cried he, “those who _will_ beat Armadas!” He expatiated more largely
on Townshend, who, he said, had gone unrequested whither the invited
never came. This was far from being strictly the fact. Townshend
had gone unwillingly; sent even, as was believed, by Mr. Pitt, who
wished to get rid of so troublesome a man. George Grenville put an
end to the day in an affecting manner; mentioning the death of his
younger brother Thomas, who, in the preceding war, had fallen with
expressions of content[74] on a day of victory.
Mr. Pitt’s anticipation of Saunders’s renown _was_ prophetic. That
Admiral was a pattern of most steady bravery, united with the most
unaffected modesty. No man said less or deserved more. Simplicity in
his manners, generosity, and good-nature, adorned his genuine love
of his country. His services at Quebec had been eminent. Returning
thence, he heard that Monsieur Conflans had taken the opportunity of
Sir Edward Hawke’s retiring to Gibraltar to refit, and had sailed out
of Brest. Saunders, who heard the news at Plymouth, far from thinking
he had done enough, turned back instantaneously, and sailed to assist
Hawke. His patriotism dictated that step, and would not wait for
other orders. He arrived too late--but a moment so embraced could not
be accounted lost. Such, too, was the age, that England did not want
the addition of a Saunders!
That prudent and active officer, Sir Edward Hawke, had sailed on the
first notice to seek the French squadron. He had twenty-three ships,
they twenty-one. He came up with them on their own coast; and, before
half his Fleet had joined him, began the attack. Conflans at first
made a show of fighting, but soon took the part of endeavouring to
shelter himself among the rocks, of which that coast is full. It
was the 20th of November: the shortness of the day prevented the
total demolition of the enemy--but darkness nor a dreadful tempest
that ensued could call off Sir Edward from pursuing his blow. The
roaring of the elements was redoubled by the thunder from our ships;
and both concurred in that scene of horror, to put a period to the
Navy and hopes of France. Seven ships of the line got into the river
Vilaine, eight more escaped to different ports. Conflans’ own ship
and another were run on shore and burnt. One we took. Two of ours
were lost in the storm, but the crews saved. Lord Howe, who attacked
the Formidable, bore down on her with such violence, that her prow
forced in his lower tier of guns. Captain Digby,[75] in the Dunkirk,
received the fire of twelve of the enemy’s ships, and lost not a
man. Keppel’s was full of water, and he thought it sinking: a sudden
squall emptied his ship, but he was informed all his powder was
wet--“Then,” said he, “I am sorry I am safe.” They came and told him
a small quantity was undamaged--“Very well,” said he; “then attack
again.” Not above eight of our ships were engaged in obtaining that
decisive victory. The invasion was heard of no more, but in a puny
episode that will be mentioned hereafter. While in agitation, it
was expected that the people would call for the Duke of Cumberland
to command. The Duchess of Bedford told him of the rumour. “I do
not believe, madam,” replied the Prince, “that the command will be
offered to me, but when no wise man would accept it, and no honest
man would refuse it.”
The Parliament in the meantime had sat on the Army for the future
year, and a new case had appeared before the Committee of the
Commons. Lord Downe,[76] Lord Pulteney,[77] and Sir William Peere
Williams, had received general commissions to act as officers, yet
their seats in Parliament had not been declared vacant. As this
seemed an innovation, and contrary to the usage of the House of
Commons, Sir John Philipps desired to have the case explained.
Lord Downe, he said, he knew had received a brevet, that if taken
prisoner, he might be entitled to the benefit of the cartel. Sir
William Williams took upon him to explain it: declared he had no pay,
never would accept pay, and had only a commission to raise men, as
his zeal had prompted him to do. Mr. Fox asked, how he came then to
be employed in any particular regiment? He replied readily, though
his usual manner was formal, that he acted only by the regimental
book at Northampton. Lord Barrington urged for Lord Downe, who was
in Germany, that he acted only as Deputy Lieutenant-Colonel, another
person receiving the pay. Favour to those three disinterested young
men obtained the connivance of the House, though the case indubitably
was unparliamentary. The partiality of the Tories to George
Townshend, who, having quitted the service during the command of the
Duke of Cumberland, had again lately entered into it, and accepted a
regiment, was still more remarkable. As no evasion could except him
from the law, his case was not mentioned, and he continued to enjoy
his seat without a re-election.
Lord Barrington then opened the state of the Army, which, including
18,000 Militia, would amount to above 175,000 men in British pay.
Sir John Philipps again glanced at new regiments and extraordinary
commissions. Mr. Pitt avowed the measure for his own, and owned he
would have carried it further, if he had been permitted: related
how he had been pleased with the behaviour of Colonel Hale, who
had brought the news of the conquest of Quebec; and who finding an
invasion threatened, and himself at a distance from his regiment,
had offered to form a corps of the footmen and chairmen of London,
and lead them against the best household troops of France. For the
economic part, to push expense was the best economy--for blood, we
had lost none; never had been so bloodless a war; not fifteen hundred
men had fallen in America. That the city of London had raised more
men than Ireland in a twelvemonth. He hoped it would be related to
the Irish Parliament that they had been censured in the English.
He did justice to the merit of General Amherst, whose campaign, if
in Vegetius, all the world would admire: it was in America, and
nobody regarded it. He dwelt on Amherst’s letters to the provinces,
exhorting, encouraging, and commanding their efforts for the common
cause. He painted France in a state of bankruptcy and despondence;
and their attempts as rather those of a dying than living monarchy.
On this topic he made a fine conclusion--and the battle of Minden was
not forgotten.
So much given to glory, something was to be done that might look
like moderation. Europe began to take umbrage at our success: but,
sailing with prosperity, Mr. Pitt did not trouble himself whether
Europe’s voice went along with his achievements. It was the nation
that he had made so great, that must be allured to approve his
further enterprises. General Yorke, at the Hague, had received some
anonymous proposals of peace, and had transmitted them to his father,
who communicated them to the Duke of Newcastle. The latter mentioned
them to Knyphausen, the Prussian Minister, who, though enjoined
to secrecy, revealed them to Lord Holderness. The latter, who had
quitted Newcastle for Pitt, instantly carried the intelligence to his
new patron. Pitt, enraged to find a kind of negotiation carrying on
without the participation of either Secretary, reproached Newcastle
in warm terms. The latter threw the blame on General Yorke. Pitt,
however, thought it prudent (whether to have the honour of the
treaty, or an opportunity of breaking it off) to direct General
Yorke, in the name of his own King and of the King of Prussia, to
acquaint Prince Lewis of Brunswick, who commanded the forces of
Holland, and through him Monsieur D’Affry, the French Minister at the
Hague, and the Ministers of Spain and Russia, that, notwithstanding
our victories, we were willing to listen to terms of peace, if France
would specify her proposals--an overture that ended in air. Nor did
any subsequent step of Mr. Pitt speak him cordial to the business of
peace. “I have been told,” he said, “that some time before he should
have been well contented to bring France on her knees; now he would
not rest till he had laid her on her back.”
During these events of _éclat_, an incident happened that led to
a discovery of some of the secret politics of the Heir-Apparent’s
Court. A seat for the county of Hampshire was become vacant, the
Marquis of Winchester,[78] one of its members, succeeding his father
in the Dukedom. Legge, about the same time, had likewise vacated his
seat for the same county, a patent-place devolving to him by the
death of his brother. Lord Bute took that opportunity of notifying
his resentment to Legge, who stood for the county, and carried it
against one Stewart,[79] recommended by the Earl. Pitt did not favour
Legge; and was as little inclined to favour the views of the Prince’s
Court. Their mutual haughtiness and reserve had early impaired the
connexion of Lord Bute and Pitt. The Prince’s Court had secrets of
their own; nor was Pitt more communicative to the successor of his
grandfather’s measures. The affair of Lord George Sackville, who was
patronized by the Prince, widened the breach.
Rewards were now bestowed on the meritorious Commanders. Sir Edward
Hawke, a man void of ostentation or ambition, was rewarded with an
annual pension of 1500_l._ for thirty years. Admiral Boscawen was
made General of Marines, and Saunders Lieutenant-General; the former
with 5_l._ a day, the latter with 4_l._ A present of twenty thousand
pounds was given to Prince Ferdinand by the King, but brought into
the House of Commons with other charges of the year. Sir John
Philipps, obliquely to make the King’s parsimony remarked, who had
made a present to his General at the expense of his people, found
fault with the manner, and said that the gift of the House ought to
have been transacted in a handsomer manner. Pitt took the advice on
himself, and descanted on the merit of the Prince, who had served
us for two years without pay; talked on the rewards to the Duke of
Marlborough; and quoted Lord Stair for having in one article charged
40,000_l._ for putting the Austrians in motion. But neither was the
present itself blamed, nor could the Prince be said to have served
for nothing. Twelve thousand pounds a year were paid to him for his
table and stables: he had the Garter, and a pension of two thousand
a year on Ireland. If he suffered his German agents to embezzle
millions without accounting with him, he had less _prudence_ than the
Duke of Marlborough--and yet did not escape similar suspicions.
Towards the close of the year, Nugent was made Vice Treasurer of
Ireland, on the death of Potter, and was succeeded in the Treasury
by Oswald. Pitt, in contradiction to the House of Manners, who
solicited for Dr. Ewer, to Newcastle, who stickled for a Cambridge
man, and to the opposition of the Episcopal Bench, made Warburton
Bishop of Gloucester; whose doubtful Christianity, whose writings
and turbulent arrogance, made him generally obnoxious. Warburton,
inquiring of a friend what the Clergy thought of his promotion, and
being told how much it offended them, said, “Tell them it was well
for their cause that I did not embrace any other profession.”--We
must now take a view of another scene.
Mr. Pitt, as I have said, had endeavoured to instil apprehensions
of an invasion into the Irish Parliament; at least, to encourage
a spirit of raising troops, which might afterwards be applied to
other services. It happened at that juncture that there was another
point which alarmed the Irish more than the rumours of invasion.
This was a jealousy that an union with England was intended, which
they regarded as the means of subjecting them further to this Crown.
This union was, indeed, a favourite object with Lord Hilsborough.
He had hinted such a wish a year or two before in the Parliament of
England; and being now in Ireland, let drop expressions of the same
tendency. This was no sooner divulged than Dublin was in a flame.
The mob grew outrageous, and assembled at the door of the House of
Commons. Mr. Rigby[80] went forth and assured them there was no
foundation for their jealousy; but _his_ word they would not take.
Ponsonby, the Speaker, was at last obliged to go out and pacify them;
and Mr. Rigby declared in the House, that if a Bill of Union was
brought in, he would vote against it. The tumult then subsided; but
Rigby soon after, in consequence of the representations from England,
moving that the Lord Lieutenant might on an emergency, such as on an
invasion, summon the Parliament to meet without an intervention of
forty days, the former suspicions revived, and Rigby’s motion was
interpreted as preparatory to some sudden scheme of union before
measures could be taken to oppose it. The surmise was absurd; for
were any surprise intended, the forms are so many before a Bill can
be complete in Ireland, that time can never be wanted to withstand
the most expeditious. A Bill must come from the Irish Privy Council
to their House of Commons, must return to the Council, must then be
transmitted to England and back again before it becomes a law.
But mobs do not reason, nor, if once prepossessed, listen to reason.
A dangerous riot ensued; the people rose in all parts of Dublin, and
possessing themselves of the avenues of the Parliament, seized on
the members, and obliged them to take an oath to be true to their
country, and to vote against an union. Many were worse treated. One
Rowley, a rich Presbyterian, who had long opposed the Administration,
they seized and stripped, and were going to drown, from which they
were with difficulty prevented. Lord Inchiquin, who was newly arrived
from the country on purpose to oppose the rumoured union, was alike
insulted. They pulled off his periwig and Red Riband, and put the
oath to him. He had an impediment in his speech, and stuttering, they
cried, “Damn you, do you hesitate?” but hearing that his name was
O’Brien, their rage was turned into acclamations. They pulled the
Bishop of Killala out of his coach, as they did the Lord Chancellor
Bowes, obliging him to take their oath; but being seized with a droll
scruple that their administering the oath did not give it legality,
they stopped the Chief Justice, and made the Chancellor renew the
oath before him. Malone was so little in their favour, that though
he had taken the oath, one of the ringleaders dipped his fist in the
kennel before he would shake hands with him.
They then went to the House of Lords, where Sir Thomas Pendergrass
looking out, they pulled him forth by the nose, and rolled him in
the kennel. In the House they found Lord Farnham taking the oaths on
the death of his father, instead of which they made him take theirs.
There they committed the grossest and most filthy indecencies, placed
an old woman on the Throne, and sent for pipes and tobacco for her.
They next went to the House of Commons, and ordered the clerk to
bring them the journals to burn. He obeyed; but telling them they
would destroy the only records of the glorious year 1755, they were
contented to restore them. But their greatest fury was intended
against Rigby, whom the Duke of Bedford had lately made their Master
of the Rolls. The office there is no post of business: still the
choice of a man so little grave was not decent. The mob prepared a
gallows, and were determined to hang Rigby on it; but, fortunately,
that morning he had gone out of town to ride, and received timely
notice not to return. The Duke of Bedford sent to the Mayor to quell
the tumult, but he excused himself on pretence of there being no
Riot Act in Ireland. The Privy Council was then called together, who
advised sending for a troop of horse. That was executed: the troopers
were ordered not to fire; but riding among the mob with their swords
drawn, slashing and cutting, they at length dispersed the rioters,
after putting to death fifteen or sixteen.
The Duke of Bedford and Rigby, in their letters to England, carefully
concealed the enormity of the outrage. They knew Lord Temple wished
to be Lord Lieutenant; and perhaps suspected, that that ambition
had been the foundation of Mr. Pitt’s expostulations. Those seeds
of jealousy, combining with Rigby’s devotion to Fox, gave rise to
the succeeding animosities between the Duke and Pitt. What was more
remarkable was, that the letters from the Castle acquitted the
Papists of being authors of the sedition; yet, a short time before,
the Duke had quarrelled with the Primate for saying he had no
apprehensions from that quarter. Whatever was pretended, there was
much reason for believing that the insurrection had deeper foundation
than in a mere jealousy of an union with England. Seditious papers
had been printed: two drummers, in the livery of the College, had
commenced the uproar in the Earl of Meath’s Liberties, telling the
people, that if they did not rise by one o’clock, an Act would be
passed to abolish Parliaments in Ireland. So small, too, was the
dislike to the then Government, that one of the rioters skimming away
Lord Tavistock’s[81] hat, his comrades gave him 200 lashes, saying,
Lord Tavistock had not offended them.
But the strongest presumption of the tumult being excited by the
emissaries of France came out afterwards; it appearing that the
commotion began the very day after intelligence was received that
the French fleet was sailed from Brest. Indeed it is now past doubt,
that the Court of France had laid a very extensive plan, meditating
an attack on the three kingdoms at one and the same time. England
was to be invaded from Dunkirk, Ireland by the Brest Fleet, while
Thurot[82] was to fall on the north of Scotland. Nor was Dublin the
sole theatre where confusion was to be spread. Riots were raised at
Cork on the prohibition of exporting Irish cattle. Mr. Pitt wrote
a warm letter to the Duke of Bedford to complain of his supineness
after such repeated intelligence of the designs of France.
That storm weathered, the Castle met with little opposition. Perry,
the most formidable of the minority, they bought off. One man alone
gave them trouble; his name Hutchinson,[83] a lawyer. His views he
owned himself. Being asked, on leaving England, whether he should
addict himself to the Opposition or to the Castle, he replied, “Not
to the Castle, certainly; nothing is to be gotten there”--meaning
that Rigby engrossed everything. Hutchinson had good parts, and
exerted them briskly, annoying Rigby, Malone, and the Courtiers. He
said, Lord George Sackville had parts, but no integrity; Conway,
integrity, but no parts; now, they were governed by one who had
neither. There was more wit than truth in this description. Conway’s
parts, though not brilliant, were solid: for Rigby, though he never
shone in the Irish Parliament, no man wanted parts less--and his
joviality soon made him not only captivate so bacchanalian a capital,
but impress a very durable memory of his festive sociability.
For the Irish Courtiers, it required no masterly pencil to expose
their profligacy. That was the case of Sir Richard Cox. Hutchinson
moved a resolution that the vote against pensions had had effect.
“It is true,” said Sir Richard; “I lost a small pension, and have
got a good place--yet I should not have expected such a Motion from
that gentleman.” “Oh!” replied Hutchinson, “I should have opposed
the Motion in the House, though I have now made it in the Committee;
I only had a mind to try if this Committee would not vote for
anything--yet I cannot believe that gentleman (Sir Richard Cox) is so
very profligate and abandoned as he says himself.”
Finished Oct. 28, 1763.
FOOTNOTES:
[70] George, son of Charles Viscount Townshend, whom he succeeded.
[71] Robert Monckton, second son of the Lord Viscount Galway.
[72] The King, the Princes of the Blood, and the Nobility, sent their
plate to the mint.
[73] In 1766, Lord Chatham, then Privy Seal, in going down to
Parliament with Lord Shelburne, the Secretary of State, in his
carriage, communicated to him some intelligence which it was
important should be known to the Ministry, and equally important
should be concealed from the public. Soon afterwards the coach
stopped at the House of Lords, and Lord Shelburne carelessly asked
Lord Chatham if he meant to speak that day?--“Not after what I have
told you,” was his Lordship’s answer. His companion then observed,
that he did not see why that should prevent him, as the matter
communicated bore no sort of relation to the question coming on in
the House. “True,” said Lord Chatham; “but when my mind is full of a
subject, if once I get on my legs, it is sure to run over.”--E.
[74] He said, “This is preferable to being brought to a
Court-Martial.” There is a monument in Westminster Abbey to his
memory, and a column in the gardens at Stowe.
[75] Robert, brother of Edward and Henry, successively Lords Digby.
He died, senior Admiral of the Royal Navy, in 1814.--E.
[76] Henry Pleydell Dawnay, Viscount Downe.
[77] William, only son of William Pulteney, Earl of Bath. These
three spirited young men were taken off soon after this period. Lord
Downe was killed in Germany, Sir W. Williams at Belleisle, and Lord
Pulteney died in Spain, on his return to England.
[78] Charles Poulet, eldest son of Harry, Duke of Bolton. He died in
1775.
[79] Not a Scot, but son of Sir Simeon Stewart, a Hampshire Knight.
[80] Richard Rigby, favourite Secretary to the Duke of Bedford, Lord
Lieutenant. He was afterwards Paymaster, and died April 8, 1788.
[81] Only son of the Duke of Bedford. (I find 200 lashes in my notes,
but it is not probable that they carried their severity so far for so
trifling an offence.)
[82] The plan was Marshal Belleisle’s. The author of _La Vie Privée
de Louis XV._ says, that Thurot had orders not to commit hostilities
on Scotland, but to invite the Jacobites to join him.--Vol. iii.
That author has collected a great deal of curious matter, as far as
he could be assisted by public materials; but his secret history
is far from being equally authentic, nor does he seem to have
been conversant with persons well informed, and near the scene of
action. He thinks the first cause of the Dauphin’s illness and death
proceeded from his vexation at the expulsion of the Jesuits. The
Dauphin had been bred a bigot; but, before his death, was grown a
free-thinker to a very great latitude, and gave very indubitable
marks of it in the last days of his life. The author was as ignorant
of the motives of the Duc de Choiseul’s opposition to Madame du
Barri, and his consequential fall, which the author imputes to the
Duchesse de Grammont, his sister, being provoked at not being the
King’s mistress herself--a vulgar story. The author seems to be most
versed in the marine, and the great object of his work, to show that
all the successes of the English, in 1759 and 1760, were owing to the
incapacity of all the Ministers and Commanders, and especially to the
cowardice of their Admirals, to the King’s indolence, and to Madame
de Pompadour’s ascendant.
[83] Hely Hutchinson, afterwards Provost of the college at Dublin;
where his conduct was so violent as to draw on him a most acrimonious
inquest, which he repelled by equal adulation to power.
1760.
Une noble hardiesse reveille l’enthousiasme national.
_Siècle d’Alexandre_, p. 177.
CHAPTER X.
The War in Germany at the commencement of the year 1760--Prince
Ferdinand detaches 12,000 men to the assistance of the King
of Prussia--Value of contemporary Memoirs--Lord Bath’s
Letter--Macklyn’s _Love à la Mode_--Lord George Sackville demands
a Court-Martial--Earl Ferrers murders his Steward--Smollett
punished for a Libel--Thurot’s Expedition to Ireland--Takes
Carrickfergus--Re-embarks, and is intercepted--He is killed,
and his Vessels captured--Court-Martial on Lord George
Sackville--Reference to the Judges--Sentence--Trial and Execution
of Earl Ferrers--Qualification Bill--Militia Bills.
The year began, as the last had concluded, with severe weather and
hard frost; yet the Armies in Germany kept the field. Glory was not
the object of that war. Mutual animosity excluded all confidence, and
neither side would retire a foot, while both were impatient to bring
things to a conclusion, and while the Empress Queen, especially,
flattered herself with hopes of crushing her enemy. What the country
suffered from that bitterness is not to be expressed--but when are
the number considered? None suffered more than the Saxons. While
their King and his criminal favourite were wearing out their
inglorious lives in Poland, without power or esteem, Dresden endured
the worst consequences of Bruhl’s impertinent ambition. Bread was
risen there to elevenpence a pound.
Our Army suffered no less hardships: one day in December they
were fourteen hours under arms, expecting to be attacked by the
French, which was threatened by Broglio, whose natural vivacity was
encouraged by Prince Ferdinand weakening our Army. Without waiting
for permission from England, he had detached 12,000 men, under the
Hereditary Prince, to the assistance of the King of Prussia; a step
that highly and justly offended King George; and the more provoking,
as there was reason to believe the measure concerted with the King of
Prussia to involve both Hanoverians and English in actual war with
the Empress Queen; a declaration which the British Monarch, both as
King and Elector, had hitherto carefully avoided. The first question
Frederic put to the Prince of Brunswick was, “What English have you
brought to me?” There were both Highlanders and Hanoverians. Broglio
did, indeed, make an attack on Prince Ferdinand, who retreated, but
repulsed the French to their loss.
In England the winter was not memorable for any parliamentary
debates; the few of consequence shall be mentioned. Other events,
too, I shall not omit. These sheets, I have often declared, were
less intended for a history of war than for civil annals. Whatever,
therefore, leads to a knowledge of the characters of remarkable
persons, of the manners of the age, and of its political intrigues,
comes properly within my plan. I am more attentive to deserve the
thanks of posterity than their admiration. A great modern author
(Voltaire) recommends the omission of small circumstances, and would
confine history to its capital outlines. In the first place, mine
is not history, but Memoirs. Next, what would be less amusing than
such a history? Battles, revolutions, and the wild waste of war, are
common to all times; but they are the circumstances that distinguish
one age from another. Lastly, future historians may reject the
rubbish, and preserve only striking events: yet, for the power of
such choice, he must be indebted to us contemporaries. With me, I
own, one reflection further has determined me to the course I have
pursued. They are the minutiæ of which I have observed Posterity
is ever most fond; they are the omissions that historians in their
grandeur disdain to record, which the humble reader most painfully
labours to recover, and, if recovered, to weave into the materials of
which he is already possessed. The patchwork seldom unites well, for
want of those lights which contemporaries might have given. Is it
not more eligible to have chaff to winnow, than to add to a stack?
Lord Bath,[84] assisted by Douglas,[85] his Chaplain, published a
piece called “A Letter to Two Great Men,” (Mr. Pitt and the Duke
of Newcastle.) It contained a plan of the terms which his Lordship
thought we ought to demand, if we concluded a peace. It was as little
regarded by the persons it addressed as a work of Mr. Pitt’s would
have been, if, outliving his patriotism, power, and character, he
should twenty years after have emerged in a pamphlet. However, it
pleased in coffee-houses more than it deserved, yet made much less
noise than a farce written at the same time by an Irish player, one
Macklyn,[86] called _Love à la Mode_. The principal characters were
a Scotchman and an Irishman; the first, heightened and odious; the
latter, softened and amiable, played inimitably by one Moody. What
made it memorable was, that Lord Bute[87] interposed to have it
prohibited. This intervention made the ridicule on the Scotch the
more tasted; and being tasted, it would have been too offensive to
the public to have stopped the run. A composition was made that it
should not be printed. The King, whose age then kept him from public
places, sent for the copy, and ordered it to be read to him.
Lord George Sackville, having waited till the officers returned from
Germany, had written at the end of the year to Lord Holderness,
demanding a Court-Martial. He received for answer, that it would be
referred to the Judges; a question having arisen, whether he could
legally be tried, the orders he had disobeyed having been given by
a foreigner. The Attorney and Solicitor Generals, however, not the
Judges, were the persons consulted, and they gave their opinions
that he might have a Court-Martial. Another doubt had been started,
whether, having been dismissed from the service, his Lordship could
yet be subject to military law; but this was then passed over; and,
Jan. 18th, Lord Holderness notified the opinion of the Attorney
and Solicitor to Lord George, adding, that his Majesty desired to
know how his Lordship wished to have the proceeding, _as there was
no specific charge against him_. This disculpation under the hand
of a Secretary of State was remarkable. Some surmised that it had
been contrived by Lord Mansfield, a friend to Lord George. It was
palpable, at least, that the Court had gone even this length, in
order to hold out to Lord George an opportunity of not pushing the
matter any further.
He, notwithstanding, assuming to himself such a conviction of
innocence, that he declared he would even accept of Lord Tyrawley[88]
(a brutal man, and one of his bitterest foes on that and former
occasions) for president of the Court-Martial, wrote in reply to
Lord Holderness, “that he had no business to accuse himself, nor had
been guilty of any fault; but that he concluded Prince Ferdinand must
have exhibited some charge against him; otherwise, undoubtedly his
Majesty would not have stripped him of everything in so ignominious a
manner. He therefore repeated his petition for a Court-Martial, and
would abide the event.” Intimations at the same time were privately
given to Lord George, that if he would desist from prosecuting the
affair, the Court would also. On the other hand, he was told, that be
the consequence how severe soever, the King was firm to let the law
take its course, should the Court-Martial once proceed.
With any mitigation of his fate, if the event was sinister, Lord
George could not flatter himself. He had too many and too powerful
enemies, to expect any remission. The King hated him, and hated those
who favoured him, the Prince’s faction. The Duke was as ill-inclined
to him. Fox, from private resentments, was his enemy. The Army,
whether the officers were attached to the Duke, to Prince Ferdinand,
or to Lord Granby, were equally averse to him. Mr. Pitt, though _no
bitter enemy_, had adopted Prince Ferdinand’s cause. The people, too,
who in a free country are reckoned for something, were prepossessed
against him. In his own profession he had disgusted many, both of
superior and inferior rank. Newcastle, who never felt for a powerless
friend, had abandoned him. The house of Bedford, from reasons of
family,[89] were not his well-wishers.
What had he to depend on?--an ancient father and mother, of great
dignity indeed, and old servants of the Crown;[90] but the Duke
retired, disgraced almost, and worn out by age and infirmities;
their small circle of friends; the Scotch obnoxious at Court by the
mutual hatred between the Duke of Cumberland and them since the last
Rebellion, and from being attached to the Prince, and even by being
attached to Lord George; his own parts; and perhaps the unwillingness
of every profession to proceed against a member of their own
corps--what frail trust, when weighed against influence!--yet he
pushed on his trial, and sought danger, though he saw it, and must
have weighed it. If here ambition preponderated over fear, at least
he was not always a coward. It was pretended that Lord Mansfield
had assured him he could not be convicted--but do General Officers
weigh legal niceties in the scales of Westminster Hall? Does their
education qualify them for the tenderness required of English juries?
Are not military men apt to pique themselves on showing antipathy to
every suspicion of cowardice, unless they are very brave and sensible
indeed?
For my own part, I would sooner pronounce Lord George a hero for
provoking his trial, than a coward for shrinking from the French.
He would have been in less danger by leading up the Cavalry at
Minden, than in every hour that he went down to the Horse-guards as a
criminal. But whatever apology is due to Lord George’s spirit, none
offers itself for his judgment. The obvious consequence of a trial
was condemnation. Laying aside the consideration of life, ambition,
and restlessness under the ruin of his fortune, which probably
dictated his insisting on a Court-Martial, were almost certain of
being disappointed by a formal sentence.[91] A legal conviction
of cowardice would for ever dash his hopes. An acquittal would but
partially remove such an imputation. The Court’s avowal of there
being no specific charge against him was equal in value to _such_
an acquittal. Time would have drawn a kind of oblivion over what
was passed: art and future incidents might have superinduced a plea
in his favour from the supposed animosity of Prince Ferdinand. A
declaration of the Court rather in his favour was of more weight
than even an acquittal after the reproach of an actual trial. As a
Military man he could entertain no further views. In a civil light
he might thereafter construe the rigour he had felt into substantial
merit. The approaching reign promised to be favourable to any
sufferer under the present; nor could Lord George but know, that to
be the enemy of Prince Ferdinand would be meritorious in the eyes
of the Prince and Princess Dowager, who hated the Ducal line of
Brunswick.
But this was not the only error Lord George Sackville had made in
judgment. It is not easy to conceive why he had persisted to seek
employment in Germany, if he felt _that_ within him which told him
the road of martial glory was not his proper walk. He had interest
enough to waive service; and had his declining it been interpreted
to his disadvantage, what was suspicion in comparison of proof?
On the 23rd of January he was acquainted that he should have a
Court-Martial. It was appointed, and General Onslow[92] constituted
President. A messenger was dispatched to Prince Ferdinand to send
over evidence. To General Balfour, nominated one of his Judges, Lord
George objected, on the score of former enmity between them.
While this affair was depending, a more atrocious criminal appeared
on the stage. Lawrence, Earl Ferrers, had been parted from his
wife,[93] and an allowance settled on her by Parliament out of his
estate, for his causeless ill-usage of her. A receiver of his rents,
too, had been appointed, but the nomination left to the Earl, who
named one Johnson, his own steward. That honest man not proving so
tractable as his Lordship expected, had fallen under his displeasure.
The Earl lived at his own seat in Leicestershire with a former
mistress, whom he had taken again on being separated from his wife,
and by whom he had four children. In that retirement there appeared
many symptoms of a frenzy incident to his family, as had also during
his cohabitation with his lady; and frequent drunkenness inflamed the
disorder. In that mood of madness and revenge he sent for Johnson,
having artfully dispatched his family and servants different ways
on various pretences. The poor man was no sooner alone with him,
than the Earl locking the door, and holding a pistol to his breast,
would have obliged Johnson to sign a paper, avowing himself a
villain. While the unhappy man, kneeling at his feet, hesitated to
sign, Lord Ferrers shot him in the body. The wound was mortal, but
not instantly so. Remorse or fear seized on the murderer, for he
was then sober. He sent for a surgeon, and wished to have Johnson
saved. Those sentiments soon vanished, or were expelled by drink; for
the Earl passed the remaining hours of that horrid day between his
bottle and the chamber of the expiring man, sometimes in promises
to his daughter, whom he had summoned to her father, oftener in
transports of insult, threats, and cruelty, to the victim himself,
who languished till the next morning. At first the Peer prepared
to defend himself from being seized; but his courage failed him,
as it had on former occasions. He was apprehended by the populace,
and lodged in Leicester jail. Thence he was brought to town, and
carried before the House of Lords, where his behaviour was cool and
sensible. The Lords committed him to the Tower.
In February was tried a criminal of a still different complexion.
Dr. Smollett was convicted in the King’s Bench of publishing
scurrilous abuse on Admiral Knollys in the Critical Review. Smollett
was a worthless man, and only mentioned here because author of a
History of England, of the errors in which posterity ought to be
warned. Smollett was bred a sea-surgeon, and turned author. He wrote
a tragedy, and sent it to Lord Lyttelton, with whom he was not
acquainted. Lord Lyttelton, not caring to point out its defects,
civilly advised him to try comedy. He wrote one, and solicited the
same Lord to recommend it to the stage. The latter excused himself,
but promised, if it should be acted, to do all the service in his
power for the author. Smollett’s return was drawing an abusive
portrait of Lord Lyttelton in Roderick Random, a novel; of which sort
he published two or three. His next attempt was on the History of
England; a work in which he engaged for booksellers, and finished,
though four volumes in quarto, in two years; yet an easy task, as
being pilfered from other histories. Accordingly, it was little
noticed till it came down to the present time: then, though compiled
from the libels of the age and the most paltry materials, yet being
heightened by personal invectives, strong Jacobitism, and the worst
representation of the Duke of Cumberland’s conduct in Scotland,
the sale was prodigious. Eleven thousand copies of that trash were
instantly sold, while at the same time the university of Oxford
ventured to print but two thousand of that inimitable work, Lord
Clarendon’s Life! A reflection on the age sad to mention, yet too
true to be suppressed! Smollett’s work was again printed, and again
tasted: it was adorned with wretched prints, except two or three by
Strange,[94] who could not refuse his admirable graver to the service
of the Jacobite cause.
Smollett then engaged in a monthly magazine, called the Critical
Review, the scope of which was to decry any work that appeared
favourable to the principles of the Revolution. Nor was he single in
that measure. The Scotch in the heart of London assumed a dictatorial
power of reviling every book that censured the Stuarts, or upheld
the Revolution--a provocation they ought to have remembered when
the tide rolled back upon them. Smollett, while in prison,[95]
undertook a new magazine; and notwithstanding the notoriety of his
disaffection, obtained the King’s patent for it by the interest of
Mr. Pitt, to whom he had dedicated his history. In the following
reign he was hired to write a scurrilous paper, called the Briton,
against that very patron, Mr. Pitt.
While the trials of Lord George Sackville and Earl Ferrers were
preparing, the attention of the public was drawn off to Ireland. We
have mentioned the escape of Thurot from Dunkirk, and his arrival
with his pigmy squadron in Sweden. His expedition was a codicil
to the lofty plan of invading these kingdoms in various parts at
once. While the expedition from the coast of France should pour its
flat-bottomed boats on this island, Conflans was to fall on Ireland,
and Thurot to make a diversion either in Scotland or in the North of
Ireland. His armament, originally composed but of five frigates, was
by various accidents reduced to three: his twelve hundred men, by
sickness, to half that number. The winter too was so adverse, that
they lost three months in beating about among the northern isles;
whence their provisions were so consumed, that they were obliged in
the middle of February to put into the Isle of Islay to recruit.
Supplied they were, and paid for what they received. Scotland was too
wise to take a step further in behalf of so forlorn a hope.
There he learned the fate of the larger machine, the defeat of
Conflans. Ambitious, however, of personal honour, and aware that
desperate characters can only be supported by desperate actions, he
determined to make an attempt on some part of Ireland; and about the
28th of February appeared before Carrickfergus. The remonstrances of
the English Ministry had operated so little on the Administration
in Ireland, that Carrickfergus, though seated in the heart of the
Protestant interest, where arms might securely have been trusted,
was found by Thurot totally unguarded and unprovided. Making a
draught from his seamen, he landed with a small body, and prepared
to attack the town which was so little prepared to resist. The walls
were ruinous, in many places incomplete. The force within consisted
of four companies--unluckily, _they_ consisted but of seventy-two
men. They were commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Jennings, a man formed
for a hero; for he had great bravery and a small portion of sense.
Thurot, who wanted provisions even more than glory, was content to
make a demand of about twenty articles, for which he promised to
pay. In case of refusal he threatened to burn the place, and then to
march to Belfast, a far more opulent and commercial town. Colonel
Jennings, who had scarce any ammunition, thought it more prudent to
comply than to resist, when he had no means of resisting. He agreed
to furnish Thurot with what he wanted. Some disagreement, however,
arising, the capitulation was broken. The gates were shut against the
invaders--still to the honour of Jennings, for the gates had neither
bars nor locks. The fight began by firing at each other through
the gates: but the Irish ammunition soon failing, so brave was the
garrison, and so zealous the inhabitants, that for some time they
defended themselves with brick-bats, which the rotten condition of
the walls easily supplied. When even those stores were exhausted,
Jennings retired to the castle, while four or five raw recruits still
defended the shattered gates. The citadel, however, could not hold
out without either powder or provisions. It surrendered, and the
garrison were made prisoners. Thurot plundered the town, and then
sent to demand contributions from Belfast.
Ridiculous as this campaign was, it was no joke to the Duke of
Bedford. Jennings and his puny force had shown themselves willing
to do their utmost. The success of Thurot was a glaring comment on
the negligence of his Grace’s administration. The danger to which
so wealthy a town as Belfast was exposed was still more alarming.
General Fitzwilliam was immediately detached with four regiments
of Foot and three of Horse to drive out the invaders. The Lord
Lieutenant in person promised to overtake him at Newry. But Thurot
would not give his Grace an opportunity of retrieving his own
carelessness. Taking along with him the Mayor and three of the
principal inhabitants of Carrickfergus, Thurot again put to sea.
Another measure taken by the Irish Administration had luckier
consequences. They had sent advice of the invasion to Kingsale,
where lay three of our best frigates. Elliot[96] commanded them.
He instantly sailed, and came up with Thurot in the Irish Channel.
Elliot’s vessels were inferior in size and number to Thurot’s, but
cleaner, and the men fresh. After a smart action, he boarded Thurot’s
ship. The latter fell, but not till he had given proof of the most
romantic bravery. The other two frigates soon struck, and were all
carried into the Isle of Man. Elliot’s account to the Admiralty was
penned with such modesty, that a more important victory had not been
more honourable.
Feb. 28th, Lord Barrington acquainted the House of Commons that
Lord George Sackville had been put under arrest for disobedience of
orders. The Speaker had been much averse to the trial of a member
who was no longer in the Army, and hoped it would be opposed: but
it was not. Lord Milton,[97] brother-in-law of Lord George, was
empowered by him to say that the trial was what he earnestly desired.
Lord Barrington then moved an Address of Thanks to the King for the
communication, and for his Majesty’s tenderness of the privileges of
the House. This being readily agreed to, Lord Barrington said it was
_nemine contradicente_; but Doddington[98] had faintly said no, and
the Speaker said there had been a negative. Sir Francis Dashwood
then said, that he had not opposed the Address, as Lord George wished
the trial; but he hoped the measure would be considered hereafter in
some Mutiny Bill, and that the time might be limited how long persons
who had quitted the Army should be liable to martial law. Doddington
added, “that everybody seemed to agree it ought not to remain law;
that he did not think it law; nay, that Lord George might have been
tried while he was a military man. Martial law was growing upon us,
would eat up the banks, and overflow the whole. The Mutiny Bill fell
to the ground every year, but, like the giant, recovered new strength
on touching it.” Sir John Rushout added, that, were he in the Army,
he would not sit on the trial of any man out of it. Sir Francis
Dashwood promised to call for a revisal of the Mutiny Bill, if nobody
else did.
The next day the Court-Martial met. When Lord George Sackville
appeared before it, seeing General Balfour on the bench, he said,
he thought that officer had not been to sit on him, he having made
his exceptions, and been told Balfour should not be of the Court.
Balfour said, he came not to be a judge, nor desired to be, but to
know the exception, which he thought touched his honour--a strong
proof how dissonant Courts-Martial are from the spirit of the English
constitution, which does not understand that persons accused are to
be awed by points of romantic honour from excepting against their
jury, if suspected of enmity or partiality. Lord George pleaded
opposition that Balfour had exercised against him in the Ordnance.
The Court-Martial voted that reason insufficient, but told Balfour
they would excuse his attendance if he desired it; which he did.
They had no such power either of voting the exception invalid, or
of excusing him. The King had appointed him, and had allowed the
exception. The next step was more respectful to the laws, and came
from a quarter which was not suspected of much tenderness to the
prisoner. Lord Albemarle[99] asked him if he was in the Army; the
judge-advocate for the prisoner answered, “No.” The Court then
was cleared, and adjourned to the following Thursday (it was then
Friday), desiring to have the opinion of the Judges, _whether a man
no longer in the Army was subject to martial law_. The Attorney and
Solicitor Generals had determined in the affirmative, grounding their
sentiment on those words of the Mutiny Bill, “_All persons being
officers on the 25th of March, and committing such and such faults
within the course of the year_,” &c. These words being in force as
long as the Bill, they thought comprehended such persons for the same
period.
Lord Albemarle had gone further: he had asked if the Court was
empowered to inflict any punishment under capital on the delinquent.
This provision of tenderness was not expected from the favourite
of the Duke of Cumberland, or from one who had expressed himself
warmly enough against Lord George. Private reasons were sought for
this conduct by those who would not suppose that in _that_ trial
any motives but those of passion or interest would be hearkened to.
They who canvassed Lord Albemarle’s behaviour under such prejudice
accounted for it by the Duke’s envy of Prince Ferdinand, and desire
of rescuing even that hated criminal from his vengeance--yet were
those but surmises, not corroborated by any appearance of acrimony in
the complexion or conduct of the judges. So ill, however, was Lord
Albemarle’s obstruction of the proceedings accepted by the King, who
now pushed on the trial angrily and indecently, that his mother, Lady
Albemarle,[100] was omitted in the private nightly parties at Court,
and not spoken to in the morning Drawing-Room.
The King went further: Prince Ferdinand was impatient for the return
of the officers: General Onslow, President of the Court-Martial, was
member of another on Lord Charles Hay,[101] a brave but mad officer,
who having in America reflected on the dilatoriness of Lord Loudon,
had been put under arrest by him. Onslow at that trial was seized
with an apoplectic fit, and died. The King was so impatient of any
delay on Lord George Sackville’s case, that the Duke of Newcastle, at
four in the afternoon, was ordered to send to the Secretary at War,
then in the House of Commons, directions to have a new commission
made out that very evening, that not a day might be lost. Four more
members too were added to the Court, to guard against any deficiency,
the law allowing not a greater number than twenty-one, nor less than
thirteen.
Ten Judges (the other two, Bathurst[102] and Clive, of which
the former held Lord George’s trial illegal, being absent on the
Circuit,) gave their opinions, that, as far as they could then
see, he might be tried; but they reserved to themselves a further
consideration, if any appeal should be made from the sentence. On
the very day on which they were to deliver their opinion arrived the
account of Thurot’s defeat and death. There was a great Court to
congratulate the King; yet so impatient was he to learn the decision
of the Bench, that he scarce stayed a moment in the Drawing-Room.
In private he expressed, without decency, his apprehensions of what
the German Princes would think of his want of power, should he not
be able to obtain Lord George’s trial and condemnation. The moment
he was certified that the trial might proceed, he named General
Pulteney[103] President of the court in the room of Onslow; and
Pulteney excusing himself, Sir Charles Howard[104] was appointed.
March 7th, the trial recommenced. Lord George, who treated his
adversaries with little management, desired the Judge-Advocate to
explain to Wintzenrode, Prince Ferdinand’s Aide-de-camp, the nature
of perjury: the German replied handsomely, that he understood it
both from religion and honour, and supposed it was the same in all
countries.
Through the course of the trial, which being in print it is not
necessary to recapitulate, the chief examinents were General
Cholmondeley[105] and Lord Albemarle; both appearing unfavourable to
Lord George, and the latter as little sparing Prince Ferdinand, when,
by any indirect question, he could draw forth evidence of the Prince
having been surprised into the battle. The rest of the Court took
so little share in the examination, that Cholmondeley complained of
the invidious part that was forced on him. Sloper was particularly
acrimonious in his evidence against Lord George, and was believed
actuated by General Mordaunt, so warmly did the latter resent Lord
George’s practices on the miscarriage at Rochfort; though, if Lord
George stirred up the prosecution of that affair, Mordaunt had only
suffered by implication: Conway was Lord George’s object; but Conway
was far from retorting that injury in the same manner.
Lord Granby, who was actually involved in the trial as evidence,
showed the same honourable and compassionate tenderness. So far from
exaggerating the minutest circumstance, he palliated or suppressed
whatever might load the prisoner, and seemed to study nothing but
how to avoid appearing a party against him--so inseparable in his
bosom were valour and good-nature. That the constitution of the Court
itself was not unfavourable to Lord George, appeared, when a question
that bore hard against him being put by General Cholmondeley, and
Lord Robert Bertie objecting to it, it was put to the vote, and by
the majority not admitted to be asked.
Lord George’s own behaviour was most extraordinary. He had
undoubtedly trusted to the superiority of his parts for extricating
him. Most men in his situation would have adapted such parts to the
conciliating the favour of his judges, to drawing the witnesses
into contradictions, to misleading and bewildering the Court, and
to throwing the most specious colours on his own conduct, without
offending the parties declared against him. Very different was
the conduct of Lord George. From the outset, and during the whole
process, he assumed a dictatorial style to the Court, and treated
the inferiority of their capacities as he would have done if sitting
amongst them. He browbeat the witnesses, gave the lie to Sloper, and
used the Judge Advocate, though a very clever man, with contempt.
Nothing was timid--nothing humble in his behaviour. His replies were
quick and spirited. He prescribed to the Court, and they acquiesced.
An instant of such resolution at Minden had established his character
for ever.
The trial had lasted longer than was expected. The Mutiny Bill
expired. A new warrant was forced to be made out, and the depositions
were read over to the witnesses. It was the third of April before
the whole proceeding was closed: the event different from what Lord
George had presumed, and yet short of what he had reason to expect.
The Court-Martial pronounced him guilty of having disobeyed Prince
Ferdinand’s orders, whom by his commission and instructions he was
ordered to obey, and declared it their opinion that he was unfit to
serve his Majesty in any military capacity whatever.
The King confirmed the sentence, but, dissatisfied that it had gone
no further, he could not resist the ungenerous impulse of loading
it with every insult in his power; impotent, as circumscribed in
narrower limits than his wishes; and unjust, as exceeding the
bounds of a just trial; since no man ought to be punished beyond
his sentence. The Court-Martial’s decision was directed to be given
out in public orders to the Army, declaring the sentence worse than
death. The King struck Lord George’s name out of the Council Book,
and forbad his appearance at Court. The Lord Chamberlain, too, was
ordered to notify that prohibition to the Prince of Wales and the
Princess-Dowager; and lest that should not be sufficient, the Vice
Chamberlain was sent to acquaint Lord Bute with it, who said, to be
sure the Prince would not think of seeing Lord George while it was
disagreeable to his Majesty. Lord George’s witnesses and friends were
treated with no less cruelty. Hugo, a Hanoverian, was dismissed on
his return to the Army. John Smith was obliged to quit it here; and
Cunningham was sent to America, though he had been there three times
already. Yet not a murmur followed: as the object was obnoxious, even
the dangerous precedent of persecuting witnesses who had thwarted the
inclinations of the Court made no impression--so much do liberty and
power depend on circumstances and seasons.[106]
The trial of Lord Ferrers had more solemn conclusion. To one man
his crimes were advantageous. Sir Robert Henley, Lord Keeper, had
been hoisted to that eminence by circumstances of faction; which,
however, could not give weight to his decisions in Chancery. Those,
as he complained, were often reversed before his face by the House
of Lords without his being empowered to defend them, he not being a
Peer. It was proper to appoint him Lord High Steward for the trial
of Lord Ferrers; and it was requisite, to fill that office, that he
should be a Peer. Henley was accordingly created a Baron; but as
the Seals had not taught him more law, a Coronet and White Staff
contributed as little to give him more dignity. He despised form,
even where he had little to do but to be formal. He did not want
sense, and spirit still less; but he could not, or would not, stoop
to so easy a lesson as that of ceremonial.
Nothing is more awful than the trial of a British Peer; yet, the
mean appearance of the prisoner, and the vulgar awkwardness of
the Chief Judge, made the present trial as little imposing as
possible. The Earl’s behaviour conciliated no favour to him: it
was somewhat sullen, and his defence contemptible, endeavouring to
protract the time, though without address. At length he pleaded
madness--unwillingly, but in compliance with the entreaties of
his family. The audience was touched at the appearance of his two
brothers, reduced to depose to the lunacy in their blood. But those
impressions were effaced, and gave way to horror, when it appeared
to the Court that the Earl had gloried in his shocking deed. Being
easily convicted, he begged pardon of his Judges for having used the
plea of madness. But if his life was odious, and during his life his
cowardice notorious, he showed at his death that he did not want
sense, resolution, or temper. He bore the ignominy of his fate like
a philosopher, and went to meet it with the ease of a gentleman. In
the tedious passage of his conveyance from the Tower to Tyburn, which
was impeded by the crowds that assembled round his coach, he dropped
not a rash word, nor one that had not sense and thought in it. Little
was wanting to grace his catastrophe but less resentment to his wife,
the peculiarity of being executed in his wedding habit too strongly
marking that he imputed his calamity to that source. His relation,
Lady Huntingdon, the Metropolitan of the Methodists, had laboured
much in his last hours to profit of his fears for the honour of her
sect; but, having renounced the plea of madness, he did not choose
to resign his intellects to folly. So impudent, however, were those
knavish zealots, that one Loyd, a Methodist, having been robbed by
his coachman, a Methodist too, Whitfield appeared at the trial before
the Lord Mayor, and read an excommunication that he had pronounced
against the coachman. They would have accepted a murderer, if a
proselyte from the Established Church; and flattered themselves that
they could shake off the infamy of a house-breaker by casting him out
from their own--so brief and effectual do enthusiasts hold their own
legerdemain.
A man, whose pretensions to virtue were as equivocal as Whitfield’s
to sanctity, took upon him about this time to lay straiter
obligations on members of Parliament. The plan, like that of
hypocrites of all denominations, was, by coining new occasions of
guilt. Sir John Philipps brought a Bill into the House of Commons to
oblige the members to give in particulars of their qualifications,
_and to swear to the truth of them_. A known Jacobite, who and
whose friends had taken the oaths to King George, ought to have
been sensible that perjury was _not_ the crime at which most men
stuck in that age: nor could it be hoped that they who made a seat
in Parliament the foundation of their fortune would not overleap
any obstacle to obtain one. Pitt, James Grenville, and Beckford
promoted the Bill. Lord Egmont opposed it with great ability, and
pointed out how much it would subject all estates to the inspection,
and, consequently, to the iniquitous practices of attorneys: and he
showed that western estates in particular were so circumstanced,
that, without double the qualification required, they would not be
sufficient to answer it. Much spirit against the Bill appeared in
others. The Duke of Newcastle was very averse to it, but forced
to swallow it a little curtailed, as Pitt insisted that something
must be done to gratify the Tories. Lord Strange ridiculed it,
particularly one notorious blunder: the Bill directed that no man
should take his seat till he had produced his qualification, and
sworn to it in a full House, the Speaker in the chair. This, at the
opening of a new Parliament, was an impossibility--by whom was the
Speaker to be chosen? Young Thomas Townshend spoke warmly against it,
and traced its origin to the four last disgraceful years of Queen
Anne, when a like Bill had been attempted by the Tories.
The Bill, however, passed both Houses. In the Lords, the Duke of
Richmond and the Earls of Gower and Hilsborough opposed it. Lord
Temple supported it insolently, threatening disunion if it were not
allowed to pass. Lord Hardwicke seemed but cool towards it; yet he
treated the Commons arrogantly, and said he had winked at many things
for the sake of union. Lord Gower put it home to the Bishops, whether
the Bill would not multiply perjuries; yet it was carried by _fifty_
to _sixteen_, as it had been in the other House by fourscore to forty.
A Bill for a Militia in Scotland was less successful; nor could the
disaffected there obtain this mode of having their arms restored.
Pitt had acquiesced; but the Duke of Newcastle, the Solicitor-General
Yorke, Nugent, Lord Barrington, and the young Whigs, attacked it with
all their force. Even the Scotch Lord Advocate spoke with spirit
against it. Elliot defended it masterly; and Sir Henry Erskine went
so far as to say that all Scotland would come and demand it at
the bar of the House. Unluckily for that menace, the man who had
most weight in that country, the Duke of Argyll, was not cordial to
the Bill, and it was rejected by _one hundred and ninety-four_ to
_eighty-four_.
A proposed extension of the Militia met with the same fate. It had
been granted for five years. The counties which had adopted it grew
tired of the expense. The Tory gentlemen were fond of this more
decent mode of accepting emoluments. To humour them and George
Townshend, Pitt had consented that a Bill should be brought in
to make the expense common to the whole kingdom, by enabling the
counties where Militia was raised to draw on the Exchequer. The
Speaker advertised the House that this would not only be a Money
Bill, but must have the consent of, nay, must be recommended by, the
Crown. That the King absolutely refused to give. Notice being taken
of the Bill’s non-appearance, Lord Strange, in his frank manner,
said, “Why did not gentlemen speak out? was it not that his Majesty
would not consent to the Bill?” Pitt, to draw all possible honour
from what he could not bestow, replied, it was now too late in the
session; but if any man would renew the Motion the second day of
next session, even to make the Militia perpetual, he would not only
second, but try to get the Bill passed before the supplies; yet what
were those supplies to feed but his own war, which he _boasted_ had
doubled the expense of any year of Queen Anne? This very year above
sixteen millions were voted.
FOOTNOTES:
[84] William Pulteney, the celebrated Earl of Bath.
[85] Dr. Douglas, canon of Windsor, known for his detection of
Lauder, and controversy with Archibald Bower, author of the Lives of
the Popes.--A.
He became Bishop of Carlisle in 1788; Bishop of Salisbury in 1791,
and died in 1807.--E.
[86] Macklyn, in general a disagreeable actor, was liked in Iago,
and extremely admired in Shylock the Jew. He had been tried and
honourably acquitted for the murder of another actor, but his
character was not popular. He played the Scotchman himself in his
own farce, but not well; however, its not being printed, nor played
but when he pleased, made it always draw crowded audiences; which,
with having a daughter who was a pretty good actress, and of an
excellent character, made him never rejected by the theatres, though
of a quarrelsome temper. He continued to play for twenty years, and,
though past fourscore, retained so much vigour and parts, that he
wrote another piece, not less severe on the Scotch, though it was
much curtailed before he could obtain permission to have it acted;
and though it succeeded, it was not near so much liked as his _Love
à la Mode_.
[87] John Stuart, Earl of Bute, a very considerable personage in the
succeeding reign.
[88] Being told that General Conway, whose miscarriage at Rochfort it
was supposed Lord George had inflamed, would be of the Court-Martial
against him, he said, he should wish for no man sooner for his
judge--the highest compliment that could be paid to Conway’s
integrity and candour. Though at their outset, both as soldiers and
parliamentary speakers, the world had marked them as rivals, there
never was any open enmity between them; nor were they ever intimate:
the spotless virtue of Conway, his disinterestedness, and total
alienation from all political intrigues, could not assimilate with a
man so different.
[89] The sister of the Duchess of Bedford had married Lord John
Sackville, and had quarrelled with Lord George.
[90] The Duke of Dorset had enjoyed many great employments both in
the Court and State: the Duchess had been Mistress of the Robes to
the late Queen.
[91] This reasoning was not destroyed by Lord George’s being
afterwards twice employed in civil employments, the second time in
a very high one; for though he had occasion to prove his personal
courage, the imputation of wanting it was never effaced; and was so
often thrown in his face, that he never afterwards recovered spirit
enough to act with dignity, nor to display the parts which had been
so conspicuous in his early life.
[92] Richard Onslow, brother of the Speaker of the House of Commons.
[93] Sister of Sir William Meredith, a most amiable woman; afterwards
married to Lord Frederic Campbell, brother of the Duke of Argyle.--A.
She was burnt to death in 1807.--E.
[94] Strange was a most undisguised Jacobite. Allan Ramsay, the
painter, of as disaffected a family, (and who had set out to join the
Pretender, when he heard of his defeat,) being offended that Strange
had been unwilling to engrave his portrait of George III., imputed
it to Strange’s Jacobitism. The latter, who certainly had been
patronized by Lord Bute on the death of George II., but quarrelled
with him, published a pamphlet against the Earl, in which he taxed
the Earl with the ridiculous vanity of chusing to have his own
portrait engraved before the King’s.
[95] It was worth remembering, that amongst the authors patronised
and pensioned by George the Third, were Smollett, imprisoned for a
libel; Shebbeare, who had stood in the pillory for abusing George I.,
King William, and the Revolution; and some other libellers.--A.
To have patronised two ingenious men of letters, though formerly
convicted of political libels, is no discredit whatever to George
III.--When, indeed, during his reign, new and severer laws were
devised against political libel, it might have been _worth
remembering_ how many worthy, eminent, and learned men had incurred
the guilt, and been exposed to the consequences, of that imperfectly
defined species of offence, at various periods of our history: a
circumstance from which it must naturally be inferred, that all
further penalties adopted by Parliament may be inflicted on others,
as worthy, as eminent, and as learned.--E.
[96] Brother of Sir Gilbert Elliot, one of the Lords of the Treasury.
[97] Joseph Damer, Lord Milton, had married Lady Caroline Sackville,
sister of Lord George.--A. He was created an Earl in 1792, and died
in 1798.--E.
[98] Doddington was an old friend of the Duke of Dorset, was no
friend to Mr. Pitt, and was attached to the Princess Dowager: so was
Sir Francis Dashwood.
[99] Lord Albemarle was the favourite of the Duke of Cumberland, who
was no friend to Lord George.
[100] Lady Anne Lenox, youngest daughter of Charles, first Duke of
Richmond of that line. She had been Lady of the Bed-Chamber to Queen
Caroline. After the Queen’s death the King had private parties at
cards every night, from nine to eleven, in the apartment of the
Princesses Amelie and Caroline, to which only the most favourite
Lords and Ladies of the Court were invited, and some of the King’s
Grooms of the Bed-Chamber. She died, at an advanced age, in 1789.
[101] Brother of the Marquis of Tweedale.
[102] Henry Bathurst, Chancellor to the late Prince of Wales,
attached to the Princess Dowager, and Lord High Chancellor in the
following reign.--A. He died in 1794.--E.
[103] Only brother of William, Earl of Bath.
[104] Only brother of the Earl of Carlisle, and Knight of the Bath.
[105] James, only brother of George, third Earl of Cholmondeley, and
much attached to the Duke of Cumberland.
[106] As that trial and sentence came remarkably into question
two-and-twenty years afterwards, it may not be improper to touch
slightly the occasion of its being recalled; together with a few
outlines of the subsequent life of a man, whose disgrace seemed
to have annihilated him for ever in a political light; and who,
though his restless ambition incited him again to aspire to high
employments and honours, both which he attained, will never figure
in history as an admired character, since he acquired no successes,
no glory for his country by his councils, strengthened[107] rather
than effaced the suspicion of his courage, almost forfeited the
general opinion of his parts, and obtained no honours that were not
balanced by redoubled disgraces and mortifications. He was admitted
into a lucrative, though subordinate, post in Lord Rockingham’s first
Administration; was grossly insulted by Governor Johnson, whom he
challenged and fought[107] with a coolness that with almost all men
justly palliated or removed the imputation on his spirit. Not long
after the commencement of the fatal American war he was suddenly
hoisted to the management of it; in the course of which he was
frequently exposed to most bitter apostrophes on his former imputed
timidity, and did but give new handle to that imputation by the
tameness or feebleness with which he bore or repelled those attacks;
while the want of vigour in his defences, void of any emanations
of parts, made his abilities as much questioned as his spirit by
those who were too young to remember his former exertions. Whether
his councils and plans were ill-grounded, impolitic, or unwise, or
whether the recovery of America was unattainable when he entered
on the office, it is certain that not only ill success attended
almost every one of the measures he recommended or promoted, but
two disgraces[108] (unparalleled so far, that _two_ similar never
happened to any country in any one war) befell the British arms,
sufficient to blast, if not demolish any Minister so unauspiciously
seconded by fortune. Yet misfortune and disgrace were not entirely
the causes of Lord George’s fall. The mercenary intrigue and
treachery of a few of his associates tumbled him in a moment from a
height which he decorated so ill--while the partiality or obstinacy
of a Sovereign, whose passions he implicitly obeyed, compensated
his fall by the extravagant reward of a Viscount’s coronet. This
exaltation was as abruptly and cruelly the occasion of recalling the
former stigma. The Marquis of Carmarthen[109] proposed to the House
of Lords to protest against the admission into their order of a man
stamped by an indelible brand, and by a sentence that had never been
cancelled. The positive Monarch precipitated the patent in defiance.
The Marquis, as unshaken, pursued his hostility, solicited the Peers
to condemn the indignity offered to them; and the new Viscount was
reduced in the first debate, after taking his seat, to hear his
former sentence read to his face, and to combat in person for the
Sovereign’s prerogative right of giving, and his own competence of
receiving, the conferred honour.--A.
[107] How he _strengthened rather than effaced the suspicion of his
courage_, and yet _fought with a coolness that with almost all men
justly palliated or removed the imputation on his spirit_, seems
rather difficult to explain, if it were any part of the duty of an
editor to reconcile the contradictions of an author.--E.
[108] The surrenders of General Burgoyne’s and Cornwallis’s Armies.
[109] Francis Osborne, only son of the Duke of Leeds.
CHAPTER XI.
General Murray beaten at Quebec--Retreat of the French from that
city--General Amherst takes Montreal--Our successes in the East
Indies--Campaign in Germany--Prussians defeated--King of Prussia
invests Dresden--Is obliged to retreat--Defeats Laudohn--Daun
compelled to raise the Siege of Schweidnitz--The Allies take
Berlin--Subsequently abandon it--The King of Prussia defeats
Daun at Torgal--Prince Ferdinand’s Campaign--Earl of Clanricarde
challenges the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland--Character of George
II.--His death--His Will--Anecdote respecting the Will of George
I.
Those prodigious efforts were crowned, though not with universal,
yet with most important success. In Germany, the campaign was far
from decisive; but in America the war was concluded. After the loss
of Quebec, the French retired into the heart of Canada. General
Murray,[110] a brave and adventurous officer, with a garrison of
about seven thousand men, and with the terror our arms had inspired,
was left to defend the ruins of Quebec. The frost had obliged
the Fleet to retire. Monsieur Levi, who had succeeded Montcalm,
seized that last opportunity of struggling to recover their empire.
Assembling a body of French, Canadians, and Indians, to the amount
of ten thousand and upwards, he marched in April to besiege the
capital. General Murray, impatient to be cooped within walls into
which the English had entered so impetuously, disdained to await a
regular siege, and, with far more intrepidity than policy, marched
out with inferior force, attacked the French, and was defeated. He
lost his cannon, but was sufficiently fortunate in not being cut
off, as he was near being, from his retreat to the City. Levi soon
prepared to form the siege by land and sea, having brought up six
frigates; against which we had not a single vessel. The place must
have fallen into the hands of its old masters, if, on the 9th of May,
Lord Colville, with two frigates, outsailing the British squadron,
had not entered the river and demolished the French armament. Levi,
from the heights on the other side, was witness to that defeat; and,
judging rightly that the rest of our naval force approached, broke up
his camp in haste and confusion, and retreated, leaving his Artillery
behind him.
One resource still remained--Montreal. There Monsieur de Vaudreuil,
the General Governor, fixed his stand, and collected the whole
force of the province. But he had to deal with a man, who, as
brave as Wolfe or as Murray, and as circumspect as Vaudreuil was
insidious, possessed the whole system of war. Provident, methodic,
conciliating, and cool, Amherst disposed his plans, adapted his
measures, reconciled jarring interests, and pursued his operations
with steadiness; neither precipitating nor delaying beyond the due
point, and comprehending the whole under an authority which he knew
how to assume, and to temper from giving disgust.[111] A character
so composed could not shine on a sudden: it required penetration to
admire him; but the finer the details, the more astonishing was the
result.
Amherst had determined, by one collective arrangement, to overwhelm
the last hopes of France in Canada; an object sufficiently important
to justify the exertion of superabundant resources. Colonel Haviland
was ordered to sail from Crown Point, and proceed directly to
Montreal: General Murray was commanded to bring up all the force
he could spare from Quebec. Amherst himself, with a body of ten
thousand men, and reinforced by a thousand savages under Sir William
Johnson, embarked on Lake Ontario for the river St. Laurence; a
spectacle that recalled the expeditions of ancient story, when the
rudeness and novelty of naval armaments raised the first adventurers
to the rank of demigods. That vast lake was to be traversed in open
galleys laden with artillery, not with arrows and javelins. Wolfe,
with all the formidable apparatus of modern war, had almost failed
before Quebec: Amherst with barks and boats invaded Montreal, and
achieved the conquest, though, what would have daunted the heroes of
antiquity, he had the cataracts to pass. He surmounted that danger
with inconsiderable loss, and appeared before Montreal on the very
same day with General Murray. Too many obstacles, to which Monsieur
de Vaudreuil had trusted, were conquered. The place itself was
little tenable. The Governor took the only part that remained, that
of surrendering his garrison prisoners of war. Thus was the French
empire in Canada annihilated without effusion of blood. Amherst’s
glory was completed by pardoning Vaudreuil’s perfidy and cruelties,
and by preserving the vanquished from insult and injury.
The power of France drew as near to a period in the East Indies.
Colonel Coote, Major Brereton, who fell in the contest, Major Monson,
and others, carried on the war triumphantly. Lally, who left no
valour unexerted, no stratagem unattempted, was constantly defeated.
Sir George Pococke entirely dispersed their Navy in those seas after
three repeated engagements.
The German war was far from drawing to a conclusion. It was next to
a miracle, considering how gloomily the last campaign had terminated
for the King of Prussia, that the present did not complete his ruin.
The Empress Queen’s hatred and resources were by no means exhausted.
She contrived, too, to keep up to the same mark the implacability
of the Czarina, who, having less both to hope and to fear, may well
be believed to have been actuated by bribes and pensions to her
Ministers. Immersed in pleasure and cool to ambition, gentle, too,
to her subjects, it is not credible that the Armies she poured on
the King of Prussia’s dominions were dispatched by feelings of her
own. The danger was not the less pressing to the King. The Russians
again threatened him; advanced again. The desultory Swedes still
hovered over him. The Austrian force was complete and numerous; and,
if Daun was too cautious, Laudohn promised to repair by activity the
Marshal’s circumspection.
The Court of Vienna seemed to applaud Laudohn’s vigour, whether
to animate Daun by giving him a rival, or really wishing for an
opportunity to fling the command into hands more alert. The Marshal,
who preferred the interests of his mistress to his own glory, was not
to be provoked out of his prudence. Inferior forces, he seemed to
think, might be justified in rashness: superior strength, that could
command time, could also ensure success; and, as his conduct had
already brought the King of Prussia to the verge of ruin, he saw no
cause to precipitate measures which had and did tend so naturally to
complete the work. The King, whom experience had successively taught
to be brave, to be desperate, to be circumspect, was not impatient
to advance his fate. His whole conduct in this campaign evidenced
that he looked on his situation as little less than hopeless; firm,
however, to find an issue, if art or industry could furnish one.
He entrenched himself strongly between the Elbe and the Multa,
covering Saxony. Prince Henry defended Silesia; General Fouquet,
preserving a communication with the latter, was posted near Glatz.
Daun watched the King in a camp no less strong; while Laudohn, with
a light army, shifted his quarters, and by turns threatened Silesia
and Berlin--sometimes hovered over the strong places in Silesia, at
others made a feint of attacking Prince Henry. The storm, however, at
length seemed levelled against Schweidnitz. General Fouquet was the
dupe of that _mouvement_; and, marching to cover the town, was drawn
into an engagement by Laudohn near Landshut, in which the Prussians
were not only totally defeated, but Fouquet himself, with two other
Generals, four Colonels, two hundred and thirteen officers, and seven
thousand men, were obliged to lay down their arms and surrender
themselves prisoners.
Laudohn, eager to improve his victory, besieged Glatz and took it.
He was of a nature not to stop in the career of success. The King
trembled for Silesia; while, at the same time, he was kept in check
by Daun’s superior force. He had no longer leisure to temporize. By
a secret and rapid march he crossed the Elbe before the Marshal had
notice of his departure. But Daun, however wary, was not dilatory. He
followed the King with an expedition which, being assisted by having
a shorter cut to make, soon gave him the start of his Majesty. This
was the point at which the King had pushed. When he found that the
Marshal was advanced before him by a march of two days, the King
turned suddenly back, and, while he was supposed on the borders of
Silesia, appeared before the walls of Dresden. He commenced the siege
with ardour; for it would admit of no delay. The glory of outwitting
Daun was all the fruit reaped by this stratagem; and, unless the King
flattered himself with a prospect of carrying Dresden by surprise or
storm, his manœuvre was, in his circumstances, a puerile stratagem,
a game of generalship not adequate to the crisis of his fortune. It
seemed one of those vainglorious littlenesses which too often entered
into his composition. The same mistaken appetite of applause tempted
him in this very campaign to publish his poems; a superficial medley,
ungrateful to the Deity that had given him such talents, and who
had not given him a genius for poetry. Achilles was a subject for
Pindar’s lyre, but could not strike it like Pindar.
Daun soon compensated for his error, and reached Dresden in six days
after the siege was formed. He flung sixteen battalions into the
town; and in three days more the King abandoned the siege. He had
astonished Europe--and he was satisfied. His brother’s glory was more
solid. Laudohn had invested Breslau, and expected to be joined by
seventy thousand Russians. The town in the meantime was battered with
incredible fury. The Russians did not appear--but Prince Henry did.
He had marched from Glogau with surprising expedition, and arrived in
time to save the place. Laudohn thought fit to decamp without risking
a battle; but he blocked up Neisse and Schweidnitz; and the Russians
at last advanced. Three bodies of Austrians also joined, commanded
by Daun, Laudohn, and Lacy. The King by large strides hastened to
the defence of Silesia, and encamped at Lignitz. His own superiority
of force, and the approach of the Russians, appeared to Marshal Daun
the favourable moment for determining the contest. He disposed his
plan for attacking the King in different quarters with all the three
Armies; and, to leave as little as possible to chance, he meant to
surprise him in the night. Measures so wisely taken were frustrated
by the vivacity of the King. He had learned the approach of a body of
Russians, and saw himself in a net. In vain had he already attempted
to divide the Austrian Armies; but what his stratagems could not
effect, their own disposition offered to him. Meaning to surround
him, they necessarily were to act in detached bodies. He seized the
lucky hour with vigour and sagacity; and, on the evening before
the destined general attack, he silently quitted his position, and
seized a post through which Laudohn was to pass. Daun had begun to
move, when, to his inexpressible surprise, he found no enemy to
encounter. The astonishment of Laudohn was not less, when, at three
in the morning, he found himself opposed to the whole force of the
King of Prussia. He was fallen into the snare, and it was too late
to retreat. For three hours he sustained the redoubled onsets of the
Prussian; but the King, who fought to avoid a battle, as well as to
gain one, exerted such desperate heroism, that at length he totally
routed the Austrians. They fled, leaving the Monarch in possession of
every mark of victory, but expecting each moment to have it ravished
from him.
Here, if ever, Marshal Daun seems to have hesitated unwisely. The
Prussians were flushed with success; but such a victory was not
gained without fatigue. Daun suspended his blow, and never recovered
the opportunity: he lost it by waiting to ensure it. Never trusting
to chance, while additional strength was in view, he detached a
strong corps to meet the Russians and press them to advance. Great
as the reinforcement was, it did not counterbalance the panic with
which they were struck by Laudohn’s defeat. They repassed the Oder
with precipitation, and left the King at liberty to join Prince
Henry. Marshal Daun, who was more lessened by his competitor’s defeat
than he could have been by any triumph of Laudohn, descended from
the lofty hopes he had so reasonably entertained, and blockaded
Schweidnitz. But the honour of forming a single siege was soon
ravished from him by Frederick, who, having surprised and vanquished
a corps under General Beck, obliged the Marshal to raise the blockade
and retreat precipitately to the mountains.
Still dangers crowded on the King as fast as he dispersed them. While
he was defending Silesia, the Russians, seeing Brandenburg open,
turned their invasion towards that province. Count Czernichew led
on a considerable body; Daun sent them 15,000 Austrians, and the
Imperial Army in Saxony was ordered to meet them at the gates of
Berlin. Count Halsen had upheld the sinking fortune of the King in
Saxony: he was now commanded to make an effort for saving Berlin;
but when he had assembled all possible force, it amounted but to
15,000 men. With such scanty means, he could only be witness to the
reduction of the capital, which immediately capitulated. The Allied
Army laid the town under heavy contribution; but the Russians, who
had not distinguished themselves in that war by lenity, blushed to
see themselves surpassed by the excesses of the Austrians; so much
did animosity surpass barbarism. Even the Swedes had hoped to come in
for share of the plunder of Berlin, and were stretching thither.
The King, whose fortune sunk wherever he was not in person to
sustain it, marched to relieve his capital. The plunderers did not
await him, but, after wasting the country, retired; the Imperialists,
to profit of the King’s absence, and to seize Saxony, which lay at
their mercy; the Russians, to form the siege of Colberg, which,
however, they abandoned, and retreated. Laudohn had no better success
before Cosel: and before the end of the campaign, the Swedes, too,
were driven back by the alertness of General Werner.
Still Marshal Daun’s Army remained entire, and superior to the
King’s. He had followed and watched every motion of that Prince, and
both passed the Elbe on the same day. The two Armies encamped near
Torgau; the Marshal with every advantage of position. The King’s
situation was tremendous. The enemy was not to be forced from a post
so judiciously chosen. Winter advanced; and Frederic had nothing
but a ruined country to receive him, if defeated. The King saw the
gulph that surrounded him. He saw the fruitlessness of disguising
their danger to his Army. He determined to fight, and told his troops
that he was resolved to conquer or die. Under the awfulness of
despair, they attacked the enemy. The onset and the reception became
the renown of such Armies and such Commanders. Fury animated the
Prussians; intrepidity sustained the Austrians. The King’s valour
was correspondent to his declaration. The Marshal showed that his
fire had been restrained by wisdom alone--not by want of heroism.
The event was long in suspense, and fluctuated alternately, each
side being often repulsed, and returning to the charge with fresh
alacrity. The Prussians at last threw the enemy into disorder; and
the Marshal himself receiving a dangerous wound in the thigh, and
being borne from the field, Count O’Donnel, who succeeded to the
command, found it vain to dispute the field any longer. It was nine
at night in the month of November; the battle had lasted from two in
the afternoon. A retreat was sounded, and made in good order by the
Austrians.
Dearly did the Prussians buy their victory; but in such a crisis
what was too dear a price for Frederic to pay? His loss was computed
at 13,000 men. The Austrians had not suffered less; in prisoners
abundantly. Four Generals, 216 officers, and 8000 private men
taken, with possession of the field, were decisive in favour of the
Prussians. The recovery of all Saxony, but Dresden, made the victory
indisputable.
Prince Ferdinand’s campaign was not alike resplendent in action or
variety. His army had been reinforced, but was still inferior to
the French commanded by Marshal Broglio. A separate corps was under
the orders of Count St. Germain, an officer of reputation, but
between whom and Broglio an enmity subsisted, which made it thought
unadvisable to let them act together. That they should even act in
concert was little to be expected--nor did they. Prince Ferdinand
reaped security from their dissensions rather than laurels. Their
animosities ran so high, that Broglio ordering St. Germain to join
his force with the Grand Army, contrary to the compact which the
latter had made of commanding a distinct body, St. Germain, who was
also an older officer, threw up his commission, and quitted the
service of his country.
The Hereditary Prince, ever alert, had attacked a post, been beaten,
and been wounded. He soon compensated for that disgrace by surprising
another detachment, in which he made the General who commanded
it, and 3000 men, prisoners. That success was followed by a more
considerable action at Warbourg, in which the French were again
worsted by Prince Ferdinand and his heroic nephew: yet so little
advantage was reaped by that achievement, that the French soon
overran Hesse, seized Göttingen and Munden, and were at the eve of
possessing Hanover.
The Hereditary Prince continued his eccentric enterprises with
advantage. His ardour was well seconded by the bravery of the English
troops: yet those flying rencounters rather kept off than forwarded
any decisive blow. Prince Ferdinand made other detachments with like
prosperity; and gained at least the glory of diverting Broglio, with
very superior force, from accomplishing any point of importance. A
more unaccountable expedition, on which Prince Ferdinand suddenly
dispatched his nephew, at the head of a considerable force, towards
the frontiers of Holland, occasioned much solicitude in England,
as the main Army, already unequal to that of France, was thus
rendered much weaker. King George felt it with anxiety; and though
not productive of the disasters apprehended, it was far, whatever
were the object of its destination, from turning to account.
Cleves, indeed, fell into our hands, and the siege of Wesel was
undertaken; but the French not thinking fit to leave the Hereditary
Prince undisturbed in his progress, sent Monsieur de Castries, with
a powerful detachment, to interrupt the siege. The Prince, whose
characteristic was quickness, did not wait to be compelled to raise
the siege. He attempted to surprise the enemy, but was repulsed with
loss, and received another wound.
In that action fell Lord Downe,[112] a gallant young man, adorned
with every amiable quality. Intrepid, generous, and good-natured, he
had abandoned the enjoyment of an ample fortune for the pursuit of
arms, to which he had an ungovernable impulse. He had parts to have
distinguished him in a safer scene; and a peculiarity of humour that
ornamented even his virtues. He received three wounds, and languished
some weeks in torment, which he supported with indifference to
everything but the impatience of returning to his profession--but his
wounds were mortal. The Prince rejoined the Army, which soon after
went into winter-quarters.
While the theatre of war was thus open to men so formed to shine
on it, another hero, who had been excluded from the scene, was in
a melancholy condition. The Duke of Cumberland in the summer had a
stroke of palsy. He soon recovered both his speech and limbs; but the
grossness of his constitution, and other disorders, made his friends
apprehend he would not long survive it. Himself treated it with
indifference, and with the same philosophy with which his high spirit
had supported misfortunes to him more sensible.
The martial temper of the age called forth a champion of dissimilar
complexion. There was in Ireland an Earl of Clanrickard, who, even
in this country, where singular characters are not uncommon, had
been reckoned more than ordinarily extravagant. The Duke of Bedford
had refused to let him raise a regiment. To prove his valour, he
challenged the Lord-Lieutenant, who contemning so improper an
adversary, the Earl printed in the public papers a letter to the
Duke, reproaching him with rejecting the challenge, and reflecting
both on his Grace and his secretary, whose bones he threatened
to break. Such an insult on the chief governor of a kingdom was
atrocious. The Privy Council of England ordered the Attorney-General
to commence a prosecution against the Earl. Mr. Rigby, whose spirit
was more questionless than the Earl’s, returned a challenge for
himself; but the Earl thought it safest to confine his prowess to the
master, and forbore coming to England. Three years afterwards, when
Rigby went to Ireland to qualify for a place, the Privy Council of
that kingdom obliged Lord Clanrickard to give security for his good
behaviour; and the matter was compromised.
* * * * *
These were the last events in the long and memorable reign of
George the Second--a reign that had produced as great statesmen,
orators, and heroes as dignify the annals of whatever country. His
thirteen first years were stamped with every blessing of peace, but
unanimity--if disagreement is an evil to a free country, to which
jealousy is perhaps essential. A Rebellion and two wars called forth
all our resources: the disgrace that attended the Councils and
prosecution of the first war served but to illustrate the abilities
of the nation, which, reviving from its ignominy and calamities,
carried the glory of our arms and measures to a height unknown in our
story. The Prince himself was neither accessary to the one or the
other. His greatest merit was bearing either fortune with calmness.
Triumphant as Elizabeth and Anne, he neither presumed on the zeal of
his subjects like the first, nor was so like the last as to concur
in or behold an ignominious peace, that tarnished such conspicuous
victories, and squandered such irrecoverable advantages. Full of
years and glory, he died without a pang, and without a reverse. He
left his family firmly established on a long-disputed Throne, and was
taken away in the moment that approaching extinction of sight and
hearing made loss of life the only blessing that remained desirable.
On the 25th of October he rose as usual at six, and drank his
chocolate; for all his actions were invariably methodic. A quarter
after seven he went into a little closet. His German _valet de
chambre_ in waiting, heard a noise, and running in, found the King
dead on the floor. In falling, he had cut his face against the
corner of a bureau. He was laid on a bed and blooded, but not a drop
followed: the ventricle of his heart had burst. Princess Amelie
was called, and told the King wanted her. She went immediately, and
thought him in a fit. Being deaf herself, she saw nothing in the
chamber that indicated his being dead; and putting her face close
to his, to hear if he spoke to her, she then first perceived he was
lifeless.
The character of this Prince has been so amply displayed in the
course of this work, that it were tautology to recapitulate it. His
faults were more the blemishes of a private man than of a King.
The affection and tenderness he invariably showed to a people over
whom he had unbounded rule, forbid our wondering that he used
circumscribed power with moderation. Often situated in humiliating
circumstances, his resentments seldom operated when the power of
revenge returned. He bore the ascendant of his Ministers, who
seldom were his favourites, with more patience than he suffered any
encroachment on his will from his mistresses. Content to bargain
for the gratification of his two predominant passions, Hanover and
money, he was almost indifferent to the rest of his royal authority,
provided exterior observance was not wanting; for he comforted
himself if he did not perceive the diminution of Majesty, though it
was notorious to all the rest of the world. Yet he was not so totally
careless of the affection and interests of this country as his father
had been. George the First possessed a sounder understanding and a
better temper: yet George the Second gained more by being compared
with his eldest son, than he lost if paralleled with his father. His
treatment of his second son, to whose valour he was indebted for the
preservation of his Crown, and to the silence and tenderness of whose
duty he owed the preservation of his honour, was punished by the
ingratitude of the Princess of Wales.
Bookish men have censured his neglect of literature--a reflection
that at least is evidence that public utility is not the sole purport
of their labours. But the advantages resulting to their country from
authors must be better ascertained, before the imputation becomes
a grave one. Had he pensioned half a dozen poets, and reaped their
incense, the world had heard of nothing but his liberality. Let Kings
prefer a Tillotson or a Seneca, nay, a Bacon or a Newton--if Bacon
or Seneca will not forget their philosophy. Let them enrich such
angelic men, when there are such angelic men, as Dr. Hales:[113] but
money is as well hoarded as squandered on Boileaus and Benserades, on
Atterburys and Drydens. In truth, I believe King George would have
preferred a guinea to a composition as perfect as Alexander’s Feast.
He certainly did not spare rewards to those who served their country.
The profusion of favours which he suffered the Duke of Newcastle to
shower on the University of Cambridge ought to disculpate the King
from the charge of neglecting literature--it was the fault of that
body if they were not learned.
If dying but moderately rich were as good a proof that he had not
been avaricious, one of the greatest stains of his character would be
effaced. By his will he gave fifty thousand pounds between his three
surviving children, the Duke, Princess Amelia, and Mary, Princess of
Hesse: a strong box, not to be opened, to Lady Yarmouth. The rest of
his private fortune he had given by a deed, executed soon after the
battle of Culloden, and unrevoked, to the Duke of Cumberland; who
thence became heir to his jewels (sold afterwards to the successor
for about fifty thousand pounds), and to his mortgages in Germany,
amounting to about an hundred and fourscore thousand more:--a scanty
pittance, if compared with what he must have amassed in a reign of
three and thirty years. For part of that term he had received yearly
to his own use an hundred thousand pounds from the civil list,
and never less than fifty thousand; relinquishing the rest to the
disposal of his Ministers for necessary services! At his accession
he was worth three hundred thousand pounds. The revenues of Hanover
exceeded five hundred thousand pounds a year; a sum he by no means
expended. Reduce his savings to the lowest, discount his purchases,
and swell Lady Yarmouth’s legacy, which was given out to be ten
thousand pounds, to four times that sum; and allow two millions,
which his last war is said to have cost him in defence of Hanover; it
will still be difficult to believe that he did not die worth three
hundred and fifty thousand pounds--what became of the rest, or how
concealed if there was more, I pretend not to determine, nor even to
guess.
The King himself had stated his late expense for Hanover still higher
than I have set down. Mr. Onslow, the Speaker, showed me a remarkable
paper, which had been brought to him at the King’s command, in the
year 1758, by Baron Munchausen,[114] with whom Mr. Onslow had no
acquaintance. In that memorandum, the King declared that he had then
expended on the war 2,500,000_l._, the savings of thirty years; that
he had borrowed above 200,000_l._ here in England, as much more in
Germany, and that the Hanoverian Chancery of war owed 200,000 rix
dollars. “The King,” concluded the paper, “can do no more himself
towards the war.”--If he did more in the two following years, and
it has never been pretended that he stopped his hand in 1758, his
remaining ability to go on induces a suspicion that there was as
little exactness observed in stating the rest of the account. On the
envelope of Munchausen’s paper Mr. Onslow had written, “I could send
no answer to this.”
The morning after the King’s death, the Duke of Cumberland sent for
Lord Waldegrave, and told him, that if, as Lady Yarmouth believed,
no new will had been made since that in Princess Amelie’s hands, his
father had done greatly for him--not, however, so largely as he had
once purposed: he had said to the Duke, “William, I see you will
never marry; it is in vain to think of making a great establishment
of a new branch through you: I shall do well for you for your life;
yet not so large as I should have done in that case.” This certainly
intimated a project of leaving his purchased Principalities in
Germany to the Duke.
Lord Waldegrave in return showed his Royal Highness an
_extraordinary_ piece; it was endorsed, _very private paper_, and was
a letter from the Duke of Newcastle to the first Earl of Waldegrave;
in which his Grace informed the Earl,[115] that he had received by
the messenger the copy of the will and codicil of George the First;
that he had delivered it to his Majesty, who put it into the fire
without opening it--“so,” adds the Duke, “we do not know whether it
confirms the other or not:” and he proceeds to say, “I dispatch a
messenger to the Duke of Wolfenbuttle with the treaty, in which is
granted all he desires; and we expect by the return of the messenger
the original will from him.” George the First had left two wills;
one in the hands of Dr. Wake, Archbishop of Canterbury, the other
with the Duke of Wolfenbuttle. The Archbishop, on news of the King’s
death, carried his copy to the Privy Council, and, without the
precaution of opening it before them, which the poor man could not
apprehend would be so necessary as it proved, gave it into the new
King’s hands, who, to the Prelate’s great surprise, carried it from
Council _unopened_.[116] The letter I have quoted above shows what
was the fate of the other copy: the honest Duke of Wolfenbuttle sold
it for a subsidy! George the First had been in the right to take
those precautions: he himself had burned his wife’s testament,[117]
and her father’s, the Duke of Zelle, both of whom had made George the
Second their heir--a palliative of the latter’s obliquity, if justice
would allow of any violation.
FOOTNOTES:
[110] The same person who, when Governor of Minorca, was forced to
surrender it to the Spaniards in 1782.
[111] Jeffery Amherst, afterwards made Knight of the Bath, a Baron
of England, and Commander-in-Chief of the Forces of Great Britain,
from which post he was removed in 1782, was one of those men who, in
particular circumstances, in one period of their life have performed
not only great actions, but have conducted them with consummate
sense and address, and who in the rest of their lives have been
able to display no symptoms of genius. Amherst, who terminated the
war in America with so much ability, being afterwards raised to the
command of the Army at home, was discovered and universally allowed
to be a man of incapacity, or neglectful of the most common details
of his office. Whether conscious of his own defects, and of being
incompetent to converse with men whom he knew enlightened, he seemed
determined to bury his deficiency in obstinate silence; or else
his pride and vanity, of which he had a tolerable share, made him
disdain to communicate his paucity of ideas. No satisfaction could
be extorted from him on whatever business he was consulted; nor
was it much easier to obtain from him the necessary orders in his
department. In 1779, when the French Fleet arrived off Plymouth, he
could not have given more absurd directions had he meant to betray
the place; and, when every part of the coast was open to expected
invasion, he was nowhere prepared with the common necessaries
for taking the field. When reproached in Parliament with his
negligence and insufficiency, he confirmed them by the sullen and
inadequate brevity of his reply. When at last he was removed by the
preponderance of the Opposition in 1782, he fell as unregretted as he
had remained in place despised.
General Monk had been another of those temporary brilliants. All
the depths of refined policy had seemed to have conducted and
ensured his success. After the Restoration, not a gleam of genius
appeared, though he proved just the reverse of Amherst. Monk had
observed the most profound secrecy and dissimulation in conducting
the re-establishment of the King. He seems to have thrown off all
disguise in the rest of his life; though his activity remained,
whenever called out. Amherst assumed reserve when he had nothing
to conceal, and laid aside industry when it would have sufficed to
communicate vigour to others. When men shine but once, it is probable
that fortune has the chief merit in their success; and that others
impute to their foresight the lucky combinations of chance in their
favour.
In different parts of these Memoirs I am well aware that I have given
very different characters of some of the principal actors. The reason
is, that, having observed them well for a long series of years, I
have seen cause to change my opinions--perhaps the persons themselves
altered, for who is consistent? I choose to leave the portraits
with their variations; I think they were just at each period in
which they were drawn--the reader must judge from the conduct of
the persons; for he will observe, that, if I vary my accounts, I
produce the instances in which the actors appear different from
themselves. Lord Chatham I have described in all the lights in
which he appeared--sometimes a capital statesman, and sometimes an
empiric. The Duke of Cumberland I have shown to have become a most
wise, philosophic, and respectable, from a haughty and insolent
Prince. Lord George Sackville I have spoken of with admiration of
his parts, with great indecision on his spirit, with scorn of his
want of judgment, and of his want of abilities in the latter part of
his time. Lord Amherst was allowed for many years to have deserved
the encomiums I have given to his conduct in America. The contempt
conceived for him afterwards was so general, that, even while he
retained his power, he had not an advocate.--A.
The author’s notes were generally written many years after the
text. The above unfavourable portrait of Lord Amherst was probably
annexed to the MS. at the close of the American war, when political
animosities obscured every impartial view of living characters.
The panegyric in text was composed in 1763, Horace Walpole being
then more than ever disposed to magnify the events and extol the
tactics of the seven-years’ war. Allowance must be made for these
circumstances. We may abate something of the warmth of encomium in
the text, but we must also mitigate the bitterness which forms so
large an ingredient in the note.--E.
[112] Henry Pleydell Dawney, Viscount Downe of Ireland.
[113] Dr. Stephen Hales, parson of Teddington, Chaplain to Augusta,
Princess of Wales, author of several most humane and philosophic
works.
[114] The Minister for Hanover in England.
[115] Then ambassador in France.
[116] It was believed that George the First had bequeathed a
large sum to his daughter, the Queen of Prussia, and another to
his mistress, or rather left-handed wife, the Duchess of Kendal.
Frederic the Second, King of Prussia, was said to have often claimed
his mother’s legacy; and the Earl of Chesterfield, who married the
Countess of Walsingham, niece and heiress of the Duchess of Kendal,
commenced or threatened a suit for the Duchess’s legacy, and was
supposed to be quieted by a sum of twenty thousand pounds. Lady
Walsingham was believed to be the King’s daughter by the Duchess of
Kendal.
[117] (_Vide_ Appendix.)
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.
(_Vide page 309._)
I learned from Henrietta, Countess of Suffolk, mistress to George
the Second, the fact mentioned in text, of George the First burning
his wife’s testament. That Princess, the Electress of Hanover, liked
the famous Count Konigsmark, while her husband was at the Army.
The old Elector, father of George the First, ordered him away. The
Electress, then Hereditary Princess, was persuaded to let him kiss
her hand before his departure. She saw him in bed--he retired, and
was never heard of more. When George the Second went first to Hanover
after his father’s death, and made some alterations in the palace,
the body of Konigsmark was found under the floor of the chamber
next to the Electress’s chamber. He had been strangled immediately
on leaving her, by the old Elector’s order, and buried under the
floor. This fact _Queen Caroline related to my father_, Sir Robert
Walpole. George the Second told it to his wife, but never to his
mistress, Lady Suffolk, who had never heard it till I told it to her
many years after. The Electress was separated from George I. on that
amour, and was called Duchess of Halle; and he married the Duchess
of Kendal with his left hand. When the French threatened Hanover in
Queen Anne’s war, the Duchess of Halle was sent to her parents, the
Duke and Duchess of Zelle, who doted on her their only child, and
she stayed a year with them; but though they were most earnest to
retain her, she was forced to return to her confinement, in which
she died the year before her husband. Some French prophetess, as
supposed hired by the Duke of Zelle, warned George I. to take care of
his wife, for he would not long outlive her. As the Germans are very
superstitious, he believed the prophecy; and when he took leave of
his son and the Princess of Wales, Caroline, he told them he should
never see them more. George II., who hated his father and was very
fond of his mother, meant, if she had survived her husband, to bring
her over, and declare her Queen Dowager. Lady Suffolk told me, that
the morning after the news of the death of George I. arrived, when
she went, as Woman of the Bed-chamber, to the new Queen, she found
a whole and half-length portraits of the Electress hung up in the
apartment; George II. had had them locked up, but had not dared
to produce them. Princess Amelie has the half-length at her house
in Cavendish-square. George I. told the Duchess of Kendal, that if
he could, he would appear to her after his death. Soon after that
event, a large bird, I forget of what sort, flew into her window.
She believed it was the King’s soul, and took the utmost care of
it. George II. was not less credulous; he believed in vampires.
His son Frederic affected the same contradictory fondness for his
grandfather, and erected the statue of George I. in Leicester-fields;
and intended, if he had come to the crown, to place a monument to his
memory in St. Paul’s.
George I., besides the Duchess of Kendal, had several other
mistresses, particularly one whom he brought over and created
Countess of Darlington; by whom he was father of Charlotte,
Viscountess Howe, though she was not publicly avowed. In the last
year or two of his life he had another mistress, Miss Anne Brett,
daughter, by her second husband, Colonel Brett, of the famous
divorced Countess of Macclesfield, mother of Savage, the poet. Miss
Brett had an apartment given to her in the palace at St. James’s, and
was to have been created a Countess, if the King had returned.
INDEX.
INDEX
OF THE
NAMES OF PERSONS MENTIONED IN THESE MEMOIRS.
Abercrombie, General, iii. 91, 134.
Adams, Judge, iii. 118.
Ailesbury, Earl of, ii. 272.
Albemarle, W. A. Van Keppel, Earl of, i. 82, 194, 422, 423; ii. 18;
iii. 44, 155, 169, 267, 271.
Albemarle, Lady, i. 82; iii. 268.
Aldworth, Mr., i. 193.
Allen, Mr., iii. 5.
Amelie, Princess, i. 401, 451; ii. 39, 371; iii. 269, 303, 305, 307,
315.
Amherst, General, iii. 91, 133, 211, 218, 235, 285, 287, 288, 289.
Andrews, Dr., i. 367.
Andrié, M., i. 455.
Anhalt-Dessau, Prince of, ii. 411.
Anhalt, Prince of, iii. 195.
Ankram, Lord, i. 60.
Anson, Lord, i. 38, 68, 115, 187, 192, 194, 256, 304, 331, 345, 380;
ii. 2, 33, 69, 184, 195, 228, 270, 305, 310, 317, 343, 356,
371; iii. 22, 32, 34, 46, 62, 105, 124.
Anspach, Margrave of, i. 288; ii. 393.
Anstis, Mr., ii. 393.
Anstruther, General, i. 42, 43, 44, 57, 58, 59, 61, 63, 64, 68, 81,
95, 106, 107, 108, 111, 112.
Apraxin, iii. 122.
Archer, Lord, i. 8.
Argyle, John, Duke of, i. 43, 164, 178, 209; ii. 191, 303.
Argyle, Archibald, Duke of, i. 41, 81, 251, 257, 273, 274, 275, 277,
278, 331, 363, 380, 390; ii. 187, 300, 301; iii. 157, 281.
Armitage, Sir John, iii. 124, 136.
Arran, Lord, iii. 157, 166.
Arundel, Mr., ii. 143; iii. 6.
Ashburnham, Lord, iii. 21.
Ashton, iii. 98.
Asturias, Prince of, iii. 208, 209.
Atcheson, Sir Archibald, iii. 73.
Augusta, the Lady, i. 73, 83, 289; ii. 206.
Austria, Empress of, ii. 219, 232, 238, 239, 240, 241, 313; iii. 12,
122, 247, 248, 289.
Ayscough, Dr., i. 79, 201.
Baker, Alderman, i. 71; ii. 304.
Balfour, General, iii. 257, 266, 267.
Baltimore, Lord, i. 87.
Bareil, M. de, iii. 167.
Barnard, Lord, i. 388, 389.
Barnard, Sir John, i. 8, 45, 46, 54, 133, 211, 218, 255, 357, 365,
369; ii. 177; iii. 5.
Barri, Madame du, iii. 245.
Barrington, General, iii. 170.
Barrington, William Barrington Shute, Viscount, i, 12, 31, 211, 220,
388, 410; ii. 45, 86, 89, 106, 118, 141, 142, 144, 157, 158,
159, 162, 163, 188, 251, 320; iii. 88, 212, 213, 234, 265, 280.
Bateman, Lord, ii. 140, 274; iii. 32.
Bath, Earl of, i. 25, 36, 46, 90, 93, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 141,
147, 171, 173, 174, 191, 205, 206, 222, 262, 272, 275, 330,
337, 348; ii. 202; iii. 105, 233, 250, 270.
Bathurst, Henry, i. 8, 31, 96.
Bathurst, Lord, i. 433; ii. 49, 258.
Bathurst, Judge, iii. 119, 269.
Bavaria, Electress of, ii. 397.
Beck, General, iii. 295.
Beaufort, Duke of, i. 275.
Beckford, Mr., i. 153, 213, 218, 243, 254, 255, 257, 307, 345, 404,
411, 412; ii. 13, 52, 67, 82, 95, 96, 118, 129, 144, 152, 155,
191, 302, 322, 375; iii. 88, 150, 177, 178, 183, 224, 225, 279.
Beckford, Mr., Jun., i. 410.
Bedford, John, Duke of, i. 1, 2, 3, 22, 34, 47, 55, 61, 62, 68, 69,
79, 81, 99, 122, 147, 153, 161, 165, 167, 171, 182, 185, 186,
187, 189, 190, 191, 192, 194, 199, 226, 233, 239, 240, 241,
242, 244, 247, 250, 252, 254, 256, 263, 264, 268, 271, 272,
274, 277, 295, 309, 310, 311, 313, 316, 325, 329, 332, 336,
345, 347, 350, 360, 369, 414, 415; ii. 19, 45, 46, 47, 49, 91,
97, 104, 124, 139, 140, 186, 187, 201, 254, 255, 261, 265,
268, 269, 271, 284, 315, 326, 332, 354, 357, 373, 378, 379;
iii. 11, 16, 20, 29, 34, 65, 68, 71, 91, 92, 93, 94, 157, 181,
224, 240, 242, 243, 245, 254, 264, 300, 301.
Bedford, Duchess of, i. 3, 186, 242, 352, 414, 416; ii. 46; iii. 66,
95, 233, 254.
Behan, Mrs., i. 439.
Belchier, Mr., i. 63.
Belleisle, Marshal, iii. 127, 184, 223, 244.
Benedict XIV., Pope, ii. 279, 280; iii. 131, 143.
Bentinck, Monsieur, i. 207.
Bentley, Captain John, ii. 290, 364.
Berkeley, Earl, i. 98; ii. 274.
Bernis, Cardinal de, iii. 157, 158.
Bertie, Lord Robert, i. 94; ii. 292; iii. 272.
Bertie, Norris, i. 133, 213.
Berwick, Duke of, i. 4, 5.
Besborough, Earl of, i. 196, 282, 391; ii. 19, 25, 183.
Bestucheff, Chancellor, iii. 122.
Bettesworth, Dr. John, i. 91.
Bevern, Prince of, iii. 80.
Blackbourn, Dr., Archbishop of York, i. 87, 446.
Blacket, Sir Walter, i. 243, 254.
Blair, Mr., iii. 76.
Blakeney, General, ii. 190, 212, 225, 275, 297.
Blakiston, a grocer, i. 36.
Bland, Dr. Henry, i. 65.
Blighe, General, iii. 126, 133, 135, 137, 150, 154.
Bloodworth, Mr., i. 96.
Bollan, Mr., ii. 170, 172, 173, 174.
Bolingbroke, Henry St. John, Viscount, i. 73, 80, 140, 209, 220, 222,
224, 225, 284, 288, 445, 462, 464; iii. 106.
Bolton, Harry, Duke of, iii. 237.
Bolton, Charles, Duke of, iii. 237.
Boscawen, Admiral, i. 101, 194; ii. 13, 27, 286, 287, 294; iii. 2,
133, 134, 150, 211.
Bonville, M., iii. 52.
Boone, Mr., i. 96.
Bothmar, Baron, ii. 123.
Bower, Arch., iii. 97, 180, 250.
Bowes, Mr., i. 145.
Bowes, Lord Chancellor, iii. 241.
Boyle, Bellingham, i. 368.
Boyle, Lady Charlotte, i. 195.
Boyle, Mr., i. 279, 280, 282, 356, 367; ii. 183, 184.
Boyce, Captain, ii. 364.
Boys, Captain William, ii. 290.
Braddock, General, i. 400; ii. 29, 30, 31, 46, 86, 95, 195, 341.
Bradstreet, Colonel, iii. 134.
Brereton, Major, iii. 289.
Brett, Miss Anne, iii. 315.
Bristol, Earl of, i. 67; iii. 83.
Broderick, Rear-Admiral, ii. 290, 341, 362; iii. 51, 77.
Broglio, Duc de, iii. 128, 199, 248, 297.
Brown, Marshal, ii. 242, 243; iii. 13.
Brown, Lady, iii. 186.
Bruce, Mr., i. 266.
Bruce, Lady Mary, ii. 317.
Brudenel, Mr., ii. 258.
Brudenel, Colonel Robert, iii. 154.
Bruhl, Count, ii. 233, 234, 235, 236, 238, 239, 242, 395, 397, 398,
404, 405, &c.; iii. 248.
Brunswick, Duke of, i. 149.
Brunswick, Duchess of, i. 73.
Brunswick, Princess of, ii. 35.
Buckinghamshire, John, Earl of, i. 177; iii. 227.
Buckingham, Duchess of, i. 119.
Burdett, Sir Robert, i. 95.
Burgundy, Duchess of, ii. 210.
Burlington, Richard, Earl of, i. 195.
Bury, Lord, i. 82.
Bussy, Abbé de, ii. 28.
Butcher, Mr., i. 193.
Bute, Earl of, i. 47, 136, 438; ii. 204, 205, 206, 221, 222, 223, 256,
257, 258, 259, 265; iii. 25, 28, 29, 39, 40, 99, 100,
121, 157, 183, 237, 251, 260, 274.
Butler, Dr., Bishop of Durham, i. 148.
Byng, Admiral, i. 4; ii. 190, 212, 214, 216, 225, 227, 228, 245, 247,
249, 275, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 290, 305, 307; iii. 118.
Cadogan, Lord, ii. 191.
Cadogan, Mr., ii. 258.
Calabria, Duke of, iii. 206.
Calcraft, Mr., ii. 42; iii. 29.
Calhoen, Mr., ii. 415.
Cameron, Dr. Archibald, i. 333, 353.
Campbell, General, i. 258.
Campbell, Alexander Hume, i. 19; ii. 107, 108, 112, 114, 116, 118,
125, 126, 142, 143, 146, 149, 179, 322, 323, 330; iii. 6, 7,
9, 23.
Campbell, John, of Calder, ii. 14; iii. 182.
Campbell, Lord Frederic, iii. 257.
Canterbury, Archbishop of, i. 74.
Cardigan, Earl of, i. 255, 260, 278.
Carlisle, Lord, i. 174; ii. 274.
Carmarthen, Francis Osborne, Marquis of, iii. 276.
Caroline, her Majesty Queen, i. 65, 74, 76, 164, 177, 178, 179, 181,
182, 198, 207, 208, 221, 223, 276; ii. 207, 374; iii. 82, 83,
268, 313, 314.
Caroline, Princess, iii. 82, 100, 269.
Carne, Mr., i. 26, 95.
Carneguy, Mr., i. 60.
Carpenter, Lord, i. 26, 27, 32, 200.
Carter, Mr., i. 281, 368; ii. 183.
Carteret, Lord, i. 163.
Carysfort, Lord, iii. 3.
Cathcart, Lord, i. 78; ii. 105.
Cavalchini, Cardinal, iii. 131, 132.
Cavendish, Lord John, i. 195.
Cavendish, Lord George, iii. 10.
Chapeau, M., i. 457, 458.
Chapman, Dr., i. 304.
Charles, Prince of Austria, ii. 131; iii. 14, 80.
Chateauroux, Duchesse de, i. 335; ii. 211.
Cheselden, John, i. 177.
Chesterfield, Philip, Earl of, i. 46, 47, 50, 51, 52, 53, 73, 165,
167, 171, 177, 204, 209, 275, 450; ii. 21, 45, 103, 149, 416;
iii. 30, 55, 167, 199.
Chevert, M., iii. 128, 129.
Child, Sir Josiah, iii. 178.
Choiseul, Duc de, iii. 244.
Cholmondeley, George, Earl of, i. 173, 363; ii. 141, 143, 363.
Cholmondeley, Mr., i. 330.
Cholmondeley, General, ii. 284; iii. 78, 79, 271, 272.
Churchill, General, i. 24.
Cibber, Colley, iii. 81.
Clair, St., General, i. 44, 56.
Clanrickard, Earl of, iii. 300, 301.
Clarges, Sir Thomas, i. 32.
Clarke, Dr., i. 65.
Clarke, Mr., iii. 43, 51, 77, 96, 137.
Clayton, Dr., Bishop of Clogher, iii. 96, 97.
Cleland, Mr., ii. 295.
Clavering, Colonel, iii. 170.
Clement, Jacques, i. 184.
Clermont, Comte de, iii. 104, 127.
Clive, General, iii. 57, 89, 90.
Clive, Judge, iii. 269.
Cobham, Richard Grenville, Lord, i. 79, 92, 134, 135, 158, 241, 243;
ii. 99, 160; iii. 167, 179, 213.
Coke, Lord, i. 16, 20, 28, 208, 210, 211, 212, 259.
Cologne, Elector of, i. 81.
Colville, Lord, iii. 284.
Coloredo, M., iii. 35.
Compagni, Don Juan, i. 58.
Conflans, Admiral, iii. 231, 232, 262.
Contades, General, iii. 128, 191, 199, 216.
Conway, Lord, i. 41.
Conway, Henry Seymour, i. 13, 41, 57, 60, 341, 390, 403, 404, 414,
415; ii. 2, 3, 20, 23, 24, 25, 144, 147, 183, 268, 269, 302,
317, 318, 331, 335; iii. 3, 19, 29, 43, 45, 46, 47, 49, 51,
53, 54, 55, 56, 63, 65, 68, 70, 74, 77, 79, 91, 93, 94, 107,
154, 156, 167, 172, 214, 246, 252, 253, 271.
Cooke, Mr., i. 13, 14, 15, 16, 30, 32, 84, 218, 254; iii. 184.
Coote, Colonel, iii. 289.
Cope, Sir John, i. 172.
Cornbury, Lord, i. 233.
Cornwall, Velters, ii. 346.
Cornwallis, Colonel, i. 63, 69, 307; ii. 86, 284; iii. 49, 53, 56,
91, 155.
Cotton, Sir John Hinde, i. 8, 14, 22, 27, 28, 31, 32, 33, 34, 124,
136, 142, 144, 208, 213, 219, 255; ii. 103.
Courtney, Mr., i. 407.
Coventry, Lord, i. 208.
Coventry, Mr., iii. 183.
Cowper, Dr., Dean of Durham, i. 304, 314, 318.
Cox, Sir Richard, i. 281; iii. 96, 246.
Craggs, James, Esq., i. 34, 232.
Crawley, Sir Ambrose, Knt., i. 34.
Cresset, Mr., i. 92, 226, 284, 290; ii. 205.
Crooke, Mrs., i. 176.
Crowle, Mr., i. 17, 19, 20, 21.
Cunningham, Captain, ii. 226; iii. 71, 137, 274.
Cumberland, H. R. H. William, Duke of, i. 2, 39, 40, 47, 69, 78, 79,
90, 98, 99, 103, 104, 105, 132, 157, 189, 212, 213, 227, 251,
260, 262, 275, 302, 384, 403, 419, 436; ii. 11, 15, 19, 22,
29, 32, 38, 42, 105, 140, 156, 157, 176, 203, 204, 219, 257,
276, 306, 347, 373, 374, 376, 377, 379, 389; iii. 13, 23, 31,
35, 36, 45, 46, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 70, 71,
74, 77, 83, 85, 86, 105, 108, 111, 137, 156, 161, 172, 233,
234, 253, 260, 267, 268, 287, 300, 305, 307.
Cummings, Mr., i. 266, 270, 275.
Cust, Sir John, i. 96.
Czernichew, Count, iii. 295.
D’Abreu, M., ii. 215, 262; iii. 59, 131.
Dacre, Lord, ii. 175.
D’Affry, M., iii. 236.
D’Aiguillon, Duc, iii. 126, 135, 136.
Dalkeith, Countess Dowager of, ii. 224.
Dalrymple, Sir Hugh, i. 48.
Damiens, ii. 282.
Darcy, Sir Conyers, ii. 143.
D’Argenson, M., ii. 176.
Darlington, Earl of, i. 389; ii. 140, 274.
Dartmouth, Earl of, i. 190.
Dashwood, Sir Francis, i. 10, 27, 122; ii. 3, 14, 61, 144, 146, 181,
312, 318, 323, 328, 330, 336, 380; iii. 266.
Dashwood, Sir James, i. 364.
Daun, Marshal, iii. 12, 35, 80, 122, 123, 147, 148, 149, 200, 202,
203, 204, 289, 291, 292, 293, 296.
Davidson, Mr., i. 266.
Davison, Major, i. 314.
D’Ayen, Le Duc, ii. 282.
Delaval, Mr., i. 61, 124, 254; ii. 120.
Delaval, Mr., jun., i. 408.
Denbigh, Lord, ii. 351, 357; iii. 20, 106, 111, 179, 180, 183.
Dennis, Captain Peter, ii. 290, 318, 329, 365.
Denmark, King of, i. 227; iii. 13.
Denmark, her Majesty the Queen of, i. 227, 228.
D’Etrées, Marshal, ii. 373; iii. 37, 127, 216.
Devonshire, William, Duke of, i. 114, 195, 196, 286, 303, 321, 327,
378, 381; ii. 22, 39, 49, 85, 109, 183, 222, 258, 263, 265,
267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 274, 275, 284, 302, 357, 372, 378,
379, 386; iii. 2, 11, 15, 19, 20, 43, 62, 81, 84, 93, 114,
157, 161, 228.
Dickinson, Alderman, ii. 368.
Dieskau, Baron de, ii. 46.
Digby, Mr., i. 94.
Digby, Lord, ii. 203, 251, 258; iii. 88.
Digby, Captain, iii. 232.
Diggs, the actor, i. 389.
Dilks, Mr., i. 368.
Doddington, George Bubb, i. 8, 11, 47, 73, 74, 77, 87, 88, 89, 345,
437, 439; ii. 19, 51, 61, 140, 144, 146, 182, 186, 261, 274,
320, 339; iii. 2, 3, 150, 265, 266.
Dohna, General, iii. 138, 139, 200.
D’Ollone, M., ii. 411, 412.
Doneraile, Arthur St. Leger, Viscount, i. 74.
Dorset, Lionel Cranfield, Duke of, i. 5, 81, 97, 98; iii. 191.
Dorset, Charles Sackville, Duke of, i. 96, 97, 193, 279, 280, 283,
328, 354, 356, 368, 390, 391; ii. 3, 10, 19; iii. 23, 28, 33,
41, 254, 265.
Dorset, J. F. Sackville, Duke of, i. 97.
Douglas, Mr., i. 96.
Douglas, Capt. James, ii. 290, 364.
Douglas, Dr., iii. 180, 250.
Dowdeswell, Mr., i. 28, 144, 145.
Downe, Lord, i. 94, 208; ii. 202; iii. 124, 233, 234, 299.
Drax, Mr. Secretary, i. 87.
Drummond, Dr. Hay, Bishop of St. Asaph, i. 308, 328, 359; iii. 107.
Dubacq, Monsr., i. 207.
Dumfries, Earl of, i. 260.
Dunbar, Titular Earl of, i. 150, 286.
Dunbar, Colonel, ii. 31, 32.
Duncannon, Lord, i. 196; ii. 19.
Dundas, Lord Advocate, ii. 79, 144.
Dunk, Miss Anne, i. 200.
Duplin, Lord, i. 16, 27, 58, 63, 209, 307, 328, 383, 388, 391;
ii. 106, 140, 144, 146, 261; iii. 6, 183.
Durell, Admiral, iii. 218.
Durham, Bishop of, ii. 171.
Durini, Cardinal, iii. 132, 133.
Dury, General, iii. 136.
Earle, Giles, Esq., i. 91, 439.
Edgecumbe, Mr., ii. 140, 274.
Edgecumbe, Captain, ii. 225.
Edgecumbe, Lord, iii. 23.
Edward, Prince, i. 73, 80, 117, 228, 260, 289; ii. 207, 258, 259;
iii. 62, 126, 133.
Effingham, Lord, ii. 284.
Egerton, Lady Sophia, ii. 371.
Eglinton, Lord, ii. 300.
Egmont, John Perceval, Earl of, i. 8, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 20, 27, 28,
31, 35, 37, 40, 47, 49, 50, 57, 60, 61, 64, 80, 156, 158,
209, 213, 216, 219, 223, 294, 342, 345, 357, 363, 404, 405,
418, 420, 421; ii. 7, 9, 40, 54, 134, 144, 172, 173, 261,
387, 388, 389; iii. 2, 19, 23, 279.
Egremont, Earl of, i. 80; ii. 105; iii. 2.
Elibank, Lord, i. 17.
Elliot, Mr., ii. 4, 15, 79, 80, 134, 144, 274, 311; iii. 3.
Elliot, Sir Gilbert, iii. 264.
Ellis, Mr., i. 254; ii. 44, 67, 79, 141, 144, 153, 329; iii. 7, 26, 27.
Elizabeth, The Lady, ii. 206; iii. 211.
Emily, Princess, i. 73, 76, 78, 160, 182, 226, 309, 401, 445; ii. 220,
221, 306, 376; iii. 61, 83, 100.
Erskine, Sir Henry, i. 41, 42, 43, 44, 54, 56, 57, 63, 64, 68, 106,
107, 108, 111, 112, 113, 220, 243, 254, 295; ii. 150, 159,
160, 161, 163; iii. 99, 280.
Eugene, Prince, ii. 138.
Euston, Lord, ii. 258.
Evans, Mr., ii. 270.
Fagel, Greffier, i. 198, 207.
Falconberg, Lady, i. 432.
Fane, Lord, i. 407, 409; ii. 47, 94.
Farnham, Lord, iii. 242.
Fawcett, Mr. Attorney, i. 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 314, 316, 319,
322, 324, 326.
Fazakerley, Mr., i. 111, 126, 144, 146, 152, 159, 254, 257, 342;
ii. 12.
Ferdinand, Prince, of Brunswick, iii. 81, 104, 126, 127, 128, 129,
147, 150, 174, 188, 189, 190, 192, 193, 196, 197, 213, 214,
216, 238, 253, 254, 256, 257, 268-9, 271, 273, 297, 298, 299.
Ferrers, Earl, iii. 257, 258, 261, 274, 5, 6.
Fielding, Henry, i. 14, 44.
Finch, Edward, ii. 120.
Finkenstein, Count, i. 448, 454, 455.
Firebrace, Sir Cordel, i. 307.
Fitz-morrice, Lord, iii. 137.
Fitzroy, Charles, iii. 54.
Fitzroy, Colonel, iii. 191, 194, 195, 214.
Fitzwalter, Earl of, i. 198, 421.
Fitzwalter, Lady, i. 198.
Fitzwilliam, Colonel, i. 40; ii. 347.
Fitzwilliam, General, iii. 264.
Fleming, Count, ii. 235.
Fleury, Cardinal, i. 336.
Folkestone, Lord, i. 122.
Foley, Lord, i. 116.
Forbes, Admiral, ii. 274, 311.
Forbes, Colonel, ii. 373.
Forbes, General, iii. 134.
Fortescue, Lord, ii. 364.
Foster, Judge, iii. 119.
Fowke, General, ii. 214, 216, 229, 230, 284.
Fox, Henry, i. 8, 12, 15, 16, 20, 21, 27, 29, 30, 31, 35, 37, 40, 44,
47, 48, 55, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 64, 68, 69, 70, 76, 92, 93,
94, 95, 104, 110, 112, 129, 132, 137, 138, 139, 143, 147, 149,
151, 152, 157, 158, 185, 197, 205, 212, 213, 243, 254, 304,
342, 343, 346, 349, 352, 379, 380, 381, 383, 384, 386, 387,
392, 407, 410, 411, 414, 417, 418, 419, 420; ii. 3, 9, 11, 12,
13, 16, 17, 21, 25, 35, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48,
61, 62, 64, 66, 67, 69, 71, 72, 73, 75, 78, 83, 84, 90, 91,
105, 106, 107, 116, 126, 132, 139, 141, 143, 148, 152, 154,
155, 159, 160, 161, 163, 169, 171, 172, 174, 179, 182, 184,
187, 191, 195, 205, 214, 221, 223, 228, 245, 249, 250, 251,
252, 253, 254, 256, 257, 260, 261, 262, 263, 265, 266, 267,
268, 269, 270, 271, 273, 275, 276, 284, 301, 302, 304, 305,
309, 312, 314, 325, 326, 328, 332, 333, 334, 335, 339, 340,
341, 342, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 372, 375, 376, 379, 380,
385, 389, 393; iii. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22,
24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 34, 40, 55, 61, 63, 68, 72,
76, 88, 92, 105, 108, 109, 114, 125, 157, 160, 172, 174, 175,
181, 234, 243, 253.
Fox, Lady Caroline, ii. 316, 317; iii. 3.
Francis, Rev. Mr., ii. 276.
Francis, Prince, of Brunswick, iii. 148.
Frederick, H. R. H., Prince of Wales, i. 432, 434, 436, 438.
Vide _Wales_.
Fredersdorff, M., i. 449, 456.
French, Jeffery, ii. 125.
Furnese, Harry, i. 118; ii. 141.
Fynte, Sir Charles, i. 22.
Gage, Lord, ii. 141.
Galissoniere, M., ii. 215, 225, 312.
Gally, Dr., i. 49.
Gardiner, Luke, i. 356.
Gardiner, Captain, ii. 292.
Gascoyne, Mr., i. 26.
Gates, General, i. 400.
Geary, Captain Francis, ii. 290, 340, 342, 343, 344, 363, 364, 365.
George I., King, i. 92, 221, 223, 402; iii. 153, 167, 261, 307, 308,
309, 313, 314.
George II., King, i. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 12, 21, 61, 62, 64, 71, 74,
77, 78, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88, 92, 96, 98, 99, 104, 114,
121, 157, 158, 164, 172, 173, 174, 175, 177, 179, 180, 181,
182, 183, 184, 186, 187, 188, 193, 198, 199, 200, 201, 207,
212, 220, 223, 240, 241, 242, 244, 256, 257, 271, 275, 278,
288, 289, 291, 302, 309, 311, 321, 349, 352, 356, 378, 380,
381, 385, 389, 398, 400, 402, 403, 417, 419, 420; ii. 18, 19,
20, 22, 28, 33, 37, 40, 150, 158, 169, 170, 186, 188, 194,
206, 207, 208, 217, 219, 221, 222, 223, 228, 230, 238, 249,
250, 253, 254, 256, 257, 259, 262, 263, 266, 267, 269, 270,
272, 274, 283, 306, 309, 311, 313, 317, 319, 323, 331, 332,
334, 337, 341, 354, 362, 365, &c.; iii. 3, 4, 5, 11, 12, 15,
17, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 34, 42, 46, 53, 58, 61,
62, 63, 64, 74, 75, 77, 80, 82, 83, 88, 89, 91, 94, 100, 104,
111, 113, 125, 127, 162, 170, 171, 180, 182, 184, 186, 190,
213, 228, 236, 238, 248, 251, 253, 260, 265, 268, 270, 273,
276, 279, 281, 299, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 309, 313,
314.
George, H. R. H., Prince of Wales, i. 78, 79, 80, 81, 86, 94, 105,
114, 116, 161, 283, 287, 289, 314; ii. 35, 104, 204, 221, 222,
251, 258; iii. 99, 121, 222, 260, 261, 274.
Gibson, i. 17, 22, 27, 32.
Gilbert, Archbishop, ii. 374.
Gisors, Duc de, iii. 127.
Glenorchy, Lord, i. 66.
Glover, Mr., i. 439.
Godolphin, Lord, i. 221.
Golding, Mr., i. 48.
Gooch, Dr., Bishop of Ely, i. 148.
Gore, Sir Arthur, ii. 183.
Gower, R. L., i. 3, 260.
Gower, Lady Eliz. Leveson, i. 188.
Gower, John, Baron, i. 13, 34, 67, 69, 81, 173, 186, 188, 192, 193,
226, 260, 422; ii. 2, 139, 202, 203; iii. 23, 31, 280.
Grafton, Charles Fitzroy, Duke of, i. 48, 81, 180, 181, 182, 309,
328; ii. 186, 187, 259, 260, 268, 274; iii. 15, 191.
Granville, Earl, i. 5, 7, 9, 44, 46, 47, 53, 67, 74, 80, 88, 90, 93,
105, 121, 165, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175,
179, 184, 194, 197, 222, 233, 252, 253, 277, 304, 328, 349,
361, 362, 382, 388; ii. 43, 62, 105, 122, 133, 146, 184, 201,
213, 220, 222, 252, 253, 268, 284, 354, 378, 386, 390, 391;
iii. 2, 21, 29, 62, 85, 86, 87, 116, 158.
Graham, Mr., i. 184.
Granby, Lord, ii. 19, 124, 131, 301, 306; iii. 10, 124, 147, 192,
194, 195, 197, 214, 253, 271.
Gray, Mr., i. 145, 307, 409.
Gray, the Poet, iii. 82.
Grantham, Lord, i. 221.
Greaves, Admiral, iii. 50.
Gregory, Dr., i. 66.
Grammont, Duchesse de, iii. 245.
Grenville, George, i. 13, 18, 60, 134, 136, 387; ii. 52, 62, 82, 84,
110, 129, 144, 146, 153, 154, 162, 181, 195, 196, 257, 274,
327, 330, 335, 341, 380; iii. 2, 15, 25, 105, 183, 230.
Grenville, James, i. 136; ii. 62, 161, 257, 274; iii. 15, 279.
Grenville, Richard, i. 437.
Grenville, Thomas, iii. 230.
Grey, Lady Mary, i. 66.
Grey, Marchioness de, i. 66.
Grierson, Mr., ii. 155.
Griffith, Colonel Edward, i. 7.
Grosvenor, Sir Richard, iii. 150.
Guildford, Earl of, iii. 184.
Guerini, Father, ii. 397, 399, 405, 408.
Gybbon, Mr., i. 118, 143, 178.
Haldane, Colonel, i. 57, 59, 81, 243; ii. 128, 341.
Hale, Colonel, iii. 234.
Hales, Dr., ii. 63; iii. 304.
Halifax, George Montagu, Earl of, i. 62, 63, 68, 186, 199, 200, 220,
251, 295, 340, 397; ii. 48, 86, 94, 105, 155, 175, 176, 201,
317, 353, 355, 359, 360, &c.; iii. 34.
Halley, Dr., ii. 63.
Halsen, Count, iii. 295.
Hamilton, Lord Archibald, i. 75.
Hamilton, Lady Archibald, i. 74, 75, 76.
Hamilton, Sir James, i. 368.
Hamilton, William Gerard, ii. 44, 51, 140; iii. 3.
Hampden, Mr., i. 18, 254, 342.
Hanbury, i. 401.
Handasyde, General, i. 10.
Hanmer, Lady Catherine, i. 432.
Harcourt, Simon, Earl of, i. 86, 94, 283, 289, 290, 305, 316, 319,
323, 325, 332, 361.
Harding, Mr., i. 29, 30, 58, 134, 226, 418, 420.
Hardwicke, Lord Chancellor, ii. 104, 202, 206, 218, 221, 249, 254,
257, 273, 277, 307, 310, 317, 343, 352, 354, 355, 356, 357,
359, 360, 363, 366, 378, 387; iii. 11, 14, 15, 20, 21, 22,
23, 31, 32, 33, 38, 59, 60, 62, 80, 103, 105, 106, 107, 110,
114, 116, 121, 161, 179, 280.
Harley, Lord, i. 144, 218, 254, 364.
Harrington, William Stanhope, Earl of, i. 3, 4, 5, 75, 165, 170, 173,
175, 279, 280, 282; iii. 34.
Harris, Mr., ii. 375.
Hartington, Marquis of, i. 12, 19, 20, 87, 184, 193, 194, 195, 196,
197, 209, 328, 381, 382, 384, 385; ii. 3, 18, 20, 23, 24, 26,
39, 41, 385, 387, 389.
Haviland, Colonel, iii. 287.
Hawke, Sir Edward, ii. 32, 215, 227; iii. 50, 51, 53, 54, 56, 77, 78,
124, 231, 237.
Hawkins, Mr. Surgeon, i. 71.
Hawley, General, i. 103, 302, 303, 327.
Hay, Dr., ii. 17, 54, 85, 134, 144, 146, 182, 271, 274, 311, 372.
Hay, Lord Charles, iii. 269.
Hayter, Dr., Bishop of Norwich, i. 87, 283, 284, 301, 305, 325, 332.
Hedges, Charles, i. 77.
Heichel, M., i. 449, 455.
Heinnech, Monsieur, ii. 408, 409.
Henley, Mr., i. 8, 96, 108, 124, 143, 345, 421; ii. 273, 339; iii. 9.
Henley, Sir Robert, iii. 33, 34, 267, 274.
Henry, Prince, of Prussia, i. 447; iii. 138, 204, 290, 291, 293, 294.
Hensey, Dr., iii. 130.
Herbert, Nich., i. 226.
Hereford, Viscount, i. 116.
Herring, Archbishop, i. 91, 148; ii. 374.
Hertford, Earl of, i. 41, 94, 390; ii. 2, 265, 268, 274; iii. 58, 114,
155, 228.
Hervey, John, Lord, i. 67, 75, 119, 170, 205, 455; iii. 83.
Hervey, Felton, i. 260.
Hesse, Landgrave of, i. 288, 405, 406; ii. 106, 120, 128; iii. 150.
Hesse, Mary, Princess of, iii. 100, 305.
Hesse Cassel, Frederick, Hereditary Prince of, i. 405.
Hill, Mr., i. 390; iii. 94.
Hilsborough, Earl of, i. 80, 145, 243, 259, 342, 388; ii. 49, 140,
143, 144, 274; iii. 94, 239, 280.
Hinchinbroke, Viscount, i. 200.
Hoadley, Dr., Bishop of Winchester, i. 148.
Hobart, Sir Henry, i. 177.
Hobart, Lord, ii. 141.
Hobson, iii. 155.
Hogarth, iii. 99.
Holbourn, Rear-Admiral, ii. 290, 341, 360; iii. 40, 80.
Holderness, Robert Darcy, Earl of, i. 198, 199, 207, 239, 289, 331,
354, 388, 400; ii. 34, 38, 62, 96, 105, 124, 249, 266, 270,
387; iii. 1, 11, 27, 31, 34, 62, 212, 236, 251, 252, 253.
Holmes, Captain Charles, ii. 290, 340, 341, 342, 362.
Holmes, Mr., ii. 344, 345.
Home, Lord, i. 19.
Home, John, iii. 39, 99.
Hopson, General, iii. 169, 170, 171.
Hoskins, John, Esq., i. 195.
Houblon, Jacob, Esq., i. 34.
Howard, General, iii. 50, 51, 56.
Howard, Sir Charles, iii. 270.
Howe, Captain, ii. 27; iii. 50, 51, 55, 56.
Howe, Commodore, iii. 124, 125, 133.
Howe, Lord, iii. 134, 135, 232.
Hugo, iii. 274.
Hunter, Mr., ii. 274, 312, 325.
Huntingdon, Lord, ii. 258.
Huske, General, ii. 284.
Hussey, Mr., i. 206; ii. 11.
Hutchinson, Hely, iii. 245, 246.
Hutton, Archbishop, i. 148; ii. 374; iii. 107.
Hyndford, Lord, i. 450; iii. 111.
Ilchester, Lord, i. 93, 205; ii. 105, 203, 253, 416.
Imhoff, Baron, iii. 128, 129.
Inchiquin, Lord, iii. 241.
Ingram, Mr., ii. 258.
Inverness, Titular Count of, i. 286.
Irby, Sir William, i. 87.
Islay, Lord, i. 164.
Issarts, Mons. des, ii. 401.
Jansen, Alderman, i. 30, 212.
Jefferies, Lieutenant Colonel, ii. 226, 230.
Jekyll, Sir Joseph, i. 67; ii. 134.
Jenyns, Soame, ii. 140; iii. 179.
Jennings, Lieutenant-Colonel, iii. 263, 4.
Joddrell, Mr. Solicitor, i. 71, 96.
Johnson, Dr., Bishop of Gloucester, i. 291, 303, 304, 314, 315, 318,
319, 325, 327; iii. 215.
Johnson, Colonel Sir William, ii. 46, 154; iii. 211, 212, 287.
Johnson, iii. 257, 258.
Johnson, Governor, iii. 275.
Jones, Neville, i. 280, 282, 363, 367, 368.
Jones, Mr., ii. 272.
Joseph, Archduke, of Austria, i. 8, 204, 240, 244; ii. 394.
Kaunitz, Count, i. 99; ii. 234.
Keene, Sir Benjamin, i. 191, 398; ii. 33, 77, 78.
Keith, i. 339.
Keith, Marshal, i. 204; ii. 242; iii. 148.
Kendal, Duchess of, i. 53, 220, 223; iii. 308, 314, 315.
Kent, Henry, Duke of, i. 66, 115.
Keppel, Hon. Augustus, ii. 290, 317, 318, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331,
333, 334, 337, 339, 340, 342, 346, 349, 364, 365, 367;
iii. 169, 232.
Kildare, Earl of, i. 75, 354, 355, 364; ii. 25, 26, 40, 183, 184,
316; iii. 68, 69, 71, 72, 92, 95, 96.
Killala, Bishop of, iii. 241.
Kilmansegge, Count, ii. 248.
King, Dr., ii. 374.
Kingsley, General, iii. 191.
Kingston, Duke of, i. 275.
Kneller, Sir Godfrey, i. 70.
Knight, Mrs., i. 46.
Kniphausen, iii. 110, 127, 236.
Knollys, Admiral, iii. 259.
Knowles, Admiral, i. 100; ii. 152; iii. 50, 51, 77.
Konigsmark, iii. 313.
Lally, General, iii. 217, 289.
Lambert, Mr., i. 367.
Lamont, Dr., i. 49, 85.
Lanti, Cardinal, iii. 131, 132.
Lauder, iii. 250.
Laudohn, General, iii. 201, 202, 290, 291, 293, 294, 296.
Laurence, Dr. Thomas, i. 7.
Lechmere, Lord, ii. 108.
Lee, Sir George, D. C. L., i. 8, 31, 77, 90, 91, 124, 143, 213, 214,
216, 223, 297, 403; ii. 39, 53, 118, 144, 205, 390; iii. 2,
22, 28, 157.
Lee, Chief Justice, i. 115, 378, 391.
Leeds, Duke of, iii. 27.
Legge, Mr., i. 190, 192, 243, 258, 381, 387, 391, 392, 404, 408;
ii. 37, 39, 41, 47, 48, 50, 54, 62, 85, 118, 127, 144, 146,
155, 177, 179, 180, 181, 205, 206, 207, 257, 265, 268, 270,
273, 274, 284, 301, 302, 340, 375, 379; iii. 1, 5, 15, 31,
59, 111, 112, 118, 176, 177, 179, 182, 183, 184, 237.
Legge, Judge, iii. 118.
Legonier, General Sir John, i. 103, 292, 396; ii. 139, 140, 284;
iii. 46, 52, 81, 91, 108, 155, 190, 212.
Lehwald, General, iii. 57.
Leicester, Thomas, Earl of, i. 208.
Leigh, Dr., i. 71.
Leveson, Mr., i. 193, 226.
Levi, a Jew, i. 330.
Levi, M. de, iii. 284, 285.
Lewis, Mr., i. 330.
Lewis, Prince, of Brunswick, iii. 236.
Lewisham, Lord, iii. 184.
Ligonier, Colonel, iii. 190, 194, 196.
Limerick, James Hamilton, Visc., i. 25, 123, 124, 142.
Linard, Count, ii. 407.
Lincoln, Henry Clinton, Earl of, i. 78, 84, 85, 192, 260, 283; ii. 11,
272, 390, 392; iii. 6, 21, 27, 111.
Linzendorffe, iii. 97.
Litchfield, Earl of, i. 116, 188, 275; iii. 166.
Lobkowitz, Prince, i. 432.
Lochiel, i. 353.
Locke, Mr., ii. 180.
London, Dr. Sherlock, Bishop of, i. 122, 148, 361, 362.
Lonsdale, Henry, Viscount, i. 20.
Lothian, Lord, ii. 142, 143.
Loudun, Lord, ii. 157; iii. 40, 88, 89, 269.
Louis, Monsieur, i. 177.
Louis XV., i. 216, 335; ii. 280; iii. 139, 224.
Loyd, Sir Richard, i. 108, 152, 344, 364, 391.
Lovat, Lord, i. 257, 265.
Lowendahl, Marshal, iii. 43.
Lowther, Sir James, iii. 124.
Lucchesi, iii. 14.
Luynes, Cardinal de, iii. 132.
Lynar, Count, iii. 58.
Lyttelton, Sir Thomas, i. 201, 202.
Lyttelton, Col. Sir Richard, i. 10, 27, 28, 38; ii. 81, 83, 84, 85,
163, 274, 307, 329, 342, 367.
Lyttelton, Sir George, afterwards Lord Lyttleton, i. 11, 13, 18, 48,
73, 79, 85, 134, 201, 233, 382, 387, 409, 414, 416, 435, 438,
439; ii. 3, 52, 63, 102, 106, 126, 144, 146, 153, 176, 177,
181, 191, 192, 195, 196, 197, 261, 272, 307, 360; iii. 105,
111, 119, 120, 259.
Lyttelton, William, i. 213.
Lyttelton, Governor, ii. 33, 171.
M’Cleod, Mr., i. 60.
Machault, M., ii. 215.
Macklyn, the player, iii. 250.
Macclesfield, Lord, i. 51, 275.
Madox, Dr., Bishop of Worcester, i. 120, 331, 332; iii. 215.
Mailly, Madame de, i. 335.
Malagrida, iii. 145.
Malone, Mr., i. 281, 282; ii. 10, 25, 183; iii. 68, 69, 71, 72, 92,
94, 241, 245.
Maillebois, M., iii. 127.
Mallet, Mr., i. 46.
Manchester, Duchess of, i. 206; ii. 287.
Mansfield, Lord, ii. 351, 352, 353, 358, 359, 361, 363, 364, 365;
iii. 11, 29, 30, 79, 80, 85, 86, 87, 98, 102, 103, 116, 214.
Manteuffel, General, iii. 138.
Marchmont, Earl of, i. 19, 51, 293; ii. 48, 104, 366; iii. 105, 106.
Marlborough, John Churchill, first Duke of, i. 94; ii. 139, 303;
iii. 238.
Marlborough, Sarah, Duchess of, i. 92.
Marlborough, Chas. Spencer, Duke of, i. 10, 69, 81, 199, 328, 406,
419; ii. 2, 47, 48, 139, 248, 261, 416, 301, 303; iii. 76,
77, 108, 124, 125, 126, 128, 147, 150, 196.
Martin, Mr., i. 8, 25, 48, 136, 364; ii. 50, 144, 274, 340.
Martyn, Mr., i. 216.
Mary, Princess, i. 288, 405.
Mary, Princess, of Hesse, iii. 305.
Masham, Mr., ii. 258.
Mason, Rev. Wm., iii. 82.
Matthews, Admiral, ii. 370.
Maynard, Lord, i. 116, 275.
Mazzoni, M., ii. 215.
Mechell, M., ii. 151.
Mecklenburg, Princess Anne of, ii. 279.
Meredith, Sir William, iii. 257.
Methuen, Sir Paul, i. 87, 164, 330.
Michell, Monsieur, i. 295.
Middlesex, Earl of, i. 96, 216, 442.
Middlesex, Jane, Countess of, i. 47, 76, 432; ii. 205.
Middleton, Mr., Sheriff of Denbigh, i. 28.
Middleton, Dr. Conyers, i. 147, 224.
Milton, Lord, i. 266; iii. 265.
Mirepoix, Duke de, i. 203, 423; ii. 28.
Mitchell, Mr., i. 95, 254; iii. 111.
Modena, Duchess of, ii. 210.
Molesworth, Sir John, i. 95.
Molesworth, Lord, iii. 81.
Monk, General, iii. 286.
Monckton, Colonel, ii. 29.
Monckton, General, iii. 221, 222.
Moncrief, Mr., i. 68.
Monroe, Sir Harry, i. 271.
Monson, Mr., ii. 258.
Monson, General, iii. 289.
Montagu, Duke of, ii. 91, 97, 303.
Montagu, Sir Edward, ii. 287.
Montcalm, General, iii. 218, 220, 284.
Moody, a player, iii. 251.
Moore, Captain John, ii. 290, 318, 327, 340, 344, 347, 361, 364, 365;
iii. 169, 170.
Mordaunt, Sir John, i. 31, 110, 257, 258; ii. 3, 14; iii. 45, 46, 49,
51, 54, 55, 56, 74, 75, 77, 78, 79, 91, 154, 271.
Morton, Mr., i. 144, 254.
Morton, Lord, ii. 105, 285, 359.
Moyenska, Countess, ii. 405, 410.
Moyston, General, iii. 3, 155, 168, 170.
Moyston, Sir Roger, iii. 170.
Munchausen, Baron, iii. 60, 63, 64, 156, 306, 307.
Murphy, Arthur, ii. 276.
Murphy, Miss, i. 334.
Murray, Lord John, i. 44.
Murray, General, iii. 283, 284, 5, 6.
Murray, Alexander, i. 17, 22, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 34, 35, 48, 50,
57, 84, 85, 114, 115, 201, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 219, 430.
Murray, Lord Chief Justice, afterwards Earl of Mansfield, i. 48, 123,
130, 142, 143, 150, 151, 165, 243, 251, 254, 255, 284, 287,
290, 297, 303, 305, 308, 309, 315, 318, 322, 342, 345, 351,
369, 379, 380, 387, 390, 391, 404, 408, 418; ii. 5, 6, 7, 8,
13, 15, 52, 60, 62, 74, 85, 107, 111, 114, 115, 134, 135, 143,
148, 149, 161, 178, 182, 198, 220, 221, 227, 249, 260, 273;
iii. 6, 33, 114. Vide _Mansfield_.
Newcastle, Thomas Pelham Holles, Duke of, i. 1, 2, 3, 7, 9, 21, 47,
61, 62, 68, 70, 81, 85, 86, 90, 99, 114, 116, 119, 120, 156,
159, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 170, 171, 179, 181, 182, 183,
184, 189, 192, 193, 198, 199, 213, 236, 239, 246, 247, 249,
251, 256, 274, 278, 284, 295, 297, 302, 314, 327, 329, 344,
350, 352, 359, 373, 379, 381, 383, 384, 385, 388, 390, 396,
398, 400, 401, 406, 407, 412, 415, 417, 420, 448; ii. 10, 11,
14, 19, 22, 24, 25, 35, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 49, 62,
63, 92, 93, 105, 107, 123, 139, 140, 141, 143, 151, 154, 176,
182, 187, 193, 201, 206, 213, 218, 221, 223, 227, 228, 230,
249, 250, 251, 253, 254, 257, 259, 260, 261, 262, 265, 266,
267, 270, 271, 272, 273, 275, 300, 305, 307, 343, 353, 354,
374, 377, 380, 385, 386, 387, 389, 390; iii. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 14,
15, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 38, 62,
95, 100, 105, 106, 108, 111, 113, 114, 116, 140, 141, 150,
153, 155, 156, 160, 162, 174, 177, 181, 183, 215, 222, 236,
250, 254, 269, 279, 305, 307.
Newcastle, Duchess of, ii. 371.
Newdigate, Sir Roger, i. 125, 254, 365.
Ninervois, Duc de, ii. 152.
Noel, Judge, iii. 118, 119.
Norris, Rear-Admiral, ii. 290, 327, 340, 344, 347, 362, 363, 367.
North, Lord, i. 77, 86, 171, 187; iii. 184, 230.
Northampton, Earl of, ii. 272.
Northey, Mr., i. 213, 243, 254, 257, 260, 363; ii. 144, 145, 191.
Northumberland, Earl of, i. 8, 256, 330; ii. 202, 274; iii. 27.
Nugent, Robert, i. 12, 20, 31, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 54, 88, 108, 123,
134, 147, 197, 243, 254, 340, 341, 345, 355, 364, 412, 465;
ii. 9, 11, 17, 36, 52, 81, 92, 93, 128, 144, 193, 252, 261,
304, 336, 338, 346; iii. 11, 16, 238, 280.
Nugent, Mrs., i. 46.
O’Brien, Mr., ii. 141, 272.
O’Donnel, Count, iii. 297.
Ofarel, Brigadier, i. 106, 108, 116.
Oglethorpe, General, i. 8, 113, 123, 139, 218.
Oldfield, Mrs., i. 24.
Onslow, Lord, i. 260.
Onslow, Mr. Speaker, i. 21, 28, 29, 31, 50, 126, 128, 129, 130, 132,
216, 280, 282, 309, 342, 349, 390; ii. 3, 6, 15, 16, 61, 102,
126, 154, 159, 162, 175, 273, 312, 325, 328, 334, 350; iii. 41,
103, 109, 265, 281, 306, 307.
Onslow, General, iii. 257, 269.
Orange, Prince of, i. 206, 260; ii. 161.
Orange, Princess of, i. 206, 207; ii. 156; iii. 140, 127, 168.
Orange, Princess Caroline of, iii. 168.
Orford, Robert Walpole, Earl of, i. 84, 171, 400, 402.
Orford, George, Earl of, iii. 185.
Orleans, Duke of, i. 77.
Orme, Captain, ii. 31.
Ormond, Duke of, i. 52.
Osborn, Sir Danvers, i. 397, 422; ii. 173.
Osborn, Mrs., ii. 287, 326.
Osborn, Admiral, iii. 151.
Oswald, Mr., i. 59, 226, 257, 421; ii. 144, 146; iii. 183, 239.
Oxenden, Sir George, i. 30.
Oxford, Earl of, i. 47, 84, 98, 116, 119, 160, 275, 276, 385.
Oxford, Bishop of; see _Secker_.
Palisser, Sir Hugh, iii. 169.
Palmer, Deputy Serjeant at Arms, i. 85.
Panmure, Lord, ii. 216.
Paris, Archbishop of, i. 217.
Paul, Dr., i. 297.
Pavonarius, i. 71.
Peachy, Mr., i. 94.
Pelham, Henry, i. 3, 8, 11, 12, 13, 17, 18, 28, 30, 31, 32, 34, 37,
45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 54, 56, 58, 60, 62, 63, 67, 69, 71, 79,
81, 84, 85, 95, 104, 105, 106, 111, 115, 118, 119, 122, 124,
128, 132, 133, 136, 153, 156, 157, 166, 167, 169, 170, 173,
174, 175, 179, 180, 183, 184, 191, 193, 194, 197, 202, 209,
210, 213, 215, 216, 218, 219, 226, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233,
234, 235, 236, 239, 241, 242, 243, 246, 252, 254, 255, 257,
263, 275, 294, 303, 304, 307, 315, 342, 344, 346, 350, 351,
355, 364, 366, 369, 378, 379, 381, 388, 392, 407; ii. 8, 37,
69, 150, 195, 213, 252.
Pelham, T., ii. 272.
Pelham, Lady Catherine, iii. 21.
Pembroke, Lord, ii. 258.
Pendergrass, Sir Thomas, iii. 242.
Penlez, Bosavern, i. 13.
Perry, Mr., iii. 70, 245.
Philipps, Sir John, i. 114, 402; ii. 19, 329; iii. 88, 109, 150, 179,
233, 234, 238, 279.
Piccolomini, General, ii. 243.
Pinfold, Colonel, i. 68.
Pitt, William, afterwards Earl of Chatham, i. 7, 8, 11, 12, 13, 17,
18, 27, 30, 42, 47, 53, 57, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 70, 75,
76, 79, 85, 92, 94, 95, 109, 110, 111, 130, 135, 137, 138,
152, 153, 165, 170, 171, 191, 203, 226, 231, 233, 239, 240,
241, 364, 366, 379, 380, 387, 392, 407, 409, 410, 412, 414,
415, 416, 417, 418, 419, 421, 440; ii. 9, 12, 17, 35, 37, 38,
39, 40, 41, 47, 55, 61, 62, 63, 64, 67, 70, 73, 75, 79, 84,
86, 90, 91, 92, 93, 97, 98, 102, 107, 112, 117, 125, 132,
135, 142, 143, 144, 148, 149, 153, 154, 157, 158, 159, 160,
161, 162, 168, 169, 170, 174, 179, 185, 187, 190, 191, 193,
196, 197, 200, 205, 224, 250, 251, 253, 254, 257, 259, 260,
261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 273,
274, 275, 276, 283, 284, 300, 301, 302, 306, 307, 310, 312,
313, 314, 316, 322, 325, 329, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336,
338, 341, 342, 343, 348, 349, 350, 353, 368, 372, 376, 377,
378; iii. 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 10, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 22,
23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 32, 34, 42, 44, 46, 49, 60, 70,
74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 84, 85, 87, 88, 91, 95, 100, 103, 105,
114, 123, 125, 126, 136, 140, 141, 149, 150, 154, 155, 156,
160, 168, 171, 173, 174, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 184,
191, 193, 214, 222, 224, 227, 228, 229, 230, 235, 236, 238,
239, 243, 245, 250, 254, 261, 266, 279, 280, 281, 287.
Pitt, Thomas, i. 27, 63, 92, 124, 139, 142, 145.
Pitt, John, ii. 274.
Pococke, Admiral Sir George, iii. 89, 217, 289.
Poland, Augustus, King of, i. 204, 244, 245; ii. 241, 394, 395, 406,
410, 411, 412.
Poland, Queen of, iii. 81.
Pombal, Marquis of, iii. 143.
Pomfret, Lord, ii. 105.
Pompadour, Madame de, i. 217, 236; ii. 176, 211; iii. 37, 127, 133,
157, 217, 245.
Ponsonby, Mr. Speaker, i. 282; ii. 25, 183, 184; iii. 68, 69, 73, 92,
96, 240.
Ponsonby, Lady Eliz., ii. 25.
Pope, Mr., i. 150, 224; iii. 81.
Porteous, Captain, i. 43, 59.
Portugal, King of, iii. 141.
Potter, Thomas, i. 8, 12, 31, 66, 69, 70, 92, 243, 403; ii. 11, 54,
106, 144, 274, 340, 341; iii. 15, 32, 75, 79, 238.
Poulet, Earl, i. 65; ii. 18, 20, 21.
Pratt, Mr. Attorney-General, iii. 32, 102, 103, 115, 118, 119.
Pretender, The, i. 52, 170, 172, 225, 285, 286, 304, 306, 353;
ii. 108.
Prevot, M., ii. 156, 171.
Prideaux, General, iii. 212.
Prior, Mr., i. 96.
Probyn, Mr., i. 8.
Proctor, Sir W. B., i. 208.
Prowse, Mr., i. 124, 139, 213, 254, 257, 363; ii. 19.
Prussia, Frederick III., King of, i. 170, 191, 204, 205, 215, 241,
294, 295, 406; ii. 35, 50, 127, 132, 151, 219, 232, 235, 238,
240, 241, 242, 243, 264, 313, 394, 403; iii. 12, 14, 17, 18,
35, 36, 37, 57, 59, 75, 79, 80, 90, 110, 121, 122, 123, 127,
138, 147, 148, 149, 174, 184, 189, 200, 216, 224, 236, 248,
289, 290, 291, 292, 295, 296; i. 448, et seq.
Prussia, Queen of, i. 175; iii. 201, 203.
Prussia, Queen Dowager of, iii. 68.
Pulteney, Lord, ii. 78, 79, 119, 120; iii. 233.
Pulteney, General, iii. 270.
Ralph, James, i. 345, 346.
Ramsay, Allan, iii. 260.
Randan, Duc de, iii. 104.
Rantzau, Count, iii. 11.
Ravensworth, Lord, i. 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 309, 310, 312,
316, 318, 321, 324, 326, 332; ii. 104, 155.
Raymond, Lord, ii. 105.
Rezzonico, Cardinal, iii. 133.
Rich, Sir Robert, iii. 81.
Richelieu, Marshal, le Duc de, ii. 189, 210, 225, 311; iii. 37, 58,
104.
Richmond, Duke of, i. 3; ii. 317; iii. 191, 268, 280.
Rider, Sir Dudley, Attorney-General, i. 10, 107, 123, 130, 143, 146,
147, 257, 297, 342, 391; ii. 202, 223.
Rigby, Mr., ii. 45, 47, 140, 187, 255, 266, 315, 332; iii. 67, 68,
70, 94, 95, 240, 242, 243, 245, 301.
Robinson, Sir Thomas, i. 142, 213, 218, 243, 388, 409, 417, 420;
ii. 18, 44, 45, 53, 93, 94, 143, 266, 267, 392; iii. 3, 22.
Robyns, Mr., i. 65.
Rochford, Earl of, ii. 18.
Rochefoucault, Cardinal de la, ii. 176.
Rockingham, Marquis of, i. 272, 331; ii. 202; iii. 27, 275.
Rodney, Admiral, iii. 186.
Romney, Lord, i. 116.
Roolt, Cardinal, iii. 132.
Rothes, Lord, ii. 20.
Rotosha, Count, ii. 410.
Rouillé, Monsieur, ii. 150.
Rowley, Admiral, i. 194; iii. 2.
Rowley, Mr., iii. 241.
Royston, Lord, iii. 7, 21.
Rushout, Sir John, i. 118, 145, 178; iii. 266.
Russell, Sir William, i. 177.
Russia, Elizabeth, Czarina of, ii. 120, 232, 236, 237, 239, 279, 394;
iii. 13, 122, 289.
Russia, John, Czar of, ii. 232, 237.
Rutland, Duke of, ii. 2.
Sacheverell, Dr., i. 233.
Sackville, Lord George, i. 30, 31, 41, 107, 108, 279, 282, 295, 368,
390, 421; ii. 6, 94, 102, 130, 144, 147, 158, 174, 184, 186,
190, 248, 284, 301, 302, 313, 314, 315, 316, 330, 331, 340,
379; iii. 10, 19, 22, 23, 26, 28, 29, 31, 45, 68, 69, 76, 81,
88, 89, 92, 107, 108, 109, 124, 147, 165, 191, 192, 194, 195,
198, 212, 213, 214, 237, 245, 251, 252, 255, 256, 261, 265,
266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 272, 273, 287.
Sackville, Lord John, iii. 254.
Sackville, Lady Caroline, iii. 265.
Sandwich, John Montagu, Earl of, i. 2, 3, 7, 69, 78, 81, 99, 116, 122,
161, 165, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, 192, 193, 195, 199, 239,
250, 251, 254, 263, 275, 407, 408; ii. 10, 11, 13, 14, 47,
141, 277, 355, 358; iii. 111.
Sandys, Samuel, i. 67, 118, 178; iii. 3.
Sandys, Lord, i. 332, 347; ii. 141, 201, 274; iii. 33.
Sardinia, King of, ii. 200; iii. 132.
Sassy, M., ii. 176.
Saunders, Captain, i. 345.
Saunders, Admiral, ii. 215; iii. 230, 231, 238.
Saxe, the Chevalier de, ii. 410.
Saxe, Marshal, i. 103; ii. 46.
Saxe-Gotha, Duke of, i. 288.
Saxony, Augustus, King of, ii. 235, 241, 242, 243; iii. 248.
Scarborough, Earl of, i. 191.
Schutz, Mr., i. 94.
Schomberg, Duke, i. 198; ii. 303.
Schwerin, Marshal, iii. 14.
Scott, Mr., i. 80, 92, 283, 290; ii. 258, 259; iii. 100.
Secker, Thomas, Bishop of Oxford, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury,
i. 64, 347, 362; iii. 107, 180.
Selwyn, George, ii. 44, 141, 184.
Selwyn, John, i. 94, 171, 226.
Serras, iii. 206.
Seymour, Lady Elizabeth, i. 8.
Sheridan, i. 389.
Shaftesbury, Earl of, i. 50, 116.
Shannon, Viscount, i. 76; iii. 96.
Sharpe, Mr., Governor of Virginia, i. 401.
Shaw, Dr., i. 185.
Shebbear, Dr., iii. 152, 153, 154.
Shelburne, Lord, iii. 227.
Shelley, Mr., ii. 272.
Shelvocke, Mr., i. 202.
Simcoe, Captain John, ii. 290, 364.
Sloper, Mr., ii. 44.
Sloper, Colonel, iii. 196, 271, 272.
Smith, Vice-Admiral, ii. 290, 307, 329, 330, 358, 359, 360, 367, 372.
Smith, Lieutenant-Colonel, ii. 292.
Smith, John, iii. 274.
Smithson, Sir Hugh, i. 8.
Smollett, Dr., iii. 259, 261.
Smyth, Baron, ii. 273; iii. 119.
Sobieski, Princess, i. 286.
Soissons, Fitz-James, Bishop of, i. 335.
Soltikoff, General, iii. 202.
Somerset, Algernon, Duke of, i. 8, 80, 255.
Soubise, Prince de, iii. 128.
Southwell, Mr., i. 145.
Spain, Ferdinand, King of, iii. 202.
Spain, Elizabeth, Queen Dowager of, iii. 204, 205.
Spain, Barbara, Queen of, iii. 205.
Spain, Charles III., King of, iii. 205, 210.
Spence, Mr., i. 96.
Spenser, Mr., i. 92.
St. Simon, Marquis, ii. 108.
Stair, Lord, i. 221, 276.
Stamford, Lord, ii. 363.
Stanley, Mr., ii. 81, 300.
Stanhope, Sir William, i. 75.
Stanhope, Earl, i. 116, 232; ii. 201; iii. 55.
Stanhope, George, iii. 55.
Stephens, Mr., ii. 416.
Stevens, Mr., i. 65.
Stewart, Colonel, ii. 284.
Stewart, Sir Simeon, iii. 237.
St. John, Lady, i. 223.
Stone, Andrew, i. 48, 49, 86, 116, 280, 283, 289, 290, 303, 304, 305,
306, 308, 310, 315, 318, 322, 325, 327, 369, 380, 418; ii. 10,
43, 45, 258, 260, 392.
Stone, Dr. George, Primate of Ireland, i. 279, 354, 390, 391; ii. 10,
19, 23, 24, 25, 284; iii. 14, 68, 71, 72, 73, 91, 92, 94, 95,
96.
Stormont, Viscount, i. 150, 286; ii. 227.
Strange, Sir John, i. 10.
Strange, Lord, i. 108, 111, 112, 113, 125, 130, 139, 143, 152, 153,
219, 243; ii. 144, 145, 154, 162, 178, 312, 320, 326, 330,
334, 341; iii. 279, 281.
Strange, Mr., iii. 260.
Strawbridge, Mrs., i. 439, 440.
Sturt, Mr., i. 167.
Suffolk, Henrietta, Countess of, i. 45, 176, 177, 223, 277, 445, 447.
Sulkowsky, M., ii. 404.
Sunderland, Lord, i. 77, 164, 232.
Sundon, Lord, i. 21, 36, 439.
Sussex, Lord, i. 94.
Sutton, Lord Robert, i. 40; iii. 41.
Sydenham, Mr., i. 50, 54, 124, 141, 209, 211, 218, 219, 243, 254, 257.
Talbot, Judge, ii. 140.
Talbot, William, Lord, i. 116, 120, 121, 324; ii. 176, 359.
Talbot, Charles, Lord Chancellor, i. 121, 159, 164.
Talbot, Bishop of Durham, i. 65.
Tavistock, Lord, iii. 95, 224, 243, 244.
Tavora, Marchioness of, iii. 144.
Taylor, Dr., i. 71.
Temple, Earl, i. 360, 361, 362, 363, 366, 387, 414; ii. 48, 62, 63,
103, 104, 105, 175, 176, 201, 254, 257, 261, 265, 267, 274,
275, 307, 310, 311, 318, 327, 343, 353, 355, 357, 359, 365,
372, 378, 379; iii. 11, 15, 16, 31, 111, 116, 119, 120, 121,
183, 228, 243, 280.
Temple, Lady Hesther, ii. 63.
Tennison, iii. 34.
Tessin, Count, i. 229.
Thanet, Earl of, i. 116.
Thierri, M., iii. 51, 78, 79.
Thomas, Bishop, i. 292; ii. 374.
Thomond, Lord, iii. 32.
Thompson, Dr., i. 174.
Thompson, Sir William, ii. 108.
Thornbagh, Mr., ii. 330.
Thornton, Mr., i. 213, 218.
Thurot, M., iii. 187, 224, 244, 261, 262, 264-5, 270.
Torrington, Lord, ii. 216, 309.
Townshend, Charles, Viscount, i. 39, 52, 95, 116, 122, 163, 164, 220,
232, 332; ii. 109, 132, 224.
Townshend, Lady Elizabeth, ii. 224.
Townshend, Lady Ethelreda, i. 39, 174; iii. 186.
Townshend, George, Lord, iii. 186.
Townshend, George, i. 10, 27, 39, 40, 56, 58, 64, 95, 144; ii. 19, 54,
64, 65, 67, 97, 99, 124, 131, 154, 178, 228, 245, 246, 303,
305, 306, 329, 379, 380; iii. 4, 7, 9, 26, 34, 42, 124, 171,
172, 218, 222, 227, 230, 234, 281.
Townshend, Charles, i. 89, 243, 340, 341, 346, 348, 421; ii. 5, 6, 47,
62, 64, 80, 94, 96, 121, 132, 139, 144, 147, 154, 162, 163,
170, 172, 174, 175, 176, 218, 224, 258, 264, 274, 301, 302,
348, 349, 384; iii. 2, 4, 19, 34, 183, 227.
Townshend, Admiral, ii. 246, 373.
Townshend, Thomas, iii. 280.
Tracy, Mr., i. 254.
Trefusis. Samuel, Esq., i. 34.
Trentham, Lord, i. 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 22, 27, 37, 95, 192, 194, 260.
Trevor, Dr., Bishop of Durham, iii. 166.
Turner, Sir Edward, ii. 67.
Tweedale, Lord, i. 274, 276; iii. 269.
Tyrawley, Lord, i. 256; ii. 190, 216; iii. 78, 108, 109, 252.
Tyrconnel, Lord, i. 204.
Tyrrel, Sir John, i. 26, 27.
Upton, Mr., iii. 70.
Vandeput, Sir George, i. 14, 17, 32, 200, 293.
Vane, Harry, i. 117, 304, 305, 309, 313, 314, 315, 327.
Vaudreuil, M. de, iii. 222, 284, 285, 288.
Vernon, Admiral, i. 30, 100, 102, 218, 364; ii. 61.
Villiers, Mr., i. 450; ii. 202; iii. 111.
Vintimille, Madame de, i. 335.
Voltaire, M., i. 451; ii. 311; iii. 207, 249.
Vyner, Mr., i. 8, 30, 63, 124, 145, 211, 218, 243, 257; ii. 110, 124,
178; iii. 184.
Wager, Sir Charles, i. 21, 36.
Waldegrave, James, Earl of, i. 91, 291, 328, 417, 418, 420; ii. 41,
207, 222, 258, 259; iii. 16, 26, 28, 30, 34, 307.
Waldegrave, Colonel, i. 188.
Waldegrave, General, iii. 76, 77, 170, 171, 191, 198, 214.
Waldegrave, Lady Elizabeth, i. 242; iii. 68, 69.
Waldo, General, ii. 170.
Wales, H. R. H. Frederick, Prince of, i. 12, 39, 47, 48, 68, 71, 72,
73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 80, 81, 88, 89, 96, 201, 223, 226, 227,
432, 434, 438; ii. 205.
Wales, H. R. H. the Princess Dowager of, i. 69, 72, 74, 75, 76, 77,
78, 80, 83, 86, 87, 89, 96, 99, 104, 114, 153, 182, 201, 434,
284, 288, 289, 379, 380, 418, 421, 433, 434; ii. 36, 38, 39,
40, 53, 204, 205, 206, 223, 257, 258, 276, 374, 389; iii. 6,
28, 38, 59, 121, 137, 266, 269, 274, 304.
Wall, General, i. 204, 398; ii. 1.
Walmoden, Baron of, i. 177.
Walpole, Sir Robert, i. 7, 9, 10, 13, 14, 21, 23, 32, 33, 36, 49, 52,
60, 67, 70, 74, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 95, 105, 118, 119,
129, 140, 142, 159, 160, 163, 167, 169, 170, 173, 174, 179,
181, 182, 184, 191, 196, 205, 220, 221, 222, 225, 226, 228,
229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 276, 345, 350, 338,
398, 401; ii. 82, 83, 109, 131, 145, 213, 272; iii. 85, 86,
106.
Walpole, Horace, senior, i. 8, 11, 45, 70, 139, 140, 141, 153, 196,
220, 236, 241, 242, 254, 342, 364, 437; ii. 22, 37, 49, 54,
107, 169, 175, 202.
Walpole, Horace, junior, i. 8, 196, 298, 384, 414, 415; ii. 163, 254,
255, 268, 327; iii. 28, 29, 159, 160.
Walpole, Mary, i. 173, 191.
Walsingham, Melusina Schulemburgh, Countess of, i. 53.
Walsingham, Lady, iii. 308.
Walter, Mr., ii. 409.
Warburton, Dr., Bishop of Gloucester, iii. 239.
Ward, Lord, i. 116, 275.
Warren, Sir Peter, i. 243, 293.
Warton, Dr. Joseph, i. 438.
Washington, Major, i. 399.
Watson, Admiral, iii. 57, 89, 90.
Wedel, General, iii. 200.
Weir, Mr. Hope, i. 60.
Wells, Paul, i. 175.
Wentworth, General, i. 100.
Wentworth, Lord, i. 275.
Werner, General, iii. 296.
Wesley, iii. 98.
West, Admiral, ii. 228, 274, 296, 297, 306.
West, Mr., ii. 272.
Westmoreland, Earl of, i. 10; ii. 99, 160; iii. 87, 166, 167.
Whitehead, Paul, i. 201; iii. 81.
Whitfield, iii. 97, 98, 278.
Wilbraham, Mr., i. 343.
Willes, Lord Chief Justice, i. 70, 89, 169, 172, 176; ii. 273;
iii. 33, 117.
Williams, Sir Charles Hanbury, i. 21, 67, 94, 168, 194, 204, 205,
230, 385, 442, 448; ii. 393, 416; iii. 111.
Williams, Sir William, iii. 230, 233.
Willoughby, Lord, i. 208; ii. 285.
Wilmington, Spencer Compton, Earl of, i. 74, 102, 141, 163, 178, 179.
Wilmot, Dr., i. 71.
Wilmot, Judge, ii. 273; iii. 119.
Winchelsea, Daniel Finch, Earl of, i. 47, 173, 191, 255, 260; ii. 186;
iii. 2, 20, 22, 25, 31, 32, 105.
Windham, Sir William, i. 80, 222; iii. 106.
Winnington, Thomas, i. 33, 93, 173, 174, 183, 205, 439; iii. 67.
Winton, Lord, i. 288.
Wintzenrode, General, iii. 270.
Wolfe, General, iii. 50, 55, 56, 75, 91, 134, 171, 172, 217, 218, 219,
227, 229, 285.
Wolfenbuttle, Duke of, iii. 64, 308, 309.
Wyndham, Henry Penruddocke, i. 438, 441.
Wynne, Sir John, ii. 44.
Xavier, Prince of Saxony, ii. 401.
Yarmouth, Amelia Sophia, Countess of, i. 42, 77, 82, 171, 177, 380;
ii. 21, 252, 253, 256, 259; iii. 12, 58, 61, 305, 306, 307.
Yonge, Sir William, i. 22, 23, 30, 31, 32, 34, 50, 54, 106, 112, 141,
143, 153, 243, 254, 257, 342, 364, 369; ii. 141.
York, Cardinal of, i. 285; iii. 131.
Yorke, Philip, Earl of Hardwicke, Lord Chancellor, i. 115, 116, 120,
121, 128, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 268, 273, 309, 316,
321, 337, 339, 343, 346, 348, 350, 352, 360, 363, 379, 380,
382, 384, 389, 392, 409; ii. 10, 11, 16, 41, 49, 62, 140, 184.
Yorke, Philip, i. 115.
Yorke, Charles, i. 125, 130, 145, 343; iii. 115, 183.
Yorke, Colonel, ii. 150; iii. 110, 111.
Yorke, General, iii. 190, 235, 236.
Young, Rev. Dr., i. 439.
Ysenberg, Prince of, iii. 128.
Zelle, George William, Duke of, i. 92; iii. 309, 314.
Zelle, Eleonora D’Esmurs, Duchess of, i. 92; iii. 314.
Zelle, Sophia Dorothea, Princess of, i. 92.
INDEX OF MATTERS.
Act of Grace, curious reasoning on, i. 106.
Addresses from counties, numerous, on the loss of Minorca, ii. 230.
Admiralty. First appointment of the Earl of Sandwich, i. 2;
diminished number of seamen voted, 13, 17;
Lord Anson proposes a severe naval code, but fails, 38;
refusal to send ships to Nova Scotia, avoiding offence to France,
62;
dismissal of Lord Sandwich, and the re-appointment of Lord Anson,
190, 192;
proposition of hard labour in the dock-yards, to commute
transportation, 255;
war with France, ii. 1;
careful selection of officers by Lord Anson, 33;
debates on prize bill, 78;
defended in the Commons by George Granville, 195;
circumstances connected with Byng’s sentence, 306;
affair of the navy bill, iii. 105.
Albemarle, Lord, his diplomatic character, and anecdotes of, i. 82;
death and political character, 422.
Amelia, Princess, her conduct towards Frederick Prince of Wales,
i. 73;
political character and anecdotes, 182;
her law-suit as ranger of Richmond Park, 401, 402;
most extraordinary anecdote respecting Byng’s execution, ii. 371.
America, North, state of, and politics respecting, previous to the
war of 1756, i. 394, et seq.;
commencement of the war and first services of General (then major)
Washington, 399, et seq.;
first naval operations of the war, ii. 27;
military operations commence in Nova Scotia, 30;
Braddock’s unfortunate expedition, 30, et seq.;
Sir William Johnson’s victory in Canada, 46;
grant of money to colonies and to individuals, 153, 154;
review of military affairs in the House of Commons, 157, 158;
debates on the raising of Swiss regiments for service there,
_ibid._, 170, et seq.;
affairs in 1757, iii. 39;
campaign of 1758, 91, 134;
attack on Quebec, and invasion of Canada, 171, 217, et seq.;
the French driven thence, 283, 289.
Amherst, General, biographical notice of, iii. 285, et seq., _notes_;
takes command in America, 91;
takes Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 211;
proceeds towards Quebec to assist Wolfe, 212;
takes Montreal, 288.
Andrews, Dr., parliamentary anecdote of, in Ireland, i. 367.
Anecdotes--
of Lord Sandwich, i. 3;
of Lord Harrington, 4;
of French players, 13;
of Lord Nugent, 20;
of Crowle, the well-known punster, 21;
of Sir William Yonge, 23;
of Sir Robert Walpole, 23;
of Speaker Onslow and Lord Coke, 28;
of Mr. Murray, before the House on the Westminster petition, 29;
of Sir John Cotton, 33;
of Lord Gower and Sir John Cotton, 34;
of Lord Egmont, 35;
of Colonel Lyttelton and family, 39;
of Lady Townshend, _ibid._;
of Colonel Conway, 41;
of Sir H. Erskine, _ibid._;
of Lord Granville in the council, 44;
of Lord Bute, 47;
of Lord Mansfield, 49;
of Lord Chesterfield, 51;
of Queen Caroline and Lady Suffolk, 52;
of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, 53;
of Commissioner Oswald, 59, 60;
of Mr. Fox’s candour in parliament, 62;
of George II. and his ministers, _ibid._;
of Archbishop Secker, 65;
of Sir Godfrey Kneller, 70;
of Frederick, Prince of Wales, 71, 73, 74, 77;
of Lord Doneraile, 75;
of Lady Archibald Hamilton, _ibid._;
of Lady Middlesex, 76;
of Sir William Stanhope, 75;
of the Princess of Wales, 76;
of Doddington, 77, 87, 88;
of George II., 78;
of the Duke of Cumberland, 79;
of Dr. Ayscough, 79;
of Lord Albemarle, 82;
of Archbishop Blackburne, 87;
of Lord Chief Justice Willes, 89;
of Sir George Lee, 90;
of Pitt, 92;
of Fox, 93, 94;
of Old John Selwyn, 95;
of Lord Berkeley and the Duke of Dorset, 98;
of Admiral Vernon, 100, 101;
military one of the French and Duke of Cumberland, 103;
of the Duke and Prince George, 105, 106;
of Pulteney, Earl of Bath, 118;
of Sir Francis Dashwood, 123;
political, of the Regency Bill, 129, et seq.;
of George II., and the Regency Bill, 157, 158;
of the first Lord Hardwick, 159;
of the Duke of Newcastle, 163;
of Pelham, 167;
of Lord Granville, 168;
of the dismissed cabinet in 1745, 170;
amatory and avaricious one of George II., 176;
of Lady Suffolk, 177;
of Lady Yarmouth, _ibid._;
of Cheselden, the surgeon, _ibid._;
of Lord Chesterfield, 177;
of Queen Caroline, 179, 182;
of the Duke of Grafton, 182;
of Mr. Legge, 191;
of the Duke of Devonshire, 195;
of Paul Whitehead, 201;
of the Princess of Orange, 206, 207;
of the King and Mr. Fox, 212;
of Lord Stair and Queen Caroline, 221;
of Pope and Lord Bolingbroke, 224;
political, of the Duchess of Bedford, 242;
parliamentary, of Fox and Pelham, 254;
of Archibald, Duke of Argyle, 276;
of the education of the young princes, 284, 289;
of General Ligonier and the King, 292;
of Lewis XV. and Miss Murphy, 334;
of the marriage Bill, 339;
of Charles Townshend, 340;
parliamentary one, 341;
punning one of Jones, the Irish architect, 364;
of Newcastle’s geographical ignorance, 396;
of General Washington and George II., 400;
of Pitt and Murray, 412, 413;
of the quarrel between Pitt and Lyttelton, 414;
of Sir Thomas Robinson, ii. 44;
of old Horace Walpole and the Speaker, ii. 175;
of Madame Pompadour, 176;
of Doddington, 186;
of Lord Bute and Leicester-house, 205, et seq.;
of Queen Caroline, Princess Amelia, and Richmond Park, 220, 221;
of Charles Townshend respecting the squabbles of party, 224;
of caricatures and libels during Byng’s affair, 228, 229;
of Counts Bruhl and Kaunizt, 234;
of Fox’s rupture with Newcastle, 251, et seq.;
of Damiens’ tortures for stabbing the King of France, 283;
of Admiral Byng on his trial and condemnation, 286, 287;
most extraordinary one, 371;
of Archbishop Gilbert, 374;
of Dr. King, _ib._;
of Lord Temple and the King, 378;
of Harry Conway, iii. 54;
of the Princess Caroline, 82;
of the King and Archbishop Secker, 180;
of Pitt and Lord Shelburne, 227;
of Macklyn, Lord Bute, and Love à la Mode, 250, 251;
of Dr. Smollett, 259.
Anne, Princess Dowager, of Orange, death and politics, iii. 168.
Anson, Lord, proposes several articles of war, but fails, i. 38;
appointed to the Admiralty, in room of Lord Sandwich, 194;
character, 194, 195;
careful selection of officers, and pledge to the king on that
subject, ii. 33;
his feelings in regard to Byng’s execution, 317;
observations on him in regard to Byng’s sentence and execution,
343;
restored to the admiralty under Pitt and Newcastle, in 1757,
iii. 32;
his restoration to the admiralty, highly unpleasing to the city,
84.
Anspach, Margrave of, opposes English politics in Germany, i. 288.
Anstruther, General, parliamentary charges against, i. 42, 56, 64, 68;
further proceedings on his case, and motion of Lord Strange, 95,
106, et seq.
Archer, Lord, seconds address in the House of Lords, in 1751, i. 8.
Argyle, John, second Duke of, his political connexion with Sir Robert
Walpole, i. 164.
---- Archibald, third Duke of, inefficient and disappointing speech
on the Scottish Colonization Bill, i. 273;
character, 275-278.
ARMY, British. Votes in 1751, i. 25;
debate on the staff, 31;
military reformation and improvement by the Duke of Cumberland, 38;
new Mutiny Bill, _ibid._;
half-pay officers first subjected to military law, _ibid._;
estimates proposed by Mr. Fox, 213;
proposed reduction, founded on the colonization of Scottish
forfeited estates, 264;
estimates in 1754, debate on, 410;
inefficient state of in England at the commencement of the war,
ii. 19;
estimates on the opening of the war, 67, 86;
affairs of the Militia Bill, of new-raised troops, of foreign
troops employed, 156-204;
camps formed and disturbances with the foreign troops, 248;
remarkable court of inquiry connected with General Fowke and Byng’s
affair, 285;
war in Germany, iii. 147;
extraordinary commissions granted, and debated on in Parliament,
233.
Army, Saxon, account of, ii. 410.
Articles of War, Naval, debates on the 12th, in the House of Commons,
in Byng’s case, ii. 318, et seq.
Ascendency, Protestant, in Ireland, in 1752, and before, i. 278,
et seq.
Ashton, Rev. Mr., a quaint preacher, anecdotes of, iii. 98, 99.
Atcheson, Sir Archibald, political insignificance in the Irish House
of Commons, iii. 73.
Austrians, defeat of, in the campaign of 1760, iii. 294, et seq.
Avarice, whimsical anecdote of, in George II., i. 176.
Ayscough, Dr., anecdotes of his tutorship of Prince George, i. 80.
Bacon, Lord, observations on, i. 374.
Baker, Alderman, a contractor, affair of, ii. 304.
Barnard, Sir John, political and civic character, i. 45, 46;
proposes a sinking fund, 218, 255;
moves a repeal of the Bribery Oath, 369.
Barri, Madame du, anecdotes and intrigues, iii. 245.
Barrington, Lord, moves a diminished number of seamen, i. 12;
proposes an increased vote of seamen, 211;
his political character, and parallel with Ellis, ii. 141, 142;
justifies the application of the 12th article of war to Byng’s case,
in the House of Commons, 320.
Bath, Lord, his political apostasy vindicated by Lord Egmont, i. 36;
parliamentary conduct on the committal of the Regency Bill, 116,
117, et seq.;
joins the Bedford Opposition on the Scottish Colonization Bill, 272;
originates the Marriage Bill in the House of Lords, and why, 337;
publishes his celebrated letter to two great men, iii. 250.
Bathurst, Henry, character of, i. 96.
Bavaria, treaty with, for securing the peace of Germany, i. 8;
subsidy to, 48, 49.
Beckford, Alderman, opposes the Regency Bill, i. 153;
extraordinary declaration, caused by his jealousy of the army, 307;
attends at the first meeting of the Tories, at the Horn Tavern, as
a political party, ii. 13;
absurd boasting, 95;
opposite opinions of the Commons, and of Pitt, upon his merits,
iii. 177, 178.
BEDFORD, Duke of, disagreement with the Duke of Newcastle, i. 1;
political and sporting connexion with Lord Sandwich, 3;
political duplicity on the Naturalization Bill, 55;
increase of popularity, 61;
fails of support in the Nova Scotia affair, 69;
interferes with the establishment of the young princes, on the
death of the Prince of Wales, 79;
conduct on the Regency question, on the demise of the Prince of
Wales, 99;
proposed opposition to the Bill prevented by the gout, 122;
political neglect of, by his coadjutors in the Cabinet, 161;
party intrigues of the Pelhams after the Prince’s demise, 183, 184,
185;
his political character, 186;
change of ministry and resignation of office, 194;
spirited and judicious conduct towards the Duke of Newcastle, 193;
conduct in opposition to Walpole, 241;
his intended quiescent politics on the meeting of Parliament after
the recess, 242;
but is led into Opposition on the Saxon Treaty, _ibid._;
speaks against it in the Lords, 244;
political connexion formed with the Duke of Cumberland, 263;
opposes the Bill for the colonization of the Scottish forfeited
estates, 264;
interferes in the charges against the Prince’s tutors, 309, et seq.,
313;
opposition to the Marriage Bill, 347;
projects of re-union with the Court party, 414;
receives proposals from the Lyttelton party on the part of
Ministers, but rejects them, and sends for Pitt, 416;
declining power of the Duke of Newcastle, and overtures from Fox,
ii. 45;
coalesces, approves of the German Treaties, but refuses office, 47;
defends himself in the Lords, 49;
objects to the proposed New road, out of jealousy to the Duke of
Grafton, but afterwards sees his error, 186, 187;
courageous conduct on the change of ministry, and Pitt’s accession
to power, 266;
but accepts the Lieutenancy of Ireland, 271;
applies to the King in favour of Admiral Byng, but without success,
326;
objects to the coalition of Pitt and Fox, iii. 34;
attacked by the rioters on the Militia Bill, 41;
difficulties in his Irish government, 66-73;
new connexion formed with the Duke of Newcastle, 181;
policy during the tumults in Dublin, in opposition to a suspected
union, 243, et seq.;
conduct towards Lord G. Sackville, 254.
Bedford, Duchess of, her political ascendency over the Duke, i. 186;
her ingenious _ruse_ to draw the Duke again into politics, 242;
her vice-regal state in Ireland, during the Duke’s government,
iii. 66.
Berkeley, Earl of, political anecdote, i. 98.
Berlin captured by the Austrians and Russians, iii. 295.
Bernis, Cardinal de, political disgrace, iii. 158.
Besborough, Lord, his share in Irish politics, ii. 19.
Bishops, Bench of, their inactivity on the marriage clause of the
Regency Bill, i. 146;
their characters, 148, 149.
Blackbourn, Archbishop, curious anecdote of, i. 87.
Blackiston, a spurious patriot and Jacobite, and why, i. 36.
Blakeney, General, defence of Minorca, ii. 226;
gets a red riband, 275.
Board of Trade, attempt of Lord Halifax to subject the West Indian
Colonies to that Board, i. 199.
Bolingbroke, Lord, tortuous politics of, at the Prince of Wales’s
court, i. 73;
his death, character, and anecdotes of him, 220;
ingratitude towards Sir Robert Walpole, 220;
political ingenuity and infamy, 222, 223;
courtly anecdote, 223;
contrasted with Walpole, 225.
Boscawen, Admiral, character and political rise, i. 194;
extraordinary conduct during Byng’s trial, ii. 286;
defeats the French fleet under De la Clue, off Lagos, iii. 211.
Boscawen family, their contest with the Sandwich interests in
Cornwall first led to the formation of a Tory party, for
general purposes, ii. 13.
Boyle, Mr. (Speaker of the Irish House of Commons), his character and
politics, i. 279.
Braddock, General, his unfortunate expedition, ii. 31.
Bribery Oath, motion for its repeal, i. 369.
Brick Tax proposed, but dropped, ii. 178.
Bristol, extraordinary surrender of election liberties to the King,
i. 355.
Broglio, Marshal, affair of Minden, iii. 199.
Brown, Marshal, the Austrian General, defeated by the King of Prussia,
iii. 14.
Bruhl, Count, his politics and magnificence, ii. 234;
his political character, 404-407.
Brunswick, Duchess of, anecdote of her birth, i. 73.
Burdett, Sir Robert, a Tory member; extreme kindness of the Whigs to,
on a breach of privilege, i. 95.
Burgundy, Duke of: born, an important event to France, i. 203.
Bute, Lord, his political debut, i. 47;
anecdotes of his favouritism at Leicester House, ii. 221-3, et seq.;
vide _Wales_.
Butler, Bishop, political and ecclesiastical character, i. 148.
Byng, Admiral, sent to relieve Minorca, ii. 190, 212, 214;
public clamour, 217, 228;
trial of, 229, 246, et seq. 284, 291;
unfair political trick, 285;
is sentenced, 287;
representation of the Court, 292;
observations, 295;
extraordinary circumstances connected with the sentence of
execution, 306, et seq.;
debates in the Commons, 312, et seq.;
mercy refused by the King, 326;
solicitation of the court martial refused, 327;
case before Parliament, 328, 351-366;
dies, 369.
Calcraft, Mr., his political connexion with Lord Holland, ii. 42.
Calcutta, affair of the Black Hole at, iii. 57.
Camden, Lord, vide _Pratt_.
Cameron, Dr. Archibald, romantic story of his capture as a rebel,
i. 333;
executed, 353.
Campbell, A. H., parliamentary conduct and anecdotes, i. 19.
Campbell, Mr. Hume, is brought forward again by the Duke of Newcastle
in support of the German treaties, ii. 107, 108;
quarrel with Pitt, 112;
pensioned, 143;
anecdote of his political modesty on a change of ministers, iii. 23.
Canada, conquest of, iii. 169, 219.
Candour, political and paternal, of Horace Walpole, and why, i. 237,
et seq.
Cape Breton taken, iii. 133.
Caprice, public, various instances of, i. 358.
Cardigan, Lord, appointed governor of Windsor Castle, i. 255.
Cards and Dice taxed, ii. 177.
Caricatures on cards invented by George Townsend, on Byng’s affair,
ii. 228.
Caroline, Queen, anecdote of, and Lord Chesterfield, i. 52;
her influence over the King, and politic juggling with Sir Robert
Walpole, 65.
Caroline, Princess, death, and anecdotes, iii. 82, 83.
Carpenter, Lord, disgraceful conduct of, on the Westminster petition,
i. 26.
Carrickfergus taken by Thurot’s squadron, iii. 264.
Carter, Mr. (Master of the Rolls in Ireland), his character and
factious politics, i. 281, 282.
Chairmen and footmen of the metropolis, Colonel Hale offers to lead
them against the best troops of France, iii. 234.
Charles III., King of Spain, observations on, and character, iii. 205,
210.
Chatham, Lord, vide _Pitt_.
Cherbourg, capture of, iii. 133.
Cheselden, the surgeon, anecdote of, i. 177.
Chesterfield, Lord, brings in a bill for the reformation of the
calendar, i. 50, 51;
anecdotes and political intrigues, 51, et seq.;
whimsical and courtly anecdote of, 177, 178;
engages to negotiate between Pitt and the Duke of Newcastle, at the
Princess Dowager’s instigation, iii. 30.
Cholmondeley, Earl of, character and anecdotes, i. 173.
Circular letters to members of parliament, censured in the House,
ii. 63.
Clandestine marriages, inactivity of the bench of Bishops on a
proposed bill to restrain, i. 146.
Clarke, Mr., a military adventurer, plans the siege of Rochfort,
iii. 43.
Cleland, Mr., secretary to the Admiralty, his shameful conduct on
Byng’s affair, ii. 295.
Clive, Lord, early military services in India, iii. 57, 90.
Closter Seven, convention of, iii. 59.
Cobham, Lord, speech and party interest on the Regency Bill, i. 134,
135;
political character, 136.
Cobham party described, i. 136.
Coke, Lord, parliamentary conduct on the Westminster petition, i. 16,
20;
clears the gallery, and quarrels with Speaker Onslow, 27, 28;
his political character, 208;
moves the re-committal of Murray for contempt to the House, _ibid._;
hated by the Scotch, and why, 209, 259;
opposes the bill for purchasing the forfeited estates, _ibid._
Colchester petition, proceedings on, alarm the Newcastle party in the
House, i. 409.
Colley Cibber, death and character, iii. 81, 82.
Cologne, Elector of, joins France in opposition to British interests,
i. 81.
Colonies totally neglected by the Duke of Newcastle, when Secretary
of State, i. 396.
Comines, character of, as an historian, i. 375.
COMMONS, House of, session of 1751, i. 8, et seq.;
affair of the Westminster petition against Lord Trentham, 14,
et seq.;
contumacy of Mr. Murray, 29, 30;
libels against the House, 31;
inefficient opposition to the three shilling land-tax, 32;
opposition to the Mutiny Bill, 39;
attack on General Anstruther, 42;
committee for the suppression of vice and reform of the police, 44;
proposed subsidy to Bavaria, 48;
debate on Murray’s close confinement, 49, 50;
debates on the Naturalization Bill, 54;
debate on Anstruther’s business, 56;
the House adjourns to see Othello at Drury Lane, 61;
proceedings on the Gin Bill, 66, 67;
relaxation in proceedings against Murray, 84;
Naturalization Bill thrown out, 92;
proceedings on a breach of privilege, 95;
further proceedings on Anstruther’s case, 106;
Habeas Corpus granted by the King’s Bench for Murray, 114;
he is remanded, and the committal of the House acknowledged to be
valid, 115;
question of privilege, as to members on the Prince’s establishment,
negatived, 116;
the Regency Bill returned from the Lords, and proceedings thereon,
122, et seq.;
Regency Bill passes the House, 153;
close of the session, release and petty triumph of Murray, 200, 201;
a new session, 208;
Murray remanded to Newgate by the House, _ibid._;
debate on the same, 209;
reward voted for the apprehension of Murray, who had absconded, 212;
army estimates proposed by Mr. Fox, 213;
land-tax proposed by Pelham, accompanied by an extraordinary system
of national policy, 218;
adjournment, and cessation of opposition, 228;
Walpole’s rise and fall by that House, and why, 232, 233;
House meets in 1752, 241;
takes up the affair of the Saxon treaty, 242, et seq.;
motion against subsidiary treaties in time of peace, by Lord Harley,
254;
debate thereon, _ibid._;
state of parties in the House, 263;
bill for colonizing the Scottish forfeited estates, 264, et seq.;
prorogation and extraordinary speech of the Speaker to the King,
against the management of Scotland, 275;
session of 1753 opens, 293;
engaged in the affairs of Nova Scotia, 295;
affair of the Marriage Bill, 336, et seq.;
affair of the Jew Naturalization Bill, 357, 362;
proposed repeal of the Plantation Act, 364;
motion for repeal of the Bribery Oath, 369;
people look towards it on the ministerial difficulties arising from
Pelham’s demise, 383;
debates on the opening war of 1756, 403;
alarm of the ministerial majority at Pitt’s spirited attack on
election bribery, 408, 409;
debate on the army estimates, 410;
debate on the Mutiny Bill, 420;
debate respecting adjournment on anniversary of King Charles’s
martyrdom, ii. 3;
debate on the Scottish Sheriffs-Depute Bill, 4;
a division of the House falsified by Mr. Potter, 11;
first appearance of the modern application of the distinctions of
Whig and Tory, 12, et seq.;
tempestuous opposition of Pitt to the Fox and Bedford coalition,
the German treaties, &c., 55;
sit till five in the morning, the longest debate then on record,
49, 133;
complaint respecting circular letters, 63;
debates on the votes for seamen, 67;
debates on a Prize Bill, 78;
charges of bribery by France, 82;
debates on the army estimates, 86;
committee moved on the militia question, 97;
taking of notes by strangers noticed by Hume Campbell, 108;
close of a long debate on the German treaties, 133;
repeal of all the old militia acts to prepare for a new bill, 152;
debates on Prevot’s regiment, 156;
Ways and Means brought forward by Sir George Lyttelton, 176;
debates on employing foreign troops, 184, et seq.;
Militia Bill voted without a division, 191;
vote of credit of one million opposed, _ibid._;
debates on the Prussian treaty, 197;
Pitt’s first Parliament, 276;
ordnance estimates and Militia Bill, 301, et seq.;
Byng’s sentence announced to the House by a messenger from the
Admiralty, 312, et seq.;
Pitt’s first appearance in the House as minister, and to demand
money for Hanover, 313;
further debates on Byng’s sentence, 320, et seq.;
royal message, bill for absolving the court-martial from their
oaths of secrecy; passes, but lost in the Lords, 350-366;
inquiry into the loss of Minorca, iii. 7, et seq.;
debates upon the vote of a million, 16;
debates upon the Habeas Corpus, 103, 112;
estimates of the year 1759, 176;
debates respecting officers commissioned vacating seats, 233;
debates on army estimates, 234;
affair of Sackville’s arrest and court-martial, as matter of
privilege, 265, 266.
Compton, Sir Spencer, vide _Wilmington_.
Conflans, Monsieur, defeated by Sir Edward Hawke, iii. 231, 232.
Constitution of Britain, political view of, iii. 112-115.
Contades, Marshal, loses the battle of Minden, iii. 191, 199.
Contest, a weekly political satire on Pitt’s coming into
administration, ii. 276.
Conway, Colonel H. S., his political debut and martial bravery, i. 41;
his parliamentary quickness and character compared with Charles
Townshend, 341;
is appointed secretary in Ireland solely from his private merits,
ii. 3;
military promptitude in the affair of the Rochfort expedition,
iii. 54;
as general, employed in the expedition to Rochfort, 45.
Cooke, Mr., presents a Westminster petition against Lord Trentham,
i. 13;
transactions thereon, 15, et seq.
Cornwall, county of, anecdotes of tin parliaments, i. 142;
election petitions and county politics, 407, 408;
first led to a Tory party in general politics, ii. 11, 12.
Corruption, political, by Sir Robert Walpole, and by Mr. Pelham, its
extent and difference, i. 231.
Cotton, Sir J., opposes the three shilling land-tax, but fails, i. 32;
his wit and politics, 33;
the last active jacobite, dies, i. 255.
County Addresses, vide _Addresses_.
Court of Inquiry, a remarkable one, connected with Byng’s affair,
ii. 285.
Court Martial on Admiral Byng, (vide _Admiralty--Navy--Byng_) desire
to be absolved from their oaths of secrecy, ii. 327;
vide _Keppel_--bill in parliament, 328, 351, 366.
Cowper, Dr., Dean of Durham, affair of the charges against the
prince’s tutors, i. 318.
Cox, Sir Richard, his character, and factious politics in Ireland,
i. 281, et seq.
Cresset, Mr., engaged in the education of Prince George, i. 284;
dissensions in that establishment, 289, et seq.
Crevelt, victory of, gained by Prince Ferdinand, iii. 127.
Critical Review, a libel in, punished at law, iii. 259.
Crowle, Mr., affair of the Westminster petition against Lord Trentham,
i. 17, 19;
parliamentary witticism, 21;
puns, _ibid._
Cumberland, H. R. H. William duke of, political connexion with Lord
Sandwich, i. 2;
affairs in Flanders, 2;
political and treasonable attacks on, 9;
restoration of military discipline, 38;
jealousy of the Prince of Wales, 72;
behaviour on his demise, 78;
popular suspicions, 98;
affair of the regency, and rupture with the Duke of Newcastle, 99;
his character, 100, et seq.;
quarrels with the Pelhams on the regency business, 104, 105;
the king’s feelings towards him expressed in conversation with Fox,
157;
accident in hunting, 212;
judicious conduct in regard to parties, 240;
gives his private encouragement to the opposition to the Saxon
treaty, 250;
takes offence at the bill for colonizing the forfeited estates, 262;
forms connexion with the Duke of Bedford, 263;
his advice to Fox on the ministerial arrangements after Pelham’s
death, 384;
injudicious conduct of the ministry towards him in the war in
America, 401;
his sentiments on a projected change of ministry in 1754, 419;
placed at the head of the regency, on the king’s visit to Hanover,
ii. 22;
error in ordering enlistment in Germany without the concurrence of
ministers, 156, 185;
unfair conduct towards regiments raised for home service, 203;
instance of moderation in command, 373;
becomes a favourite with the king, 376;
joins in the intrigues against Pitt, 377;
is appointed to command the army in Germany, 377, 379;
checks the confederacy against the King of Prussia, iii. 35;
but is forced to retire from Hanover, and defeated, though not
disgraced, at Hastenbecke, 36;
convention of Closter Seven, 58;
returns to England, 60;
offers to resign, 61;
repartee when his return to command is talked of, 233.
Cummins, John, an active jacobite, yet patronized, i. 266.
Cunnersdorf, battle of, and Prussians, defeated, iii. 203.
Cunningham, Captain, patriotic and spirited conduct of, at Minorca,
ii. 226.
Custrin, battle of, Russians defeated by the King of Prussia,
iii. 138.
Dacre, Lord, opposes the bill for Swiss troops, on constitutional
grounds, ii. 176.
Damiens, attempts to murder the King of France, but fails, and
suffers horrid tortures, ii. 281.
Dashwood, Sir Francis, disclaims Jacobitism in parliament, i. 10;
opposes the Regency Bill on the first reading, 122, 123;
anecdotes of, 123;
his exertions in the House of Commons in Byng’s case, ii. 318, 323,
et seq., 336.
Daun, Marshal, defeated at Lissa, iii. 80;
outmanœuvred by the King of Prussia, 292;
compelled to raise the siege of Schweidnitz, 295;
defeated at Torgau, 297.
Dauphin of France, father of Louis XVI., anecdotes and character of,
ii. 280; iii. 244.
Debt, national, iii. 151.
Delaval, Mr., makes a very absurd speech on the Regency Bill, i. 124.
Denbigh, Lord, attacks Lord Marchmont in the House, upon his
jacobitical principles, iii. 106.
Denmark, King of, takes offence at the preamble of an English mutiny
bill, i. 253.
Denmark, Queen of, daughter of George II., her death and character,
i. 227;
extraordinary policy of her husband, _ibid._
Dennis, Captain, one of Byng’s court-martial, makes application to
the throne for mercy, ii. 318.
Devonshire, Fourth Duke of, character and anecdotes of, i. 195;
consulted on choice of a premier on the death of Pelham, 378;
death, and conscientious qualification of his younger sons for the
House of Commons, ii. 86.
Devonshire, Fifth Duke of, (Lord Hartington), receives the king’s
commands to form a new ministry, ii. 263;
accepts the treasury, 268.
Dice and Cards taxed, ii. 177.
Dickinson, Lord Mayor, his cold and unfeeling conduct on proposed
petition in favour of Byng, ii. 368.
Digby, Captain (Admiral), gallantry of, in Hawke’s action, iii. 232.
Diggs, the actor, in Dublin, produces a riot by political allusions,
i. 389.
Divisions of the Commons, falsified by Potter, ii. 11;
extraordinary arrangement on the question of the German treaties,
61, et seq.
Doddington, his versatile politics, i. 87, 88;
G. B., Lord Melcombe, biographical notice of, 437;
gaming anecdote, 77;
further anecdotes, 88, 89;
impugns the justice of Byng’s sentence, in the House of Commons,
ii. 320;
supports the question of mercy towards Byng, in the House, 321, 339.
Doneraile, Lord, anecdote of, i. 75.
Dorset, Charles, Duke of, appointed viceroy of Ireland, i. 5;
anecdotes of, 96, 97;
his character and political government of Ireland, 279, et seq.;
his extreme moderation during the factious disputes in Ireland, 354,
368;
transactions respecting his removal from the viceroyship of Ireland,
ii. 10;
appointed master of the horse, 19;
attacked by the rioters on the Militia Bill, iii. 41.
Douglas, Dr., the opponent of Lander, assists the Earl of Bath in a
political letter, iii. 250.
Drury Lane Theatre, representation of Othello at, produces an
adjournment of the House of Commons, i. 61.
Dublin, tumults at, in consequence of a projected Irish union, in
1759, iii. 240.
Duke, the; see _Cumberland_.
Dukedoms refused by the Earls of Northampton and Aylesbury, and why,
ii. 272.
Duncannon, Lord, his share in Irish politics, ii. 19.
Dunkirk man-of-war, extraordinary chance in Hawke’s action, iii. 232.
Duplin, Lord, his share in the Newcastle administration, i. 388.
East Indies, affairs in 1757, iii. 57;
1758, 90, 217.
Edgecombe family, their opposition to the Sandwich interests in
Cornwall, ii. 11;
and first forms a Tory party, 12.
Edward, Prince, engages in the naval service, iii. 126, 133.
Egerton, Lady Sophia, most extraordinary anecdote of, respecting
Byng’s execution, ii. 371.
Egmont, Lord, opposes Address in 1751, i. 8;
suspicion of treason, 9;
parliamentary discussion, 11;
political intrigues in Westminster, 14;
opposes the Mutiny Bill, 35, 40;
anecdote of him, 35;
curious opposition manœuvre on death of the Prince of Wales, 80, 81;
proposes to Lord Bolingbroke the renewal of feudal tenures as a
popular act, 209;
ingenious speech on army estimates, 213;
speech against the Address, and opposition to the Mutiny Bill of
1753, 294, 295;
makes a ridiculous mistake in opposing the Mutiny Bill, 421;
is attacked by Charles Townshend, _ib._;
copy of the constitutional queries ascribed to him, i. 9, 427.
Egremont, Earl of, moves address of condolence on the death of the
Prince of Wales, i. 80;
declines to accept the seals on Pitt’s dismissal, iii. 2.
Epigram on Admiral Vernon, i. 100, 101.
Election Committees in the new parliament of 1754, i. 407.
Elections, general, policy of France respecting, in regard to the
Pretender’s cause, i. 122;
purity of, infringed by the people themselves, 355.
Elijah’s Mantle, a political allusion, borrowed by Walpole from a
poem by Sir C. H. Williams, i. 230.
Elliot, Commodore, engages and takes Thurot and squadron off the Isle
of Man, iii. 265.
Ellis, Welbore, political character, and parallel with Lord Barrington,
ii. 141, 142;
parliamentary tactics, by which Fox loses an important question,
iii. 27.
Eloquence, parliamentary, review of it, ii. 144, et seq.
Embden, political differences respecting the impressment of English
sailors out of, i. 261.
Empress-Queen, her politics in regard to Hungary and Austria, i. 241;
her inveteracy against Prussia, iii. 247.
Epitaph on a Swedish nobleman, i. 443, 444.
Erskine, Sir Henry, military and political debut, i. 41;
military and political attack on General Anstruther, 56, 63, 68;
is dismissed from the army for joining Mr. Pitt, and becomes an
oppositionist, ii. 150.
Exchequer, chancellorship, not to remain unoccupied, i. 378.
Excise, praised by Sir George Lyttelton, ii. 181.
Exotic plants principally introduced into England, by the Duke of
Argyle, i. 278.
Fane, Lord, prevails on the Duke of Bedford to coalesce with Fox, and
support the German treaties, ii. 47.
Fawcett, Mr., accuses the prince’s tutors of drinking the Pretender’s
health, i. 304.
Fazakerley, Mr., his activity in the first formation of the Tories as
a distinct party for general political purposes, ii. 12.
Ferdinand, Prince, drives the French out of Hanover, iii. 104;
victory of Crevelt, 127;
campaign of 1759, 188;
battle of Minden, 190;
pecuniary rewards from England, 238;
detaches a force in aid of Frederick, 248.
Ferrers, Earl of, his unhappy history and fate, iii. 257;
his trial, and execution for murder, 277, 278.
Feudal tenures, their restoration proposed by Lord Egmont as a popular
act, i. 209.
Fielding, H., dramatic attack on the king, i. 14;
writes on the police, 44.
Finch, Mr. Edward, character, anecdotes, and absurd reply to Lord
Pulteney, respecting the Czarina of Russia, ii. 120.
Fitzwilliam, Colonel, witty repartee of Colonel Townshend, i. 40;
indecent and absurd conduct in the House of Commons, in Byng’s case,
ii. 347.
Fleet weddings, their history, i. 338, 339.
Footmen and chairmen of London, Colonel Hale offers to lead them
against the best troops of France, iii. 234.
Forbes, Colonel, military anecdote of, ii. 373.
Forfeited estates in Scotland, proposed colonization by foreigners,
i. 62;
bill for the purchase from the crown, for national purposes, 256,
et seq.
Forgery, extraordinary instance of, relative to royal mercy, i. 175.
Fowke, General, tried and suspended, but broke by the king, for his
conduct at Gibraltar in Byng’s affair, ii. 229, vide _Byng_.
Fox, Mr., (Lord Holland,) conduct in the parliament of 1751, i. 8;
on the Westminster petition, display of wit and abilities, 15, 20;
decided conduct in Murray’s case, 27, 35;
ingratitude of Lord Egmont, 37;
his political consistency on the Naturalization Bill, 55;
parliamentary exertions in Anstruther’s case, 58;
increase of popularity in union with the Duke of Bedford, 61;
his opinion of Pitt, expressed in parliament, 62;
biographical anecdotes and character, 93, 94;
supports the Regency Bill, 132, 139;
contest with Solicitor-General Murray on that Bill, 149, 150;
conversation with the king on the Regency Bill, 157, 158;
political interference to save the Duke of Bedford from the plots
of the Pelhams, 185;
is solicited by Lord Granville to join the new ministry, after the
Duke of Bedford’s resignation, but refuses, 197;
conversations with the king and duke on the regency, 212;
proposes the army estimates, 213;
political feeling of Pelham, 254;
strenuous opposition to the Marriage Bill, 342;
his quarrel with the Lord Chancellor and the Yorke party, on the
Marriage Bill, 343;
his conversation with Pelham on that subject, 344;
conversation with the king respecting the same, 352;
looked to as a candidate for the premiership, 379;
becomes secretary of war, and manager of the House of Commons, 381;
new regulation of the secret service money, 382;
hurt by Newcastle’s breach of faith, declines office, 384, 385;
subsequent interview with the king, 386;
explanation with Pitt, 392;
joins Pitt in attacking the ministry, 410;
but softens on a conversation with the king, 417;
consents to abjure Pitt, and becomes a cabinet counsellor, 420;
excites a debate in the House, by proposing to sit on the
anniversary of Charles’ martyrdom, ii. 3;
supports Lord Sandwich’s borough interests in the House, 11;
opposed by the Tories, who now first appear as a political party
distinct from jacobitism, 12;
separates from Pitt on the Hanoverian question, 37;
agrees to support the German treaties and the Duke of Newcastle, 41,
et seq.;
his political history, 42;
vindicated, _ib._;
becomes secretary of state, 43;
insincerity of coalition, 45;
brings in the Bedford party, 47;
meets the Commons, 61;
censured in the House for circular letters to members, 63;
contest with Pitt on the naval estimates, 67, et seq.;
ditto on the army estimates, 90, 91;
defends Hume Campbell against Pitt’s attack, 116;
his friends objected to by the Duke of Newcastle, 141;
repeated sparring with Pitt, 152, et seq.;
debate respecting the Swiss battalions, 156, et seq.;
parliamentary squabble with Charles Townshend, 173;
conduct on the calling in of foreign troops, 184;
animadversion on, 214;
his political conduct respecting the Prince of Wales and Leicester
House, 221, et seq.;
rupture with the Duke of Newcastle, 251;
resigns, 252;
proposed coalition with Pitt, 254, et seq.;
extraordinary conversation with Pitt, 262;
various arrangements for his friends, and a peerage asked for his
wife and son, marks his intended politics in the Commons, 273,
274;
but refused by the king, _ib._;
disappointed in his political plans in regard to the Duke of
Devonshire, 276;
further political intrigues, 305, et seq.;
his conduct in Byng’s affair, 309, 312, 325;
speeches on the same in the House, 336, 344;
intrigues to dismiss Pitt from power, 377;
events leading to a change of ministry, 379;
supports the liberty of the press, 380;
gets the clerkship of the Pells in Ireland for himself and sons,
iii. 3;
political difference with Newcastle, 5;
intrigues of parties, 10, 11;
advice of Horace Walpole, 28;
accepts the pay-office, under Pitt and Newcastle, 31;
political intrigues between the latter and the Duke of Bedford, 181.
France, political duplicity and evasion in fulfilling treaties, i. 81;
extraordinary political proceedings on the birth of the Duke of
Burgundy, 203, 216, 217;
general view of her politics, policy, and power, in 1752,
illustrated in parliament, in regard to the Saxon treaty,
251, et seq.;
origin of the war that followed the death of Mr. Pelham, 393;
haughty reply to British remonstrances, ii. 2;
unfolds the mystery of her moderation, 150;
commences retaliation at sea, 155;
unpopularity of the war there, 176;
their financiers copying English plans, 182;
state of politics in 1757, and attempt upon the king’s life, 280,
281;
an army sent to the Rhine, 373;
ministerial revolutions, iii. 157;
affairs in North America, 169;
again threatens invasion, 184;
her perfidy, 222;
her bankruptcy, 223;
alarmed at her own reverses, proposes peace, 236.
Frederick, King of Prussia, political jealousy of, on the part of
George II., i. 104;
his junction with French policy in the affairs of Germany, and
attack upon British interests, 204, vide _Prussia_;
his successes in Bohemia, iii. 12;
defeats Marshal Brown in the battle of Prague, 14;
defeated by Count Daun, 36;
defeats the Russians, 57;
further victories, 80;
takes Breslau, 90;
opens a glorious campaign, 121, et seq.;
invades Bohemia, 138;
battle of Custrin, 138;
defeated at Hochkerchen, 148;
takes advantage of English liberality, 174;
campaign of 1759, 200;
saves Berlin, after defeat, 204.
French players, dislike of the populace to, i. 13.
---- driven from Quebec, iii. 283, 289.
Furnese, Harry, made a Lord of the Treasury, and why, ii. 141.
Galissoniere, the French Admiral, affair of, at Minorca, ii. 215, 225.
Gardiner, Luke, interferes in the party politics of Ireland, i. 356.
Garter, order of, honours granted on Pitt’s coming into administration,
ii. 274; iii. 34.
Gates (afterwards General), military and political anecdote, i. 400.
Geary, Capt. Francis, extraordinary conduct in regard to Byng’s trial,
ii. 343.
GEORGE I., anecdote of the cancelling of his will, iii. 308;
burnt his own queen’s will, 313;
notice of his mistresses, 315.
GEORGE II. Return from Hanover in 1751, i. 3;
harshness towards the South Sea Company, 6;
approves of the young Whigs in parliament, 21;
his patronage of General Anstruther, 61;
candid opinion respecting his ministers, 62;
refuses to hear Bishop Secker preach at the Royal Chapel, 65;
behaviour on the demise of the Prince of Wales, 78;
marked condescension and tenderness to the prince’s family, 83;
conduct on the regency settlement, 99;
anecdote of his love of money, 105;
observations on the Commons’ amendments to the Regency Bill, 157,
158;
extraordinary self-command under political differences, 174;
his character, 175;
curious anecdote of his love of money, 176;
dislike to Lord Sandwich, and why, 187;
change of ministry and triumph of the Pelhams, 194;
gives advice to the new minister, and a reprimand to the Pelhams,
198, 199;
conversation with Mr. Fox, on the Duke of Cumberland’s dangerous
accident, 212;
paternal feelings on the loss of his children, 227;
political interference with the election of the Romans, 240, 241;
visits Hanover in 1752, attended by the Duke of Newcastle, 278;
unlucky in his German alliances, 288;
returns to England, 289;
curbed by ministers in church preferments, 292;
his conduct respecting the charges against the prince’s tutors, 283,
309;
judicious conduct in the cabinet respecting the accusations against
Fox, on occasion of the Marriage Bill, 352;
haughty reply to Lord Kildare’s memorial on the affairs of Ireland,
355;
his political character and influence in the state towards the close
of his life, 376;
his feelings on the death of Pelham, 378;
his objections to Legge as a cabinet minister, 381;
conversation with Fox, on his declining the seals, 386;
also in regard to his partial opposition, 417;
informs the Commons of the French preparations for war, ii. 18;
determines to revisit Hanover, 20;
is alarmed for the safety of that electorate, 33, 34;
returns, just as opposition begins to the German treaties, 41;
comes to an accommodation with the King of Prussia respecting
Germany, 152;
his feelings towards Hanover, 170;
_bon mot_ of Doddington on his avarice, 186;
proposes taking the prince from his mother’s tuition, 207, et seq.;
his feelings on the change of ministry and Pitt’s accession to
power, 254, 266;
refuses to read Pitt’s long speech, and sends it back to be
shortened, 276;
sends a complimentary gratulation to the French king on his escape
from assassination, which is well received, 283;
deceived by the Newcastle administration in regard to Byng, 294, 306;
refuses Pitt’s solicitation for mercy, 331;
but consents to a temporary reprieve, _ib._;
his dislike to long speeches in the cabinet, 378;
left without a ministry in 1757, iii. 11;
Hanover occupied by the French, 12;
refuses their offer of neutrality for that electorate, _ib._;
demands support from parliament during the contests of parties for
power, 16;
his personal feelings strongly expressed, 30;
loses Hanover for a time, 36;
conduct on the affair of Closter Seven, 59;
anecdotes of munificence, 100;
prohibits Sackville’s appearance at court, 273;
death, 302;
character of, 303, 304, 305.
GEORGE III., vide _Prince George_.
German Treaties, and their consequences, ii. 34, et seq., 103.
Germany, political state of, in 1751, i. 7;
unfortunate turn of politics there, 81;
our politics in regard to the election of the Archduke Joseph of
Austria, as king of the Romans, 204;
affairs arranged with the King of Prussia, ii. 152;
Empress-Queen joins with France, 219, 220;
origin and causes of the war, 231, 232;
a French army sent to the Rhine, 373;
Hanover occupied by the French, its neutrality offered by them, but
rejected, iii. 12;
successes of the King of Prussia in Bohemia, 13;
campaign of 1757, 57;
convention of Closter Seven, 58;
campaign of 1758, 90;
successes of the King of Prussia and Prince Ferdinand, 123, 127,
et seq.;
state of the English army, 147;
advantages taken of English liberality, 174;
campaign of 1759, 188;
Pitt labours to increase our army there, 226;
objects of the war, 247;
campaign of 1760 in, 289-297.
Gibraltar, vide _Byng_, _Minorca_, and _Galissoniere_.
Gibson, the upholsterer, contumacy on the Westminster petition, i. 22;
committed to Newgate, _ib._;
petitions, is reprimanded and released, 32.
Gilbert, Archbishop, curious anecdote of, at York, ii. 374.
Gin Bill, proceedings on, i. 44, 66, 106.
Gooch, Bishop of Ely, political and ecclesiastical character, i. 148.
Goree, captured, iii. 169.
Gower, Lord, his political character, i. 188;
death and political influence, 422.
Gower family, connexion with the Bedfords, i. 3;
resentment of the Jacobites, 13;
Westminster politics, 17, et seq.;
connexion with the Pelham faction, in opposition to the Bedfords,
188;
resignation of Lord Trentham from the Admiralty, in opposition to
his father’s wishes, 192;
the young Lord Gower receives the privy seal, ii. 139.
Grafton, Duke of, political repartee, i. 48;
character of, and anecdotes, 180, 181.
Granby, Marquis of, observations on the affair of the Highland
regiments, ii. 301;
appointed Colonel of the Blues, and serves at St. Maloes, iii. 124;
second in command in Germany, 147;
battle of Minden, 194, et seq.
Granville, Lord, political retrospect in 1746, i. 6, 9;
further, 105;
in a speech on committal of the Regency Bill, developes the
insidious policy of the French court, 121, 122;
character and anecdotes of, 168, 197;
political administration, 170;
suspected of jacobitism, _ibid._;
dislike to Pitt, 170;
his conduct during the rebellion, 171, et seq.;
becomes president of the council, 194;
judicious and well-timed speech on the Saxon treaty, 252, 253;
refuses the premiership, when offered to him by the Duke of
Newcastle, ii. 43.
Gray, Mr., his election petition from Colchester, i. 409.
Gray, the poet, declines the laureateship, iii. 82.
Great Seal put in commission, ii. 273.
Grenville interest, parliamentary conduct in 1751, i. 13.
Grenville, George, opens charges in the House of Commons of bribery
on the part of France, ii. 82.
Grierson, Mr., a minister, convicted of illegal marriages, and 1400
dissolved thereby, ii. 155.
Guadaloupe, capture of, iii. 170.
Guerini, Father, character of, ii. 408.
Habeas Corpus, affair of, in Parliament, iii. 101, 103, 112.
Hale, Colonel, offers to lead the footmen and chairmen of London
against the best troops of France, iii. 234.
Half-pay officers in the army, first subjected to military law, i. 38.
Halifax, Lord, attempts to bring the West Indian Colonies under the
Board of Trade, i. 199, 220;
character, 397;
supports the Saxon treaty in the House of Lords, 251;
his exertions at the Board of Trade, to save the colonies from the
ignorance of his colleagues, 397;
supports Byng’s cause in the House of Lords, ii. 353.
Hamilton, Lady Archibald, anecdote of, i. 74.
Hamilton, Sir James, an Irish patriot, his honesty, i. 368.
Hamilton, William Gerard, his extraordinary introduction into
political life, ii. 44;
first speech, 51;
in office, 140.
Hampden, Mr., parliamentary attack upon Pitt and Lyttelton, i. 18.
Hampshire, an election there betrays Lord Bute’s secret politics,
under the auspices of the Prince’s influence, iii. 237.
Hanover, the King’s return from, in 1751, i. 1, 3;
political pamphlets respecting, 11;
political regulations and jealousies respecting, on the regency
question, 104;
its dangers from French invasion, and the king’s consequent alarm,
ii. 33, 34;
occupied by the French, its neutrality offered by them, but rejected
by the king, iii. 12;
occupied by the French in 1758, 104.
Hanoverian troops sent for, to guard against invasion, ii. 186.
Harcourt, Lord, appointed governor of Prince George, i. 86;
punctilious nicety in the education of Prince George, 284;
his loss of royal favour, 289, et seq.;
his speech on the charges against the prince’s tutors, 323.
Hard labour in the dock-yards proposed, to commute transportation,
i. 255.
Hardwicke, Lord Chancellor, draws up the Regency Bill; its despotic
character, i. 115;
his speech, 120;
political character and anecdotes, 158, 159;
reasons for his conduct on the affair of the regency, 160;
political intimacy with the Duke of Newcastle, 161;
his speech in reply to the Duke of Bedford, on the Scottish
Colonization Bill, 268;
his conduct in the affair of Fawcett’s accusation against the
Solicitor-General, for drinking the Pretender’s health, 309;
speech on the affair of the charges against the prince’s tutors,
321;
his speech on passing the Marriage Bill, 348;
resigns the seals on Pitt’s coming into administration in 1756,
ii. 273;
his conduct in regard to Admiral Byng’s trial, 317;
refuses the seals on Pitt’s coalition with Fox, iii. 33;
opposes the Militia Bill, 40.
Harley, Lord, speech on the Regency Bill, i. 144;
moves for declaring against subsidiary treaties in time of peace,
254.
HARRINGTON, Earl of, (William) political and biographical notice of,
i. 3, et seq., _notes_.
Harris, commissioner of wine licences, violent speech in the Commons
on the abolition of his office, ii. 375.
Hartington, Lord, political manœuvre between Pitt and the Whigs, i. 13;
Westminster petition, 19, 20;
his share in the ministerial negotiations on the death of Pelham,
381;
succeeds the Duke of Dorset as Irish Viceroy, ii. 3, 18, 20, 23.
--Vide _Devonshire_.
Hastenbecke, battle of, and defeat of the Duke of Cumberland, iii. 36.
Havre-de-Grace bombarded, iii. 186.
Hawke, Sir Edward, his naval operations, ii. 32;
sent to supersede Byng in the Mediterranean, 215;
takes the naval command in the expedition to Rochfort, iii. 50;
attacks the French fleet under Conflans, and destroys them, 231.
Hawley, General, his military severity, i. 103;
selected as the propagator of a pretended memorial on the prince’s
education, and why, 302.
Hayter, Dr., vide _Norwich_ (Bp. of).
Heinnech, Monsieur, notice of, ii. 408, 409.
Henley, afterwards Lord Northington, character of, i. 96;
impartial exercise of his office as a member of parliament, 108;
appointed lord keeper in the Pitt and Newcastle administration, in
1757, iii. 33.
Hensey, Dr., convicted of treason, iii. 130.
Herring, Archbishop, political and ecclesiastical character, i. 148;
interference in, and intrigues respecting, the education of the
princes, 283, 290, et seq.;
death and character, ii. 374.
Hertford, Earl of, appointed ambassador to Paris, in 1755, and why,
ii. 2.
Hesse-Cassel, Prince of, turns papist, i. 405.
Hessian troops, sent for to assist against invasion, ii. 155, 185.
Highland regiments raised for American service, ii. 300.
Highlands of Scotland, defended from the charge of jacobitism in the
House of Commons, as early as 1754, ii. 15.
Hillsborough, Lord, parliamentary character, i. 80;
speech on the Regency Bill, 145;
supports the Bill for the purchase and colonization of the Scottish
forfeited estates, 259;
political error and delay in the debate on the German treaties,
ii. 49;
projects a union of Ireland with Great Britain as early as 1757,
iii. 239.
History, observations on, i. 373, et seq.
Hoadley, Bishop, political excellence, i. 148.
Hochkerchen, battle of, iii. 148.
Holbourn, Admiral, commands on the American station, iii. 40.
Holderness, Earl of, character and accession to power, i. 198;
disgrace at court for playing at blindman’s buff, 289;
becomes secretary of state in Pitt’s administration in 1757,
iii. 31;
extraordinary notification to Lord G. Sackville, on his demand of a
court martial, 251;
further proceedings, 252.
Holland, Lord, vide _Fox_.
----, extraordinary change of politics there, on the death of the
Prince of Orange, i. 207;
disputes with, in 1758, iii. 139, 169.
Holmes, Captain Charles, unhappy misunderstandings on the question of
Byng’s court-martial, ii. 340, 342.
Home, Lord, parliamentary quarrel with A. H. Campbell, i. 19.
Home, the author of _Douglas_, pensioned by the Princess dowager,
iii. 39.
Horn Tavern, the, remarkable as the first place of meeting of the
Tories, as a distinct political party for general purposes,
ii. 12.
Howe, Captain, commences the naval war with France by the capture of
three ships of war, ii. 27;
naval and political character, expedition to Rochfort, iii. 50, 51.
Howe, Lord, succeeds to the title, on the fall of his brother,
iii. 135;
gallantry in Hawke’s action, 232.
Hume of Munderson, Mr., a furious jacobite in Scotland, yet
patronized, i. 266.
Hutchinson, Hely, his Irish politics, iii. 245, 246.
Hutton, Archbishop, i. 148;
promoted to Canterbury, ii. 374.
Invasion of England threatened by a French armament in the Isle of
Rhée, ii. 20;
threats of, by France, in 1759, iii. 186;
general plan of, defeated by Hawke’s victory, 232;
French measures pursued in Ireland in aid of it, 239, 244.
Ireland, removal of Lord Harrington from viceroyship, i. 5;
appointment thereto of the Duke of Dorset, 5;
judicious observations of Lord Hillsborough on the Protestant
settling of mountain districts, 260;
affairs in 1752, and history of the factions there, 278, et seq.;
further troubles, 354;
intrigues in parliament, 356;
factious disputes, 362, 363;
successes of opposition, 367, et seq.;
theatrical and political riots, 389;
results of the Newcastle administration, 390;
Lord Hartington succeeds the Duke of Dorset, ii. 3, 18;
its state in 1755, 23;
general politics on the arrival of Lord Hartington, 23, et seq.;
division of the vice-treasurership, 153;
state of, in 1756, 183;
a change of ministry gives the viceroyship to the Duke of Bedford,
271;
affairs in 1757, iii. 14, 68, 69;
violence of parties in 1758, 91;
proposed union in 1759, 239;
Thurot’s piratical expedition, 262, et seq.
Irish parliament, experiments tried on it by Hely Hutchinson, and
anecdote of Sir Richard Cox, iii. 245, 246.
Isle of Aix, expedition to, iii. 48, et seq.
Jacobites, supposed political attack on the Duke of Cumberland, i. 9;
dislike to the Gowers, 13;
their activity and caution on the Westminster election, 17;
their ingenuity in saving their consciences under oaths and
salaries, 33;
death of the last active one, Sir John Cotton, 255;
anecdotes of their conduct in the rebellion in Scotland, and
subsequent patronage, 266.
Jacobitism silenced towards the year 1752, i. 239;
receives its death blow by the Tories uniting for party politics
distinct from the question of the Stuart succession, ii. 12,
et seq.
Jamaica, charges of tyranny at, against admiral Knowles, but they
fail, ii. 152.
Jansen, Alderman, defends the conduct of the sheriffs in releasing
Murray from Newgate, i. 212.
Jenyns, Soames, comes into office, ii. 140.
Jesuits, their state and opinions in France and the attempted murder
of Louis XV., ii. 279, et seq.;
their influence in Portugal, and its consequences to their Order,
iii. 142, et seq.
Jew Bill of Naturalization, warm opposition to, i. 357, et seq.
Jews exempted in the Marriage Bill, i. 340.
Johnson, Dr., Bishop of Gloucester, proposed as preceptor to the
princes, i. 291, 314.
Johnson, Sir William, gains a victory in Canada, ii. 46.
Jones, Neville, his prosecution in Ireland, through party principles,
i. 280, 364.
Justice, instance of political, in Pitt’s conduct on Byng’s affair,
ii. 349.
Kaunitz, Count, politics and foppish effeminacy, ii. 234.
Keene, Sir Benjamin, diplomatic services at the court of Spain,
previous to the war of 1756, i. 398; ii. 33.
Keith, the Mayfair parson, anecdotes of his marriages and burials,
i. 339.
Keppel, Captain, afterwards admiral, one of Byng’s court-martial, his
feelings on the approaching execution, ii. 339, 348;
requests to be absolved from his oath, 334, 349, 364;
gallantry in Hawke’s action, iii. 232.
Kildare, Earl of, presents a memorial to the King against the Duke of
Dorset, i. 354;
party politics during the Bedford administration, in Ireland,
iii. 72, et seq., 95, et seq.
King, Dr., anecdote of, ii. 374.
Knowles, Admiral, charged by Beckford with tyranny in Jamaica, but
cleared triumphantly in the House, ii. 152.
Lancaster, duchy of, regulations of that office, and political demands
for it, iii. 23.
Land Tax of three shillings opposed, but carried, i. 32;
moved by Pelham, accompanied by a pitiful system of national policy,
218, et seq.
Laudohn, Marshal, defeated by the King of Prussia, iii. 294.
Lawyers, parliamentary character of, in politics, i. 149.
Lee, Sir George, anecdotes of, i. 90, 91;
biographical notice of, _ib._;
political errors, in the debate on army estimates, 214;
as lord chief justice appointed chancellor of the exchequer _pro
tempore_, on the death of Pelham, 378;
quits Leicester-house politics, disgusted by Pitt’s influence with
the princess dowager, iii. 28.
Legge, H. B., Lord Stawell, character and anecdotes, i. 190, 191;
becomes chancellor of the exchequer under the Duke of Newcastle,
381;
refuses to sign the German subsidiary treaties, in opposition to
the Duke of Newcastle, ii. 35;
his share in the changes of administration on the Duke of
Newcastle’s resignation, 265;
humane observations in the House of Commons pending the question of
Byng’s trial, 340;
offers the House of Commons to serve in office without salary,
provided others would, 375.
Leicester-House politics, influence and interference in ministerial
arrangements, on the rupture of Pitt and Fox, ii. 39.
Leveson, William, political independence and loss of patronage,
i. 226.
Louis XV., extraordinary change of feeling in France towards him in
old age, i. 216, et seq.;
some notices of his amours, and their whimsical results, 334, 335;
his contests with the parliament of Paris; loss of popularity, and
attempted assassination, ii. 280, et seq.
Libels, extraordinary conduct of Lord Mansfield, respecting one on
the Princess Amelia, ii. 221.
Ligonier, General, obliges the king with a church-living, i. 292;
loses the ordnance to make room for the Duke of Marlborough, ii. 139;
his character and services, _ib._
Limerick, James, Viscount, political character, i. 25;
political censure and animadversions on the Regency Bill, 142, 143.
Lincoln, Lord, political character of, i. 85.
Lisbon destroyed by an earthquake, ii. 77;
assisted by the parliament, 78.
Litchfield, Lord, his political character, iii. 166.
Lochiel, Laird of, his share in the rebellion, i. 353.
London, Bishop of, objects to the despotic powers granted by the
Regency Bill, i. 115.
London, City of, invidious remarks of Lord Nugent on the question of
the Gin Bill, i. 44;
conduct of the sheriffs in releasing Murray from Newgate impugned
in the House and defended by Jansen, 211, 212;
absurdity of its politics during the contest for power between Pitt,
Fox, and Newcastle, ii. 264;
a petition in favour of Admiral Byng proposed by four Tory aldermen,
and fails, 368.
Lonsdale, Henry, Viscount, death and character, i. 20.
LORDS, House of, session of 1751, i. 8;
affair of the constitutional queries, 10;
bill brought in to reform the old style, 50;
address of condolence on demise of the Princess of Wales, 80;
alterations in the Regency Bill, 115;
go into committee on the bill, 116;
third reading of the bill, 122;
amendments from the Commons to the Regency Bill, explained and
agreed to, 156;
close of the session, 200;
a new session opens, 208;
adjournment and remarkable cessation of opposition, 228;
House meets in 1752, 241;
Saxon treaty debated, 244;
opposition by the Duke of Bedford, _ib._;
state of parties in the House, 263;
bill for colonizing the Scottish forfeited estates, opposed by the
Duke of Bedford, 264;
prorogation, 275;
session of 1753, 293;
affair of the prince’s education brought forward by the Duke of
Bedford, 310, 329;
affair of the Marriage Bill, 336, et seq.;
bill for naturalizing the Jews, 359;
absurd motion of Lord Powlet on the King’s going to Hanover, ii. 20;
proceedings on the coalition of Fox and Bedford, the German
treaties, French war, &c., 48, 103, et seq.;
debates on the Swiss regiments for American service, 175;
Militia Bill rejected, 202;
a speaker chosen, on the resignation of the lord chancellor, 274;
punish the author of a spurious royal speech, 277;
affairs of Byng’s court-martial, and bill from the Commons to
absolve the court from oath of secrecy, 351;
debates, _ib._ et seq.;
bill dropped, 366;
engaged on the Militia Bill, iii. 11;
affair of the Navy Bill, 105;
Habeas Corpus, 112.
Lottery, a guinea one, proposed for the supplies, in Pitt’s
administration, ii. 301.
Loudun, Earl of; comments on America, iii. 39, 40.
Lovat, Lord, erroneous declaration before the peers, as to his
Scottish estates, i. 257.
Love-à-la-mode, its performance opposed by Lord Bute, but in vain,
iii. 250;
its copy sent for by the king, and read to him, _ib._
Loyd, Sir Richard, judicious observations on Anstruther’s case, and
on the Act of Grace, i. 108.
Lucas, Mr. or Dr., at the head of the discontented in Ireland, i. 279.
Lyttelton, Col. R., disclaims jacobitism in parliament, i. 10;
opposes the Mutiny Bill, 38;
political anecdotes of himself and family, ii. 307.
Lyttelton, George, Lord, character of, i. 39;
political intrigues discovered by the opening of a letter, 201, 202;
his character, _ib._;
joins the Newcastle administration, and manages for his friends,
387;
breach with Pitt, its history and anecdotes, 414, 416;
becomes chancellor of the exchequer, over the ruins of his old
friends, ii. 63;
again courts Pitt, 102;
awkwardness at first moving the supplies as chancellor, and
squabble with Pitt, 153;
made a peer, 272;
introduced by Smollett, in very abusive terms, in Roderick Random,
iii. 259.
Macklyn, ludicrous anecdote of his Love-à-la-mode, iii. 250.
Madox, Dr. (Bishop of Worcester), speech on the charges against the
Prince’s tutors, i. 331;
death and eminent clerical character, iii. 215.
Malagrida, the Jesuit, his conduct and fate, iii. 145;
vide _Portugal_.
Malone, Mr., his character and factious politics in Ireland, i. 282.
Mansfield, Earl of, vide _Murray_.
Marchmont, Earl of, difference as a speaker in court-favour and in
opposition, i. 293;
unprecedented severity of conduct in the Lords upon Byng’s affair,
ii. 366.
Marlborough, Charles, Duke of, takes parliamentary notice of the
Jacobite attack on the Duke of Cumberland, i. 10;
his speech on the charges against the prince’s tutors, 328;
interferes in county election in Oxfordshire, 406;
in projected ministerial changes, 419;
commands in the expedition to St. Maloes, iii. 124;
its effects upon the German campaign, 127.
Marlborough, Sarah, Duchess of, her political feelings in death,
i. 53.
Marriage Bill sent down from the Lords; further and final proceedings
thereon, i. 340, et seq.;
its history, _ib._
Marriages dissolved in a most unfeeling manner, to an immense amount,
by virtue of the new Act, ii. 155.
Marriages, royal, first controlled by legal enactment in the Regency
Bill, i. 146.
Martin, Mr., his political inconsistency on the Regency Bill, &c.,
i. 136.
Martin, Mr., (the West Indian), his speech against standing armies,
i. 26;
opposes the repeal of the Plantation Act, 364.
Martinico, miscarriage at, iii. 170.
Mason, the poet, declines the laureateship, iii. 82.
Masquerades, abolished on account of the Lisbon earthquake, iii. 98.
Mayfair weddings, their history, i. 338.
Meat, proposed excise on it, ii. 181.
Methodism, its effects on society, iii. 97, et seq.
Memoirs, contemporary, their value; Voltaire’s opinion on, iii. 249.
Middlesex, county of, accused of jacobitism in the House of Commons,
ii. 15.
Middlesex, Lord, character and appointment in the princess’s
household, i. 96.
Middlesex, Lady, anecdotes of, i. 76.
Middleton, Dr. Conyers, his controversial writings attacking
Christianity, i. 147.
Militia recommended by Fox on the opening of the war, ii. 97, et seq.;
riots throughout the kingdom, in the apprehension of the regiments
being sent abroad, iii. 41;
plan first proposed to march them out of their counties in case of
invasion, 184.
Militia Bill for Scotland, parliamentary proceedings on, iii. 280.
Minden, battle of, iii. 191, et seq.;
vide _Sackville_.
Ministry, expected changes in 1751, i. 1, et seq.;
whimsical candour of George II., 62;
differences between the Bedford and Newcastle parties, 81;
affair of the regency on the death of Frederick, Prince of Wales,
104, et seq.;
political neglect of the Duke of Bedford in the cabinet by the
Pelhams, 161, 162;
further intrigues of the Pelhams to displace the Duke of Bedford,
184, et seq.;
dismissal of Lord Sandwich, through the Pelham interest, 190;
change of ministry, and resignation of the Duke of Bedford, 194;
conduct and character of the Pelhams in regard to foreign affairs
and to national insults, 204;
state of politics at the opening of 1752, 239;
opposition of the Pelhams by the Duke of Bedford, 242;
proposed policy for tranquillizing Scotland, 268, et seq.;
manœuvres of opposition in 1753, 298, et seq.;
difference of opinion in the cabinet on the pretended memorial
respecting the prince’s education, 304;
differences of Fox and the chancellor on the Marriage Bill, 342;
forced to repeal the Jew Naturalization Bill, 359, et seq.;
death of Mr. Pelham, and its consequences, 370, et seq., 378;
difficulties in appointing his successor, _ib._;
new one formed, 387;
pacific character of the Pelham and Newcastle administrations,
leads to insults and encroachments on the part of France, 392;
extraordinary conduct of the Newcastle administration when the
French began the war in America, 400;
appearances of opposition in parliament, 407;
alarm at Pitt’s opposition, 417;
projected changes in, 418;
approaching war with France; changes in consequence of the death of
Lord Gower, ii. 2;
the Newcastle administration first supported by the Tories, on
their uniting as a political party, distinct from jacobitism,
12;
political manœuvre to silence Fox, 21;
divisions in the cabinet against the Duke of Newcastle on the
German subsidiary treaties, 35;
disunion of Fox and Pitt, 37;
refusal of Pitt, and consent of Fox, to support the German treaties,
41, et seq.;
decline of Newcastle’s power, and coalition of Fox with the Bedford
party, 45, 46, et seq.;
further changes in favour of the Bedford party, 139, 140;
heavy charges of pensions in consequence, 143;
state of, at the breaking out of the war, 154;
divisions on the calling in of foreign troops, 184;
conduct in the affair of Byng, 190, 194, et seq., 208;
Fox’s resignation, and its consequences, 252, et seq.;
resignation of the Duke of Newcastle, and Pitt’s accession to power,
272, et seq.;
changes settled, 274;
state of the cabinet, 284;
events leading to the dismissal of Pitt and his friends, 376, 377;
new administration, iii. 2;
difficulties in its formation, 11, 24, 26;
Pitt and Newcastle again come in, 31;
political review of Pitt’s administration, 84;
and cabinet, 85;
jealousies of Newcastle, 181;
resignation of Lord Temple, 228.
Minorca, affairs of courts-martial under Gen. Anstruther brought
before parliament, i. 42, 56, et seq.;
debates respecting its defence, ii. 70;
attacked by the French, 190, 209, et seq., 217, vide _Byng_;
parliamentary inquiry into its loss, iii. 7, et seq.
Mirepoix, Mons. de, French ambassador, returns without taking leave,
ii. 28;
his character, i. 203;
disliked by the Pelhams, 204.
Mobs in Ireland; their rejoicings on the success of the Castle
opposition in 1753, i. 367.
Monks of Portugal, their ingenuity in smuggling money on board of
English ships of war, i. 256.
Montcalm, General, vide _Quebec_.
Montreal taken from the French, iii. 288.
Moore, Captain, one of Byng’s judges, joins in an application to the
throne for mercy, ii. 318.
Mordaunt, Sir John, his character, i. 110;
opposes the parliamentary purchase of the forfeited estates, 258;
entrusted with the attack on Rochfort, iii. 45, et seq.;
inquiry, 75.
Moyenska, Countess, notice of, ii. 410.
Munchausen, Baron, the Hanoverian minister in England, his conduct on
the affair of Closter Seven, iii. 60.
Murphy, Miss, supplants Madame Pompadour in the heart of Louis XV.,
and produces a whimsical alarm, i. 334.
Murray, Mr. A., conduct on the Westminster election, i. 17, et seq.,
22;
refuses to kneel, 29;
further proceedings in the House upon his case, 34, 35;
further insolence towards the House of Commons, 85;
Habeas Corpus granted by the Court of King’s Bench, 114;
but is remanded, 115;
released from Newgate on the prorogation of the House of Commons,
201;
but is remanded in the ensuing session, 208;
absconds, 211.
Murray, James (nominal Earl of Dunbar), his character and politics in
service of the Pretender, i. 286.
Murray, Lord John, his prudence in regard to political attack, i. 44.
Murray, Solicitor-General (Lord Mansfield), supports the Bavarian
subsidy, i. 48;
speech on second reading of the Regency Bill, 131;
parliamentary contest with Fox on the Regency Bill, 150;
affair of the dissensions on the education of the young princes,
284, 290, et seq.;
drinking the Pretender’s health, 305;
his elaborate and well-written confutation of the French memorial
on the Silesian loan, 297;
looked to as a candidate for the premiership on Pelham’s death, 379;
becomes lord chief justice, and is made a peer, anecdotes, &c.,
ii. 223, 227;
his conduct on the bill for absolving Byng’s court-martial; severe
conduct towards Byng, with observations, 351, 352.
Murray, General, defeated at Quebec, iii. 284.
Mutiny Bill, modern opposition to, i. 35, et seq.;
curious question of the King of Denmark in regard to its preamble,
253.
Names of princes, taken from English history, curious anecdote of,
i. 201.
Naples, affairs of, on the death of the King of Spain, iii. 205.
National debt, observations on, in 1758, iii. 151.
Naturalization Bill brought forward, i. 44, 54;
thrown out, 92.
Navy, diminished number of seamen voted, i. 17;
Lord Anson proposes a severe naval code, but fails, 38;
an increased vote of seamen proposed by Lord Barrington, 211;
approaching war with France, ii. 1;
a fleet ordered to watch the French motions in America, 22;
vote for seamen, 67;
debates on a Prize Bill, 78;
state of naval force at the opening of the war, 195;
consequences of Byng’s trial, 295;
affair of the Navy Bill, iii. 105.
Newcastle, Duke of, disagreement with the Duke of Bedford, i. 1;
betrays the interests of the South Sea Company in the treaty with
Spain, 7;
political adoption of intrepidity, 9;
political and family differences, 47;
conduct on regency question after demise of the Prince of Wales, 99;
speech on the committal of the Regency Bill, 120;
political anecdote in forming the bill, 128;
explains the Commons’ amendments to the Lords, and carries the bill,
156;
his power secured, 161;
his character and anecdotes, 162, 163;
political ingratitude to Sir Robert Walpole, 164;
further anecdotes, 183;
fear of the sea, and whimsical expedition to Hanover, 184;
dismisses Lord Sandwich from office, 190;
produces the resignation of the Duke of Bedford, 193;
jealousy of Mr. Fox, on an illness of the Duke of Cumberland, 213;
his inferiority as a politician, 239;
political influence at opening of 1752, and why, 239, 240;
inefficient reply to the opposition of the Duke of Bedford on the
Saxon treaty, 247;
debate on the Scottish Colonization Bill, and inefficient answer to
the Duke of Bedford, 274;
whimsical mode of guarding against the dangers of the sea, on a
visit to Hanover, 278;
his alarm at the pretended memorial respecting the education of the
Prince of Wales, 302;
his long and very extraordinary speech in the House on that affair,
327;
parliamentary sparring with the Duke of Bedford, 329;
moves the repeal of the Jew Naturalization Bill, 359;
Walpolian sarcasms, 373;
becomes first minister on the death of his brother, 381;
reserves the management of the secret-service money in his own
hands, 382;
perfidy and breach of promise to Fox, 384;
his political inefficiency, 388;
striking inattention to colonial affairs while secretary of state,
396;
geographical and political ignorance, 396;
professes to remove abuses, yet encourages them, 399;
secret instigator of the law-suit respecting Richmond Park, 401;
alarmed by the conduct of Pitt, 415;
receives the support of the Tories, who now first unite as a
political party, distinct from jacobitism, ii. 12, et seq.;
interference in the appointment of the temporary regency, on the
king’s visit to Hanover, 22;
conduct on Irish politics, 25, et seq.;
first decline of his power on the subsidiary German treaties, 35,
43, 45;
tampers with Pitt for their support, but fails, 40, 41;
applies to Fox, and succeeds, 41;
offers to resign in a fright, 43;
objects to Fox’s friends, 141;
heavy charges of pensions brought on the nation by his caprices,
143;
conduct on the calling in of foreign troops, 184;
his plan of separating the prince from his mother, &c., 221;
political fears of quarrelling with Leicester-house, 249;
affair of Fox’s resignation, 252;
resolves to resign, 262;
resigns, 272;
extraordinary story in regard to Byng’s affair, 285;
another most extraordinary anecdote respecting the duchess in that
affair, 371;
political difference with Fox, iii. 3;
approaches of Pitt towards conciliation, 4;
further negotiations, 11, 15;
political character and irresolution, 21;
comes again into power with Pitt, 31;
differences and anecdotes, 95;
influence of office under Pitt, 174;
grows jealous of him, 181;
conduct towards Lord G. Sackville, 254.
Newcastle, Duchess of, most extraordinary anecdote respecting Byng’s
execution, ii. 371.
Newdigate, Sir Roger, his speech for the repeal of the Plantation Act,
i. 365.
Newmarket, its sports set in the balance against the affairs of the
nation, ii. 380.
New Road first proposed, but objected to, ii. 186;
carried, and afterwards extended by its opponents, 187.
Niagara taken by Sir William Johnson, iii. 211.
Norris, Admiral, strange incompetency when examined before the Lords,
in Byng’s case, ii. 362.
North, Lord, his character, and removal from governorship of Prince
George, i. 86.
Northumberland, Earl of, moves address in the House of Lords, in 1751,
i. 8;
gives a pointed refusal of resignation to the Duke of Newcastle,
iii. 27.
Norwich, Bishop of, engaged in the education of the Prince of Wales,
i. 87, 283;
dissensions in that establishment, 289;
speech in Parliament, 325.
Notes of parliamentary debates first mentioned in the House of
Commons, ii. 108.
Nova Scotia, affairs of, i. 62, 68, 81.
Nugent, Lord, absurd parliamentary conduct, i. 20;
his character, and anecdotes, 45, 46;
refused by the people of Bristol as the king’s nominee, under most
unprecedented circumstances, 355;
his absurd speech, defending ministers against the attacks of Pitt,
ii. 92;
his parliamentary conduct on Byng’s affair, 336, 338.
Oleron, attack on, iii. 54.
Onslow, Mr. Speaker, witty remark on his official conduct, i. 21;
reprimands Mr. Crowle on the Westminster election, _ib._;
quarrels with Lord Coke, 28;
contemptuous treatment of him by Mr. Murray, 29, 30;
impressive speech on the Regency Bill, 126;
his character, 129;
spiritedly rebuked by Pitt in the debate on Byng’s affair, ii. 350;
attacked by the rioters on the Militia Bill, iii. 41;
speech on the Scottish Sheriff Depute Bill, ii. 15.
Opposition, remarkable cessation of, i. 228, 239;
a systematic one now commences, ii. 151;
junction of Pitt’s friends and the Tories against the new Fox
administration, iii. 3.
Orange, Prince of, his death, and anecdotes of his marriage, i. 206;
political consequences in Holland, 207.
Orange, Princess of, her extraordinary marriage, i. 206;
ambition, character, and politics, 207, 208.
Oratorical Club, a school for rhetoric, i. 42.
Oratory, parliamentary, its difference under court-favour, or in
opposition, i. 293.
Ordnance, master-general of, pay first raised to 10_s._ per day by
the Duke of Marlborough, in 1757, ii. 303.
Orford, second Earl of, his death, i. 84.
Orford, Lord, anecdote of, and the Duke of Newcastle, iii. 30.
Orleans, Père d’, his book causes dissensions at Leicester-house,
i. 289.
Oswald, Mr. Commissioner, parliamentary debut and progress, i. 59.
Oxfordshire, a little kingdom of jacobitism, i. 406;
election, political manœuvres relating to it in the House of
Commons, first bring into play the modern party designation
of Whigs and Tories, distinct from the question of the Stuart
succession, ii. 12, 20.
Oxford University, attacked by Pitt in the House of Commons with
charges of jacobitism, i. 413;
contest for the chancellorship on the death of the Earl of Arran,
iii. 166.
Parliament, meets in 1751, i. 8;
proceedings respecting the treasonable papers attacking the Duke of
Cumberland, 10;
debate on diminished vote of seamen, 12, 17;
transactions on the Westminster petition against Lord Trentham, 13,
et seq.;
witty observation of Mr. Crowle at the bar of the Commons, 21;
Murray brought to the bar, 22;
refuses to kneel, and is re-committed to Newgate, 29;
debate on the staff, 31;
--see further _Lords_ and _Commons_--
regency business arranged, 115, et seq.;
political character of lawyers in the legislature, 149, 150;
the session ended, and the political consequence, 200;
a new session opens, in 1751, 208;
adjournment, and remarkable cessation of opposition, 228, 239;
opens after the recess, in 1752, 241;
consideration of the treaty with Saxony, 242;
colonization of the Scottish forfeited estates, 256, et seq.;
bill passes the Lords, 275;
prorogation, _ib._;
session of 1753, 293, et seq.;
affair of the charges against the prince’s tutors, 303, et seq.;
proceedings on the Marriage Bill, 336, et seq.;
opens again with the Jew Bill, 357;
adjourns on Pelham’s death, 378;
dissolved under the Newcastle administration, and an accommodating
new one chosen, 391;
session of 1754 opens, 403;
first union of the Tories as a party for general political purposes,
and thereby forming the leading distinctions of Whig and Tory
in the state, without reference to the Stuart succession,
ii. 12;
first meeting after the coalition of Fox and Bedford, 48;
first notice of reporters and taking of notes in the Commons, 108;
eloquence reviewed, 144, et seq.;
session of 1756 opens, 150;
meeting after Pitt’s coming into power, 276;
its support demanded by the king during the contests of parties,
iii. 16;
session of 1758, 87, 149;
session of 1759, 224.
Parliamentary orators of 1755, characters of, ii. 145, 148.
Party feeling, extraordinary instance of, i. 183.
Parties, state of, in the year 1752, i. 262, 263.
Patriots, spurious, how made, and why, i. 33.
Peerages, refusal of one in Ireland, and why, i. 282.
Pelham, Right Hon. Henry, his political suavity, i. 3;
parliamentary discussion on the constitutional queries, 11;
political inconsistency, 18;
financial expertness, 32;
political and family differences, 47;
proposes the subsidy to Bavaria, 48;
excites surprise by supporting the Naturalization Bill, 54;
conduct in regard to the auditorship of the exchequer, 84, 85;
conduct on the regency affair, in regard to the Princess of Wales,
104;
carries the bill on a first reading, 122;
his feelings on the opposition of Speaker Onslow, 128;
speech on third reading of the Regency Bill, 153, 154, 155;
power secured by the passing of that bill, 161;
political character and anecdotes, 166, 183;
intrigues against Lord Sandwich, 188;
his political and private character exposed to the king by the Duke
of Bedford, 193;
hurt by Lord Trentham’s resignation and reproaches, 194;
unhandsome conduct in regard to private correspondence, 202;
jealousy of Mr. Fox during the illness of the Duke of Cumberland,
213;
dull speech in reply to Lord Egmont opposing the army estimates,
216;
proposes the land tax, and proposes a most extraordinary system of
national policy, 218;
his power confirmed by a cessation of opposition, 229;
parallel between him and Sir R. Walpole, 231, et seq.;
political influence at opening of 1752, 239;
supports the Saxon treaty, 243;
in 1753 replies to Lord Egmont in defence of the address, 294;
rebukes Alderman Beckford for opposition, 307;
parliamentary sparring with Fox on the Marriage Bill, 343, 344;
interesting conversation with Fox on the debates on the Marriage
Bill, and his difference with the Chancellor Hardwicke, 350;
opposes the repeal of the Plantation Act, 366;
his death and character, 370, et seq.
Pelham interest, accused of supporting Vandeput in Westminster, i. 14;
regency, 99;
their power in parliament and in the cabinet secured by the Regency
Bill, 161;
intrigues, 171, 184.
Pelham, Lady Catharine, interference in party politics, iii. 21.
Pensions, heavy ones brought on the nation by the capricious change
of ministry in 1755, ii. 143;
heavy charges entailed on the public by the coalition of Pitt, Fox,
and Newcastle, iii. 31.
Philipps, Sir John, his character, i. 114;
moves the King’s Bench for a Habeas Corpus for Murray, _ib._
Pitt, Right Hon. William, political inconsistency, i. 7;
parliamentary recantation, 8, 9;
renews his connexion with the Prince of Wales, 12;
differs with Pelham on the vote for seamen, 17;
his parliamentary oratory, 42;
parliamentary politics, 61;
offends the Whigs, _ib._;
Fox’s opinion of him, 62;
politics at the prince’s court, 76;
his friends suffer from the king’s displeasure, 85;
anecdotes biographical, 92, 93;
mortification at the royal silence and neglect, 110;
levels an attack at Fox upon Anstruther’s affair, 110;
change of politics upon the Regency Bill, 137, 141;
he and his party dissatisfied at the triumph of the Pelhams over the
Bedford interest, 240;
incites Lord Cobham to traverse the king’s politics in favour of the
Archduke Joseph of Austria, 241;
opposes the repeal of the Plantation Act, 366;
looked to as a candidate for the premiership, 379;
is persuaded to join the Newcastle administration, 387;
his disgust at the new arrangements leads to an explanation with
Fox, 392;
differences with the Duke of Newcastle, 407;
alarms the House with his spirited remarks on the charges of
bribery, 408;
attacks the Solicitor-General Murray as secretary at war, 413;
breach with Sir George (Lord) Lyttelton, 414, et seq.;
his conduct during a projected change of ministry, 418;
is disclaimed by Fox, 420;
makes one of his best speeches on the Scottish Sheriffs-Depute Bill,
ii. 7;
objected to by the Tories, who now first unite to form a distinct
political party in the state, on points unconnected with
jacobitism, 12;
separates from Fox, 37;
refuses to support the German treaties, 41;
his interference guarded against during the coalition of Fox and
Bedford, 47;
commences a tempestuous opposition in the House, 49;
most eloquent speech on that occasion, 55;
is dismissed from office, 62;
but accepts a pension, 63;
speech on the naval estimates, 67, 70;
florid speech in favour of the war in America, in preference to
German campaigns, 86;
supports the militia question, 98;
parliamentary quarrel with Hume Campbell, 107;
admirable and witty speech in reply on the committee report, 135;
character of, as a parliamentary orator, 148, 149;
contemptuous treatment of Lyttelton as chancellor, 153;
ridicules the affair of the Swiss battalions for American service,
162;
opposition to the Hessian troops, 187;
and to the Hanoverians, 188;
violent philippic against ministers in the debate upon vote of
credit, 193;
sarcastic attack of Lyttelton, 197;
anecdotes of his connexion with Lord Bute, 205;
proceedings on Fox’s resignation, political and courtly intrigues,
254, et seq.;
visits Lady Yarmouth, 259;
declines acting with Fox, 262;
gradual relaxation in his demands and politics, 264;
comes into power, 270;
arrangements for his friends, 274;
his conduct as first minister, 275;
his long speech for the opening of parliament sent back by the king
unread, to be shortened, 276;
affairs connected with Byng’s trial, 310, 312, 322;
first appearance in the House as minister, and to demand money for
Hanover, 313;
declares in favour of mercy to Admiral Byng in the House, 322, 329;
asks mercy of the king, but refused, 326;
exertions in the House on the royal message of reprieve, 333;
intrigues to dismiss him from power, 377;
events leading to a change of ministry, 378, 379;
chooses to be turned out in preference to resignation, iii. 1;
his power and popularity, 5;
tendency towards the Duke of Newcastle, 6;
extraordinary finesse in attending the House on the Minorca inquiry,
8;
further negotiations, 14, 15;
comes again into power with the Duke of Newcastle, 31;
commences a vigorous system of government, 42;
political honesty in the affair of Closter Seven, 60;
of Rochfort also, 74;
patronizes Wolfe, 75;
political influence in 1758, 84;
objects to German campaigns, 88;
supports the Habeas Corpus, 103;
his conduct of the war, 123;
opens the session of 1758, personal and ministerial conduct, 149;
character of his military administration, 160;
successes of 1759, 169, et seq.;
character and ministry, 173, 174;
offends the House by taxes and excise, 178;
speech in parliament, after the glorious successes of the war, 1759,
225;
loses Lord Temple, 228;
but who returns to office, _ib._;
declines offers of peace from France from a determination to humble
her, 236;
rupture with Lord Bute, 237;
writes a warm letter to the Duke of Bedford on the affairs of
Ireland, 245.
Plantation Act, its repeal proposed in the House of Commons, i. 364.
Planting in England, first encouraged by Archibald, Duke of Argyle,
i. 278.
Plate, wrought, taxed, ii. 176;
ignorance of leading members, 182.
Pococke, Admiral, successes in the East Indies, iii. 217.
Police, national, observations on, in commutation of capital
punishments, i. 256.
Policy, national, a most extraordinary system of, proposed by Pelham,
i. 218.
Pompadour, Madame, affair of Miss Murphy’s rivalship with, i. 334.
Ponsonby, Speaker, in Ireland, party politics during the Bedford
administration, iii. 68, et seq.
Pope, Alexander, anecdote of his duplicity towards Lord Bolingbroke,
i. 224.
Popedom, consequences of election to, upon general politics, iii. 131.
Porteous, Captain, affair of, at Edinburgh, curious facts relating to,
i. 43, 59.
Portugal, complaints about money smuggled by English ships of war,
i. 256.
Portugal, King of, assassinated, iii. 141, et seq.
Post-office, breach of confidence in opening letters, i. 202.
Potter, Thomas, parliamentary exertions on the Gin Bill, i. 70.
Potter, Mr., shameful conduct in falsifying votes as a teller in the
House, ii. 11.
Poulet, Earl of, his political character and conduct, ii. 18;
absurd motion by, 21.
Prague, battle of, and Prussian victory, iii. 13.
Pratt, Mr. (Lord Camden), becomes attorney-general at the express
desire of Mr. Pitt, iii. 32;
brings in a bill to explain and support the Habeas Corpus, 103.
Prerogative, royal, observations on, i. 403.
Press, public, first notice of reports in the House of Commons,
ii. 108.
Pretender, the, account of his family and court, i. 284, et seq.
Prevot’s regiment, long debates respecting, ii. 156, et seq.
Prince Edward, vide _Edward_.
Prince George (George III.), conduct on demise of his father, i. 78;
changes in his establishment, 80, 86, 94;
extraordinary suspicion of the Duke of Cumberland, 105, 106;
created Prince of Wales, 114;
new appointments in his household, 226;
divisions in his tutorship, and connected with affairs in Ireland,
289, et seq., 292;
affair of the pretended memorial, written by Horace Walpole, 298,
305;
marriage proposed with a princess of Brunswick, ii. 36;
opposition to the coalition of Fox and Bedford, 47;
attains the age of majority, 204;
proposed separation from his mother, 207, 221, et seq.;
new household established, 258;
enters on political life by interfering in the formation of a
ministry, iii. 25;
animadversions on his education, 39;
influence of Lord Bute, 121;
secret politics of his court discovered, 237.
Prince of Wales, Frederick, vide _Wales_.
Princess of Wales, vide _Wales_.
Prize Bill, debates on, ii. 78.
Protestant ascendency, vide _Ascendency_.
Protester, a new anti-ministerial paper, its history and first
appearance, i. 345.
Prussia, Frederick, King of, account of his successes and reverses
in the campaign in Germany, of 1760, iii. 289-297.
See also _Frederick_.
Prussia, accommodation with that state, ii. 152;
new treaty, 197;
its politics previous to the German war, 219, 238, et seq.;
pacific politics of Frederick, 240;
his political and military character, 244;
successes of Frederick in Bohemia, iii. 12, et seq.;
new treaty with, 110.
Publications, licentious, prohibited by the police in 1758, iii. 98.
Pulteney, Lord, political character and connexions, ii. 78, 79;
speech on the treaties, 119.
Pulteney, William, see _Bath_.
Purity of elections, infringed by the people, i. 335.
Quackery, medical, anecdotes of, i. 174, 225.
Qualifications for the House of Commons, conscientious arrangement of
the Duke of Devonshire, ii. 86.
Qualification Bill, proceedings on, iii. 279.
Quakers exempted in the Marriage Bill, i. 340.
Quebec, expedition against, iii. 171, et seq.;
General Murray defeated at, 284;
the French driven thence, _ib._
Queries, constitutional, so called, an attack on the Duke of
Cumberland, i. 9, et seq.
Ralph, a dull political author, bought off by mistake, i. 345, 346.
Randan, Duc de, the French governor of Hanover, his praiseworthy
humanity, iii. 104.
Ranelagh masquerades, curious denouncement of, by drunken mobs,
iii. 98.
Ravensworth, Lord, his character as a warm and honest Whig, i. 303;
affair of the pretended memorial, _ib._, et seq.
Reduction of duties proved to be beneficial, ii. 177.
Regency, political views respecting, if during the minority of Prince
George, i. 98, 104, 146.
Reporters in Parliament, first taken notice of in the House of
Commons, ii. 108.
Republicanism, observations on, i. 376, 377.
Rewards to military and naval officers, iii. 237, 238.
Richelieu, Duc de, character of, and affair of Minorca, ii. 210, 225,
226;
writes to Voltaire in vindication of Admiral Byng, 311.
Richmond, second Duke of, his death, i. 3.
Richmond Park, remarkable law-suit respecting, i. 401, 402;
further contests with the Princess Amelia about the right of way,
ii. 220.
Rider, Sir Dudley, parliamentary character, i. 123, 124;
dies just as made a peer, ii. 202;
the patent withheld, and why, _ib._
Rigby, Mr., becomes an agent between Fox and the Duke of Bedford,
ii. 45;
further political intrigues in Ireland, 315;
political character and conduct in Ireland, iii. 66, 70, 73.
Robinhood Society, its meetings and rules, i. 42.
Robinson, Sir Thomas, appointed secretary at war, i. 388;
his character, _ib._;
resigns the seals to make way for Fox; his gratitude and paternal
feelings on receiving place and pension, ii. 44, 45;
absurd reply to Pitt, 93.
Rochefoucault, Cardinal, works on the superstition of Louis XV.,
ii. 176.
Rochester, election to supply Byng’s vacancy; singular circumstances
connected with it, ii. 372.
Rochfort, attack on, first proposed, iii. 44;
expedition to, 45, et seq.;
inquiry on, 74, 75.
Rockingham, Marquis of, his inefficient speech on the Scottish
Colonization Bill, i. 272;
on the prince’s tutors, 331.
Roman Catholics in Ireland, their state in 1752, and before, i. 278,
et seq.
Rosbach, battle of, Imperial and French armies defeated by the King
of Prussia, iii. 80.
Rouillé, Mons., the French Minister, sends an extraordinary memorial
respecting hostilities, ii. 150.
Royal marriages first controlled by legal enactment in the Regency
Bill, i. 146.
Royal speech, a spurious one published in Pitt’s first parliament,
and the author punished by the House of Lords, ii. 277.
Royal wills, anecdote of burning, i. 175; iii. 308, 313.
Royalty in England, its influence little felt in politics, i. 375,
376;
the author’s observations on, as contrasted with republicanism,
i. 376.
Russia, alliance with, and its consequences, ii. 151, 236.
Rutland, Duke of, returns to court after long retirement, ii. 2;
is appointed lord steward, but independent of party, _ib._
Sabbath-day, comparative rigidness of the Jews and Quakers, ii. 167;
police regulations on, iii. 98.
Sackville, Lord G., opposes the Duke of Cumberland’s Mutiny Bill,
i. 41;
his character and political influence in Ireland, 279;
declares himself for Pitt in the House of Commons; political
anecdotes and observations on the same, ii. 314, 315;
acquires great weight in government, iii. 107 (vide _Ireland_,
_passim_);
commands in Germany, 147;
battle of Minden, 190, et seq., 212, et seq.;
court-martial, and opinion on, after dismissal from the service,
252;
personal consequences of the imputation of cowardice, 256;
arrest and court-martial brought before the House of Commons as
matter of privilege, 265;
sentence, 273;
remarks, 274.
Salt tax proposed by Alderman Beckford, ii. 302.
Sandwich, Earl of, political rise to the Admiralty, through the
Bedford interest, i. 2;
sporting practices and diplomatic services, 3;
political manœuvre in regard to the German war, 99, et seq.;
political versatility and clinging to power, 161;
political hostility of the Pelham faction, 185;
interferes to save the Duke of Bedford from that party, 186;
his political character, 187;
is dismissed from office by the Pelham faction, 190;
differs in Parliament with the Duke of Bedford, on the Saxon treaty,
250;
ruins his credit for abilities by an unfortunate speech, 251;
election differences with the Duke of Newcastle, in Cornwall, 407;
ii. 10, 11.
Sandys, Lord, parliamentary juggling on the Marriage Bill, i. 347;
becomes Speaker to the House of Lords, ii. 274.
Saunders, Captain, compelled by the first lord of the Admiralty to
vote for the Marriage Bill, i. 345.
Saunders, Admiral, his character, political and naval, iii. 230, 231;
judicious exercise of discretion, _ib._
Saxony, a subsidiary treaty with, in favour of the Archduke Joseph,
i. 240;
comes before Parliament, 242, et seq.;
invaded by Prussia, and Dresden taken, ii. 241;
its sufferings from the German war, iii. 247;
character and anecdotes of the court of, ii. 396, _ad finem_.
Scarborough, extraordinary surrender of the liberty of election to
Pelham, as the minister, i. 355.
Schweidnitz, siege and capture by the King of Prussia, iii. 122.
Scotland, proposed colonization of the forfeited estates in, i. 256,
et seq.;
anecdotes of the rebellion, 262, 263;
policy of the Pelham ministry for the tranquillity of Scotland, 269;
political anecdotes of the Scottish Whigs, 271, 272;
influence and conduct of Archibald, Duke of Argyle, 273;
predominant influence of that duke under the Newcastle
administration, 390;
motion respecting the sheriffs-depute, ii. 4, 14;
piratical affair of Thurot’s squadron, iii. 262.
Seamen seized on board of Embden ships; proceedings on, and a bill
brought in, i. 261;
their marriages prevented by the Marriage Bill, 345;
bill for regulating their wages brought in by George Grenville,
but lost, iii. 19, 20.
Secker, Archbishop, disliked by George II., i. 65;
as Bishop of Oxford, extraordinary instance of sophistry in regard
to the Marriage Bill, 347;
becomes Archbishop of Canterbury, on the death of Hutton, iii. 107.
Secretaryship of State, a third office first suggested for the
colonies by Lord Halifax, i. 199, 220.
Secretaryship in Ireland, its lucrative influence, iii. 93.
Secret-service money, arrangement respecting, under the Newcastle
administration, i. 382;
its baneful influence, 383.
Selwyn, old John, anecdotes of, i. 94, 95.
Sharpe, Governor of Virginia, chosen as a general by the Duke of
Newcastle, i. 401.
Shebbear, Dr., affair of, iii. 152, et seq.
Sheridan, Mr., as manager, produces a theatrical riot by political
allusions, i. 389.
Sheriffs-depute of Scotland, motion respecting the tenure of their
offices, ii. 4, 14, et seq.
Sherlock, Bishop, political and ecclesiastical character of, i. 148.
Silesian loan, its stoppage, and further transactions thereon, i. 296,
et seq.
Sinking fund, proposed by Sir John Barnard, i. 218, 255.
Smith, Admiral, president of Byng’s court-martial, examination before
the House of Lords, ii. 360;
anecdote, 372.
Smollett, Dr., punished for a libel on Admiral Knollys in the Critical
Review, iii. 259;
anecdotes of him, 260, 261.
Smuggling of money in foreign ports, i. 256.
Somersetshire, troops raised in, for home service, forced to
Gibraltar, ii. 203.
Sophistry, extraordinary instance of, from the Bishop of Oxford,
i. 347.
South Sea Company receive indemnification from Spain at the peace of
1751, i. 6;
their concerns betrayed by the Duke of Newcastle, 7;
propose to lower their interest, but demur to giving up their
demand against Spain, 63.
Spain, close of the war in 1751, and indemnification to the South Sea
Company, i. 6;
political animadversions, _ib._;
political state previous to the war of 1756, 398;
ministerial assertions respecting her love of peace, 403;
promises not to engage in the war, ii. 33;
death of the king, contest for the crown, affairs of Naples,
iii. 204.
St. Cas, attack on, iii. 135.
St. Maloes, expedition to, iii. 124.
St. Simon, Marquis de, a Frenchman, offends the House of Commons by
taking notes in the gallery, i. 108.
Stage, act for licensing passed, i. 14.
Stair, Lord, courtly anecdote of, and Queen Caroline, i. 221.
Stanhope, Earl of, his republican principles, and steady party
conduct, i. 116.
Stanhope, Sir William, anecdote of, i. 75, _Note_.
Statesmen, their faults more productive of events than their good
intentions, i. 374.
Style, new, proposed in the peers by Lord Chesterfield, i. 51.
Stocks fall on Pitt’s resignation in 1757, iii. 5.
Stone, Dr. George, primate of Ireland, his character and political
influence, i. 279;
eager participation in Irish politics, ii. 19, et seq.;
vide _Ireland_ _passim_.
Stone, Mr., engaged in the education of Prince George, i. 283;
dissensions in that establishment, 289, et seq.;
his influence in the ministerial changes leading to the fall of the
Duke of Newcastle, ii. 43, 45;
vide further under the head of _Princess of Wales_.
Strange, Lord, parliamentary character, and motion on General
Anstruther’s affair, i. 108, 113;
speech on the second reading of the Regency Bill, 125, 139, 143.
Stuart, House of, the author’s observations on the three anniversary
holidays in honour of it, ii. 3;
decline of their cause, 12, 23.
Subsidy, vide _Bavaria_, _Prussia_, _Germany_, _Saxony_.
Suffolk, Henrietta Howard, Countess of, anecdotes of, i. 52;
character and political anecdote of, 176, 445, 446.
Sunderland, Lord, betrayed by the Duke of Newcastle, i. 164.
Suppression of vice, parliamentary committee for, appointed, i. 44.
Sweetmeats, a love of, considered as a qualification for a throne,
iii. 206.
Sweden, want of patriotism and disregard of liberty, i. 229;
revolution in, ii. 231.
Swiss regiments, for American service, debates on, ii. 156, 167,
et seq.
Sydenham, Mr., extraordinary speech in favour of Murray the jacobite,
i. 211.
Talbot, Lord, political character, and speech on committal of the
Regency Bill, i. 120, 121;
speech on the charges against the prince’s tutors, 324.
Tea tax proposed by Alderman Beckford, ii. 302.
Temple, Lord, opposes the repeal of the Jew Naturalization Bill,
i. 360, et seq.;
solicits mercy of the king for Admiral Byng, at the request of
seven members of the court-martial, but is refused, ii. 326;
his tiresomeness in council, 378;
comes in with Pitt and the Duke of Newcastle, as lord privy seal,
iii. 31;
parliamentary squabble with Lord Lyttelton, 119;
resigns the privy seal on being refused the garter, 228;
but returns, _ib._
Tessin, Count, the Swedish minister, his despotic policy, in imitation
of the Pelhams, i. 229.
Test, a weekly paper begun by Charles Townshend; only one number
published, ii. 218.
Thomas, Dr., Bishop of Peterborough, appointed preceptor to the
Prince of Wales, i. 292.
Thurot, Mons., invades Ireland with a small squadron, but is defeated,
and falls, iii. 224, 262, et seq.
Ticonderoga taken, iii. 211.
Times and manners, view of, in 1757, ii. 278; iii. 297, et seq.
Tories, first noticed as a political body distinct from jacobitism,
ii. 12;
acquire importance in the House by uniting to bold a balance
between Fox and Newcastle, _ib._;
further manœuvres in opposition to Fox, 13, et seq.;
opinions on the calling in of foreign troops, 184, 185;
their feeling towards Pitt on his becoming first minister, 276, 305;
Tory aldermen attempt to promote a petition in favour of Byng, but
fail, 368;
join with Pitt’s friends to form an opposition, iii. 3;
election of a chancellor at Oxford, 166;
weaned from their opposition to Pitt by militia commissions, 185.
Torrington, Lord, exerts himself in the cause of his uncle Byng,
ii. 309.
Townshend, Charles, opposes the Marriage Bill, i. 340;
attacks Lord Egmont on his absurd conduct respecting the Mutiny
Bill, 421;
his long speech on the German treaties, in opposition to Newcastle,
ii. 121;
parliamentary squabble with Fox on the question of foreign troops
in America, 173;
extraordinary conduct and political shuffling on Byng’s affair, 349;
witticism on Fox’s sinecure grant of the pells in Ireland, iii. 4.
Townshend, Colonel George (afterwards brigadier-general), character
of, i. 39;
attack on General Anstruther, 56;
complains to the House against Mr. Fox’s circulars, ii. 64;
procures the repeal of all the old militia acts preparatory to a
new one, 152;
next in command to Wolfe at Quebec, iii. 171;
succeeds Wolfe in the command in Canada, but treats his memory
unhandsomely, 222.
Townshend, Lord, political anecdotes of, i. 163, 164.
Townshend, Lady, political anecdotes of, i. 39.
Transportation, commutation to hard labour in the dock-yards, proposed
as a substitute for, i. 255.
Trentham, Lord, gives offence to his Westminster constituents, i. 13;
judicious conduct, 14, 15.
Troops raised by peers to guard against invasion, ii. 202, 203.
Truth necessary for history, and why, i. 237, et seq.
Turner, Sir Edward, his extraordinary disavowal of Mr. Fox, ii. 67.
Tyrawley, Lord, sent to Portugal to settle complaints about smuggling
money, i. 256;
parliamentary affair with Lord George Sackville, iii. 109.
Tyrrel, Sir John, shameful conduct of, on the Westminster petition,
i. 26.
Upton, Mr. (Lord Templetown), party affairs in Ireland, iii. 69, 70.
Vandeput, Sir George, first brought forward in Westminster, by Lord
Egmont, i. 14.
Vane, Henry (afterwards Earl of Darlington), his political character,
drunk or sober, i. 117.
Vaudreuil, Mons. de, his perfidious conduct in Canada, iii. 223.
Vernon, Admiral, outrageous speech on Murray’s affair, and the
Westminster petition, i. 30, 31;
anecdotes of, parliamentary and naval, i. 100, 101;
biographical notice of, 101, 102.
Viceroyship of Ireland, its lucrative advantages, iii. 93.
Voltaire, character of, as an historian, i. 375;
sends to England a letter from the Duc de Richelieu exculpating
Byng, ii. 311.
Waldegrave, Earl of, appointed warden of the stannaries, i. 91;
appointed governor to the Prince of Wales, 291;
character and anecdotes, _ib._;
speech, 328;
entrusted with negotiations for a projected change of ministry, 418;
attempts to form a ministry, iii. 26;
but is forced to abandon it, 30.
Waldegrave, General, by a well-timed manœuvre, gains the battle of
Minden, iii. 198.
Wales, Frederick, Prince of, renewed intercourse with the Pitt party,
i. 12;
conduct of his party on the Westminster petition, 28;
party politics, 39, 47;
death, and its political consequences, 72, 86;
his character, _ib._, et seq.;
his debts, 87;
songs by, 432, 433, 434.
Wales, Princess of, character and anecdotes, i. 76;
behaviour on death of the Prince, 77;
education of her children, 79;
kindness of the king, 83;
changes in her household, 92;
the regency affair, 99, et seq., 139, 146, et seq.;
the Princess Matilda, a posthumous child, born, 201;
differences in the tutorship of the Prince of Wales, 284;
appears in public with the same honours as the late queen, 289;
interference in the politics of the day, 418;
her projects for governing her son, ii. 36;
conduct in regard to his proposed marriage, _ib._;
interference in politics, 39;
opposition to the coalition of Fox and Bedford, 47;
her conduct on the prince attaining majority, 204, 205;
anecdotes of Lord Bute, 205;
proposed plan of removing the prince, 221;
Leicester-house politics and change of ministry, 249, et seq.;
total rejection of Fox’s overtures, in 1757, at Leicester-house,
iii. 6;
further manœuvres, 25, 30, 121.
Wall, General, political anecdote of, i. 398.
Walpole, Horace, moves the address in the Commons in 1751, i. 8;
his sarcasms against the Devonshires accounted for, 196;
praiseworthy candour, 233, 234, et seq.;
the pretended memorial on the education of the Prince of Wales, 298;
his part in the breach between Pitt and Lyttelton, 414;
and of a union between Pitt and Fox, 415;
speech on the Swiss regiments, ii. 163;
applied to by Fox on his rupture with the Duke of Newcastle, but
declines interference, 254, 255;
urges Keppel to apply to be absolved from his oath, 327;
extraordinary fact relative to Byng’s affair, 370;
advice to Fox, to save him from the precipice of political ruin,
iii. 28;
observations on, and apologies for, his work, 158;
draws his own character, 159.
Walpole, old Horace, political character, with anecdotes, i. 140,
et seq.;
his remarkable speech on the Saxon treaty, 242;
speech and vote different, 254.
Walpole, Lord, his replies to Lord Bolingbroke’s letters and
principles, i. 222.
Walpole, Sir Robert, inconsistency of his political opponents at
close of the Spanish war, i. 7;
witticism on Sir W. Yonge, 23;
financial expertness, 32;
politic advice to the Duke of Cumberland, 105;
his reasons for supporting the Duke of Newcastle, 163;
contrasted with Bolingbroke, 225;
parallel between him and Pelham, 229, et seq.
War of 1756, as so called, first announced to the House of Commons by
order of the King, ii. 18.
Warburton, Dr., promoted to the see of Gloucester, iii. 239.
Washington, General, his first action, whilst a major in British
service, in the war of 1756, i. 399;
his curious despatch, and the king’s remark, 400.
Watson, Admiral, retakes Calcutta, iii. 57;
his successes and death, 89, 90.
Ways and Means, vide _Commons_.
Weobly, election of Lord Perceval, i. 37.
West, Admiral, his conduct in Byng’s affair, ii. 295, 296, 306.
West Indian Colonies, attempt of Lord Halifax to bring them under the
control of the Board of Trade, i. 199;
further ministerial negotiations, 220;
naval and military operations in 1759, iii. 169, 170.
Westminster petition to the Commons against Lord Trentham, i. 13, 19;
spurious patriotism and jacobitism united, and why, 33, 34;
attempted opposition to the court, in favour of Sir George Vandeput,
fails, 293.
Westmorland, Earl of, his political character, and election to the
chancellorship of Oxford, iii. 167.
Whig Interest, alluded to in parliament, in regard to the Duke of
Cumberland, in 1751, i. 10;
young Whigs gain a parliamentary victory on the Westminster
petition, 16;
their conduct in support of party, 21;
defeat the Tories in bringing Murray on his knees at the bar, 29;
in favour of general naturalization, 45;
change of politics on that bill, 55;
take offence at Pitt, 60;
proceedings on a breach of privilege, 95;
their feelings on the dismissal of the Bedford party from power,
through the Pelham intrigues, 196;
political anecdotes of Scottish Whigs, 276;
interference in the education of the prince of Wales, 291;
affair of the pretended memorial respecting the education of the
Prince of Wales, written by Horace Walpole, 298;
political difficulties on the death of the premier Pelham, 379;
first opposed by the Tories, as a party, in a political point of
view distinct from the question of the Stuart succession,
ii. 12.
Whitehead, Paul, anecdote and character of, i. 201.
Whitefield, the methodist, iii. 97.
Willes, Lord Chief Justice, character and anecdotes of, i. 89.
Williams, Sir Charles Hanbury, witticism on Speaker Onslow, i. 21;
witticism upon Lord Anson, 194;
his foreign diplomacy, 205;
persuades Fox to refuse the seals, but is never forgiven by him for
it, 385;
epigram by, on the Sackville family, 442;
biographical notice of, ii. 393, 394, 395;
character of the court, politics, and military force of the Elector
of Saxony, 396, et seq.
Wills, royal, anecdote of burning, i. 175; iii. 308, 309, 313,
vide _Appendix to vol. iii._
Wilmington, Lord, his bon-mot on the Duke of Newcastle, i. 163;
character and anecdotes, 178.
Wilmot, Judge, his character, and appointment as a commissioner of
the great seal, ii. 273.
Winchelsea, Earl of, excellent political character, i. 173;
brings forward a bill to commute transportation to working in the
dock-yards, i. 255;
behaves with true spirit, iii. 32.
Window tax in Scotland, its inefficiency, i. 262.
Wine licence office abolished, ii. 375.
Winnington, Thomas, character and anecdotes, i. 174.
Wolfe, General, first employed in the war, in the expedition to
Rochfort, iii. 50;
patronized by Pitt, 75;
goes to America second in command, 91;
expedition to Quebec, 171;
difficulties of the siege, 217;
takes Quebec, but falls in the moment of victory, 219;
monument voted by parliament, 229.
Worcester, Bishop of (Dr. Maddox), speech on the Regency Bill, i. 120.
Words, parliamentary meaning of, whimsically misinterpreted by Henley
and Murray, both state lawyers, i. 345.
Yarmouth, Countess of, anecdotes and character, i. 177;
prudent refusal to interfere in foreign politics, iii. 12.
Yonge, Sir W., anecdotes and character of, i. 22, 23, 24;
proposes that offices on the prince’s establishment shall vacate
seats in the House, 116;
seconds a motion for repeal of the Bribery Oath, i. 369.
Yorke, Charles, speech on the Regency Bill, i. 125;
parliamentary sparring with Fox on the Marriage Bill, 343.
Yorke, Colonel (Lord Dover), resident at the Hague, receives an
extraordinary memorial from the French court, ii. 150.
Yorkshire, riots on the Militia Bill, from fears of foreign service,
iii. 41.
Yvory, House of, bibliographical anecdote of, i. 37. _Note._
THE END.
T. C. Savill, Printer, 4, Chandos street, Covent-garden.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Footnote [65] is referenced (anchored) from inside Footnote [64].
Footnotes [107], [108], and [109] are referenced from inside
Footnote [106]; and Footnote [107] has two anchors.
Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.
Five occurrences of ‘D’Etrées’ have been left unchanged, though
‘D’Estrées’ is probably the intended name.
Four occurrences of ‘Hilsborough’ have been left unchanged, though
‘Hillsborough’ is probably the intended name.
Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.
MAIN TEXT:
Pg 60: ‘recal the Duke’ replaced by ‘recall the Duke’.
Pg 81: ‘cotemporaries, dying’ replaced by ‘contemporaries, dying’.
Pg 124: ‘accompained Lord Anson’ replaced by ‘accompanied Lord Anson’.
Pg 127: ‘King bad Knyphausen’ replaced by ‘King had Knyphausen’.
Pg 171: ‘Lieutenant-Generals, if’ replaced by
‘Lieutenants-General, if’.
Pg 227: ‘on his his brother’ replaced by ‘on his brother’.
Pg 230: ‘the preceeding war’ replaced by ‘the preceding war’.
Pg 269: ‘an apopletic fit’ replaced by ‘an apoplectic fit’.
Pg 286: ‘from Crown-point’ replaced by ‘from Crown Point’.
Pg 309: ‘Zell’ replaced by ‘Zelle’ for consistency with Vol. i.
Pg 314: ‘Zell’ replaced by ‘Zelle’ (twice) for consistency with
Vol. i.
Footnote [106], anchored on Pg 274: ‘befel the British’ replaced by
‘befell the British’.
Footnote [111], anchored on Pg 285: ‘profound secresy’ replaced by
‘profound secrecy’.
INDEX OF NAMES:
Amelie: ‘305, 7, 315’ replaced by ‘305, 307, 315’.
Amherst: ‘287, 8, 9.’ replaced by ‘287, 288, 289.’.
Bute: reference to page 438 in vol ii list moved to vol i list.
Devonshire: ‘372, 8, 9,’ replaced by ‘372, 378, 379,’.
Egmont: ‘387, 8, 9;’ replaced by ‘387, 388, 389;’.
Guilford: entry replaced by ‘Guildford’.
Hartington: ‘385, 387, 9.’ replaced by ‘385, 387, 389.’.
Hutton: ‘iii. 107; ii. 374.’ replaced by ‘ii. 374; iii. 107.’.
Mansfield: ‘363, 364, 5;’ replaced by ‘363, 364, 365;’.
Moore: ‘361, 364, 5;’ replaced by ‘361, 364, 365;’.
Newcastle: ‘386, 7, 9, 390;’ replaced by ‘386, 387, 389, 390;’.
Poland, Augustus: ‘410, 11, 12.’ replaced by ‘410, 411, 412.’.
Sackville (Lord George): ‘6, 7, 8, 9,’ replaced by ‘266, 267,
268, 269,’.
Tyrconnel: ‘l. 204.’ replaced by ‘i. 204.’.
Wolfenbuttle: ‘308,’ replaced by ‘308, 309.’.
INDEX OF MATTERS:
Anecdotes (of the Princess of Orange): ‘206, 7;’ replaced by
‘206, 207;’.
Anson (character): ‘194, 5;’ replaced by ‘194, 195;’.
Barrington: ‘ii. 141, 2;’ replaced by ‘ii. 141, 142;’.
BEDFORD (objects): ‘186, 7;’ replaced by ‘186, 187;’.
Bishops: ‘148, 9.’ replaced by ‘148, 149.’.
Bolingbroke: ‘222, 3;’ replaced by ‘222, 223;’.
Chesterfield: ‘177, 8;’ replaced by ‘177, 178;’.
Cobham: ‘134, 5;’ replaced by ‘134, 135;’.
Coke: ‘27, 8;’ replaced by ‘27, 28;’.
COMMONS (Gin Bill): ‘66, 7;’ replaced by ‘66, 67;’.
COMMONS (Walpole): ‘232, 3;’ replaced by ‘232, 233;’.
Harcourt: ‘appointed govornor’ replaced by ‘appointed governor’.
Isle d’ Aix: entry replaced by ‘Isle of Aix’.
Legge: ‘190, 191’ replaced by ‘i. 190, 191’.
Orleans: ‘289.’ replaced by ‘i. 289.’.
Oxford University: ‘413;’ replaced by ‘i. 413;’.
Pitt (of Rochefort also): ‘Rochefort’ replaced by ‘Rochfort’.
Quakers: ‘the Marriag Bill’ replaced by ‘the Marriage Bill’.
Sackville (arrest): ‘iii. 265;’ replaced by ‘265;’.
Smollett: ‘the Crititical Review’ replaced by ‘the Critical Review’.
Any non-italic occurrence of ‘ibid.’ or ‘ib.’ has been made italic
for consistency.
Any non-italic occurrence of an item listed after ‘vide’ or ‘see’ has
been made italic for consistency.
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