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Title: The Journal of Jacob Fowler - Narrating an Adventure from Arkansas Through the Indian - Territory, Oklahoma, Kansas, Colorado, and New Mexico, to - the Sources of Rio Grande del Norte, 1821-22
Author: Fowler, Jacob
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Journal of Jacob Fowler - Narrating an Adventure from Arkansas Through the Indian - Territory, Oklahoma, Kansas, Colorado, and New Mexico, to - the Sources of Rio Grande del Norte, 1821-22" ***
Transcriber’s Note: For the most part, we must assume that what was
printed is a verbatim transcript of Fowler’s appalling spelling, but
a few corrections for what appeared to be certain printing errors are
detailed at the end.
I.
AMERICAN EXPLORERS SERIES.
Fowler’s Journal.
[Illustration: REPRODUCTION OF A PAGE OF JACOB FOWLER’S ORIGINAL
MANUSCRIPT. THE ABOVE INCLUDES FACSIMILE OF THE ONLY AUTOGRAPH
SIGNATURE OF MAJOR FOWLER, THE NAMES OF HIS PARTY, ETC., ETC.]
THE JOURNAL
OF
JACOB FOWLER
_NARRATING AN ADVENTURE_
FROM
ARKANSAS THROUGH THE INDIAN TERRITORY,
OKLAHOMA, KANSAS, COLORADO,
AND NEW MEXICO,
TO THE
SOURCES OF RIO GRANDE DEL NORTE,
1821-22
EDITED, WITH NOTES
BY
ELLIOTT COUES
[Illustration]
NEW YORK
FRANCIS P. HARPER
1898
COPYRIGHT, 1898,
BY
FRANCIS P. HARPER
DEDICATED
TO
REUBEN T. DURRETT, A. M., LL. D.,
NESTOR OF KENTUCKY HISTORIANS
AND
PRESIDENT OF THE FILSON CLUB,
IN ADMIRATION OF HIS PERSONAL CHARACTER AND IN
REMEMBRANCE OF PLEASANT HOURS PASSED
IN HIS HOSPITABLE HOME.
INTRODUCTION.
Jacob Fowler is an unknown author whose work has never before been
heralded beyond the private circles of his friends, relatives, and
descendants. The editor of his Journal has therefore a man as well as a
book to introduce to the public. Being responsible for the appearance of
the latter in print, he will presently say something on that score. But
first let us hear from Colonel R. T. Durrett, of Louisville, Ky., the
owner of the manuscript now published, who will speak for its author:
LOUISVILLE, KY., _Dec. 4, 1897_.
DR. ELLIOTT COUES, _Washington, D. C._
I have your letter, My Dear Doctor, in which you request me
to tell what I may know about the Journal you found among my
manuscripts when you were my guest last year, and which you
have determined to include in your admirable series of Western
Americana. I am sorry to have to say that I do not know much
of this manuscript or its author. The little I know, however,
will be cheerfully contributed to an undertaking which is
to place a Kentucky manuscript from my collection among the
publications which, under your editorship, have added so much
to our literature of discovery, exploration, and adventure.
The author of this Journal is Major Jacob Fowler. His name is
not attached to the Journal, and does not appear on any of
its pages in such a way as to indicate authorship. Yet it is
well understood among his numerous descendants now living in
Kentucky and other States that he is the author. I obtained the
manuscript some years ago from Mrs. Ida Symmes Coates, daughter
of the late Americus Symmes, now residing at her country seat
near Louisville. Mrs. Coates is a great-granddaughter, on the
maternal side, of Jacob Fowler. The manuscript descended to
her in a direct line from her mother, Frances Scott, who was a
granddaughter of Jacob Fowler, and who had obtained it in the
same way from her mother, Abigail Fowler, the only daughter
of Jacob Fowler. The manuscript has thus come down to us in
a direct line, and is the unquestionable work of Major Jacob
Fowler.
When Mrs. Coates gave me this manuscript she remarked that
although her great-grandsire was a very well educated man,
he wrote a very bad hand, and that I might be puzzled now and
then in getting at his meaning. I found this to be true, and
would not like to say that I succeeded in interpreting all of
his modern hieroglyphics. When I placed the manuscript in your
hands I felt sure that Lewis and Clark, Pike, and Henry and
Thompson, as well as other explorers, had made you so familiar
with the country gone over by Major Fowler, that you could
with comparative ease master its chirographic difficulties. In
this I was right; but I do remember how, with your constantly
replenished pipe, you sat in my library, and smoked and puzzled
over this manuscript. A distinguished host once assured his
guest that the more raw turnips he ate, the more water he would
drink, and that the more water he drank, the more turnips he
would eat. With a touch of similarity, you smoked and read,
and read and smoked, with manifest indications of successful
or unsuccessful interpretations of the text, as your puffs
were rapid or slow. It might be hard to say whether you smoked
most or read most, but you finally mastered the manuscript;
and whether you did so by smoking out the uninterpretable
hieroglyphics, or got rid of them by other means, does not
matter. While a cloud of smoke may not seem to be the best
means of clearing up the obscurity of a manuscript, it is the
known result here considered, if not the philosophy of its
action.
Pioneers by the name of Fowler were early in Kentucky, and
some of them were the owners of large bodies of land. In 1783,
Alexander Fowler entered 10,000 acres on the Little Kentucky
river; and in 1784, John Fowler, who was the first member of
Congress from Ashland District, located 1536 acres on Brush
creek and on the dividing ridge between Pitman’s creek and
Robertson’s run. I do not know whether Jacob Fowler was of the
family of these Fowlers, but he was certainly akin to them
in so far as the love and ownership of lands were concerned.
Besides other possessions, he owned 2000 acres of the site of
the present city of Covington, Kenton Co., Ky. He was one of
the pioneers of what afterward became the county of Kenton,
before the city of Covington was incorporated. A census of
the male inhabitants of this locality shows him to have been
residing here in 1810, with his sons Edward and Benjamin. Had
he been permitted to retain these Covington lands, he might
have become a multi-millionaire. His kind heart, however, led
him to become the indorser of those who made a clean sweep
of his fine estate. A large double brick dwelling house,
handsomely furnished, in the midst of ample grounds, planted
with trees and shrubbery, flowers and blue-grass, went with
his lands to pay the debts of others. Had he written his name
as indorser as illegibly as he wrote the names of others in his
Journal, there might have been some ground for what lawyers
call the plea of _non est factum_, to clear him of liability.
But such was not the case, and his security for others swept
away his large estate.
Major Fowler was born in New York, in 1765, and came to
Kentucky in early life, a fine specimen of physical manhood,
fully equipped for the office and duties of a surveyor. His
surveying instruments were the best of their day, and elicited
no little envy from those who used the common Jacob’s staff and
compass, and chain of the times. He had the reputation of being
an accomplished surveyor, and did much in this line for the
United States government. His surveying extended to the great
plains and mountains of the far West, before civilization had
reached these distant wilds. He was there when wild animals and
wilder savages were the only tenants of the wilderness.
Major Fowler married the widow Esther Sanders, _née_ de Vie,
of Newport, Ky. She was of French descent, and a lady of great
beauty and accomplishments. She made his home one of happiness
and hospitality. She sometimes accompanied him on his surveying
expeditions and bore domestic charms to the tent in which they
lived, as she did to the palatial mansion at home. She was a
woman of fine business capacity, who, when her husband was not
at home, attended to his affairs, and especially to his farm in
the suburbs of Covington. Here fine stock and abundant crops
owed much to her constant care and supervision. The grapes
that grew on the place were made into wine and the apples into
cider, in accordance with the knowledge she had inherited from
her French ancestors. Her great-grandchildren of to-day tell
of the life of the camp, when she was with her husband in his
surveying expeditions. The tent floor was nicely carpeted;
a comfortable bed invited repose after the toil of the day;
dainty china, bright cut glass, and shining silverware,
handsome enough to be preserved as family heirlooms by their
descendants, were used on the camp table. It was something of
Parisian life in the dreary wilderness.
Major Fowler died in Covington in the year 1850. His life as
a surveyor and explorer in the West subjected him to many
hardships, but a constitution naturally vigorous was preserved
with care until he reached his eighty-sixth year. He has
numerous descendants in Kentucky, Ohio, and other States, some
of whom occupy high social positions. Mrs. Coates, to whom I
am indebted for this manuscript Journal, is, in the paternal
line, the granddaughter of Captain John Cleve Symmes, author of
the “Theory of Concentric Spheres,” 12mo. Cincinnati, 1826,
and great-grandniece of Hon. John Cleve Symmes, a member of
Congress from New Jersey, who purchased of the United States
government that vast body of land in the State of Ohio, lying
on the north bank of the Ohio river between the two Miamis.
With the knowledge and consent of her father, the late Americus
Symmes, she gave me the manuscript in the belief that I would
make some good use of it. After thinking for a time that I
would place it among the Filson Club Publications, I changed my
mind and turned it over to you to be published. I think this is
the best use I could have made of the manuscript, and I shall
now wait with impatience until I see your work published in the
best style of Francis P. Harper, and read your ample notes and
comments, which I doubt not will be after the inimitable manner
of your Lewis and Clark, your Pike, and your Henry and Thompson.
Truly,
R. T. DURRETT.
The MS. which I received from Colonel Durrett is entitled: “memorandom
of the voige by land from fort Smith to the Rockey mountains”—and is the
most like those mountains of any I have ever undertaken to overcome. My
eminent friend does not exaggerate the difficulty of deciphering the
characters which he aptly styles “hieroglyphics,” and which have hitherto
kept this writing a sealed book. The text begins verso of the title,
and ostensibly runs pp. 1-264, but pagination is once skipped and twice
duplicated. The folios may be called of square note-paper size, nearly
that of a small quarto book—8 × 6½ inches for pp. 1-180, but larger,
nearly 9 × 7, for the rest. The ragged edges make exact measurements
impracticable, Father Time’s paper-mill having turned out a deckel-edged
product, so fashionable nowadays. The sheets, of four pages or two folios
each, are gathered in 16-page packets, the outsides of which are now much
soiled—indeed, the rough, unruled surfaces are all darkened with the dust
of three-quarters of a century, and the ink is faded to match the same
subdued monotone, except in places where it recedes to the vanishing
point. The writing is upon both sides of the paper; and the whole effect,
if it could be facsimiled, would be a bibliomaniac’s dream of delight.
At first sight, this manuscript appears illegible; no one can read it
off-hand. Nevertheless, this writing proves readable upon sufficient
study of the alphabetic characters which Fowler invented to suit himself,
like that classic old Theban Cadmus, or his modern imitator, Cherokee
Sequoiah. I managed to master it under the agreeable circumstances of my
visit to Louisville, to which my host on that occasion has so pleasantly
alluded in the letter printed above; and after that my secretary also
proved herself equal to the task when she took the matter in hand to copy
for the press. There are hardly a dozen words in which doubt attaches to
a single letter, and probably not half as many have proven altogether
illegible.
Fowler wrote a large sprawling hand, as may be judged by the fact that
only 174 of these small open pages are required to print his 264 folios,
with my 176 notes. He commonly conforms to the requirements of dotted
_i_ and crossed _t_, but otherwise strikes out for himself in the
formation of letters. His most original invention is an _r_ which would
puzzle Œdipus, as it is always a careful _n_; most of his short-stroke
characters look alike in their resemblance to bends of the Arkansaw
river on a map, and his long strokes seem as if they had been struck by
lightning. The incessant capitals are flourished elaborately, and not
confined to initial letters. Fowler is also fond of capping little words,
as if he thought they needed such help to hold up their heads with big
ones, and equally apt to begin proper names, sentences, and paragraphs
with lower-case letters. This style of composition appears on the printed
page, which faithfully imitates every peculiarity of the original which
can be set with an ordinary font of type. The syntax is the sort which
has been happily called “dash dialect”—Fowler has no other punctuation
than the dash, excepting a sporadic period here and there, usually
misplaced, and an occasional stab at the paper which is neither one
thing nor another, and may therefore be overlooked. His spelling speaks
so well for itself in print that little need be said on that score. Its
entire originality, its effusive spontaneity, its infinite variety, will
charm the reader while it puzzles him, and make the modern manufacturer
of Dialect despair of his most ingenious craft. Aside from sheer slips
of the pen, by which Fowler often misses letters, as in writing “campe,”
“caped,” “capped,” or “capted” for _camped_, there is a particular point
to which I may call attention as the most characteristic—in fact, the
diagnostic—feature of his composition. It is that habitual omission of
final _y_ which makes the definite article do duty for the third personal
pronoun nominative; and when this is followed by a misspelled verb
simulating a noun, some curious locutions result. Thus, “the Road” stands
for _they rode_; “the Ware,” for _they were_; “the Cold,” for _they
could_; “the Head,” for _they had_; “the Maid,” for _they made_—and so
on, to the end of the book.
But it is needless to pursue this alluring theme; the reader may turn
to the text which follows this feeble preface so strenuously, and see
for himself with what a _tour de force_ our ingenious author managed to
evade what we now call good grammar. I have found more than one reason
for transferring this curious copy to type with the utmost verbality,
literality, and punctuality of which the compositor is capable. In the
first place, it tickled my fancy so that I wished others to enjoy the
same sensation—for is it not said that our joys are doubled by sharing
them, as our sorrows are halved by the same process? Again, to prolong
these pleasantries, I may say that I thought this would be a good
way to show that awesome deference which I ought to feel for certain
captious critics of former works with which my name is associated, whose
green-eyed strabismus has seen me in the light of entirely too good an
editor—that is to say, who have complimented me by their censure for
making my authors too intelligible, too attractive, and altogether too
readable, by the way I dressed them for the press.
So I determined to submit the pure text of Fowler’s Journal to the
discernment of competent critics of literary wares, as well as to the
lack of that quality in fussy fault-finders, and let everybody see how
some manuscript looks when it is printed just as it is written. I do not
vaunt this specimen as unique in any respect except the handwriting,
a sample of which is reproduced. The article is much like others of
Fowler’s times and circumstances; it is only a little off the average
syntax and orthography of that period, with a few more capitals and
dashes than were then usual. I know authors of our own day whose copy
would turn out a good deal like Fowler’s if the printer did not fix it
up for them. They are mostly the ones who damn instead of blessing the
artists of the art preservative of arts. Few women, for example, can
spell quite like the dictionaries; fewer still can punctuate properly;
and fewest of all persons of either sex in the world are those authors,
even among professional literarians, who would like or could afford
to see themselves set up in print exactly as they write themselves
down. There is said to be a day coming when the secrets of all hearts
shall be revealed, the wicked shall tremble, and they shall say to the
mountains, “fall on us”—or words to that effect. I cite the passage from
early memory, not having the author in hand, and have not verified the
quotation; but I will risk anything of that sort, provided the day never
comes when the secrets of the printing office shall be revealed. I am at
peace with my God, my neighbor, and myself; but—I am an author.
If we turn from the form to the substance of Fowler’s Journal, and ask
to see the bill of lading, curious to know what useful or valuable
information is contained in so singular a vehicle of conveyance, it may
be confidently said that this “prairie schooner” is well freighted for a
“voige” on the highway of Americana; for the cargo is a novel and notable
contribution to our knowledge of early commercial venture and pioneering
adventure in the Great West. It is simply a story of the trader and
trapper, unsupported by the soldier, unimpeded by the priest, and in no
danger from the politician. The scene is set in the wilderness; the time
is when pack-animals are driven across the stage, before the first wheels
rolled over the plains from the States to Santa Fé; and the actors have
very real parts to perform.
From the respective dates of Pursley, of Lalande, and of Pike, whose
several travels were among the first if not the earliest overland from
the United States to the Spanish settlements, on the part of American
citizens—from the opening years of the century to the 1821-22 of
Fowler—various parties were on the Arkansaw in what are now Kansas and
Colorado. But the records of where they went or what they did? That is
the question. Ezekiel Williams, James Workman, Samuel Spencer, sole and
shadowy survivors of Coyner’s “Lost Trappers,” are only uneasy spirits
flitting from the Missouri to Mexico and California in an apocryphal
book, never materializing out of fable-land into historical environment.
Wherever other American trappers or traders may have gone on the Arkansaw
or even the Rio Grande in those days, and whatever they may have done,
Fowler was first to forge another sound link in the chain which already
reached from Pike to Long. The latter’s justly celebrated expedition
came down the Arkansaw and the Canadian in 1820. Pike ascended the
main river from its great bend to its sources in 1806, the same year
that his lieutenant, Wilkinson, descended this stream from the point
where he parted from his captain. For the lower reaches of the river we
have Thomas Nuttall’s Journal of Travels into the Arkansa Territory,
during the year 1819, and various other accounts. But I know of no
record, earlier in date than Fowler’s, of continuous ascent of the
river from Fort Smith to the present position of Pueblo in Colorado. He
meandered the whole course of the Arkansaw between the points named,
except his cut-off of a small portion by the Verdigris trail. One of
his men, Lewis Dawson, who was killed by a grizzly bear at the mouth
of the Purgatory—and who, let us hope, left that place for happier
hunting-grounds—may not have been the first white American buried in
Colorado soil; but the record of a prior funeral would be far to seek.
Whose was the first habitable and inhabited house on the spot where
Pueblo now stands? Fowler’s, probably; for Pike’s stockade was hardly a
house, and Jim Beckwourth came twenty years after Fowler. The Taos Trail
from Santa Fé through the Sangre de Cristo Pass to the Arkansaw at Pueblo
was well known to the Spaniards when Fowler’s party traversed it in the
opposite direction; but we have no American itinerary of that passage
at an earlier date than his. When Fowler ascended the Rio Grande to Hot
Spring creek in the San Juan range, he followed a Spanish road; but never
before had an American expedition been so near the sources of that great
river Del Norte, and not till many years afterward did any such prolong
Fowler’s traces upward. The greater part of Fowler’s homeward journey
from Taos to Fort Osage will doubtless prove as novel to his readers
as it was unexpected by his editor. South of the Arkansaw, his trail
was neither by the way he had gone before, nor by either of those roads
which were soon be established and become well known; for he came neither
by the Cimarron nor the Raton route, but took a straighter course than
either, between the two, over Chico Rico Mesa and thence along Two Butte
creek to the Arkansaw on the Kansan-Coloradan border. Again, when Fowler
left the Arkansaw to strike across Kansas, he did not take up the direct
route which caravans were about to blaze as the Santa Fé Trail from
Missouri through Council Grove to Great Bend; but went a roundabout way,
looping far south to heads of the Whitewater and Verdigris rivers before
he crossed the Neosho to make for the Missouri below the mouth of the
Kansas.
This bare outline of the way Fowler went in twice crossing the Plains, to
and from the Rocky mountains, suffices to show that, taken as a whole,
it was not only the first but also the last such itinerary of which we
have any knowledge; for if this route has since been retraversed in its
entirety, time has obliterated all sign of such an adventure.
Another point is to be scored in connection with Fowler’s unique
performance. The date is a critical one in the history of the whole
subject. That elusive “Red river” which Pike sought in vain in 1806 was
only the year before Fowler found by Long to be the Canadian fork of the
Arkansaw, instead of that separate tributary of the Mississippi which
Long imagined he was descending till he reached its confluence with
the same stream which the other detachment of his party followed down.
Just at the time when Long had finished his exploration, and Fowler was
leading his people home from their wide wandering, the Santa Fé trade
was taking definite shape. Like every other such enterprise, this one
went through its tentative stages of hesitancy and disconcert, before
its final organization as a regular industry; and if any year can be
named as that of complete equipment for the business, it is that of 1822.
Fowler was thus a factor in the beginnings of a commerce which grew by
what it fed upon to the immense proportions it had acquired when it was
checked by the troubles of 1846.
Whatever be deemed the merit or demerit of Fowler’s work as a whole,
viewed in the light of a contribution to the history of Western adventure
in connection with the fur trade, I can attest the coherency and
consequence of the narrative now before us. The author tells a plain,
straightforward story, and never fails to make it intelligible. He never
loses the thread of his discourse, never tangles it into an irrelevant
skein, and holds himself well in hand through all the asperities he
experienced. He is a reasonable sort of a writer, if not a very ready
one. I have had little trouble in trailing him from start to finish,
for all that compass-points uncorrected for magnetic variation, and
distances chained only in the sensations of a tired traveler, are not
among the “constants of nature”—especially in the mountains; and I am
satisfied that his route is laid down correctly in my notes. The sign
is a little dim here and there, in some of the cross-country laps, but
we never lose it. Fowler had the good eye for topography to be expected
of a professional surveyor, and I only wish that some other persons
whose peregrinations I have had occasion to follow had exercised powers
of observation equal to those which Fowler displayed under arduous
exigencies of trade and travel.
Thus far by way of introducing to the public the hitherto unknown author
of a new contribution to Americana, which I hope may find that favor
which I believe it deserves.
The task of copying Fowler’s Journal _v. l. p._ was intrusted to an
expert, Mrs. Mary B. Anderson, to whom acknowledgments are due for the
result. The copy was made in my absence from home last summer, during
which the lady was left entirely to her own resources in making out the
manuscript; and subsequent critical comparison of the transcription with
the original served mainly to show its beauty as well as accuracy. The
Index is also her careful handiwork.
E. C.
1726 N STREET, WASHINGTON, D. C., _January 1, 1898_.
MEMORANDOM OF THE VOIGE BY LAND FROM FORT SMITH TO THE ROCKEY MOUNTAINS.
thorsday 6th Sept 1821
We Set out from fort Smith[1] on the arkensaw and Crossing that River
pased threw a bottom of Rich Land Well timbered and much Kaine[2]—thence
over Low Ridges the land poor and in some places Rockey—at 30 miles
crosed the tallecaw[3] a Crick about 150 feet Wid Large bottoms on bothe
Sides and at ten miles farther Crosed the Illinios[4] River about 80 yds
Wide and about one mile farther Stoped for the night at Beens[5] Salt
Workes—this is the Second night Since We left the fort—the Workes one
Small Well With a few kittles about 55 gallons of Watter make a bushil
of Salt and the Well afords Watter to boil the kittles about three days
in the Weake Been and Sanders Has permission of the govem [government]
to Worke the Salt Spring—the Sell the Salt at one dollar per Bushil—from
Heare We pased over Some High poor Hills Some valleys and Some pirarie
lands about twenty miles to a large bottom Well Covered in parts With
Caine and Well timbered—threw Which We pased about Eight miles to grand
River or Six bull.[6] this is fine bold Streem of Clear Watter about 150
yd Wide Which We forded but not Without Some doupts—the Watter Runing
With great force—about one mile above the mouth of this River is the
mouth of the virdegree[7] a River of about one Hundred yds Wide deep
and muddy at the mouth and up it to the Rapids about four miles Wheare
there is a trading House. but we Stoped at the trading Hous of Conl Hugh
glann[8] about mile up the VII degree Wheare We Remained till the 25th
Sept makeing a Raingment for our gurney to the mountains—Heare five of
our Hunters Left us and Went Home this Sircumstance much dispereted more
of our men—tho We Still determined to purced—and on the 25th of Sept
1821 We found our Selves 20 men in all[9] and under the Command of Conl
Hugh glann With mager Jacob Fowler Robert Fowler Battis Roy Battis Peno
george Duglas Nat Pryer —— Bono —— Barbo Lewis Dauson —— Taylor Richard
Walters —— Ward Jesey vanbeber —— Slover —— Simpson —— Maxwill —— Findley
Battis moran and Pall a black man the property of mager Fowler we Head
thirty Horses and mules Seventen of Which traps and goods for the Indean
traid—and Each man mounted on Horsback—We Left the traiding House in the
afternoon—North 50 West about five miles to a Small Crick Which Runs West
in to the virdegree—the Bottom between the Six bull and verdegree is High
and Rich Well timbered With Some Caine and is about one and a Half miles
Wide to the Hills—from What We Cold Learn there is no Caine above this
on the arkensaw—We pased to day Some Pirarie Cirted With Wood land Some
timber on the Crick it Rained Hard We Packed up our goods and Covered
them With Skins to keep them dry and Piched our tents for the night—Conl
Hugh glann Haveing Left us and gon by the mishenerys,[10] and to meet us
Some Wheare a Head—
26th
We Set out Early along the Road Leading to the osage vilege[11] threw
fine Pirarie Lands a little Rolling and Scirted With timber the ground is
Black and Rich and the vew the most delightfull We this day maid 20 miles
threw the Rain Which Continued all day at night Camped on a Crick about
50 feet Wid Runs West With an Extensive Beed of Stone Coal in its bottom
there is Some Wood along the Crick but the Cuntry is mostly Pirarie a
little Rolling Scirted With groves of timber Heare the Rain Continued all
night—Heare one of our Hunters—Slover Lay out all night but Came in in
the morning
27th
We Set out Early along the path threw the Pirarie—timber still to be seen
in groves and along the Branches—We maid 20 miles and Camped on a Small
Crick Well timbered—Heare we found Findley He Left us 2 days ago—and was
Heare waiting for us this day was Clear and pleesent Robert Fowler killed
a Large Buck—one Hors gave out was left
28th Sept 1821
Rained all day we Remained in Camp—
29th
the Weather Clear We Set out Early and was Soon over taken By Conl glann
and soon after in Sight of the osage vilege. Heare We Ware delited With a
vew of a nomber of Hills or mounds[12] nearely of the Same Hight. from
70 to 80 feet but of diferent Shapes Some Round and pointed like a Stack
others squair and flat. and the top of one neare the vilege Contains
about 15 acres of Rich Black land—and great part of the Bluff faced With
a parpendickler Rock—so that with but little labour a few men might keep
off a large armey—Heare is one of the most delight full peace of Cuntry I
Have Ever Seen—of Rich lime stone land mixed With Wood lands the Pirarie
is more Exstensive than Woods—
Heare We find not one sole in or about the vilege the Indeans are all gon
a buffelow Hunting and are not Exspected to return till in the Winter.
We find our Jurney to this place one Continued Corse North 50 W Heare
we Crosed the virdegree and got on Higher grounds and Nearly Covered
With Rocks in Some places and Steered North 70 West 10 miles to a small
Crick[13] Runing South and Well timbered—Heare We Camped for the night—We
Seen this day Some Wild Horses. game is scars We this day find our
Horses two Heavey loaded and Concluded to leave part [of their loads]
30th Sept 1821
We this morning Berryed or Cashed [cached] as the french Call it 32 Bever
traps 2 Cases of tobaco and fifty pounds of Brass Wier on the West Bant
of the Creek 200 yds above the large Road and 50 below the small path on
Which is a Connu [canoe] marked on an oack
october 1th 1821
We Set out Early and Stered North 50 West to the little virdegree[14]
Wheare a large Indean Road Crosse it this River is about 30 yds Wide With
Clear Watter and High Banks—and large inCampment on the East Side. Heare
we Crossed to the West Side and followed the North forke of the Road
about one mile to another Branch of the Same River but Not more than ten
Steps Wide both Streems Running South With Rich timbered bottom be tween
the boath—after pasing this forke We Stered the Same Corse threw Roling
Pirarie ten miles to a mound. to the North and East the Cuntry is a
little Rolling mostly Pirarie With timber along the Branches on our left
the mountains or High Hills appeer at from four to five miles distance
Heare to avoid the Hills Which Continu on our left We Steered N 30 West
six mill [miles] and Camped on the little virdegree—Peno Went off to Hunt
in the fore part of this day and did not Return—
2nd october 1821
We set out Early and pased over High Leavel Pirarie lands North 45 West
three miles to the High Hills Crossing a small Bransh Runing North at the
futt of them—We after Some time gained the top of the Hills and found the
Cuntry Rolling and partly timbered and partly Pirarie at twelve miles
farthe We Crossed the little virdegree again and Camped on the North Bank
Heare Duglass got lost in the Evenings Hunt and lay out all night
3rd october 1821
this morning our Horses Ware much Scattered and took us till a late our
to Collect them—Duglass found the Way to Camp—and Peno Came in With Some
veneson Haveing Killed three deer—Heare we found a large Indean Road
going up the Crick and Crossing some of its Branches South 30 West and
the Hills being High We followed the Road. the lands poor With Short oack
and Hickory for about fifteen miles Wheare the Cuntry begins to appear
With fine Rich Piraries Well bordered With Wood lands of a good quality
We this day got one deer and Some turkeys game is getting more plenty—We
maid 20 miles and Camped on a Small Crick Running South—[15]
4th october 1821
We Set out Early and at three miles Crossed a Crick 50 feet Wide Running
No 45 West—and at about three miles farther in an open Pirarie We found
a large Buffelow Bull lying dead Soposed to be killed by the Indeans
We now begin to Hope Soon to kill Some Buffelow our Selves as we Have
nothing With us but Salt only What We kill our Selves. Heare We find
our Selves in an oppen and Exstensive Pirarie Scarsly a tree to be Seen
but as We prograss We find Sign of Buffelow We See some deed and Some
Caberey[16]—in the Evening on our left We Seen Ward one of our men on
Hors back Running a buffelow Some of [us] put off to asist Him but He
killed the large Buffelow Bull before We over took Him—after takeing What
meet We Wanted—We Went on makeing 23 miles and Camped on a River about
50 yds Wide Running West Soposed to be the Bad Salean[17]—the Watter is
Clear and deep at this place Some Sign of Bever our Corse this day is
North 60 West—
the Pirarie threw Which We passed this day is nearly leavel With a Rich
Black Sandey Soil there is no other Rock Except that of limestone Which
only appeer in Spott on the Sides of Branches and on the top of Some of
the Highest ground—for there is no Hills Heare there is Some timber
along the branches
5th october 1821
We Set out Early Crossing the River a little below our Camp Wheare there
is a good ford and at about two miles Crossed a large Crick 100 feet Wide
it Corse South East and about 10 miles Crosed a Crick 50 feet Wide all
So Running South East Heare the Pirarie is a little more Roleing—and at
18 miles Crosed a crick—and 19 miles inCamped[18] on a Crick the West
forke of the Same the meet Below Wheare We Crosed—Heare the Cuntry Still
Continues to be a little Roleing the land Rich the limestone appeers
in some places along the Bluffs Which are not High or Steep Hear We
seen great nombers of Poor Buffelow Bulls and Blame our Hunters for not
killing fat Cowes When there is not one to be seen
5th october 1821 [continued]
for We Cold not tell them apart at So great a distance and it Was in vain
for our Hunters to tell us there Was no Cows among So many Buffelow as
We Cold See at all most any time Corse this No 50 West 19 miles—
6th october 1821
We set out Early over Butifull High Pirarie leavel and Rich and at Eight
miles West We fell on the arkensaw River[19] Heare there is plenty of
timber all a long the River on both Sides as far as We Cold See We are
now out of meet and Blameing our Hunters for not finding Buffelow Cows
the Have neglected to kill the Bulls When the Cold and the are not so
plenty as the Ware and We beleve Have been latly drove off by the Indeans
as the are now shy.
6th octor 1821 [continued]
We now steered north leaveing the [Arkansaw] River on our lefft Hand
Beleveing the High Hill and Bluffs Near the River Wold be difequal to
pass With loaded pack Horses—at 6 miles over High Rich lime stone Pirarie
We Camped on a Crick[20] 60 feet Wide Wheare We killed Some turkeys in
the Evening—We Ware all So informed by Some of the party that Indeans
Ware Camped at no great distance—
7th october 1821
We moved West up along neare the [Arkansaw] River over Some High Rockey
Bluffs and threw a large Sandy bottom to the bank of the River makeing
five miles and Camped near the Indeans from them got Some dryed meet
Corn Beens and dryed Pumkins for [which] We paid them In Such artickels
as the wanted—these are the osage Indeans and the first We met With on
our Route the [they are] frendly the Weather is now giting Cold With High
Winds Cloudey and Rained threw the night—the timber in the bottoms and
Hill Sides is a king [kind] of Jack oak and very low Cotten Wood and
Willow groes along the River—we stoped at this place for the purpose of
purchasing Horses Haveing left two be Hind and three more unfitt for
Survice makes us bad of for Horses and the prospect of provetions is not
promesing as We Heare the Indeans are Camped for alonge Way a Head of us
threw Wheare We must pass let [left] one Horse With an Indean—
8the october 1821
We moved up the River N 45 West two miles and Camped the Rain Still
Continues Heare Conl glann purchased one Poor Hors at a High price and
Highered one Indean to go along With us Some of the Hands killed 10
turkeys
9th octr 1821—
We Set out Early and Steered north leaveing the River at Right angles
over Riseing butifull Pirarie three miles to White[21] River about 70 yᵈˢ
Wide Running West into the arkensaw this River Has a Continued grove of
timber all alonge its Cores [course] as far as We Cold see and the land
Rich—We Crosed this River leaveing it on our Right and up it at Eight
miles Camped on the South West Side for the purpos of purchasing Horses
Sucseeded in Swoing [swapping] two and purchasing two at a High price—the
Indeans advise us to Cross the arkensaw and Steer West Corse and strike
the arkensaw at the big timber Near the mountains but the Season is late
and Want of Wood and Watter Renders it a Hazous undertakeing—the Indeans
Say it is about two days travel to the little arkensaw—the Hunters
Brought in four deer one very fine Buck the first good meet We Have Head
the land on this Creek is Rich and Well timbered along the bottoms the
Bluffs furnis abundance of lime Stone for all purposes of Building and
fenceing—and is Capeable of makeing one of the finest Settlements in the
united States—there being a nomber of the best of Springs
10th octr 1821
We purchased yesterday one small Hors and one to day—But when We gethered
up our Horses to move off Robert Fowlers Horse Was mising—all tho He Was
With the Rest in the morning—We Conclude the Indeans Have Hiden Him in
the Woods and leave Peno to Sarch for Him and to fetch up Barbo left Sick
With Him—all so left a Blanket to give the Indean that find or Return the
Horse
11th octr 1821
We Set out Early leaveing [Walnut Creek] on the Wright and Steering N 25
West fifteen miles over High Pirarie to a small Crick and Camped[22] Near
its mouth yesterday Peno Returned With the Sick man but With out the lost
Hors the Hors is no doupt Stolen and With the knoledge of the Chiefs.
these last Indeans appeer more unfriendly and talk Sasy and bad to us
but this Is to be Exspected as the Come from the upper vilege and are
Said to be a Collection of the Raskals from the other vileges
12th october 1821
Cloudey and Rains a little We Set out Early North 60 West fifteen miles
over a Rich low Ridge there is Scarcly a tree or a Stone to be Seen and
Hole land Covered With tall grass there is all along Whight River and on
this Ridge much sign of Buffelow but the Indeans Have drove them off—We
Camped on Small Branch[23] Near the arkensaw River
13th octor 1821
We Set out Early up the River Leaveing it on our left at a Bout 14 miles
Crossed a Small Crick on which is a large Beed of the Plaster of Paris
at 20 miles We Camped on the Bank of the little arkensaw[24]—one Indean
Cheef and two young me[n] viseted us at Camp and stated the Ware [they
were] glad to see us Whitemen and frends—as they Had Seen or Heared Some
of our men Last Evening and Soposed them be Paneys [Pawnees] and their
Enemies on which acoumpt the Head [they had] all left their Camp and Hid
them Selves in the timberd lands on the River—
14th oct 1821
We Set out Early Crossing the little arkensaw and steering West at 12
miles Came to the Banks of the arkensaw thence up the River North 70
West We Camped on the [left] Bank[25] With out trees—We yester left one
Horse He gave out—and this morning discharged the Hiered Indean—the
Cuntry Continues fine the land leavel and Rich the timber is plenty on
the little arkensaw and Some for a few miles up the main River but Heare
there is no timber or Willowes on the River Buffelow Bulls still appeer
But no Cows and we are now Satisfyed of the Caus of the Hunters not
killing any of that Speces no Sign of deer. tho We seen some turkeys last
Evening
15the octobr 1821
We set out at our ushal time up the River No 80 West and Stoped at
the mouth of a bold sreem of Watter 70 feet Wide[26]—but We Ware Soon
alarmed by the Hunters Comming and Haveing Some Indeans on Hors Back and
soposed to be in pursute of them—We Emedetly move up the River Crossing
the Crick to some Sand Knobs on the River Bank about 400 yds above the
mouth of the Crick—there being no timber We maid a Brest Worke of our
Bagage and Remained the balence of the [day] Waiting the arivel of the
Indeans—but none appeered—Some Buffelow Bulls Ware killed to day We kept
the Horses tyed up all night—yesterday the Sand Knobs appeer at about ten
miles distance on our Right Hand and run Perellel With the River
Some Scatering trees appeer on the Knobs—
16th october 1821
We Set out Early and maid ten miles up the River the Sand Knobs still on
the Right We Sent out Some Hunters to kill a Cow but the Remained out
all night We Ware much alarmed for their safety—no mee meet for Suppe or
Brackfest—our Corse No 70 West and Camped on the River[27]
17th octr 1821
We Continued up the River North 65 West 15 miles and Camped on the Bank
Scarcly a tree to be Seen—We this day pased the Head Spring[28] of the
Crick at the mouth of Which We Camped on the 15th this [is] a large
butifull Spring about three miles from the River on the north Side and
in a leavel Rich Pirarie the Sand Hills appeer all a long on the South
Side and near the River—the are not more then 60 or 70 feet High and the
Cuntry leavel beyound them to a great distance those on the north about
the Same Hight and Several miles from the River[29]—Which is from two to
400 yds Wide—With large Sand bars and low Islands this is its general
Carecter as fare as We Have seen it
18th octr 1821
We Set out at our ushal time at ten miles pased a point of Rocks and
a Hoop wood tree on them—to our Right and almost one mile from the
River—and at [illegible] there is Some Cotten Wood trees along the
River—at 18 miles We Camped[30] on the Bank Without trees—Some Islands
in the River the Higher grounds aproch nigher the River but Loos the
appeeren of Sand Hills on the north
19th octr 1821
We set out at the ushal time and at 8 miles West We pased a point of
Red Rocks about 600 yds from the River and at Eleven miles Crosed the
paney[31] River about one and a Half miles above its mouth this is a
deep bold Streem 50 feet Wide of Running Watter Banks High and about 80
feet Wide at the top Heare is ash Walnut Elm and Cottenwood over to this
place Was West—this is the Second Streem We Have Crosed Since pasing the
little arkensaw—We found a good ford [across Walnut Creek] and Steered
South 50 West Six miles to the Bank of the River—the land leavel as fare
as the Eye Can see. Some Cottenwood on the Banks and Some Bushis. the
Red Rock is evidently a volcanic production is porous like pomestone but
heavier than common Sand stone—Back from the river 5 miles the Hunters
reports very Large quantities of pomestone on the side of a hill which
appears to them to be half blown off (Hill) by some cause—The sand and
gravel thrown up by the Prarie Squarrels [_Cynomys ludovicianus_] is
precisely the same of that in the river for 5 or 8 miles distance from
the river See great nombers of buffelow and Elks one of the Hunters
killed three Cows but Haveing no Horse With Him the meet Was left out and
lost Except a few pounds He Carryed in on His back—
20th octobr 1821
We Steered South 40 West and at nine miles Crosed a Crick[32] 40 feet
Wide a bold Running streem about one futt deep and a few trees up it In
sight. at ten miles We Camped on the River Bank in a low Bottom—at about
three miles the ground Rises a little So as to form low Hills large
Hords of Buffelow In Sight the Sand Hills Still appeer on the South Side
of the River and to appeerence distetute of vigetation as the are Bald
While those on the north are a Hard Black Soil With Some progecting
Rocks and Covered With vigetation mostly a Short grass Something like
Blew grass—on the morning of the 18th Findley mounted his [horse] took
With Him His Blankets and Crossed the River to the South Side for the
purpose of killing a Boffelow Cow Since Which time We Have Heard nothing
of Him—yesterday morning Sent Back two men to look for Him—the Have not
Returned—We are afraid Findley is lost by going two fare out in the Sand
Hills We Exspect to Stop in about two days to Rest our Horses and Wait
for Findley to Come up—
21st Octr 1821
We set out at the ushal Hour and at Seven miles pased a point of Rocks on
Which stands two trees about 600 yds from the River—and seven and a Half
miles Came to a deep and mudey Crick[33] 100 feet Wide Heare Some of our
Horses Run to drink and Ware Swomped With their loads and Ware forsed
to be pulled out—We Went [up] it about Half a mile and Crossed over and
Camped about three miles up it—Findley[’s] mair gave out this day and Was
left We maid We maid ten miles this day South 50 West—this is a butifull
Running Streem With many fine Springs along its Banks—the Hunters killed
two Fatt Cows We Have now plenty of good meet—the two men Returned but
no word of Findley—a point of Hills or Rocks appeers at seven miles
distance near the River Bareing South 35 W—We gave this the name of
Buffelow Crick[34] from one of our Horses Being Swomped With the meet of
a Buffelow on Him and these anemels Being very plenty Heare
22nd octr 1821 monday
We Set out Early and at 7 miles pased the point mentioned yester day a
bout one from the River at fifteen miles Camped on the Bank of the River
about three miles to the left of our line of march about 4 miles Back of
our Camp We Crossed a Branch[35] of Bold Running Watter 30 feet Wide—no
timber Wheare We lay the men Waided over and geathered drift Wood for the
night the Hunters killed one fatt Buffelow Some Cotten Wood on the South
Side of the River above and below the Camp—the Sand Hills Still appeer
on that Side the sand Hills aproch nier the River With Some Cotten Wood
trees on them—Findley Returned
23rd octr 1821 tusday
We Set [out] at the ushal Hour South 10 West up the River maid ten miles
and Camped in a low Bottom the Sand Hills Continue on the South—very
leavel on the north for a great distance Back no timber on the north
Side for the last two days march Emence Hords of Buffelow all traveling
to the north While those we pased a few days ago Ware traveling to the
South—We see maney Wild Horses—we Exspect [Indians are?] near us to the
South Which moves the Buffelow to the north the Islands and sand bars
still Continue But no bever We Head a fine feast last night on four fatt
Buffelow Cowes
24th octr 1821 Wensday—
We Set out Early and at Seven miles the River Was 2½ miles to the left
and at Eleven miles We maid the lower Eand of an Island on Which there
is timber but none on Ither Side—the main Chanel is on the South Side
Hear the High land aproch the River on both Sides—on the north Side there
apperes a Whightis [whitish] Rock of Considerable Exstent the River makes
Hear a Short Bend to the Right—the Cuntry Heare is a little Rolling But
the land Rich and Butifull—no Wheare two steep for the Waggon or the
plow. Heare at the uppe Eand of this Island the Bluff aproches the River
and is the first above the little arkensaw—that that Shews it Rocky—on
this Island there is good food for the Horses—and We Con Cluded to lay By
one day to mend our mogesons and Rest our Horses as many of there Backs
Ware Sore oing to the carelesness of the men the Horses are Poor and We
Exspect that [some] of them Will not be able to Rech the mountains
25th octobr 1821
We Exspored the Cuntry for a few miles Round and on an Island about three
miles above us found an Indean fort Which might Contain about 60 men this
fort Is maid nearly Round and Built of logs layed on Each other—and is
about two years old and must Have been built By a War party Which did
not occupy it long—tho it Has been Inhabetid not more than two or three
Weaks ago by Some People—the Haveing used fyer and left the Spit on Which
the Head [they had] Roasted meet—above this Island a streem[36] of Bold
Running Watter one Hundred and fity feet Wid puts in on the South Side—no
timber at its mouth but timber appeers about two miles up it—its Cors is
South 25 West—the Sand Hills Conting above this Crick but appers in a
long Continued Ridge
26th october 1821 Friday
We Set out Early and Crossing the River to the South Side Steered our
Corse West and Crossing the [Mulberry] Crick mentioned yesterday at six
miles and Crossing a point of low land leaveing the River a bout 3 miles
to the Right in the Bend and at twenty miles[37] Stoped on an Island Well
Clothed With timber Heare Was all so an old Indean Fort Smaller than the
other and Had been used by the Same pursons that Head lately been at the
other We Heare Con Clude them to be White men there Horses being Shod—We
Have as yet Head but three nights of frost and no Ice—We Have not Seen
one tree on Ither Side of the River the only apper on the Islands and
nothing there but Cotten Wood—at this Island the main Chanel Is on the
north Side
Satterday 27th octr 1821
We Set out Early Steering West on the South Side of the River—fifteen
miles[38] to an Island the main Channel on the north Side—the River as
ushal is full of Islands With more or Less Cotten[wood] on them but none
on Ither Side of the River—We this day left Findley With two Horses and
one mule With Instruction to Remain on the Island five days and then to
follow us as the Horses Wold be Rested by that time
28th octr 1821
We Set out at our ushal Hour and keeping up the River West ten miles[39]
to a point of timber on the South Side the Rockey [hills] frequently
appeer on the north Side and the Sand Hills on the South Some Scattering
Cotten Wood trees gro on the Sand Hills one othe Hors gave out this day
and Was left
monday 29th octr 1821
We Set out at our ushal Hour Steering N 70 West up the River at fifteen
miles Crossed a Spring branch to a few Cotten Wood trees on the River
Bank in low Bottom Where We Camped[40] for the night Heare the Hunters
killed one deer and See Several more—this the first We Have Seen Since We
left the Paney River but the Buffelow and Elk are In great a bondance all
the Way So that the Hunters kill [all] the[y] Wish We all So got two Cows
to day—and See a great many Elk——
30th octobr 1821
We set out as ushal and Steered North 75 West ten miles to a low point
of greavel and Sand Washed by the River the land Rises gently to the
left for about one and a Half miles both above and below this point the
Bottoms on the River are low—at fifteen miles We Camped[41] on an Island
Clothed With tall grass and Cotten Wood trees—the main Chanel on the
north Some Small Islands on the South With out trees
31st octr 1821 Wensday
We Continued our Rout on the South Side our Corse South[42] Sixty five
West fifteen miles to a point of Woods on the River Bank Heare is fine
tall grass for our Horses and young Cotten Wood and Willowes are very
plenty—a great many trees appeer to Have [been] Cut down by White men
and a french trading Camp Have been latly burned down Soposed to [be]
Shotoes[43] the Hunters killed this day three of the fatest Buffelows
that Have yet Been Braught to Camp—Buffelow Elk deer Caberey and Wild
Horses are in great nombers—High Wind all day—
1st november 1821
Lay by to Rest Horses and dress Skins and prepare for Winter—this morning
the first Ice We Seen frose in the Kittle about as thick as the Blaid
of a knife and Ice floted down the River—the Bluffs or Hills on the
north Sid aproch the River and those on the South are at about 3 miles
distance—
2nd
Remained In Camp all day fine Weather—Some frost last night With Ice—
3rd November 1821
We Steered Sᵒ 65 W five miles to a low point of land With Rocks Washed By
the River on thes Rocks are some Small Hoop Wood trees the first We Have
Seen for a long time and those are the first Rocks We Have pased on the
South Side of the River—Heare the [river] bends a little to the Right[44]
We proceded ten miles further pasing Some fine Springs to the point of
an Island on the South Side of the River Haveing pased over a point [of]
bald Sand Hills Washed by the River about Half a mile below our Camp
for We Camped on the lower Eand of the Island—Which is large and Well
timbered With Cotten Wood—Heare We find the first fresh Sign of bever our
Corse from the Hoop Wood trees to this place is Nᵒ 80 West—two of our
Horses gave out this day and Ware left—on this Island the Hunters killed
Some turkeys and Seen Some more. the first We Have Seen above the little
arkensaw—the Wind Hard all day from the N—W—
4th Novr 1821 Sunday—
We Steered No 75 W four miles to [a point] of Sand Hills Washed by the
River and at Six miles farther to an Island Clothed With Willow and
Cotten Wood—the main Chanel on the North Side of the Island the last 6
miles our Corse Was West[45]—and pased over one point of Sand Hills and
one of gravle both Washed by the River Buffelow Scarce—two turkeys this
day—our last nights In Campment appers the first Wintering ground We Have
meet With. We pass Some old Camps and Some old tent poles—this day left
the mule the [that] gave out a few days ago and Was braught up—
5th novr 1821 Monday
We set out Early and Steered West five miles to a low point of land
Washed by the River thence South 80 West and at foure miles [further]
pased the beed of a large Crick[46] but no Watter or timber in sight the
great quantitys of drift Wood all along its Banks and the Hunters [tell]
us the See timber a few miles up it—at three miles farther makeing twelve
miles this day We Camped on an Island in the middle of the River—this
Island is better Cloathed With timber Brush green grass for the Horses
and grape vines than any We Have Seen Heare We found plenty of grapes
that are good the first We Have met With in [this] part of the Cuntry the
River Continu full of [islands] the one We are on is long and is a good
Wintering ground Some Small Connues [canoes] may be maid Heare
6th novr 1821
determined to lay by on act of Wood and the Poor State of our Horses—We
Have all Readey lost 13 Horses and two mules and the Remainder Hardly
fitt for use We are Camped in a pawnee fort Which appeers to Have been
used about two Weakes Since—We Counted 11 tracks of Indians Barfooded in
the Sand and found a Woolf that Head been Shott lying on the Sand Bare—
7th Novr 1821
We Set out as ushul and Steerd Nᵒ 80 West twelve miles[47] to a Small
Island near the middle of the River We find this day that there is more
gravle and less Sand in the River than below theres much more Watter and
Cleareer than any Wheare below—the River is still full of Islands—vast
Hords of Buffelow In Sight—no bever We See old Sign of Indeans a great
many Buffelow being killed in the Summer—We again See the Sign of White
men a Head of us—
8th november 1821 thorsday
We Set out as ushul our Corse N 85 W Crossing to the north Side of the
River at three miles pased the Beed of a dry Crick[48] 75 yds Wide Corse
[from the] north and only a few Scatering trees In Sight on it—at Six
miles We Crossed the River on act of a Snow Storm to a grove of trees
on an Island in the South Side and Camped for the night—this Island is
formed by a large Crick[49] 80 yds Wide puting In on the South Side and
a Slew of Watter Runing out of the River in to this Crick forming a large
Island—there is timber In Sight up this Crick and large quantitey of
drift Wood alonge it Banks—and from seeing the Same appeerence of drift
Wood on other Cricks below Comeing from the South We Sopose there must
[be] timber up those Streem as there is no drift Wood from the north—the
River Banks are from 6 to 8 fitt High and the Watter much [more] plenty
than below Buffelow Plenty and all traveling fast to the north—
9th novr 1821 Friday
Remained in Camp on acounpt of the Cold the Snow about ankel deep Sent
out the Hunters the killed 2 Buffelow Cows—the River is Heare deeper and
Cruked and Points of [timber] in the bends more plenty—
10th Novr 1821
We Steered Sᵒ 65 West five miles to a point of timber on the South Side
of the River Which is still narrow deep and Cruked it Bredth is from 150
to 200 yds Wide and deep a knof for Small Boats to asend—
11th novr 1821 Sunday
our Corse South 65 West at four miles pased a point of High Rocks about
Half a mile South from the River from this Rock the Bluffs or Hills
Continu to our left—and at Eight miles Camped at the mouth of a deep
muddey Crick[50] Heare the Bluffs aproch the River on both Sides and are
much Higher and Steep as Well as more Rockey than below—Heare is much old
Sign of Indeans many Piles of Rock are Raised by them on the bluffs—one
fatt Buck killed this day—there are some Bever Heare—
12th Novr 1821 monday
We set out Early and to Enable us to Cross the [Mud] Crick With the
Horses We maid a Bridge of Brush and flags Which bore them over With
Safty and Steered South 65 West Eight miles to the Point of a Ridge Bound
With Rocks and Washed by the River—there is two mounds Covered With Rocks
about 300 yds to the South of Camp and about Half a mile a part[51] We
this day Crossed a Small [Caddoa] Crick at about four miles back from
Camp—and pased over Several Ridges the points of Which Butted a gainst
the River With progecting Rocks of the Sand Stone kind—the[re] We Seen
Some Peaces of marble—the River Bottoms are about Half a mile Wide and is
offen Crosed from one Side to the other by the River Which is very Cruked
and both Sides of the bottom or valley bound With the Bluffs and Rocks
Buffelow plenty killed 3 Cows and one deer this day—
We this day Sopose We Seen the mountains for the first time tho We Have
long looked for them the Hills or Bluffs on the North Side are High Being
two bluffs one on the top of the other and about five miles apart[52]
13th novr 1821 tusday
Went to the Highest of the mounds near our Camp and took the bareing of
the Soposed mountain Which Stud at north 80 West all So of the River
Which is West We then proceded on 2½ miles to a Small Crick[53] Crosed it
and asended a gradual Rise for about three miles to the Highest ground
in the nibourhood—Wheare We Head a full vew of the mountains this must
be the place Whare Pike first discovered the mountains Heare I took the
bareing of two that Ware the Highest[54] the longest South 71 W—the
other Which appeered like a point South 75 West—nither of those are the
mountain Seen this morning—on looking forward We Seen a Branch Puting in
from the South Side Which We Sopose to be Pikes first forke[55] and make
for it—Crossed and Camped in a grove of Bushes and timber about two miles
up it from the River We maid Eleven miles West this day—We Stoped Heare
about one oclock and Sent back for one Hors that Was not able to keep
up—We Heare found some grapes among the brush—While Some Ware Hunting and
others Cooking Some Picking grapes a gun Was fyered off and the Cry of a
White Bare[56] Was Raised We Ware all armed in an Instent and Each man
Run His own Cors to look for the desperet anemel—the Brush in Which We
Camped Contained from 10 to 20 acors Into Which the Bare Head [bear had]
Run for Shelter find[ing] Him Self Surrounded on all Sides—threw this
Conl glann With four others atemted to Run But the Bare being In their
Way and lay Close in the brush undiscovered till the Ware With in a few
feet of it—When it Sprung up and Caught Lewis doson and Pulled Him down
In an Instent Conl glanns gun mised fyer or He Wold Have Releved the man
But a large Slut Which belongs to the Party atacted the Bare With such
fury that it left the man and persued Her a few steps in Which time the
man got up and Run a few steps but Was overtaken by the bare When the
Conl maid a second atempt to shoot but His [gun] mised fyer again and the
Slut as before Releved the man Who Run as before—but Was Son again in the
grasp of the Bare Who Semed Intent on His distruction—the Conl again Run
Close up and as before His gun Wold not go off the Slut makeing an other
atack and Releveing the man—the Conl now be Came alarmed lest the Bare
Wold pusue Him and Run up Stooping tree—and after Him the Wounded man and
Was followed by the Bare and thus the Ware all three up one tree—but a
tree standing in Rich [reach] the Conl steped on that and let the man and
Bare pas till the Bare Caught Him [Dawson] by one leg and drew Him back
wards down the tree. While this Was doing the Conl Sharpened His flint
Primed His gun and Shot the Bare down While pulling the man by the leg be
fore any of the party arived to Releve Him—but the Bare Soon Rose again
but Was Shot by several other [men] Wo Head [who had] got up to the place
of action—it Is to be Remarked that the other three men With Him Run
off—and the Brush Was so thick that those on the out Side Ware Som time
geting threw—
I Was my Self down the Crick below the brush and Heard the dredfull
Screems of man in the Clutches of the Bare—the yelping of the Slut and
the Hollowing of the men to Run in Run in the man Will be killed and
noing the distance So grate that I Cold not get there in time to Save the
man So that it Is much Easeer to Emagen my feellings than discribe them
but before I got to the place of action the Bare Was killed and [I] met
the Wounded man with Robert Fowler and one or two more asisting Him to
Camp Where His Wounds Ware Examined—it appeers His Head Was In the Bares
mouth at least twice—and that When the monster give the Crush that Was
to mash the mans Head it being two large for the Span of His mouth the
Head Sliped out only the teeth Cutting the Skin to the bone Where Ever
the tuched it—so that the Skin of the Head Was Cut from about the Ears to
the top in Several derections—all of Which Wounds Ware Sewed up as Well
as Cold be don by men In our Situation Haveing no Surgen nor Surgical
Instruments—the man Still Retained His under Standing but Said I am
killed that I Heard my Skull Brake—but We Ware Willing to beleve He Was
mistaken—as He Spoke Chearfully on the Subgect till In the after noon of
the second day When He began to be Restless and Some What delereous—and
on examening a Hole in the upper part of His Wright temple Which We
beleved only Skin deep We found the Brains Workeing out—We then Soposed
that He did Heare His Scull Brake He lived till a little before day on
the third day after being Wounded—all Which time We lay at Camp and
Buried Him as Well as our meens Wold admit Emedetely after the fattal
axcident and Haveing done all We Cold for the Wounded man We turned
our atention [to] the Bare and found Him a large fatt anemel We Skined
Him but found the Smell of a polcat so Strong that We Cold not Eat the
meat—on examening His mouth We found that three of His teeth Ware broken
off near the gums Which We Sopose Was the Caus of His not killing the man
at the first Bite—and the one not Broke to be the Caus of the Hole in the
Right [temple] Which killed the man at last—the Hunters killed two deer
Cased the Skins for Baggs We dryed out the Bares oil and Caryed it with
us the Skin Was all so taken Care of—
14th novembr 1821
We lay in Camp takeing Care of the Wounded man and takeing the Bareing of
the three principle points of the mountains[57] as the appeer—
the first mountain or grand Peek Bares N 75 W—
the Second South 75 No W
South Eand of same Sᵒ 75 W
3ʳᵈ mountain Sᵒ 70 W—
South Eand Sᵒ 69 W—
there is on this forke a Continuation of timber and Brush the princeple
trees are Cotten Wood With Some Boxelder and Some Small Black locust
15th
all posible Care Was taken of the Wounded man for Which purpose We lay
in Camp
16th
the unfortnet man died at day Brake—and Was Berred near the Bank With a
Strong Pen of logs over Him to prevent the Bares or Wolves from Scraching
Him up—this Is the [first] anemel of the kind We Have met With—
Heare Conl glann Haveing the Command of the party acted as the
adminestrater and ordered the dead mans property Sold to the Highest
bidder—and Was Sold as followes
one Short Riffel and papetis [?] to george Duglass $15.00
one muskets Barrl to Jacob Fowler 5.00
one Blanket to Eli Ward 10.00
2 vest to pall a Blackman 2.00
Sundry small artickels to dudley Maxwell 1.75
------
$33.75
the Hole amting thirty three dollrs Which Each man Has to act [account]
With Conl glann for What He purchased—
the timber on this fork is mostly Cotten Wood Some Boxelder and Some
Small Black locust—the Bottoms are fine and large—With great droves of
Elk and Buffelow and Sign of more of the White Bare—there are all So
Wild Horses deer and Caberey the trees on the main River are Small but
Some of those on the fork are large Enof to mak a Connue—the Watter
In the fork is Sofecient to turn a large Sett [of] mills at this dry
Season and Heare is timber for a Small Settlement—Stone In the Bluffs
are In abondance for Building and fenceing—after Settleing all things We
moved up the River South 73 West 12 miles[58] to a Small Bottom Covered
With trees—on the South Side of the River—Haveing pased one Branch[59]
at Six miles and one[59] at nine miles boath on the north Side of the
River—and opeset the first the River bore about Six miles to our
Right—from our Camp Heare We took the bareing of the mountains—1st Nᵒ 72
W—2nd S 76 W 3rd Sᵒ 70 W—at this Camp on the Bluffs Was the appeerance of
lead But We Head no time to Examen
17th novr 1821 Satterday
I Went on South 5 miles to a High mound and took the Bareing of the
mountains as followes 1st the grand Peek north 70 W—2nd not to be Seen
3rd Sᵒ 71 W 4th Sᵒ 49 W—our Corse from Camp up the River Was South 50
West twelve miles[60] to Whare the River Bends more to the West and Some
deep gutters Washed down the Bank and the Hills aproch the River—thence
Sᵒ 72 W. three miles to Wheare the River aproch the Hills again We pased
one Small Crick at about 2 miles be low Camp and the other about Half
mile the last about 30 yds Wide but no Watter Running and no timber
In Sight—the River Bottoms are more narrow than for two days past—no
Buffelow or turkeys there is Some deer and Sign of the White Bare one
Hors gave out this day and Was left—the timber is more plenty in the
Bottoms.
Sunday 18th Novr 1821
Continued up on the South Side of the River and at about two miles
Crossed a dry Branch[61] and at foure miles a deep Branch[62] with
Running Watter on Which there Ware several Bever dams With fresh sign of
Bever the Branch about Eight Steps Wide at ten miles pased Close to a
bend of the River and at Eighteen miles Camped[63] in a low Bottom and
drove the Horses aCross the River for grass there being none on Wheare We
Camped We find the Bottoms Widen from 4 to 8 miles the Hills much lower
and the [ground] more leavle than for Several days past the Buffelow
appers to Have left this section of the Cuntry as We Seen but one this
day an old Bull With one leg Broken We Soposed by the Indeans—and that
the Have drove the Buffelow all off—as their Sign is going to the South
19th nov 1821 monday
took the Bareing of the mountains from Camp this morning 1st north 67
W 2nd north Eand S 88 W South Eand Sᵒ 72 W 3rd Sᵒ 60 W—4th Sᵒ 39 W to
the Highest Peek ther appeers a longe Ridge to Contnue from the South
and a Ridge Runs north from the High Peeke—We Steered West up the River
and at 10 miles Crosed a dry forke[64] of the River 80 yds Wide but dry
at present at fifteen miles Camped in lott of woods on the River Bank
Haveing at about 11 oclock Seen a large Smoke ahead and believing it
proceded from the Indeans fyer We Halted to look out for them—and in a
few minets two of our men Came in Company With one Indean—and in about
Half an Hour there Was between 30 and 50 Came Rideing at full Speed With
all their Weapens of [up] in a florish as tho the Ware Chargeing uppon
an Enemey but on their near aproch the most frendly disposition appereed
in all their actions as Well [as] gusters—by this time We Hed Some meat
Cooked of Which the Willingly purtuck but Spareingly—as it after Wards
appeered the Head plenty at their Camp and Eat With [us] out of pure
frendship—amongst party Was the princeple Cheef of the Kiaways for these
Ware of that nation—the Cheef With three others Stayed With us all night
the others Returned to their Camp about Sundown
20th novmbr 1821 tusday
Collected our Horses Early—by Which time a great nomber of the Indeans
arived from Camp and moved up with [us] and crossed over the River Which
Was fordable but the Watter Cold and the Ice Runing a little—our Horses
Ware so loded that our men Ware all on futt but the Indeans took them
behind them on their Horses and Carryed them over the River—from our Camp
to the Indeans was about three miles West—[65]
Heare the Cheef gave up one of His lodges for the purpose of Store[ing]
the goods—and took posesion and Charge of all our Horses threw the Hole
of this day the Indeans Continu to arive and Set up their lodges—So that
by night We Ware a large town Containing up Wards two Honderd Houses Well
filled With men Wemon and Children—With a great nombr of dogs and Horses
So that the Hole Cuntry to a great distance Was Coverd—this Scenes Was
new to us and the more So after our long Jurney Seeing no persons but our
Selves—the Indeans Ware frendly takeing us to the lodges of their great
men and all Ways Seting Some meat for us to Eat. tho Some times Boiled
Corn Beens or mush Which arteckels the precured from the Spanyards
Wensday 21st nov 1821
lay in Camp all day Eating and Smokeing With the Indeans—and took
the Bareing of the mountains from a point one Half mile north of our
Camp—High Peak N 61 W South Eand of Same mountain N 82 W Heare a new
mountain appeers or is a Ridge in the forkes of the River North Eand Nᵒ
84 W South Eand N 87 W—Nᵒ 2 of the first mountains North Eand Sᵒ 87 W
Highest Point Sᵒ 45 W—Heare the mountain takes a more Westwardly Corse
and Continues a broken Ridge to a High point or Ridge and Stands Sᵒ 42
W—and falling a little lower and Continues to the forth mountains or
double Peekes—Which Stands thus 4th Sᵒ 27 W 5th Sᵒ 25 West from this
point We See no more of the mountains to the South We See large parteys
of Indeans Comeing in threw the day and Seting up their Houses or lodges—
22nd nov 1821—
Remained in Camp all day Holding Counsels Eating and Smokeing and
traiding a little With Indans—
the snow Has now Increeced to about 10 Inches deep and the Wind Extreemly
Cold the River frosen up Close the Ice to a great thickness—and Heare in
the Coldest mornings you might see Several Hundred Children Naked—Running
and playin on the Ice—Without the least appeerence of Suffering from the
Cold—the Highatans[66] amounting to about 350 lodges arived this day and
Camped With the others We are now Incresed to a cettey—
friday 23rd nov 1821—
this morning a Councel Was hild amongst the Cheefs of both the nations
and Conl glann With his Interpreter Was Sent for—and Was told by the
Ietan Cheef that the Ware Readey to Receve the goods in His Posesion
that His father the Presedent Had Sent them—But When He Was told that
there Was no Such goods He Became in a great Pashion and told the Conl
that He Was a lyer and a theef and that He Head Stolen the goods from
His farther[67] and that He the Cheef—Wold take the goods and Segnefyed
that He Wold kill the Conl and His men too upon Which the Conl and His
Inturpreter With drew—the Cheefs of both nations Remaned in Counsel all
day—and our Setuation Was not of the most plesent nature. the Kiaways
Ware our frends But the others Ware the most numerous—the former Clames
us their property and frens But the later We aprehend intend to use
force and in this Setuation We Remained all day—the young Warriors
Crouded Round us so that We Cold Scarcly Stir—about Sun down a tall
Indean Came Runing threw the Camp Calling out—me arapaho Cheef White
mans mine and Shakeing Hands With us as fast as poseble asked for the
White man Captain and on being Shoon In a lodge Wheare Conl glann With
the Inturpreter Was—He Rushed in—but Was out In an Instant thumping His
brest With His fist saying White man mine arapoho Plenty Pointing the
Way He Came—from [which] We soon understood that the Hole nation Ware at
Hand and that We Head nothing to dred from the Highatans—Who began to
disappeer from about us—and from that time We felt In Purfect Securety
Haveing two out of three of the nation In our favour and part of the 3rd
our frends—but the are all Sobordenet to their Cheefs—
Satterday 24th november 1821
a nomber of Cheefs of other nations arive In Camp—thing Ware [things
wore] a better appeerence—We Sopose there Is now about 350 lodges—Some
little traid for Buffelow Roabs for the benefit of the Hands on our
arivel at this Camp there Was about forty lodges of Indeans—Kiawas and
Padducas the Continu to Increes and last night on Counting them over
find now four Hunderd of the following nations—Ietans—Arrapohoes—Kiawa
Padduce—Cheans—Snakes—the Ietan the most numerous and the most Disperete
the Arrapohoes the Best and most Sivvel to the White men Habits—but Heare
We find some diffeculty in Councl With So many Indeans—and no Inturpreter
But Mr Roy—He Spoke Some Pane and [in] that language our Councils Ware
Held—the Indeans are Sartainly Ignorent of the Ways or Customs of the
White man and Have less Capasety to larn then any Indeans I Have yet
Seen—the Have many Wants but no meens of Supplying them—Haveing nothing
to traid but Horses and them We do not Want—We have found amongest them
about 20 Bever only the Early Habits of those Indeans Precludes them
from makeing Bever Hunters as the Cuntry Which the In Habet Contains but
few—and the Indeans Hunt the Buffelow
Sunday 25th novem 1821
We found Withe the Ietans a Spanish Prisnor Whome With great difeculty
We purchased yesterday With $150 in goods and He In Joyed one night
of liberty a Hapey Chaing from that of a Slave to an Indean—but
unfortnetly—at day light this morning the goods Ware Returned and the
Prisnor taken back to His formor master again—but We Will Spair no
means in our power [to] Releve Him again and Send Him out of their Reech
this man is from the Southern Provence near St Antoni[68] With Which
the Indeans are at War—tho at Peece With new maxeco and the Spanish in
Habetance there—We Have been viseted by Some of the Spanish Indeans from
maxeco the live in the vilege of Tows[69]—its Six days Easey travel from
Heare—the are all Catholicks the Indeans Inform us that there are White
men near the great [Pike’s] Peak of the mountain on the River Platt—and
three days Hard travel from this place—
on the night of the 23rd a Snow fell about one foot deep and the Weather
is now Cold the River frosen up the Ice a great thickness and the Indean
Children that is able to walk and up to tall boys are out on the Ice
by day light and all as naked as the Came to the World Heare the are
at all kinds of Sport Which their Setuation Will admit and all tho the
frost is very seveer the apper quite Warm and a lively as I Heave Ever
Seen Children In mid Summer I am shure that We Have Seen more than one
thousand of these Children on the Ice at one time and Some that Ware too
young to Walk Ware taken by the larger ones and Soot on a pece of skin on
the Ice and In this Setuation kick its [legs] Round and Hollow and laff
at those Round it at play—I have no doupt but that to take one of our
White Children and Put it In Such Cold Weather in that Setuation it Cold
not live Half an Hour on the 23rd four Ietan Indeans arrive With the news
of Peace being maid With the osages by the Big Cheefs below—
five days before our arival at this place a battle Was faught Near
the mountains betwen those Indeans and the Crows in which the formor
lost nine men and the latter fifteen—amongest the arrapohoes In this
Ingagement there Was one young Warear that about two years ago Was
Shot threw the boddey and all the Skin taken off His Head down to His
Ears for a scelp—and in the last battle Was Shot threw one of His feet
Which Is now getting Well—and on this [occasion] an alarm Was Raised
of a War party apoching Camp When this man With His father Was amongst
the foremost on Hors back to meet danger—but the alarm Was With[out]
foundation and all Returned to Camp With[out] a fight
the Kiawa Cheef Reported to us that He Head ben In Council all day on the
23rd With the Ietan Who proposed to Him to Join In a War against osages
and the White men—to Which He disagread—dureing the Hole of that day
the Ietan manefested a very unfriendly dispsetion to Wards us—and the
Princeple Cheefs Informed us that When mager longe[70] Was there He told
them that the Predesent Wold Send them plenty of goods and that the goods
We Head Ware Sent to Him and that We Head no Wright to traid them but
When He discovered that His demands Wold not be Complyed With Chainged
His disposetion and Seems very frendly and this night offered Conl glann
and Mr Roy Each one of His Wifes—the greates token of frendship those
Indeans Can offer—but the offer Was de Clined telling Him that it Was not
the White mans Habits
26th nov 1821
We moved one mile down the River to take a better Camp and Build a house
and git of of being so Crouded—the Ietan and Some of the Kiawa threatned
to stop us but maid no atempt When We Started. We maid our Camp With the
old Kiawa Cheef Who moved along With us Heare We Have plenty of young
Cotten Wood trees to Cut for the Horses—With good Setuation for our Camp—
27th nov 1821
Early this morning Was advised of thretned atack from the Ietan and the
Kiawa and Padduce Indeans in Consequnce of our moveing from their nibor
Hood Set the hands at Work Cutting logs to build a House—a Report Came
that the Ietans Had mounted Horses to atack us—We Continued at Work on
a House—and Was Informed that a party to Protect us Head met the others
and turned them back—the Arrapohos about day light this morning Commenced
moveing to us and by night from two to three Hunderd lodges Ware Round
us as Close as the Cold Set up their lodges Which Seemed to afford ample
protection from the others
between 12 & 1 oclock We Received a veset from the Ietan Cheef the first
time He Came near us Since We moved He Was very frendly and Efected
to know nothing of the difecuealty that had Existed—We Have Heare now
about seven Hunderd lodges of the nations mentioned on the 25th With the
addicion of the Cheans—about two Hunderd lodges—We Sopose those Lodges to
Contain from twelve to twenty pursons of all Sises—Some Horses Have been
Stollen Every night Since We arived amongst them Seven of our own are
amongst the mising a party of one Hunderd and fifty men Went In pursute
of the theefs but Returned Without overtakeing them—We Ware this day much
afected by the arivel of Findley Who Head been absent from us 30 days
alone and on foot He informed us that Ware parteys of Pannees Ware both
behind and before Him tho He seen none—
28th nov 1821
about 10 oClock a party of 200 men Started the diferent nations to
Reinforce a party gon before them In pursute of Stolen Horses With
orders to Pursu till the Caught them—the Indeans manefest a more frendly
disposion and Intimate an Intention of moveing down the River In
Consequance of the many Horses Stolen from them Heare—betwen 4 and 500
Horses Have [been] Stolen from them Since We arived and mostly from the
Pens in the Center of the vilege surrounded by upwards of seven Hunderd
lodges of Wachfull Indeans—the Ware Parties Returned Without Efecting any
thing Except those on foot Wore the Soles off their mockesons—
29th nov 1821
the Snow Has Intirely disappeered and the ground dry as dust—
the Remainder of the War partey Have all Returned
on our Way up the River before our arivel at the Indeans Camp I broke
one of the glasses out of my Specks—and on puting them on one day I soon
felt the Hand of an Indean grasp them from my face He maid off as fast
as poseble I gave up the Specks for lost but Head no moad of Replaceing
them—In a Short time I Heard great Shouting and laffing and looking to
See What Was the Caus I discovered the Indean that Head taken my Specks
Leading an other With the Specks on His face the felow Was Led up to me
and I was shoon that He Head but on Eye—and that the Specks Wold Sute Him
better [than] me as the Head but one glass Heare Eanded the Joack the
Returned the Specks in much good Humor amongst all the Ware present
30th november 1821
Pased this day With out any diffigualty Prepareing Some Hunters to trap
in the mountains.
1st Decembr 1821
fine Weather nothing new—
2nd norr [Dec.] 1821
an alarm of the Enemy found two of the Horses Soposed to be stolen—the
Ietan braught them In—the Hunters detained on act of an alarm—
3rd Decmbr 1821
Started the trappers under the Command of Slover—and With Him
Simpson—maxwell—Pryer Findley and Taylor
4th Decmbr 1821
Fine Weather for the Season this day termenated Without any
difegualty—the Ietan Cheef Sick Sent for Conl glann to give Some medeson
but declined In consequance of His former bad Conduct
6th Decm 1821
Fine Weather the Indeans talk of moveing the Buffelow are now drove to
Some distance and this I [is] not to [be] thought Straing as about one
Hunderd of them are Eaten In Camp Each day Sinc our aRivel
7th Decm 1821
Fine Weather—nothing new to day
8th Decm 1821
the morning fine Weather the Indeans Still talk of moving but as yet
Remain Heare—the furnish [us] With Plenty of the best of buffelow meet at
a low Rate bu do not Wish us to Hunt them our Selves—aledgeing We Wold
drive the Buffelow all off the Ietan Cheef Calling fore Some medecon a
day or two back and find[ing] His Complaint Was not dangerous Conl glann
gave Him Some Rice and Black Pepper With derections to boil and make soop
of it—to day He paid us a viset Pufed up and Well as Ever the Arrapoho
Cheef Says He Was Restored to Health by the Same medeson—
9th Decmbr 1821
Fine Weather Continues—yesterday gave notice that Some Horses Wold be
purchased but none Has maid their appeerence—
10th Decm 1821
yesterday purchased one very fine Hors from an Ietan at a High Price—the
Weather fine this morning but the Wind from N W no more Horses offered
this day—
11th
last night Was Clouday the River is now oppen Haveing thad [thawed] in
the those last Warm days—the Weather is now Colder
12th Decm 1821
the Cold Weather Still Continues but the River is not frosen up yesterday
a War partey Returned the Ware of the Ietans—With 28 Horses taken from
the Crows on the River Platt below the mountains—the Ware five nights
Returning the Ietans this day moved up the River We Ware unable to by any
more Horses tho We offered High Prices
13th Decm 1821
last night the River frose up the Weather is very Cold the Indeans
determen to move up the River for Wood and meet We offerd to go With them
on the 15th Which Satisfyed them very much and they offered us Horses to
Carry our goods but unable to make any more purchases for feer We leave
them a the [as they] appeer much atached to us
14th Decmbr 1821
the Indeans Exspect to meet the Spanyerds on the River above this place
to traid With them this morning We Commenced packing up to move—
15th Decm 1821
the Indeans furnished us With Some Horses Which Inabled us to move With
them up the River about five miles[71] West from our Camp and Heare
Camped on the South Side of the River—but about one mile below Wheare We
Camped the Kiawa Cheef With His nation Had Stoped and Intended We Shold
Stop With them but the Arropoho Cheef told us We Shold go to His Camp
Which We Intend to do but Heare a new diffqualty arises as the Clame us
as their frends—Which may lead to a Ware With them and destruction to our
Selves but this Was Soon got over as two of our men Stoped with the Kiawa
Cheef till He got in a good Hummor and telling Him that He aught to go
With us—that it Was Him that left us and not We that left Him—With this
He Was Satisfyed and one of the [men] Remained With Him all night and
frend Ship Was Restored the Kiawas Came to our Camp as ushal—
16th Decm 1821
the man and load left With the Kiawas Was braught up and no difequality
than the Refuse to Sell us Horses Still feering We Will leave them—but to
day purchased 2 mules and three Horses from the Arrapohos
17th Decm 1821
the Weather verry much moderated Haveing much the appeerence of the
Indean Sommer
more Sevelity Exsists amongst those Indeans than anny I have Ever knone
it is de[si]rable on that accoumpt not to Camp Seperate from any of the
Bands—but on the other Hand you are Continuly Crouded With young men and
old begers—We yet Want about ten Horses—and all tho there is about 20,000
in our inCampment and the [Indians are] distetute of Every thing—We are
afraid We Will not be able to obtain them the Arrapohoes Have but few in
Compareson With the others owing to their Haveing last Sommer traided
With Chians of the mesurey [Missouri]—the Ietan and Kiawa Have great
nombers of very fine Horses—and Equal to any I have Ever knone—
18th Decm 1821
about ten oclock last night the Wind Chainged to the West and the Weather
Exstreemly Cold So that We Cold not do any thing—We yesterday traided for
two Horses and one mule—the Kiawas paid us a viset and Invited us to a
feest So We are frends again—
19th Decm 1821
the Cold In Creces So that it Is Imposeble to travel on the Pirarie—the
Children Have now fine Sport on the Ice
20 Decm 1821
at day light We Ware alarmed by the Sound of Heavey bloes Struck by one
Indean uppon an other Who Run towards our lodge and Was persued with the
tamehak at about one Rod distance a blo Was Struck but the Indean Run
Round our lodge—but Was overtaken and Receved a Heavey blow on the Back
of the neck Which felled Him to the ground apperently dead—but a nomber
of Squas Interfeered and Carryed off the Soposed dead Indean and Saved
His life—We find Him to be the Son of the Kiawa Cheef and first frend
amongst the Indeans His murdorer Was the brother of the great Arrapoho
Cheef and our frend and protecter We are now feerful of the most Seerous
Consequences as We are not able to Say What may Happen betwen the two
nations—as War betwen them Wold be fatel for us
21st Decm 1821
the man Wounded yesterday is not dead and is likely to recover—the Case
of the atack on His Was the Steeling the medecen bagg of the other Who
Was a Cheef no other difequelty is apprehended as the bagg is Returned
and axepted—We have Sucseeded in purchasing as many Horses as Will answer
our Purposese of moveing—at night the Snow began to fall—
22nd Decm 1821
the Ietan Cheef Has not viseted us Since He moved up the River in
Consequence of not Receveing Some presents He demanded on the day He
moved but the Braves appeer friendly this four days We Calcolate on
moveing on Crismus day to the mountains no Inter Corse betwen the
arrapoho and the Kiawa for two days
23rd Decm 1821
We Informed the Indeans that on the 25th We Wold move to the mountains—at
night Indeans Inform us of their detirmenation to move With us—
24th Decm 1821
promising to move the arrapoho determened to acCompany us to night Conl
glann Sent for the Kiawa Cheef and paid for the use of His lodge allso
gave a meddle the likeness of genl Jacson Informed Him it Was not the
medle of His great father but it Was given Him as a token of a great man
and as the frend of the White men and Charged Him at the Same time that
When Ever He meet the White man to treat Him frendly to Which He agread
With great Satisfaction
25th Decm 1821
this morning the Conl gave the Ietan Cheef a shirt medle and Small
presents With the Same Cerymones and promeses as the Kiawa yesterday last
Evening We Sent for Him but being un Well and unable to Come He Sent His
brother by Home [whom] We Sent [word] We Wold viset Him in the morning We
found Him very un Well and discovered the Indisposion Was the Caus of His
not viseting us Since He moved up the River He Exspresed much frendship
and Satisfaction—
the arrapoho move with us this morning.
It is but Justice to Say We find the Kiawa the best Indeans possing more
firmness and manly deportment than the arrapoho and less arogance and
Hatey Pride than the Ietan—we Ware In vited this day to Eat With one of
the arrapoho Cheefs He Seet before us a dish of fat meat of Which We Eat
plentyfully We Ware then asked if We new what kind of meat We Ware Eating
We told We did not He then Said it Wa[s] a dog telling us it [was] a
great feest With the Indeans—and that He Invited us for that purpose—
We move up the River West Eight miles and Camped on the South Side
Crossing a fork[72] of the River at five miles this forke is Small and
Heads to the South there is Some Cotten Wood a long its bottoms Which
appeer to be very Rich and Wide Eknof for farms—the Arrapohos acompany
us We Ware fortunate In parting With the Rest of our nibours With out
any difequalty—We Have now in all thirty three Horses In Cludeing two
belongeing to Peno one to Vanbeber two [to] J and R Fowler and two to
Duglass one to Bono all in bad ordor—
26th Decm 1821
moved late In Consequence of lose[ing] Some of our Horses Which Ware not
found till late In the day—our Corse South 70 West five miles[73]—We
Camped on the South Side of the River to morrow the Indeans make a Hunt
27th Decm 1821
We lay With the Indeans to let our Horses Eat Haveing kept them tyed up
Sinc We Started yesterday Pased a [Chico] Crick on the north Side of the
River its Corse is [from the] north—
28th Decembr 1821
We moved about 12 oclock and Went five miles up the River and Camped on
the South Side Heare is the Statement of Conl glann on parting With the
Arrapoho Cheef[74]
I never parted with a man who showed as much sorrow as the chief of
the arrapoho He persuaded us very much to stay with him one moon
longer—stating to us the danger of having our horses stolen &c &c but
finding in the morning we determined to start he made no objection, after
giving him a medal &c as I did to the other Chiefs—and making a small
present with all of which he was much satisfied when I shook hands with
him to start he threw himself on his bed in tears—after traveling about
one mile we was overtaken by one of his brothers, a young chief with a
request to incamp on this side as his brother was starting to follow so
as to sleep one more night with us we are truly fortunate in having those
3 nations with us—
29th Decr
The chief did not arrive last night as he sent us word—but early next
morning an express arrived to inform us that instant as he was starting
Two spaniards arrived and that a party of 60 were expected to-day with
a request for us to return and see them—Mr Roy & myself immediatly
returned, and recᵈ with as much Joy and satisfaction by the village as if
though we had been absent for one year the friendship which they shew us
before the spaniards will convince them that shoᵈ the party expected be
hostile we will have the friendship of the Indians and although my party
is now only 13 men in all I fele no fear in meeting 60 Spaniards, with
the multitude of the Indians.
30th Decr
Yesterday at about 3 Oclock we went out to the Prarie to see if we
could discover the spanish party—we discovered them about 5 miles
distance, we advanced to meet them—when they discovered us they halted
and formed to receive us in “military style”—we were requested by our
Companion to Halt, when we were received on a full charge—To within
ten paces of us when the men all dismounted and embraced us with
affection and friendship—they are all creoles of that country—seem well
disposed—possess far less sence than the Indeans we are with, seem
happy and possess a greater degree of Joy at seeing us than could be
Immagined—It is a matter of astonishment the difference of treatment of
the Indians to them and our party—the Indians Commanded them as much as
we command our negroes—At night the Indians asked us if we were willing
to let the Capt. and his principle man sleep [in] the lodge with us,
which we agreed to—the Indeans derected them to pray so that we may see
their fashion which they readily agreed to and went through with the
Catholic prayers, and afterwards prayed fervently for us—their whole
trading equipment in the U. S. would not sell for fifty dollars—In short
to describe them would require the pen of a Butler and the pencil of a
Hogarth—They leave here to morrow for home and I intend to accompany them—
31st Decr.
It is only necessary to Judge of them to say the Capt. and all his party
were painted like the Indians the day they traded—and during the prayer
the Capt. Caught a louse on his shirt and eat it—[75]
the Spaniards moved up to our Camp from the Indeans for the purpose
of [selling] us Some Corn the no [they know] nothing about our moad
of measurement but ask at the Rate of ten dollers pr Bushil the ask
thirty dollers for a mule and one Hunderd dollers for ther best Running
Horses—We Intend leaveing this With the Spanierds in the morning—
January 1st 1822
this being a holaday With our nibours We lay by all day—Haveing about two
pounds of bacon Which I Head kept as a Reserve I Heare Shewd it to the
Indeans—the Cheef asked What kind of anemel maid that meat When He Was
told a Hog He Requested the Shape of it to be maid on the Sand When that
Was [done] all the Indeans said the Head never Seen Such an animal and
appeered to Wonder and think it Strange that the Head never Seen the like
Soposing them Selves to Have Seen all kind of anemels—
I Heare left mager Fowler in Charge of the Camp With Instructions to
fortify His Camp and Hors Peen to treat all Indeans frendly but traid
With none—and shold War party Call to let them Have Some Powder ball and
Paint With Some tobaco
on the 30th ultimo three of our [men] Ware Sent out to the mountains to
Hunt for Buffelow and Ware meet by a party of thirteen Indeans of the
Crowes Haveing With them about two Hunderd Horses Which the Had Stolen
from Some other nation and Ware on theer Way Home—the took our men
Prisnors as fare as the River Wheare the took from them their Powder
ball and Blankets giveing them nine fine Horses in payment for What the
Head taken While this traid Was progresing the Horses Ware Crossing
on the Ice—a Ware Party of arrapohoes over took them a battle Was the
Consequence and Each party took off part of the Horses and our men maid
their Escape In the Battle leaveing all the Horses the Head obtained of
the Indeans—the Ware treated frendly by the Crowes and tolled the Ware
taken only to prevent them from giveing Information to the arrapohoes—the
Crowes Say the left the White People on the Platt about 10 nights ago and
that it Will take them three nights to go there With their Horses Wheare
the left the Rest of their nation—the speeke on the most frendly terms
of the White men and Say the are about 35 in nomber—all the nesecery
araingements are maid for my Self and four men to Set out in the morning
to Cross the mountains to Santafee—[76]
Jany 2nd 1822
this morning the Spanierds Began to Collect their Horses and load for
their departure—Conl glann and four men Set out With them—leaveing me
With Eight men in an oppen Camp With the ballence of the goods after
takeing Some things With Him to Sell So as to pay their Exspences. We
are now In the Hart of the Inden Cuntry and Emedetly on the great Ware
Road—not only of one nation against the others—in the Road to all the
Spanish Settlements With Which the Indeans on this Side of the mountains
are at War—So that our Setuation is not of the most Plesent kind—We Have
no meet In Camp—and Con Clude to Send two Hunters out With Horses in the
morning to kill Some meat Intending to Set the ballence of the Hands at
Work to build a Hous and a Strong Peen for the Horses at night
Jany the 3rd 1822
Roas Early to Start the Hunters ordered two of the men to Prepare the
Horses While the Hunters got Readey—but the men lay Still I maid the
Second Call but With no better Sucsees—I then discovered that a mutney
Was Intended—and Emedetly drew one of the men from His beed by the top of
His Head. but [one] of his frends in the Plott asisted Him—and We Ware
Soon all In a Scoffel. but Robert Fowler Soon Came to my asistance—and
the bisness as Soon Ended—tho it Was Some time before the gave up their
Intended muteney and five of them Seperated to them Selves and declared
the Wold do the plased and Wold not be ordered by any other porson—I
soon discovered that the Exspected the Spanierds Wold not let Conl
glann Return and that they Intended to make the best of the goods the
Cold—aledgeing the Ware the Strongest party and that the Wold pay them
Selves—on Which discovery I told them that un less the Wold Return to
their dutey I Wold send for the Arrapoho Cheef Who Wold be gld to asist
me to take Care of the goods and that the might go Whare the plased—and
that I Wold not Suffer them to meddle With the goods—the then Held a
Councle and sent one man to tell me that If I Wold be acountable to them
for their pay—the Wold go to their dutey and do What I ordored them—to
Which I toled them I wold make no new Bargen With them—and that If the
Chose the might go on With their mutenous Sceen—that I Cold protect the
goods till the Indeans Came for Which I Wold Soon Send—the then all
Came and Stated that the Wold do What I told them and Wold go to Work
Emedetley—and asked me to think of them and Secure the pay for them If
Conl glann Shold not Return Which the Espected He never Wold. and that
it Wold be Heard for them to loos all their Wages—to Which I toled them
if the Continued to do as good and Honest men aught that as fare as the
goods Wold Reech they Shold be paid—the two men Went out to Hunt but
Returned With out killing any thing—now all Hands Went to Worke Willingly
and by night We Head the Hors Peen finished and the Hous With two pens
four logs High—Which maid part of the Hors Pen and the door of the Hous
in the Hors Peen Which Was So Strong that a few Indeans Cold not take the
Horses out With out Choping Some of the logs—and must Waken us all tho We
Slept Ever So Sound—
Friday 4th Jany 1822
Went to Work Early got our House nine loggs High—and began to pitch the
tents on the top by Way of a Roof the House Just Wide Enof for that
purpose We Heared a gun near Camp two of the Hunters out We Soon Heared
another and then Several others I took up my gun and Went to the plase
Whear Robert Fowler Head killed two deer and Wounded Several more Heare
We met With Ward With one deer and one turkey We Have now plenty of meet
the first We Have Head for five days all Which time We lived on Corn
precured from the Spanierds—
yesterday While we Ware building our House the Arrapoho Cheef and two
of His Brothers Came to our Camp With one mule We had lost While With
them—for Which I gave them Some presents—one of them Went to our Horses
and Caught Hold [of] one Which Ward Head braught in a few days ago Which
He Soposed the Crows Had lost—but the Arrapoho Clames—and I have no doupt
of His being the oner—Ward derectly asked the Indean for presents Stating
that I Head given them Some thing for finding the mule that He Wanted
Some for finding the Horse—but this demand ofended the Indeans He Stated
that the did not Cut off the mules tail to alter its looks as Ward Had
don the Hors—and throing down What the Head Receved said the Wold keep
the mule and that they Head lost three Horses and Soposed that Ward Head
taken them all and that the other two Ware yet among our Horses and Went
and looked—but Cold find no more—I told them there Was but one braught to
Camp and that Ward Had don Rong to Cut the Horses tail—that He Head allso
don Wrong to ask any thing I gave them up the Hors and told them to take
What I Head given them—Presented the pipe Which the Smoked beged Some
Powder and Bullets Which gave them—the are now quite pleased—Set off to
go to their Camp Huging us all before the Start telling us the move Camp
to morrow and Will meet us in the Spring on the River as We go down
Saterday 5th Jany 1822
three men Went With Horses on the Hunt of Buffelow but Returned With out
seeing any this day finished our House and Packed in all the goods
Sunday 6th Jany 1822
Went up to the Warm Spring Branch[77] and Soot two traps but the Weather
is So Cold I beleve the bever Will not Come out—duglass in the Evening
on driveing up the Horses Reports Some Buffelow In Sight the Hunters Will
look for them In the morning
monday 7th Jany 1822
Went out to look for the Buffelow Seen them but killed none—Went With
Robert Fowler to the traps—Caught nothing on our Return We Went to the
Washed Rock as We Called it Which Stands near the Bace of the Second
bottom or low Hills the are about fifty feet Higher than the low Bottom
and Exstend back to Some miles With out Riseing much Higher it appeers
that this High land Exstended once Round this Rock and has been Washed a
Way by the River the Rock is about ten feet Higher than the Highest land
in the nibour Hood and in the neck of low ground betwen a point of from
5 to 7 acers nearly Squair—and the High lands back of the bottom—and In
my openion the best Setuation In all this Section of the Cuntry for a
garison as it is near Wood and Watter Which is in the River about 100 yds
on the South West side of this table and about 50 yds from the above Rock
Which [is] only asendable on the East Side Round on the top about fifteen
feet diameter—a stone Wall is Raised on the margin of Such a Hight that
a man may Sett With Safty from Small army in the nibor Hood and about
twelve men might [illegible] With Convenence this Rock is about 400
Hunderd yds from the mouth of the Warm Spring branch Which is West from
th Rock and Heads to the north its bottoms a bout ½ a mile Wide—a large
River bottom on the South and West mostly Pirarie—the High Ridge Exstends
from the Rock about South East—this Crick Contains Watter soffecent for
mills and With a long Raice plenty of fall may be Head—
tusday 8th Jany 1822
Went up to the mouth of the Crick from that to the Hill mentioned
yesterday and looking up the River Seen the glisning of a gun barrel or
Swoard blaid but Cold See nothin Elce Returned to Camp
Wensday 9th Jany 1822
my Self Robert Fowler and Jesey Vanbeber Went on Hors back to look for
Buffelow on the South Side of the River at about one and a Half miles up
the River We Ware Stoped by Vanbeber Calling to us that He Seen Seven or
Eight Indeans on the Pirarie on the north Side of the River—that He Seen
their gunbarrels gleson tho at about three miles distance We Returned to
Camp Emedetly—and Head the Horses drove up and garded the ballence of
the day—tho We Seen nothing more of the Indeans—I Exspect the Ware a War
party looking for the Arrapoho to Steel their Horses and that the Head
Seen nothing of us or the Wold Have paid us a viset—
thorsday 10th Jany 1822
Went out on the South Side of the River took Pall With me I went about
three miles over leavel Loos Sandey land to a High Ridge from Which We
Seen one Buffelow about 2 miles beyound us—We Returned to Camp Killed
nothing—the Hunters killed nothing—our meet scarce this morning Head the
Ice Sanded So as to make a Road for the Horses fine grass on the north
Side We put them over and Return them at night in to the Pen Whear We
feed them With the tops of the Young Cotten Wood—of Which the are very
fond
Friday 11th Jany 1822
Sent the Horses over Early. duglas to Hord them as Has been the Case Ever
Since the Conl left us. one man all day With the Horses and drive them up
at night the Wach by day is taken by turns amongest the Hands We Have now
thirty Horses In Cluding those belonging to Indeviduels—about 12 oclock
the Hunters Came In from the mountains Six in nomber the Weather Is So
Cold the Cannot trap the Have Caught only Seven Bever killed Some deer
Ealk and buffelow our Hunters kill one deer this day our Sperets are a
little Raised We are now fifteen In nomber and this party bringing In
With them Six Horses and two mules We have thirty Eight In all
Saterday 12th Jany 1822
Sent four Hunters With Seven Horses on the South Side of the River to the
mountains to Hunt Buffelow and not to Return In less than three days
Sent the Horses over the River to Paster—With Barbo to Hord them Who
braught them all In at night
Sunday 13th Jany 1822
Sent the Horses over the River Dick Walters to Hord them—all Returned
Safte at night—the Hunters not Returned—
monday 14th Jany 1822
Sent the Horses over the River With Bono to atend them—He killed one Deer
and Braught it to Camp the Hunters Returned With Small Buffelow—the Head
Killed Several old ones but the Ware Poor and left out the Horses all up
at night
tusday 15th Jany 1822
drove the Horses over the River on the Ice as ushal—I then Went to
look out a good Setuation for a new Settlement on the north Side of
the River—Intending to move tomorrow Should no acoumpt Reach us from
Conl glann—as We began to Sopose He Is now not at liverty to send or
Return there being the full time Elapsed in Which He promised to Send
an Exspress—and We think that a party of Spanirds may be Sent to take
us prisnors—for Which Reason Intend makeing a Strong Hous and Hors Pen
on the Bank of the River Wheare it Will not be In the Powe of an Enemy
to aproch us from the River Side—and Shold the Spanierds appeer In a
Hostill manner We Will fight them on the Ameraken ground. the River Hear
being the line by the last tretey—the Horses all up at night
Wensday 16th Jany 1822
moved Camp Early up the River on the north Side to the Spot I looked out
yesterday—We Built a Strong Hors Peen and Put up the Horses at night—no
Word from Conl glann—We begin to Conclude as Is not Well Him [all is not
well with him]
thorsday 17th Jany 1822
Sent the Horses out to grase With Dick Walters to atend them Robert
Fowler and my Self Each Shott one aughter [otter] on the Ice the Horses
all up at night no Word from Conl glann We Intend building a Hous to
morrow about one Hour In the night thirty Indeans of the Crows Came In to
our Camp and Ware frendly Recogniseing the three men the maid Prisnors
on the 30th of last month and Exspressed much Joy to See them. and that
the Head got Saft out of the fight With the Arrapohos—Stateing the Ware
going to War With that nation We gave them Plenty of boiled meet of Which
the Eat Hartily I gave them Some tobaco to Smoke—after the Head don
Eating and Smokeing the Sung a long Song and all lay down and Slept tell
morning—
Friday 18th Jany 1822
the Cheef this morning asked for Some tobaco Powder and lead for His
People Which I gave Him With Which he appered Well Pleesed and gave me
a Hors and I then [gave him] four knives—the Indeans begun now to move
off—but takeing What the Cold lay their Hands on—one of our men lost a
Pistle I toled [the] Cheef Who Returned [it] Emedetly—and Caused all to
be Returned He Cold but Some of the Indeans Head gon before the artickels
Ware mised on fellow Came In to my tent threw down His old Roab and took
a new one—I took it from Him and toled Him to take His own—and on His
takeing it took my Saddle bagg all So—I took them from Him and Pushed Him
out of the tent—by this time one of the [men] Called out the an Indean
Was going off With His Blanket I applyed to the Cheef Who followed the
fellow and braught back the blanket—but the fellow Coming back Presented
His gun at Simpson—on Which We Ware all Redey for Battle In an Instent
but the Indean let down His gun Picked up an old Roab He Had left as it
appeered in place of the blanket the Cheef then moved them all off before
Him—but after the Ware gon Several things Ware missing amongst the Rest a
Roal of large Brass Wier three blankets five knives a smelting ladle and
Dick Walters Shot pouch and Powder Horn With their Contents the Cheef
toled me the Ware In Sarch of the Arrapohos Who He Said Head left [this]
part of the Cuntry and gon to the South that He Wold Return Home to the
River Wheare the White men Ware traid Ing With His nation and Stated that
the Whites Ware Sixty five in nomber—the Indeans Have Eaten up nearly all
our meet and We feel alarmed least the Shold Return—and Soon Set about
building a Hous—nor did We let out the Horses till We Ware Well ashored
the Indeans Ware all gone off—
We built the Hous With three Rooms and but one out Side door and that
Close to the Hors Pen So that the Horses Cold not be taken out at night
Without our knoledge We got the Hous Seven logs High and Well Chinked the
goods al stoed a Way before night—two of our Hunters Went Some distance
on the Indean trail and See two of them Sitting on a Hill as a Rear
gard—and on our men Returning the Cold See three Indeans following them
Some distance but least the Should Come back and take our Horses the
Ware all drove Into the Peen and garded the balence of the day and all
night—We now felled trees a Cross the Hors Peen So that it Was Imposeble
for the Indeans to take the Horses out With out Choping them off and our
door and Hors Peen door Ware So Setuated that [they] Cold not be taken
out With out our knoledge as We kept two Sentnals all night and all
the men Slept With their armes Readey beleveing the Indeans from the
disposetion Shoon to Steell When the left us Wold Return at night and
Steel our Horses—
Satterday 19th Jany 1822
Sent out the Horses Early and Bono to Watch them—the Ware all up at night
and two Sentnals up all night We See nothing of the Indeans but Exspect
them In a few days—the Cheef toled us He Exspected to Return In a few
days and that We Shold move up betwen the mountains out of the Ware path
that a great many parteys Wold Com this Way and Wold Steel all our Horses
and take our goods to avoid Which We must go up betwen the mountains out
of their Way and Whear there Was plenty of deer Elk and Buffelow and that
as the White mans frend He Wold viset us there—
How Ever good this advice I Cold not Pursue it till the time Sott by
Conl glann to Return Shold Run out Which Wold be on the 2nd day of
febury—and if He did not come by that it Wold be becaus He [was] detained
a prisnor—and then I was to go Whear I thaught best
Sunday 20th Jany 1822
the Horses out Early Ward and maxwell to gard them—Robert Fowler and
Slover Caught one bever and a bever took off our trap Which appeers Was
Swept a Way by the Runing of the Ice—I sott 2 traps In the Evening the
Horses all up at night
Monday 21st January 1822—
I Caught one large bever this morning—and Slover a Small one—the Horses
out Early—We are all most out of meet—and our Corn begining to be Scarce
Con Clude to Send Hunters out tomorrow to kill buffelow Horses all up at
night
tusday 22nd Jany 1822
I Sent off three men with four Horses to kill Buffelow Findley out to
Wach the Horses Caught one Bever the Hunters Return at night but killed
nothing found one mair Soposed to Have been Stolen by the Indeans found
two Horses and braught them to Camp—Seen one other Hors the did not take
Will go after Him to morrow Horses all up at night
Wensday 23rd Jany 1822
Horses out Early—High Wind and Clear—tho a little Cloudey before day
light—the Hole of this month up to this time Clear Hard frosts at night
the last ten days Warm the Ice Which Was Eighteen [inches] thick on the
River is nearly gon and the River oppen—Caught one bever and lost one
trap Which Caught a bever Which pulled up the Stake to which the trap
Was fasned and all Went off together—the Horses all up at night two of
the men drove a Hors Soposed to Have Strayed from the Indeans—the men
now begin to gro verey un Easey no Word from the Conl—He promised to
Send Peno back in fifteen days it is now twenty three days and no Word
We Exspect they are all prisnors—and that a party of Spanierds to take
[us] will be Heare Shortly but them We Intend to fight and not be taken
and not leeve our House till the month is out—and then go to Some Secure
place in the mountains and Remain traping and Hunting till the grass
groes So that our Horses Can travel a Cross the grand Pirarie and then
make our Way Home
thorsday 24th Jany 1822
the Horses Sent out Early Simpson to atend them—Slover and Robert Fowler
Caught one bever—the men maid Soap yesterday and this day the are Washing
their Cloths four men out to try and kill Some der—Findley Caught one
bever I am feerfull of sending to any great distance from Camp least the
Spanierds Shold make an atack on us in their absence—and We not Strong
Enf to keep them off—In the Evening I found one of the lost traps With a
large bever In it the Horses all up at night no Word from the Conl—
Friday 25th Jany 1822
the Horses out as ushal—Ward [and] Bono killed a buffelow bull Braught In
Some of the meat it Was not fatt—taylor Road out to Hunt this morning Has
not Returned—the Horses all up at night—
Saterday 26th Jany 1822
Horses out as ushal—this morning a little Cloudy and looks like Rain of
Which We Have Seen not more than Wold Wet a mans Shirt Since We left
White River in october last taylor Returned—but killed nothing—the Horses
all up at night two Bever Ware Caught this day—
Sunday 27th Jany 1822
the Horses Sent out Early I too[k] Pall With me and Road up the north
fork on the Warm Spring branch about three miles no Ice to be Seen Except
a little on the Shores from Hear I Crossed the Cuntry to the main River
a distance of a bout five miles and Struct the River a bout three miles
above the forkes Heare the River Has all the appeerence of a Clos Hard
Winter the Ice is Close and Strong all over the River down to the forks
While below as far as We Have been for a few days the there Is but little
Ice to be Seen and a long the Shores—the Watter from the Warm Spring must
Shorly be the Caus—five Bever Braught Into Camp this day the Horses all
up at night—
monday 28th Jany 1822
the Horses out as ushal and about ten oclock two of the men Came Running
In to Camp and Stated the Indeans Ware Cetching all the Horses—Which to
us Was very unwelken nuse as part of the men Ware out So that We Cold
not Spair men anof to fight them on the Pirarie—but In a few minets the
Horses took the alarm and broak from the Indeans and Came Runing to
Camp—and Was followed by the Indeans. but Heare the Horses did not stop
but took to the Pirarie and the Indeans gave up the Chais—and Came to us
as frends—the Ware the Same party of Crows that Ware With us a few days
back and that Head Stolen So many things from us When the Ware going a
Way I Emedetly Sent Some men after the Horses and Head them Shet up
In the Pen—In the main time treeted the Indeans frendly give them Some
tobaco to smoke and boiled meat to Eat but Put all the men to Wach as We
new them to be theves It appeer the Have been In pursute of the Arrapoho
but Have not bee able to tak Horses as the are all Returning on foot—and
Will take our Horses if the Can their Hole party is now Collected and the
are twenty Seven In nomber that [is] three less than When the left us—the
Say the Had a fight With the Arrapoho and killed five and I Sopose the
lost the three mising—but now our men are all Collected and the Horses
fasned up in the Peen We think our Selves a full match for this party—the
then offered me Some Roaps in Exchaing for tobaco Which I gave them as
We Wanted Some Roaps the Chief then asken me for Some Powder Balls Paint
and virdegrees—I gave Him a ltle of Each think Ing that if I gave Him
What He asken for the Wold not Steel—but in that I was mistaken for When
the begun to move of the began to Steel but two kittles being mised the
Cheef maid Serch and found [one] the other He Cold not find—and Said
the fellow that took it Had gon off—the now appeer to be all Readey to
Start—and about ten of the go to the Hors Peen and Exmen it and I beleve
the Intend takeing all the Horses—I ordeared all the men to Stand Readey
With His [gun] In His Hand but not to use it till I Shot first—my
Intention Was to avoid a fight If poseble—but not to let them take our
Horses—but after looking Some time Round the Peen—the Cheef Spoke and
Said you aught not to Stay Heare the Indeans Will take your Horses—go to
mountains out of this Ware Road—I am the White mans frend and do not Want
the Indeans to take your Horses—He then Shook Hands to go off—and one of
His Cheefs Stole a bridle and put it in His bosem—Which I seen I Pulled
oppen His Roab and took the Bridle from Him the then moved off about
fifty yds and all stoped and appeered to prepair for Battle With their
Backs towards us—We Ware Ready for battle but intend[ed] to let them
brake the peece first but the Cheef looking Round to us and Pointing to
the Pirarie Called out tabebo[78] Which We understood to be White men—and
Heare a new difecuelty presents its self—these Indeans are at War With
the Spanierds and if that Shold be Conl glann With His party the Indeans
Will Sopose them Spanierds and atack them—but to Prevent that two of our
men Run threw the Indeans and Joined the men and Came With them up to
Camp and the Indeans Receved them as frends it proved to be Peno and Some
Spanierds Sent by Conl glann to Conduct us to the Spanish Settlement
Wheare the govenor and People Head Recd Him on the most frendly terms and
thus our feer from that quarter Ware all Removed along With Peno there
Was a french Indean or Half Breed that Spoke the Cro language We now
Held a Counsel as our talk Heare to fore Was mostly by Signs. Heare our
terms of frendship Was Renued the Cheef Stateing that He Hated that His
nation Shold be Called theves that He Wold as much as poseble Hender them
from Steeling that He Had Cursed them for Steeling but Cold not find the
Kittle—Still telling us to go to the mountains and out of the War Path
that He Had Hard Work to keep His People from Steeling our Horses—at the
Eand of the talk I gave them Some Powder and tobaco—the Shok Hand and
moved off—the Weather Became Cloudey and about dark Began to Snow a little
tusday 29th Jany 1822
Sent the Horses out Early the Hands to Packing up the goods So as to Set
out in the morning for the Spanish Settlement agreable to advice from
Conl glann We now under Stand that the mackeson [Mexican] provence Has de
Clared Independance of the mother Cuntry and is desirous of a traid With
the people of the united States Conl glann also advises me that He Has
obtained premition to Hunt to trap and traid In the Spanish provences—
Wensday 30th Jany 1822
We moved about ten oclock and Steered a little South of the 3rd mountain
over a level plain about ten miles to a Crick a bout 30 feet Wide and
Runs north East and Heads in the mountains the Bottoms in this Crick is
from three to four Hunderd yards Wide and Well Covered With Cotten Wood
and Boxelder the Bluffs about one Hunderd feet High frunted With [stone]
of a grayis Coller and to appeerence Weell adapted for Building—the
Hunters killed two Buffelow Bulls—
Sᵒ 25 West 10 miles[79]
Wensday [Thursday] 31st Jany 1822
Set out about 10 oclock and at about two miles [s]truck the Spanish Road
on our left Hand—which leads to touse [Taos, N. M.] Which We followed
and at five miles fell on a branch of the Crick on Which We lay last
night—the meet about one mile below our Camp—We kept up this Crick and
out at the Head of it and over a low Ridge to another Branch of the Same
Crick Which Puts in below the forkes of the other—We Went up this Crick
about one mile and Camped near the Mountain makeing about 10 miles in
all and a little West of South—the Hunters killed three deer and four
Buffelow one of Which Was two Poor for use and two left out all night
the Hunters being alone and not able to bring in the meet and it Was
lost—deer is plenty Heare but Wild We Will Stay Heare to morrow for the
Purpose of killing meet to load the Spare Horses—
Sᵒ 25 West 10 miles[80]
thorsday [Friday] 1st Feby 1822
Hunters out Early—killed one Cow Buffelow With In four Hunderd yards
of Camp—but So Poor the meat Was not Worth Saveing—three Bulls killed
this day and three Hors loads of meat Braught to Camp—two deer braught
into Camp—it is now Sunddown and three Hunters out yet—this morning Was
Clouday and the Snow fell about 2 Inches deep—about 10 oclock at night
the Hunters Came In Haveing killed three Buffelow and loaded their Horses
to Camp one of them Slover—got His feet a lletle frost Bitten—Conclude to
Hunt to morrow as our Horses Can Carry more meet
Friday [Saturday] 2nd Feby 1822
up Early to Start the Hunters out—but I now discover the men are all
feerfull of meeting With the Indeans as We are near the War Road and Have
maid So much Sign In the Snow that the Will track us up and Steel our
Horses Whill We are So much Scattered as not to be able to defend our
Selves—and to be left Heare Without Horses—at So great a distance from
Home—there is no knolede of What destress We might Come to—
I then Con Cluded to load up and move on the Road Which We did and on
loading up the Horses We find seven Hors loads of meet We moved on about
six miles along the futt of the mountains to [a] Crick[81] Wheare We
Camped for Wood and Watter—the Hunters killed two Bulls this day but two
Poor for use—the Snow is Heare about three Inches deep on the leavel
Pirarie but on the north Side of the Hills the old Snow is more than one
futt deep and up the mountains it is Still deeper—
Sᵒ 25 West 6 miles
Satterday [Sunday] 3rd Feby 1822
Set out Early about South along the foot of the mountains for about ten
miles to a Crick[82] [and] about five miles [further] to Whar there the
Remains of a Spanish fort to apperence ocepied about one year back—Hear
We Camped[83] for the night Which Was Cold and Windey—So that the two
men kept out as gard With the Horses—Was like to frees—as We Have kept
two men garding the Horses all night Ever Since We left our House on the
River and Intend keeping them up till We Rech the Spanish Settlement We
this day maid fifteen miles—
Sunday [Monday] 4th Feby 1822
the Wind High and Very Cold We set out Early up the valley[84] a little
West of South for about two miles thence up the Point of a mountain and
along a Ridge leave High Peeks on both Sides till We took up a High Hill
and threw a Pine groave Whar the Snow is three feet deep—and at about
five miles from Camp We Came to the top or Backbon of the mountain Which
devides the Watters of the arkensaw from the Delnort Heare the Wind Was
So Cold We Scarce dare look Round—
South 5 miles to the top of the mountain[85]
We then Steered more West down the mountain to a branch[86] of the
delnort—and down that about South for nearly ten miles to Wheare the
mountains are much lower Whear [we] Capted [camped] for the [night] We
Hear find no timber but Piny and Roal Some old logs off the mountain
for fier Wood—Dick Walters is mising and on Inquirey He Had lost His
Blanke[t]s Comeing down the mountain and tyed His Hors to a tree and gon
back to find them and that His Hors broke loos and overtook the Reer
party at about four miles from Whare He tied Him the Hors Was Hear Caut
and tied again it is now Sundown and no Word of Dick We are afraid He is
frosen We maid fifteen miles this day—Walters got to Camp Some time In
the night
Sᵒ 45 West 10 miles[87]
Monday [Tuesday] 5th Feby 1822
Set out Early down the Crick nearly South at five miles [leaving]
the Crick on our Right Hand Came to Crick[88] Runing West With Some
Cottenwood and Willows We Crossed this Crick Into an oppen plain[89] of
great Exstent We Have now left the mountains behind us and on our left
Hand tho there are Some to be Seen at a great distance on our Right and
In frunt—our Cors is now South and Crossing a Small Crick at three miles
and at twelve miles farther Camped on a Crick[90] 40 feet Wide full of
Running Watter Some Cotten Wood trees and Willows We this day maid twenty
one miles—South 21 miles
tusday [Wednesday] 6th Feby 1822
Set out the Sun about one Hour High nearly South along the mountains
leave them on our left and pasing Some Small mounds[91] on the Right
Which Stand alone in the Pirarie at fifteen miles Crosed a Small
Crick[92] Runing West from the mountains a Cross the plain and In the
Evening Crossed two more Small Streems Runing as before and at night
Camped on a Small Crick at the lower Eand of this large [San Luis] vally
Heare the mountain Puts a Cross the Plain to the River Delnort about 6
miles to our Right as We Have been going down that River at about the
above distance Ever Since We Came in to this plain—on this Crick there Is
a Small Spanish vilege but abandoned by the Inhabetance for feer of the
Indeans now at War With them We this day troted the Horses more than Half
the time and maid thirty miles nor did We Stop till In the night
South 30 miles—
Wensday [Thursday] 7th Feby 1822
We Set [out] at an Early Hour Crossing a Crick[93] Well adapted for
mills of Ither the Saw or the grinding and plenty of tall Pitch Pine—We
Heare proceded up the Side of a High mountain and Continueing alonge the
Side of it the River Runing Close under the futt of it So that the Was
no other Way to pass—We Continued over Ruff grounds and deet guters
for nine miles to a Small vilege[94] on a Crick[94]—Heare We Capped
[camped] in the vileg for the night—and our gides left us as Well as the
Intarpreter after Shewing us Into a Hous as He Said of Honest People—and
telling on ordors that I Had no money but wold pay in Such artickels as
We Had the land lord Was verry Kind I obtained Some taffe[95] for the men
as the Have not tasted any Sperits Since We left the virdegree He put all
our goods in a dark Room and locked them up—and We lodged in an outer
Room—the Inturpreter and guide promised us to Return to us Early—Sᵒ 30
West 9 miles
thorsday [Friday] 8th Feby 1822
We Had the Horses up Early and With Some defequeelty got out the Saddles
and Bridles—and then atempted to Settle the Bill but the Spanierd
Ither Cold not or Wold not under Stand me I Soposed the amt about Six
dollers—and layed ten Dollers Worth of Knives and tobaco—Which He took
up and put a Way I demanded the goods but to no purpose He Wold not let
me Have them Still Saying that Battees[96] told Him not to let the goods
go till He Came now this Battees Was one of the men Imployed Heare and
Sent by Conl glann to asist us over the mountain—and I began to ConClude
that Some vilenus Skeem Was at Worke betwen Him and the landlord as He
did not Return as He promised—but after about three Hours disputeing
and Indevering to get the goods I Seen that nothing but force Wold do
I Steped to my gun and So did Robert Fowler I told the men to do the
Same—and [when] I Seen all Readey I Spoke loud Saying I Wold Have the
goods and Shoing much anger—the Spanierd got in a better umer and gave
up the goods—So We loaded and moved on Crossing a Crick Which Run West
threw the villege Steered a little South of East about twelve miles over
a High Butifull plain to the villege of St Flander[97]—In the nibor Hood
of touse.[98] about two miles from the villege We meet With Conl glann
at the Crossing of a Crick[99] Which [ran] West—on our a Rivel at the
villege We mised one of the Hors loads of meet and on Inquiery it was
found that one of the Spanierds Head taken it of to His own Hous at about
three miles distance So We lost it there being no moad of Recovering
it—He was one of the men Sent out to asist us over the mountains and that
morning With out being notised put the load on His own Hors—and falling
behind maid His Eskape With the meet—We Heare found the people extremly
poor. and Bread Stuff Coud not be Head amongest them as the Said the
grass hopers Head Eat up all their grain for the last two years and that
the Head to Pack all their grain about one Hunderd miles—for their own
use—We found them Eaqually Scarce of meet and Ware offered one quarter
of a doller a bound for the meet We Braght in With us—but this We Cold
not spair and Haveing nothing Els to eat it Will not last us long—and no
Bread Stuff to be got Heare We must Soon leave this Reeched place—and now
in the dead of Winter and the Waters frosen tite Exsept the River Delnort
Which is Said to be oppen to Which We Intend to go as Soon as poseble
to Cetch Bever to live on as there is no other game In this part of the
Cuntry—
Satterday 9th Feby 1822
Remained In the villedge all day and In the Evening there Was a
Colletion [of the] men and Ladys of the Spanyerds Had a fandango in our
House Wheare the appeered to InJoy them Selves With the Prest at their
[head]—to a great degree—
Sunday 10th Feby 1822
Remained In the villege all day But Sent out two parteys of trapes to
Remain out till the first of may next—Hear it may be Remembered that a
Capten and Sixty men of the Spanierds Came in from the arkensaw With Conl
glann and little party—and now the Same Capten and party Has Crossed the
mountaines again—but before He let [left] Home Has Interdused Conl glann
and Mr. Roy to His family Consisting a Wife and two daughters both young
Woman the old lady Haveing paid us a visid In the morning appered In a
few minet quite formiler and as Well aquainted With us as If She Head
knone us for several years tho She did not Stay more than about Half an
Hour—But in the after noon a boy Came With a mesege for Conl glann mr Roy
and the negro. Who after Some Ceremony acCompanyed the two gentlemen but
With Some Reluctance aledgeing that He Was not Settesfyed to go With out
His master aledgeing as the ladys appeerd more atached to Him than [to]
the White men—that there might be Some mischeef Intended and uder those
doupts He Went as I before Stated and from the Statement of those two
gentlemen I Will Indevour to State What followed—it Is a Custom With the
Spanierds When Interdused to Imbrace With a Close Huge—this Ceremoney So
Imbareshed Pall and maid Him So Shaimed that I[if] a Small Hole Cold Have
been found He Wold Sartainly Crept Into it. but unfortnetly there Was no
Such place to be found. and the trap door threw Which the desended Into
the Room being Shut down [for the Went In at the top of the House][100]
there Was no Poseble Way for Him to make His Escape—now the Haveing but
one Beed in the House and that So large as to be Cappeble of Holding the
three Copple of poson—there Ware all to lodge to geather and the mother
of the daughters being oldest Had of Corse the ferst Chois of Bows. and
took pall for Hir Chap takeing Hold of Him and drawing Him to the beed
Side Sot Him down With Hir arms Round His Sholders. and gave Him a Kis
from[?] Sliped Hir Hand down Into His Britches—but it Wold take amuch
abeler Hand than mine to discribe palls feelings at this time being
naturly a little Relegous modest and Bashfull He Sot as near the wall
as Was Poseble and it may be Soposed He Indevoured to Creep Into it for
Such Was His atachment to the old lady that he kept His [eyes] turned
Constently up to the trap door—and to His great Joy Some person oppened
it to Come In to the Same Room—But Pall no Sooner Saw the light [for
their Rooms are dark][101] than He Sprang from the old lady and Was out
In an Instent—and maid to our lodgeing as fast as Poseble Wheare the
other two Soon followed and told What Head Happened to Pall
monday 11th Feby 1822
Remained in the vilege all day nothin meterel took place.
tusday 12th Feby 1822
I Set out on a traping tower With Robert Fowler—Taylor Walters and Pall
With Eight Horses We Went South West about ten miles to the bank of the
River [Rio Grande]—Which Bank or Bluf Was So High We Cold see no Chance
of getting down With the Horses for We looked some time before We Cold
see the River the distance Was So great—and the River looked like a Small
Spring Branch that a man might Easely Step over—and Head We not been
told that the River Was In that gap We Cold not Have beleved the River
Was there at all—We then Pased down a long the Bluff about two miles and
found a path Way down the mountain—the Bluf or River Bank as you may
Chose to Call it Which path We took but With great danger to our Horses
and In about two Hours going down that mountain We got to the River Which
is about one Hunderd yds Wide and is fordable With Horses—and now takeing
a vew of the River I find it is at least one thousand feet below the
leavel of Pirarie. and is bound With a bluf of Rocks on Each Side mostly
Parpendickeler So that there Is but few plases that Ither man or Beast
asend them—We are now at the mouth of the [Taos] Crick Which Pases threw
touse Heare is two Houses With Each one family of Spanierds and it is not
Poseble the Have more than Half an acer of ground to live on. and Shold a
Rock Breake loos and Come down Wold destroy the Hole Settlement
Sᵒ 45 West 10 to the River
Wensday 13th Feby 1822
Robert Fowler and my Self Went down the River about Six miles on foot
to look for Bever no Sign of any the River is So bound With Rocks that
With much difequaty We maid our Way Heare We found a nother Small
villege[102] With Eight or ten Houses and a foot Bridge a Cross the River
over Which We Went and Heare We found a Path up the River Hills Which
[were] full as High as Wheare We first Came to it But Heare the Rocks
are So broken that a Papth Way is found up threw them after a long and
tedeous Walk We a Rived at the top of the Hil and found our Selves on
oppen leave[l] Pirarie of from forty to fifty miles Wide. We are now on
the West Side of the River and Went up along the Bluf about two miles
and Came to a dry Crick Which put into the River but the Rocks Ware So
High on Each Side that We Walked up it about one Hour before We found
any Poseble Chance of Crossing it after Which We pased over the leavel
Pirarie opset our Camp[103] Wheare We found a path leading down threw
the Rocks to the River and it appeers that there is no poseble Chance of
going up or down these Clifts but at those paths—for as Soon as you Come
to the top of these Clifts and look down you are so struck With Horror
that you Will Retret In an Instant
thorsday 14th Feby 1822
Crosed the River Early and Wound up the mountain along a path maid By
the Spanierds among the Rocks till We arived at the top in the oppen
World and Steereing to the north leaveing the River on our Right Hand and
Camped at night opesed the villege Wheare We Head the defequeelty Withe
the land lord We this day maid about fourteen[104] miles—and found no
Watter for our Horses Sent two Kittles down to the River for Watter Heare
We find the mountain about the Same Hight as Wheare We Ca[m]ped last
night With a path up threw the Rocks maid by the People of the villege on
the East side—14 miles
Friday 15th Feby 1822
We Set out Early up the margin of the River about twelve miles to the
point of a mountain Cut off by the River forming a parpendickelor Bluff
of about fifteen Hunderd feet High—over this mountain We Head to Clime on
the top of Which the Snow Was nee deep—tho there Was none on the Pirarie
We Went four miles farther and Camped on the margen of the River Sent
down two kittles for Watter and sot two bever traps—Heare the Rocks or
Bluffs are a little Broken and not quite so High as Wheare We Stayed the
two nights past—tho Heare they are about nine Hunderd feet High and So
Steep—Exsept the Spot Wheare Sent down the kittles that a Squerel Cold
not Climb them—our distance this day is Sixteen miles—16 miles
Satterday 16th Feby 1822
found one Bever in a trap this morning Sott the two traps again and moved
up the River about Six miles and Ca[m]ped on the margen of the River the
Rocks not So High as last night but So Steep that We Cold not git Watter
from the River and melted Snow for that Purpose Which We found among Some
Rocks We found some dry Ceders for fier Wood—6 miles
Sunday 17th Feby 1822
Very Cold Haveing Snowed a little In the fore part of the night Sent for
the two Bever traps—the River Had frosen over them So that We Caught
nothing—Seen two men on Hors Back at a great distance Soposed to be
Indeans—the Road off as fast as their Horses Cold Carry them—We this day
Seen Six Wild Horses tho two of them must Have been In Hands as their
tails Ware Bobed Short—We find no game yet and our Stock of provetion Is
nearly out—
monday 18th Feby 1822
We Sot out Early up the River and at about 12 miles Came to the upper
Eand of the High Rocks[105] and going down a gradual decent three or
four Hunderd yds Came to a low Bottom on the River the Bank being low
not more than six or Eight [feet] High the River butifull and a bout
one Hundred yds Wide—But all frosen up tite—We Heare got Watter for the
Horses—it Is Heare proper to Remark that the River as far as We Have Seen
it pasing down betwen the High Rocks or mountains—dose not move In a very
gentle manner as It appeers much Impeded by the Rocks falling from Each
Side. and is forsed forward dashing from one Rock over others In almost
one Continued foam the Hole distance threw the mountains Which from What
I Can larn is about seventy miles When it appeers below In an oppen
Cuntry—I Have no doubt but the River from the Head of those Rocks up
for about one Hundred miles Has once been a lake of about from forty to
fifty miles Wide and about two Hunderd feet deep—and that the running and
dashing of the Watter Has Woren a Way the Rocks So as to form the present
Chanel—We this day Crosed a dry Branch. But Have not Seen one Streem of
Watter In all the distance We Have Came up on the [west] Side We travled
nor Cold our Horses get one drop of Watter in all that distance but the
Eat Snow When the Cold get it—We Went up the River a bout Six miles
further and Camped on the East Side in a Small grove of Cotten Wood trees
the Ice In [is] now so Strong the Horses Can Cross at pleasure—We find
nothing to kill Exsept two of the Big Horned Sheep [_Ovis montana_] one
of Which Robert Fowler shot but Cold not git it—
We this day maid Eighteen miles our Corse about north all the Way up the
River—North 54 miles[106]
tusday 19th Feby 1822
We Set out Early up along the West Side of the River and at two miles
Came to High Short Hills Which Put In Cloce to the River on both
Sides and Continu for about three miles Wheare We find Wide and low
Bottoms—Heare We See timber a Head Wheare We Will Indevour to Camp this
night—and at ten miles We Came to Slovers party In Camped about two miles
up Pikes forke of the Delnort and about three miles below His Block House
Wheare He Was taken by the Spanierds—this fork Is oppen ocationed by the
large Warm Spring Spoken of In Pikes Jurnal this party Has Caught Some
Bever and their Is Sign of more in the River our Cors this day Was north
30 West ten miles—there is plenty of Cotten Wood trees and Willowes along
this but Scarce a tree on the main River
N 30 West 10 miles[107]
Wensday 20th Feby 1822
We moved up the River threw the Bottom Which is about fifty miles Wide
In Cluding the second Bottom leavel and Rich and not a tree to be Seen
Exsept a few along the River bank—We maid twelve miles. and Camped on the
East Side among Some Willows and geathered drift Wood for our fier—the
Weather Is very Cold the Snow fell last night about two Inches deep—Cors
north 12 miles[108] See nothing to kill
thorsday 21st Feby 1822
Crosed over on the Ice and up the West Side of the River the timber and
Brush Is now plenty In the low bottoms Which are from two to four miles
Wide tho these are not all Covered With timber—and Hear there Is on both
Sides What We Call a second bottom a little Higher than the first—the
Hole now makeing a distance of from 30 to 40 miles now Since We Have Came
to the timber We find much Sign of Bever—But the River Is So frosen that
We Cannot ketch them We Camped on the East Side of the River and Conclude
to go to the West mountains[109] In the morning and try to kill meet to
Eat as our provetions are all gon—nor Have We Seen any kind of game Since
We left Slovers party N 45 West 18 miles
Friday 22nd Feby 1822
Robert Fowler and my self Set out Early on futt for the West mountains
and Steered for a Small streek of Brush Whear We Exspect to find Watter
as that kind of Brush dos not grow With out We on the Way See Eight[y] or
90 Wild Horses and In devour to git In Shot distance so as to kill one to
Eat—but In that We failed for Whin We Ware at about one miles distanes
the Seen us and all Run off—We Went to the mountain and Camped by the
Side of a large Rock Wheare We [found] both Wood and Watter Was plenty
but nothing to Eat Pall and taylor Came up With the Horses We all Went up
the mountains to Hunt But See nothing to kill—but there Was Some Sign of
the Big Horned Sheep on the Sides of the mountain amongst the Short Pine
Which Is plenty Heare In Some plases—the Weather Is Cold and Some flying
Clouds—our Corse Was this day West 12 miles—We Heare found by going up
the mountain the Snow Was So deep We Cold not travel tho there Was little
or none In the valey
West 12 miles[110]
Satterday 23rd Feby 1822
We Conclude to go to the River and up it till We find game—Pall and
my Self take the Horses and Steerd north to the River about ten miles
Robert Fowler and Taylor out on the Hunt—Camped on the West Side of the
River—nothing killed this day—
north 10 miles [to] West Side of the River[111]
Sunday 24th Feby 1822
nothing to Eat—Taylor Purposes to take Robert Fowlers Hors and Ride
Hunting Which Was agread to He Went on the West Side of the River I
Went my Self on the East Side up the River about ten miles to the Short
Hills Seen Some Caberey but killed nothing Taylor did not Return at
night—nothing to Eat but look at Each other With Hungrey faceses
monday 25th Feby 1822
this morning Taylor Came Into Camp on futt Haveing lost the Hors With
Sadle Bridle Blankets nek Roap and all In the first Short Hills on the
West Side of the River at Some ten or twelve miles up—and that He Said
He Head Seen many deer Elk and Bares—to Which place We moved as fast as
poseble and got there about 3 oclock Seen a great many deer but killed
nothing—our Corse West ten miles
tusday 26th Feby 1822
all out and Hunt till about 10 oclock but killed nothing tho Seen Some
deer—We now begin to think of killing one of our Horses—but first move
to a fresh Camp Wheare We Have not disturbed the game and try In the
Evening again to kill Something We move about two miles to the River—as
We Were now Camped on a Small Crick[112]—and put out the Horses Robert
and my Self took our guns to Hunt on futt as there Was much timber land
Heare—but Taylor and Pall Began to Complain of Hunger of Which Taylor
began gro black In the face and Pall Was gitting White With the Same
Complaint and the both thaught the Hors Shold be killed. to Which Robert
and my Self Consented and gave them liberty to kill Him as Soon as the
Cold—but not Willing to See that operation Robert and my Self Went off to
Hunt but We Soon Heard the gun fier that We Soposed to kill the Hors—but
We kept our Corse down the River on the Ice as the Brush Was thick and
dry So that If We Went on land We maid So much nois that We Could not git
neer the game—but We Head not gon far before Som deer Was Seen In the
Brush and Robert Went after them and killed two of them He then Went to
Camp for a Hors leaveing me to take Care of the deer—but When He got to
Camp He found one of the Horses about Half Skined—but another Was Soon
got up and the deer Caryed to Camp Wheare We Soon Head Suntious feest and
much Plesentness now appeered Round the fier tho We lamented the fate of
the Poor Hors—as now [we] Head no use for His flesh Which feel a pray to
the Birds and Wolves
Wensday 27th Feby 1822
Sent Pall out Early to look for the Horses We Soon Heard the Report of
gun and not long after Pall Came In With a deer on His back the first
He Ever killed In His life—We Have meet plenty and the Weather Is now
moderate Some Holes appeer a longe Shore In the Ice out at Which the
bever Workes We Sot some traps this day—
thorsday 28th Feby 1822
Caught one bever—and Hunted for the lost Hors—but Have not found Him—
Friday 1st march 1822
Taylor Caught one Bever—Hunted for the lost Hors—met With vanbeber and
two of His party the had found our lost Hors—the Remained at our Camp
that night the Hors Head lost all but the Bridle
Satterday 2nd march 1822
vanbeber and His Party Set out Early up the River We Con Clude to follow
them one or two days Exspecting We may find Some Elk—We Went up the
[River] twelve miles pasing at Seven miles a large pond of Watter of
about 40 acers on the West Side of the River—the Bottom of Which is about
one mile Wide the mountains High on Each Side—the tops of Which are a
great Hight above vegatation at about ten miles We Crost a fork[113]
Puting In on the West Sid about one third as large as the River it
appeers to Head to the West—Heare the River makes a turn to the north as
fare as We Cold See up it—We Camped With vanbebers party the Head killed
one Elk—our Cors West 12 miles—Heare the mountains Put Close to the River
Which [is] very Croked
Sunday 3rd march 1822
I Remained at Camp Robert [Fowler] and Taylor Went Hunting the formor
killed two Elk and left the latter to butcher them While took out Horses
and braught them In to Camp
monday 4th march 1822
Went up the River to look for Sign of Bever but found none
tuesday 5th march 1822
We moved down the River to the first High point of Rocks on the East
[north] Side at the Head of the large vally and about one mile below
Where We killed the Hors—Some Snow fell last night the Weather Cold the
River Is yet frosen up Close Except a few Springs in the River bank Which
keeps it oppen a few feet—High Wind last night—
Wensday 6th march 1822
Sot Some traps—Taylor Came In late at night Reports that Some Indeans are
Camped about Eight miles below us on the River
thorsday 7th march 1822
Taylor purposes going to the Indeans Camp I gave Him Some tobaco for
that purpose—He Went to the Indeans Robert my Self and Pall Road out the
mountains and on our Return We See a nomber of Indeans at Camp Which We
Cold See at Some distance from the point of one of the mountains and not
noing what Indeans the Ware we vewed them about Half an Hour—the then
moved off from our Camp and We Came In—Wheare We found taylor—tho the
Indeans Had Stolen two Buffelow Roabs Some lead and two knives—and Ware
of the utaws nation [Utes] Which Roame about and live In the mountains
Without Haveing any Settled Home and live alltogether on the Chase
Raising no grain—Slover With His party Pased up the River this day—
Friday 8th march 1822
We Remain at the Same Camp—Caught one Bever and one aughter [otter]
Ward and duglass Came to our Camp from touse [Taos]—and State that the
Spanierds Have Sent 700 men against the nabeho [Navajo] Indeans—and of a
battle being faught between Spanierds and the Panie Indeans East of the
mountains
Satterday 9th march 1822
Ward and Duglass Set out for vanbebers Camp—In the Evening two Spanierds
Came to Camp—Hard frost last night
Sunday 10th march 1822
Went up the River above the forkes to kill meet the two Spanierds With us—
monday 11th march 1822
We Hunted till 12 oclock for Elk but found none—We Continued up the north
[fork] about Eight miles Heare the mountains Close in on both Sides So
that our Pasege Was Defequal and the River turning to the West—We maid
ten miles and Camped With Slover and vanbeber Partey the Have all meet
Heare together—the Have killed two Elk Nᵒ 8 miles—West 2 miles[114]
tusday 12th march 1822
Robert and myself Set out Early to Hunt and Haveing been Informed that
a Hot Spring Had been found up the Crick Which put In to the River from
the West [south] Side a little above our Cam[p]—We Went to the Spring
about one and a Half miles up the Crick—But the Smoke appeered like
that of a Salt furnis—as Soon as We Came In vew of it—the Snow Was now
about Six Inches deep over the valley of the Crick But the Hot Watter
Head kept the ground Cleane for a few Rods Round the Spring—but What
appeered Straing to look at Was to see Ice Exstended about three feet
from the Shore over the Watter—tho a boiling up In the middle of the
Pon[d] Which Was about three Rods a Cross and nearly Round the Spert of
Watter Rose up Some distance above the leavel of the Watter In the Pon
and Was about the Size of a flour Barrel—now the question Was How Can
the Ice Existe on Hot Watter. I Caught hold of the Ice as I Soposed—and
[was] not only Scalded With the Watter but the [was] Burned With the Ice
it being nearly as Hot as the Watter—bout on a farther Examination I
found it Was a mineral Substan that Had Congeled on the Watter of Which
there Ware vast quantitys laying below the Spring In the Crick Which Run
from it—We then Went up the mountain till the Snow got So deep We Ware
obliged to Return—killed nothing—this forke [Hot Spring creek] of the
River Heads nearly [south] in the High mountains—the main River Heading
north[115] and from appeerence the mountains Seperates and be Comes Lower
as you go up the River leaveing a large valley—and low Bottoms along the
River—the two Spanierds tell us it is about one days travel to the Head
of the River—the Cuntry is low a Crass to the arkensaw—about twenty miles
north [west] from Heare and Six East [north] of this River there Is a
large lake[116] or Bodey of Watter that Has no out let that there is Some
Island In it With trees on them—the all So State that this lake lyes be
twen the Delnort and the arkensaw and that the Cuntry is low all the Way
betwen the two Rivers—
Wendsday 13th march 1822
We Heare left the two Spanierds With Slover as We Head Dick Walters at
His Camp on Pikes fork We moved down the River a little below the main
forkes and killed one Elk Wheare We Camped for the night—bothe the other
partys pased us Heare and Camped about one mile below us—the Ice begins
to thaw and all makeing for the Bever Sign—
thorsday 14th march 1822
this morning two of our Horses Ware mising—about twelve oclock We found
them and moved down to Hanging [Rock] as We Have Called it at our old
Camp—the Weather Has got Cold and the Ice Harder—We Will not be able
to trap for Some time yet—We Heare find the flax [_Linum perenne_] In
abondance the Rute Is purenal [root is perennial] but In Every other
appeerence it is like ous—
Friday 15th march 1822
Remained In Camp—the Ice begins to thaw in the day time but Hard frost at
night—
Satterday 16th march 1822
Remained in Camp all day—
Sunday 17th march 1822
Remained in Camp all day—
monday 18th march 1822
Some difequalty With Taylor He quits us or We leave Him—and move up a
Crick to the South a bout four miles to Some bever Dams—Robert Fowler
Complains of the Sore throat for Some days—and is gitting Worse
South 4 miles
tusday 19th march 1822
Robert is Still Worse With the Sore throat—We apply a sock With ashes
Round His neck—He finds Releef in about two Hours—Hard frost this morning
and Cold With High Winds
Wensday 20th march 1822
Caught three Bever and Examin the Crick about Six miles Higher up to
Wheare the mountains Close In on both Sides there Is timber and Willows
all along this Crick and the bottoms about Half a mile Wid and Well
adopted for Cultavation on acoumpt of Eragation—as no other lands Can be
Cultivated Heare for the Want of Seasnable Rains—
Sᵒ 30 W 6 miles
thorsday [Friday] 29th march 1822
We Have Remained Heare Waiting for the Ice to melt out of the Crick but
the Weather Continues Cold and Clouday With frequent Snow Storms the Ice
is Still frosen over the bever dams So that We Caught but few—Robert
Sore throat Has gon much better—We moved down to the River about 3 miles
above our old Camp killed three gees—Sot Some traps—the gees is now
Coming plenty and those We killed fatt Which is pleasing to us as We Have
now lived a long time on Poor meet—Cloudey and begins to Snow—the Ice is
nearly gon out of the River
Satterday 30th march 1822
the Snow is about four Inches deep Caught one bever killed one Sand Hill
Crain [_Grus mexicana_] and five gees—the day is Warm—the Snow all gon
out of the valleys but the mountains are all Covered moved to down to the
old Camp
Sunday 31st march 1822
Caught four Bever and killed five gees—the Weather is gitting Cold
monday 1st aprile 1822
Killed five gees—the Watter frose over the traps Caught no bever
tusday 2nd aprile 1822
Caught two bever—and Remained the ballence of the day In Camp
Wensday 3rd aprile 1822
Caught one Bever killed three gees—the Weather much Warmer We move up the
Crick to the Bever dams—find the Ice much thiner and Sot Some traps—
thorsday 4th aprile 1822
Hard frost last night and frose up the traps Caught but one bever We now
find that In this Crick the Watter Rises by Suns thaw Ing the Ice and at
night With the Hard frost so that the Rise and fall of the Watter will
defeet the traping
friday 5th aprile 1822
moved Early about East threw a low [gap] In the Spurs of the mountains
about ten miles and Camped a little below the Spanish Road leading to
Pikes [fork. In the] gap In the mountain—We Sot Some traps—N 70 East 10
to the River[117]
Satterday 6th aprile 1822
Caught one Bever—We find the River as Well as the Crick Rises In the day
with melting of the Ice for it Cannot be the Snow In the mountain the
distance up to the Snow prevents the Watter from Ever Retching the vally
the ground is so dry and loose that the Watter all dis appeers before it
Can Rech near the futt of the mountains and Haveing Had frost at night
the River falls as much as it Rises in the day—Taylor Came to our Camp
to day and States that there are a great many Indeans on the River both
above and below us that the Had Robed His Camp and taken all His traps
but that He Had followed them and got all back but two traps
Sunday 7th aprile 1822
Caught one Bever and moved down the River about 12 miles on the north
Side We Have killed twelve gees Since We Have been on the River last—
monday 8th aprile 1822
Caught one Bever—Killed five gees moved down the River to the lower Eand
of the timber—the Indeans are all gon to the West over the mountains the
Ware the utaws nation—
tuesday 9th aprile 1822
moved down the River about ten miles—and then turned East across the
valley to a crick[118] and up it about five miles—this Crick Heds to the
north as Is the Same We Came down Where We Crosse the mountains In feby
last—We this day mett With venbeber and Ward—
Wensday 10th aprile 1822
Heare Is Some Indeans from the Spanish Settlement—We moved up the Crick
about ten miles lost one bever trap—Nᵒ 10 miles
thorsday 11th aprile 1822
Went up the Crick about three miles and found Some Sign of bever—Sot Some
traps—We yesterday pased threw Some of the Richest bottom on the Crick
that I have Seen and Contains Six or Eight thousand acers[119]
N 20 West 3 miles
friday 12th aprile 1822
Cold and Clouday the Crick frose up—We Caught nothing—We Set out threw
the Pirarie down the Crick a Snow Storm Came on and Caught us In the
Pirarie the Wind and Snow in our faces So that We Cold not See one
another two Rods—this Storm lasted about two Hours and it Was Weel for us
it Seesed for We Cold not See Which Way to go and our Setuation Was Realy
unplesent—
We Camped near the mouth of the [Trinchera] Crick Wheare We found Some
timber—
Satterday 13th aprile 1822
the ground is now Covered With Snow and Hard frosen—We Have not Seen
one morning With out frost Since the Winter first Sot In—We Crossed the
River a little above Pikes forke [Rio Conejos] and ConCluded to go back
to the timber up the River for Which We Steered for three or four miles
and Crossed a large Streem [La Jara] of Runing Watter forty feet Wide and
nearly beley deep to the Horses—We Head Crossed this Same Crick In febuy
last [Feb. 20] but the Was no Watter then In it it Haveing to pass over
about twenty miles of oppen leavel Pirarie it Was all frosen to Ice—at
that time and Is now melted and Coming down—the Snow Has disappeered In
the valey but the mountains Covered—
[Sunday, April 14th—no entry]
monday 15th aprile 1822
Caught 2 beve and killed one goos We yester day Seen our Hors lost by
vanbebers Party but So willd We Cold not take Him—
tusday 16th april 1822
Caught one Bever and moved up the River about four miles and Camped on
the West Side vanbebers party pased us on the East going up all So—
Wensday 17 aprile 1822
Caught one bever and moved up the River about 12 miles the day Cloudey
and Cold Comesed Snowing fast In the Evening and Continued till late at
night—
thorsday 18th aprile 1822
the Snow about Six Inches deep We Caught one Bever and killed four
gees—the day Warm the Snow all gon before night—
Friday 19th aprile 1822
killed two gees and Caught two Bever—Remained the ballence of the day at
Camp—
Satterday 20th aprile 1822
Caught 2 Bever and killed two gees the Weather Warm the grass begins to
appeer a little moved up the River a bout Seven miles Seen about twenty
Elk Robert Shot one but it went off With the Rest—the mountains are Still
Covered With Snow tho none In the valeys—
Sunday 21st aprile 1822
Caught two bever killed one goos moved up the River about Six miles Seen
nine Elk—
monday 22nd aprile 1822
Caught two bever killed one goos and moved up the River to the Hanging
Rock[120] and from that to the Bever dams on the Crick Wheare We left on
the 6th Instent Soposeing the Ice Wold be gon out of the Crick—
tusday 23 aprile 1822
Caught two bever—the Weather Cold—no game Hear and the Bever Poor We Will
move to the River In the morning on acoumpt of killing gees to Eat—
Wensday 24th aprile 1822
Caught two bever moved to the River and Crosed over to the East Side and
Camped a little below the Hanging Rock killed one goos and one duck—
thorsday 25th aprile 1822
Caught one Bever killed one goos and moved down the river about five
miles—
Friday 26th april 1822
Set out down the River Intend to go to the Settlement We are giting
Scarce of Powder Haveing to Shute So much at gees for Want of larger
game—killed two Caberey and one Elk—maid Eight miles and Camped on the
East Side of the River—
Satterday 27th aprile 1822
killed two gees moved down the River near the lower Eand of the timber
Seen many Elk the Have now left the mountains and Come Into the timber
land on the River to feed on the young grass—
Sunday 28th aprile 1822
no frost this morning and the first We Have Seen this Spring—the grass
groes but Slow the trees not yet Buding the ground is as dry as dust no
moisture but the Snow Since We Came to the Cuntry and the Spanierds Say
that It is three years Since the Have Had Rain—we moved down the River
about four miles and Crossed to the West Side of the River and Steered
South at about ten miles Crosed the Willow Crick and at about fifteen
miles pased a Spring In the leavel Pirarie Which Contained about on
Hog-set of Clear Cool Watter Standing on Rise or mound of Earth a little
above the leavel of the Pirarie the ground Round this Spring Was quite
Soft and Wen We Ware at the Watter by Jumping on the ground you Cold See
it Shake for about two Rods all Round—about five miles farther We Crosed
Pikes forke at the mouth of the Warm Spring Branch Spoken of by that
gentleman In Jurnal[121] We then pased threw Some low Hills a little East
of South Seven miles to the River and Crossing over found the Watter up
to the Saddle Sceats and one of our Pack Horses fell down with his load
and Was not able to Rise So that We Had Some difequalty to Keep Him from
be drounded We then pased over a low Ridge about Half a mile and Camped
on a crick Wheare We found Some Woods—
monday 29th aprile 1822
Clouday With High Winds Some Snow—We moved on Intending to Camp on a
branch With Some timber on the East Side of the Snake Hill at twelve
miles We maid the Branch but no Watter—We Went up the Crick about Eight
miles and there found it a Bold Runing Streem[122] Hear We Camped for the
night makeing in [all] twenty miles We Seen Heare on this Crick a great
many Cabery but very Wild
South 45 East 18 [_sic_] miles
tusday 30th aprile 1822
Hard frost the Ice about the 8th of an Inch on the kittle of Watter
Killed a Woolf at Camp—and Set out up the [Culebra] Crick to[ward] the
mountains about three miles Whear We Struck the Road to touse [Taos]
Which We took and Camped at the Hords mans villege but no purson to be
Seen the Have deserted that place—about Sundown Six Indeans Came to our
Camp the Ware of the apacha nation now at Pace With the Spanierds—the
derected us to go off Emedetly Saying that the utaws Had Stolen three
Horses from our men and that [they] Wold Steel ours if We Stayed at this
place all night—We geathered up our Horses and after night moved off
about three miles and lay Without fier—
Wensday 1st may 1822
We Went down to St flander [San Fernandez de Taos] in the nibor Hood of
touse [Pueblo de Taos] and find Conl glann Is gon to stafee [Santa Fé]
We Remained Heare two days vanbebers Party Head Came In and the french
partey Is Heare all So—We now find all the Horses that ware left Heare
very Poor and the Rainge near the vilege all Eat out I then ConCluded to
take all the Horses out of the Settlement to good Rainge So as to fatten
them or the Will not be able to Cross the mountains on the first of June
as that Was the time We In tend to Set out I therefore derected them all
to be Collected and that I Wold move them In the morning.—
We Ware Informed that Spanish army Had Returned that they Hag taken one
old Indean and Some two or three old Horses that Ware So poor the Nabeho
[Navajo] Cold not drive them up the mountains—for it appers the Went up
the Steep mountain and Role down the Rocks on their Pursurs So that the
Ware Compled to discontinu the pursute—
Satterday 4th may 1822
moved up the Crick South about five miles and Camped in the forks near
Some Hords men Ho kept a large lot of Cattle from [whom] We obtained Some
Cows milk We took With us 16 Horses—all We Cold find
Sunday 5th may 1822
Went up the East fork of the Crick about Eight miles—find the Bever
Have been all taken out by Some trapers—the mountain is High and Steep
and Croud Close to the Crick on both Sides We Returned to Camp Wheare
Barbo and Simpson Had braught Eight more horses makeing in [all] twenty
four—grass is Heare very good—the Horses Will Soon get fatt—this Evening
Cloudey With thonder and a little Rain the first We Have Seen on this
Side of the mountain
monday 6th may 1822
Clouday and a little Rain—the Horses all Collected the are all poor but
the grass is good and the Will thrive—I purchased a bull from a Spanierd
for which I gave Him my great Coat and one knife—the Beef Was Prety good
it Rained a little In the Evening
tusday 7th may 1822
Cool With flying Clouds and a little Rain Battess braught taylors mule
to Camp Which He Head Reported to Have been Stolen by the Indeans
Potter[123] Came to Camp With Conl glanns Horse He Has Returned from
Stafee—
Wensday 8th may 1822
Hard frost the Horses all presend Went down to the vilege—We Heare that
the Congrass Has Convened at maxeco—and that the Indeans Have taken a
great many Horses from this niborhood and killed Some Cattle
thorsday 9th may 1822
Hard frost In the morning and Rained a little In the Evening
friday 10th may 1822
Cool With flying Clouds and High Wind—our Horses all present
Satterday 11th may 1822
Some flying Clouds and warm In the evening
Sunday 12th may 1822
Cloudey With flying Clouds—the trees giting green the Cotten Wood leaves
Half gron [grown]—the People not yet don Sowing Wheat
monday 13th may 1822
flying Clouds and High Winds Continues Cloudey With lightning threw the
night
tusday 14th may 1822
Clouday and Rain threw the day
Wensday 15th may 1822
the Snow from 4 to 5 Inches deep—Clers up about 10 oclock and Warm the
Snow disappers in the vallys but Hangs on in the mountains
thorsday 16th may 1822
Some frost In the morning but Warm after Sun Rise
friday 17th may 1822
flying Clouds and High Winds—
Satterday 18th may 1822
flying Clouds and High Wind
Sunday 19th may 1822
Cloudey and Warm for the Season
monday 20th may 1822
High Winds and Clouds—
tusday 21st may 1822
Clouday and Cool in the morning—High Winds about 12 oclock and Continu
till Sundown—
Wensday 22nd may 1822
Clouday and Winday—
thorsday 23rd may 1822
Cloudey With thonder like for Rain—Clears off In the after noon With High
Wind
friday 24th may 1822
flying Clouds and High Wind
Satterday 25th may 1822
the Wolves maid an atackt on our Horses the Wounded one Hors and two
mules We Have maid a Strong Pen Close to Camp and Still Shut up all the
Horses at night While We Remain at this place—to protect them from the
Wolfes—
Sunday 26th may 1822
Clouday and Warm all day—
monday 27th 1822
Clouday With High Winds and thonder Several thonder gust With a little
Rain in the night—
tusday 28th may 1822
Cool With High Winds and flying Clouds—Snow Storms In the Evening—but
light—
Wensday 29th may 1822
Cool With flying Clouds We are now makeing Some araingements for our
Jurney over the mountains Some few days back Robert Fowler killed two
young White Bares and braught them to Camp
thorsday 30th may 1822
Road down to the vilege all Hands prepairing to Set out on the first day
of June for the United States—Clouday With thonder in the Evening—Some
Rain in the night—the Snow Still Continu on the High mountains—
Friday 31st may 1822
Cool With flying Clouds and High Winds—the Horses all Collected and Sent
to the vilege Except those for Robert my Self and pall—We Will go down
In the morning—
Satterday 1st June 1822
Clear With White frost We Set out Early to Join the party at the vilege
Wheare We found all Ready to Start—all So James and mcnights party from
Stafee Had Joined ours and all moved on together[124] East four miles to
the mountain—and there took up a Crick[125] north 75 East aleven miles
to the forks of the Crick Wheare We Camped for the night fine grass for
the Horses—the timber on the mountains Heare is Pitch Pine Spruce Pine
Hemlock and quakenasp the latter of Which there are vast quantityes. In
the bottoms along the Cricks Cotten Wood Black alder and Willows With the
Chock Cherry Black Curren [currant] goosbery and Wild Rose on the Hill
Sides are Some Small White oak Brush from one to fifteen feet High and I
Have Seen Some large Enof for a Hand-spike Every thing of the shrub or
tree [kinds] that Bair frute is now In full Blume—the Choack Cherry is
on[e] of the Handsomest Bushes I Have Seen and is now In full Blume—
Satterday 2nd June 1822
Hard frost our Horses much Scattered this morning and it Was late When We
Set out up the left Hand fork of the [Ferdinand] Crick
the Hills Close In on both Sides and at about four miles We arive at the
top of the mountain[126] and Crossing over and down a small drean [drain]
about two miles to an oppen valley about two miles Wide Which We Crossed
nearly [at] Right angles pasing a Small Branch[127] about the midle of
the vally Which Runs north a little West from this We Went up a small
Branch betwen High mountains five miles to the top of the great mountain
In low gap High Peeks on both Sides of us We pased Into a large plain a
little Roleing With Some groves of trees—and Crossed Several fine Streems
of Watter—and all tho We are on a mountain—the grass Is tall and to all
apperence ther Has ben Sesnable Rains Heare as the old as Well as young
grass is tall and I think from Every apperence this Plain Wold make a
good settlement for farmers. and tho We are on a High mountain We are
not one third of the Hight of the mountain tops We pased threw this plain
about twelve miles the Watters Run Into grand Pirarie and make part of
the Kenadean [Canadian] forke of the arkensaw—after pasing this Plain We
Began to desend the mountain Which is now Well Covered With timber that
is Pine Spruce and quakenasp Pasing down the mountain We found the Rocks
very troblesom amongest Which We See a great many Indean graves. or large
Piles of loos [s]tone throne up In Heapes—about dark We got to the fut of
the mountain and about one mile farther Camped on a Crick of Bold Runing
Watter and find our Selves once more In the grand Pirarie of the arkensaw
Cors this day N 80 East 25 miles[128]—Robert Fowler killed two deer In
the mountain
monday 3rd June 1822
Set out Early and at about Seven miles pased the Head of a Small Crick
but no Watter there Is no appeerence of Rain Hear for a long time—the
ground is as dry as dust the grass not began to Sprout and Every thing
look like the dead of Winter—and Still more So When We turn our Eye to
the top of the mountain and see the Snow Which Is Still In Sight—at
twelve miles We Crosed a bold Streem[129] of Watter 30 feet Wide it Cors
South East—and at Eight miles farther We Camped on the bank of deep
Crick[130] about 20 feet Wide Runs South—on the low bottoms of this Crick
the grass begins to gro a little Heare Is much sign of Bever—Corse North
45 East 20 miles
tusday 4th June 1822
We Set out Early leaveing the mountain on our left tho Some of the Spurs
pass in frunt of us and Exstend Some distance to our Right those Spurs We
Have to Cross—and the appeer Some distance a Head at twelve miles Stoped
for dinner on a branch[131] 20 feet Wide Runs South much Sign of Bever—In
the Evening We Went up the Crick Eight miles and Camped[132] Ward killed
one Cabery our Corse this [day] North 45 E 18 [_sic_] miles
Wensday 5th June 1822
We Went up the Crick 10 miles and Stoped for dinner In the afternoon We
Went up the Crick 3 miles and Camped at a large Spring the Spanierd tells
us that If We go from this We Will Have no Watter to night Robert Fowler
killed two deer and Ward one—James & mcnight party kill one deer Heare
the men geathered Some Wild Ineons [onions]—
the grass is a little better than Wheare We first Came Into the Pirarie
Cors No 50 East 13 miles[133]
thorsday 6th June 1822
Set out Early up the Spur of the mountain and at about one mile We arived
on a High Beed of table land about Eight miles Wide this land[134] is
leavel and Rich the grass about nee High and Has all the appeerence of
Haveing Had Seasnable Rains While in the low grounds on both Sides the
ground is as dry as dust We pased on this High land one fine Spring of
Watter We Seen two Buffelow and Some Caberey—
We Hear for the first time Seen the long Billed Bird[135] it is about
the Size of a fesent and the Same Collor the legs and neck about like
our Common dung Hill fowls—the Bill about one foot in length and about
one Inch In deameter at the Head and Smaller at the point—We Crosed
this plind [plain] and down the mountain to a branch of the White
Bair Crick[136] Heare is good Watter and plenty of Wood—We Stoped for
dinner—after Which We move on about 10 miles farther and Camped on the
Same Branch[137] a buffelow Was killed and braught Into Camp We now leave
the main mountain at a great distance on our left and the Spur to the
Right Corse Nᵒ 20 East fifteen miles [19 by above text].
friday 7th June 1822
Set out Early and Steered for the point of the Spur of the mountain to
our Right—at about 16 miles Stoped for dinner on a Crick Haveing one
Hole of Watter—the Ballence being [dry] for some distance after dinner
We proceded on leaveing the Spur of the mountain on the Right—and then
Steered for a Small mountain Standing By its Self and leaveing it on our
Right fel on the Head of a Branch that Was dry We Went down that about
five miles and found Watter In the night Some of the party did not Come
up till next morning—
the Pirarie over Which We pased to day is a little Roleing but So dry for
the Want of Rain that grass is not more than one Inch and a Half long in
any place
Cors this day north 55 East 30 miles five miles Was in the night—[138]
Satterday 8th June 1822
We did not Set out till late Waiting for the three men that lay out—the
arived about Eight oclock We then Set out and maid twenty miles—and
Camped at a Small Hole of Watter that you Cold Smell 50 yds When
Stired—for all the anemels for many miles Round Come there to drink—We
Have no Wood and Burn the Buffelow dung to Cook We are now In the oppen
World not a tree Bush or Hill of any kind to be Seen for When you take
the Eye of [off] the ground you See nothing but the Blue Horeson Cors
this day north 60 East 17 [_sic_] miles[139] Ward and McKnight killed one
Buffelow Bull—
Sunday 9th June 1822
Set out Early over the leavel Smoth Pirarie We Soon See a mound a Head in
the Pirarie for Which We Steered it bore north 30 East—We Crossed Several
Watter Corses all makeing South East but all dry We Stoped for dinner at
a Small mud Hole Whear We maid fire of the Buffelow dung and cooked our
dinner We then moved on and Camped on a Crick[140] of Clear Watter Whear
there Was Wood and good grass for the Horses—the Buffelow killed this
day Was two Poor for use and not Buchered the grass is Heare Better and
there is sign of there Haveing been Some Rain Heare lately—
Cors north 30 East 25 miles
monday 10th June 1822
Set out Early and at three miles pased the mound[141] it Stands on the
north Side of the Crick and about two miles from it I Went to the top of
it Which Has two Heads about 70 yds apart Standing north and South of
Each other and is about two Hundred feet High and about 300 threw the
Baces the tops or Heads Consist mostly of Rocks Pilled By nature on Each
other But Has been Some What Improved by the Indeans to make it aplace
of defence as Well as place of look out—the Spanish name of the mound
tewenna—from Heare We See another Branch[142] on our left and a Cross
the main Crick another to the South all makeing a north East Corse—We
Continu on twelve miles and Stoped for dinner on the left Hand forke and
at Eight miles further Camped[143] on the main Crick a little above the
forkes the Chanel is Heare about 60 yds Wide and We Have to dig Holes In
the Sand to get Watter there being none above ground—Eaight Buffelow Was
killed this day—our Corse Nᵒ 55 East 20 miles
tusday 11th June 1822
Set out Early Crosing the Crick and leaveing it on our left Hand Steered
north 55 East at fifteen miles We See the valley of the arkensaw and on
looking [back] We Can See the mound in full vew—at twenty miles stoped
for diner on the arkensaw[144]—at an Island Covered With timber and some
trees on the South Side of the River there Is Sevral Islands Heare Some
Covered With Willow about one mile below the Island there is an old large
Cotten Wood tree Stands on a point of High land—Cheefly Composed of
gravel our Corse north 55 East 20 miles
11th June [continued.]
after dinner We proceded down the River ten miles and Camped[145] on
the Bank In a grove of trees opeset an Island—the Sand Hills lay South
of Camp With Some Cotten Wood trees on them—We pased the Camp Wheare We
Slept on the fourth of november [1821] about one mile below Wheare We
Struck the River to day—
Wensday 12th June 1822
We Set out at the ushal time down the River and pasing the Camp at the
Bever Sign Where We lay on the 3rd of november last Continu to the Point
of Rocks and Hoop Wood trees—Wheare a party of Indeans appeered on Hors
back on the opeset Side of the River—We Hailed them the answered but
Wold not Come a Cross—We then Camped for the night—the Indeans moved off
and Soon after a party of White men appeered on the Same Side one of
them Came over to our Camp this Was Conl Cooppers[47] party from Boons
lick[146] on their Way to the Spanish Settlement With Some goods and
Some traps to take Bever
thorsday 13th June 1822
Set out Early pasing the french Camp at five miles and Stoped for dinner
at the Island Wheare We lodged on the 30th of october last then moved
down the River about ten miles Camped on an Island makeing 30 miles—
Friday 14th June 1822
moved on Early and Pased our Camp of the 29th octobr last—and all So
pased the Camp of the 28th and Camped opeset to an Island Wheare We Sent
the Horses for the night—this day James and party left us and Commenced
Crossing the River about 12 oclock takeing three of our Party With
them—that Was duglas Priar and [illegible[147]]—maid 25 miles
Satterday 15th June 1822
moved at Sun Rise down the River fifteen miles and Comenced Crossing
for Which purpose We used the green Hide of a buffelow Bull by Way of
a boat—Heare are Some thousands of Buffelow to be Seen at one vew—I
beleve We Have not been out of Sight of Buffelow Since We Came to the
River Except in the night and When darke So that the Hunters Have Killed
When the plased—We got on the north Side of the River and While We Ware
Sadling up the Horses James and party pased us. it may be Remarked Heare
that the River Was little more than Belly deep to the Horses. But for
feer of the quick Sand it Was thaught best take all the Bagage over In
the Boat and Send the Horses over Enty [empty] Waiding the River our
Selves and drag the boat Wheare the Watter at times Was not more than
Six Inches deep—as Soon as We Ware Readey We moved on Six miles pasing
findleys Island[148] and Camped about Half a mile below James and party—
Sunday 16th June 1822
James and Party pased us Early down the River We Steered a little north
of East to Cut off a bend of the River[149] makeing 25 miles and lay In
Sight of the timber on the River large droves of Buffelow all day In
Sight duglas and Prior Join us to day
monday 17th June 1822
moved on Early maid 25 miles and camped on the West Side of Buffelow
[Coon] Creek at the Same place Wheare We Camped on the We Camped on the
21st of octobr last—James and Party Camp Close to us—Heare We Sopose We
Cold See at one time ten thousand Buffelow
tusday 18th June 1822
We Comenced Crossing the Crick Early it being about mid Side deep to the
Horses and the Banks Steep and mudey the men Waided and Carryed over
all the Packs and then led or drove the Horses a Cross—We then moved on
about Eight miles and meet With Some Pawne Indeans—With Home [whom] We
Camped—there Was With them one of the Ietan Cheefs Who Stated that He Was
lately from Was[h]ington Cetey—In the Corse of the Evening the Indeans
Collected to the nomber of from four to five Hunderd—it is Hear proper to
mention that Capt James Had two Spanierds With Him and that Conl glann
Head two all So—but the last two Ware dresed like our Selves—but James
Spanierds Wore their own Clothing and Ware Challenged by the Indeans
as their Enemeys—a Councel Was Held Which lasted about two Hours the
Inquirey Was Whether these men Ware Spanierds if so the must be killed as
Ietan Cheef Insisted the Ware Spanierds and must be killed but the Pawne
Cheef Refused to Have them killed till He new the Ware Spanierds the two
men Ware Sot In the midle of the Councel and there Interageted but maid
no answer leting on that the did not no What Was Said to them—to Which
the had ben advised before they Ware takeing In to the Councel most of
those Indeans understand the Spanish language but Cold not git one Word
from the men the then asked Mr Roy the Inturpurter If those men Ware not
Spanierds He told the Indeans He did not kno Who the Ware that He Cold
not Speeke their langage to Which the Ietan Cheef Replyed you do not kno
thim you kno How to gave them Horses and Can tell them How to Ride and
yet you Can not Spapke to them Which is a little Strange How do you git
them to Eat or Whare did you git them We See them Ride on your Horses—to
Which mr Roy answers as followes—for it is Hear now be Com nesceery to
fib a little—that about two days back We met a party of White men going
up the River and that those men Ware With them that the Ware from St
lewis and Wanted to go back and Had Come this far With us that We Head
Some Spare Horses and that the Had got on and Road—the Pawne Cheef then
Said that Some four or five years back He Had Seen Some English men and
french men together and the Cold not talk to Each other that maybe those
Ware English men—to Which Mr Roy answered that He Cold not talk English
and did not kno these men—and So the Councel Ended the two Spanierds
Pased for English men tho the Ware nearly as Black as pall—but at all
Events the Ware Blacker than the Indeans them Selves—
We are now on the Crick noted on the 20th of october last [Pawnee
fork.]—We Remained Heare all night but In the Evening the Indeans [s]tole
all the neck Roaps of our Horses—We then took the lash Roaps and tyed up
the Horses the Pawne Cheef Slept In our Camp—and after Some presents of
knives from Conl glann and Hors from Capt James We Head lev to proced as
Soon as We pleased In the morning—
Wensday 19th June 1822
We Set out Early the Indeans appeer frendly—We moved on about five
miles and looking behind We See the Indeans Runing after us—and all tho
We drove the Horses In a trot the Will overtake us In a few minets—We
Conclude it best to Stop and let them Come up Which Was done—We Stood
prepaired for Battle But Will Receve them frendly if We Can—now the
Inturpreter prepaired a pipe and offered them a Smoke as the Came up
Which the all axcepted of and looking amongest [us] asked Wheare the two
men Ware Which the Soposed to be Spanierds and Ware Shone them—the then
Went and Shook Hands With us all pointed us the Road Which We took and
the Indeans Went Back the Ware fourteen In nomber—We then pushed on to
the Pawne River[150] Wheare Crossed and Stoped for dinner Heare is large
Hords of Buffelow one Cow Was Killed and braught In to Camp—We moved on
In the afternoon and Went nineteen miles makeing 39 miles and Camped[151]
on the River Bank the[n] We traveled Some time In the night for feer the
Indeans Will follow and steel our Horses—James and His party did not Come
up—
thorsday 20th June 1822
We Set out Early and Steered north 60 East Intending to go Close to the
South Side of the Sand Hills as We Cannot travel threw them We Ware
detained about two Hours By a Storm of Hail and Rain after Which We Went
to a Crick[152] Wheare We found Some drift Wood and Camped for the night
makeing 20 miles Nᵒ 60 East James and party Bore off to the Right down
the River—
Friday 21st June 1822
Sot out late Some of our Horses Had gon a great distance from Camp—We
Pased Close to the Sand Hills pasing several fine Springs Runing out of
them to the South and In the Evening Camped on the little arkensaw—We
Seen James and partey this day at a great distance to our Right makeing
down the [Arkansaw] River the Cuntry threw Which We pased this day is
leavel and Rich the grass tall and Has all the appeerence of Seasnable
Rains. We Have In our openion layed down the Pawne River [= Walnut cr.]
as the line betwen the Wet and dry Weather or the long and Short grass—
maid 30 miles north [_read_ south] 60 East[153]
Satterday 22nd June 1822
We Set out Early Crossing Several Branches[154] all Running to the Right
We Camped on a Branch of White River[155] about 20 feet Wide With High
Banks—the Pirarie this day is leavel and Rich the land Black mixed With
lime Stone—the grass So tall that In [it] is Hard on the Horses to Brake
it down—no more Buffelow to be Seen I beleve We Have left them all be
Hind and Will be Hard Run for meat—
maid 20 miles South 65 East
Sunday 23rd June 1822
Rained Hard last night—
We Sot out about 9 oclock Crosing three Branches[156] Runing to the South
all Well timbered Rich lime Stone land a little Roleing. We Camped on the
third Branch—no game—
Maid 20 miles Nᵒ 80 East
Rained all night—
monday 24 June 1822
We Sot out Early and it Soon began to Rain We maid Six miles Crossing two
Branches[157] and Camped on the Second Which is Well timbered With Walnut
Buckiey Hickory oak and Elm. the land of the Richest kind—lime Stone In
all Banks but the leave [level] land Clar of Stone—
6 miles north 65 East
Rained all night
tusday 25th June 1822
Set out about 10 oclock up the Branch and out at the Head of it and over
a low deviding Ridge and fell on the Head Watters of the virdegree.[158]
the land is more Roleing the Hills Higher but Rich We Camped on a Branch
Runing nearly West With Some timber Peno killed one deer
maid 15 miles no 50 East
Wensday 26th June 1822
We Sot out Early pasing over a Rich Roleing Pirarie to a Crick[159] With
Some timber—taylor killed two deer—We maid 8 miles no 15 East It Rains
Heavely—
thorsday 27th June 1822
Set out Early Crossing five Cricks[160] all Runing South East Some
timber on all of them one twenty yds Wide the Cuntry as ushal Rich and
Roleing—Robert Fowler and Ward Each killed one deer—
maid 15 miles N 25 East
Friday 28th June 1822
Set out Early Crossing a Crick at Six miles Runing South and at 12
miles Cam to grand River or the Six Bull [the Neosho,[161] running]
South East Went up it about one mile Crossed over and Camped on a Crick
near the mouth this Crick Puts In on the north Side Heare Is one of the
Best trakes [tracts] of land for a settlement I Have Seen the land is
Rich and leavel Plenty of timber on the Crick as Well as all a long the
River—taylor killed one Elk—Which Was Braught to Camp We maid 12 miles no
40 East
Satterday 29th June 1822
Set out Early and at ten miles Crosed a Crick[162] 50 yds Wide part of
the Racuon fork of the osage River the Corse South East—at 14 miles
Crosed a Branch of the Same Crick—and at 22 miles Camped Without Wood—Had
no fier—the first 10 miles N 15 E the last 12 miles N 65 E the Bottoms
Has Some timber the land all Rich Rained Heavily all night With thonder
and lightning—
22 miles the first 10 N 15 E then 12 N 65 E
Sunday 30th June 1822
last night’s Rain Wett all our Bagage as Well as the bever furr the
morning Clear We dry all our things and move on about 10 oclock—at
10 miles Crossed a Crick[163] and at Sixteen miles Crosed the osage
River[164] Wheare We left one Hors He Coud not Rais up the Bank Which
Was High and mudey—We moved out of the timber and Slept on a High point
to avoid the musketoes Ward killed one young Elk We Have Seen many Elk In
the two last days Rained Heavily all night
maid 16 miles N 65 E
monday 1st July 1822
the last night Raised the Cricks So that We Have to leave the Waggon
[road] We fell into two days back Which Road Was maid by Becknal and
His party on their Way to the Spanish Settlement—We Hear took up a low
Ridge betwen the Branches and over a low Ridge Eight miles to a large
Crick[165] So Raised With the last night Rain that the loads on the
Horses Will git Wett If We drive them threw But the men Waid over and
Carry the Pack on their Heads—the Watter Swims the Horses—Heare is a
large Bodey of timber along this Crick and land of the Best qualety for
the Hole Cuntry is fit for Cultevation We Went Six miles In the Evening
Crossing two Crick[166] all the Watters Runs South East maid 14 miles N
20 E the timber Increses as We aproch the mesurey [Missouri]
tusday 2nd July 1822
a Heavey thonder Storm Came on in the night and Rained Hard till Sun Rise
We then Sot out and Crosing Several Small Branches[167] much Raised With
last nights Rain maid five miles and Stoped to dry our Bagage—Heare Some
Hunters Sot out to kitt meet [kill meat] Robert Fowler and Taylor Set out
In frunt to meet at the Crick a Head of Which We Cold See the timber—We
Sot out In the Evening—the gide Chaing His Corse did not meet the Hunters
We maid 12 miles and Slept on the devideing Ridge[168] betwen the oasage
[Osage] and Kensa or Caw [Kansas] Rivers—the Hunters did not Come In—We
See on our left Hand a large Bodey of timber Soposed to be on the Caw
River the Pirarie is a little Roleing and of the Richest kind of lime
Stone land We maid 17 miles N 75 East
thorsday [Wednesday] 3rd July 1822
We Sot out Early and like a Ship With out a Rudder We Steerd from South
East to north East—I Sopose the gide Was lost or did not as He Had toled
us kno Wheare He Was—In this [way] We maid twelve miles and Stoped for
noon for We Have not much to Eat tho We See many deer and Some Elk—the
two Hunters not Come up yet—We moved on In the Evening and Soon fell on
the Waggon Road We had left at the osage River this We followed ten miles
and Camped on a Crick[169] Runing north West—and We Sopose to the Caw
River—Ward killed a fatt Elk this Evening the Hunters not up—
We maid 22 miles N 30 East
Rich leavel land—
thorsday 4th July 1822
We Set out Early to follow the Waggon Road but Heare the Pirarie Has
Been Burned In the Spring and the grass So gron up So that We Cannot
find it—and after Winding about for about two Hours Steered N 45 East
Six miles and fell on a Road Runing nearly East and West—along Which We
took [to] the East Eand Wheare We found the Waggon tracks—a large Bodey
of timber on our left and is Shorly the mesurey or the Caw River and at
about Six miles Stoped for dinner—While Heare the lost men Came up the
Ware much Woren down there feet Sore and mogersons Woren out—We Went ten
miles In the Evening along the Road Crossing one Crick[170] Which Runs
north—
the large Bodey of timber Still Continus on our left
the general Corse of this Road is north Eighty East—
Friday 5th July 1822
Sot out Early and at five miles Crossing a large Crick[171] 50 yds Wide
Runs north the Bottoms and Hill Sides are Well Covered With timber—We
Heare Went up a High Steep Hill over Some Rocks and Continu over High
Roleing ground partly Covered With timber and Brush for about four miles
then six miles over Roling Pirarie to a Crick[172] Wheare We Stoped for
dinner there Is plenty of timber Heare and the gide tells us that He now
knos Wheare We are and that it is about ten miles to fort osage We Sot
out In the Evening and at three miles Came to a deep Crick[173] Wheare
the men Had to Carry the Bagage all over on their Heads and drove the
Horses threw—the Watter Was So deep that it Was over the mens Sholders
and none but the tall ones Cold Carry the Packs—We then Set out for the
fort[174] Wheare We arived about ten oClock at night but our Company Was
much Scattered Haveing Sent mr Roy and Battes forward from the Crick to
prepair Supper at the fort fore the Party—on our arivel We Called for
them but the Ware not to be found nor Cold We find any purson for Some
time but a negro man—and thonder gust Comeing—He Shewed [us] In to mr
Sibleys Porch Wheare We Spent the Ballence of the night—
Satterday 6th July 1822
Early In the morning We found mr Boggs the asistant Factor Who Shewed us
Into an Enty [empty] House In the garison—to Which We moved our Bagage.
Exspecting to Remain there till Some provetions Cold be Precured—
the garreson at this time Was Commanded by one officer of the united
States armey—Haveing two men under His Command Both of them Haveing
disarted a few days ago and Carryed off all His amenetion—now It appeers
that mr Boggs Had not advised Him of our Removel Into the garreson nor
did We Sopose from the Shattered Setuation of Every thing We See—that
any Command of men or officer Was there But Whin He looked up In the
morning and Seeing our men and Bagage He Said to mr Boggs that He did
not like to See the gareson taken In that kind of Stile—but on Receeving
that Information from mr Boggs and the officer not Calling on us We that
[thought] Proper not to be longer In His Way and moved about two Hunderd
yds to a Spring and Camped Wheare after Some Diffequalty We Precured Some
Previtions
It may Heare Be Remarked that. We Ware treeted Heare With more Coolness
than amongest any Indeans or Spanierds We meet With But We feel greatful
to mr Boggs for His Polightness—He in the morning Precure for us a Small
Beef—and mr Sibley Sent us Some flour and Bacon—Which With Corn meel and
Bacon We Purchased from one of the Citisons We maid out Prete Well—for
two days to Rest and Purchased two Conus [canoes] With a platform and
Shiped all our Baggage With our Selves leaveing four men to Bring on
the Enty Horses to Cortsand Ca [?]—and We proceded to St lewis—Wheare
I Remained two days and then took a pasage In the Steem Boat Calhoon
to lewisvill and from that In a Small Steem Boat to Cincinati—and got
Home[175] on the 27th day of July 1822—haveing [been] gon thirteen months
and thirteen days
FOOTNOTES
[1] Present name of the town which has grown up on the site of the
original military post, in Sebastian Co., Ark., about 5 m. S. W. of Van
Buren, on the right bank of the Arkansaw river, at the mouth of Poteau
river, immediately on the W. border of the State, where the river passes
from the Indian Territory into Arkansas; lat. 35° 22´ N., long. 94°
28´ W.; pop. in 1890, 11,311. The original name of the then important
frontier locality was Belle Pointe. “The site of Fort Smith was selected
by Major Long, in the fall of 1817, and called Belle Point in allusion to
its peculiar beauty. It occupies an elevated point of land, immediately
below the junction of the Arkansa and the Poteau, a small tributary from
the southwest. Agreeably to the orders of General Smith, then commanding
the 9th military department, a plan of the proposed work was submitted
to Major Bradford, at that time, and since commandant at the post, under
whose superintendence the works have been in part completed” in Sept.,
1820: Long’s Exp. ii, 1823, p. 260, where description of the place
follows.
From this starting-point our author proceeds on the direct road to the
Neosho river, vicinity of present Fort Gibson, Ind. Terr.
[2] The common cane, _Arundinaria macrosperma_, which forms extensive
brakes.
[3] Tahlequah or Talequah, one of several small tributaries of the
Arkansaw from the N., below the Illinois river; on which latter is the
town of Tahlequah, capital of the Cherokee Nation, Indian Terr., about 45
m. N. W. of Fort Smith.
[4] Illinois river, the largest tributary of the Arkansaw from the N.
between Fort Smith and Fort Gibson: see Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 558,
and add: “The Illinois is called by the Osages, Eng-wah-con-dah or
Medicine-stone creek,” Long, ii, 1823, p. 255. Fowler crosses the
Illinois some 6 or 8 m. from its confluence with the Arkansaw.
[5] Bean’s or Bean and Saunders’ salt works were begun in the spring
of 1820 about a mile up a small creek which flows into the Illinois at
or near the place where Fowler crosses the latter, some 6 m. from the
Arkansaw; description in Long, ii, 1823, p. 254.
[6] The Neosho, for which see Pike, ed. of 1895, pp. 395, 397-401, etc.
“The _Neosho_, or _Grand_ river, better known to the hunters by the
singular designation of the _Six Bulls_,” Long, ii, 1823, p. 253. This is
a name which I missed in editing Pike. On the left bank of the Neosho,
near its mouth, is Fort Gibson, which was not in existence in 1821.
[7] The Verdigris, Vermilion, Wasetihoge, or Wassuja river, for which see
Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 400 and p. 555. Its confluence with the Arkansaw is
about the distance said in the text above that of the Neosho. For a few
miles from its mouth it forms a part of the boundary between the Cherokee
and Creek Nations, and is then crossed by the Mo., Kas. and Tex. R. R.,
Gibson Station being about 7 m. N. W. of Fort Gibson. Fowler will proceed
approximately up the Verdigris for a long distance before turning more
westward to reach the Arkansaw again.
[8] Hugh Glenn or Glen, whom Fowler calls “Glann,” is readily identified
as a well-known Indian trader of those days. “A party of men accompanying
Mr. Hugh Glen on his way from Fort Smith, to the trading house at the
mouth of the Verdigris,” Long’s Exp. 11, 1823, p. 171, with other remarks
on p. 172: “5th [Sept., 1820]. At ten o’clock we arrived at Mr. Glen’s
trading house near the Verdigris, about a mile above its confluence with
the Arkansa. We were hospitably received by the interpreter, a Frenchman,
who informed us that Mr. Glen was absent on a visit to Belle Point,”
_ibid._, p. 251. As we next discover, “Conl. Glann” commanded our present
expedition.
[9] From the above defective list of 20 persons, taken in connection with
information regarding their names to be found further on in the book, we
arrive at the following approximately correct roster of the party:
1. Colonel HUGH GLENN, in command.
2. Major JACOB FOWLER, the journalist, second in command.
3. ROBERT FOWLER, brother of Jacob Fowler.
4. BAPTISTE ROY, interpreter.
5. BAPTISTE PENO (French name, no doubt misspelled).
6. GEORGE DOUGLAS.
7. NATHANIEL PRYOR, ex-Sergeant of Lewis and Clark’s Expedition.
8. —— BONO (French name, no doubt misspelled, possibly Bonhomme).
9. —— BARBO (French name, no doubt misspelled, possibly Barbu).
10. LEWIS DAWSON (Fatally injured by a bear, Nov 13, 1821, died Nov 16).
11. —— TAYLOR.
12. RICHARD WALTERS.
13. ELI WARD.
14. JESSE VAN BIBER.
15. —— SLOVER.
16. —— SIMPSON.
17. DUDLEY MAXWELL.
18. —— FINDLEY.
19. BAPTISTE MORAN.
20. PAUL, a negro belonging to Jacob Fowler.
The most interesting of the above names is that of Nathaniel Pryor, of
whose identity with the sergeant of Lewis and Clark I have no doubt:
see L. and C., ed. of 1893, p. 254, delete the query there, and add:
Nathaniel Pryor of Kentucky became an Ensign of the U. S. Army Feb
27, 1807, Second Lieutenant May 3, 1808, resigned April 1, 1810, was
appointed First Lieutenant of the 44th Inf. Aug 30, 1813, promoted to be
Captain Oct 1, 1814, and honorably discharged June 15, 1815. See also my
article, “Letters of William Clark and Nathaniel Pryor,” in Annals of
Iowa, 3d ser., Vol I, No. 8, Jan., 1895, pp. 613-620, for an account of
Ensign Pryor’s disastrous attempt to convey the Mandan chief Shahaka from
St. Louis, Mo., to the Mandan villages on the Missouri.
[10] Indian missionaries, several of whose establishments have been
located in this vicinity.
[11] Approximately up the Verdigris, as already indicated. The road
taken is marked on several maps I have examined. For the Osage village
in mention, see Pike, ed. of 1893, p. 557. This “Arkansaw band” of
Osages consisted of those called “Osages of the Oaks,” in Long, ii, p.
251. Their most influential man then, as in Pike’s time, was Clermont,
surnamed the “Builder of Towns,” and I suppose that the village now
called Claremore, among the Blue Mounds on the Verdigris, in the Cherokee
country, was named for him. In 1820 some of Long’s party were assured
“that Clermont had then four wives, and thirty-seven children! a number
... which may probably be attributed to this chief by mistake,” as the
narrative sagely adds. Clermont’s band are also called “Chaneers,”
_ibid._, p. 244, on the authority of Dr. Sibley.
[12] These are the Blue Mounds mentioned in the last note. The several
“cricks,” which Fowler has spoken of crossing, are inconsiderable
tributaries of the Verdigris flowing southerly, as those called Big,
Otter, Dog, etc.
[13] The Verdigris has been crossed from E. to W. a very few miles above
the confluence therewith of the Little Verdigris or Caney river, which
is now on Fowler’s left as he follows it up approximately, but at some
distance therefrom, on a general course about N. W. Of the series of its
small tributaries, running to his left, the one on which he camps is
perhaps Five Mile creek, or the next beyond that.
[14] The smaller one of the main two forks of the Verdigris, running on
a general S. E. course from Kansas through the N. E. corner of Oklahoma
into the Cherokee country, and joining the Verdigris in the vicinity of
the Blue Mounds. Fowler continues up the Little Verdigris.
[15] Some obscure tributary of the Little Verdigris, up which river
Fowler has come to a point probably not determinable from his itinerary.
On crossing the meridian of 96° W. he passed from the Indian Territory
into Oklahoma, and is now in the N. W. corner of the latter, in the Osage
Reservation, not far from the S. border of Kansas. Hence he will take
a general westerly course, through the Osage country, nearly parallel
with the Kansas border and Cherokee strip, to the Arkansaw river. I
find myself unable to trace this traverse satisfactorily, as neither
the courses nor the distances given can be relied upon. I am inclined
to think Fowler sometimes reverses the courses of streams—_i.e._, gives
them as they bear from himself, not as they flow. At any rate I cannot
identify the several streams he mentions Oct. 3-5. I suppose that, after
finishing with the watershed of the Little Verdigris, he crosses some
heads of Buck (formerly Suicide) creek, and then Beaver and Little Beaver
creeks, whose united streams enter the Arkansaw at the Kaw Agency.
[16] Cabree or cabri—the American antelope, _Antilocapra americana_.
[17] _Read_ Bad Saline. But this is a mistake; the Saline or Salt fork of
the Arkansaw is far from here, on the other side of the main river. Qu:
is the supposed “Bad Salean” a headwater of Buck creek?
[18] Four questionable streams passed to-day; I suppose them to be the
Beaver creek and its tributaries already mentioned, as Fowler must cross
these to strike the Arkansaw at the only point which renders intelligible
his itinerary up this river to the Little Arkansaw at Wichita, Kas.,
as given beyond. Fowler appears to be camped on Little Beaver creek,
above its junction with Beaver creek; if so, he is in the Kansas Indian
Reservation, a few miles N. of present Kaw Agency.
[19] At a point somewhere within the present Kansas Indian Reservation,
in Oklahoma, perhaps not far from opposite the mouth of Chilocco or
Chilocky creek, a little S. of the Cherokee strip.
[20] Apparently the stream now known as Grouse creek, which traverses
Cowley Co., Kas., on a general S. S. W. course, to fall into the Arkansaw
in the Cherokee strip, between Kansas and Oklahoma.
[21] White or Whitewater is a former name of that stream which is now
known as Walnut creek, and on which is situated Winfield, seat of Cowley
Co., Kas. Its general course is S. through Butler and Cowley counties,
but it loops both E. and W. on approaching the Arkansaw. Fowler says that
he struck it on its W. bend, which is above the place called Arkansas
City, and if, after crossing it, he ascended it for 8 m., he proceeded
about N. W. in the direction of Winfield.
[22] Nearly on the line between Cowley and Sumner counties, Kas.
[23] Vicinity of Mulvane, on or near the line between Sumner and Sedgwick
counties, Kas.
[24] At Wichita, seat of Sedgwick Co., Kas., where the Little Arkansaw
joins the Arkansaw river.
[25] Up which the party will continue for many days. Camp to-day in
Sedgwick Co., near the border of Reno Co.
[26] Cow creek, a considerable tributary of the Arkansaw, falling in
below Hutchinson, seat of Reno Co. See Pike, ed. of 1893, p. 424.
[27] At or near Hutchinson, Reno Co.
[28] The ultimate sources of Cow creek, at the mouth of which Fowler
camped on the 15th, are of course afar off. He means a source of Bull
creek, that branch of Cow creek which arises in the vicinity of Sterling,
Rice Co., and runs approx. parallel with the Arkansaw past Nickerson,
Reno Co., to join Cow creek a few miles below the latter place.
[29] The 1700-feet contour line is quite near the S. side of the Arkansaw
for several miles along here, and crosses the river a little below
Raymond, Rice Co., while on the N. side the same contour line is as far
off as Lyons—some 11 or 12 miles. Fowler viewed the topography correctly.
[30] At or near Ellinwood, Barton Co. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 425.
Fowler is fairly on the great bend of the Arkansaw, but not yet at the
place called Great Bend.
[31] A mistake—Fowler has not yet reached the Pawnee fork of the
Arkansaw. His “paney River” is Walnut creek, near which is Great Bend,
seat of Barton Co. This identification is proven by: (1) The _west_
course assigned for to-day, the reach from Ellinwood to Great Bend being
the only one in that direction. (2) The _walnut_ and other trees named
as growing on this stream. (3) The statement that this is the _second_
stream crossed since leaving the Little Arkansaw—the only other one
being Cow creek of p. 19. (4) The courses and distances given beyond
for the identifiable streams crossed, namely: Pawnee fork, Coon creek,
and Mulberry creek, all of which fetch out quite right, if the present
adjustment be made, otherwise all wrong. It would be curious to know if
this is simply a blunder of Fowler’s, or if Walnut creek was once known
as “paney river”; most likely the former, as I have never met with the
present malidentification before. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 425.
Fowler rounds the great bend, past Great Bend, and camps, as he says, 9
m. short of the true Pawnee fork. It will be observed that he has no name
but “Red Rock” for the subsequently and long famous Pawnee Rock, which
now gives name to a station on the railroad, said to be 16 m. above Great
Bend and 13 m. below Larned. It is said to have received its name from
a fight there in May or June, 1826, when an expedition which Col. Ceran
St. Vrain had fitted out was attacked by Pawnees, and Kit Carson, then a
boy, killed his own mule by mistake for an Indian during a false alarm
the night before. “Pawnee Rock is no longer conspicuous. Its material has
been torn away both by the railroad and the settlers in the vicinity,
to build foundations for water-tanks, in the one instance, and for the
construction of their houses, barns, and sheds, in the other. Nothing
remains of the once famous landmark, its site is occupied as a cattle
corral by the owner of the claim in which it is situated,” says Inman,
Old Santa Fé Trail, 1897, pp. 404, 405.
[32] _This_ is the Pawnee fork, which Fowler crosses at Larned, Pawnee
Co., and continues up the left bank of the Arkansaw. See Pike, ed. of
1895, p. 432.
[33] Big Coon creek, which skirts the Arkansaw for a long distance, and
on which are Garfield, Pawnee Co., and Kinsley, Edwards Co. Camp in the
vicinity of Garfield. See Pike, ed. of 1895, pp. 434, 435.
[34] The same Big Coon creek, up which Fowler is still going, approx.
parallel with the Arkansaw. Camp in the vicinity of Kinsley, Edwards Co.
[35] One of the forks of the same Big Coon creek.
[36] Mulberry creek, falling into the right bank of the Arkansaw at town
of Ford, Ford Co. Here is a case in which Fowler obviously reverses the
course of a stream, giving the direction as it bears _from_ himself; N.
25° E. is about right for Mulberry creek. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 436.
This identification of Mulberry creek shows that we have fetched Fowler
correctly from the great bend, his courses and distances proving to be
near enough.
[37] The distance given sets Fowler at or near site of present Dodge
City, seat of Ford Co., for many years the most notable point along this
portion of the river, as it still is. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 437.
[38] Vicinity of Cimarron, Gray Co. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 438.
[39] Vicinity of Ingalls, Gray Co., or rather beyond.
[40] At some point beyond Pierceville, Finney Co. See Pike, ed. of 1895,
p. 440.
[41] Having passed Garden City, seat of Finney Co., by perhaps 8 or 10 m.
[42] This first southing seems to indicate a start from a point where the
river reaches lat. 38° N., near the W. border of Finney Co., at about the
distance last said beyond Garden City; whence the general course of the
Arkansaw is nearly as said past Deerfield and Lakin to Hartland, Kearney
Co. The distance given from this turn of the river would bring Fowler
somewhere between the two last named places.
[43] Chouteau’s, whose name was long borne by a large island in this
vicinity, not easy to locate exactly. If there has been but one of this
name, Chouteau’s island has floated a good many miles up and down the
river—at least, in books I have sought on the subject. Inman locates it
near Cimarron, Kas., p. 42; at the mouth of Big Sandy creek, Col., p. 75;
and his map agrees with the latter position. He says, pp. 40, 41: “As
early as 1815, Auguste P. Chouteau and his partner, with a large number
of trappers and hunters, went out to the valley of the upper Arkansas,
... The island on which Chouteau established his trading-post, and
which bears his name even to this day, is in the Arkansas River on the
boundary line of the United States and Mexico.... While occupying the
island, Chouteau and his old hunters were attacked by about three hundred
Pawnees, whom they repulsed with the loss of thirty killed and wounded.”
(Auguste P. Chouteau, b. May 9, 1786, married Sophie A. Labadie Feb. 15,
1809; d. 1839. He was the eldest son of John Pierre Chouteau, and elder
brother of Pierre Chouteau, jr., b. Jan. 19, 1789, d. Oct. 6, 1865.)
[44] Exactly so—passing Hartland, seat of Kearney Co., and continuing 10
m. N. 80° W. to camp near border of Kearney and Hamilton counties, nearly
in the position of Kendall, in the latter county. See Pike, ed. of 1895,
p. 440.
[45] Reading 4 + 6 + 6 = 16 m. to-day, and the last course W., we should
bring Fowler past Syracuse, seat of Hamilton Co., to the vicinity of
Coolidge, and thus near the boundary between Kansas and Colorado. This
lap seems to me to stretch somewhat, but such advance as I here indicate
appears to be required to adjust Fowler’s topography beyond, and bring
him correctly to Purgatory river on the 13th. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p.
441. Compare also date of June 11, 1822, beyond.
[46] Apparently that now known as Two Butte creek, from the S., falling
in nearly opposite Wild Horse or Little Sandy creek from the N., a mile
or two above Hollys, Prowers Co., Colorado. Camp 3 m. above Two Butte
creek would be about 2 m. short of the station Adana, on the A. T. and S.
F. R. R. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 442.
[47] Past Adana, Granada, and Manville, to a point about opposite
Carlton, Prowers Co.
[48] This large dry creek, from the N., is the Big Sandy, which falls in
about the distance said above the camp which was on the island opposite
Carlton. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 443. Somewhere about the mouth of
Big Sandy creek is one of the locations of the shifty Chouteau’s island
mentioned on p. 32.
[49] Willow creek, on which is Lamar, seat of Prowers Co. See Pike, ed.
of 1895, p. 443.
[50] Present name the same—Mud or Muddy creek, nearly halfway between
Prowers, Bent Co., and Caddoa creek. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 443.
[51] A statement which serves to fix camp with perfect precision. The two
mounds said are both between one and two miles due W. of Caddoa, and just
the distance said W. of Caddoa creek. These isolated elevations appear
in due form on the U. S. Geological Survey map of Colorado, Lamar sheet,
near lower left-hand corner. The railroad cuts between the river and
these bluffs, but the wagon road rises over them, back of their tops. See
Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 443.
[52] Two special elevations across the river, directly in line from camp,
are respectively 3975 and 4200 feet high, and their summits just about 5
m. apart.
[53] Present Rule creek, quite at the distance said from the twin bluffs
at camp.
[54] Las Cumbres Españolas—the celebrated Spanish Peaks. This is the
place where, on the 15th of Nov., 1806, Pike’s party gave “three cheers
to the Mexican mountains.” His map bears the legend: “Here the Mountains
are first seen.” It is a curious fact, now forgotten by most persons,
that the Spanish Peaks were called and supposed to be Pike’s Peak for
some time—during the years that Pike’s Peak was called James’ Peak.
Thus, Thomas J. Farnham, writing of 1839 in his Travels, New York, 1843,
p. 41, says: “Pike’s peak in the _south_west, and James’ peak in the
northwest, at sunset showed their hoary heads above the clouds that hung
around them.” Again, _ibid._, p. 42: “Sixty miles east of these mountains
[in Colorado and New Mexico], and 50 _south_ of the Arkansas, stands,
isolated on the plain, Pike’s peak, and the lesser ones that cluster
around it”—here also thus distinguishing it from James’ Peak, north of
the Arkansaw. As I have said in my edition of Pike, p. 457, where I
discuss the first application of Pike’s name to the peak which now bears
it, the date has never been exactly ascertained; and here in Farnham we
have the Spanish Peaks called by Pike’s name so late as 1839. I suppose
it will be difficult, if not impossible, to trace the proper appellation
of Pike’s Peak back of Frémont’s expedition of 1843-44. At the time I
penned my note on the subject I did not know that the misapplication
of Pike’s name to the Spanish Peaks had ever been current, and my
reference to the verbal use of the term in the 30’s may have had no other
foundation. Pike’s Peak having been first surmounted by Dr. Edwin James
and his men, at 4 p. m., July 14, 1820, was formally named James’ Peak in
Long, ii, 1823, p. 45, from Long’s MS. notes of July 15, 1820.
[55] Fowler’s supposition is correct—this is Pike’s “1st Fork” of the
Arkansaw, Spanish Rio Purgatorio and Rio de las Animas Perdidas, French
Rivière Purgatoire, English Purgatory river, often corrupted into
Picket-wire, and also known as Las Animas river. It enters the Arkansaw
from the S. in long. 103° 10´ W., midway between Fort Lyon (across the
main stream) and the town of Las Animas, Bent Co. See Pike, ed. of 1895,
p. 445.
Fowler names Purgatory river “White Bair crick” on June 6, 1822, beyond,
from the tragic incident now about to be narrated.
[56] Grizzly bear, _Ursus horribilis_. Lewis Dawson may not have been the
first American citizen to die and be buried in present Colorado, but I
have found no such fact of earlier date.
[57] The first of these is Pike’s Peak; the second and third are the two
Spanish Peaks. Besides the names of these latter which I have noted on p.
40, they have also been known as Las Dos Hermanas—The Two Sisters; and
when I was in that country I sometimes heard the French names Les Tetons
and Les Mamelles. The Ute Indian name, Wahtoyah, meaning Twins, is taken
by Lewis H. Garrard as the major title of his book, otherwise The Taos
Trail, etc., Cincinnati, 1850—a boyish piece of work, but the readable
work of a very bright boy, who has much to say from personal observation
of Taos, whither Fowler is bound. He is well worth looking up in the
present connection.
[58] Vicinity of Robinson, about on the boundary between Bent and Otero
counties, and near the site of Bent’s fort, which was a noted place for
many years. See Pike, ed. of 1895, pp. 446, 447, and to authorities there
cited for description add Farnham, Travels, 1843, chap. iv, beginning p.
34. Fort William was an alternative name of the same establishment—so
called after one of the Canadian-French Bent brothers, who were William,
George, Robert, and Charles. In 1826 three of them, with Ceran St.
Vrain, built a rude stockade on the N. bank of the Arkansaw _above_
Pueblo—perhaps halfway up to Cañon City. In 1828 they moved down below
Pueblo, and began the erection of the permanent structure called Fort
William, which was long better known as Bent’s “old” Fort. It existed
till 1852, when Col. Wm. Bent destroyed it with fire and gunpowder. He
immediately selected a new site lower down the Arkansaw, on the same (N.)
side, in the well-known locality of the Big Timbers, where he erected
Bent’s “new” fort in 1853, and used it as a trading-post till 1859, when
it was leased to the Government; Col. Bent moving to a point just above
Purgatory river for the winter of 1859-60. Next spring Bent’s place
became Fort Wise, so named for the Governor of Virginia, but in 1861 this
name was changed to Fort Lyon, in honor of Gen. Nathaniel Lyon, who was
killed at the battle of Wilson’s creek, Mo., Aug. 10, 1861. In the spring
of 1866 the river undermined this post, and it was moved to a point 20 m.
lower down, though the old post continued to be used as a stage station
by Barlow, Sanderson and Co.
[59] Adobe and Horse creeks. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 446.
[60] At or near La Junta, seat of Otero Co., where the Arkansaw bends a
little S. of lat. 38° N. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 447.
[61] Present Crooked creek, a little above La Junta. See Pike, ed. of
1895, p. 447.
[62] Timpas creek, about midway between La Junta and Rocky Ford, Otero
Co. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 448.
[63] In the wide low bottom some 4 or 5 m. below Catlin, Otero Co., and
about twice that distance short of the Apishapa river. See Pike, ed. of
1895, p. 448.
[64] Apishapa river, now crossed by the railroad 4½ m. above the station
Catlin, already named. Camp said to be 5 m. above this river. See Pike,
ed. of 1895, p. 448.
[65] This Indian camp, of which we shall hear more, appears from the
indications given to have been on the N. side of the Arkansaw, a little
over the border of Otero Co., about half way between Fowler’s last camp
and Nepesta, Pueblo Co.
[66] Ietans—Comanches.
[67] James Monroe, then President of the United States.
[68] San Antonio, Tex.
[69] Pueblo de Taos, N. M.
[70] Major S. H. Long, whose expedition came down the Arkansaw and
Canadian rivers in 1820. The “Predesent” above said is of course
President Monroe.
[71] To a position 2 or 3 m. beyond Nepesta, and about 5 m. short of
Huerfano river.
[72] The Huerfano or Orphan river, falling into the Arkansaw as said,
opposite the station Booneville on the railroad. See Pike, ed. of 1895,
p. 448, for this river, which is his “2nd Fork.” Among the mangled names
found in print are Rio Walfano of Farnham, Travels, 1843, p. 41; and,
most curious of all, Wharf creek of Long’s Exped., ii, 1823, p. 59, where
the innocent reader is informed that the Rio Huerfano “is called by the
Spaniards Wharf creek, probably from the circumstance of its washing
perpendicular precipices of moderate height”!
[73] From camp at a point given on the 25th as 3 m. above the Huerfano,
to-day’s 5 m. would take Fowler about 3 m. short of St. Charles river. He
passes opposite the mouth of Chico creek, as duly noted on the 27th. See
Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 451.
[74] At this point in the MS. the handwriting changes, Fowler’s giving
way to that of Colonel Glenn, who writes in a firm and clear hand. The
reader will also notice the difference in the spelling and syntax of what
now follows, to the middle of the account of Dec. 31.
[75] At this point Fowler resumes his own pen, but Colonel Glenn’s story
continues, apparently by dictation to Fowler, to the end of the entry for
Jan. 1, 1822.
[76] Santa Fé, N. M.—End of Colonel Glenn’s story, in Fowler’s
handwriting.
[77] Fontaine qui Bouille of the French, Boiling Spring river or creek,
present Fountain river or creek, site of the city of Pueblo. This river
is Fontaine-qui-bouit in Frémont, Fontequebouir in Farnham, Rio Almagre
of the Spanish, and forms one of the Grand Forks of Pike. See Pike, ed.
of 1895, p. 452, etc.
We must pause here to consider Fowler as the first settler, or at least
squatter, on the site of the future Pueblo, Col., the honor of founding
which is claimed by, and commonly conceded to, James P. Beckwourth, whose
mendacity was as illimitable as the plains over which he roamed while he
was the great chief of the Crows, and whose credit for the same was as
high as the mountains in which his adopted nation lurked. It is true that
Pike built at Pueblo a sort of stockade for the defense of his party,
but this was merely a log pen or breastwork which his men occupied Nov.
24-29, 1806, while he went on a side trip to his peak. The structure
was such as could be thrown up over night, and all trace of it speedily
disappeared. But Fowler built a habitable house and horse-corral, which
he occupied about a month, while his party were trapping, hunting, and
herding their stock in the vicinity, awaiting the appointed time to
take up the Taos Trail which Col. Glenn had already followed to Santa
Fé. The site of Pueblo does not appear to have been reoccupied in any
way that can be called settling, for 20 years after Fowler. Then the
redoubtable Jim appears upon the scene: see Leland’s ed. of Bonner’s
Life of Beckwourth, 1892, p. 383. “We reached the Arkansaw about the
first of October, 1842, where I erected a trading-post, and opened a
successful business. In a very short time I was joined by from fifteen
to twenty free trappers, with their families. We all united our labors,
and constructed an adobe fort sixty yards square. By the following spring
we had grown into quite a little settlement, and we gave it the name of
Pueblo.” In so saying, this boundless liar tells the truth—whether by
accident or design is immaterial to the substantial accuracy of what
he says. We also read further in Inman, p. 252: “The old Pueblo fort,
as nearly as can be determined now, was built as early as 1840, or not
later than 1842, and, as one authority asserts, by George Simpson and
his associates, Barclay and Doyle. Beckwourth claims to have been the
original projector of the fort, and to have given the general plan and
its name, in which I am inclined to believe he is correct; perhaps
Barclay, Doyle, and Simpson were connected with him, as he states that
there were other trappers, though he mentions no names. It was a square
fort of adobe, with circular bastions at the corners, no part of the
walls being more than eight feet high. Around the inside of the plaza, or
corral, were half a dozen small rooms inhabited by as many Indian traders
and mountain-men.” According to Fitzpatrick, in 1847 the settlement
contained about 150 men and 60 or more women, the former mostly
Missourians, French-Canadians, and Mexicans, whose wives were squaws of
various Indian tribes, together with some American Mormon women. On this
subject see also Pike, ed. of 1895, pp. 453, 454, where an adobe fort is
noted.
[78] Compare “‘tabba bone!’ which in the Shoshonee language means white
man,” Lewis and Clark, ed. of 1893, p. 480.
[79] From Pueblo, Col., to a point on the Rio San Carlos or St. Charles
river, the creek above said, which is struck a little above the
confluence of the Greenhorn branch. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 451. The
San Carlos is Pike’s “3d Fork” of the Arkansaw.
[80] Approximately up the Greenhorn to a point near lat. 38° N. The
sources of the Greenhorn are several, flowing from the mountain of the
same name (Spanish Cuerno Verde), 12,230 or 12,341 feet high, near the
southern end of the Wet Mountain range.
At this date Fowler duplicates the day of the week, which throws him out
till Feb. 9, when he corrects himself. But there is no break in days of
the month.
[81] One of the sources of the Greenhorn.
[82] Apache creek, a branch of Rio Huerfano, arising with sources of the
Greenhorn from the mountain of the latter name, and flowing eastward.
[83] Fowler’s distances seem to me short, considering how soon he is to
make the Sangre de Cristo Pass for which he is heading, and I cannot
locate this camp exactly. But his approximate position is easily made
out. He is about to round the southern end of the Wet Mountain range,
marked by Badito Cone, where the Rio Huerfano flows out to the plains; he
will cross this river and enter upon the Sangre de Cristo range between
the Sheep mts. and the Veta mts. His position is not far from lat. 37°
45´; place called St. Mary’s in the vicinity. Fowler has come all along
at an increasing distance W. of the D. and R. G. R. R., his route being
the old “Taos Trail” which the Mexicans followed in passing from the Rio
Grande in the vicinity of Taos to the Arkansaw at or near present Pueblo,
Col.
[84] Of the Huerfano river, which, if followed up W., would take him into
Huerfano Park, between the Wet Mountain range and the Sangre de Cristo
range.
[85] Making the Sangre de Cristo Pass, from the watershed of the Huerfano
to that of the Rio Grande del Norte. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 492. It
may be difficult or impossible to find the record of any earlier passage
of these mountains by an American party, or indeed any previous itinerary
of the whole Taos Trail.
[86] Sangre de Cristo creek, tributary to Trinchera creek, a branch of
the Rio Grande. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 494.
[87] Besides the distance above given for making the pass to-day. Camp
on Sangre de Cristo creek, which flows past Fort Garland into Trinchera
creek, in the San Luis valley. That branch of the D. and R. G. R. R.
which goes through the Veta pass follows down the creek on which Fowler
is camped.
[88] Trinchera creek. Fowler seems to have left Sangre de Cristo creek at
a point about 4 m. E. of Fort Garland.
[89] A portion of the San Luis valley, through which the Rio Grande flows
for a great distance. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 492.
[90] Rio Culebra, next tributary of the Rio Grande from the E. See Pike,
ed. of 1895, p. 494.
[91] The San Luis hills, on each side of the Rio Grande near the Rio
Culebra.
[92] Rio Costilla, next tributary of the Rio Grande from the E. See Pike,
ed. of 1895, p. 494. On reaching lat. 37° N. Fowler passes from Colorado
into New Mexico. The principal landmark is Ute peak, isolated in the
plain, a little south of the boundary and of Rio Costilla, on the E. bank
of the Rio Grande, alt. about 10,000 feet.
[93] Apparently Colorado creek, another tributary of the Rio Grande from
the E.
[94] San Cristobal—or the next village below, Los Montes. The “deet
guters” of the text are the arroyos which Fowler intended to call deep
gutters.
[95] See Lewis and Clark, ed. of 1893, p. 215, for a similar name of
ardent spirits, apparently the same word as _ratafia_. What Fowler
procured was aguardiente de Taos, a fiery fluid distilled at San
Fernandez from native wheat, and soon too well known as “Taos lightning.”
[96] Baptiste Roy, the interpreter, who had gone on to Santa Fé with Col.
Glenn.
[97] San Fernandez de Taos, the Mexican village about 2 m. from the
Indian Pueblo de Taos. Gregg states that the first white settler was a
Spaniard named Pando, _ca._ 1745. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 598.
[98] Pueblo de Taos, the ancient seat of the Pueblo Indians of Taos,
consisting then as now of two casas grandes—great adobe buildings with
the streamlet between them. Readers who would like a little local
color here will find it well laid on in chaps. xiii-xviii of Garrard’s
Wah-to-yah. The youthful author witnessed the executions which followed
the battle of Taos in 1847.
[99] Pueblo creek, the northern one of two main forks of Taos creek.
[100] Square brackets in the original MS.
[101] Square brackets in the original MS.
[102] Cieneguilla—to be distinguished from a place of the same name S. W.
of Santa Fé.
[103] On Feb. 12, at the mouth of Taos creek.
[104] See back, date of Feb. 8: 14 m. from the mouth of Taos creek would
bring him about to Los Montes, but not to San Cristobal.
[105] Fowler has come by his count 48 m. from the mouth of Taos creek,
N. along the right or W. bank of the Rio Grande, which runs in a cañon
the whole of this way. This distance is about right to take him past the
several special elevations between which and the river he passes, known
as Cerros Taoses, San Cristobal, Montoso, Chifle, and Olla; when he
reaches the low ground of which he speaks, there are a crossing of the
river, cattle ranch, etc. See Pike, ed. of 1895, pp. 597, 598.
[106] That is, from the mouth of Taos creek to present camp—and this
is about right for the vicinity of Ute peak, on the E. side of the Rio
Grande, 4 m. S. of the boundary of Colorado (lat. 37° N.).
[107] Neither this course nor this distance would bring Fowler to the Rio
Conejos from any point on the Rio Grande to which the previous mileages
appear to have advanced him. The distance is 15 m. on an air line due N.
along the meridian of 105° 45´ from Myer’s or Colona’s ferry to the mouth
of the Rio Conejos; hence we infer that Fowler has come up the Rio Grande
further than his previous mileages would indicate. But there is no doubt,
from his description in the above interesting passage, that he is on the
Rio Conejos; and 2 m. up it would be 3 m. below Pike’s stockade of 1807,
as he says. See Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 495 and following, and p. 595.
[108] Passing La Jara and Alamosa creeks between 4 and 6 m. from the Rio
Conejos. One of these, probably La Jara, is called Willow creek on April
28, p. 135.
[109] The San Juan range of mountains, bounding the San Luis valley on
the W., whence the Rio Grande issues into that valley in the vicinity of
the place called Del Norte.
[110] Fowler has fetched up against the San Juan range somewhere about
the foot of Pintada peak, whence creeks called Piedra Pintada, San
Francisco, and others, flow E. and N. into the Rio Grande. The above
“large rock” is Hanging Rock on p. 126.
[111] In the vicinity of La Loma del Norte, Rio Grande Co.
[112] Perhaps Wolf creek, making down from Del Norte peak, or another in
that vicinity.
[113] This fixes the position of the party exactly. This is the South
Fork of the Rio Grande, above which the main stream comes S. E. from
Wagon Wheel Gap, for about 12 m. to the forks. Fowler’s compass points
are here far out; the Rio Grande is flowing about E. from the forks to
the plains; and the courses of the two forks _from_ their confluence
upward are, respectively, about S. W. and N. W.
[114] Up the North Fork or main Rio Grande, in Wagon Wheel Gap, to a
point about 2 m. below the mouth of Hot Spring creek, presently mentioned
in the text.
[115] About W. from Fowler’s present position, and much further off than
the Spaniards told him.
[116] Santa Maria lake, about in the position indicated, if we make the
required correction of compass points. This lake is 2 or 3 m. N. E. of
San Juan City, a place on the Rio Grande in Antelope park, at the mouth
of Clear creek. The road from the Rio Grande N. W. to Lake fork of
Gunnison river skirts Santa Maria lake, and strikes the Lake fork at San
Cristobal lake.
[117] Text obscure, but intelligible if read as above amended. The trip
was from the creek on which the party had trapped through a gap to the
Rio Grande at a point whence the Spanish road led from the river down the
west side of the San Luis valley to the Rio Conejos.
[118] Trinchera creek, whose Sangre de Cristo branch the party descended
Feb. 4 and 5. See p. 101.
[119] Vicinity of Fort Garland, Costilla Co., Col.
[120] See back, date of Mar. 14, p. 126.
[121] At p. 502 of the ed. of 1895; see also my notes at pp. 495, 496,
for this Ojo Caliente at the foot of the hill opposite Pike’s stockade on
the Rio Conejos. For the above named Willow (La Jara) creek, see back, p.
132 and p. 115, Apr. 13 and Feb. 20.
[122] Rio Culebra, which Fowler first passed Feb. 5, on his way to Taos:
see that date, p. 101. “Snake river” translates the Spanish name, and the
“Snake Hill” of the text is that one of the San Luis hills which is near
this river, on the E. side of the Rio Grande.
[123] New name, probably of some man who has joined the party. See June
1, p. 142, where James and McKnight’s party join.
[124] The party start for home by a different route from that on which
they came to Taos. Crossing the mountains eastward by the Taos Pass, they
leave the watershed of the Rio Grande for that of the Arkansaw, and fetch
out of the mountains on certain headwaters of the Canadian, as noted
beyond.
In Gregg’s Comm. of the Pra., i, 1844, p. 19 and p. 67 (quoted in Pike,
ed. of 1895, p. 437), it is stated that a party of about a dozen men,
including two named Beard and Chambers, reached Santa Fé in 1812, and
returned to the U. S. in 1822. In Inman’s Santa Fé Trail, p. 41, it is
made eight years after James Pursley’s trip that “Messrs. _McKnight_,
Beard, and Chambers, with about a dozen comrades, started with a supply
of goods across the unknown plains, and by good luck arrived safely at
Santa Fé,” where their troubles began; their wares were confiscated, and
most of them were incarcerated at Chihuahua “for almost a decade.” Inman
agrees with Gregg that Beard and Chambers reached St. Louis in 1822, and
notes that “McKnight was murdered south of the Arkansas by the Comanches
in the winter of 1822,” meaning of 1822-23. This McKnight is obviously
the man whom Fowler names.
[125] Ferdinand creek; up this to its forks at foot of Taos Pass.
[126] Thus making the Taos Pass, 8450 feet in altitude, and crossing
to the watershed of the Arkansaw; but still far from being out of the
mountains.
[127] Cieneguilla creek, running N. down Moreno valley to join Moreno
creek, from the N., on which is Elizabethtown. The confluence of these
two creeks, at the foot of Little Baldy peak, forms Cimarron creek, a
tributary of the Canadian river. Moreno valley separates the Taos range
from the Cimarron range, which latter Fowler is now crossing.
[128] About E., over the Cimarron range, passing by Black Peak, 10,900
feet high, to camp in the plains on a tributary of Cimarron creek, a
branch of the Canadian (not to be confounded with that vastly larger
stream, the Cimarron _river_, which is a branch of the Arkansaw itself).
Cimarron creek, after issuing from the mountains, and having been joined
by Ponil creek on one side and Rayado creek on the other, falls into the
Canadian river; on it are the towns of Cimarron and Springer, Colfax Co.,
N. M.
[129] Cimarron creek, as already said.
[130] Vermejo creek, next considerable branch of the Canadian from the W.
above Cimarron creek. It falls into the Canadian between stations Dover
and Dorsey of the A., T. and S. F. R. R.
[131] The Canadian river itself, which Fowler appears to have struck
somewhere about the mouth of Tenaja creek, from the E. This is in the
vicinity of Maxwell’s station, a noted place in the old days of staging,
which I well remember, having arrived there at 5 p. m. of Friday, June
10, 1864.
[132] Position uncertain—see next note.
[133] It is impossible to ascend the Canadian river _any_ distance on
such a course, as the river is running due S. along here, after coming
E. from the mountains. Fowler was camped last night at some uncertain
point on the Canadian and on the present railroad line, which runs due N.
through Raton pass, across the boundary between New Mexico and Colorado
at 37°, and past Fisher’s peak to Trinidad, on Purgatory river. But
Fowler makes altogether too much easting for any such course as this. I
understand, after careful consideration of his meager indications, that
his “up the crick” so many miles means up the Canadian to the mouth of
Chico Rico creek, a branch from the N. E. which, if followed up, would
take him through Manco Burro Pass, between the Raton Mesa and the Chico
Rico Mesa, to a tributary of Purgatory river; but that, having gone up
Chico Rico creek to the confluence of its Una de Gato branch, he follows
up the latter to camp at the foot of the Chico Rico Mesa. In no other
way can we follow him “up a crick” continuously in anything like the
direction or to anything like the distance he gives; and that this was
the way he went will presently appear.
[134] Chico Rico Mesa, a part of the general Raton plateau, separated
from Raton Mesa proper by the defile known as Manco Burro Pass.
[135] He means the chaparral cock or road-runner, _Geococcyx
californianus_, though he makes its bill about six times too long.
[136] That is to say, Purgatory river, at the mouth of which Lewis Dawson
was killed by a grizzly bear: see p. 41, Nov. 13, 1821. Fowler had no
name for this large river, excepting that it was Pike’s “1st Fork,” and
here speaks of it in terms which recall the tragedy.
[137] Chaquaqua creek, a large branch of Purgatory river, draining N.
from Chico Rico Mesa. Crossing this mesa in the direction said, Fowler
passes at 37° the line between New Mexico and Colorado at the same place
that the Denver, Texas, and Ft. Worth R. R. does now—about long. 103° 53´
W.—and comes down off the mesa about 5 m. due E. of Watervale, Las Animas
Co., Col. He keeps down the creek some 10 m. and camps on it, about
opposite the westernmost point of the Mesa de Maya.
From this point Fowler makes a break, almost as straight as the crow
flies, for the Arkansaw, which he will strike at Coolidge, Kas. It is a
long distance across country, about N. E., with no exactly identifiable
landmark till we stand him on Two Buttes; and his trail does not
coincide, except approximately, with any road I can find laid down on the
best modern maps. The nearest I know of is what is called the “probable
course” of the wagon road from Cimarron to Granada, on the drainage sheet
of Hayden’s Atlas of Colorado, 1877; but the maps I go by are the later
ones of the U. S. Geological Survey, 2 m. to the inch. It is a matter of
special interest to recover this old trail as closely as possible.
[138] A long lap in the open to a blind camp, and copy a little vitiated
by some interlineation not quite clear. But we can follow the trail
pretty closely. The “mountain to our right” is the general elevation of
the Mesa de Maya, along which Fowler passes about E. N. E., crossing
successive dry drains of tributaries of Purgatory river, all running to
his left. Rounding the extreme W. point of the Mesa said, Fowler steers
past “a small mountain standing by itself,” which appears to be, by a
singular coincidence, an isolated part of the general elevation now known
as _Fowler_ Mesa. Further on E. along the N. border of the Maya Mesa, is
the better-known Mt. Carrizo, capped by Potatoe Butte; the line between
Las Animas and Baca counties cuts this isolated elevation about lat. 37°
10´ N., and long. 103° 05´ W. Camp cannot be far from the obscure place
called Willow Spring, on one of the collateral sources of Two Butte
creek—possibly at that identical water-hole.
[139] Passing from Las Animas Co. to camp at some indeterminable point
in Baca Co., west of Springfield. From the degree of easting made, and
what is presently said of the S. E. course of the dry washes to be passed
to-morrow, I suppose Fowler to be among the numberless and nameless
drains which make for tributaries of Cimarron river.
[140] Two Butte creek, at a point Fowler gives as 3 m. short of the Two
Buttes whence it takes its name. Camp is still in Baca Co., but very near
the border of Prowers Co. Fowler’s “mound” above said is Two Buttes, a
conspicuous landmark, the first absolutely identifiable one we have had
for several days. The principal one of his several dry water-courses is
Bear creek, that tributary of the Cimarron which runs past Springfield.
[141] Two Buttes, position as said with reference to Two Butte creek, and
1 m. due N. of the boundary between Baca and Prowers counties.
[142] North Butte creek, principal fork of Two Butte creek.
[143] On Two Butte creek, a little above the confluence of North Butte
creek, having passed from Baca Co. into Prowers Co. when opposite the Two
Buttes. If he had kept on a little further, about 4 m. below the forks,
he would have reached Butte Springs, and need not have dug for water.
[144] Striking the Arkansaw about opposite Coolidge, in Kansas near
the border of Colorado. Camp of Nov. 4, 1821, which Fowler presently
mentions, was a mile lower down. As he says on Nov. 5 that he went 9 m.
to reach “a large crick” (Two Butte creek), he appears to have struck the
Arkansaw 8 m. below that creek—_i.e._, about opposite Coolidge, as just
said.
[145] Vicinity of Syracuse, Hamilton Co., Kas.
[146] No doubt Braxton Cooper, from Daniel Boone’s salt works, which were
about 4 m. from Franklin, Mo. See Lewis and Clark, ed. of 1893, p. 18,
and Pike, ed. of 1895, pp. 367, 570.
[147] George Douglas, Nathaniel Pryor, and one unidentifiable man. The
blind word looks like “Rohland” or “Soulard,” but is nothing like any
name previously occurring in this MS. It must be that of some man who
joined the party at Taos, or else the missing Christian name of one of
the party mustered on p. 4.
[148] Unidentified—named for one of the party. See back, Oct. 22, p. 26.
[149] Hitherto Fowler has retraced his steps down the Arkansaw, and the
points passed are easily reckoned by back references. But here he leaves
the river to cut off the large bend it makes in sweeping past Ford, where
Mulberry creek comes in. For this “dry route” see Pike, ed. of 1895, pp.
433, 434.
[150] Of our author = Walnut creek, near Great Bend: see back, notes at
p. 22 and p. 23.
[151] Vicinity of Raymond, Rice Co.
[152] Cow creek or one of its branches; vicinity of Lyons, seat of Rice
Co.
Fowler has left the Arkansaw and taken up a devious ’cross country route,
which is to bring him through Kansas into Missouri near Kansas City and
so on through Independence, Mo., to Fort Osage, on the Missouri river.
In 1822 the road which soon became the long famous Santa Fé caravan
route from Independence to the great bend of the Arkansaw was hardly
established. This went through Council Grove, by the most direct way
which the traders found it convenient to take. For an examination of this
route see Pike, ed. of 1895, pp. 517-522. It is interesting to note, as
showing that no such route as this had become established and well known
when Fowler went through, that he deviates widely from what would have
been his most direct and in every way most eligible line of march. As we
recover his trail we shall find it to be one now unknown, looping far to
the S. into Butler Co., then passing heads of the Verdigris, crossing the
Neosho below the mouth of the Cottonwood, and so on eastward with the
requisite northing. I regard the trail we now take up as something of an
unexpected discovery.
[153] From any position in which last night’s camp can have been, it is
impossible to bring Fowler to the Little Arkansaw on any such course as
_N._ 60° E. 30 miles. That course and distance would take him far beyond
the Little Arkansaw, to some point about the heads of Turkey cr., N. of
McPherson. Moreover, he would never have seen the other party making down
the Arkansaw. Once more, the change I have made in reading the text is
required by what follows. He can be brought in “30” miles _S._ 60° E. to
the Little Arkansaw somewhere about the mouth of Turkey creek, in Harvey
Co. Observe that to-morrow’s course, S. 65° E., is practically in the
same direction he travels to-day.
[154] Of the Little Arkansaw, running S.; these are the Emma creeks and
Sand creek, the latter flowing through Newton, Harvey Co.
[155] Walnut creek—not to be confounded with the other of the same name
which joins the Arkansaw near Great Bend. This Walnut creek falls into
the Arkansaw near the border of Oklahoma, being the one called White
river by Fowler on Oct. 9 (p. 16), one of whose branches is still known
as Whitewater. Camp is on one of these, near the boundary between Harvey
and Butler counties. We now realize what a roundabout route Fowler is
taking from the great bend of the Arkansaw to Fort Osage on the Missouri,
being far S. of the regular “Santa Fé Trail” that was soon to become
established.
[156] Of the same Walnut creek, on a course nearly E., in Butler Co.
[157] Of the same Walnut creek—the second branch above said being the
main source of this stream, interlocking with a source of the south
fork of Cottonwood river, nearly on the line between Butler and Chase
counties. Camp about the place called Sycamore Springs, in Butler Co.
[158] Not quite yet—Fowler has still to pass the heads of the south fork
of the Cottonwood, which he mistakes for those of the Verdigris. No head
of the Verdigris flows anything like west, as he says that branch does
on which he camps. All his indications set camp unmistakably at or near
Thurman, Chase Co., on that branch of Thurman creek which runs westerly.
This creek is joined at Matfield Green by two others, the three together
composing the south fork of the Cottonwood, running N. This is a queer
place to find a man on his way from Great Bend to Kansas City—but here he
is!
[159] Head of Verdigris river, in Chase Co., at the distance and in the
direction said from Thurman.
[160] The Verdigris itself and four of its collateral heads, named Camp,
Fawn, Rock, and Moon. Fowler’s trail here crosses that of Pike, who
was camped on one of these creeks Sept. 10, 1806. For the remarkable
fan-shaped leash of streamlets which compose the headwaters of the
Verdigris, see Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 400. Camp in vicinity of Olpe, Lyon
Co.
[161] The Neosho is struck at a point between Neosho Rapids and the mouth
of the Cottonwood, some 8 m. a little S. of E. from Emporia, seat of Lyon
Co.
[162] Marais des Cygnes creek, continuation of Marais des Cygnes river,
as the main course of the Osage river in Kansas is still called, by
curious survival of the pure French phrase. This stream is struck in the
vicinity of Reading, Lyon Co., nearly on the border of Osage Co.; whence
Fowler proceeds about E. N. E. across Cherry creek, to camp on the divide
between Marais des Cygnes creek and its Salt creek branch—somewhere
between Olivet and Osage City, seat of Osage Co.
[163] Salt creek, crossed in the vicinity of Lyndon, seat of Osage Co.
[164] Dragoon creek of present nomenclature, considered by Fowler as the
main Osage river. It is a large stream, about the size of the Marais des
Cygnes itself, separated from the latter by Salt creek—all three of these
coming together within a mile or two of each other, in the immediate
vicinity of Quenemo, Osage Co., close to the border of Franklin Co. For
Dragoon cr., see Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 520. Fowler is now nearing what
was soon to become the regular Santa Fé caravan route from Independence,
Mo., to the great bend of the Arkansaw—after having needlessly made a
great bend of his own southward from that direct line of travel.
[165] Appanoose creek, a branch of the Marais des Cygnes which falls in
near Ottawa, seat of Franklin Co., into which Fowler has passed from
Osage Co.
“In 1812 a Captain Becknell, who had been on a trading expedition to the
country of the Comanches in the summer of 1811, and had done remarkably
well, determined the next season to change his objective point to Santa
Fé,” says Inman, p. 38. When at or near the Caches on the Arkansaw, he
left that stream and took his party across country on the Cimarron or dry
route; but they were obliged to return, after suffering horribly from
thirst, and follow up the Arkansaw route to Taos.
“The virtual commencement of the Santa Fé trade dates from 1822”; and in
1824 was made the first attempt to introduce wagons, etc., says Inman, p.
51. According to Gregg, a better authority, both pack animals and wagons
were used 1822-25, but after that wagons only. According to Fowler’s
passage above, we see that Becknell had taken wagons in 1822 if not
earlier; and thus the party to which Col. Marmaduke was attached, and
which reached Santa Fé with wagons in 1824, was not the first to pass
through Kansas on wheels.
[166] One of these is Eight Mile creek, next branch of the Marais des
Cygnes, falling in near the mouth of the Appanoose, at Ottawa. As “all
the Watters runs South East,” we know that Fowler is still on the Osage
watershed, and I am inclined to set his camp on one of the heads of
Ottawa creek, some 6 m. W. of Baldwin City, Douglas Co., perhaps not far
from Willow Springs camp of the traders; for which see Pike, ed. of 1895,
p. 519.
[167] Heads of the Ottawa creek last said, especially of its East fork.
Fowler passes Baldwin City to camp on the divide between the Osage and
the Kansan waters.
[168] Position not exactly determinable, somewhere between Baldwin City
and Edgerton, in the vicinity of Black Jack: see Pike, ed. of 1895, p.
519. The divide is here between heads of Big Bull creek, tributary to the
Osage, on the S., and heads of Captain creek, a branch of Kansas river,
on the N.—Captain creek being the first branch from the S. below the
mouth of Wakarusa creek, which latter falls into the Kansas at Eudora.
From present camp Fowler passes into the watershed of the Kansas river.
[169] Cedar creek, a branch of Kansas river, as Fowler supposed. Camp on
it in the vicinity of Olathe, Johnson Co., Kas. See Pike, ed. of 1895,
p. 510. The direct distance is much less than “22” m.; but the party
wandered about all the morning.
[170] Turkey creek or a branch of it; this falls into the Kansas
river within present limits of Kansas City, Mo. Camp on or near the
Kansas-Missouri line, 5 m. from where the road then crossed Big Blue
river.
[171] Big Blue river, falling into the Missouri between Kansas City and
Independence, Jackson Co., Mo. See Lewis and Clark, ed. of 1893, p. 32,
and Pike, ed. of 1895, p. 519. Fowler has just passed from “the Indian
Territory” into “the States”—that is, from Kansas into Missouri.
[172] One of several between Big and Little Blue rivers, at or near
Independence, Mo.
[173] Little Blue river, the Hay Cabin creek of Lewis and Clark. See ed.
of 1893, p. 31.
[174] At Fort point, later called Sibley, on the Missouri, between
Independence and Lexington, Mo. Fort Osage was built in Sept., 1808, was
sometimes called Fort Clark, and in Fowler’s time was still an extreme
frontier establishment. See Lewis and Clark, ed. of 1893, p. 30.
[175] Covington, Kenton Co., Ky., on the Ohio opp. Cincinnati.
INDEX.
A
Adana, Col., 35, 36
Adobe cr., 48
Alamosa cr., 115
American antelope, 12
Anderson, Mrs. M. B., xxiv
Annals of Iowa, 5
Antelope park, 125
Antilocapra americana, 12
Apache cr., 98
nation, 137
Apishapa r., 49, 50
Appanoose cr. or r., 167, 168
Arapaho chief, 62, 64, 66, 67, 70, 76, 77
Arapaho Inds., 54, 55, 57, 59, 65, 68, 69, 78, 82, 85, 87, 92
Arkansas, xx, 1
City, 16
Arkansaw band of Osage Inds., 6
r., _passim_
Arundinaria macrosperma, 2
Ashland District, Ky., x
A., T. and S. F. R. R., 35, 146
B
Baca Co., Col., 150, 151, 152, 153
Badito Cone, 99
Bad Salean or Saline r., 12
Baldwin City, Kas., 168, 169
Barbo, Barbu, ——, 4, 17, 84, 138
Barclay, ——, 80
Barlow, Sanderson and Co., 47
Barton Co., Kas., 22
Bean and Saunders’ Salt Works, 2
Bear cr., 152
Beard, ——, 143
Beaver cr., 11, 13
Becknal, Becknell, Capt., 167, 168
Beckwourth, James P., xxi, 79
Been, ——, see Bean and Saunders
Belle Pointe, Ark., 1, 4
Bent, Charles, 47
Col. William, 47
Co., Col., 38, 41, 47
George, 47
Robert, 47
Bent’s ft., new and old, 47
Big Blue r., 171
Bull cr., 169
Coon cr., 22, 26
cr., 8
Sandy cr., 32, 36
Timbers, 47
Black Jack, Kas., 169
Peak, 145
Blue Mounds, 7, 9
Boggs, Mr., 172, 173
Boiling Spring r., 79
Bonhomme, ——, 4
Bonner, T. D., 79
Bono, ——, 4, 5, 69, 84, 88, 91
Boone, Daniel, 154
Boone’s lick, 154
Booneville Col., 68
Bradford, Maj., 1
Brush cr., x
Buck cr., 11, 12
Buffalo cr., see Big Coon cr.
Builder of Towns, 6
Bull cr., 21
Butler, 72
Co., Kas., 16, 161, 162, 163
Butte Springs, 153
C
caberey, cabree, cabri, 12
Caches, 167
Caddoa, Col., 38
cr., 38
Cadmus, xiv
Calhoon, a steamboat, 173
California, xix
Campbell Co., Ky., 173
Camp cr., 165
Canadian r., xx, xxii, 58, 142, 144, 145, 146, 147
cane, 2
Caney r., 8
Cañon City, Col., 47
Captain cr., 169
Carlton, Col., 36
Carson, Kit, 23
Catholics, 56
Catlin, Col., 49, 50
Caw r., see Kansas r.
Cedar cr., 170
Cerro Chifle, 113
Cristobal, 113
Montoso, 113
Cerro Olla, 113
Taoses, 113
Chambers, ——, 143
Chaneers, 7
chaparral cock, 148
Chaquaqua cr., 149
Chase Co., Kas., 163, 164
Cherokee country, 7, 9, 11
Nation, 2, 3
strip, 14
Cherry cr., 166
Cheyenne Inds., 55, 59, 65
Chico cr., 69, 70
Rico cr., 147
Rico Mesa, xxi, 147, 148, 149
Chihuahua, Mex., 143
Chilocco, Chilocky cr., 14
Chouteau, Auguste P., 32
John Pierre, 32
Pierre, 32
Chouteau’s isl., 32, 36
Cieneguilla cr., 144
N. M., 110
Cimarron cr., 144, 145, 146
Kas., 29, 32, 149
mts., 144, 145
N. M., 145
r., 145, 151
route, xxi, 167
Cincinnati, O., 45, 174
Claremore, Ind. Terr., 6
Clark, Wm., 4, 5, 94, 103, 154, 171, 172
Clear cr., 125
Clermont, 6, 7
Coates, Mrs. I. C., viii, xii
Colfax Co., N. M., 145
Colona’s ferry, 115
Colorado, xix, xx, 34, 38, 40, 41, 102, 114, 147, 149, 153
cr., 102
Comanche Inds., 53, 143, 167
Coolidge, Kas., 34, 149, 153
Coon cr., 22
Cooper, Col. Braxton, 154
Cortsand Ca [?], 174
Costilla Co., Col., 131
Cottonwood r., 161, 163, 164, 165
Coues, Dr. E., vii
Council Grove, Kas., xxii, 161
Covington, Ky., x, xii, 174
Cow cr., 19, 21, 22, 160
Cowley Co., Kas., 14, 16, 17
Coyner’s Lost Trappers, xix
Creek Nation, 3
Crooked cr., 49
Crow Inds., 57, 63, 73, 74, 78, 79, 85, 92
language, 94
Cuerno Verde, 97
Culebra cr., 136
Cumbres Españolas, 40
Cynomys ludovicianus, 23
D
Dauson, Dawson, Lewis, xx, 4, 41, 42, 148
Deerfield, Kas., 31
Del Norte, N. M., 116
peak, 119
r., see Rio Grande del Norte
Denver and Rio Grande R. R., 99, 100
Denver, Texas and Fort Worth R. R., 149
Dodge City, Kas., 29
Dog cr., 8
Dorsey, N. M., 146
Dos Hermanas, 45
Douglas Co., Kas., 168
George, 4, 10, 46, 69, 80, 83, 123, 155
Dover, N. M., 146
Doyle, ——, 80
Dragoon cr., 166, 167
Duglas, Duglass, see Douglas
Durrett, Col. R. T., v, vii, xiii
E
Edgerton, Kas., 169
Edwards Co., Kas., 25, 26
Eight Mile cr., 168
Elizabethtown, N. M., 144
Ellinwood, Kas., 22
Emma crs., 162
Emporia, Kas., 165
Eng-wah-con-dah cr., 2
Eudora, Kas., 169
F
Farnham, T. J., 40, 47, 69, 79
Fawn cr., 165
Ferdinand cr., 143, 144
Filson club, v, xiii
Findley, ——, 5, 7, 24, 25, 26, 30, 61, 89, 90
Findley’s isl., 156
Finney Co., Kas., 30, 31
Fisher’s peak, 147
Fitzpatrick, Thomas, 80
Five Mile cr., 8
flax, 126
Fontaine qui Bouille, Fontaine-qui-bouit, Fontequebouir, 79
Ford Co., Kas., 28, 29, 156
Kas., 28
Fort Clark, 172
Garland, 100, 101, 131
Gibson, 1, 2, 3
Lyon, 41, 47
Osage, xxi, 160, 162, 172
point, 172
Smith, xiv, xx, 1, 2, 4
William, 47
Wise, 47
Fountain cr. or r., 79
Fowler, Abigail, viii
Alexander, x
Benjamin, x
Edward, x
Jacob, introd. and _passim_
John, x
Mesa, 150
Robert, 4, 5, 7, 17, 43, 69, 75, 77, 81, 82, 85, 88, 90, 104, 108,
109, 114, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, 122, 124, 127, 128, 142, 145,
147, 165, 169
Franklin Co., Kas., 167
Mo., 154
Frémont, J. C., 40, 79
Frémont’s Exp., 40
French, 9
Canadians, 80
G
Garden City, Kas., 31
Garfield, Kas., 25
Garrard, Lewis H., 45, 105
Geococcyx californianus, 148
Gibson Station, Ind. Terr., 3
Glann, Glen, Glenn, Col. Hugh, 3, 4, 6, 7, 15, 42, 46, 53, 58, 61,
62, 67, 68, 70, 72, 74, 76, 79, 83, 84, 85, 88, 90, 94, 95, 104,
105, 106, 137, 139, 157
Granada, Col., 36, 149
Grand Forks of Arkansaw r., 79
Peak, 45
r., 3, 165
Gray Co., Kas., 29, 30
Great Bend, Kas., xxii, 22, 23, 160, 162, 164
Greenhorn r., 96, 98
Gregg, Dr. Josiah, 104, 142, 168
grizzly bear, 41
Grouse cr., 14
Grus mexicana, 128
H
Hamilton Co., Kas., 33, 34, 154
Hanging Rock, 133, 134
Harper, F. P., xiii
Hartland, Kas., 31, 33
Harvey Co., Kas., 162
Hay Cabin cr., 172
Hayden, Dr. F. V., 149
Henry and Thompson, ix, xiii
Hogarth, 72
Hollys, Col., 35
Horse cr., 48
Hot Spring cr., xxi, 124, 125
Huerfano Park, 99
r., 64, 68, 98, 99, 100
Hutchinson, Kas., 19, 20
I
Ietan chief, 59, 61, 62, 67, 68
Inds., 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 59, 63, 65, 68, 157, 158
Illinois r., 1, 2
Independence, Mo., 160, 161, 167, 171, 172
Indian Territory, 1, 11, 171
Ingalls, Kas., 30
Inman, Col. Henry, 23, 32, 80, 143, 167
J
Jackson Co., Mo., 171
Gen. Andrew, 67
James and McKnight, 139, 142, 147
Capt., 156, 157, 159, 160, 161
Dr. Edwin, 40
James’ Peak, 40
Johnson Co., Kas., 170
K
Kansan waters, 169
Kansas, xix, xxi, 9, 11, 14, 34, 153, 160, 166, 168, 171
City, Mo., 160, 164, 171
Ind. Reservation, 13, 14
Missouri line, 171
r., xxii, 169, 170, 171
Kaw Agency, 11, 13
Kearney Co., Kas., 31, 33
Kendall, Kas., 33
Kensa r., see Kansas r.
Kenton Co., Ky., x, 174
Kentucky, 5
Kinsley, Kas., 25, 26
Kiowa chief, 64, 66, 67, 68
Inds., 50, 53, 54, 55, 57, 58, 65, 66, 68
L
Labadie, Sophie A., 32
La Jara cr., 115, 116, 132, 135
La Junta, Col., 48, 49
Lake fork of Gunnison r., 125
Lakin, Kas., 31
Lalande, B., xix
La Loma del Norte, N. M., 117
Lamar, Col., 36, 38
Larned, Kas., 23, 24
Las Animas, Col., 41
Co., Col., 149, 150, 151
r., 41
Leland, Charles G., 79
Lewis and Clark, ix, xiii, 4, 5, 94, 103, 154, 171, 172
M., 4, 5, 94, 103, 154, 171, 172
Lexington, Mo., 172
Linum perenne, 126
Little Arkansaw r., 13, 16, 18, 19, 22, 23, 162
Little Baldy peak, 144
Beaver cr., 11
Blue r., 171, 172
Kentucky r., x
Sandy cr., 35
Verdigris r., 8, 9, 10, 11
Long, Maj. S. H., xx, xxii, 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 40, 58, 69
Long’s Exp., 1, 2, 3, 4, 69
Los Montes, N. M., 103, 111
Louisville, Ky., vii, viii, xv, 174
Lyndon, Kas., 166
Lyon Co., Kas., 165, 166
Gen. Nathaniel, 47
Lyons, Kas., 21, 160
M
McKnight, ——, 139, 142, 143, 147, 151
McPherson, Kas., 162
Mamelles, 45
Manco Burro Pass, 147, 148
Mandan villages, 5
Manville, Col., 36
Marais des Cygnes cr. or r., 166, 167, 168
Marmaduke, Col., 168
Matfield Green, Kas., 164
Maxwell, Dudley, 5, 46, 88
Maxwell’s Station, N. M., 146
Maxwill, see Maxwell, Dudley
Medicine Stone cr., 2
Mesa de Maya, 149, 150
Mexican mts., 40
province, 95
Mexicans, 80, 99
Mexico, xix, 32, 56
Miami r., xiii
Mississippi r., xxii
Missouri, xxii, 47, 160, 171
Kas. and Tex. R. R., 3
r., xix, xxii, 5, 161, 162, 168, 170, 171, 172
Monroe, Pres. James, 53, 58
Moon cr., 165
Moran, Baptiste, 5
Moreno cr., 144
valley, 144
Mormon women, 80
Mt. Carrizo, 150
Mud cr., 38
Muddy cr., 38
Mulberry cr., 22, 28, 29, 156
Mulvane, Kas., 18
Myer’s ferry, 115
N
Nabeho, Navajo Inds., 123, 137
Neosho rapids, 165
r., xxii, 1, 3, 161, 165
Nepesta, Col., 51, 65
New Mexico, 40, 56, 102, 147, 149
Newport, Ky., xi
Newton, Kas., 162
New York, xi, 40
Nickerson, Kas., 21
North Butte cr., 152, 153
Fork of the Rio Grande, 124
Nuttall, T., xx
O
Œdipus, xv
Ohio r., xiii, 174
Ojo Caliente, 135
Oklahoma, 9, 11, 14, 162
Olathe, Kas., 170
Olivet, Kas., 166
Olpe, Kas., 165
Orphan r., 68
Osage City, Kas., 166
country, 11
Co., Kas., 166, 167
Inds., 2, 15, 57
Reservation, 11
Osage r., 166, 169
Osages of the Oaks, 6
Osage village, 6, 7
waters, watershed, 168, 169
Otero Co., Col., 47, 48, 49, 51
Ottawa cr., 168, 169
Kas., 167, 168
Otter cr., 8
Ovis montana, 114
P
Paduca Inds., 54, 55, 58
Pall, see Paul
Pando, ——, 104
Paneys, see Pawnee Inds.
Paul, 5, 46, 82, 91, 107, 108, 117, 119, 120, 122, 142, 159
Pawnee Co., Kas., 24, 25
fork, 22, 23, 24, 159
Ind. fort, 35
Inds., 18, 23, 32, 59, 123, 157, 158, 159
language, 55
r., 160, 161, see Pawnee fork
Rock, 23
Peno, Baptiste, 4, 5, 10, 17, 69, 90, 94, 164, 172
Picket-wire r., 41
Piedra Pintada cr., 117
Pierceville, Kas., 30
Pike’s 1st fork of Ark. r., 41, 149
2nd fork of Ark. r., 68
fork of the Rio Grande, 114, 126, 129, 132, 135
Grand Forks of the Arkansaw, 79
Peak, 40, 45, 56
stockade, 115, 135
Pike, Z. M., ix, xiii, xix, xx, xxi, xxii, 2, 3, 6, 19, 22, 24, 25,
28, 29, 30, 34, 35, 36, 38, 40, 41, 47, 48, 49, 50, 68, 69, 79,
80, 96, 100, 101, 104, 115, 135, 143, 154, 156, 161, 165, 167,
168, 169, 170, 171
Pintada peak, 117
Pitman’s cr., x
Plains, xxii
Platte r., 56, 63, 74
Ponil cr., 145
Potatoe Butte, 150
Poteau r., 1
Potter, ——, 139
prairie squirrel, 23
Prowers, Col., 38
Co., Col., 35, 36, 152, 153
Pryer, Pryor, Nathaniel, 4, 5, 61, 155, 156
Pueblo, Col., xx, xxi, 47, 79, 80, 96, 99
Co., Col., 51
cr., 105
de Taos, N. M., 56, 104
Inds., 104
Purgatory r., xx, 34, 41, 47, 147, 148, 149, 150
Pursley, James, xix, 143
Q
Quenemo, Kas., 167
R
Raccoon cr., 166
ratafia, 103
Raton Mesa, 147, 148
pass, 147
plateau, 148
route, xxi
Rayado cr., 145
Raymond, Kas., 21, 160
Reading, Kas., 166
Red r., xxii
Rock, Kas., 23
Reno Co, Kas., 19, 20, 21
Rice Co, Kas., 21, 160
Rio Almagre, 79
Conejos, 115, 116, 129, 132, 135
Costilla, 101, 102
Culebra, 101, 136
de las Animas Perdidas, 41
Huerfano, 69, 99
Grande Co., Col., 117
Grande del Norte, xx, xxi, 100, 101, 102, 105, 108, 112, 114, 115,
116, 117, 121, 125, 129, 136, 142
Purgatorio, 41
San Carlos, 96
Walfano, 69
Rivière Purgatoire, 41
Robertson’s run, x
Robinson, Col., 47
Rock cr., 165
Rocky Ford, Col., 49
mts., xiii, xxii, 1
Roy, Baptiste, 4, 5, 55, 58, 71, 104, 106, 158, 159, 172
Rule cr., 39
S
St. Antoni, see San Antonio
Charles r., 69, 96
Flanders, see San Fernandez de Taos
Louis, Mo., 5, 143, 173
Mary’s, Col., 99
Vrain, Col. Ceran, 23, 47
Salt cr., 166, 167
fork of Arkansaw r., 12
San Antonio, Tex., 56
Cristobal lake, 125
Cristobal, N. M., 103, 111
Sand cr., 162
Sanders, Esther, xi
Sanders, see Saunders
sandhill crane, 128
San Fernandez de Taos, 103, 104, 137
Francisco cr., 117
Sangre de Cristo cr., 100, 101, 130
de Cristo Pass, xxi, 98, 100
de Cristo range, 99
San Juan City, Col., 125
Juan mts., xxi, 116, 117
Luis hills, 101, 136
Luis valley, 100, 101, 102, 116, 129
Santa Fé, N. M., xix, xxi, 74, 79, 104, 110, 137, 139, 142, 143,
167, 168
Fé route or trail, xxii, 23, 143, 161, 162, 167
Fé trade, xxii, 168
Maria lake, 125
Saunders, ——, 2
Scott, Frances, viii
Sebastian Co., Ark., 1
Sedgwick Co., Kas., 18, 19
Sequoiah, xiv
Shahaka, 5
Sheep mts., 99
Shoshone language, 94
Shotoes, see Chouteau’s isl.
Sibley, Dr., 7
Mo., 172
Mr., 172, 173
Simpson, ——, 5, 61, 86, 90, 138
George, 80
Six Bull or Six Bulls r., 3, 6, 165
Slover, ——, 5, 7, 61, 88, 90, 97, 116, 123, 126
Smith, Gen., 1
Snake Hill, 136
Inds., 55
r., 136
South Fork of Rio Grande, 121
Spaniards, 64, 69, 71, 72, 73, 76, 77, 84, 85, 90, 94, 105, 114, 123,
125, 126, 135, 137, 157, 158, 160
Spanish Inds., 56
Peaks, 40, 45
province, 95
road, 91, 129
settlement, 75, 99, 154
Spencer, S., xix
Springer, N. M., 145
Springfield, Col., 151, 152
Sterling, Kas., 21
Suicide cr., 11
Sumner Co., Kas., 17, 18
Sycamore Springs, Kas., 163
Symmes, A., viii, xiii
Capt. J. C., xii
Hon. J. C., xiii
Syracuse, Kas., 34, 154
T
tabba bone, tabebo, 94
taffe, see ratafia
Tahlequah, Ind. Terr., 2
Tahlequah, Talequah r., 2
Taos cr., 105, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114
lightning, 103
mts., 144
N. M., xxi, 45, 96, 99, 104, 109, 123, 136, 137, 142, 155, 168
Pass 142, 143, 144
Trail, xxi, 45, 79, 99, 100
Taylor, ——, 5, 61, 91, 108, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 127, 130,
139, 165, 169
Tenaja cr., 146
Tetons, 45
Thurman cr., 164
Kas., 164
Timpas cr., 49
Touse, Tows, see Taos
Trinchera cr., 100, 101, 130, 131
Trinidad, Col., 147
Turkey cr., 162, 171
Twin mts., 45
Two Butte cr., xxi, 34, 35, 151, 152, 153
Buttes, 149, 151, 152, 153
Sisters, 45
U
Una de Gato cr., 147
United States, 17, 32, 53, 72, 95, 142, 143
U. S. Army, 173
U. S. Geological Survey, 38, 149
Ursus horribilis, 41
Ute Indians, 45, 122, 137
peak, 102, 114
V
Vanbeber, Van Biber, Jesse, 5, 69, 82, 120, 123, 131, 132, 137
Van Buren, Ark., 1
Verdigris r., xxii, 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 161, 164, 165
trail, xx
Vermejo cr., 146
Vermilion r., 3
Veta mts., 99
Veta pass, 100
Vie, Esther de, xi
Virdegree r., see Verdigris r.
Virginia, 47
W
Wagon Wheel Gap, 121, 124
Wahtoyah, 45, 105
Wakarusa cr., 169
Walnut cr., 16, 17, 162, 163
cr., another, 22, 23, 160, 161
Walters, Richard, 5, 84, 85, 86, 100, 108, 126
Ward, Eli, 5, 12, 46, 78, 88, 91, 123, 131, 147, 151, 167, 170
Warm Spring branch of Rio Conejos, 135
Wasetihoge r., 3
Washington, D. C., vii, xxiv, 157
Wassuja r., 3
Watervale, Col., 149
Wet mts., 97, 99
Wharf cr., 69
Whight r., see White r.
white bear, 41
White Bear cr., 148
White r., 16, 162
Whitewater r., xxii, 16, 162
Wichita, Kas., 13, 18
Wild Horse cr., 35
Wilkinson, J. B., xx
Williams, E., xix
Willow cr., 36, 116, 135
Willow Spring, Col., 151
Springs camp, 168
Wilson’s cr., 47
Winfield, Kas., 16
Wise, Gov., 47
Wolf cr., 119
Workman, J., xiv
DR. COUES’ WORKS ON WESTERN EXPLORATION.
Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike.
To the Headwaters of the Mississippi River, the Interior Parts of
Louisiana, Mexico and Texas, in the years of 1805-6-7. Reprinted in full
from the original Philadelphia edition of 1810. With copious explanatory,
geographical and scientific notes to the text, a new Memoir of Pike and
an Index to the whole. By Prof. Elliott Coues, Edition limited, 3 vols.,
8vo.
1,000 on fine book paper $10.00 net per set.
150 on hand-made paper $20.00 net per set.
This edition of Pike’s explorations is only second in value to
the annotated journals of Lewis & Clark, by the same editor. The
rearrangement by Dr. Coues of the appendices and other extraneous matter
adds very greatly to its value, since in the original edition even the
experienced reader has found it difficult to collate complete information
on many important topics. The volumes are an important contribution to
geographical and historical literature.—_The Nation_ (3 columns).
On the whole, the new Pike must prove monumental. It will forever link
its author with Pike’s fame. Its map of Mississippi sources, and the
arduous voyage (of the editor) into the farthest fountains, will not let
us wonder that the Minnesota Park Commissioner styled a lakelet feeding
Itasca, Elliot Coues, and inscribed that name upon a boulder on that
utmost shore.—_American Historical Review_ (2½ pages).
The great merit in Dr. Coues’ notes is that they preserve the history
of the localities and give credit to all the local historians and
archæologists. Dr. Coues seems to have read all of the local histories
and records, whether contained in books, pamphlets or even newspapers,
and has given the references with great painstaking. In fact, the notes
are equivalent to a bibliography.—_American Antiquarian and Oriental
Journal._
Dr. Coues’ new edition of “Pike’s Expeditions” is a beautiful specimen of
presswork most creditable to the taste and liberality of the publisher.
The editor has done the material portion of his work as successfully
as has the publisher, the result is a well-digested and most readable
chronicle, instead of ill-assorted bundles of information (as in the
original edition). No explorer has ever been more fully aided to express
himself through the ampler knowledges of the generations that come after
him than in this case.—_The Dial_ (2½ pages).
New Light on the Early History of the Greater Northwest.
The Journals of Alexander Henry (Partner of the Northwest Company), with
Explorations and Life with the Fur Traders on the Red, Saskatchewan,
and Columbia Rivers, 1799-1814, now first published, with which are
collated the original unpublished manuscripts of David Thompson, Explorer
and Geographer of the Northwest Company. The whole carefully edited
with copious notes by Dr. Elliot Coues, with Maps, Index, etc. Limited
edition, 3 vols., roy. 8vo,
1,000 copies, fine book paper $10.00 net per set.
100 on hand-made paper $20.00 net per set.
Dr. Coues says of this work: “No work approaching these journals in the
scope, extent, variety and interest of its contents has appeared since
the publication in 1801 of Sir Alexander Mackenzie’s memorable voyages,
and the present work will undoubtedly take rank with that classic as a
veritable mine of accurate information.” Send for complete prospectus.
“The exceeding value of the work lies in the fact that it is new. Not for
a long time has a book of such great historical interest been published
in this country ... it should become a cherished book in the eyes of all
those who take more than a passing interest in the early history of our
country.”—_New York Herald._
“The claim of the publisher that few such important books as this have
been issued recently, is a just one. The work is all that could be
desired in every way.”—_Cincinnati Commercial-Tribune._
“He (Dr. Coues) beheld in Henry that which he most desired to complete
his magnificent endeavor to illuminate the world of the West during the
early years of the nineteenth century.”—_The Nation._
“Dr. Coues’ study and research as shown in these volumes is simply
marvelous.”—_New York Tribune._
“It will be seen also that Henry and Thompson to a degree overlap Lewis
and Clark.”—_The Dial._
“The study of the Indians was his (Henry’s) life work. Here he is keenest
and most valuable.”—_Baltimore Sun._
List of corrections made to the text
Page 2, removed repeated “the” (the Workes one Small Well)
Page 17, removed repeated “and” (Rich and Well timbered)
Page 34, removed repeated “on” (the main Chanel on the North
Side)
Page 39, removed repeated “and” (Half a mile Wide and is offen
Crosed)
Page 45, removed repeated “the” (Bareing of the three principle
points)
Page 59, removed repeated “and” (He Was very frendly and
Efected)
Page 64, removed repeated “the” (the Kiawa Cheef With His
nation)
Page 66, removed repeated “but” (but a nomber of Squas
Interfeered)
Page 68, removed repeated “the” (discovered the Indisposion)
Page 89, removed repeated “found one” (found one mair Soposed
to Have been Stolen)
Page 106, removed repeated “and” (a Capten and Sixty men)
Page 130, removed repeated “this” (this the first We Have Seen)
Page 136, removed repeated “the” (We Went up the Crick about
Eight miles)
Page 137, removed repeated “to” (Will not be able to Cross the
mountains)
Page 142, removed repeated “Except” (Except those for Robert)
Page 151, removed repeated “of” (of Clear Watter)
Page 167, removed repeated “the” (to avoid the musketoes)
Footnote 9, changed, ironically, “mispelled” to “misspelled”
(French name, no doubt misspelled)
Index, changed “Buffelo cr.” to “Buffalo cr.”
Index, changed “Mulberrry” to “Mulberry”
Index, changed “tabbe bone, tabeo” to “tabba bone, tabebo”
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Journal of Jacob Fowler - Narrating an Adventure from Arkansas Through the Indian - Territory, Oklahoma, Kansas, Colorado, and New Mexico, to - the Sources of Rio Grande del Norte, 1821-22" ***
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